Epigraphia Indica Vol 33

Author(s): D C Sircar
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032587/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXXIII (1959-60)
अत्तकार्तिमपावश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXXII
doo
अनकनिमपावश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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Reprinted 1987
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : 135.00
Printed at S. Narayan & Sons, 7117/18. Pahari Dhiraj,
Delhi-110 006

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ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME XXXIII
1959-1960
EDITED BY Dr. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph. D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S.
Retired Government Epigraphist for India
obe
JASA
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपाश
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India
1963

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CONTENTS
A: Articles
No. 1. Two Grants of Raghudeva. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . :.
1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378 . . . . . .
2. Dorapalem Grant of 1455-56 A. D. . . . . . . 2. Tippasamudram Inscription of Kampa-Vikramavarman, Year 17. By
J. Sundaram, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . » 3. Dongalasani Inscription of Vankeya-chola, Year 41. By K. H. V. Sarma,
Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . . „ 4. Two Inscriptions of the time of Gopala. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund :
1. Baraudi Inscription of V.S. 1336 . . . . .
2. Narwar Inscription of V.S. 1339. . . . . . » 5. Kapilas Inscriptions of Narasimhadeva. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . , 6. Jalore Inscription of Chahamana Chachigadeva, V.S. 1331. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund . . . . . .
. . . . , 7. Epigraphic Notes 9-11. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
9. Creation of Rent-free Holdings . . . . 10. Khajjana-Khajjana-Khajjāna-Khajjanaka .
11. Panga-Pānga-Panga . . . . . . . . . , 8. Barhut Inscriptions in Allahabad Museum. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund. , 9. Two Grants of Bhoja Prithivimaldavarman. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund . „ 10. Fragmentary.Yajvapala Inscription from Narwar. By D. C. Sircar, Oota
camund . . . . . . . . . . . . , 11. Note on Kalyana Inscription of Saka 1248. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund. ,, 12. Note on Madakasira Inscription of Diliparasa, Saka 870. By K. V. Ramesh, Ootacamund . . . . . . .
. . . ,, 13. Bhairavakonda Inscription of Vikramaditya. By H. K. Narasimhaswami,
. Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII
Paa
82
No. 14. Three Inscriptions in Baripada Museum. By D. C. Sircar, Ootaoamund : » 16. Davangere Plates of Ravivarman. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . .
16. Gyaraspur Inscription of Trailokyavarmadeva. By K. G. Krishnan, Ootaca
108
17. Copper Coin of Harigupta. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . . .
18. Brick Inscription of Damamitra. By D. 0. Siroar, Ootacamund . . . , 19. Note on Andhavaram Plates of Indravarman III. By V. V. Mirashi, Nagpur ► 20. Inscriptions from Gaya. By D. C. Sircar and K. H.V. Sarma, Ootacamund.
1. Inscription of the time of Kakatiya Pratāparudra I . . 2. Inscription of the time of Hoysala Narasimha III . . . . 3. Inscription of Krishpadēva-rāya, Saka 1444 . . . . .
4. Insoription of Achyutarāya, V. S. 1588 . . . . . „ 21 Veraval Inscription of Chaulukya Bhima I. By V. P. Jokarapurkar, Nagpur ► 22 Unohahra Fragmentary Inscription of V. 8. 1294. By D. C. Sircar, Ootaca
mund . . . . . . . . . . . . , 23 Warangal Inscription of Raghudeva, Kali Year 4561. By D. O. Sircar, Oota
camund 24. Chikkerur Inscription of Ahavamalla, Saka 917. By B. R. Gopal, Ootaca
mund .. . . . . . . . . . . . 35. Dhulla Plate of Srichandra. "By D. C. Bircar, Ootacamund . . . , 26. Chikkalavalasa Plates of Vajrahasta III, Saka 982. By D. O. Siroar, Ootaca
160 156
27. Nagarjunakunda Inscription of Ehavalasri's time, Year 11. By B. Ch. Chhabra,
New Delhi . . . . . . . . . . . . , 28. Bhaturiya Inscription of Rajyapala. By D. C. Biroar, Ootacamund . , 29. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 5. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . ;, 30. Srirangam Inscription of Rajaraja II, Year 11. By K. G. Krishnan, Ootach
mund . . . . . . . . . . ,, 31. Budhera Pillar Inscription of V.8. 1381, Saka 1216: By D. C. Sircar, Oota
camund . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 32. Note on Bhumara Pillar Inscription of Hastin. By D. O. Sirear, Ootacamund
159
163
167

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CONTENTS
PAGE
173
176
181
186
189
192
199
205
209
-
No. 33. Stray Plate in Madras Museum. By P. R. Srinivasan, Madras : . 34. Allahabad Museum Plate of Govindachandra, V.8. 1171. By D. C. Sircar,
Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . „ 35. Puri Inscription of Chodaganga. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . .
36. Kalachuri Insoription from Karitalai. By B. C. Jain, Raipur . . . 37. Uppugundur Inscription of Virapurisadata's time, Year 19. By B.Ch. Chha
bra, New Delhi . . . . . . . . . . „38. Modasa Plate of the time of Paramara Bhoja, V.8. 1067. By D. C. Sircar,
Ootacamund. . . . . . . . . . . „39. Kanchipuram Inscription of Achyutaraya, Saka 1453. By K. G. Krishnan
and V. S. Subrahmanyam, Ootacamund . . . . . . „40. Note on Mandasur Inscription of Gauri. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund „ 41. Malga Plates of Samanta Indraraja. By D. C. Sircar and S. Sankaranarayanan,
Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . . „ 42. Mahudi Plates of Paramara Bhoja, V.8. 1074. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . . . . .
. . . . . 43. Pentapadu. Grant of Choda Bhaktiraja, Saka 1265. By H. K.Narasimha
swami, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . „ 44. Paliad Plates of Bhimadeva I, V.S. 1112. By A. L. Basham, London . „ 46. Stray Plate from Nanana. By D. C. Sircar, Oótacamund . . . 46. Footprint Slab Inscription from Nagarjunikonda. By D. O. Siroar and
A. N. Lahiri, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . 47. Notes on Senakapat Inscription
1. By V. V. Mirashi, Nagpur. .
2. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . .. . . . . . , 48. Insoription from Hombli. By G. 8. Gai, Ootacamund
. . , 49. Inscription in Cave IV at Ajanta. By D. C. Siroar, Ootacamund . ., 60, Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna. By Debala Mitra, Calcutta 01 Note on Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna. By D. O. Siroar, Ootecamund . . . . . . . . .
. .
219
235
255

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22
No. 52. Veligalani Grant of Kapilesvara, Saka 1380. By D. C. Sircar and K. H. V. Sarma, Ootacamund
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
53. Bandora Plates of Maurya Anirjitavarman, Year 29. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund
54.
Chandil Stone Inscription. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund.
,, 55. Inscription from Bantvala. By B. R. Gopal, Ootacamund, and R. Sathyanarayana, Mysore.
31
56. Two Inscriptions of Gupta Age. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
33
1. Kalachhala Fragmentary Grant of Isvararata
2. Supia Pillar Inscription of the time of Skandagupta, Gupta Year 141 57. Note on Didgur Inscription of Kattiyara. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund 58. Mayalur Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Saka 622. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund..
59. Madanapada Plate of Visvarupasena. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund.
60. British Museum Plates of Govinda III, Saka 726. By G. S. Gai, Ootaca
23
mund.
61. Note on Shar-i-Kuna Inscription of Asoka. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund INDEX. By Shrinivas Ritti, Ootacamund...
Title page, and Corrections
Contents (A. Articles, B. Authors, C. Plates) and Additions
PAGE
275
293
297
299
303
306
309
311
315
327
333
339-88
i-xx

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B. Authors
(THE NAMES OF THE CONTRIBUTORS ARE ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY.)
A. L. BASHAM, B.A., Ph. D., F.R.A.S., London,
No. 44. Paliad Plates of Bhimadeva I, V.8. 1112 . . . . . . 235 B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi
No. 27. Nagarjunikonda Inscription of Eha valasri's time, Year 11 . . .
No. 37. Uppugundur Insoription of Virapurisadata's time, Year 19 . . G. 8. GAI, B.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund
No. 6. Jalore Inscription of Chahamana Chachigadeva, V.8. 1331 No. 9. Two Grants of Bhoja Prithivimallavarman . . . No. 48. Insoription from Hombli . . . . . .
. . No, 63. Bandora Plates of Maurya Anirjitavarman, Year 29 No. 67. Note on Didgur Inscription of Kattiyara No. 58. Mayalar Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Saka 622 . . . . $11
No. 60. British Museum Plates of Govinda III, Saks 726. . . . . 327 B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 24. Chikkerur Inscription of Ahavamalla, Saka 917 . . . . . 131
No. 55. See under B. R. Gopal, M.A., Ootacamund, and R. Sathyanarayana, Mysore B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund, and R. SATHYANARAYANA, MysoreNo. 03. Inuoription from Bantvala . . . . . .
. 399 B. C. JAIN, M.A., Raipur
No. 36. Kalachuri Inscription from Karitalai . . . . . . . 186 V. P. JOHARAPURRAR, M.A., Ph. D., Nagpur
No. 21. Veraval Inscription of Chalukya Bhima II . . . . . . 117 K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootucamund
No. 16. Gyaraspur Inscription of Trailokyavarmadeva . . No. 30. Srirangam Inscription of Rajaraja II, Year 11 . . . . . 159
No. 39. Seo under K. G. Krishnan, M.A., and V. 8. Subrahmanyam, Ootacamund . K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., and V. 8. SUBRAHMANYAM, Ootacamund
No. 39. Kanchipuram Insoription of Achyutaraya, Saka 1453 . . . . 199
.
.
93

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EPIGRPHIA INDICA
V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., D. Litt., Nagpur
No.19. Note on Andhavaram Plates of Indravarman III.
No. 47. Note on Senakapat Inscription, No. 1.
D. MITRA (Mrs.), M.A., Calcutta
No. 50. Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna.
H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, B.Sc., Ootacamund
A. N. LAHIRI, M.A., E.R.N.S., Ootacamund
No. 46. See under D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and A. N. Lahiri, M.A., F.R.N.S., Ootacamund
No. 13. Bhairavakonda Inscription of Vikramaditya.
No. 43. Pentapadu Grant of Choda Bhaktiraja, Saka 1265.
K.V. RAMESH, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 12. Note on Madakasira Inscription of Diliparasa, Saka 870.
S. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A., Ootacamund
[VOL. XXXIII
K. H. V. SARMA, M.A., B. Sc. B. Ed., Ootacamund
No. 3. Dongalasani Inscription of Venkeya-chola, Year 41.
No. 20.
PAGE
.
No. 41. See under D. C. Sircar, M. A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and S.Sankaranarayanan, M.A., Ootacamund
.
R. SATHYANARAYANA, Mysore
No. 55. See under B. R. Gopal, M.A., Ootacamund, and R. Sathyanarayan, Mysore D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., Ootacamund
No. 1. Two Grants of Raghudeva
No. 4. Two Inscriptions of the time of Gopala.
No. 5. Kapilas Inscriptions of Narasimhadeva. No. 7. Epigraphie Notes, 9-11
See under D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph. D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. H. V. Sarma, M.A., B. Sc., B. Ed., Ootacamund
No. 52. See under D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph. D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. H. V. Sarma, M.A., B.Sc. B.Ed., Ootacamund
•
•
101
251
263
79
219
77
27
1
31
41
50

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B. AUTHORS
Page No. 8. Barhut Inscriptions in Allahabad Museum . . . No. 10. Fragmentary Yajvapala Inscription from Narwar . . . No. 11. Note on Kalyana Inscription of Saka 1248 . . No. 14. Three Inscriptions in Baripada Museum No. 15. Davangere Plates of Ravivarman . . . . . No. 17. Copper Coin of Harigupta . . . .'. . No. 18. Brick Inscription of Damamitra . . . . . No. 20. See under D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. H. V.
Sarma, M.A., B.Sc., B.Ed., Ootacamund
.
.
.
.
No. 22. Unchahra Fragmentary Inscription of V.S. 1294 . No. 23. Warangal Inscription of Ahavamalla, Saka 917 : No. 25. Dhulla Plate of Srichandra . . . . No. 26. Chikkalavalasa Plates of Vajrahasta III, Saka 982 No. 28. Bhaturiya Inscription of Rajyapala
. : .
121 125
No. 29. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, -Year 5 . . . . . No. 31. Budhera Pillar Inscription of V.S. 1351, Saka 1216 . . No. 32. Note on Bhumara Pillar Inscription of Hastin . . No. 34. Allahabad Museum Plate of Govin lachandra, V.S. 1171 . No. 35. Puri Inscription of Chodaganga . . . . . . . No. 38. Modasa Plate of the time of Paramara Bhoja, V.S. 1067 . . . . 192 No. 40. Note on Mandasor Inscription of Gauri . . . . . . . 205 No. 41. See under D.C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and S. Sankara
narayanan, M.A., Ootac mund No. 42. Mahudi Plates of Paramara Bhoja, V.S. 1074 . . . . . . '. 215 No. 45. Stray Plate from Nanana . . . . . . . . . 238 No. 46. See under D.C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and A. N.
Lahiri, M.A., F.R.N.S, Ootacamund
No. 47. Note on Senakapat Inscription. No. 2
.
.
.
.
.
.
255

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
No. 49. Inscription in Cave IV at Ajanta.
No. 51.
No. 52.
Note on Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna
No. 46. Foot-print Slab Inscription from Nagarjunikonda
D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and
S. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A,, Ootacamund
[VOL. XXXIII
See under D.C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., R.R.N.S. and K. H. V. Sarma, M.A., B.Sc., B.Ed., Ootacamund
No. 54.
Chandil Stone Inscription
No. 56.
Two Inscriptions of Gupta Age
No. 59.
Madanpada Plate of Visvarupasena
No. 61. Note on Shar-i-Kuna Inscription of Asoka
D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and A. N. LAHIRI, M.A., F.R.N.S., Ootacamund
No. 41. Malga Plates of Samanta Indraraja
D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K.H.V. SARMA, M.A., B. Sc., B.Ed., Ootacamund-
No. 20. Inscriptions from Gaya.
No. 52. Veligalani Grant of Kapilesvara, Saka 1380
P. R. SRINIVASAN, M.A., Madras
No. 33. Stray Plate in Madras Museum
V. S. SUBRAHMANYAM, Ootacamund
No. 39. See under K. G. Krishnan, M.A., and V. S. Subrahmanyam, Ootacamund
J. SUNDARAM, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 2. Tippasamudram Inscription of Kampa-Vikramavarman, Year 17
PAGE
259
269
297
303
315
333
247
209
103
275
173
23

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C. Plates
No. 1. Two Grants of Raghudeva-Plate I. . . between pages 12 and 13
-Plate II . . , 16 and 17 -Plate III . .
20 and 21 4. Tippasamudram Inscription of Kampa-Vikramavarman, Year 17 . . . . . »
26 and 27 6. Dongalasani Inscription of Vankeya-chola, Year 41 » 30 and 31 „ 6. Two Inscriptions of the time of Gopala
1. Baraudi Inscription of V.S. 1336 . to face page „ 7. „2, Narwar Inscription of V.S. 1339 . . , „ 8. Kapilas Inscriptions of Narasimhadeva-Plate I between pages 42 and 43
-Plate II .
44 and 45 10. Barhut Inscriptions in Allahabad Museum . . to face page 11. Two Grants of Bhoja Prithivimallavarman-Plate I
62
-Plate II. between pages 64 and 65 13. Fragmentary Yajvapala Inscription from Narwar to face page 14. Bhairavakonda Inscription of Vikramaditya .
Three Inscriptions in Baripada Museum , . 16. Davangere Plates of Ravivarman 17. Copper Coin of Harigupta . 18. Brick Inscription of Damamitra . . . »
100 19. Inscriptions from Gaya-Plate I . . . between pages 108 and 109
, - Plate II . . . , 112 and 113 21. Veraval Inscription of Cbaulukya Bhima II . to face page 120 22. Unchahra Fragmentary Inscription of V.S. 1294 . »
124 23. Warangal Inscription of Raghudeva, Kali Year 4561 between pages 128 and 129 „ 24. Chikkerur Inscription of Ahavamalla, Saka 917 . to face page 133

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
138 and 139 144 and 145
148 and 149
151 156 and 157
165 167
170 and 171 174 and 175
25. Dhulla Plate of Srichandra . . . . between pages , 26. Chikkalavalasa Plate of Vajra hasta III, Saka 982 27. Nagarjunakonda Inscription of Ehavalasri's time,
Year 11 . . . . . . . 28. Bhaturiya Inscription of Rajyapala.
to face page 29. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 5 • .between pages 30. Budhera Pillar Inscription of V.S. 1351, Saka 1216 to face page
31. Bhumara Pillar Inscription of Hastin „ 32. Inscriptions in Allahabad Museum . . . between pages , 33. Stray Plate in Madras Museum . . . . . 34. Allahabad Museum Plate of Govindachandra, V.8. 1171
. . . . . to face page 35. Puri Inscription of Chodaganga . . . » , 36. Kalachuri Inscription from Karitalai . . , 37. Uppugundur Inscription of Virapurisadata's Time,
Year 19 . . . . . . . 38. Modasa Plate of the time of Paramara Bhoja,
. . . . . . betropen pages 39. Malga Plates of Samanta Indraraja. . . 40. Mahudi Plates of Paramara Bhoja, V.S. 1074 . , 41. Pentapadu Grant of Choda Bhaktiraja, Saka 1265 –Plate I . .
. . »
179
184
187
191
196 and 197
212 and 213 218 and 219
226 and 227
42.
„
–Plate II
.
.
.
. .
.
.
230 and 231
, 43. , -Plate IIJ . . . . . . » „ 44. Paliad Plates of Bhimadeva I, V.S. 1112 . to face page
45. Stray Plate from Nanana . . . >> 46. Footprint Slab Inscription from Nagarjunikonda between pages 47. Inscription froni Hom bli . . . . . to face page 48. Inscription in Cave IV at Ajanta ...
232 and 233
236
244 250 and 251
258
262

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PLATES
266 and 267
268
269 286 and 287
» 51.
295
No. 49. Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna-Plate I. between pages
- Plate II to face page
-Plate III „ 52. Veligalani Grant of Kapilesvara, Saka 1380, between pages „ 53. Bandora Plates of Maurya Anirjitavarman,
Year 29 . . . . . . . to face page „ 54. Chandil Stone Inscription . . . . ,
55. Two Inscriptions of Gupta Age . between pages „ 56. Mayalur Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Saka 622
-Plate I . . . . . . . to face page 57. -Plate II . . . . . . between pages
58. Madanapada Plate of Visvarupasena-Plate. 1 . to face page · 59.
-Plate II.
298
306 and 307
313 314 and 315
322
324

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page
, ,
,
►
1, foot-note 2, line 3.-For Rajahmahēndravarman during the regin read Rājumahēn
dravaram during the reign 1, foot-note 3, line 4.--For Räghudēva read Raghudēvu 6, line 19.-Foremminence read eminence 6, foot-note 4, line 2.-For sthitam .... Godāvarı read sthitun ... Godāvario 6, foot-note 5, line 2.-For vipra read viprā 7, lines 6-7.-For Vijayapratāpakapilēndra-mahāsāsana in the Sanskrit read Pratapa
ka pilēsarapura in the Oriya 8, foot-note 2, line 2.- For Krishnä read Krishna 10, line 37 and page 18, text line 128.- Add note-Madhubibhūra may be a mistake for
madhubhūrutha. 11, line 34.- For Upājati read Upajāti 12, text line 3.- Read yah ! 13, foot-note 2.-Add note-Or read putrau kirti-pratäpäo. 13, foot-note 4.-Read samprā° 14, text-line 44.-For sukhhar nad sukham 15, text lines 65 and 80.- The correction of san=Yajuo is unnecessary 16, text line 93.-Read [sa*]ttumah 16, text line 100.-Read nishnälah 17, text line 115.--For matah read matah ; for sväd" read syādo 18, text line 126.— For manao read mahão 18, text line 138.--For Lakshmi read Lakshmi 20, lines 6-13.--Add note-If the author used the word rasa in the sense of 'eight', the year
would be Saka 1378 (current). As the second of the two suggested dates falls in the next lunar year, the first one may be regarded as the correct
date of the record. 21, foot-note 4.-Omit. 23, line 3.–Read nādu(i-nnādu) 26, text line 13.-For idha. read i-dha
(27)
.
►
. » ,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXIII
Page 27, line 19.- For dtman read ātman
28, line 18.-For Pullempet read Pullampet » 28, line 28.–For Renāņdu read Rēnāņdu
28, foot-note 4, line 1.- For Da svarmmao read Dasavarmmao 28, foot-note 4, line 2.-For vüra read vira 28, foot-note 6.-Read Omuda Derikanao 29, text line 3.-Read (kh-akhi)la 29, text line 5.-Read (di)p-ão 29, text line 25.—Read Baranāsi 32, line 23.-For indentify read identify 34, text-line 5.-The correction of kakshyaḥ is unnecessary. 34, foot-note 1.--For danda read danda 35, text-line 27.-For këtum read hètur 36, line 21.-For Pürnirmanta read Purnimänta 37, Xine 24.- For presnt read present 37, line 31.- For o. 1255-70 A.D. read c.1155-70 A.D. .
38, line 22.-For exacavated read excavated
, ,
41, foot-note 1, line 2.- For Huitzsch read Hultzsch 47, foot-note 7.- Add note--Āśvayuja sudi 11 seems to have been the date of the grant
and not of the festival. 49, foot-note 3.-- For karaṇīuam read karanīyam 52, line 5.- For as read us 56, line 3.- For all sing rear great sing 58, line 13.-For bhikshumi read bhikshun
,
59, line 15.-For Enlightment read Enlightenment
61, line 29.- For definity read definitely 63, text line 8.--For sa-pancha read su pancha
foot-note 9.- For ®ädrih read °ādrik 69, text line 5.- For sri read fri

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
XVI}
Page 69, text line 10.-- For ®ārula[1] read "ärata[m]
70, text line 18.-Read suchio , 71, line 31.–For Karņāta read Karņāța
73, line 32. For discused read discussed , 74, text line 8.—For Jandamalamtarë etc. read Jamdamal[C]ri (lē='n)tarē etc. (H.K.N.)
75, text line 16.-For nagare=rao read nagari=rao , 75, foot-note 4, line 4.-For below read below as
75, foot-note 15, line 2.-Read not sama 77, foot-note 1, line 1.--For Nollipayva read Nollipayya
80, line 7.–For thi read this , 89, lines 33-34, and page 91, text line 20.-Add note-Unichh-ādi-parihartavye samādhó
sahitari may mean 'together with an agree
ment in respect of the exemption of unchha, ete. 92, text line 25. -For Sua read Sra . 93, line 34.-For Dévapāladeva read Dēvapāladēva , 94, text line 1.–For Srio read Śrio
97, line 19.--For Dhanesar read Dhaneswar · 102, line 29.- For as read has
104, para 4.- Add note-The verb in santi lokë==smin in verse 5 may suggest that Mallikar
juna was living at the time when the record was drafted or engraved. In that case, verse 11 merely indicates that Gauri made her husband Mallikārjuna free from his debt to his ancestors by performing their sraddha at Gayā on her husband's behalf.
104, foot-note 2, line 3.-For abave read above 105, foat-note 3, lines 3.4.--For Dhruvëśvara read Dhruvēsvara 107, text line 1.-For lasa. read lasa108, para. 3, line 7.- For magar[*] read maga[mi*] 109, line 4.---For in that Narasimba read in that of Narasimha 113, text line 16.--For kkā [II*] read kkāj|
114. lines 25-30... Add note-If Vijayanagara-simhasana-kartala is taken to refer to Achyuta
raya, it was he who was made free from his debt to his ancestors by Timinananna by performing their srāddha at Gayā on the king's behalf.

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xviii
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. XXXIII
l'age 118, line 20.- For Konkoņdala read Konakoņdla
, 118. foot-note 10, line 5.--For munisvarab reud muniørarah , 118, foot-note 10, line 7.-Read pūjit-otkrishta
120, text line 15.- For Orlēmpi read Orlēpi 120, text line 24.-'or varggaińs=cha read varggais:=cha 120, foot-nute 1.-For ramge road range 121, line 29.-For awap read away 122, lines 13-14.-Add note-The 21 generations are generally understod to indicate the ten
preceding and the ten succeeding generations of a person together with
his own generation. 123, foot-note 1, line 1.–For the read the 128, text line 1.--For parārddhë read parörddhe 132, line 15.--For Rodam read Roddam 137, line 17.-For 2f read of 139, text line 14.-For vidhaya read vidhaya 139, text line 14.-Read svgandhini 144, text line 7.-For lañchhana read lāñchhana 144, text line 22.- Read bhūpatir= 146, text line 54.—- For uttarāyanna read uttarāyana 146, text line 56.-- For oashta read oashta 154, text line 20.- For Putkirnnnā read Putkirnnä 156, line 15.-For to whom read to which 158, foot-notę 3.--For Tthre read There
.,
161, text line 2.- For yirattar read Yiraffar
.,
161, text line 3.-For dēvarkru read dēvarku
161, foot-note 11.--For Pudukottai read Pudukkottai
173, line 2.-For Tirupparano read Tirupparas 194, line 39.--For 959 A.D. read 995 A.D. 313, text-line 26. —For viprilarn*) read vipulās n*)

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
xix
Page 217, line 4.-For Könkaņu read Konkana .. 820, line 39.--For Bhaktträja read Bhaktirāja
220, foot-note 3.-Read pp. 239 ff. 221, last line.-For Sürya read Suraya
225, line 36.--For bring read being , 228, last line.Read 70 tam
231, text line i24.- Read cha
234, foot-note 1.-For this read this
237, text line 12.–For sarvvar read sarvadā sarvvar 237, text line 15.-Read cha bhagavatā and omit foot-note 1. 252, foot-note 1, line 2.-For sdecription read description 256, line 32.- For nscription read inscription 258, foot-note 5.-For Māvāļi read Māvaļi 260, foot-note 3.-Add note-For the female name Nägavasu with the honorific &ri suffixed
to it, see above, Vol. XXI, p. 64. 265, foot-note 2.-For Chodaganga read Chodaganga 280, foot-note 8, line 3. ---For Kambamumetta read Kambamumețţa 283.-For 74 Yarrā read 74 Yarra 284.--For 101 Somayajulu read 101 Somayājulu 285, foot-note 5.-For Sārdülavrkridita read Sārdūlavikridita 287, text line 31.— For Rigvedi read Ķigvēdi 287, text line 37.--For pu(ja)lli read opuli 289, text line 86.—For Yarrā read Yarrā 290, text line 141.-For dhuri read dari 291, text line 177.–For tādi read lūdi 291, text line 178.--For nella read nilļa
,
293, line 23.-For seerns to register read seems to be to register
..30, text line 20.-- For nama read nāma ., 302, text line 21.- Read "aidida[ru]

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XX
33
Page 304, line 3.-For characters read chartdre
304, foot-note 8, line 2.-Add at the end of the sentence-as well as in the Gunaighar plate. of 507 A.D. (ibid., p. 331).
309, line 27.-For callled read called
,, 315, line 26.-Read
316, line 5.-For Ballälasena read Ballalasena
318, line 36. For is read are
320, line 41.-For supported read supported
,, 323, text line 31.--For grama-samaväsita read grama-parisara-sama visita
328, line 43. For sence read ser
sense
331, foot-note 9.-For vu read vā
33
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
39
78
[VOL. XXXIII

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXXIII
1959-1960 =
No. 1-TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA
(6 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 30.8.1957) In the course of my annual tour in search of inscriptions, I visited Rajahmundry in January 1956 in order to examine the copper-plate charters in the collection of the Andhra Historical Research Society. Among the records, kindly shown to me by Mr. R. Subba Rao, the enthusiastic Secretary of the Society, one was a grant of Raghudēva, which Mr. Subba Rao, as I was told, was trying to publish in the Society's journal. On the same occasion, Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao of Rajahmundry was also kind enough to show me a copper plate with inscription on both sides, which was lying in his possession. It was found on examination that this plate contains the central part of another charter of the same Raghudēva. Although Mr. Krishna Rao's plate thus offers us only the fragment of a document, it is interesting because it contains all the details of the grant made by the donor by means of the record in question and also because the introductory stanzas offer an additional information about the genealogy of the Süryavami Gajapatis of Orissa as found for the first time in the other epigraph referred to above. The ancestry of the great Kapilēsvara or Kapilēndra, the founder of the said dynasty, is shrouded in mystery and traditions on the subject found in such works as the Mādalā Panji (i.e. the chronicle of the Jagannatha temple at Puri) have unfortunately made the confusion worse confounded. We have now very welcome light on the subject. Both the charters are edited here as they are of considerable interest to the students of Orissan history.
The donor of the two grants under study is already known to us from two inscriptions. One of these comes from Tirupati in the Peddapuram Taluk of the West Godavari District and shows that Raghudēva-narēndra-mahāpātra was the governor of Rajahmundry during the reign of Gajapati Kapilēsvara in 1458 A.D. The other record was discovered in the fort of Warangal in the District of that namo, formerly in the Hyderabad State but now in Andhra. This epigraph is dated in 1460 A.D.: The inscriptions of Raghudēva published here bear dates in 1455-56 and
1 Cf. JAHRS, Vol. XXIII, pp. 163 ff; also IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 275 ff.
+ See SII, Vol. V, No. 100 (pp. 36-37). The inscription, engraved on a pillar at the entrance of the Srira. ngar ya temple, records that on Jyêghtha-badi 13, Monday, in the year Bahudhânyn (i.c. Saka 1380 expired), whilo Raghudēva-narendra-mahāpātra was ruling at Rajahmahendravaram during the regin of Kapilēśvara-maharaya, one Trinētradēvaganapilaru, the officer of the temple treasury, restored the lands of the temple of Sringararaya, which were being illegally enjoyed by the Mahajanas of the village of Tirupati during the period of Visvēsvara. purohita's service. Raghudēva is also mentioned in Kapilēgvara's Puri inscription (JASB, 1893, p. 99, No. Il).
Mackenzie Manuscripts; No. 15-4-5. The date of the inscription is quoted as Kali 4561, Prama. thin, Magha-sudi 10, Saturday. Taking the Kali year to be current, the date corr ponds regularly to the 2nd Febru. ary 1460 A.D. The record mentions Virabhadra Raghudēva.narondra as the sun of Parasuramadeva-riya of the solar race. As will be soen below, this information is supported by the inscriptions now published. Raghudēvs sooms to have accompanied Hambira, son of Kapilēsvara, in Hambira's expedition against Warangal which ho conquered about this time. Hambira's own inscription in the Warangal fort, an inacourate transcript of which has been published in SI1, Vol. VII, p. 372, No. 733, bears the date Pramäthin, Māgha-sudi 10, Va (i.e. Vaddarara, Saturday), regularly corresponding to the 2nd February 1460 A.D. The record actually roads Gajapati-Kapileri dra-maharayala. kumarunda[ ] [4]mbirad &ua-kumara-mahapatri(true)adu Vöru[ gamiffs-kota goner For the two inscriptions, seo also A.R.Ep., 1967-68, Nos. B 53 and 88. Raghudova's Warangal inscription has been edited below, pp. 125 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
1456 A.D. Since the earlier of the two records now under review, viz. the one dated 1455-56 A. D., is fragmentary and its introductory part gets some elucidation from the other epigraph, dated 1456 A.D., we shall take up the latter first for discussion.
The two known records of Raghudēva, together with the two now under study, show that he was Kapilēsvara's governor at Rajahmundry at least from 1455 to 1460 A.D. But he seems to have been placed in charge of the Gajapati province of Rajahmundry some time earlier. The province in question appears to have comprised roughly the present East and West Godavari Districts together with some of the adjoining areas. This was the Rajamahendra-rajya or the kingdom with Rajamahendrapura (or nagara) or Rajamahendravaram (i.e. Rajahmundry) as its capital, which Kapileévara conquered from the Reddis and annexed to the Gajapati empire a few years before the earliest date in Raghudeva's known records.
The struggle of the Reddis of Rajahmundry with their kinsmen, the Reddis of Kondavidu, led to the decline of both the houses and to their complete subjugation by the Vijayanagara king Praudha-Devaraya (Devaraya II) who had ascended the throne in Saka 1346 (1424 A.D.). This also speaks of the success of the Vijayanagara king against the contemporary Ganga monarch Bhanu IV (c. 14141 to 1434-35 A.D.) of Orissa because the latter's attempt to annex the Rajahmundry kingdom to the Ganga empire failed. An inscription points to the presence of the Vijayanagara general Telungaraya at Simhachalam in the year Plavanga (1427 A.D.) while the Mudabidure inscription of Saka 1351-Saumya (1429 A.D.) describes Devaraya II as the lion in destroying the crores of elephants of the Matangaraja (Gajapati) and the very Agastya to the ocean of the armies of the Andhra kings (i.e. the Reddis). The latest date for Virabhadra, the last Reddi king of Rajahmundry, is the month of Phalguna in Saka 1359-Pingala (1438 A.D.), when he was apparently a vassal of the Vijayanagara monarch. But a Draksharama (Ramachandrapuram Taluk, East Godavari District) inscription of the reign of Devaraya II, dated Saka 1366 (1444) A.D.), seems to suggest that the Reddi king was still living as late as that date. An inscription at Penugonda (Tanuku Taluk, West Godavari District), dated Saka 1370-Vibhava (1448 A.D.), however, speaks of the rule of the Gajapati king, i.e. Kapilēśvara. The Rajahmundry kingdom was thus conquered by Kapilēsvara between 1444 and 1448 A.D. There is a tradition that he conquered the courtry named Mahindra (or Räjämahindra) or Mahendra (i.e. Rajamahendra) in the fourteenth Anka year of his reign." Since he ascended the throne in 1434-35 A.D., his 14th Anka or 12th actual regnal year would correspond to 1446-47 A.D. Raghudeva may have been stationed at Rajahmundry soon after the annexation of the Rajamahendra-rajya to the Gajapati empire, i.e. sometime before 1450 A.D. How long he served in the same capacity after 1460 A.D., the latest date known from his records, cannot be determined until further evidence is forthcoming.
1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378
The set consists of six plates, of which only five bear writing on both sides. The plates are each 10 inches long and 5 inches high. The inscribed plates are numbered in Telugu-Kannada numerals, the figures being engraved in the left margin on the obverse, very near the ring-hole
1 This is the earliest known date found in his records. But the real date of his accession cannot be determined. See JOR, Vol. XXII, pp. 47 ff.
SII, Vol. VI, No. 905.
Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 202.
Ibid., Vol. IV, Nos. 1352 and 1355.
M. S. Sarma, History of the Reddi Kingdoms, pp. 192-98.
Ibid., p. 193; Mackenzie Manu-ripte, No. 15-4-4. The Gutti fort was besieged by Gajapati Hambira during
the reign of Praudha-Devaraya (4.R.Ep.. 1921, p. 114, No. 10 of App. A).
Madala Pañjt, ed. A. B. Mahanti, Cuttack, pp. 44, 46, Cf. Kaifiyat of Jagannatham quoted by Sastri and Venkataramanayya, Further Sources of Vijayanagara History, Vol. II, p. 84,

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No. 1]
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA
which is about inch in diameter. The ends of the ring passing through the hole are soldered beneath a seal bearing the figure of a standing caparisoned elephant fixed on its surface. The diameter of the ring is about 44 inches while that of the seal is about 41 inches. The five plates together weigh about 271 tolas. The weight of individual plates varies between 50 and 58 tolas.
There are altogether 149 lines of writing on the ten faces of the five plates and they are distributed in the following order : IA-16 lines, IB-15 lines, IIA-17 lines, IIB-16 lines, IIIA16 lines, IIIB-15 lines, IVA-15 lines, IVB-15 lines, VA-17 lines, VB-7 lines. There is a linear drawing at the end of the epigraph on the reverse of the last plate. The same kind of sketch is also found on the other charters issued by the Süryavamsi Gajapatis of Orissa, in some of which it looks clearly like the representation of a sword or dagger (or several swords or daggers). The figure apparently stood for the signature of the donor on the original document later engraved on copper plates.
The inscription is written in Telugu characters and in the Sanskrit language and, excepting a short mangala passage in prose at the beginning of line 1, the whole record is written in verse. Its palaeography is characterised by the use of almost similar signs for letters like ch and bh in some cases and for others like bā and bhā, bi and bhi, etc. There is no distinction between pand v when used as subscripts in conjuncts. The mark distinguishing bh from b is generally a curve added to the top of the right limb of b. It is rarely a small vertical below the letter (cf. Tallu-bhatta in line 82); but sometimes it is a curve at the same place (cf. tanü-bhara in line 81). The indication of aspiration of this second type is found in chh (cf. chchhi in line 12) and sometimes in th (cf. stambhotha in line 126) in the form of an inward curve in the bottom line of the letters. In a few cases, an inward loop takes the place of the curve (cf. chchha in line 54). The samo medial signs have been used for i and e and for ð and o as the distinction between the short and long signs did not develop or was not popular as yet. There are two forms of t (cf. ditas yata stah in line 15). A noteworthy characteristic of the orthography of the record is the representation of th by dh, ddl by dhdh and ph by p in a large number of cases. In some cases, has been written for l. The letter t is often reduplicated after the nasal (cf. jagantti in lines 1-2) while h is often represented by hy and y by yy. Another peculiarity is the substitution of the class nasal by anusrāra which is again invariably used in the place of final m. Visarga followed by s or s has very often been changed to the respective sibilant in Sandhi. In several cases, medial ri has been represented by ru (cf. lines 103-04, 107).
The date of the charter is quoted in verse 30 in lines 58-59. It was the twelfth of the bright half of the month of Suchi in the year Dhātri of Jupiter's Southern Cycle corresponding to the Saka year counted by lasu (i.e. 8), saila (i.e. 7) and viéra (i.e. 13), i.e. 1378. The month of Suchi is Jyēshtha according to some authorities and Ashādha according to others, although in Oriya lexicons it is recognised in the latter sense only. The date thus appears to correspond to the 15th June 1456 A.D.
The inscription is divided into four sections, one separated from another by one or more floral designs. It is interesting to note that the stanzas of Sections I and II are numbered, but that the numbering is not continued from Section I to Section II in which the verses have consecutive numbers beginning again from 1. Section III actually begins with a Siddham symbol.
Section I may be subdivided into two halves, the first containing adoration to gods and the second a description of the donor's ancestry as well as of the donor and the grant he mado. It consists of 33 stanzas in various metres engraved in lines 1-64 on the four faces of Platos I and II.
1 Cf. the Chiruvroli grant of Hambers in Bharati, Novombor, 1941, p.530; the Balasoro oopper exe-bead inscription of Purushottama in Ind. Ant., Vol. I, p. 335; the Volioherla platos of Pratáparudra in Bharati, August 1936, p. 278; abovo, Vol. XXVIII, Plate facing p. 211; sto.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
Section II gives a list of the donees in 40 stanzas in the Anushţubh metre, which runs from line 65 at the beginning of the obverse of Plate III to the first half of line 119 in the middle of the second side of Plate IV. Section III describes the boundaries of the gift village. It consists of 14 stanzas mostly in the Anushtubh metre, which are engraved in lines 119-35. Section IV contains the imprecatory and benedictory part in 8 stanzas in different metres, which are engraved in linos 135-49. There are thus altogether 95 stanzas in the inscription.
Section I begins with the Siddham symbd followed by the mangala : avighnam=astu, after which there is another Siddham symbol. The above is followed by several verses invoking the protection of a number of deities. Verse 1 contains a prayer to the tusk of the Lilāvarāha, i.e. the Boar incarnation of Vishnu, for the protection of the world from danger, while verse 2 contains a similar prayer to the god Gajāsya (i.e. Gaņēša). The next two stanzas (verses 3-4) likewise seek for the favour respectively of the goddess Earth and the feet of Kamalāpati (i.e. Vishņu). After this, the donor's family is gradually introduced. Verses 5-7 describe the god Nārāyana (i.e. Vishņu) and the next stanza (verse 8) speaks of Viriñchi (i.e. Brahman), the god of creation, who was born out of Nārāyana's navel and whose two arms produced the martial race (i.e. the Kshatriya clan). According to verse 9, in this race came into being the Sun and the Moon (pushpavantau) from whom sprang two dynasties (i.e. the solar and lunar races). Verse 10 states that there was a Nāyaka named Kapilēsvara who was one of the many rulers (nripa) born in the solar and lunar races and was the crest-jewel of a number of Nāyakas (i.e. was one of the foremost Nāyakas or had several Nāyakas under him). The real meaning of the word nāyaka used in this context is uncertain. An inscription of Saka 1275 (1353 A.D.) from Srikurmam, e.g., mentions the Nāyakas of Kalinga either in the sense of royal officers or ruling chiefs, while the Oriya lexicons recognise the word in the sense of a ruler or a leader of forces. There is thus no doubt that Kapilēśvara, described not only as a Nayaka but also as a nripa or ruler, was a person of some importance, apparently a small ruling chief. The family names Nayaka and Pattanāyaka are still current among the people of Orissa.
Verse 11 mentions Jägēsvara who was the son of the above-mentioned Kapilēsvara and represents him as a great hero and a possessor of numerous elephants. The next stanza (verse 12) speaks of Balarama as the eldest among Jāgēśvara's sons who were all famous for their prowak Verse 13 states that Balarama and his father Jāgēsvara died on the battle-field while fighting with certain enemies even though they had already obtained victory in the contest. The following three stanzas (verses 14-16) deal with Kapilēśvara, the younger brother of Balarāma. This Kapilēsvara, named after his grandfather, was the celebrated founder of the Sūryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa. A passage in verse 14 says that Kapilēśvara acquired the exalted position (vibhava) of the Dantirāja (.e. Gajapati) by dint of his prowess (saurya). This no doubt refers to his occupation of the throne of Gajapati Bhānu IV, the latest known ruler of the Imperial Ganga dynasty. Verses 15-16 vaguely describe the heroism of Kapilēsvara. Verse 17 introduces Parasurāma Harichandana as the younger brother of Kapilēśvara, while the following stanzas describe Parasurama's son Raghudēva who was the donor of the grant under study. Verses 17-18, 20 and 23-24 of this part are also found in the Dorapalem grant of Raghudēva edited below, although a stanza in that record, mentioning Rāma as the younger brother of Paraburāma, is not · 1 SII, Vol. V, No. 1205.
* The title Gajapati became popular with the latest rulers of the Ganga family gradually. Bhānu I is called Gajapati or Gajagha tāpati in a Draksharama inscription (811, Vol. IV, p. 361, No. 1084) of Saka 1196 (1274 A.D.) and Narasimha III Gajapati Peda-Narasimha in a Simhachalam record of Saka 1305=1383 A.D. (ibid., Vol. VI, p. 285, No. 752). Narasimha IV is oalled Gajapati in some inscriptions from Simhachalam ; cf. Gajapati in one of Saka 1328=1406 A.D. (ibid., p. 277, No. 731), and Gajapati or Gajanivahapali in another of Saka 1305=1383 (ibid., p. 286, No. 753). Similarly Bharu IV is oniled Gajapati in two Simhachalam inscriptions respectively of Saka 1336=1414 A.D. and Saka 1339=1417 A.D. (ibid., pp. 447-48, No. 1113 ; pp. 417-18 No. 1040) Cf. below, p. 44.

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No. 1]
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA met with in the present epigraph. Verse 19, which is not found in the Dorapalem grant, discloses the fact that the name of Raghudēva's mother was Mallikā. Verse 20 says that, owing to his prowess and his conquests Raghudēva was putrikrita by his uncle Kapilēsvara. The expression putrikrita may suggest that Raghudēva was adopted by his uncle as a son ; but the idea may also be that Kapilēsvara treated Raghudēva as one of his own sons. The second alternative seems to be supported by Raghudēva's Warangal inscription of a later date (1460 A.D.) representing him as the son of Parasurama and not of Kapilēšvara. It is difficult to say whether the claim had anything to do with the title Kumāra enjoyed by Raghudēva.
Verse 33 represents Raghudēva as a Narēndra, i.e. a ruler, although he is generally called a Kumāra, Nrip-ātmaja, Rāja-tanaya, Narēndrarāja-putra (or "sūnu) and Narēndra-dharanipālātmaja, i.e. prince, and verses 26-27 state that he owed his position to the grace of Kapilēsvara whoro viceroy apparently he was. That he was a servant of Kapilēśvara is also clearly indicated by the word sētā used in verses 25 and 29 with reference to his service to his uncle. Verse 27 may suggest that the title or position of Kumāra was assigned to him by Kapilēśvara. But the reference to his dig-vijaya (verses 20, 25 and 26) and to his rule over the earth '(verses 22, 24), his comparison with the ancient imperial ruler Kārtavirya (verse 22) and the vague reference to the prowess of his arms in many of the stanzas show how the official prasastikära was trying to endow a provincial governor with the glory of an emperor.
Verse 27 states that Raghudēva had his headquarters at the city of Rajamahēndra (i.e. Rajahmundry) and that the province over which he ruled extended from Simhachala to Giripraja which may be a mistake for Girivraja. Simhachala is no doubt the place of that name in the Visakhapatnam District, Andhra Pradesh ; but the other limit of the province under Raghudēva is difficult to identify. We know, however, that the kingdom of the Reddis of Kondavidu, which also was conquered by Kapilēsvara and made a province of the Gajapati empire, lay on the other side of the territory ruled by Raghudēva. It is thus not impossible that Girivraja (literally 'the cowherd settlement on the hill ') was the Sanskrit form of the Telugu name Kondavidu (literally,
the city on the hill '). The rendering may of course have been influenced by the names of the celebrated cities called Girivraja, which were the capitals of the ancient Magadha and Kēkaya countries. It may be noted that, when Raghudēva was ruling over the district around Rajahmundry, Kondavidu was the headquarters of Gāņadēva, another of Kapilēsvara's viceroys. Gānadēva's inscriptions bear dates in 1454 and 1455 A.D.' It seems that the province under Raghudēva lay between two other provinces of Kapilēśvara's empire, which had their headquarters at Simhachalam and Kondavidu.
1 This case reminds us of a Simhachalam inscription (8I1, Vol. VI, No. 1088, pp. 437-38) of Saka 1381 (1459 A.D.) recording the gift of Hambira-kumăra-mahāpātra of the Sürya-vamba. In the Chiruvroli grant and Warangal record, the donor Hambira is represented as the son of Kapiléávara. The date of the record, the title Kumāra. mahapatra and the descent from the solar lineage no doubt suggest that Hambers of the Simhachalam inscription was the same as the homonymous son of Kapilēsvara, although the title may mean & Mahapatra of the status of & Kumara'. But Hambira-kumāra-mahapatra is described in the Simhachalam epigraph as the son of Sandudēva-mahăpătra. Since it is impossible to believe that the omperor Kapilēsvars has been mentioned as Mahapatra Sandudēva in a record of 1459 A.D., the only possibilities are that Hamabira of the Simhachalam inscription, even though he must have been a close relation of Kapilēsvara, was different from the emperor's son of the same name, or that Sandudēva's son Haxhira was adpoted by Kapilēdvara as his own son sometime after 1459 A.D. as a reward for Hambira's success in the southern campaigns. Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 286-87.
Son N. L. Dey. Geographical Dictionary, s.v. Girivrajapura. Cf. the Palampet insoription in Hyd. A.8., No 3.
• The Chinta palli inscription (A.R. Ep., 1917, No. 70) of Gápadeva is datod Saks 1378, Bhava, Vajdashasudi 15, Thursday. The date may be the 11th April 1454 A.D.. His Kondavida plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XX. pp. 390 ff.) were ingued in Saka 1977=Yuvan corresponding to 1458 A.D. Chintapalli is in the Sattenapalle Taluk and Kondavida in the Narasaraopet Taluk, both in the Guntur Distriot of Andhra. The forts of Addanki and Vinukonda lay within Gañadova's province.

Page #29

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA The importance of the genealogical part of the inscription, discussed above, is that it throws welcome light on the ancestry of the great founder of the Suryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa. Very little information was so far available on the ancestors of Kapilēsvara. The tradition recorded in the Mädala Panjit and several other works of the type states that, in the early part of his life, Kapili (i.e. Kapilieśvara), & Suryavansi Rāuta, Was & cowherd in the employ of a certain Brāhmaņa and that he was picked up by the last Ganga king (Bhānu IV) and brought up in his palace. He is also stated to have begun his life as a thief. It is said that the god Purushottama-Jagannatha advised the king in a dream to adopt Kapilēsvara as his successor. During the last years of the Ganga king's rule, the Muslims are reported to have invaded the Ganga kingdom and demanded a large ransom. The king sent Kapila to the Muslims for negotiating a settlement, but died shortly afterwards. The Muslims then sent back Kapila to rule the Ganga kingdom. A tradition recorded in the Gangavamsānucharita, however, says that Kapilēsvara was one of the ministers of the Ganga king and that he usurped his master's throne when the latter was away from the capital in connection with a campaign and that the Ganga king after his return from the expedition retired to Gudarikataka where he spent his last days in obscurity. This no doubt seems to be a more sensible account of Kapilēśvara's accession to the throne of Ganga Bhānu IV. As regards Kapilēśvara's ancestry and early career, our inscriptions now show that he was not a mere cowboy receiving the sovereignty over the Ganga empire merely through God's grace but that his ancestors were people of some importance and that his rise to the sovereign status was really from a platform of emminence created not only by his own prowess but also by the exploits of his forbears. His grandfather, bearing his own name, is stated to have been & Nāyaka who was one among the rulers of the solar and lunar races while his father Jāgēśvara, who possessed a large number of elephants, and his elder brother Balarama lost their lives while fighting against their enemies. Thus the great Kapilēsvara was born in a family of ruling chiefs. The tradition describing him as a Rāuta (derived from Sanskrit Raja putra and known to be a title of subordinate rulers), which was scarcely understood so long, can now be appreciated in its proper significance.
That Jāgēšvars was the name of the father of the great Kapilēgvara is suggested also by his own Veligalani grant issued in 1458 A.D. when he was camping on the bank of the Godāvari. Verse 11 of the record in the Sanskrit part speaks of the grant of the village of Veligalani named after himself and his father or parents (sva-pitr-akhyayā)* while the next stanza refers to the grant of Vijayapratāpakapilendra-mahāsasana lying to the east of the united rivers Krishna and Vēnnā. At the coinmencement of the Telugu section beginning on the obverse of the third plate, the gift village is mentioned as Veligalani alias Kapilēsvarapura (Veligalani-Kapilēśvarapurānaku) and the
Op. cit., pp. 42 ff. Similar traditions are found in the Kafakarājavankävalt, Kaifiyat of Jagannatham eto. See Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. oit., pp. 82 ff.
? Kalingad ééncharitra (Telugu), p. 344.
* An inaccurate notice and an extremely faulty transcript of this fragmentary inscription were published respoctively in A. R. Ep, 1934-38, p. 69 (C. P. No. 17) and Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, Vol. VI, pp. 94 ff. The record is dated in Saka 1380 (vy Oma-ibha-vahni-indu)=Bahudhanya, Vaisakhi (i.e. Vaibakha-sudi 16) corresponding to the 28th April 1458 A.D. The inscription describes Kapilēsvara's military successes in the passage (with correction of the minor scribal errors): Hampa kam pamagat tal-adhika-tara Dhara cha bhar-atura-dudra Kalbariga vimukta-turaga Dhilli cha Bhillf-vrita (lines 1-4, vorse numbered as 7). The same stanza also occurs in the Chiruvroli grant of Hambira (Bharati, November 1941, pp. 614 ff.), verso 6.
• The stanza (after removing small scribal errors) roads : Sak-abda Bahudhanya-namni ganité vyom-Ebha-rahnindubhir: Vaisakhyām Kapilfaro Hariguka. Miduri-almni athitam vith fatyai vidushat batāya cha vasan Godavari. suikata niseshan Veligalani-namakam-adadagnaman sya-pitr-akhyayd || The name of the village has to be road Veliyals for the sake of the metre. The Saka year is indicated by the words vyoma (i.e. O), ibha (i.e. 8), vahni (i.e. 3) and indu (i.e. 1), i.e. 1380.
The stenza (after removing small scribal errors) reads : Krishna-dakahina-vähini vijayate Venna-nadi-sangata tal-prachyar Vijayapratäpaka pilendr-akhyam maha-fasanam | tatr=dbhänti batam cha vimbati-param vipra Vasishfh. opamäs=lad-data Vijayapraldpa-Kapilandro bhak dharm-Ottaral |

Page #30

No. 1)
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA 120 doneos receiving shares in the two localities are then enumerated in the following order : (1) northern part of Jägēsvarapura (Jāgē svarapurapu vīdhiki uttara-frēni paschim-adi)-20 Brähmanas; (2) southern part of the same (dakshina-árēni paschim-adi)-20 Brāhmanas ; (3) northern part of Vellamämbäpura (Vellamämbäpurapu vidhiki uttara-brëni paschim-adi)-20 Brähmanas; (4) southern part of the same (dakshina-śrēni paschim-ādi)-20 Brāhmaṇas; (6) northern part of Kapilēsvarapura (Kapilēsvarapurapu vidhiki uttara-śrēni paschim-ādi), called Vijayapratāpakapilēndra-mahāśāsana in the Sanskrit part-20 Brāhmaṇas; (6) southern part of the same (dakshinafrēni paschim-ādi)-20 Brahmanas. It appears clear from this enumeration that the village of Veligalani was divided into three parts, one of which was named Jägēsvarapura and another Vellamāmbūpura. This further suggests that the word pitsi in the passage sva-pitr-ākhyayā means not merely 'father' but both 'father and mother and that the name of Kapilēsvara's father was Jāgāśvara and that of his mother. Vellamâmbă. The third part of the gift village was named after the donor and the village was sometimes referred to as Veligalani-Kapiles varapura.
The female name Vellamamba looks like Telugu in origin and it may be suggested that Kapilēgvara had Andhra blood in his veins. This is of course not improbable in view of the fact that his success in conquering wide areas of the Telugu- and Tamil-speaking lands, then under the hegemony of the Vijayanagara king, was due to a very considerable extent, to the help he received from Andhra generals. But the question cannot be satisfactorily solved without further light on the subject, since the Oriya supplement of the Yeligalani grant mentions Vellamāmbăpura as Vēlamapura or Bēlamapura and Velumā or Bēlamā may be supposed to have been mado Vellamāmba in Telugu. It has, however, to be admitted in this case also that Vēlamā or Bēlamā does not look like a typical Oriya name either. On the other hand, it reminds us of the Velama caste, one of the front-rank agriculturist communities of the Andhra country, to one of the sub-divisions of which belong the Rajas of Bobbili, Venkatagiri, Pithapuram and Nuzvid.
The genealogy of the early Suryavami Gajapatis of Orissa, as found in the Raghudēvapura grant with its information supplemented by the Dorapalem and Veligalani grants, now stands as follows:
Kapilēsvara I (called a Nayaka and represented as one of the rulers of the races of the Sun and the Moon)
Jägevers (ponsessor of numerous elephants : diod together with his oldest son while fighting with
somo onomiop; married Vēlama or Vellamimba).
Rume
Balarama Kapilē vars II
Parasurams (died together with (born of Vēlams or Vella
(married Mallika) his father whilo mathbå; first indepenfighting with some dent monarch in the Raghudēva (born of onemios)
family; founder of the Mallika; Kapilē vara's Stiryavemet Gajapati viceroy at Rajahfamily of Orissa; mundry at least from ascended the throne in 1455 to 1461 A.D.; 1434-36 A.D.)
called Chödesvara in the concluding section of the Raghu
dēvapura grant) 1 Tho Oriya part of the document also suggests that the village of Veligalani was divided into three parts, one named after the king's father, another after his mother and the third after himself.
Many of the celebrated Gajapati generals were Andhras. Some of those who served under Kapilēsvara were Gajarivu Tippa and Damera Timma or Tamma and Tamma's son Basava-bhūpals (cf. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., pp. 86-87; A. R. Bp., 1892, No. 208 ; etc.).
This part of the inscription is carelessly engraved on both sides of the last plate, lines 1-10 on the obverse and line 11 on the reverse. For the text, see I HQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 279-80 ; JAS, Lettors and Science, Vol XXIII, No. 1, pp. 13 ff.
See Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. VII, PP. 336 ff.

Page #31

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII The concluding part of Section I of the record (verse 29 ff. in lines 55 ff.) states that Raghudēva, stationed at Rajamahendranagara (Rajahmundry), paid a visit to Kataka (i.e. modern Cuttack on the Mahanadi, which was the capital of his master Kapilēśvara) in connection with some service to be rendered to Kapile vara and there he met on the way a large number of Brāhmaṇas together with their wives and heard their case. For settling these Brahmaņas, he then resolved to create an agrahara within the territory under his governorship. The number of the Brahmana donees of the agrahara is given in verse 30 as 40 only. But the list of the donees quoted in Section II (lines 65 ff.) shows 42 names. As will be seen below, it appears that the agragara was divided into 40 equal shares meant for 40 Brahmanas but that actually 2 of the shares had to be subdivided equally among 4 Brāhmaṇas.
The donees of the grant were mostly Yajurvēdin Brahmanas with only a few pertaining to the The götras of the 42 Brahmanas enumerated in the list (1), Harita (7), Kasyapa (9), Kaunḍinya (5), Kausika The information about the donees as found in Section
Rigveda. They belonged to various götras. are: Atreya (6), Bharadvaja (3), Gautama (6), Kutsa (2), Lauhita (1) and Srivatsa (2). II is supplied below in a tabular form. It will be seen from the list, that although the donees are stated to have been met by the donor at Kaṭaka (Cuttack), they do not appear to have been Oriya Brahmaņas. Their names indicate that most, if not all, of the donees were Brahmaņas of the Andhra areas. Probably they went to Kataka with a view to securing some favour from Kapilesvara, and Raghudēva, having met them there, represented their case to his master and granted them the agrahara with the latter's consent and permission necessary for the purpose. Although the credit for the donation is appropriated by Raghudeva in the record under study as also in the other document edited below, generally a provincial governor was not fully entitled or empowered to create rent-free holdings without the consent and permission of his master in some form. Whether, as a member of Kapilesvara's family and a close relation of Kapilesvara and as the governor of a newly conquered territory, the viceroy enjoyed a special position in this respect cannot be determined. It has, however, to be noticed that, even though charters recording the creation of rent-free holdings by rulers who were purely provincial governors without any reference to their master are not generally known, we have several instances of the kind, besides the two charters of Raghudeva edited here, in such viceregal Gajapati records as the Kondavidu plates1 of Gāņadeva-rautaraya-mahāpātra who was Kapilēévara's viceroy at Kondavidu and claimed to have been a member of his master's family, and the Chiruvroli grants of Prince Hambira who claims to have been a son of Kapilēévara and was the leader of the Gajapati forces in the campaigns in the Telugu. and Tamil-speaking areas. It is interesting to note that Kapilēsvara himself is also known to have made grants of land in the territories ruled over by the southern viceroys.
No.
Donee.
Donee's father
Götra
1 Vědagiri-dvědin (dvivēdin).
Varad-Arya Aditya
2 Ananta-bhatta.
3 Mallu-bhatta
Narasimhha
4 80maya
Devare-bhatta
.
•
. Kaayapa Atreya Harita do.
..
.
Vēda or Sakha
Yajus
do.
do.
Agravēda (Rik)
Ind. Ant. Vol. XX, pp. 390 ff.
Bharati, November 1941, pp. 514 ff. The charter recording the grant of the village of Chiruvrõli, situated on the Krishna and renamed Hambirapura after the donor, was issued in Saka 1383 (Rama-ibha-lõka-dvijapati)= Vrisha, Bhadra-badi 15 (kuhu), Friday. The date corresponds to the 4th September 1461 A.D. For some other inscriptions of Hambira, see Nos. 148, 157 of 1913, etc.
Cf. Kumara-Hamvira-vibhur-yad-ajñaya vijilya kärlänta-disam pratapavan | abodhayach-chhätrava-sõpitSkehitän kripänikām Dakshina-sägar-ämbushu in Kapiléévara's description in the Anantavaram plates of Prataparudra (JKRCOI, Vol. XXXIV, p. 39; Kalingadebacharitra, App., p. 104).
Cf. The Veligalani grant referred to above,

Page #32

No. 1)
TWO GRANTS OF HAGHUDEVA
No.
Donee
Donoo's father
Götra
Vöda or Bakha
. • .
. . . .
. . . . •
.
.
.
.
,
5 Annam-arya . . 6 Singan-arya . . 7 Annam-arya 8 Kaman-arya 9 Vēdagiri . 10 Prolan-arya . 11 Nägan-ārya 12 Náya(Nägaya ?)-bhatta 13 Aubhal-arya . . 14 Tallu-bhatta . . 15 Käman-arya . . 16 Nārāyana-bhatta 17 Aditya-bhatta. 18 Kasavan-ārya. 19 Timmana-kästrin 20 Visvēsvars 21 Krishna-bhatta . . 22 Dēvarē-bhatta . . 23 Poti-bhatta . . 24 Kämärya-bhatta . 25 Appal-arya . . 26 Nägan-arya . . 27 Duggan-ārya . . 28 Aubhal-arya . . 29 Bollan-arya . . 30 Bhāskara . . 31 Yaru-bhatta . . 32 Déchi-bhatta . . 33 Mellana . . 34 Soma . . . 35 Aubhala . . 36 Yaran-áry. . 37 Ramachandra . . 38 Singana. . 39 Narasimha ..
• . . . .
Mallu-bhatte . . Brahma . .
Narasimhaba . Aditya . Mallan-ārya Bētan-arya . Gopāl-arya . Tippan-arya . Vallabh-arya . Kiman-arys Mallap-arya .
Vallabh-arya . . Kaman-arya .
Kamchan-arya . · Aubhal-arya .
Nrisitha-würi .
Poddan-arya . . Visvēsvara . . Visvēśvara. . . Lakshmana .
Kaman-arya .
Vallabha . . . Mallaya . . Gangan-arya .
Singan-arya .
Brahmananda. . Aubhal-arya .
Aditya . .
Srigi (Srigiri :) . . Mallana .
Appale-bhatta .
Narasith h-arye . . Peddi-yajvan .
Yajñan-arya . Anant-arya .
. . . . . . . .
. Kaikika Yajus . Härita . do. . do. . .
Kaubiks . . do. Käsyapa . Kaubiks.
Bhäradvaja • Kaundinya . . Käkyapa
Lauhita. . • Kābyapa
Kaundinya
Kausika . . Bharadv@ja . .Atröya ...
Kābyapa . . do. . .
Kutsa . . . Kaundinys . . Atréya
do. Kausika. . do. . Kaundinya
Kasyapa , de . Srivatsa . . do.
Atreya . Bahvpicha (Rik)
Härita . . Yajusi . Atrêya. . do. . do.. . do. . Härita.
Bhiradväja . . Käsyapa Yajus . Srivatta . . do. . Hauta . . do. . Kaundinya . Bahvpicha (Rik) . Gautam . Yajus
• . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . .
. . . . .
. . .

Page #33

10
No. Donee
40 Sarap-Arya
41 Madhava.
42 Vissana
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Donee's father
Götra
Mallan-Arya
Yallanna.
Bhaskara.
Yajus
do.
do.
Of these Nos. 33-34 and 41-42 are specifically stated to have received only half a share each. This seems to suggest that the other Brahmanas received one full share each. There were altogether 40 shares; but 2 shares were divided equally among 4 Brāhmaṇas.
Kasyapa
Kausika.
[VOL. XXXIII
Věda or Säkhä
. Kutsa
Verse 29 of Section I (lines 55-58) shows that the land granted by the charter under study was called Kriddevy-uttarakhanda,i.e. the northern part of Kriddēvi, while the next verse mentions the land granted by Raghudeva in favour of the 40 Brahmaņas as Kriddēvi-khanḍa situated on the bank of the Gōda, i.e. the Godavari (called Gautami in verse 1 of Section III). The three concluding stanzas of the section mention Raghudevapura which was made an agrahara (i.e. a rent-free holding for being owned by Brahmanas) by Raghudeva. It is thus clear that the northern part of what was formerly called Kriddevi-khanda was made an agrahara and granted in favour of a large number of Brahmanas and that the agrahara was re-named as Raghudevapura after the donor Raghudeva. The grant was made for the priti or favour of the god Vasudeva (Vishnu). It was endowed with the privileges of ashta-bhoga and ashta-bhuti. There is no doubt that Kriddevikhanda or Raghudevapura on the Godavari or Gautami is the same as modern Raghudevapuram, about 14 miles to the north-west of Rajahmundry, headquarters of a Taluk of that name in the East Godavari District of Andhra. It is situated on the left bank of the river.
Section III of the inscription (lines 119 ff.) describes the boundaries of Raghudevapura situated on the bank of the Gautami (i.e. Godavari). To the north and north-west of the village, the Vriddha-Gautami (i.e. bigger Gautami) was flowing and, to the east of the river, there was an antaripa (an island or a promontory) and the Laghu-Gautami (i.e. the smaller Gautami) flowed beyond it. To the east of the Laghu-Gautami, there was a big stream flowing from the Gautami and, to the east of this stream, there was a row of palmyra trees and beyond them a big Pippala tree. On the way to the Pippala tree (or, at the same place near it), there was a big Vata tree and near it, on the same mound (sētu), some palmyra trees. To the north-east of these, there were two bamboo bushes and to their east a tamarind tree. To the north-east of that tree, there was a Baha tree and to its east another tamarind tree. There were two Paläsa trees to the north-east of that tree and a Plaksha tree stood to the north-east of the Palasas, and near them, on the same mound, there were the Gōdineni-taṭāka (tank), one Pippala tree and two Vata trees. To the north-east of these, there was a stone pillar while a second stone pillar stood towards the east of it. From the second pillar towards the east began a big mound (sētu) which ran towards the south. There was a big Pippala tree on it and also the bank of the Mudikava (possibly the name of a tank or stream). To the south of these, there were some Kadamba trees and, to the south-east of the trees, there stood a Madhubibhüra [tree] very near a stone pillar. There was Kesava's tank to the south of the pillar and behind the tank there was a curved road marked by a pointed stone, which came from or led to the locality called Kötelapumta. On the said road towards the south-west, there were several Ghōsha and Tāla trees and to the west of them stood two Pippala trees on the road to or from Muggullu. To the north of them, there was a big Pippala tree as well as a temple of Sankara (Siva). Behind the temple, the Gautami was flowing in the west and there were the temple of Chintalamma and a big Pippala tree on its bank. To the west of these, the Gautami flowed straight in a small stream, to
1 The same privileges are also referred to in such other records as the Kondavidu plates of Ganadeva. Cf. -aibraryy-ashtakam ash ta-bh8ga-sahitam in lines 31-32 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 391).

Page #34

11
No. 1]
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA the west of which there was an island and beyond it ran the bigger stream of the same river. Between these two streams of the Gautami, there was an antaripa and, from that place (adhvan) the northern bank of the Gautami formed a part of Raghu lēvapura.
The concluding section of the inscription in lines 135 ff. contains some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas. But they are preceded by two stanzas containing the prayer of Sri-Narendra (i.e. the illustrious ruler Raghudēva) to the future rulers and that of Sri-ViraChodēśvara of the solar race to the Brāhmaṇas, both for the protection of the grant stated in the verses to have been made by the Narendra or Chōdēśvara. This seems to suggest that Chõļēsvara was another name of Raghudēva, the donor of the grant. Whether this suggests that Raghudēva's mother was a Choda or Chola princess cannot be determined. The last verse of the inscription. states that the charter regarding Raghudēvapura was kathita by Aduviļa Nrisimha under orders from Raghudēva. The word kathita seems to have been used here in the sense of composed' or written'. It is found in a similar context also in some other records.
The geographical names mentioned in the inscription include : Kataka (Cuttack) the capital of the empire of Kapilēsvara, Rājamahendranagara (Rajahmundry) which was the headquarters of the province under the rule of Raghudēva, the gift village originally called Kriddēvy-uttarakhanda or Kriddēvi-khanda and re-named as Raghudēvapura, and the river Gõdā or Gödāvari or Gautami and its courses called Vșiddha Gautami and Laghu-Gautami on which the gift village Was situated. As already indicated above, the province of the Gajapati empire, which was under Raghudēva's rule, is stated to have been bounded by the Simhachala (Simhachalam in the Taluk and District of Visakhapatnam, Andhra) on one side and by what is called Giripraja (probably standing for Girivraja) on the other. This Giripraja or Girivraja was apparently situated towards the west or south-west of Rajahmundry and, as already suggested above, was probably the name applied to another province of the Gajapati empire, which had its headquarters at Kondavidu in the Guntur District.
The location of Raghudēvapura, the new name applied to the gift village formerly called Kriddēvi, has already been discussed above. In the description of its boundaries, mention is made of the Muggullu-märga, i.e. the road coming from or leading to Muggulļu which is still known to bo & village about a mile to the south of Raghudēvapuram and about 13 miles to the north west of Rajahmundry. I am unable to identify the few other places mentioned in this connection.
TEXT [Metres : Section I-verses 1-2, 6, 8-11, 16 Upajāti ; verse 3 Indravajrā ; verse 4 Hariņi; verses 5, 7, 31, 33 Anushtubh ; verses 12, 14, 25-27, 29-30 Sārdūlavikridita ; verses 13, 21-24, Malabhārini ; verae 15 Sragdharā ; verae 17 Vasantatilaka ; verse 18 Giti; Verses 19-20, 28 Prithvi; verse 32 Svāgata. Section II--verses 1-40 Anushtubh. Section III-verses 1-9, 11-14 Anushtubh ; verse 10 U pajati. Section IV-Verse 1 Sragdhara ; verse 2 Särdulavikridita ; verse 3 Salini ; verses 4-8 Anushţubh.]
Section i First Plate, First Side
1 Siddham. [l*] avighnam=astu. [l*] Siddham "[*] Pāyād=apāyāt-paramasya pumaloj
Lilāvarāhasya jaga2 mttisti) danishțrā | vata-prarõh-āgra-daļasya lakshmim yad-agra-lagna vasudhā babhāra | 11
1 Cf. the Chiruvroli grant (Bharati, November 1941, pp. 514 ff.), line 31. * From impressions. * The figure 1 is engraved in the left margin of the plate, near the beginning of line 8. • Expressed by a symbol which is precoded by a floral design. Expressed by symbol.

Page #35

12
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII. 3 Sa-chandra-lēkhan gaganam nirikshya muhurmmar-mm)mõd-arbuda-mēcha kar yah
kh@la[n+]=pi4 tri-prāṁta-charo Gajāsyasyo?=vyād=Aj-adyair-abhivaidyamanah 2 Yam udelidhirshur
jala5 räsi-linā dēvo dhar-ödbhëda-vidhana-churchuḥ, sanstabdha -röm=ājani Madhavo-ri
Baukaryyatasarā 6 Vipul=āstu bhūtyai 31 Pradha(tha)yatu mudai pād-ambhõja-dvayam Kamaläpate[r]=
nata7 ripu-sira[h*]-Srēnyās sadmavati(ti)rna-java-sriyah | vinamad-amari-da(dha)mmill-āsta-prapu
(phu)lla-b.. 8 ra-du(dru)ma-prabava-patali-itva (vē)shți(shți)bhūta-pramoda-parā kramar(mam) | 4 | Asti
vastu chid-A9 vanda-mayam advaram achyutan(tam) | avidya-dvaya-nă(sā)chivva-vivarttita-jaga[t*)
10 trayan(yam) | 5Sahasra-suthkhyais charañaiḥ sirõbhir=nētrajh karair=vvyāpsa jagad=
vasamttarn(tam) vilôchani11 bhūta-rav-indu-biinbam vibhun mahātmānam-ajijanad=yat | 6. Ctpatti-sthiti-samhvā.
(ha)ra-ho12 tu-bhūto-yamn=avyayaḥ Narayaņo=bhavach-chhrimān tri-gun-ātmā trasi-mayaḥ 171 13 Tan-nūbhi-padmād=udabhūd-Virinchi[h*] Arashța samastasya char-acharasya | chatur
mukhasy=āsya ma14 hātmano-hhūd=varņo bhujābhvāṁ jaya-labtha(bdha)- varṇaḥ | 81 Kirti-pratā pāv-iva mūrti
mam15 tau tau pushpavarttāstā)v-uditau yata stah | yasah-patākā jagatăiu tato-bhūd=vamsa-dva16 yi bhāgya-palraun ]parabhiḥ [9 /*] Tat-surya-som-ānvaya-bhūmi-pāla-vas-agrajānām n[ri]
First Plate, Second Side 17 pa-san-maņīnāri(nām) visudhdha(ddha)-vrittaḥ Kapilēsvarð-bhūt=san-nāyako nayaka
mauli-ratnam(tnam) (10 |*] Jāgēśva18 ras-tat-tanayo mahātmā Ragbõr=iv=Ājā bhuvan-aika-sūraḥ | abhūd=abhūr=vairi-bhuvām bha19 yānāri kīrti-pratāpa-dvaya-bhū[r*)=ggaja(j-au)ghaiḥ | [11 (*) Tasy=āsan tanayāḥ prasidhdha
(ddha)-vinayā Jūge20 svarasy=ābhavan vira-chhcha(chchha trita-kirttayaḥ kuralay-öllősi-pratāpa-sriyah | tatr= Ladyo Bala21 rāma ity=udaya-bhūr=unyardhdna(rttha)-nām=ābhavat=kbadga-stambhita-sūra-vairi-nikara
[h*] kirti-pratāp-ā22 brayaḥ | 12 Asama-samara-sampat-kampit-āris-tad=ayam nija-janaka-samēto yudhdha -
(ddha)-sam(sa)nna1 There seems to be an unnecessary and imperfectly formed a mätra with kh. * Read Gajāsyo vo or Gajāayae80. * Read samstabdha.
Sandhi has not been observed here.

Page #36

TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA -PLATE I
1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378
రా
దుమని యాడసాయ రంగంలో శంవ ఉద్ర రోడగడకపలం యడగొగొయసుడా సందర్జంగ సనంనిరిముషంబు దూఢాంబుడమచరంగా ప్రాంతజ్వరాగ
జాత్యడజర్వగతండ్యదున యముడ్డిది రాజాం "రా రినాండ వాదరదుడందాలంబున వజవదబన్యాయం - లాస్తు చట31@ది.యతుడు డంపోశాంబాజయం మనం
అనూపడ్డావ అజయం నమడ మరిధమ ప్రజలను
ప్రసవపదలిన బండరాంచందనలు నందు
యమధుయహ్యుదయసానివ్వవలం జనా - పంట రుంజంబు వసంతం కాని భంగం చాంబుందు పోలవరం జనవరతిజ్ఞ అనంతరం అబూ అలంచుచు నవ రాయచూరు కాలయ్యాయ అన్నంపలేడభూరిం సమాజ సభకు ముందు చలో నా బారు లంజలంత కంత్ర రాజాదివట .
ఈశానుడురంలోఉతాయని పంజగతాంబూదిరిన 16. మా
నం .అPOPUచయిబాబాలతండా
i,
అంబా సాయంత్రం 10 నమోదు తాతగారు సంగారు ఆవిరబూడచువా యానాంతక అంగలనయాతలను బలవనదివుండవలయVE.అదంయుతం రాము కుడ యూరన్నది నా మబదంబరం... అంత ఆనమసమరసంపత్తంబతారిణయం జజనలు ప్రాణ భుజం రకం పంట నడుమునీంగినుడిని
10/13/2త కలం రేసుజం అంత
కజ రామాంద్రతారో భవతరణ అమృదుండి నా మిండి తనం అతను
వయసువారము సంపు అందరం తమదం పురివార రసరంలో వాయుపుత్రసవం - భూతలు ఇరవానల బతంగమగురిని ను:సమంద్రబామోరాననావతంస బూతాదునా సూతలమండమైన సవల్లి: అవునుజ వరు
--
Scale : One-Half

Page #37

32
34
36
38
-
- సంబందం వసతులుంబ్రాసయాదిబుదావరి పూనామాని ప్రా - దండించి పవితి 0021 ఆపవద్దుగునాడురు. తుభవింను - | రాజ్యాండయదరితగుణము ఉపవారవరునియంత అను "మం హతమతల్లి కాదు బాలలువను తాడ్రోని వదలనందం మందు | పంట అవశత్రని పగతుని పువవవి దునుండుంన్నా బీజం పత్రి
లోతు దురంతరడంత కాజమాన్నంది జయ అయసారము దరువు మండలం మడత విదుటా దిండా న విజయంగా తమ
ఆ ప్రతాపంతము వస్తుందంటుందనపు జరుపులాంగా సతిరౌత ఏపశయ: పర పనాచ్యుతా
ఏదనాంరుబానిజాసారముడవనరంధ్రరాజసూనా Rదాయినది వంతందంతదా భజంఅజాసదారులు 122816 మందితన
రంజమి అ జగతింఖుడిగాలి బాలభం చతాసుఖం భజంత్తర మాడిన ఆస్తుజంగ దాడి అభమునంతట ఊడి ఉబతంబుర బరబలం పుండం గంతు గరముల దాడులోంచిఫాయిడగారం లో మనం కలది. తన తాజా సూరాలు నిత్యం ది ఎందనం సరదా సరు
.
40
44
46
i,
స
(
బారే.స. అంతలేదయాంబ బంజలి జర్లు అం 2.21 డజను మంది నాయనగదునుతులు పువు. జంబూనినంతనంతరం Koraరు మావారణంరాజు కారు డంగుతా అతనికంగాణ
10మండన మజానపద నిలింపు అన్నం
: తుంబన్న డిముబతకాని ఈ పన్ను లేపు త్యం .20
నాంది ఆ పన తండ్రి తన
పుకు Aడ ముంతుందంజవ్వనని ఆ దంబ మంచి
జయ అంతరాలు - అంతయు దిఖండి పసంచారం వబి నిరావు
- ఉము దవడ కండరాలకు ముపు ధాంజాం
.. మందును లంబా నిటారు. మున్సిపలంటే విదు సము వలన అ దా
తుని ఘటనలు స.
వరండదువమాం2

Page #38

No. 1] TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA
13 23 dhdha(ddha)-vāhahrana-bhuvi vijit-āris-tyakta-dēho vibhinna-dyu-maņir-agamad=ishta
svar-vadū(dhi)nām 24 kum(ku)ch-agram(gram) | 13 Vira-sri-Kapilēsvaras-tad=anujah kirtti-pratāpa-dvayi sri
vikshälita25 chakravāļa-charam-oddām-amdhakārõ=bhavat Saury-āsādita-Damtirāja-vibha26 võ bhü-maridal-ākhaźdalo lilā-svikrita-dig-jay-ārjita-mahi(hi)pāl-akhila-bri-bharaḥ| [14 | ** 27 Drik-kõņē yasya śõņē raņa-saraņa-mukhē sammukham vairi-vi(vi)ram vāram vāram varītu 28 varam=Amarapuri-vāranāryasvaramvai? | ēkā yasy=āsi-putri(tri) nava-jalada-tati-syāmalā hě 29 ma-bhusha putrāļi kirti-pra'täpäv=alabhata yamalau purviņi rakta-raktā | 55/15) | Yasy
āsi-dhe30 nuḥ samid-agra-bhūmau yav-ām kurān karņa-vatamsa-bhūtān | dvishad-vadhūnām grasate 31 nuvēlam=apahnuvā[nā) stana-patra-vallīḥ | 16 | Tasy-anujah Paraśurāma iti prasidhdho.
(ddh5) nämnā pade
Second Plate, First Side
32 na Harichandana ēva sākshāt | yam prāsya(pya) yāṁ[ti*] vibudhāḥ paripūrņa-kāmā)
sampra33 rdtit-ärdhdha (phalladam harid-apta-ki(kirttini (ritim) | 17 | Abhavad-amalögun-aughair
uditaḥ kirtt[yā] cha Parasu34 rāma-vibhoh | Udaya-girë[h*) si($i)taruchi(chi) Raghudëva-kö(ku)mära-vi(vi)ra-sińhvo
(ho)-yam(yam) | 18 Anu(sü)ta suta35 m-amganā-kula-matallika Mallikā prabbūtam=iva mali(lli)kā-prasavam=ishta-gandhan
npiņām(nām) | [yatah] 36 Parasură[ma-rā*]d-abhavad agranih putriņām-asau Raghuvaro vasi(si) vibhu-maniḥ kadam
nābavad | 19 Putri(tri)37 krito mahimnā Kapilēsvara-damttisti)-rāja-si[m*]hvëshē)na dig-vijay-arjita-yalasi Raghu
dēva-kumā 38 ra-sūra-[sä*]rdülaḥ | 20 | Raghudēva-kumăra-vi(vi)ra-si[m*]hvē(hē) vidadhänē vijayam
disām ravim(v-im dvõḥ pra39 tibimba katā pratāpa-kirtyāḥ ppa(pa)rivēshas-tu Vidhēr-ayam viśēshah | 22(21) Raghudēva
narē40 rindra-räjaputrē vipulām sāsati Kārttavi(vi)rya-kalpë | girayaḥ paripadhdhi(nthi)nam
abhūvann=u41 ta sarv-āpsarasām kuchā nivāsāḥ 23(22) Raghudēva-narēındra-rājasūnau rana-sanna42 ha-vidhäyini prakānam(mam) | Saranam cha raņē tadā bhajarntē charaņē vā maranam ripu
pra
1 Read nur yas=trarantē. * The syllable pre may be omitted for the sake of the more • The figure 2 is engraved in the left margin of the plair, near the beginning of line 40. * Roar samprarthila!tha". Read ka than=n=ūbharat.
( 155 )

Page #39

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII.
43 vi(vi)rāḥ | 24(23)| Raghudēva-narēndra-rājaputrë jagatin säsati khadga-bali-bahau 1
charan-ā44 vanatis-sukhham bhajamttē(të) rapa-sim-āvanatās=tu jamņēna! | 25(24) Dhati-dig-vijay
ārji45 tair-bahunai* ratnaib=cha ghöți-bataiḥ 66ā(ka)ti(ti)bhish*] kkä(ka)riņām ghatābhir=
abhisampūjy=ānighri-yu46 gmam pituḥ | vira-bri(sri)-Kapilāávarasya bahudhā sēvām vidhäy=ādarādvi(d=vi)ra-øri
Raghudēva-rā47 ja-tanayo labdh-akhila-sri(srf)r=abhūt | 25 | Jitv=ākās=saka(ka)lä nihatya cha ripün hritvå 48 tadiyyam(yam) dhanam nānā-ratna-mahēbha-bhapya(vya)-turaga-árēņibhir=atyambujau
vira
Second Plate, Second Side 49 (Gri)-Kapilēgvarasya charanau sampūjya tat-sēvayā "labtlha-sri(Gri) Raghudē[va*)-raja
tanayo . 50 dharm-ādhikō vardhdha(rddha)tē | 27(26)| Tishthan=Rājamahēmdra-nāma-nagarē samyak=
prajāḥ ppā(pā)laya[n*]51 n=ā-Simhvä(hā)chalam=ā-Giripra(vra)jam=imāṁ bhūmim tath=ākamțakāṁ(kām) | vira
bri(srl)-Kapilēsva52 rasya kripaya kurvan Kumār-āgrani(pī)rdhi(r=dhi)ra-śri(srī)- Raghudēva-rajatana yaḥ Sri
(Śrī)sa-priyo va 53 rdhdha(rddha)tē | 28(27)! Turamga-ju(khu)ra-dhā(dā)rita-kshiti-rajah-kaņair=vairiņām
sirāmsi pata-bhāsurair=&54 nu-kalan samāchchhāda ya *]
n mahisura-gaņān=punaire-vasubhir=adhthi(rtthi)tais toshayann=asau Raghu55 nsip-ātmajah pitur-abhishtadaḥ śumbhatē | 29(28) Sēvāyai Kapilēsva[ra*]sya Katakam 56 gatvā tato mārggato vyāghupya(shy=a)gamanē samikshya dharanidēvān 8a-bhāḥ(bhā)rya57 n=bahūn / tad-rakshā-hita-dbir=nnarēndra-dharaṇīpāl-ātmajõ=manyata Kriddēvy
uttara-kha58 [m]dam=ēsha suksiti dātuṁ dvijēbhya=thiram(ram) | [29 [*] Sāk-abdē vasu-saila
vigva-ganitē sa[rn*]vatsarē 59 Dhătari Dvādaśyām Suchi-sukla-pakshaga-tidhausthau) prādādhdha (d-Dhari
pri(pri)tayē vīra-sri-Raghudēva60 rõjatanayah Kriddõvi-khamda psram chatvũrimsed-abhishta-bhūsura-vara-srẽnyai
cha Gö61 dā-tatē [30 [*] Raghudēvapuram datvā(ttvā) Raghudēva-nļipātmajaḥ | Sri(trī)mato
Vāsudēvasya pri(pri)ta62 yê=sa(sā)[v=8*]kalputa | [31 (*) Ashta-bhöga-sa hitam Raghudēvag=chrīshţa-bhūti-sahitan
cha vidhāya | 1 Read tosha nena. * Read bahuvidhai or bahu-dhanaio. • Read punar

Page #40

No. 1]
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA
63 agrahara-Raghudevapuram tat-sarva-mānyam-adadhākṛipātuḥ1 | 31(32) | Raghudēvàpu64 rasy-asya likhyate [bhū]sur-ava[liḥ] | Raghudēva-narēmdrasya dha[r*]mmāņām=iva mālikā | 32(33) |
15
Section II Third Plate, First Sides
65 Aasyapas-sanya(d-Ya)jurvēdi(df) Varad-[r]yya-tanübhavaḥ | bhlgi(g) Vedagiri-dvědi
vid-adhyaya-pa
66 rayapaḥ 1 Atreyō-namhtta(ta)-bhattö-pi Yajurvēda-parāyaṇaḥ | bhagigt) präjäo manā 67 vidvän-Adityasya [tanübhavaḥ 2. Mahi-vidvin-Mallu-bhatto Harit-anvaya-sukharab | Na
68 rasimhva (ha)-suto bhagi(gi) Yajur-vich-chhastra-vak-patiḥ |3| Haritoō Devarē-bhaṭṭasutas-So
69 maya-kōvida | bhagi sabhyas-sad-ächärair-agra-védi-Pitämahaḥ |4| Kaudikompi Yajulà khối
70 Malla-bhatta-tanibhavaḥ | Annam-Krya-dvijo bhigi(g) Vida-distra-parayanaḥ 151 Harita-Brahma-tana
71 yō Yaju's-śākhā-parāyaṇaḥ | bhāgi(gi) syach-Chimgan-aryō-pi nity-achāra-niram
72 taraḥ 6 Harito Yajur-adhyāya-nishṭho bhagi dvij-öttamaḥ | Annam-arya
73 8-sad-achārō Narasimhva (ha)-tanuba (bha)vaḥ |7| Kaman-arya[h] Kausikō-pi bhagi(gl) bhu74 sura-sattamaḥ | Yajurvēdas-sad-chirair-Adityasya tanubhavaḥ |8| Ki
75 syapo Yajur-adhyayaḥ(ya)s-sabhya[ḥ*] prāmāņikō guni(pi) | Mallan-aryasya tanayō bhāgī 76 Vēdagiri[*] svayam(yam) | 9| Kausikō Yajur-adhyayō Bētan-aryya-tanu-bhavaḥ !
bhüsur-ā
77 grecard bhagt Prölan-a[r*lyyab príyamvadaḥ | 10 | Bharadvājō Yajué-éākho Gōpā.
78 -äryya-tandbhavaḥ | bhagt san-Nigan-Ary-pi sabhyaḥ prāmāņika-priyaḥ |11| Kauhdi 79 nyo Yajur-adhyā[ya"]-Tippap-äryya-tanubhavaḥ | bhagt Näya-bhattö-pi vidvad-yājšika
sam
80 mataḥ 12 Käéyapas-sanya(d-Ya)jut-ákkho Vallabh-arya-tanübhavab | bhāgavin-Aubhai aryō10-pi
The intended reading seems to be adadāt sa kripāluḥ.
There is a floral design here to indicate the separation of the following section quoting the list of donees from the foregoing part.
The figure 3 is engraved in the left margin near the beginning of lines 72-73.
• There is another floral design at the beginning of this line.
The correct form of the word is dvivedi. See above, Vol. XXIX, p. 93.
The two aksharas raya are engraved in the margin.
'The name is written partially in the margin on an erasure.
Between Ya and ju, the letter dd was engraved and rubbed off.
One more syllable is required in the name to suit the metre. The intended reading may have been Nagasa.
10 The correct form of the name is 4ubhala which is a modification of 4höbala.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII. Third Plate, Second Sile 81 prămäpika-padhä(th-x)nugah | 13 | Lauhito Yajur-adyâ(dhyā)yah Kāman-arya-tanūbhavaḥ
82 Tallu-bhattopi bhagi syād=Vēda-sästra-visar dah | 14 Kußyepo Yajur-adhyāyo Ma83 llan-āryya-tanübhavaḥ | Kalpasūttra-priyaḥ kārtaḥ Kāman-āryyõ=pi bhāgavā84 n 15 Kaumdinyo Yajur-adhyâyö Vallabh-āryya-sutö vasi | bhatto Nārāya85 nö bhāgi karmmatho dharma-va*]tsalah | 16 Kausiko Yajur adhyāya-parampa[r*]yya
parāya86 ņaḥ | Käman-aryya-suto bhāgi bhatt-Aditya-dvij-ottamah ||17|| Bhāradvājo Ya87 jur-vēda[h*| Kamchan-āryya-buto mahān bhāgi syāt-Kasa van-āryyas-tu? 88 sabhyas-satisat-priyo vasi ||18|| Ātrēyo Yajur-adhyāya-pravimo 89 bhāgavān=iha | Aubha[l]-āryya-sutas-sabhyaḥ sāstri Tirumaņa-kõvidah [9*]|| 90 Srimat-Kāsyapa-gotrā=pi bhāgi Visvēsvaras=sudhih | Nyisinha-sūri-tanayo Yaju[r]-ve91 di gun-onnataḥ 20 Kāśyapo Yajur-adhyāya-nipuņā bhagavān=iha | Peddan-aryya-su92 tas=sabhyah | Kțishņa-bhattas=sabhā-priyah ||21|| Kutsa-gūtro Yajus-sākhi Visvēsvara93 tanübhavavabll(bhavaḥ) bhāgi syā[d*]=Dēvari-bhattas-tāstri(tri) bhüsura-[na"]tta h
||22|| (Kaumļinyo Ya)94 jur-adhyāya-nipuņā bhūti-bhāsurah ||( 1 ) Poti-[bha*]tto blava(vē)d=bhāgi Visvökva[ra-tanū].
bha95 vah ||23|| Astrēyö] Yajur-adhyāya-nipuņo La[kshma]n-āt[maja) () [bhāgi] [Kā]mā[r]y[yal
Fourth Plate, First Side 96 bhatta[h*) syåd-anna-dāna-pad-õjva(jjva)lah |24|| Kausiko Yajur-adhyayi Kaimanun-d97 rya-tanü-bhavaḥ | bhāgi(gi) syad-Appal-āryo-pi Kalpasūtra-priyo vabi 125 Kaunidi98 nyo Yajur-adhyāya-nipuņo Vallabh-ātmajah bhāgi wyün=Nā[gun-āryā pil parchu-ya)
jña-pa99 rāyaṇaḥ ||26|| Kāsyapo Yajur-adhyāya-nisito Mallufy-ā]tmajah Dulggan-afryo 100 pi karmajña(jñā) bhāgi sabhya-mano-harah ||27 [Śrī]vatsa- gòtro] Yajushi nishņātahi 101 sūri-vallabhaḥ (1) Aubhaļām(l-a)ryo višavān-atra Garg:1 [n-ū]ryya-suto vasi(si) |28||
A[trē). 102 yo Bahvpicha-prashtho bhāgi nišatha-ka[r*]mmathah (1) Sinngan-aryya-sutas-sa bhyah(bhyo) 103 Bollan-äryyas=satām priyah ||29|| Harito Yajur-adhyaya-viári(hru)tal 104 śļi(áru)ta-pāragaḥ ||(1) Brahmānamda-suto bhāgi Bhāskurō yajva-vallabhaḥ ||30 [ * 105 Āvrē(trē)yo Yajur-adhyāyo Yagu-bhatto=pi bhāgavan Aubhal-āryya-su106 tar=sabhyas=sa-dharmmas=sõma-snt-pr[i]yah ||311! Ātrēyo Yajur-adhyāyi
1 The danda is redundant. * There is a redundant syllable in this foot of the stanza. Either ayat or tu may be omittod to roctify the defect. . The figure 4 is incised in the margin near the beginning of linen 102-103. • Read Kaman-ao

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TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA -PLATE II
1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378
అధికారపు మండలం ఆయన బాగజగిరి
దున్ని Formation abునంత
జరుపు గాని బారివ్రాజావాష దిమందోలనానుభదిన నలుగురాన్వయ కమి రాని పు తొజా ముహస్పతివబాసు ముంతకం బాది సబాపహరణములు పి.యం. మరింత Dear RAYగాస్త్రం
వారి లభ్యతను అయ్యే నారాయణ సంబంగత్వం కడప రుజుయని బాధ తన అన్న మా
మాం సరద లు నా ? నిజాని బా AR
సత్రము కుజప్ప వస్తు దాబా మసీతనూజివాతి
జగదంయునపమూలంగా స్పంది. డటం, యజురద
వలసజంగానా బారిద్రాలన్నారు. బ్రయండandజాయగొహం అమాబాదసనా నా
ల
@
onal సంయు జంధ్య
తనూజ
మా వృత్వంలోని తుతం 17 నుజుల
బాగతానాభం?
a
iii,
(మైనా లోని రాజుగా 1931 తాజా తొయజుడయి తురూ సూచన తలు బాడ్డం బాగినందుడగాజంగారెడు గౌఖమ్మంద్యము నాయువలసబయమవ్వాంతన గదా! Movండియజురదయాతలభాయంభమైనా దు భాగింపుగా 10 కొయేముందు తాపం మ ముసుతో బాబృష్ణజాలము n జాయి ఈద శంచనాయ ను ఆ మునను బానిసల సహనాయుడు ముసలమరింత ప్రయోగండు జతరం వావిని నాకంపం జోబా సుతులు సైతం అంతా విదే పల
విరము దివసించానంలహజ ఉపవాసముజంతయిదు బాగహదపెద్ద నాయనా
జమ్ముడుపోసి బాలురు, 20 గోత్రాయ తవ బాణసంచా బడి
. జంతుయని బూతి బాగుందా అబావధాన విమల 1924 పుత్వము
మును
Scale : One-Half

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iv, a
iv, b
బా33)
రాయనా
యజ్ఞ సూరి వలదు
Ou
2010
SI &
గాం6 ౦ మా త్రగంగనాయ్య ముందరి ప్రతి నిరాశ మర : 100 రోయ్యసాలైన భృ లైన ఈ ఉబయ అను డోర్ రాయద్యమంగ శ పౌరగ పలు తో బాగి బాగు చేయజ్ప వల్ల 2018 ఆత్రేయ తీయబడి విభాగం ఔ బాగాయ్య సు అన్నియు శ్రీమత్రయ : 11201 యజురద్య విల్ 4 గణ విభాగ భ రదె నృని తన్సి సుకృత వయ ప్రియ నందనః | గజొ చ్ఛిద్ద బారి ధూమజ్ఞననందన 1933శాక బాయజురత్యయ పాడుబాగిన త ఔజయ్యని బా: ప్రియం చంద్రవత్స గోత్రా
అభ
శశ్వర్య బరత్వ
యజంద్యయణము
యజమి ప్రని
నవానిహచగబండయ్య అన్నం గోరా గా యజ్ఞ తుల: నె. హారితొ జయ యబ్రా జట్ చెంది రాయబండి బుచాగ్రము ? శాండ్వి ఇన్ని భత్ర బ్యాయ "నాయకతను భవః లింగన ఓ త్సంగ రే పరాయ॥ఇ మరియు జూశా బాట ముఖాగిసం మత నరసి దాన్ని జయపూడి న 19వరా కృరా టర వ్యాఖ మల్లనయ్యను భవ వంశనికతొ జాగి సూరయ్య (2యః స్సతాం, ఎరియత్వ మా అఖ్య గొత్రాది వదిని ని అజయా జుపా రం (ప్రతడి అని దాని గా తెగ ఉత దూట కాంతిలిఖ్య పురా విద్యం వుయ వ్యం పు తరి వె ద్ర త డ వుల ముదానిలో తల్వాద్యందు అభ్య రామాల భూరు దాడి కాసం లలల నక్షత్రావ్యఖం
ఎవతాలు ల న
అ
దృత్త సని పారమల్య వార దీపాల పై
ద
శ్రీ విన్నాని
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No. 1]
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA
107 Dochi-bhattō-pi bhagavan | Adityasya sutas-sabhyah(bhya)s--su-tri(śru)tah karmmathapriyab
108 32 Haritō Malland-py=ardhdha(rddha)-bhägi(gl) [Set]gi3-namdanah | Bhāradvājő= pyardhdha(rddha)-bhig! 36
109 ms Mallana-nav-lanaḥ 133 Kääyapo Yajur-adhyāya-papu[r]=bhagt sath ma 110 tab) Appala-bhatta-tanaya Aubbal-Ayyassabhāb(bhi)-priyab 134 SriSrivatsagötrö
17
Fourth Plate, Second Side
111 Yajushi prasidhdhö(ddhö) bhāgaviniha | Narasimhbvä(h-äryya-tanay Yapan-kryyaa
Bel
112 täh mataḥ (35) Häritö➡pi Yajurvēda[b*] Poddi-yajva-tanübhavaḥ |(|) bhägt jyö113 tirvidām śreshthō Ramachandra-budh-agraniḥ ||36|| Kaumḍinyo Bahvricha-áreshthō Ya114 jan-äryya-tanubhavaḥ | bhagi Singana-viprōpi sat-saṁg-aika-parāyaṇaḥ |37|| Gau115 tamo pi Yajus-śākha-paṭur-bhagi satām matah | Narasi[m*]hva (ha)s=sabhēya[ḥ*]svād= Ana
116 ht-äryya-tanübhavaḥ |38|| Kääуapë-pi Yaju-&khi(khi) Mallan-kryya-tandbhavaḥ [/*] 11 eat-saga-niratō bhagt Sürap-[rlyyah priyal(ya)-satām(tām) ||39|| Sri(Srl)mat-Kau 118 sika-Kuts-akhya-gōtrau Madhava-Vissanau Yallana-Bhaskara-sutau Yājushā119 věka-bhaginau
Section III
Siddham3 [*] Etad-vipra-nivasasya Gautami-ti(t)ra-sōbhinaḥ | Raghudēva. 120 purasy=a[s]ya si(si)ma-chihnam vilikhyatē [ 1*] Raghudevapur-ōdichyām vāyavyām Vri
121 dhdha(ddha)-Gautami tat-prig-dily mathtarfpacha tad-agre Laghu-Gau[ta*]mi [2] Tat-prichythma
122 bati(1) kulya Gautamya nirggată spuṭash(sphuṭam) | tat-prichyām tāļa-pa1ñ[k*]ticha tad-agrē sthula
123 pipa(ppa)laḥ [ 3*] Tad-adhvani vata sthülastat-sētau tāļa-bhūruhāḥ | tadi(d-ai)śānyam vamsa-ku
124 jau tat-prächyam chinhtripl-tarü [4] Ttövi(Tad-ai)ény baba-vrikshasta]t-prāchyāṁ chi[m*]tripl-taruḥ |
125 palasu cha tadi(d-ai)sanya[mi(mai)]nyāṁ [plakshaka]eta[th] [5] Go[dinēni]tataka-cha [tat-eltau] pi
1 The name requires one more syllable to suit the metre. It may have been Srigiri.
There is a floral design after this to indicate the separation of the foregoing list of donees from the following description of the boundaries of the gift village.
Expressed by symbol.
This letter had been originally omitted and was later incised in the small space between la and nti.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII
Fifth Plate, First Side 126 ppalo vatau sila-stambha=tadi(d-ai)sāngāni bilā-stamblõ=tha pūrvats[b*) ICI 6*]
Tad=ārabhya mana-sētuḥ prā127 chyāṁ dakshiņa-dinmukhah | s[th]ūlaḥ ppa(pa)lāšas=sētustho Mudikāva-maha-tataḥ
IEI 7*] Tad-dakshiņa-diki brēņi-ka128 damba-dharaņi(ni)-rubāḥ | ājõē(gnē)yyāi madhubibhūraḥ ppā(pā)shāņa-stambha-sa
gataḥ |[8*] Kēsavasya taţāko=pi 129 dakshinasyāın dißi sthitaḥ 1[1 9*] Tațāka-paśchä[d*]-disi Vakra-märggo Kotēļapuntasya
sil-āgra-lakshmă | tataś=cha 130 tatrzahvani ghosha-tāļa-vșikshä[h*) prasidhdhā(ddhā) disini[r*]pitēś=cha Ill 10*]
Prati(tī)chyām disi Muggullu-mā131 Igganggē) ppi(pi)ppala-yugiakah tata ustta]ra[tah*] sthūlah ppipa (pippa)lah Samkar
alayaḥ [1 11*] Tatpu(t-pri)shtha-bhāgam=ā- . 132 rabhya prati(ti)chyātii disi Gautami Chimtalalım-ālaya sthūla-pippalo Gautami-tatab
[li 12*] 133 Tat-pratyag-riju-mārggēņa sūkshma-vāhā cha Gautami pratyag-disi tato lamkā sthū134 la-vähä сha Gautami |[l 13*] Vähä(ha)yor=ubhayõr=madhyē yõ=rtari(ri)pastato=
dhvanah [l*] 135 Gautamyar=chrottaro bhāgo Raghudēvapurasya hi [ 14*]"
Section IV
.
Grāmaı si(sī)m-āshta-chihna136 sprísphu)ța-viji(di)ta-lasalt*-kshētran:=ovam dvij-aughair=ūkiski)rņam Gautamiyyai(yai)r=
amți-a-jala-samai[h*) snā137 na-pān-ādi-lolan(lam) datvā(ttv=ā)sau śri(sri)-na[rē*]idro nikhila-nțipa-varān=bhāvino
yachatē svam (dha)rmma138 m m[ē) päiayamtu prakaļam=iti chirau prāmjali» brahma-kalpam (Imam) |[| 1*) Lakshmi
vibhrama-darppaņāiņā) 139 Ravi-kula-kshi(ksht)röda-kalpadrumo nāna-bhūpa-kiri(rī)ţa-ranjita-padaḥ śri(sri)-vira-Cho
dēsvaraḥmadhdha (d-dha)140 malh*) ppa(pa)ripālyatām=ayan.=iti kshöņi(ni)surān=bhāvino bhūyaḥ prärdhdha
(rttha)yatë tadi141 yya(ya)-charana-dvadva-prisū mauļinā l[1 2] Sämänyo=yam dharmma-sētu[1*]=nri
pāņām kālē 142 kālē pālaniyyölyö) bhavadbhiḥ | i[tt ha]tir sarvän=bhāvina[h*) pārdhdhi(rtthi)v-ëndrānbū
(n=bhūyo bhūyo
1 The figure 5 is not clear in the left margin. . The intended reading may be tate.
• There is a floral design after this to indicate the separation of the foregoing description of the boundaries of the gift village from the concluding part of the inscription that follows.
• The danda is redundant.

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No. 1]
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA
Fifth Plate, Second Side
143 yachatē Ramacha[m]draḥ |[| 3*] Ek=aiva bhagini(nl) lōkē sarvēshām ēva bhūbhujām(jām) | na bhōjyä na ka
144 ra-grähyä vipra-datta vasuhdhar | 4*] Sva-datti[d]dvi-gupath punyah para*]datt-Anupalanath(nam) |
19
145 para-dat-pahārīna eva-dat[t]amh nishpa(alpha)lamh bhaves [5] Dana-palanayō[r]= madhya(dhye) dinafchehri(ch=chhr)]
146 yōnupalanam(nam) | dānāt=[*]varggamaväpnoti pälanid-achyutah padath(dam) [6] Sva-dattam pa
147 ra-dattām vā yō harēta vasuṁdharāṁ(rām) | shashtir-varsha-sahasrani vishṭhāyāṁ jiya
148 të krimi
7] Raghudevapurasy=ai[tad-Ra]ghudēvas[7]a [kaa]nāt | ĀduvilaNrsimhve(be)na [ka*]
149 dhi(thi)tam dharma-sasanam(nam) || [8*]1
2 Dōrapalem Grant of 1455-56 A.D.
This is a stray plate inscribed on both sides. It is 8 inches in length and 5 inches in height and contains altogether 26 lines of writing, 14 lines on the obverse and 12 on the reverse. There is a hole (about & inch in diameter) nearly inch inside from the left border of the plate. The hole was no doubt meant for a ring bearing the seal of the donor of the grant in question, on which several inscribed plates including the one under study must have been strung. But the ring with the seal and the other plates of the set are now lost. The plate weighs 33 tolas.
The inscription is fragmentary and represents only the central part of a charter. The whole record was probably incised on three plates. The last line on the reverse of the extant plate shows clearly that only a few lines more were required to complete the document which must therefore have ended on the inner side of the next plate. The writing on the obverse of the plate begins with a complete stanza introducing the father of the donor (Raghudeva) as the younger brother of one who must have been mentioned in one or more verses engraved in the lower part of the inner side of the previous plate. The stanza in question is also found in the Raghudevapura grant of which it is the seventeenth verse. Considering the fact that the present plate contains about 7 stanzas (engraved in 14 lines) on the obverse and 51 stanzas (incised in 12 lines) on the reverse, the entire matter of the first sixteen stanzas of the Raghudevapura grant (running upto a little more than 30 lines and almost entirely covering both the sides of plate I which is slightly bigger in size than the present plate) would have covered a little above two faces of one plate of the size of the plate under study. But it is interesting to note that the description of the donor in the present charter (verses 3-6, i.e. four stanzas only) is much shorter than in the other record (verses 18 ff. in lines 33 ff., more than ten stanzas). It therefore looks very probable that the number of stanzas in the introductory part was considerably smaller in this record than in the Raghudevapura grant. In any case, only one plate, with the beginning of the document inscribed probably on the inner side, seems to be lost.
1 This is followed by three floral designs. There is also an ornamental design in the right hand part of the space below the writing. This was the symbolical representation of the donor's signature on the original document later incised on the plates.

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20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
The inscription is written in Telugu characters and in the Sanskrit language, the composition being in verse throughout. As regards palaeography and orthography, the present epigraph closely resembles the Raghudevapura grant, although there are a few minor differences in the shape of some of the characters and signs. The medial signs for è and ō have been used for the corresponding short signs in the name of the village Dorapalem; cf. lines 18 (verse 10), 21 (verse 11) and 24 (verse 12). The date of the charter is quoted in verse 11 in lines 19-23 as the Saka year counted by rasa (i.e. 6), saila (i.e. 7), rama (i.e. 3) and basin (i.e. 1), i.e. 1376, the year being Yuvan of Jupiter's 60 year cycle as prevalent in South India. There is no other detail of the date but that the grant was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. It may be pointed out that the year Yuvan of Jupiter's Southern Cycle actually corresponded not to Saka 1376 (i.e. 1454-55 A.D.) but to the expired Saka year 1377 (i.e. 1455-56 A.D.). There occurred two lunar eclipses in the year, one on the 1st May 1455 A.D. and the other on the 22nd March 1456 A.D. The charter seems to have been issued on either of the two dates.
Verse 1 on the plate, as already indicated above, introduces Parasurama Harichandana, the father of Raghudēva, as the younger brother of one whose name must have occurred on the lost first plate of the set. From the Raghudevapura grant, we know that the immediate elder brother of Farasurama was the great Kapilesvara who occupied the Ganga empire in 1434-35 A.D. Verse 2 of our record speaks of Parasurama's younger brother whose name was Rāma. It may be noted that Rama's name was omitted even in the fairly elaborate genealogy of the family found in the Raghudevapura grant. The next two stanzas represent Raghudēva-narēndra, who enjoyed the title Patra and acquired fame for conquering the quarters, as having been regarded, owing to his prowess, as one of his sons by Kapilēsvara Dantiraja (i.e. Gajapati). Verse 5 states how, when Raghudeva-narendra was ruling the earth like king Kartavirya of old, his enemies fled to the hills or made their resting place on the breasts of the celestial nymphs. To make one's resting place on the breasts of the celestial nymphs of course refers to one's death. The representation of the governor of a small territory as a ruler of the earth like Kartavirya is an interesting instance of the exaggeration to which the prasastikāras attached to medieval Indian courts were used. Verse 6 again refers vaguely to the military prowess of Raghudeva-narendra.
Verses 7 ff. introduce the donee of the grant. The first of these stanzas mentions Sūri-bhaṭṭa who belonged to the Kausika götra and resided at Bhimavara. His son Singan-acharya is mentioned in verse 8 and Singan-acharya's son Tirumalu-bhaṭṭa in verse 9. Verse 10 states that the narendra-bhunatha (i.e. the ruler Raghudēva) made a grant of the village of Dōrapalem in favour of the Pauranika (exponent of the Purāņas) Tirumalu-bhaṭṭa. The next stanza states that, in the Saka year 1376, called Yuvan, and on the occasion of a lunar eclipse, Raghudeva granted the village of Dorapalem situated on the bank of the Kaunteya-gangā to the Brāhmaṇa Timmaya. Timmaya is a modification of Tirumalaya. The name Kaunteya-ganga is no doubt applied to the Godavari or one of its mouths. Although the association of the river with any of the sons of Kunti is not wellknown from Indian mythology, there may be a local tradition to this effect current in the area in question. Verse 12 states that, after having given Dōrapalem to the learned Tirumala, Raghudeva-narendra entreated the future kings for the protection of his Dharma, i.e. the gift made by him by means of the charter in question.
The last two lines of the record (lines 25-26) contain more than three-fourths of the wellknown stanza, sāmānyō-yam dharma-sētu, etc., generally found in the imprecatory and benedictory part about the conclusion of a charter.
The inscription mentions only three geographical names. They are the locality called Bhimavara where the donee's family resided, the village of Dōrapalem which was granted by Raghu.. dēva to the Brahmana Tirumalu or Tirumala-bhaṭṭa or Timmaya, and the Kaunteya-ganga on the bank of which the gift village was situated. There are several places called Bhimavaram in

Page #48

TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA-PLATE III
1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378
కారాలు 126 హోండరాం డపహారములు
మద్యం దాని దాని మూలమూరు మణం కంటతడి మనిషి 128
తరబడకంగుతుంటయం ముదు బబూర పాశాస్త్రం వంగత నవ్వులు అంత
స్పంది. ఆ నాడితివరి మాగంటి పుంత స్పటిలాగాను , 130 రాలిని తాను తను నాది అని మతం ప్రంచందమునుపమ
130 పులుములా మారత అంతస్తుల పృ పం: శశాయని తపుష్టబాగమా 132 తం షాబంతలంతయనింబ ప్పలో పూత
132 అటు విజువలన వాహచగా మాతృ తలంతా 134
134 అందరగారు పోహారపు బయోమవంతం చేస్తే ఆవు
తమలబారముడివపురం మంజూరు 136 Mail మందిరాగాతకులు
136 నానా తం: ఉరివాజులను రాననా అనులోముండుద్రింద దుంబరం@ంజలల
138 విజయం సాటి సభజ్యంతం 140 మరి పంపుతుంది
140 మగతనం 142
138
142
ల,
144
144
146
అంతకం చేసిన రాముక్యం * @ వలన అనంద నుద తాగుణం పుణ్నంచలనందాలను చిరపరాధమనుడ పనిలంబదిత డాన వ్యాపారులకు
బాలం దానములు సరిపోనా చంపడం అడిగాం.
దాహం తవసులను నివారించినా ఈ విందుకు తన తండ చలన చెట్లను నాత. ఆ వివస్వం 6.
ఆండను కానును అందుకు
146
148
148
Scale : One-Half

Page #49

2. Dorapalem Grant of 1455-56 A.D.
i.
అని సంహరిచడం 21 నవసాయ యంప్రాంతంలో
సంద్రాబలం,హరిచే సరసంనుండు 4 2) తిల కాదుయంవద్దున్నా భవనాన్ని ప్రసాదిలోపం బ వచ్చేసరిపడ మనయన్నా
స్సు 6 పడితం మరియు సంజాతుడు
మారదుడిని రాజసుల ఎంపతు | 81.రంలో జంటను జయ అనుప్పం
వాన మందపండిగా జనంటుతపులాంగాని ఈ తాను
.నినాము చూపనులు సాగు యిటనపరంతరంధ్రం నొ సన్యాస విదానం
ముంగవాంచతంబ జంభన మరికొంత అ
ని నవంధ్యనానుగన్నాను tana భవనంలో అనంతపురం నాబార్య షడినే. నా 14
AN
ఎలుబడుతుంది కందామనివపరమ
పాఠాలు బాపితిసుడులు చేస్తాయివర్గంగా సమంత
ముందువరం కుంభస్యత వారం సంతకము అ మరా వెనుబవిరసం మటత కావిలిం.
ని బురాముణం వెనుక అంది పాములు ముందుగా 2
010 సమం సమరంలోని వేముల స
హంగా వృద్వాశంభు 24
అండాను 26
Scale: One-Half

Page #50

No. 1) TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA
21 the East and West Godavari Districts. Of these, Bhimayaram, the headquarter of a Taluk of that name in the West Godavari District, is the most important and may have been the place intended by the writer of the document. As already indicated above, the Kauntēya-gangā is no other than the river Gödāvari or one of its mouths. I am not sure about the location of the village of Dõrapälem. There is no such name in the list of villages in the East or West Godavari District, although thero is one called Dörachintalapálem in the Chodavaram Division of the West Godavari District.
TEXT
[Metres: verse 1 Vasantatilaka ; Verse 2 Upajāti; Verses 3-4, 9-10 Giti ; verses 5-6 Mālabhāriņi; verses 7-8 Anushțubh ; verse 11 Sārdūlavikridita ; verse 12 Arya ; verse 13 Salini.]
First Side
1 Tasy=ānujaḥ Parasurama iti prasidhdhõ(ddho) nämnă padēna Harichanda2 na dva sākshāt | yaṁ prāpya yāti vibudhāḥ paripūrạna-kāmāḥ 3 samprartthit-ardha(etha)-pa(pha)ladam harid-anta-k[Yrttim(rttim) [ 1* Tasy-ánujo
Rāma iti 4 pratito Rāma-traram yad=guna-vaibhavai[h*) svaiḥ | gunaiḥ pratāpais=cha ya5 sõbhir-uchchai[h*] smțitēņı kațāksham nayatē janānām(nām) | [2] Abhavad=amalo
gun-au6 ghair=uditaḥ ki(ki)rtyā cha Parasurama-vibhāḥ | Uday-achalād=iv=ēndus-su7 dhayā Raghudēva-rāja-kula-tilakaḥ 1[13*]* Putrikçito mahimnā Kapila8 svara-dartirāja-simhēna dig-vijay-arjita-yalasă Raghudēva-narē9 ṁdra-pătra-simhô=yam(yam) [] 4*)' Raghudēva-narēndra-rāja-simhē vipulām sāsa10 ti Kārtavirya-kalpē girayaḥ paripaṁdhi(thi)nām=abhūvann=uta sarv-āssa(psa)rasām
ku11 chỗ niva[B]8h || 5*] Raghadễva-narẽndra-bhutalẽndrõ rang-Bannha-vidhãyi12 ni pra[kā]mam(mam) | Saranam cha raņē tadhā(thā) bhajamtē charaņē vă maranam ripu
pra13 vi(vi)rāḥ ICI 6*° Asti Kausika-vambyānām=agranih(pīḥ) kula-sēkharaḥ | khyāto Bhi
(Bhimavara-stā(sthā)14 na Sūri-bhattu(tta)s=sudhisvaraḥ [ 7*] Tat-putraḥ Simgana(n-a)chāryā vēda-vēd-artthalo.
pā
1 From impressions. * This is verse 17 of the Raghudēvapura grant with slight change in the last foot. • Better read yo gunao.
Read ampitaib or srutai). . This stanza introducing a new name in the Gajapati genealogy is not found in the Raghudovapura grant.
. This is verse 18 of the Raghudôvapura grant, although there is some difference in the wording of the second half of the stanza.
* This is verse 20 of the Raghudēvapura grant with some diffierenoe in the wording of the last foot . This is verse 23 of the Raghudēvapurs grant. . This is verse 24 of the Raghudēvapurs grant with slight difference in the first foot. 10 Better road vddanga, although the reading id-artha on aluo bo supported.

Page #51

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII Second Side 15 ragah | sva-dharma-nirataḥ samtaḥ smriti-sõstra-purāņa-vit Ill 8*] Tasy=āpi 16 sūnur-abhavat-Tirumalu-bhattas-sudhi[h*) sruti-smritishu Kausika-vam17 sa-vatamső Vyäsa-vachas-saraņi-jāṁghika-śrēshthaḥ 1 [l 9*] Paurānikāya 18 ch=āsmai Tirumalu-bhattāya dharma-bästra-vidē | Dorapale-samjiam=uchita19 grāmam vyataram(ran) narēmdra-bhūnāthaḥ [l 10*] sak-abdē rasa-saila-rāma-sasi-go 20 varshö Yuv-akhyö subhai(bhē) vi(vi)ra-bri-Raghudēva-bhupa-tilaka[b] [sri]. 21 (mā]n=narēmdro vibhuḥ | grāmaí ári-Dorapāle-nāmakam-ada22 t-Kaumtöya-gangã-tatë viprāya prathitāya Timmaya-sudhi-sa23 thjñkya Soma-graho Il 11*Sri-Raghudēva-narēndras-Tirumala-vidushë vi24 tirya Dorapälom | iti nāthatē mabātmā bhāvi-nfipān pa(pra)rakshya25 tāṁ dharmaḥ Ill 12*] Sämänyõ=yaṁ dharma-sētur=npipāņām kālē kālē pā26 laniyo bhavadbhiḥ | ittan(ttham) sarvān bhävinaḥ pārtthiv-ēmdrān bhūyol
* The rest of the stanna, viz., bhüyo yachate Rāmabhadrah || [13*), must have been engraved on the roxt plate.

Page #52

No. 2-TIPPASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF KAMPA-VIKRAMAVARMAN, YEAR 17
(1 Plate) J. SUNDARAM, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 9.1.1958)
The inscription1 edited below is engraved on a stone set up on the bund of the lake at Tippasamudram in the Vellore Taluk of the North Arcot District. The language of the record is Tamil and the characters used are Tamil and Grantha. The use of the archaic form of " in Vilupperaraiyan in line 13 is interesting.
This inscription is dated in the 17th regnal year of Kō-višai(ja)ya-Kampavikramavarman. Its object is to commemorate the digging of a channel called Vilupperaraiyan from the river to the lake at Valivalakkamangalam by Prithiyangaraiyar (Prithivigangaraiyar), the chief of the (nāḍu i-nnād-uḍaiya), and his wife Ilaḍapperundēviyar for the merit of Ayyakkutți-adigal who may have been their daughter.
The chief interest of this inscription lies in the mention herein of a Prithiyangaraiyar in the 17th regnal year of Kampavarman, apparently as a Pangala-nadu chief, since he is described as the chief of this naḍu', i.e. Pangala-naḍu in which the findspot of the record is situated. The identity of Prithiyangaraiyar can be established with reasonable certainty. An inscription from Sōlavaram, dated in the 8th regnal year of Kampavarman, mentions one Räjädittan Mahadevan who is stated to have built a tomb (atiytagaram or palli-ppadai) and a Siva temple at the place where his father Prithivigangaraiyar was buried. The name of this person implies that the son was called Mahādēva and his father Räjädittan. Probably Prithivigangaraiyar was Rajadittan's surname. The chief in our inscription also calls himself Prithiyangaraiyar and the interval between the Sōlavaram inscription and the present record is very short. These facts appear to suggest that Mahādēva, who should have succeeded his father in the chiefship in the ordinary course, also assumed the title Prithiyangaraiyar. This assumption is supported by the occurrence of the same or a similar title along with the names of the later chiefs of this family."
If the identification of the chief of the present record with Mahādēva and the supposition that the members of this family assumed the title Prithiyangaraiyar are correct, then we can say that some of the Prithivigangaraiyars occurring in inscriptions of about this period and region may have belonged to this family of chiefs who ruled over Pangala-nāḍu.5
The above identification again helps us to fix the period to which this Prithiyangaraiyar and bis overlord Kampavarman belonged. An inscription dated in the 26th regnal year of Rajakesarivarman, who on account of the high regnal year and the palaeography of the record has been identified with Chōla Aditya I, refers to one Mahadeva as the father of Gangama[r*]ttāṇḍar alias Sembiyan Prithivigangaraiyar. Again we hear of other sons of possibly the same Mahādēva in
1 A. R. Ep., 1939-40, No. 174.
* Above, Vol. VII, p. 193.
The son's name was taken to be Rājāditya while Mahadeva in Räjädittan Mahadevan was interpreted to mean 'the great king '(op. cit.). But we have many other instances of a son prefixing his father's name to his own, e.g., Nandi Kamplevara (ibil., p. 196), Ariñjiya-Pirantakadevar (A.R. Ep., 1920, No. 572), etc. The Sanskrit portion of the first of these inscriptions seems to support this view.
See A. R. Ep., 1939-40, No. 139; 1930-31, No. 177; SII, Vol. XIII, No. 319. It is not certain if Selvavanarayan, son of Amanigangaraiyar, figuring in an inscription dated in the 2nd year of Nandippottaraiyar (Nandivarman III) was an earlier member of the family (SII, Vol. XII, No. 45).
Above. Vol. IV, pp. 180 ff.; of. Vol. XXIII, pp. 145-46. SII, Vol. XIII, No. 319.
(23)

Page #53

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII the reign of Parakësarivarman. One Kāmadigal, son of Mädēvar of Pangala-nadu, is mentioned in an inscription of this king's 8th year. Another of the same person's sons named Prithivigangaraiyar, figures in an inscription dated in the [11]th regnal year of that king. Probably he is identical with Alivin Kallarasi alias Sembiyan Bhuvanigangaraiyar figuring in another inscription of Parakësarivarman. If it can be assumed that Mahādēva, son of Rājāditya of the Solavaram record, whom we have identified with the Prithiyangaraiyar of the present inscription, and Mahadēva, mentioned as the father of the Pangala-nādu chiefs in the inscriptions of Aditya I and Parakēsarivarman, are identical, it will follow that Mahādēva was at least a senior contemporary of Aditya I. The acceptance of the suzerainty of Aditya I by these chiefs goes to show that the Choļa king succeeded in consolidating his position in this part of the former Pallava dominion.
The channel which was dug for the merit of Ayyakkutti-adiga! was named Vilupperaraiyan. This leads us to suppose that the title Vilupperaraiyan was connected with the name of Ayyakkutti-adiga!. Two inscriptions dated in the 19th and 26th regnal years of Rājakësarivarman (Aditya I) mention one Viluppēraraiyar Ayyakkutti-adiga! and her mother Pugalttunai-adiyār. The former may be identified with the person of that name mentioned in our record. It is likely that Pugaltturai-adiyar (or adiga!) was the real name of Ilūdapperundēvi.
The above discussion would suggest that Kampavarman, who was the overlord of Mahādēva, was a predecessor of Aditya I in this territory or at least their reigns were not far removed from each other in point of time."
llādapperundēvi, the title of the wifo of Prithiyangaraiyar, could have been only a surname indicating that she was the daughter of a Lāța chief. These chiefs, who called themselves variously as Lädarāyar or Lädapperaraiyar, and sometimes also as Virāțarāja, find mention in a number of inscriptions of the time of the early Chöļas. Many inscriptions refer to their matrimonial connections with the families of local chieftains and, in one instance, Chöļa Räjāditya, son of Parāntaka I, is said to have had a wife who was the daughter of Ilādarāyar. They seem to have held sway over some parts of the Chittoor District and portions of the North and South Arcot Districts.
Two inscriptionglo of the reign of Parthivēndradhipativarman mention & member of this family named Ayaiyamman alias Paramandaladittan. They state that tho family of the Lāta chiefs belonged
1 This king may be identified with Parantaka I owing to the proximity of his reign with that of Rajakesari varman (Aditya I) mentioned above. The palaeography of the record seems to support this.
*4.R. Bp., 1939-40, No. 283. • Ibid., 1928, No. 139. Parakesarivarman of both the records must be identical.
. Ibid., 1930-31, No. 177. The date portion of the inscription is damaged. Only the figure 1 as the second digit is discernible.
. The chiefs of Pangala-nadu were used to the transference of their allegiance to new masters. They submitted to the Rashtrakūtas during the occupation of this part of the Chola territory by Kannaradeva (abovo, Vol. VII, pp. 195-96).
• 811, Vol. XIII, Nos. 285 and 317.
Cf. South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. III, Part I, lxxxvi-lxxxix. The arguments for Assigning Kampavarman's rule to about the middle of the 10th century are not convincing. In the Madras Museum plates of Uttama-chola (SI1, Vol. III, No. 128), the record of the previous transactions is confusing and it is difficult to take them in chronological order and deduce that Kampavarman flourished later than Parantaka I. It is also not safe to identify Atvisvarmma) of the Solapuram record, who is merely mentioned as born in the line of Madhava (above, Vol. VII, p. 193), with Hastimalla, the son of Vayiri-Adiyan and feudatory of Kannaradeva (ibid., 195-96). As regards Niranjanaguru mentioned in an inscription of the 19th year of Kampavarman (811, Vol. XII, No. 105), Venkatasubba Aiyar's views appear to be reasonable (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 145, note).
3 Above, Vol. VII, p. 141; A. R. Ep., 1935-36, No. 63 ; ibid., 1912, No. 168, etc.
Above, Vol. VII, p. 134. 10 4. R. Bp., 1906, Nos. 267 and 324. While in the former the chief is called Viratarāja in the Sanskrit portion and la dariyar in the Tamil portion, in the latter he is simply called Virataraja. Their identity is discussed in A. R. Bp., 1907, para, 65 ; see also Proc, IHC, 7th session, Madras, Pp. 203 ff. ; above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 267 ff.

Page #54

No. 2)
25
TIPPASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF KAMPA-VIKRAMAVARMAN,
YEAR 17
to the solar race, in which Gunaratnasindhu of the family of Sagara-Virāța was born. His son Was Anigopa, grandson Kampadigal, great-grandson Tattālar and great-great-grandson Anaiyamman. We get a Saka date, viz. [88]9, for this last chief in an inscription from Pungapūr. With the help of the date in this inscription, we can assign Apigöpa and Kampadigal, the great-grandfather and grandfather of Anaiyamman, to the period of the inscription under study. An undated record attributable to the 9th century, mentions one Aņigāvan Orriyūr-pirāțţi, daughter of Vilāqarāyar and wife of Vayiramēga Vāņakovaraiyar. The first name Aņigāvan and her being the daughter of a Vilādarāyar seem to indicate that she was the daughter of Anigopa. Probably Ilãdapperundēvi of our record was a daughter of one of these two chiefs.
Pangala-nādu seems to have included portions of the present taluks of Polur and Velur in the North Arcot District. The village of Tippasamudram appears to have been originally called Valivalakkamangalam. An inscription belonging to the Vijayanagara period refers to the place as Valiviļattimangalam alias Tippasamudram. It is fairly certain that the name Valiviļattimangalam itself is a corruption of Valivalakkamangalam. The modern name of Tippasamudram might have been derived from the lake referred to in the inscription.
TEXT
First Side
1 Svasti sri [ll*] Ko-visaiya-Ka2 mpavikkiramaparumarku ya3 ndu padiş-alāvadu 4 i-nnādudaiya Prithiya. 5 ngaraiyarum ivar-de6 viyār Ilādapperundē7 viyarum tangal maga[!] 8 Ayyakkuțţi-adigaļukku
Second Side
9 i-vviruvarum seyda 10 dha[r]mmam Valivalakkamanga
1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 267 ff. • The name Kampadigal may suggest that the chief had some connections with Kampavarman. • A. R. Bp., 1934-35, No. 233 ; see plate facing page 76.
• It is possible that this Vayiramēga Vapakðvaraiyar was identical with th, homonymous person mentioned as the son of Perunangai alias Sami Akkan figuring in two inscriptions dated in the 4th regoal year of Aparajita (XII, Vol. XII, Nos. 87 and 88).
4. R. Bp., 1939-40, No. 173. . From impressions.

Page #55

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VoL. XXXII
11 lattu ērikku=kkaņda a13 Iruk-kāl [l*) i-kkāl Vilu13 ppērararaiya[n]" i.dha. 14 [r]mmam [l*) idu irakshippāne16 [-a]di op-madi-mêl (11*]
1 Read pdraraiyan. * This letter is superfluous.

Page #56

2
TIPPASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF KAMPA-VIKRAMAVARMAN, YEAR 17
First Side
புலிவலம் முட்புதர்பா 3மதன் எப2 ShQ>220 வாள்ககயக பயாகவ ே மருத்தலுன
stem
Scale: One-Fourth
2
6

Page #57

Second Side
10

Page #58

No. 3-DONGALASANI INSCRIPTION OF VANKEYA-CHOLA, YEAR 41
(1 Plate)
K. H. V. Sarma, Ootacamund
(Received on 6.2.1958)
The subjoined inscription, edited with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, was copied in the year 1939-40 from Dongalasäni, a hamlet of Kuruguntapalle in the Siddhavatam Taluk of the Cuddapah District. It is engraved on two faces of a large slab measuring about 3.25 feet in height and 1.25 feet in width and lying in front of the Añjaneya temple in the village. There are altogether thirty-five lines of writing.
The record is engraved in Telugu-Kannada characters of about the 9th century and its palaeography very closely resembles that of other records of the period and area in question. The letters bh and dh still retain their archaic forms while b cccurs both in its archaic form (cf. varambu in line 12) and its more developed open form (cf. samvatsarambul in lines 8 and 9). The cursive form of the letter y can be seen in the words yokonți (lines 9 and 10) and yella (line 18). The initial vowels a, i and u are used in the inscription. The use of the sign of anusvāra above a letter and the archaic forms of r and I as found in early Telugu records is noteworthy.
"
The inscription is in Telugu prose and verse with an imprecatory verse in Sanskrit at the end. The rules of sandhi are observed and the consonants associated with r are doubled. The number forty-one is indicated by nalvädy-adi-yokonți, literally one preceded by forty' The word pempuna (lines 10-11) is used in the sense of atisaya and garusu (line 14) in the sense of boundary'. The expression alisina-vändu (lines 27-28) is similar to that of Tamil alitt-avan and Kannada alisid-aran, for all of which the common root is ali, to destroy'. The royal epithets Temkanaditya, Pusi-illad-ätman and Komarara -Bhima appear to be of Kannada origin.
The inscription is dated in the fortyfirst regnal year of the king, Chiṭṭa (Chaitra) su. 10, Sunday (lines 9-12). But in the absence of the corresponding Saka or cyclic year, it is difficult to fix the exact period of the record. The Madras Museum plates of Balliya-choda, considered to be the earliest charter so far known of this branch, are assigned palaeographically to Saka 850-60 (928-38 A. D.). The later forms of the letters b, j, & and k and the anusvāra in the form of a circle placed almost to the side of a letter in the above charter bear close resemblance to the Madras Museum plate of the Vaidumba king Bhuvana-trinētra, dated in Saka 893. These palaeographical features are also noticed in other Vaidumba records from Upparapalli and Animala in the Cuddapah District, which are dated in Saka 894 and 898 respectively. On palaeographic grounds, the present inscription has to be assigned to a date in the proximity of that of the Madras Museum 'plates of Balliya-choḍa, i.e., c. Saka 850.
1A. R. Ep., 1939-40. App. B, No. 13. Cf. M. Venkataramayya in Trilinga-rajalõtsava-samputamu.
Above, Vol. XI, p. 347; Vol. XXVII, pp. 221 8.
A. R. Ep., 1935-36. App. A, No. 6.
JAHRS, Vol. XXIII, p. 50 ff.
A. R. Ep., 1935-36, Part II, para. 8. Dr. P. Sreenivasachar assigns the record to 1106-07 A. D. and identifies Balliya-choda with Choda Balliya-chöda of Kopidena (JIH, Vol. XV, pp. 48-49). Neither the date nor the identification is acceptable.
Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 67 ff.
A. R. Ep., 1905 App. B, No. 325. Ibid., 1938. App. B, No. 198.
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Page #59

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
The object of the record is to register a gift of a piece of land to the goddess Kuruva-bhaṭṭārika by king Vankeya-chōla-mahārāja in his fortyfirst regnal year. The eulogy Charana-saroruha-vihita-vilochana, etc., with which the record commences, clearly indicates that the king belongedto the Telugu-Chōda lineage. This is the earliest of the known Telugu-Choda records with the Charaya-sarōruha eulogy and happens to be the only record mentioning Vankeya-chōlamahārāja.
21
Two inscriptions1 copied from Mannepalli in the Darsi Taluk of the Nellore District mention Venka-bhūpāla, son of Pottapi Nanne-choda, as the grandfather of Balli-choḍa-mahārāja. They are dated in Saka 1067 and 1088 respectively. On the basis of these dates for Balli-chōda, we can assign Venka-bhupala, the former's grandfather mentioned in the records, to a period not earlier than Saka 1000. As has been discussed above, the record in question is palaeographically earlier by at least two centuries than the approximate date of Venka-bhūpala of the Nellore epigraphs. Therefore Vankeya-chola of the Dongalasani inscription under study cannot be identified with king Venka-bhūpāla of the Mannepalle records."
Two more records from Boppuḍi and Konidena in the Narasaraopet Taluk of the Guntur District give the genealogy of the Telugu-Chōdas who ruled from Koņidena. We gather from these that Dasavarman, the son of Mahimana-chōda, conquered Paka-rashția and ruled over Rēnāņḍu from his capital at Pottapi (in Pullempet Taluk of the Cuddapah District). The Chodas of Konidena, Nellore and Pottapi, all claim Daéavarman as their ancestor; but so far none of his records has come to light and little is known about him. The record from Boppüḍi mentions king Venka as the son of Dasavarman. It is tempting to identify the chief Vankeya-chōla-maharaja of the record under review with Venka, the son of Dasavarman. But his relationship with the later menibers of the family is not clear.
Tenkanaditya occurs as one of the epithets of Vanke ya-chōla-mahārāja. Nanne-chōḍa, author of the Kumarasambhavamu (Telugu), also claims this title. He is assigned by scholars to about the end of the 11th century. The poet-king must have derived this epithet from his ancestor of the record under study.
The early Chodas of Renaṇḍu, whose territory appears to have extended over almost the whole of the Cuddapah and Kurnool Districts and parts of the Chittoor District, seem to have ruled undisturbed for more than two centuries from about the last quarter of the 6th century. Afterwards their territory was subjected to the incursions of the Banas and the Vaidumbas. By about the 9th century they appear to have been pushed northwards by the latter and later still we find records of a branch of this family as far east and north as Nellore and Guntur.
NDI, Part I, Darsi Nos. 48 and 49: Srimat-Pollapi-Nannechoda-tanayaḥ śri-Venka-bhüpalakas-tat-putro-ripad-achal-paha-pavih Kama-kshiti-nayakah [*] sünuh Surya-kul-anvay-ambudhi-sasi ri-Balli-bhūpālakö Gauri-natha-pad-abja-nandita-gunaḥ saujanya-rain-akarah [*].
A. R. Ep., 1939-40 to 1942-43, Part II, para. 65.
SII, Vol. VI, Nos. 651 and 628.
Ibid., No. 651: Tesham trayanam Dasvarmma-dhatri-patih sva-bauryyad-atha Paka-rashtram [*] äkra. mya tira-pravaro raraksha kshamamzimam Pottapi-rajadhānyam [*].
The published text (SII, Vol. VI, No. 651, text lines 33-34) gives the name as [Pam]ka; but a re-examina. tion of the impressions shows that the correct reading is Vemka.
Canto I, verse 54: boluchun-Orayurik-adhipatin-alaghu-parakramuda-Deṁkanädityumdan.
*JAHRS, Vol. XXIII, p. 52 ff.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 186 ff. A. R. Ep., 1935-36, Part II, para, 8.

Page #60

No. 3]
DONGALASANI INSCRIPTION OF VANKEYA-CHOLA, YEAR 41
TEXT1
Front Side
1 [8vajati (Chars[pa-sarru
2 [ha]-viha(hi)ta-vi[lochana-Tri
3 lochana-pramukāki(kh-khi)la-[pri
4 thivisvara-karita-Kāvē[ri-ti]
5 ra-Karikala-kula-ratna-pradi(di)p-a
6 hit-kus()-la-Vashkoya-chōja
7 mahārājula paṭṭa[mbu] gattina
8 pravardda(rddha)mäna-vijaya-rājya-[sah]
9 vatsara[m]bul-nalvädy-adi-yoko
10 piyagunëpți [Chiṭṭa]-[su]di perh
11 pana Dasa(sa)miyu [A]ditya
13 va(vä)ra[thbu]nāṇḍu Kugava
13 bhaṭāriki rendu rē[vu]lu
14 pola[m] garusuganu
15 paḍumatam gonda[yu] ga
16 rusuganu uttara[m]buna.
17 ku guruva damka lōpali [nē]
18 la yella sarvva-parihara[vu] iehehe [*].
19 Sri-Vamkeya-chōla-maha
20 rāju [Tem]kan-adityundu Komara
21 ra-Bhimundu pusi-illad-atma
22 n-i dharmmuv-a-chandr-arkka-tārakambu is
23
24 idda
25 vänḍu [Baranasi].
1 From impressions.
The last four lines seem to be in verse.
Back Side
29

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(VOL. XXXIII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 26 navändu Sripa[1]bba (rvva)tambuna27 (ží ga]la limgambulan=aļi[si]23 (na) vāņdu (rēvura mu]. 29 ...... galaļu i-sta(sthā). 30 [na ribu]galavāru I[sā - 31 nasivulu || Bahubhir=vvasu32 dā(dha) dattā bahubhis-ch=ānupā33 litā[ ] *) a(ya)sya a(ya)sya 34 a(ya)dā bhūmis-tasya ta35 sya tadā phalam(lam): [*]
1 Thero is a floral design to indicate the end of the writing.

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DONGALASANI INSCRIPTION OF VANKEYA-CHOLA, YEAR 41
Front Side
90
13)
12
Scale: One-Fourth

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24
26
28
30
32
34
Back Side
gues
ned J2/01
0
24
26
28
30
32
34

Page #64

No. TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA
(2 Plates) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 11.9.1957) Both the inscriptions edited below are inscribed on stone slabs which are at present preserved in the Gwalior Museum. The first of them was found at Baraudl and the second at Narwargarh, both in the Shivapuri District of the former Gwalior State. The first record was noticed by M. B. Garde in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of the Gwalior State, V. S. 1979, No. 26, and the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1922-23, p. 187. The notices of the record in D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions in Northern India, No. 597, and H. N. Dvivedi's Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh, No. 132, are based on Garde's note. The second epigraph was noticed by Garde in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of the Gwalior State, V. S. 1971, No. 9. and in Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, p. 242. His views were similarly quoted by Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 603, and Dvivedi, op. cit., No. 141. Unfortunately the published notices of both the inscriptions are based on incompleto and inaccurate transcripts. Some of the important details are omitted in the notices which contain several errors of omission and commission. They are edited here with the help of impressions prepared under my supervision about the end of 1952 when I visited Gwalior with a view to attending the Fifteenth Session of the Indian History Congress and examining the inscriptions preserved in the Gwalior Museum. Both the inscriptions, which were registered as Nos. 141 and 139 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1952-53, Appendix B, belong to the reign of the Yajvapāla or Jajapēlla king Gopala (known dates between 1279 and 1289 A. D.) of Nalapura. They contain each a prasasti recording the excavation of a väpi. The eulogies were composed by the poet Sivanābhaka belonging to a Mathura Kayasthe family hailing from Gwalior.
1. Baraudi Inscription of V. S. 1336 There are 29 lines of writing, which cover an area about 22 inches in length and about 184 inches in height. The preservation of the writing is not quite satisfactory as a number of letters are damaged here and there. The characters belong to the Dēvanagari alphabet of about the thirteenth century and closely resemble other contemporary inscriptions discovered in the area in question. The letter b has been indicated by the sign for v. The orthography of the inscription is also similar to that of other records of the age and area. Reduplication of a consonant after
is noticed only in a few cases. Anusvāra has been used for class nasals excepting some cases while it has taken the place of final mat the end of the first and second halves of stanzas in all cases. The language is Sanskrit and the whole composition, excepting a few passages at the beginning and end, is in verse. It is & prasasti composed in 30 stanzas. The verses are numbered, although there is a mistake in the numbering. The twentyfourth stanza is wrongly numbered as the twentythird and the mistake is continued in numbering the following vorge8. The date of the record is quoted in the last line 88 V.S. 1336, MärgabIrsha-vadi 6, Friday. It regularly corresponds to the 27th October 1279 A.D. The month was Purnimānta.
The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham followed by the passage Ori namah Sivāya. Then follow the 30 stanzas of the prasasti. The first two of them (Vorbes 1-2) contain adoration to
18oo abovo, Vol. XXX, pp. 145 8. and Plate ; Vol. XXXI, pp. 323 ff. and Plates; Vol. XXXII, PP. 367 f. and Plates.
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32
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII the god Sambhu (Siva) and to both Girida (Siva) and his consort Sailasutā (Pārvati). Verse 3 introduces the city of Nalapura (modern Narwar) which was the capital of the Yajvapāla kings, while verse 4 speaks of king Chahada of the Yajvapāla family. Verse 5 mentions king Nfivarman, Bon of Chāhada. He is described as a devotee of Daityāräti, probably meaning here the god Siva. Verse 6 mentions Asalladēva, son of Nțivarman, as well as his queen Lāvanyadēvi, while the next stanza (verse 7) continues Asalla's description. Verses 8-9 describe the reigning monarch Gopāla who was the son of Asalladēva apparently from the queen Lāvanyadēvi.
Verse 10 introduces a Kshatriya family, to which the hero of the prasasti belonged, as rosembling a family of Brāhmaṇas and the next stanza (verse 11) gives its name as Gaudahara and states that it belonged to the Vatsa gotra. It is possible that Gaudahara is the same as what is now called the Gaur-Rajput. Verse 12 says that the family of the Gaudahara Kshatriyas worshipped three forms of the Mother-goddess, viz. Chāmundā, the nine-formed (nava-vidhā) Dēvi and Gaudaharā. The Nava-vidhā Dēvi is no doubt the same as Nava-Durgā or Durgā having nino forms, viz. Kumārikā, Trimūrti, Kalyani, Rõhiņi, Kāli, Chandikā, Sāmbhavi, Durgā and Bhadrā. Of the three goddesses, Gaudaharā was apparently the family deity of the Gaudaharas.
Verse 13 says that Tribhuvanagiri was the capital of the stragēna king and that there lived one Dāmādara. It appears that Dāmõdara was a Gaudahara Kshatriya and that the original home of the family in quastion was Tribhuvanagiri, capital of the Sürasēnas.) The ancient capital of the Sürasēna country was Mathurā; but our inscription appears to speak of a place where a Sürasēna family was ruling at the time when Damodara flourished. The reference may be to a dynasty like the Sūrasēna royal family known from the Kama (Bharatpur District, Rajasthan) inscription of about the eight century A.D. The name Tribhuvanagiri suggests that it was a hill-fort named after a king called Tribhuvana. But it is difficult to indentify it without further evidence.
Verse 14 speaks of Damodara's son Någadēva, who seems to have been the minister of an unnamed king, and the next stanza (verse 15) of the latter's three sons, viz. Pīthana, Jalhaņa and Mälädhara, while verse 16 describes Jalhana who was the second of the three brothers. This importance accorded to Jalhana is due to the fact that he was the most famous amongst the brothers. Verse 16 tells us that Jalhana was reliable and commanded the confidence of the people and that, having learnt this fact, the Hammira himself appointed him as one of his officers at Göpasaila (i.e. Gwalior). The word hammira, derived from Arabic 'amir, was generally used in early medieval India to indicate a Turkish Musalman king, although it gradually came to be adopted sometimes by the Indians as a personal name. The stanza seems to refer to the conquest of Gwalior by Sultan Iltutmish of Delhi (1210-36 A.D.) about the beginning of 1233 A.D. It appears that, after the conquest of Gwalior, the Sulţān appointed Jalhana in order to create confidence in the minds of the recently subdued Hindus of the area. It was no doubt a wise step. But it is interesting to note that, even if Jalhana was an officer at Gwalior under the Muslims, many members of his family appear to have migrated to the Yajvapāla kingdom and settled there.
Verse 17 again refers to Pīthana, elder brother of Jalhana, while the following stanza (verse 18) gives the name of his wife as Champa. Pithana is described as a devotee of the god Pasupati (Niva). Verse 19 mentions Dēvadhara, son of Pithana and Champā, and verse 20 says that he was the Adhikari-mukhya (i.. chief minister) of king Asalladēva. The known dates of the Yajvapāla
1 Whitworth, Anglo-Indian Dictionary, s.v. • Bhandarkar's List, No. 1849. See above, Vol. XXX, p. 147.

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No. 4]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA
king Asalla, father of Gopala, range between 1254 and 1279 A.D.1 Verse 21 refers to Devadhara's wife whose name is given as Nilă.
33
Verse 23 refers to the village of Vatapatra which is stated to have been formerly granted to the Brahmanas by a ruler named Naninga. The village is no doubt the same as modern Baraudi (Burhi Baraudi) where the record was discovered; but no ruler named Naninga is known from any record. He seems to have been a subordinate ruler of the district round Baraudi under the earlier Yajvapäla kings of Nalapura. Verse 24 speaks of the excavation of a vapi or step-well by Devadhara, apparently in the said village of Vaṭapatra. The next stanza (verse 25) continues the description of the vapi, while verse 26 contains a prayer to the effect that it might last for ever. Verse 27 speaks of the three sons apparently of the said Devadhara. They were Harirāja, Maharaja and Sivaraja.
Verse 28 mentions the poet who composed the prasasti. This stanza is found in several Yajvapāla records including the Narwar inscription of V.S. 1339 edited below. The poet was Sivanabhaka described as the son of Kosadhipa (treasurer) Lõhața and the grandson of Damodara of a Mathura Kayastha family hailing from Gopadri (Gwalior). The king whom Lõhața served as a treasurer is not mentioned. But it appears that the family migrated from Gwalior to the Yajvapāla kingdom on the fall of Gwalior in to the hands of the Muhammadans in the reign of Sultan Ilt'tmish of Delhi. Löhata was therefore an officer of the Hindu king either of Gwalior or of Narwar."
The person who was responsible for writing the record on the stone for facilitating the work of the engraver was another member of the Mathura Kayastha community. He was Vikrama, son of Bhingaka (verse 29). Verse 30 mentions the engraver. He was Sutrabhrit (Sutradhara) Bhimadeva. The same stanza also states that a Kshatriya named Somadeva was the superintendent of the whole work, probably meaning the excavation of the vapi.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Nalapura and Göpädri or Göpachala are well-known. The location of the village of Vaṭapatra where the vapi was excavated has been indicated above. We are not sure about the location of Tribhuvanagiri which may, however, have been a hill-fort in the Gwalior region.
TEXT
[Metres: verses 1, 8, 11, 18-19, 21 Upajati; verses 2, 14, 25, 27-28 Sardulavikridita; verses 3-4, 20, 22, 26 Vasantatilaka; verses 5-7, 10, 13, 15-16 Mandäkräntä; verses 9, 12, 23-24, 29-30 Anushṭubh; verse 17 Malini.]
1 Siddham Om nama[h] Sivaya || VI(BI)jāni kalyana-lat-aṁkurānāṁ dipas-trilōki-timir-avalināth(nām)|panyātmakānām-api pāvanāni jayanti Sambhob padayo
2 rajämsi || 1 Drashṭum manmatha-mamthar-ekshana-bhavās tās tā vila[sa] (sa)-kriyaḥ pātum ch-adhara-vimva (bimba)-janma-madhuram piyusham-atyadbhutam(tam | vakshaḥ
pitha-vimardda-kharvvita-ku[cha]m la
1 Cunningham read the latest date on the coins of Chahada and the earliest on those of his grandson Asalla as V.S. 1311-1254 A.D. while R.D. Banerji speaks of the former's coins of V.S. 1312 and 1316 and the latter's issues of V.S.. 1315 and suggests that, since their reigns overlapped, Asalla's father Nrivarman did not reign at all (Numismatic Supplement, No. XXXIII, pp. 80-83). The matter requires further examination.
No. 146 of A. R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B, seems to suggest that Löhata's master was Yajvapala Chañada of Nalapura. See below, pp. 68, 69 and note 9.
From impressions. This is No. 141 of A. R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B. I am indebted to Mr. P. B. Desai for some suggestions.
Expressed by symbol.

Page #67

EPHIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII 8 vdhum(bdhum) tad-ālingana käy-aikyőzpi Girisa-Saila[su]tayor=utkam manah påtu
vah ! 2 Saurājya-bhäsura-mano-hara-bhūti-pātram=āstē puram Nalapur-ākhyam=ananya4 charu | yatr=ădhvara-prachita-pävaka-dhūma-[bhū]mā tāpam ravēr=api para(Tā)sya rti
(ti)raschakāra | 3 Tasminn=abhūt=sahaja-baurya-nivāsa-bhūmiḥ sri(srī)-Chabadaḥ kshiti
patiḥ suksi5 t-adhivāsaḥ 1 dôr-damda-chamada-charito vilasan-nitāmta-tivra-pratāpa-sikhi-dagdha-vipa
kshya-kakshyah (kshah) !! 4 Tasmād=āsid=enavadhi-gunaḥ saucha-Gāmgēva(ya)-vfitto Daityārā-1
6 ti-pranati-ni[rata]h brf-Nfivarma mahitaḥ [I] Yêna chchhinnai ripu-nfipa-sirah-par
kajair-archchit-ěyam mürttiḥ Sambho rana-vasumati ta[n]vatā Saiva-vittim(ttim)
|| 5 Tat-putro=bhuch=chhikhi-mi7 ta-nțipa-skandhilah kshöņināthaḥ saury-odagro guna-gana-nidhiḥ srima[d-A]salladēva” |
Gauri Sambhör-iva Jaladhija Kābavasy=ēva sādhvi nirvyäj-aika-pranaya-va8 satir=yasya Lāvanyadēvi || 6 Yan-nistrin(striṁ)sam harita-manijaṁ marcham=āruhya
tigmair=vairi-s[t]riņām sva(sva)sita-pavanair=vijyamānā jaya-61īḥ antah-pathõnidhichalad-u
9 r-ūllola-samghatta-nir[ya]d-viṁdu-brēni-parischa]ya-milaj-jādya-duḥkham jahāti || 7 T'a
(sm]āt=Sudhāmáõr=iva Rauhiņāyaḥ Pinākapāņēr=iva Kārttikēyaḥ | nidhir=guņānāṁ cha
su-tējasăm cha 10 Gopāla-nāmā jayati kshitītaḥ || 8 Tasminn=avati bhūpālë dharām=uddā[ma-dhjāma
[nil] avisrāmta-makh-āhūta-Puruhūta-kpit-ālayam(yām) || 9 Yasy=otpatti[h*] Sarasija[bh]uvaḥ pāvanā.
11 bhyām bhujābhyām dēvaḥ sākshād=ajani bhagavān=ādimo ya[tra] Chandraḥ | ishtaiḥ
P[ū]r[t]tair=a[vati) ja[gatim) karmabhiḥ samtatam yaḥ kshātro vamśaḥ sa jayati mahi
dēva-sādharana-brth || 10 Tatr=ā12 pi Vats-ākhya-mun-Imdra-gotra-vibhūshanam Gaudahar-ānvavāyaḥ păth-ādi-kar[ma]
tritaya-pravi[na]h [6]rēyasvi[n]āṁ [k]irttiva(ma)tam dhuriņa) || 11 Chămumdā parama
baktir-Dāvi nava-vi13 dhā tathā [l*) punya Gaudahar-ākhyā cha tisrõ=mūr=yatra dēvata[h] || 12 Asti khyātas
Tri[bh]uvanagirir-vibruto rājadhani kirtti-brēni-dhavalita-disaḥ śurasē(sē)n-adhipasya [I*) punya-sri
14 kaḥ śuchitara-guņo yatra tad-vamsa-muktā-ratnam tanyan=rucham=&vikalām=āsa Dāmoda
r-akhyaḥ || 13 Aši(si)t-sad-guna-väridhir=nripa-tarőḥ kando yaśaḥ-k[au]mudi-chandrase
tasya su(su)taḥ patur=vyavahfitau sri15 Nägadēv-abhidhaḥ | mā[rgē] sajjana-sēvitē vicharatā visrāmta-vibrāņanair=yên=imür
bhuvi bh[ū]tayaḥ (su)-kpitinā nstā[h] parām=unnatim(tim) || 14 Trayo va(ba)bhūvu[8]= tanujās-[t]adiya dharm-arthaThore is an unnecessary danda at the end of the line.

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA PLATE !
1. Baraudi Inscription of V.S. 1336
५.नाशिवाट ती जातिकल्याणलताऊ राणांदीपनिलो कीतिनिरावली नपिगमकान मारननिनयनित पटक
लाकात ___2 गसिडर एमबरेलपतवासासाविला किया पाउलीव रविवजनम्मपुरमा बम पडतवरुपीठविमर्द ववितावलाव
दालिंगन काटौक्वेपिगि र शरीलगानसरु मनपारसी रावतारमनीपानमानेपुरमलारामना 443 रिक्तिपटमा तारेवेन्यतिको निमित माजशायनिवासममिसावाहादितिपात
अधिवासादडित उ सिविलसचिनाती तापविश्वविक्षकत्वातस्मादासी वायरी शीव गांगोवाहनोद पारा 6 परातिनिया शर्माम देश टोनदिनैपकिरनियमति रातो रंगवसमती हताशेवहाते पितत्पुदीन सिरिता तपशिलालोपिलायगोडियायामपनिषिः श्रीमामलदेव यौनीमारिदजलविलकिशवस्पैवसाधीनि यजिक परत तिर्यस्खलो वएप देवी सदानिहारिन पापिनमवमाउत्पतिवरित्रीणांवरिपवनैघि सानाजमी योनिषिवला
संघनिहार परिब टामिल हार जहाति माया गरिव मोरिसलवालमाणिनिवकार्तिकर निविलना चाउजतीन 10पालनामाजवतिकिलो तशिने तिनपालेभान या नियति प्रतिमा हतपुरकृतकतालगाटासो गहितासिन नामावता 10
योजना पाटेवसाछ निमगवानादि मोPAREtasaकरिश्तततया यो महातिमदीमामालीन 12वशारंगी विधागो उमाजवादापाठादि कविता प्रशिक्षाविदाई समाहित नवनि 12
तथापीठो हारहात सोमवारसमिसनमा सहकारिता वालदिन.शरसनासिक पाश्री विमेयरकारने दिवि रामाद १३ रनुमवासमार के दौरान कामदास सायककताका नामदेवानिध्यामा वितरित प्रतिनिधाानेनाम विनतम ताजा समजताच्या सन्मारामासान कामावनितानमग्रीपी जनत1 जीमायालायलाभदातावितितरोनीतिशामकीतील तखाना
पकनिमी समविकतागापो दिदिवासतारा हो विश्वविकासमा Amigagra सुपति तक पचास सजयीशितंकीसिमि1ि5 सायशासनालामुयमनविन या मारा साफ विदेह जापान रात्रय सत्याविया नेजतिरदारोबानोदेवप्रकवि मालादताशवजनावरण पचनाल विस सोनोनयेफार साधवाहितमतिविमल्हावारतदेवपरावकारिता कशतिर जसजसा भारतीला
Hिधतिमा का वासाचीपिकमिशानिरापराशर ययानदेयकमन्तेवारतावमापरलततोलान 143सांगवीकायम कम्मतिरनतासामधार गनिमाइजोकलारूपाय नये (पक्षितजार 399 नाठायास करधनPanारसम्ममा दी गई मालाराम शिवतारहिता का नवीन
प्र
कावसायमानुनिल वितरिम REWARRया रिजाईमक्षवमतिउवजानिकतावमलटामापी समायतदिन नविन ARसमपन्नवावय: RAदन ISMOOTHदयत : 5 बीउवाजकमरजक राजदयाय विरमानवजारचम हालपटलावदामोदनाम उमर लडकीहिरनमाविलासरयाममा नाराषदलाया अतिकोनिरुपम २ मा उकार सितालिशान
ARTAINET नीम तमन्नावहारिय: स वदे किमाMES
Scale : One-third

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35
No. 47 TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA 16 kama iva mürtti-bhājaḥ | bri-Pithano Jalhana kab=cha dhiman=Mālädharas-cha prathita
gunaish) svaih || 15 Saury-ambhõdhir=jagati chaturo niti-bāstrēsh[v]=adhiti sad-vya
pära-pragupita-matir-Ja17 Thanaḥ punya-kirttiḥ | Hammirāņa svayam=adhikrito Gópa-bailē viditvā sarvv-achāra
kshama-(pa)richayo vibva-visvāsa [dhā]ma(mā) | 16 Amita-guna-garishthab Pitha
n-akhyö varishthah Pasu($u)pati18 pada-bhaktah punya-charyāsu bA(sa)ktaḥ sa jayati sita-kirtti[r*]-lochan-anamdi-mürttih
paribrita-[pa]ra-[hi]saḥ kshatra-vamb-avatamsah(sah) || 17 Champ-abhidhā tasya su
dharma-patni va(ba)bhūva sămā[n]ya-bhțiśa-pravriddhash [*] 19 Vidēhaj-āpāya-niräsrayaḥ san=pati-[v]rata[s-tat-pri]yatām=iyāya || 18 Ten=ājani kshatriya
sē[kha]rē[na] tasyām $u(su)to Dēvadharaḥ ksitajñaḥ | anandit-ābēsha-jan-antarēņa
yathā ghan-antēna 20 divi prasādah || 19 Sarvv-õpakāra-nira[to] naya-pāra-dřisvă dharm-oday-ähista)-mati[h]
krita-vit-kripäluh Asalladöva-ntipa[t]ēr=adhikari-mukhyaḥ kasy=imtaram na harate
sa gupair=udāraiḥ || 20 Nil-&21 bhidhä tishţhati tasya käntä sädhvi-si(si)ro-ratnam=anamta-kirttiḥ | vimuchya patyus
charapa-dvayam ya na dēvam=a[n]yam khalu manyate=tra 21 Tēn-ävalokya pa[ta]1.
ämta-gat-oda-vindu-lõlam vayab-sha 22 vasu ch-ipagba[na]m va(cha) lõkē | dharmē krita matir=ananta-gune samasta-jam
t-üpakāra-para-[p]ūrtta-bha[v]ė=navadyē] || 22 Asti Nānimga-bhūpēna dvijābhyo daksha
(kshi)ņiksitah | Vatapatr-ābhidho grāmaḥ punya23 sampatti-bhājanam(nam) || 23 Adhvaga-śrama-nāśāya sukpit-õpachayāya cha karun
ambhodhinā tēna (vā]pi nirmăpită subhā || 23(24) San-maitriva su-samhitā su-kavit-ēv=
äti-prasann-õjva(jjva)lā sad-vādi-pra24 tibh=ēva bhamga-rahită kämt=ēva nētr-õtsavā punya-srir-i[va] bhüri-[sar]va-phaladā
jyotsn=ēva tāp-āpaha yasyäs-tumga-bilā-vibhamga-ghatitā ramy-adri-vam(bam)dha
sthitih || 24(25) Yävad=vi(bi)bhartti Giriso Gi25 rij-ardham-amgam yavat-punāti bhuvanāni cha Jahnukanya | tāvatpayõbhir-amalaita
iyam-astu vāpi samtarpanāya bhavinām bhuvi bhinna tāpā || 25(26) Dhanyāḥ pāvanakirttayaḥ suksitino niņši(si)ma-tat-tad-gu
26 pa-brēnibhir=gunināṁ haranti hřidaya[m] tasya trayaḥ sūnavaḥ | adyah bri-Hariräjakas
tad-anu cha Srimān=Mahārājakastad-bhakta[h] Sivarāja ity=adhiguņā visvanbhara
bhūshanam(nam) || 26(27) Gop-[7]. 27 drau Lipikpit-kulē samabhavad-Dāmõdaro Māthuraḥ sūnus-tasya visu(su)ddha-kirttir
anaghah kos-adhipo Löhatah putras-tasya manishi-mänasa-mudäm vistära-kētum
vyadhäd=ēnām sri-Si1 There is a cancelled visaraga sign after thin lotter. * There is a cancelled s-matra with this letter.
The letters ahthat were incised and cancelled by the engraver after this.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vox. XXXIII 38 [valnäbhako nirupamair=vfittaiḥ prasastim bubhāṁ(bhām) || 27(8) Mathur-anvaya
Kayastha-Bhimgakasy-ärgasambhavaḥ lilēkha Vikramo dhimān=satām-agrēBaron
Daghah || 28(29) Utkirnpavān=j29 math Bhimadēvah sūtra bhritām varaḥ kshatriyaḥ Somadēvôbhūd=adhyakshaḥ sarva
karmmani || 29(30) Saxhvat 1336 Märggairaha-vadi 6 Sukra-dino ||'|| Srl bri srl srl
2. Narwar Inscription of V.8. 1339 The inscribed space on the squarish stone slab measures about 224 inches in length and 22 inches in height. There are in all 27 lines of writing in the inscription. The preservation of the epigraph is not quite satisfactory. A number of letters are damaged especially in the central part of the record. The characters belong to the Dēvanagari alphabet of about the thirteenth century and closely resemble those of the Baraudi inscription edited above. In several cases, the distinction between the forms of ch and v is not clear. The sign for avagraha is once used in line 14 in order to avoid the possibility of the personal name Ajayadēva being read as Jayadēva. As regards orthography also, the inscription resembles the Baraudi record. We have the use of anusvāra in the place of class nasals and of final m at the end of the halves of stanzas. Reduplication of a consonant after r is noticed only in the cases of t, d, and dh. There are some cases of the wrong use of : for $ and vice versa. The language is Sanskrit and, with the exception of a few passages at the beginning and end, the whole epigraph is written in verse. It is a prasasti composed in 27 stanzas in various metres. The verses are numbered consecutively. The date, quoted in the last line, is V. S. 1339, Pausha-vadi 10, Thursday. It regularly corresponds to the 26th November 1282 A. D. The month was Pürnirmānta.
The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham and the word siddhih, which are followed by the 27 stanzas of the eulogy. The first two stanzas (verses 1-2) contain adoration to the gods Siva or Sadāsive and Achyuta (Vishnu). Verse 3 introduces a hill or hill-fort called Ratnagiri, while verses 4-8 state that the goddess Mahārunda created there a hero named Jayapala who became the progenitor of a family named after him, although it was pronounced as Jajapella by the common people. Jayapāla was no doubt the mythical progenitor of the Jajapēlla (often Sanskritised as Yajvapāla) dynasty of Narwar. But the interesting fact supplied by this description is that the original home of the Jajapēllas was at Ratnagiri and that their family deity was Mahāruņdā, no doubt a form of the Mother-goddess worshipped originally at Ratnagiri and later possibly also at Nalagiri or Nalapura (Narwar) which the Jajapëllas afterwards made their capital. Ratnagiri mentioned in this connection cannot be satisfactorily identified. But it may be the same as the modern town of Ratangarh Khiri (lat. 24° 49', long. 75° 13') in the former Gwalior State, situated on the route from Nimach to Bundi, 36 miles north-east of the former and 73 miles south-west of the latter.
Verse 6 introduces king Chahada born in the Jajapēlla dynasty. He is stated to have captured from his enemies a number of forts including Nalagiri (i.e. Nalapura, modern Narwargarh). Chahada thus seems to have transferred the Jajapēlla capital to Narwar which he had conquered. The next stanza (verse 7) speaks of Chāhada's son Naravarman (called Nțivarman in verse 18 and in several other records including the Baraudi inscription edited above) and verse 8 of king Asalladēva, son of Naravarman. Verses 9-10 describe the reigning monarch Gopala who was the son of Asalladēva. An interesting information in Gopāla's description is that he defeated king Viravarman, lord of Jöjabhukti in a battle fought on the bank of the river Sikatā (Sikată-nimnaga-Kachchha-bhūmau). King Viravarman seems also to be compared with the epio hero
1 There is a heart-shaped design between the double dandas.

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37
No. 41
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA Lakshmana and described as 'the Chandra king of kings' (Chandra-kshitidhara-pati), the nam. Chandra here indicating the Chandella family claiming descent from the Moon-god and often called Chandr-ātröya. The passage in question may, however, also suggest that, along with Chandēlla Viravarman, Göpäla also defeated king Lakshmana of the Chandra hill (Chandragiri). But, in such a case, it is difficult to identify the ruler, although Chandragiri may be the same as Chanderi in the Guna District of the former Gwalior State.1
The word sikata is a synonym of balukā and the Sikatā river is no doubt the same as the Bālukā mentioned in the Bangla inscriptions, according to which the Chandella king Viravarman of Jējābhukti or Jöjähuti was defeated by Gõpāla's forces on the bank of the said river in V.8. 1338 (current) or 1337 (expired), Chaitra sudi 7, Friday, corresponding to the 28th March 1281 A.D.' The river has been identified with the small stream of Barua which flows within a few miles from the fort of Narwar, the capital of Göpäls. Since Chandēlla Viravarman actually beseiged the Jajapēlla capital, his repulse was no doubt a memorable event to the people of the Jajapēlla kingdom. The present inscription was incised within two years after the battle. It was therefore quite fresh in the people's memory. Moreover, as will be seen below, the hero of the ealogy under study himself took part in the said battle.
Verse 11 introduces the family to which the hero of the prasasti belonged. It is stated that one Anayasimha was born in a family of physicians and was famous for his exploits in many battles. He is further described as a devotee of the god Pasupati (Siva). The next two stanzas (verses 12-13) speak of his heroic son Vijayadēva who is credited with a victory over the armies of a king named Visvala in & battle fought at Hastināpura The name Visvala is a variant of Visala. It is not impossible that Visvala mentioned in our record is the Chāhamāna emperor of the same name, otherwise called Vigraharāja IV whose known dates range between 1153 and 1164 A.D. As Vijayadēva's grandson was the hero of the presnt record of 1282 A.D., he might well have been a later contemporary of the Chāhamana king. The only Hastinapura known to us is the old capital of the Kuru country, identified with a locality on the Ganges in the present Meerut District of U.P. This place was within the dominions of the Imperial Chāhamānas of Ajmer and Delhi. It is, however, difficult to determine the circumstances that led to the battle of Hastinapura, in which Vijayadēva claims to have fought against the forces of the Chāhmāna king. It has to be noticed that we do not know who Vijayadēva's master was. The problem is easily solved if he was an officer of a ruler like the contemporary Gāhadavāla monarch Vijayachandra (c. 1255-70 A.D.) who is reported to have come into conflict with the king of Delhi.
Verses 14-15 mention Vijayadēva's son Ajayadēva and verse 16 the latter's wife Saubhāgyadēvi. Ajayadēva is stated to have fought with the Mlēchchha army. The Mléchchhas referred to were no doubt the Turkish Muhammadans who are often referred to in the epigraphs of the contemporary Indian rulers. But under whom and what circumstances Ajayadēva fought with the Musalmans can scarcely be determined without further light on the subject. It should, however, be remembered that king Chahada, great-grandfather of Gõpāla, is known to have come into conflict with the Turks. According to Minhajuddin's Tabaqāt-i-Nāsirī, in 1234 A.D., Chāhar-i-Ajar (i.e. Chāhada) is stated to have come into conflict with Nugratuddin Tayasil, general of Sultan Iltutmish of Delhi, on the banks of the river Sindh (Kalisindh) and in 1251 A.D. again with Ghiyāsuddin Balban,
1 An inscription of V. S. 1361 from Budhora in the Shivapuri District is said to mention Kirtidurga (identified with the Chanderi fort) and Paramabhaffäraka Padmarāja (Dvivedi's List, No. 173). The king mentioned in the rocord is, however, Yajvapala Ganapati (cf. below, pp. 163 ff.).
Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 326 f. See Ray, DHNI, Vol. I. p. 635.

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28
EPIGRAPHIÀ INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII
general of Sultan Nasiruddin. But it has to be pointed out that, if the father was a contemporary of Chāhamāna Vigala or Vigra harāja IV (o. 1154-63 A.D.) and the son of Jajapēlla Chahada (o. 1234-54 A.D.), both of them must have enjoyed very long lives.
Verses 17 ff. describe Gängadēva, the son of Ajayadēva and Saubhāgyadevi and the hero of the oulogy under study. An interesting information about him is that he claims to have been & sachiva (minister) of the son of Nrivarman (i.e., of Gopāla), who defeated Viravarman in the battle on the Baikata river. It is diffloult to say whether the stanze uses the word jayanta in the sense of 'victorious' or as & secondary name of king Göpāla. Gāngadēva is stated to have himself taken part in the battle on the Saikata, apparently the same as the Sikatā or Bālukā mentioned above. The Bangla inscriptions mention Gõpāla's partisans who died in the said battle with Chandēlla Viravarman. Here we have one who escaped death in that sanguinary conflict to enjoy the fruits of victory. Verse 19 states that Gāngadēva repaired the dilapidated temples in the Padonalaksha vishaya (district or territory), with the administration of which he was possibly associated. This district of Pādūnalaksha, probably forming the whole or part of Jajapēlla Gopāla's kingdom, reminds us of the two Sapāda laksha countries, one of which extended up to the valley of the Siwalik' and the other lay in the present Karimnagar region of the former Hyderabad State. The expressions sa-pada-laksha and pād-ona-laksha literally mean respectively 'one lakh and a quarter', and 'one lakh minus a quarter'. The number in these geographical names refers to the traditional number of villages contained in the geographical units although it is generally exaggerated. Unfortunately the Pädonalaksha territory mentioned in our record cannot be identified with precision."
Verses 21-23 state that Gāngadēva exacavated a vāpi or stepwell while verse 24 mentions an upavana or pleasure garden, full of fruit trees and flowering plants, which was also created by him apparently around or in the vicinity of the vāpi. Verse 25 contains a prayer that the vāpi might last for ever.
Verses 26-27 mention the author of the pragasts and the person who wrote it on the stone for facilitating the work of the engraver. The poet responsible for the composition of the eulogy was Sivanäbhaka born in a Māthura Kāyastha family hailing from Gopadri Gwalior). He was the son of Kosādhipa (treasurer) Lõhata and the grandson of Damodara. The same stanza is found in some other prasastis composed by Sivanabhaka, including the Bajaudi inscription edited above. The person responsible for writing the letters of the epigraph on the stone was another member of the Mathura Käyastha community. His name was Maharaja and his father was Sömarāja. The name may not be a mistake for Mahārāja since the stanza mentioning the person is known from other inscriptions in which also it is spelt as Maharāja... But it is difficult to be definite in this matter as hā could have been changed to ha for the requirement of the metre.
The location of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription has been already discussed above. As we have indicated, some of them cannot be satisfactorily identified.
Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 1103 ; The Struggle for Empire, pp. 67, 138; above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 323-24. * Ray, op. cit. pp. 1081 ff.; of. pp. 1054, 1067. VOR, Vol. XVIII, p. 40.
. JBRS, Vol. XL, Part I, March 1954, pp. 8 ff.
No. 146 of 4. R. Ep., 1962-63, App. B, seems to suggest that Padonalaksha was the name of the district round Narwat. See below, p. 68. It may thus have benn the name applied to the Jajapolla kingdom just us the namo Sapädalaksha was used to indicate the dominions of the Chahaminas of Bakambhari.
.a. 4. R. Ep., 1962-63, App. B., No. 145; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 389.

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No.
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA
TEXT:
[Metres : Verse 1 Upajāti (Vamsastha, Indravajra and Upendravajrā); verses 2, 6-7, 19
Vasantatilaka ; verses 3, 5, 14-17 Upajūti, verses 4, 21, 23, 25, 27 Anushtubh ; versos 8, 11-12 Mälini ; verse 9 Mandākränta ; verse 10 Pankti ; verse 13 Rathoddhata ; verse 18 Arya ; verses 20, 22, 26 Sārdülavikridita ; verse 24 Aupachchhandasika.]
1 Siddham || Siddhih! Na yatra rūp-ādi-vivēkita-graho visva(sva)sya nirmāņa-vidhan cha na
sramaḥ | adhibritas=tām paramām=a vasthāin sadā Śivo vaḥ śiva. 2 m=ätanötu 1 Drishţv=ātasi-kusa(su)ma-kõnna la-känti-kāntam-amgam rahasy-a pamala
prativim(bim)visbi)tam svar(svam) | Lakshmi-kapola-phalakës jana-samka-6 3 yi tad-utprõmchchhi(chhi)tam disatu vah bivam-Achyutasya | 2 Gamyo na vidvēshi-manora
thânām ratha-syadam bhānumato nirundhanvāsaḥ satamasti vi. 4 bhūti-pātram ramy-õdayo Ratnagirir-gir-imdraḥ ! 3 Tatra sau(sau)rya-mayah kaschi[n*),
nirmi[t]Makarumdaya Jayapālő-bhavan-näinnā vidvisām duratikra5 mah || 4 Tad-akhyaya präkrita-loka-vridair=uchcharyama[pah) suchi[r-ar]jista)-trihva
(ba)l-āvadān-[o]rjita-kata-kirttir-Valsah paro-blāj-Jajapēlla-samjñaḥ || 5 Tatr=86 [bha]van=nfipatir=u[g]ratara-pratāpaḥ śri-Chāha[da]s-tribhuvana-prathamāna-kirttiḥ | do
rddam[da]-chaindima-bharoņa purah pare[bh]yau(bhyo) yon=ä[hriltä Nalagiri-pramu
khā gari7 shtah(shthah) 16 Tasmad-anēka vidha-vikrama-lavdhn(dha)-kirttil pu[n]ya-srutiḥ samabha
van-Naravarmadēvaḥ, bhūbhřidl-vyudisa-patimă ripu-naga-damti-dakshaḥ Griya pari
vpi8 tomtra yatha Murärih 7 Ajani jagad-anargly-oddama-ljägrat-prata]pas=tad-anu valslu[ma]t
isah srimad-A[sa]iladēvaḥ ! prayuņita-guna-raji-ranjit-āsā(8-a)9 vakāśā nirupadhi-nidhir=ēkā [v]iśrutah śrēyasāı yah (Il 8] [Sri]-Gopālaḥ samajani tato bhūini
pălah kală[v]ātiinta(s=ta)nvan=ki[r]tti[h*) samiti Sikatā-ni10 mnaga-kachchha-bhūmau | Jējābhukti-prabhum=a[t]i-[va(ba)]lam Virava[r]mā[pam=
riddhē] jitvā [Cha]mdra-kshakshi)tidhara-pati Laksh[m]aņaıiı sānyu[g]inām(nam)y 9
Raksha[t]i bhūmim tatra mahi-? 11 se väridhi-simā-miti-vimuktām(ktām) [!) 10 Ajbhavad-Anayas[im]ho [Vaidya)-vanée
navadyo vivid Ima-samara-sismā)-lavdha(bdha)-visphära-kirttil Pasupati-pada-se(sē). 12 va-dhūta-papo vadānyaḥ satata-vidalit-ārthi-svarta-sanitāpa-[vahnih] | 11 Ajani
Vijayadēvas-tas[ya sū]nus=[ta)rasvi (su]kriti-sukrita-ni[sh]tho vira-charyā-dhu
From im xessions. This is No. 139 of 4 . R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B. I owe a fow suggestions to Mr. P. B. Desai.
• Expressed by symbol. • An annavara above this letter seems to be deleted. • We may also read Sadasivo.
. There is an unnecessary dandu with a cancellation mark at the end of the line. This was meant to cover a little vacant space.
• It seems that maha has been inade maha to have a short Gifth syllable in the particular foot of the stanze The name is found as Maharunda oinowhere (cf. No. 145 of 4.R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B; ahove, Vol. XXXII, p. 338).
Thero is an unnecessary danda at the end of the line to cover a little space.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
40
13 ripah apahrita-guni-duḥkho dig-vadhi-vaktra-66bha-karapa-chapa-vi[sarpa]t-kirtti-karpā [ra-repub || 12 Hastinapura-rapë ma]h-aujasō Visvala-prabhu-va(ba)lä
14 ni nighnataḥ vaktum-asti vibhur-atra vikrama[m] yasya vaktra-sata-s[ö]bhitaḥ phani || 13 Tato-[bha]valch chhatra]-vi[bheda-mant] dhar-avatamsojayadeva-sarjñaḥ [1]
15 yō Mlechchha-se(se)na-kasha-paṭṭikaya[m] chakre par[iksh]am nija-da[nda]-he[m]nah || 14 N-gēna kin-api param [sprisa]mti vimukta-kämä jagad-ēka-manyà | löks
16 trayam yasya visuddha-vēsha kirttiḥ paribhrämyati tapas-iva || 15 Tasy-anurupā kula-vrittasilaiḥ Saubhagyadevi dayitā va(ba)[bh]ūva | yaya su-charitra-mayēna
17 sasva(sva)t=sva-tējasā visva(śva)m-akāri pūtam(tam) || 16 Aste tayo[*] sunur-udāra-karmā śri-Gamgadēvō bhața-mauli-ratnain(tnam) yen=a[r]ji[ta]m Saikata-sim[dh]u-samkhyễ ya-navadyam eu
18 bhat-atisa(sa)yi || 17 Sai(Sai)kata-taṭini-samkhye bhuja-va(ba)la-jita-Viravarmaṇaḥ kritinab safchlivaltaya yah prathito Nrivarma sündr-jayantasyal 18 Padōnala
19 ksha-vishayē chira-kala-bhagnan-dev-alayan-[g]amayit-Abhinavam-ava[sth]äm(stham) | yên-Arjitam wakṛitam-akahayam-aprameyam-kah padara tri-jagat-jan-vähchchhi(chhi)tānāni(năm) || 1[9]
20 Dinams-tōshayato gunan-prathayataḥ śreyaḥ samachinvataḥ papam nirddahato dhanam vitarato yasy-aavadyath yasal plyushair-iva püritain hima-karaiḥ kä(kt)rquati mi
21 U-lavaiśchchha(s-chha)nnam hara-latabhir-achitam-idan chakre trilōky-amtara[m](ram) || 20 Upayair-itaraiḥ [s]iddham kshiyamanam(nam) vilōkya saḥ punyam varddhi[sh]pu tat-kurvan-vapim-ētām-a-2
22 karayat 21 Tap-Apaya-pat-dayail samudayatea(ch-chha)rm-örmi-sampa[ch-ch]itaib [s]aurabhyam paramami vahadbhir-amalair amōdibhir-bhūribhiḥ | ya [pu]nyair-iva mürttatam-upagataiḥ pu
23 py-[tar-dri[psalya parṇa [avaldu-varaiḥ payübhir-amitair-varddhishpubhi[b], samtatam(tam) || 22 Manashvi(svi)tēva gambhira sad-[vri]ttir-iva nirmala | abh[e]dya sadhu-maitr= iva bhāsatē yā
24 mano-hara! 23 Kudu(su)ma-phala-hhar-Abhinamra-säkhair-vițapibhir-unmada-bhringakōkilai(l-au)ghaib rachiran-upavanami vyadhäpi(yi) ten-ahifts-tojala piti-devatAdhvaganih(nam) || 24
25 Yavad-vasati Lōkēśō nābhi-vuriruhē Hare! | tavad-bhūyād-iyam vāpi śrēyasë-sya mahātmanaḥ || 25 Gōp-adrau Lipikpit-kulē samabhavad-Dāmōdarō Mathura[ḥ*] sūnus-tasya visu(su)
26 ddha-kirttiranaghaḥ kōs-adhipō Lohaṭaḥ putras tasya manishi-manasa-mudām vistarahētu vi(vya)dhād-ēnāti ári-Sivanabhako nirupamai[r*]-vrittaiḥ prasasti subhä(bhām) || 26 Mäthu
27 r-anvaya-Kayastha-Sōmaraj-ängajanmanā likhita Maḥarājēna prasastir=iyam=uttamā || 27 Samvat 1339 Pausha-vadi 10 Guru-vasare || subham-astu || chha3 ||
1 The word seems to be used in the sense of 'victorious'. Otherwise we have to suggest that Vajvapala Gopala was also, known by the name Jayanta.
There is an unnecessary danda here with a cancellation mark.
This indicates the end of the writing. Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 218.

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4
पणासि लिटान वादिविव कितीयले विवयनि मांगवियत न श्रमः
परमावश्रीसदाशिवराव
हातसीमाका मलकानि कान मंगरमले प्रतिविविता लक्ष्मी कापाल फल किजन का डबहिन दिशः शिवमनविदा देर हा बांदे रामतो निरवाना सक्षमता अमित परमोदामात जमद महमालमा विद्यिमी रति का मालक दरुहानमा डिसी दाजानिति क्रांति को नशनल विरुततोष श्रीवाना 2. परे त्याने नीता जल गिरि खागरि ६ तगादान का विभावमा निदक्षः प्रियापरिव ती वाया मुरारिः। च निजगदनाशयमित अंगराजी रजितामी, काशापविनिरिति दिकपाल hama कला कामितियातन गाडि र कृत्रिम मद (वारिविधीमा मद्यातिरिकार्निश पनि पदा 12 वा पोवदान्यः सतं विदलित विद्या शास्कृतिकृतीचा खपत अलिकति हो जसला निविक्रम मोजदादेव ज्ञ
10
14
सेना के प्रधिकायां मजदकाम जगदेकमान्या लोका 16 वटा विश्ववेषादिः परिवासिया तथा शीला देवी नाटी टोन शघतेज साविक रिश्ता मनुरदार कमलरीका दशोत तसादि सैकतर जव गतिमानवाः प्रथितो वरी नॉर्ज दांत ज्या दोन विषविर कनिया देवाला मग नाजितं गुरुतमनमेापदेवि जगती जनहितानां 20 दीनां सोप यतो यतः ग्रेट बियांतही सोनी तदिकाने काम करणा काय मानविलकरामकुमार
18
लाल वे शुनं दार तानिशचित निकेतन /२०३
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA-PLATE II 2. Narwar Inscription of V.S. 1339
8
24
22 कार टाटापद : समुदय सम्र्मतेः पौर, उपरभवदादर मोदि निर्वा ख्यान भावाः पयो तिरमिते वह्निति में 22 अगसनविना मेवामा नोट विरुवा नग को किये रुचिरमुपवनंवितेनादिवा यावलोकन रुदादि वा श्रेय महानगरपालिकॐ महा मोदगेमा घुल किलो दर मनीष मानमुद विद्यादेति वादे नी श्रीशिवला को जिसमे चिसोसेर जोगन नालिखिता महरा डोरिटी नमः २१३३mal
26
Scale: One-third
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
24
26

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No. 5-KAPILAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA
(2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 11.3.1958) The Sikharēsvara temple stands on the Kapilās hill at a distance of about sixteen miles from Dhenkanal, headquarters of a District of that name in Orissa. The name Kapilās or Kapilāsa is a local modification of Sanskrit Kailāsa. There is a stone kalasa or vase now lying in the precincts of the temple. It must have originally adorned the top of an older temple, on the site of which the present temple of Sikharēsvars was built at a later date. On receipt of information that the said kala sa bears some writings on it, I visited the temple on the Kapilās hill in November 1957 in order to examine and copy the inscriptions.
There are three small inscriptions engraved on the kalasa which measures about 27 inches from the top to the bottom excluding the projection below (about 8 inches long) meant for fixing it up in the hole of & stone slab. The first of the three inscriptions is written in two lines incised around the side of the top of the vaso. These lines are about 30 inches in length and the inscribed space is a little less than 2 inches in height. Individual aksharas are slightly less than one inch high. The second inscription in six lines is engraved around the belly of the vase. As the nature of the space would permit, the lines in the central part of the epigraph are longer than the preceding and following ones. Line 3 of this record contains the largest number of letters (40 in all) and is about 43 inches long. The height of individual aksharas is about one inch and that of the inscribed space a little above 7 inches. The last of the three inscriptions is written in two lines which are incised on the pedestal of the vase. Owing to the tapering nature of this part, the first line is about 281 inches long and the second about 364 inches. The height of the inscribed space is about 3 inches and that of individual aksharas a little above one inch. The beginning and end of the lines in the case of all the three inscriptions are separated by a vertical line. .
The characters of the epigraphs belong to the Gaudiya alphabet as prevalent in Orissa in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries A.D. They resemble the letters of other Orissan epigraphs of the said period such as the Sonepur inscription of Bhānudēva published elsewhere in this journal. An interesting point of palaeography is offered by the form of l in the word loka (Inscription No. 2, line 6) which looks like Iloka and reminds us of the diacritically marked 1 of the Oriya alphabet. It is interesting to note that Oriya | resembles l of the other alphabets of the Gaudiya class while its l is distinguished from ļ by a diacritical mark. The use of this diacritically marked letter is noticed once in an inscription of Narasimha II (c. 1278-1305 A.D.); but it is used in a large number of cases in later records like the Bhubaneswar epigraph of the time of Narasimha IV (c. 1379-1402 A.D.). The rare use of the letter in the earlier epigraphs suggests the possibility of its standing for l. Otherwise we have to suppose that it was 1 which was very rarely employed and this seems to be very unlikely especially in view of the fact that the simpler form of the letter stands for l in the other cognate alphabets. It therefore appears to us that originally the diacritical mark was used as the distinguishing sign of ? but that, at a later
Cf. the personal name Kaviläsa occurring in the Nagpur Museum plates of the Somavamót king Mahi. bbayagupta I Janamejaya, line 44 (abovo. Vol. VIII, p. 143 and Plate). Huitzsah read it as Kaivildea and suggested the correction Kailasa. But the correct reading seems to bo Karnata.
* See above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 323 ff. . Ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 127, text line 192. • Ibid., Vol. XXXII, pp. 229 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XX.XIII date, it came to be generally applied to 1 instead of ļ through confusion. We shall therefore transcribe the letter as I in the present record as we have done in the case of the inscription of Narasimha II.
The language of Inscriptions Nos. 1 and 3 is Oriya as in the Sonepur inscription referred to above, but that of No. 2 is corrupt Sanskrit greatly influenced by the local dialect. Of grammatical interest seem to be the expressions Kailāsasikharēsvari (Inscription No. 1, lines 1-2) and Kailāsasikharēsvaraï (No. 2, line 5). The affixes i and aï appear to be old dative-locative caseondings. But Inscription No. 3 uses the usual old Oriya dative suffix kaž in Kailasadevakai (lines 1-2). Interesting from the orthographical and linguistic points of view are words like ja(ju)ge (Sanskrit yugë), Vaïsākha (Sanskrit Vaišākha) and traðdasi (Sanskrit trayodasi for trayodalyām) in No. 1, and māhā (Sanskrit mahā), Gajatti for Gajapti (Sanskrit Gajapati), Kailasasikharēsvara (Sanskrit Kailāsasikhao), sarga-loka (Sanskrit svarga-loka), jāti (Sanskrit yāti), Narasingha (Sanskrit Narasimha) and vijai (Sanskrit vijayi) in No. 2. Inscription No. 1 uses the verbal form dhila (Past Tense). The expected spelling is dilā, although the said form also occurs in line 26 of the Bhubaneswar inscription of Narasimha IV referred to above. The ordinary meaning of the word is'gave'; but it has been used in our record in the sense of constructed'. The verb is used in this sense also in Bengali.
All the three inscriptions refer to the reign of king Narasimha who no doubt belonged to the imperial branch of the Ganga dynasty of Orissa. As will be seen from our analysis of Inscription No. 2 below, the king is called in line 4 of that record the supporting pillar of the Ganga family. Inscription No. 2 does not bear any date ; but Nos. 1 and 3 are dated. Inscription No. 1 is dated Monday, the 13th of the bright halt of the month of Vaisakha in the year 10 of the reign of Narasimhadēva, No. 3 quotes only the year 18 of the same king's reign without any astronomical detail. Considering the age of the records, the years have to be referred to the anka reckoning. But there were four Ganga kings named Narasimha who ruled in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and it is not easy to single out the king to whom our records belong. The Ganga kinga Narasimha I, II, III and IV are supposed to have ascended the throne Iespectively about 1238, 1278, 1328 and 1379 A.D. The 10th anka year or 8th actual regnal year of these kings thus corresponded respectively to about 1245-46, 1285-86, 1335-36 and 1386-87 A.D. Among these years, the details of the date as given in our Inscription No. 1 suit only the 30th April 1246 A.D. and the king therefore may have been Narasimha I. Even though it is not possible to be definite on this point, this identification, as will be seen below, seems to be supported by the internal evidence of Inscription No. 2. Inscription No. 3 is dated in the 18th year of the same king's reign apparently according to the anka reckoning and corresponding to his 15th actual regnal year.
Inscription No. 1 begins with the auspicious word svasti and states in lines 1-2 that Narasimhhadáva constructed a temple (deula) for the god Kailasasikharēsvara and that [It was a remarkable achievement) in all the four yugas, viz. Satya, Dvāpara, Trēti and Kali. In the order of enumeration of the four ages, Trētā should have properly preceded Dvāpara. Line 2 quotes the date when the temple was built (i.e. completed or consecrated) as Monday, the 13th of the bright half of Vaisakha in the year 10 when the illustrious Narasimhadēva was ruling. This date has already been discussed above. If this Narasimha was the same as Ganga Narasimha I, it may be pointed out that the record under study furnishes the second epigraphic reference to the building activities of that king. It is well known that a stanza quoted in the records of his successors credits him with the construction of a temple for the Sun-god at Köņākõna which in the modern Köņārak in the Puri District of Orissa. The god Sive now worshipped in the Kapilās temple is called
1 Soe above, Vol. XXXI, p. 123, text lines 134-35.

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KAPILAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA-PLATE I
No. 1
Left Half
Right Half
235
002
96 9 7 8 ) ใจ
Scale : One-Half

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No. 2
Top Part-Left Half
Top Part-Right Half
Middle Part--Left Half
Magna E JEG FORS 229
Scale: One-Third

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No. 5]
KAPILAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA
43
Sikharēsvara ; but the earlier name of the deity was Kailasasikharēsvara according to Inscriptions Nos. 1-2 and Kailasa, apparently a shortened form of the same name, according to Inscription No. 3.
Inscription No. 2 is the most interesting of the three records. Its style reminds us of that of the Kanchipuram inscription of Anangabhima III (c. 1211-38 A.D.), father of Narasimha I, and this fact lends some colour to the identification of Narasimha of our records with Narasimha I. As a matter of fact, some of the passages are common to both the inscriptions which may have been drafted by the same person. Our inscription begins with the word svasti and states in lines 1-2, in the style of the Kanchipuram inscription, that the king succeeded in subduing by the power of his arms the pride of his enemies in numerous battles at the command of the god Purushottama, the lord of the fourteen worlds. This god is no other than Purushottama-Jagannātha worshipped in the celebrated temple at Puri, to whom Anangabhima III dedicated the Ganga kingdom and to whom that king and his successors owed theoretical allegiance."
The above passage is followed in line 2 by the epithet Paramamāhēsvara (i.e. devout worshipper of the god Mahēsvara or Siva) and the imperial title Paramabhattāraka. It has to be noted that, although the king was a devotee of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha identified with Vishnu, he claims at the same time to be a worshipper of Siva. The following two epithets of the king in lines 2-3 are still more interesting. In these he is described at the same time as the son of the goddess Durgā, called the true cause leading to the creation of the universe, and also as the son of the god Purushottama. It is clear from these statements that Narasimha I was devoted to Mahēšvara and his consort Durgā as well as to Purushottama-Jagannātha i.e. Vishnu). We know that the Gangas were staunch Saivas till the earlier part of the reign of Anantavarman Chōdaganga (1078-1147 A.D.) who became a Vaishộava (i.e. a devotee of the god PurushottamaJagannatha of Purt) after his conquest of the Puri-Cuttack region about the beginning of the twelfth century, and that, although for sometime he claimed to be devoted to both Mahēsvara and Vishnu, in his later years he called himself a devotee of Vishnu alone. The devotion of the successors of Anantavarman Chödaganga to the god Vishnu in the shape of the god Purushottama-Jagannātha of Puri received a great impetus at the dedication of the Ganga kingdom to that god by Anangabhima III. It is therefore very interesting to note that our inscription represents Narasimha I as Paramamāhèsvara, Durga-putra and Purushottama-putra and as the builder of the Siva temple on the Kapilās hill. But it is not surprising in view of the fact that his father Anangabhima III himself is also called both Paramavaishnava and Paramamāheśvara as well as Purushottama-putra, Rudra-putra and Durgā-putra at the same time in one of his inscriptions in the Siva temple at Draksharama, which records the grants made by him in favour of that Saiva shrine in his 8th an ka or 6th regnal year. These facts point to the catholicity of the religious approach of the Ganga kings Anangabhima III and Narasimha I.
The next epithet in line 3 compares Narasimha I with the Great Boar (i.e. Vishnu in his Boar incarnation) that raised up the Vēdas and worlds from the ocean. This is followed in lines 3-4 by the imperial titles Mahārājādhirāja and Paramēśvara und an epithet representing the king as the pillar of support to the Ganga dynasty. The following passage in line 4 calls the ruler both Anantavarman and the victorious Vira-bri-Narasimhadēva and seems also to endow him with the title Gajapati. We know that the successors of Anantavarman Chödaganga enjoyed the
1 See above, XXXI, pp. 94 ff.
This seems to suggest that the Kanchipuram inscriptiom was drafted at the Ganga capital. Cf. abovo, Vol. XXX, p. 22 and note 3.
• Ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 19; JIH, Vol. XXXv, pp. 75 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 240. .SI1, Vol. IV, No. 1329; JIH, Vol. XXXV, pp. 78-79.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII secondary namo Anantavarman. Our inscription seems to show that the title Gajapati which is known to have become a distinguishing epithet of the later rulers of the Ganga family, was enjoyed by Narasimha I about the middle of the 13th century."
The next sentence in line 5 contains the main purpose of Inscription No. 2. It records that the king granted the village of Nagana-Bhimapura in favour of the god Kailäsabikharēsvara. This is followed in lines 5-6 by the imprecatory and benedictory statements that a person acting against the king's meritorious dood, no doubt meaning the grant of the village for the maintenance of the temple, would go to hell after death while one maintaining the grant would go to heaven. The last sentence of the inscription in line 6 again speaks of Vira-bri-Narasimhadēva as one who was always victorious. It seems that it was intended to write this sentence in the form of a prayer and that a word like bhavatu was left out through oversight.
Inscription No. 3 also begins with the word svasti and records the grant of the village of Rayi-grāma, demarcated by recognised boundaries on all the four directions, in favour of the god Kailāsadēva, no doubt the same deity called Kailāsasikharēsvara in Inscriptions Nos. 1-2. But this grant was not made by the king himself. Its donor was the Sēnāpati or general named Tulasi who was apparently an officer of the Ganga king Narasimha I. The grant was made in the year 18 of the reign of Narasimha I, which, referred to the anka reckoning, would correspond to the king's 15th actual regnal year and to 1252-53 A.D.
Inscriptions Nos. 2 and 3 speak of two geographical names, viz. the villages of NāganaBhimapura and Rayi-grāma. There is a village called Nāgana in the Dhenkanal District, which is well-known for the temple of Nāganāthēsvara.
TEXT
No. 1 1 Svasti [l*] Satyyat-Dväpara-Trētā-Kali-jagës Narasinghadövadēula dhila? Kailāsasi
kharēsva2 ri [1] Vaisakha-sukla-traðdasi Chandra-värz Srāhi dasa 10 v[I]ra-Sri-Narasimghadevalo rājā" [il*]
No. 2 1 Svasti [l*] Cha[tu]rdasa-bhuvan-ādhipati-Srimat-Purushottama-charan-ādēšata** [fa(sa)]mara
mukh-ānēka
1 Above, Vol. XXX, p. 20, note 3. The name Anantavarman is applied to Narasimha I in two inscriptions from Srikurmam (8I1, Vol. V, Nos. 1272, 1291).
Bhānu I, son of Narasimha I, is called Gajapati or Gajaghapati in a Draksharama inscription (SI1, Vol. IV, P. 361, No. 1084). For the title Gajapati applied to Narasimha III, Narasimha IV and Bhanu IV, see ibid., Vol. VI, Nos. 731, 702, 753, 1040, 1113. See IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, p. 236; above, p. 4, noto 2.
• From the original and impressions. • Road Satya. • The word intended is jug&yugë (Sanskrit yugishu). Better read Satya-Trata-Dväpara-Kalio. • Sanskrit Narasimhao.
For deul deria in Bengali, meaning to construct a temple', see J. M. Das, Bangala Bhashar Abhidhan, 8.v. daul.
Sanskrit Kailasa fikhardtvaraya; Oriya ranku. In old Oriya, the expected form was orakai or Prankai. But of. buarai in line 5 of Inscription No. 2 below.
Sanskrit Vaisakha-bukla-trayoda byam. 10 Sanskrit Narasimhao. 11 The intended expression may be rájyd.
11 Read dabar. Tho pamo passage occurs at the beginning of the Kanchipuram inscription of Anangabhima INI,

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KAPİLAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA -PLATE II
No. 2 Middle Part-Right Half
MOTS ONE o.
EUX
Lower Part--Left Half
NTT Noor
Lower Part-Right Half
Scale : One-Third

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No.3 Left Half
ஆகுதி
10 305
Right Half
Scale: One Third

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No. 6] KAPILAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA
45 ripu-darpa-mardana-bhuja -v&(ba)la-parākrama[h*}* paramamāhēśvara[h*] para(ma*Jbhatta
raka[h*] jagan[mu](n-mū)la-karana-si(bri)-Du3 rgā-putra[h*] Si(bri)-Purushottama-putra[h*] trayil-vasundhară -sainuddharana-prachanda
dördanda-mā(ma)hāvarāha[h*] mahārājādhi(dhi)rāja4 para[m]ēsvara[h*) Gam(Ga)ng-anvay-ävalama(mba)na-stambha[h*]" srimad-A[na*]
ntavarma-[Gaja]tti?-vira-si-Narasighadēva vijay[1] [l*] 5 Kailāsasikharēsvara[i]' Nāganā-Bhimapura mayā datalo [l*] ētada-dharma-virõrtham
narakam jāti [l*] ē6 tada-dharma-pālanam sarga-ļākam gachchhati2 | vira-bri-Narasinghadëva sadā vijai" [l*]
No. 3
1 svasti [l*) éri-vira-Narasinghadēva-rājyē 18 srāhi Kailasa2 dēvakai Tulasi-sēnüpati Rayi-grāma chātura-simāti (praldata [li*]
1 The akahara ja has been incised on another letter originally engraved.
The same passage also cours in the Kanchipuram inscription of Anangabhima III; but there the following epithat is paramavaishnava.
The Kanchipuram inscription has jagan-müla-karapa-sri-Purushottuma-putra. • The word trayi means the Vedas. • The same passage also occurs in the Kanchipuram inscription of Anangabhima III. • This passage also occurs in the Kanchipuram inscription. 1 The intended reading seems to be Gajapti for Sanskrit Gajapati. • Read vira-bri-Narasimhadevah.
• In the place of Osrarai, early Oriya inscriptions generally have obvarakai, osvarankai, etc. But cf. svari in line 2 of Inscription No. 1.
10 In correct Sanskrit: Kailasabikhar tsvaraya Någana-Bhimapuran maya duttam. 11 In correct Sanskrit : etad-dharma-virdhat narakash yati. 11 In correct Sanskrit: Elad-dharma-pålandt svarga-lokam gachchhali.
11 In correct Sanskrit: vira-Gr-Narasirihad Evak sada vijayi. The intention may have been to add a word like bhavatu here.
16 Sanskrit chatuh-simd-baddha.

Page #85

No. 6-JALORE INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA CHACHIGADEVA, V.S. 1331
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 27.3.1958)
The inscription which is published here for the first time was copied by me in December 1967 at Jalore, the head-quarters of the District of the same name in the Jodhpur Division of Rajasthan. It is engraved on a pillar in the building called Tõpkhānā or a shed for artillery. It is believed that this structure was originally a mosque built by 'Ala-ud-din Khalji out of the materials from the local Hindu ånd Jain temples and that it was later converted into a Topkhānā by the Rāthods.1 Three inscriptions found in this building were published by the late Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. The present inscription is engraved on one face of a rectangular pillar, the other three sides containing three records of Samantasimha who was the successor of Chächigadēva.
The present inscription covers a space 5" broad and 18" high and contains 31 lines of writing. It has suffered damage in some places, resulting in the loss or obliteration of several letters. The characters are Nāgari. As regards orthography, it may be observed that b appears to have been distinguished from v by a minute dot inside the loop of the former (cf. 'baddha in line 5). The language is Sanskrit. The abbreviated forms thao (lines, 8, 12 and 21), drao (lines 17 and 21) and grio (line 12) are found in the record. For the first two, their full forms, thakkura (line 7) and drammāk (line 20) are also met with. And puo appears to stand for putra. In the Bāli inscription of Asvāka'dated V. S. 1200, we have pū° Mohanasuta and Bhandarkar could not explain the contraction pū°. It seems to stand for pūjya which is used in our inscription in pujya Dhanēsvurasüri (lines 18-19). Of lexical interest is the use of the desi word vyāja (line 21). It is used in the sense of interest' on money and is the same as Marāțhi vyāj and Hindi byāj.
The date is given at the beginning of the record as Samvat 1331, Abvina su [11]. The portion giving the tithi and the first akshara of the week-day is badly damaged. But the second akshara of the week-day can be read as rau so that the word can be restored as Gurau. Apparently the same month, fortnight and tithi are mentioned again in lines 14-16 of the record, thereby supporting the reading of the tithi as 11 in line 1. Thus the date of the record would be V.S. 1331. Ašvina su. 11, Thursday. According to S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, this date would regularly correspond to the 13th September 1274 A.D.
The inscription refers itself to the victorious and blessed reign of the Mahārājakula Sri-Chachigadeva ruling at Jāvālipura. This Chächigadēva is no doubt the king of the Jalore or Songira branch of the Chāhamūnas. Only a few records of this king have been discovered so far and the known dates for him are V.S. 1319, 1323, 1332, 1333 and 1334. Bhandarkar doubtfully ascribes the damaged Bhinmal inscription of V.S. 1330 this reign. Another record,' found in the same building as the present inscription and dated V. S. 1320, belongs to his period.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of 150 dramma coins to the god Mahavira in the Chaidana-vihara in the Jaina monastery attached to the Nāņakiya-gachchha. Näņakiyagachchha, Chandana-vihāra and god Mahavira are mentioned in two of the inscriptions of the
See Archaeological Reports, Western Circle, 1908-09, p. 55. • Above, Vol. XI, pp. 52-58, 60-62.
Ibid., pp. 32-33, No. V, text line 4. • Ibid., p. 57.
Bhandarkar's List Nos. 561, 569, 686. 687 and 592. • Ibid., No. 581., p. 383, Table No. 13. Ibid., No. 563. Vor another inseription of the king, dated V. 8. 1828, ace JBRA, Vol. XL, pp. 341-42.
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Page #86

No. 6) JALORE INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA CHACHIGADEVA, V. S. 13314? time of Chichigadēva referred to above. The vihara is called thoro Mahäräja-sri-Chandanavihara. This Jaina gachchha Näpaklya is evidently called after the place Nánaka or Nänä in the Ball District of the Jodhpur Division. An inscription from Nāņā, dated V.8. 1290 (1243 A.D.), gives the ancient name of the place as Nāņaka' from which the name of the gachchha is derived. The Chandana-vihara was apparently named after king Chandana of the Jalore branch of the Paramāras. This branch is known from the only record of Visala who was sixth in descent from Chandana. It is found at Jalore and is dated V.S. 1174. Chandana, the son of Vākpatirāja was the first prince of this branch.
The occasion for the grant was the Ashtāhnikā festival conducted on the 11th day of the bright fortnight of Abvayuja. It is mentioned as Ashțāhnikapadi in the record of V.8. 1320 referred to above. This Jain festival is usually conducted in the months of Ashādha, Kärttika and Phālguna. But the present record shows that it was conducted in the month of Asvina also. The last eight days of these months were observed as days of Ashtahrika-parva when special worship was conducted in the Jain temples. Since the months were Purnimānta, Ābvina su. 11 falls during the last eight days of the month.
The description of the donor and his relatives is given in lines 7-14. The name of the donor which oocurs in line 11 cannot be read satisfactorily as the first letter is too much obliterated. It seems to consist of three letters, the second and third of which are rai. The first lotter appears to be Nā or Nāṁ so that the name may be Nānvaï. The same name seems to occur again at the beginning of line 22 where also, unfortunately, the first letter is damaged and lost. The inscription describes him as the son of Dodo and the brother of Dhanasiha (Dhanasinha) and as belonging to the Käyastha lineage. By his charitable acts he became celebrated in his own family. He, accompanied by his brothers Vishnu, [Phū]dā and Harichanda (Harichandra), his sons [Rai]. vastha (Raivasimha) and Bhuvanasiha (Bhuvanasiniha) and his mother, made the above-mentioned grant. The money was entrusted to the Superintendent of the monastery (Mathapati) and the members of the assembly (goshthikas) in the presence of Dhanēsvara-suri. It is stipulated that the interest on the granted money amounting to 15 dramina coins should be spent on worship, offering and supervision. It may be noted that the interest works out to be 10 per cent of the principal. Apparently this interest was realised annually. The gift was made in order to promote the welfare of the donor. If the mathapati and the goshthikas would not conduct the worship and failed to observe the ceremonies on the ekādasi day, then they would incur the curse of Pārsvanātha and Mahavira and would not obtain any merit as long as the moon and the sun would endure. The record ends with the words fubharn bhavatu followed by chha written three times between double dandas indicating the end of the writing.
. 1 Bhandarkar's List Nos. 563, 569. For the texts of these records see P. C. Nahar, Jaina Inscriptions, Pt. I, p. 240 (Nos. 901-02).
There are several instances in which the Jain gachchhas are called after the names of places in Marwar; e.g. Samderaka-gachohha is called after Sandera or Sandėraka, identified with modern Bändërāv near Bali (cf. above, Vol. XI, p. 81).
• Archaeological Survey, West. Circle, 1907-08, pp. 48-49.
• Bhandarkar's List No. 194. Another inscription at Jalore informs us that Chaulukya Kumarapala construotad templo called Kumāra-vihara (above, Vol. XI, pp. 54-65).
.D. C. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 343. • Mirji Annarao, Jaina Dharma (Kannada), p. 572.
.' This Jaina festival is referred to in the Halsi plates of Kadamba Ravivarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 26, toxt lines 16-17; Suc. Sat., p. 271). The record states that the king ordained that the festival of Jinandra's glory, lasting for eight days, should be colobrated every year on the full-moov day of Karttiku. I am indebted to Dr. D. C. Siroar for drawing my attention to this reference.
• The oxpressions mathapati and good thika should havo to bo takon separately. Cf. mathapatind goshthikai. bacha in the rooord of V.8. 1820 of Chłobigadora referred to abovo.
. Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 218 and noto.

Page #87

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
The place-name Jävälipura mentioned as the seat of the royal residence is, of course, modern Jalore where the record is found.
48
TEXT1
1 Siddham [1] Sam 1331 varshe Asvine' [su 11]. 5
2 [ru] adysha ri-Jävälipur
3 Mahārājakula-sri-Chachiga
4 döva-kalyāṇa-vijay-rā[jyē]
5 al-Nagakiya-gachchha-pratibaddha
6 Jin-alaye śrī-Chamdana-viha
7 rē Kayasth-änvaye thakkura Dēdō
8 putra-tha-Dhanasīha-bhrātṛi(trā) sakala
9 dharmm-ārā[ma]-kuly-ätulye[na].
10 ja-ku[la]-nabhae-tala-inéük[us]
11 tha[Na]vai-nāmadhūyīna bhrātņi
12 [Vishnu-[Phul'dam-Harichaida-pu°-tha-[Rai]
13 va[si]ha-Bhuva[na]śiha-mātarā".
14 pramukha-samma(sama)nvitēna Asauja1o
15 [ma]së su[kla]-pakshe ēkādaśī-ti
16 [thau] Ashtabuika-mahotsave śri-Ma
17
viradevasya püj-ärtham dra 150 sa
18 [tah pachachaad-adhika pradattaṁ(ttam) []*] půjya-del-Dha
19 [no]śvara-sūriņā samaksha(ksham) maṭhapati
20 [g]htikää drammaḥ samarpitäś-cha [[*]
From impressions.
Expressed by symbol.
* Read Aévina.
The number 11 appears to have been incised here.
The lost akshara may be restored as Gu.
The lost akshara may be restored as ni.
The reading of this letter is not certain..
The intended reading of the name may be Harichandra.
• Read matri..
10 Read Aévayuja.
" It appears that the engraver first carved la and then added ka.
1
This akshara can be restored as hä.
Rend goshthikebhyo.

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No. 6)
21 [8]tshä[th] drammanamh vyäjäna dia 15 tha
22 [Na]val-rey-örthach půjá-naivedya-pro
23 [kaha-dikath(kam) -ohachdr-arkkah) yavas
24 käräpanya(yam) yadi të mathapa
25 ti-gōshtishthi)kāḥ pājāṁh na kurvvati
26
JALORE INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA CHACHIGADEVA,V.8. 1331 49
kadai-ithi-karya-karapa
27 [ni] lōpayamti tada śrī-Pārsvana
28 [tha]-éri-Mahaviradevayõr-döshe
29 na dushyam[te] | [chha] | tavad ā-cham
30 dr-arkkath] yāvat [punyë]na [na*] grihyah
31 to subhain bhavatu | chha || chha | chha ||
1 This akshara seems to be the same as suggested in the name in line 11 above.
The form prekshanika occurs in the same context in two Bhinmal inscriptions (cf. Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, pt. I, pp. 482, 485).
Read karaniuam.
• This damaged letter which is read as chha is unnecessary here. The order of youal and tavat has been reversed here.

Page #89

No. 7-EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
D. C. SIECAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 24.2.1958)
9. Creation of Rent-tree Holdings There are some copper-plate charters' which record the sale of Government land to an applicant paying the usual price and the Government's acceptance of his proposal to create a rent-free holding out of the purchased land in favour of Brāhmaṇas or religious institutions. 'In such a transaction, it was believed, according to an ancient Indian convention, that five-sixths of the religious merit for the creation of the revenue-free holding would go to the purchaser of the. land and one-sixth of it to the king of the country, whose government alone could create such & holding."
There is another kind of charters which, instead of speaking of the sale of the land that was created into a rent-free holding by the king in favour of Brāhmaṇas or religious institutions, merely state that the particular holding was created at the request of a certain officer or feudatory of the king or some other persons. In spite of the absence of any reference to sale in such records, some of them appear to be based on a transaction involving sale. Thus the Nalanda plate of Dēvapāla records a grant of five villages by the Pāla king to a Buddhist monastery at Nälanda at the request of Mahārāja Balaputradeva who was the lord of Suvarnadvipa (Sumatra) and was responsible for establishing the monastery. The five villages were apparently purchased by Bälaputradēva from Dēvapäla as otherwise the whole of the religous merit aceruing to the pious act of endowing the monastery with a rent-free holding for its maintenance would go to Dévapala and nothing at all to Balaputradeva. This was no doubt an undesirable position for the king of Sumatra. If he really purchased the villages, as he no doubt did, five-sixths of the merit would be his and only one-sixth would go to Dēvapāla according to the convention referred to above.
But as regards the land made a rent-free holding at the request of an officer or feudatory of the king, it was no doubt in many cases lying within his jāgir or fief or estate. In the case of land forming part of jāgirs which royal officers of ancient India enjoyed temporarily,' their occupants lost the rent of the land in question so long as they were in their possession. But the king's
Select Inscriptions, pp. 337 ff., 342 ff., 346 ff., 350 ff., 359 ff.
*Cf. ibid. p. 844, text line 13; p. 348, text line 16; p. 352, text lino 13; p. 362, text line 11. See also Manu. amriti, VIII, 304; Vishnusmriti, III, 13-14. The same idea is also referred to in other records like the Damodarpur plates, No. 3, lino 7 (above, Vol. XV. p. 136), and No. 5, line 12 (op. cit., p. 143). The texts of most of the inscriptions have often been misunderstood. Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 352, noto 5.
Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 331, 375, 421, sto.. It may be pointed out that the foudstory's name was men. tioned in royal charters in this fashion only when he was regarded as of some importance. When he grow inoro powerful, he issued charters himself with obe permission of his master (cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 139 ff.). With further growth in his power, his charters wero, issued without reference to his master's permission but without eonowaliny his subordinato position or indicating it somewhat vaguely (cf. ibid., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 201, 206, 332; Vol. XXX, p. 139; etc.). When still more powerfull, he issued his grants without any reference to his master and endowing himself with a combination of subordinate and imperial titles which could in some cases be so interpreted as to indicate either his subordinate position or independent status (cf. ibid. Vol. XXVII, p. 329; Vol. XXVIII, pp. 109, 284; Vol. XXIX, p. 186). The next stage of course is represented by his charters insued as a full-fledged independent ruler.
The sale of land was generally represented in sacion India as a gift. See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 48, note? Bhandarkar's List. No. 1613. Cf. R. D. Banerji. Baadlar lide, Vol. I, B.8. 1330, p. 210. Cf. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. I, p. 177.
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Page #90

51
No. 7]
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
loss of revenue was greater as the land was rent-free even when the fief reverted to him or was subsequently allotted to some other officer. It therefore seems that the occupants of jāgirs had to compensate the king's loss at least partially for the creation of revenue-free holdings within their fiefs, as otherwise they could scarcely expect the full religious merit accruing to the pious act. We have also cases where a king is found to ratify the rent-free holdings created in their jāgīrs by members of the royal family.
But it appears to us that a number of grants of rent-free lands issued by the kings were really made on behalf of persons whose names are not mentioned in the documents. This seems to be suggested by the fact that, in a few cases, even though the grants are recorded in the king's name, an endorsement at the end of the documents says that they were made by others and in reality there is a contradiction between facts as stated in the charter proper and in the endorsement. An important document of this type is the Bangaon plate of Vigrahapala, which purports to record the grant of a village by the Pala king in favour of a Brahmana, although in an endorsement at the end it is summarily stated that the grant was made by an officer of the king named Ghantisa out of his own jāgir.
Another interesting fact is that the indication of a particular grant being actually made by one of the king's officers or feudatories but represented as one made by the king is not clear in the documents though some of them appear to suggest the fact vaguely. There are many records which introduce a person without any ostensible relation with the charter stated to have been granted by the king. Such an introduction is often found at the end of the documents exactly in the position of the endorsement in the Bangaon plate of Vigrahapala III, referred to above. In a few cases, such an enigmatic name is also met with in the body of the charter without any justification for its introduction. Since it is inexplicable why persons without anything to do with the grants should be mentioned in royal charters at all, we suspect that they might have been the real donors of the grants in question and the fact was intended to be rather vaguely indicated in the said way. It also appears that there was an amount of reluctance on the part of the Government to admit such a fact.
The Mehār plate of Damodara records a grant of lands in favour of a number of Brahmaņas. But at the end of the king's description in verse, there is one stanza introducing Gangadharadeva who was the officer in charge of the royal elephant force. The introduction of this person, as we have indicated elsewhere, cannot be explained unless it is supposed that he was the real donor of the grant although the king was not eager to mention the fact explicitly in the document.
The Andhavaram plates of the Eastern Ganga king Indravarman record the grant of a village as an agrahara or rent free holding in favour of several Brahmaņas. The king is mentioned as the donor. But, at the end, the record is stated to have been written under orders of éri-Lōkārņavadeva who vanquished many foes. The editor of the inscription says, "These plates furnish us with a new Ganga name-Lōkārņava." But he admits that the identity of this person cannot be determined without further evidence.
The charter was issued in the Ganga year 133. But, instead of describing it as the pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara or Gängeya-vaṁéa-pravardhamāna-vijaya-rājya-saṁvatsara as we
1 See the cases of such holdings created by Princes Süryasena and Purushottamasena and ratified by king Visvarûpasēna in his Vangtya Sahitya Parishad plate (N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 147; JAS, Letters, Vol. XX, pp. 206-07).
Above, Vol. XXIX, p. 48 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 182 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XXX, pp. 52-53. • Ibid., P.
37 ff.

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62 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII find in other Ganga records, the inscription in question calls it Tumburu-vanta-rājya-samvatsara. This reminds us of the Santa-Bommali platest issued by a Kadamba feudatory of a Ganga king, which describe the Ganga era as Garga-Kadamba-vamsa-pravardhamāna-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara even though the Kadambas had nothing to do with the establishment of the era. It appears to as that the grant recorded in the Andhavaram plates of Ganga Indravarman was really made by his feudatory Lökarnava of the Tumburu dynasty. Unless such was the case, it is difficult to explain why he was introduced as ordering for the writing of the document and the Ganga era is described only in this record as associated with the Tumburu dynsaty.
There is a stanza about the end of a charter issued by the Sailodbhava king Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivāsa. The inscription was edited by N. G. Majumdar who believed that the date of the grant, viz., year 50, should be referred to the Harsha era so as to yield 656 A.D. There is, however, little doubt that the inscription is dated in the regnal reckoning of the Sailodbhava king. The stanza in question has been read by Majumdar as follows:
Jayati Jayanta-pratimah prasabha-samakrishta-ripu-uripa-frikah Sridhara[ põ(pau)jrahkshitipo uradikrita-lokanātha-sakhah 11
Since another verse in the inscription states that king Madhavavarian made the grant from his camp at Madhavapura (probably named after himself), Majumdar suggests that the expression Sridharapaura refers to the king's stay, at the time of making the grant, at Sridharapura which is identical with Madhavapura. He also says, "It further describes him i.e. king Madhavavarman) as a friend of the lõkanātha who was graciously disposed towards him. By the term lokanātha we are probably to understand the paramount sovereign to whom Mādhavavarman owed allegiance." We are sorry that we cannot agree either with Majumdar's reading or with his interpretation. In the first place, what has been read as sridharaporal and corrected to bridharapaural has been read by S. N. Rajaguru, who has recently edited the inscription without noticing that it was previously published, as srituramörk. In regard to the reading a for dha, Rajaguru seems to be right since the akshaw has a clear top maträ which is expected in w and not in dh. The other disputed alwhara looks more like mū or ya than po. The rending of the expression thus secms to be śri-Varamorah or fri-Farmva)rah. Secondly, the reference in the verse can hardly be to the Soilõdbhava king as the foudatory of a certain lokanäthn, a king'. Ho was no doubt & feudatory of king Kasatka of Gauda in the Gupta year 300 (619 A.D.). But his later records including the said epigraph are dated in his regnal reckoning and most of them (including the inscription in question describe him as the perfornier of the Asvamolha sacrifice. There is thus little doubt that these charters were issued after Sainyabhita Madhavavarman ll Srinivasa land thrown off the yoke of the Gauda king. In our opivion, lokanälha mentioned in the stanza quoted above is no other than the Sailodbhava king himself and the illustrious Vasamõra or Varanara was his fendatory who was the real donor of the grant. The word naradikrita refers to the favour shown by the king to the feudatory by agreeing to the creation of the rent-free holding recorded in the inscription no doubt at the feudatory's request.
While re-editing the Balangir Muscum plates of the 8th regnal year of Mahāśivagupta Yayati I, we did not fully realise the implication of the endorsement at the end of it referring to Prince
1 Bhandarkar's List No. 2053. * A. R. Ep., 1951-52, p. 5. # Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 148 ff. * Or. Hist. Res. Journ., Vol. II, Parts 3-4, p. 19. Soo HQ, Vol. XXVII, p. 166 ff JAS, Letters, Vol. XIX, p. 117 ff.

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No. 71
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES Durgarāja, described as the son of Svabhāvatunga whom we identified with Mahāśivagupta Yayati I himself. The introduction of the prince is really inexplicable and it now appears to us that he was the real donor of the grant which was ratified by his father.
Similarly, the real implication of the enigmatic endorsement at the end of the Mahada plates escaped us while re-editing the inscription. It appears to us now that Yasögaja, who seems to be described in the endorsement as a ruling chief born in the family of the issuer of the charter, i.e., king Sõmēsvaradovavarman III, was the real donor of the grant which was ratified by the king. If this was not the case, the endorsement is quite meaningless.
10. Khajjana=Khajjana=Khajjāna=Khajjanaka The word khajjana, also spelt khajjana, khajjāna and khajjanaka, occurs in several inscriptions of the western part of South India. In the Argā (Karwar District) plates of Kāpālivarman, which may be assigned to the sixth century A.D. on palaeographical grounds, the word khajjäna is found in the following passage in lines 3-6: Sivapuraka-grāmē Aditya-érēshthi-Pukkolli-khajjānam...dattam. We have also the following three passages mentioning khajjana in the Bandora (Goa) plates of Prithivimallavarman who seems to have flourished in the seventh century A.D. : (1) atra grāma-simē Kapoti-khojjanaṁ asinai Brāhmanāya....sampradattam (lines 3-4); (2) khajana-madhyasthopi yüpakah Brāhmanāy=aiva datta iti (lines 7-8); (3) khajjana-parimānan (line 10). The word khajjana is thrice used in the Panjim (Goa) plates of king Jayakēsin I of the Kadamba family of Goa, dated Saka 981 (1059 A.D.), in the following three passages : (1) Pāvarakhajjana (line 48); (2) Kalp-ākhya-khajjana (line 49); (3) Prativa(a)la-khajjana (line 50). A copper-plate grant of Tribhuvanamalla of the same dynasty, dated Saka 1028 (1107 A.D.), uses the word khajjanaka in verse 31 in lines 31-32, which runs as follows :
Nannapayyān=namasyam cha Hodda-khajjanakam krayāt
krītam Nāyyēna tasmāt=tat=krītvā prādāch=chhataistribhih 11
The word khajjana-khajjana-khajjana-khajjanaka has not yet been satisfactorily understood. While editing the Argā plates, Mr. A. M. Annigeri admits that the expression Pukkolli-khajjāna occurring in the record cannot be explained ',while Mr. P. B. Desai suggests in an editorial note that the word khajjāna and its variants may denote 'a specific area of cultivable land or locality'.!
There is, however, no doubt that khajjana, etc., are the same as the Marathi word spelt both as khājan and khajan. According to Wilson's Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, this word means 'a salt-marsh or meadow ; land lying along the shore of the sea or of inlets, and exposed to be flooded ; ground recovered by embankment from seal. The Mahārāshtra Sabdakosa also explains the word as 'the area (near the sea-shore) on which a thin layer of sand and mud accumulates after the ebb-tide coming through inlets; a rice field crested out of such an area near a hillock by erecting embankments on the three other sides, a field created by reclamation of the river bed'. It will thus be seen that khajjana and its variants really mean a particular type of cultivable land or a plot of land of the said type. That it does not mean a specific area of land seems to be indicated by the mention of an objeot standing within a.khajjana as found in the Bandora plates and of a khajjana called by the name Kalpa in the Panjim plates, both quoted above.
1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 283 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 232 ff.
See below, pp. 293 ff. .G. M. Moraes, Kadambakula, p. 397; M. G, Dikshit, BISMQ, Vol XXXI, Part IV, pp. 27 ff.
Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 71 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 233. Annigeri renda Publi-khajjana. * Ibid., p. 234, note 4.
. This meaning is clearly supported by the Bandora plates speaking of lavana-jalan stund wodryya kshetramtupadya (lines 8-9).

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[VOL. XXXIII
It has to be seen that the word khajjana and its variants are often used together with another expression as in Pukkolli-khajjana, Kapoti-khajjana, Pāvara-khajjana, Kalp-akhya-khajjana, Pratibula-khaijaya and Ilolda-Khaijayaka. The possibilities are that Pukkolli, Kapöti, Pāvara, Pratibala and Hödda are names of persons or localities or that the words in question indicate particular types of the land styled khajjana-khajjana=khajjāna-khajjanaka. Of the three suggestions, however, the one that Pukkõlli, Kapõti, Păvara, Pratibala and Hödda are personal names appears to be better than the other two. Kalpa may have, of course, been the name of the field in question.
In line 15 of the Sirsi (North Kanara District) platest of Kadamba Ravivarman (c. 490-538 A.D.), we have the expression Bandu-Pukküli-kshetrē. Pukküli may be a variant of Pukkolli of the Argā plates. Another variant of the same appears in the passage chaturvvinnsati-nivarttana Pukkoli-kshetran in lines 4-5 of the Kuntagani plates of the same Kadamba king. The occurrence of the same expression in several records seems to suggest that it is not the name of a locality since that would indicate that there were too many different localities bearing the same peculiar name. If this is regarded as a particular type of khajjana land, Kapoti, Pāvara, Pratibala and Hodda should also have to be taken to mean similar other types. That would make too many types of the land indicated by the word khajjana and its variants. In the present state of our knowledge, therefore, it is better to suggest that Pukkõlli, Pukküli and Pukkoļi are the variants of a personal name. In such a case, the expressions Aditya freshthi-Pukkolli-khajjāna would indicate a plot of the khajjana type of land in the possession of two persons named Adityabrëshțhin and Pukkõlli, while Bandu-Pukküli-kshëtra would similarly mean a plot of land in the possession of two persons called Baṁdu and Pukküli. Since, in Aditya freshthi-Pukkolli, Adityasrēsthin seems to be a complete personal name and Adityasrēshthi-pukkõlli does not appear to be a single name, Baṁdu and Pukküli in the passage Bardu-Pukküli-kshetra should better be taken to mean two personal names rather than Baṁdu-pukkūli as one such name. It seems that khajjäna of the Argā plates is a wrong spelling of khajjana or khajjana.
11. Panga=Pānga=Pangā The earliest reference to the word panga is found in the Hitnahebbāgilu plates of the Kadamba Dharmamahārāja kri-vijaya-biva-Mrigēbavarman (c. 470-90 A.D.) of Vaijayanti. In this case, a village was granted in favour of a Brāhmaṇa with a number of privileges, one of which is indicated by the expression parihita-pang-otkoța (lines 17-18). In a similar context, the expression sarvuapanga-parihsita is used as an epithet of the gift village in the Goa plates of Chalukya Satyásraya Dhruvarāja Indravarman, dated Saka 532 (610 A.D.). The passage Varsa(Vamba)väfako.... udaka-pürvvakan sarvva-panga-parihsito datto occurs in lines 11-12 of the Kapoli (Belgaum District) plates' of king Asankitavarman of the Bhoja family, who seems to have flourished in the sixth or seventh century A.D. The same word occurs in the form pānga in the following passage in lines 26-27 of a copper-plate grant (Saka 1028=1107 A.D.) of Kadamba Tribhuvanamalla : Satātækritvā dadau sarvvam=etatapang-adi-varjjitam. In & similar passage in line 42 of the Panjim plates (Śska 981-1059 A.D.) of Kadamba Jayakēsin I, it is stated that the donee was to pay panga at a fixed rate every year for the village that was granted to him by the king. 1 Abovo, Vol. XVI, pp. 264 ff.
Ibid., p. 267, note 9. • Ibid., Vol. XXXII, pp. 217 ff.
. Can pukbuli bo derived from old Telugu pombalu, 'areanuts', in the sense of an arecanut plantation Cf. above, Vol. XII, p. 197, note 3.
. Ep. Carn., Vol. IV. p. 136, Hunsur No. 18, and Plates.
• JBBRAS, Vol. X, pp. 348 ff. and Platos; above Vol. VI, p. 13, noto 3. cf. slao sarova-panga-parikritar parindrarh in line 7 of the Bandora plates (below, p. 296). Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 284 ff.
• Ibid., Vol. XXX, pp. 77 ff. . Cf. QJMS, Vol. XLV, p. 66.

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No. 7]
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
55
The word panga-panga has not been properly interpreted. B. L. Rice while translating the Hitnahebbāgilu plates admitted his inability to interpret the expression pang-ötköta. K. T. Telang while editing the Goa plates of Satyasraya Dhruvarāja Indravarman read sarvva-panguparihrita and translated the expression as 'free from all lame people', although Kielhorn later pointed out that the correct reading is panga and not pangu."
Mr. P. B. Desai offered several suggestions on the interpretation of this word. In a note published in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, he explained panga as 'form' or 'shape' and interpreted the passage Bhairavaḥ pānge Gadyāṇakāḥ occurring in the Panjim plates as 'Gadyanakas (i.e. coins of that name) of the Bhairava type', although an alternative suggestion offered was that pange may be a mistake for ponge derived from pon meaning 'gold'. But later he gave up the above interpretations of the word and offered the following suggestion: "The expression is not found in Sanskrit or Prakrit. It may, however, be connected with the Kannada pangu meaning 'obligation' or 'indebtedness'. This suggestion is supported by the context which shows that the ground for the collection of panga or fee was obligation. The word has passed into the Marathi language and is used in expressions like panga phedanem (to discharge the debt)."
The word panga-panga as found in the inscriptions referred to above is no doubt the same as Telugu pangamu recognised in Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary in the sense of 'a tax in the shape of one-fourth of the produce collected in olden times by the government on lands in the possession of gods and Brahmanas' (deva-Brāhmaṇa-vrittula mida pūrvapu sarkāruvāru tisikoně chaturth-amsam-ayina kappamu). It may be connected with Tamil pangu and Malayalam panka recognised in Wilson's Glossary in the sense of a share'. Dr. R. Narasimha Rao has drawn my attention to the use of the word in a large number of Telugu inscriptions of the medieval period.
Inscription No. 588 in the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VI, dated Saka 1189 (1267 A.D.), contains the passage aya-sumkkamu pamgga lekumdän-istimi, "we have made this grant with the exemption of aya-bulka and panga". No. 257 of Vol. X of the same work, dated Saka 1133 (1211 A.D.) has similarly i vrttiki paigāmu ledu, "there is no panga in respect of this gift land". No. 405 (Saka 1187-1265 A.D.), No. 422 (Saka 1191-1269 A.D.), Nos. 449 and 450 (Saka 1202-1280 A.D.), No. 488 (Saka 1221-1299 A.D.), No. 492 (Saka 1225-1303 A.D.), No. 499 (Saka 1233-1311 A.D.), No. 520 (Saka 1238-1316 A.D.), No. 527 (Saka 1241-1319 A.D.), No. 539 (of the time of Kakatiya Rudra) and No. 540 (of the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra) of the same volume have the following passages respectively: (1) dunnuvärikim baṁggamu lēdu (the cultivators of this land are exempted from panga), (2) evvaru dunninānu paṁga-tappu paṁga-sumkamu pannu kānika darisanamu ē-mēralavārūnu ēmim gona-lēdu (panga-tappu, panga-sulka, pannu, kānika and darsana are not levied from the cultivators anywhere), (3) pamgamu sarvva-mānyamu (a free holding which is panga, i.e. free from panga), (4) pamga (not pamggu as in the printed text) kānika mannana achamdr-arkkamugānu (we have permanently exempted it from panga and kanika), (5) i chēniki panga-tapu-sumkamu adigina-varu(vāru) paṁchcha-mahāpātakānaṁ baḍuduru (the collectors of pamga-tappu-sulka will be committing the five great sins), (6) pamgamu lēkuṁḍānuṁ sarvva-mānyamugānu mānitimi (no panga will be levied by us on the free-holding), (7) ellanan fikini upakshiti pangamu puți māḍalu kānika darisanamu mamnimstimi (we exempt from upakshiti, painga, pulti, mādalu, kānika and darsana for ever), (8) pamga-sarvva-mānyamu... ichiri (made
Ep. Carn., Vol. IV, translation, p 85. We also failed to explain the expression while discussing the inscription in the Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 266.
JBBRAS, op. cit., pp. 365-66; above, Vol. VI, p. 13, note 3.
QJMS, loc. cit.
Above, Vol XXX, p 75; cf. also ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 236, note 2.

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[VOL. XXXIII cho grant of a free-holding as panga, i.e., exempted from paiga), (9) pařga-mānyamu (a free-holding which is panga, i.e. free from panga), (10) pangamu veftina padupāpālam badu-vāru (the colleotors of panga from the cultivators of this land will be committing all sins), and (11) pariga-mányamuigā vidiche (made the free-holding panga, i.e. free from panga). The passage panggamu lēdu (exempted from panga) also occurs in Inscription No. 7 from Ongole in the Inscriptions of the Nellore District, Vol. II.
In these records panga or pangā, besides panga-tappu and panga-bulka, or panga-lappu-sulka in a single compound, is in some cases mentioned along with other levies called aya-bulka, pannu, kānika, darsana, upakshiti, putti and mādalu. In some cases, the word panga has been used as an adjective in the sense of free from panga'. The distinction between panga-tappu and pangafulka is not clear. While panga-bulka may be the same as panga explained above, panga-tappu may indicate interest or fine on arrears of panga.
Of the seven other items mentioned in the records quoted above, darsana is the same as Persian nazrāna, originally a gift or present from an inferior to a superior, a holy man or a prince. Both aya and bulka mean 'toll, tax, customs, etc., and the compound āya-bulka may have been used in the records in the sense of customs duties'. Wilson's Glossary recognises pannu as a Tamil word meaning tax, tribute, custom, rent'. It is also recognised in Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary in the sense of a tax, rent, duties'. Kānika seems to be the same as Kannada kāņikekāne or kāņike-kappa recognised by Wilson in the sense of 'a present from an inferior to a superior, a subscription, a donation'. Brown recognises Telugu kānika or kānuka in the same sense. Putti reminds us of Telugu puţti-dosiļļu recognised by Wilson in the sense of a fee of two handfuls from each putfi of grain paid to the village servants'. Madalu similarly reminds us of what Wilson says under māda: "a half pagoda ; whence it is applied to a rate of rent or payment of 50 per cent." I am not sure about the real meaning of upakshiti.
The Hițnahebbāgilu plates of Kadamba Mļigēsavarman uses the expression parihsita-pangotkota (exempted from panga and utkota), in which utköta is another allied fiscal term like panga. The Sanskritic form utkoța is not found in the lexicons; but its Prakrit form ukkoda, as used in the Jain Vyavahārasutra, has been recognised by H. T. Seth in his Päiasaddamahannaro in the sense of thins to be offered to the rājakula (the king, royal officers and members of the royal family and presents made to the king and others. The same lexicon recognises ukkoda, which appears to be a feminine form of the same word, as found in works like the Dafināmamālā, Praúnavyākaranasútra and Vipäka śruta, in the allied sense of 'bribe'.
While the form pānga may be a word derived from pangu in the same sense, pangā may be a wrong spelling of panga. The expression sarva-panga-parihita (exempted from all the pangas) used in some cases would suggest that panga often indicated a levy in general and that there were various kinds of it. The use of expressions like panga-bulka and panga-tappu (ct. aloo pangatappu-sulka) in the same context along with other taxes seems to suggest that panga was sometimes also used to indicate a particular group of levies,

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No, 8-BARHUT INSCRIPTIONS IN ALLAHABAD MUSEUM
(1 Plate) · D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 31.1.1958) Cunningham discovered the remains of the ancient Buddhist Stüpa at Barhut (also spelt Bharhut and Bharaut) in the former Nagaud State, of late merged in Madhya Pradesh, in 1873. The best and the most valuable of the sculptured remains' were purchased by him for the Indian Museum, Calcutta, and are now exhibited in the Archaeological Section of that Museum. The inscriptions incised on the stones pertaining to the said collection were studied by Cunningham, Hoernle, Hultzsch' and Lüders as well as by Barua and Sinha. Some more relics of the same religious establishment, probably those rejected by Cunningham, were lying in & godown of the rulers of the Nagaudh State. These were secured some years ago by Pandit Vrij Mohan Vyas for the Municipal Museum at Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh. There are altogether seven inscriptions in the Barhut collection of the Allahabad Museum. An unsatisfactory impression of one of these epigraphs reached me more than ten years ago and I published it in the Journal of the Royal Asiatio Society of Bengal, Letters, Vol. XIV, 1948, pp. 113-14 ; but the impression was too flimsy for reproduction. About the end of 1957 I visited the Allahabad Museum and Dr. S. C. Kala, Curator of the Museum, kindly allowed me to copy all the inscriptions of the Barhut collection. The epigraphs are published in the following pages.
Like most of the published inscriptions from Barhut, the records under study are small epigraphs in one or two lines. The characters belong to the Brahmi alphabet of about the second century B. C. The language of the inscriptions is Prakrit.
No. 1 The pillar bearing the inscription in one line near the representation of an acrobatic scene bears the Museum number Ac/2915. The line is 7 inches in length and individual aksharas are about inch high. The letters are smaller in size in the present upigraph than in any other in the Barhut collection in the Allahabad Museum. This inscription was published by me without illustration in the pages of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, referred to above. But, on a careful examination of the record, it is now found that there are some errors in the observations on the epigraph contained in my article.
then read the inscription as follows:
Pusadataye? nāgarikāye bhikhuniye [sa].......... It was suggested that the epigraph, supposed to be fragmerbary, recorda the gift of a pillar or rail by the nun Pushyadattă of the city where the ancient Stupa wus situated. I also suggested that Pushyadattā of this inscription is identical with the nun of that name mentioned in another Barhut inscription read by Barua and Sinha as :
Pusadatāye nagarikaye bhichhuniye Sakāya thabho dānan. 1 See his Stupa of Bharhut, 1879.
Ind. Ant., Vol. X, pp. 118 ff., 255 ff.; Vol. XI, pp. 25 ff. Cf. Anderson, Catalogue and Handbook of the Archaeological Collection in the Indian Museum, 1883.
*ZDYG, Vol. XL, pp. 58 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, pp. 225 ff. • List of Brāhmi Inscriptions, above, Vol. X, Appendix, No. 687-903.
Barhut Inscriptions, 1926. • See S.C. Kala, Bharhut Vedika, p. 30, No. 1. ? Macron over e and o has not been used in the article.
(67) 5 DGA/58

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[VOL. XXXIII
The full text of our inscription was therefore restored as: Pusadataye nagarikaye bhikhuniye Sakāye suchi (or thabho) dänam and translated as, "[A rail (or, pillar) which is the gift) of the [Buddhist] nun Pushyadattā, an inhabitant of the city."
It is now seen that there is no trace of any letter after the word bhikhuniye and the epigraph is therefore not fragmentary. Of course a layer of the stone has peeled off about the end of the line; but, even if it may be supposed that there were some letters in this damaged part, they could not have been more than two in number since there is no space for more. At best therefore the word dānam may have been engraved after bhikhuniye, although I feel that bhikhuniye is the last word of the record. Indeed Pusadataye nagarikaye bhikhuniye (i.e."[The gift of Pushyadatta, the nun of the city ") and Sakāye thabho dānam (i.e." The pillar (which is the gift of Sakı ") are two different records as read by Cunningham and do not make a single record as suggested by Barua and Sinha.
The word bhikshuni is found in the Barhut records in both the forms bhichhuni and bhikhuni.1
No. 2 The cross-bar bearing this inscription in one line bears the number Ac/2972. It is incised on the stone covering an area about 104 inches in length. Individual aksharas are about 16 inch in height. The inscription reads as follows:
[Na]garakhitasa chu mātu Chakamuchukaye dānam. It may be translated as: "[This pillar is] the gift of Nagarakshita and (his) mother Chakramochikā." But the word chu seems to suggest that the present epigraph was the second of a set of two inscriptions, the first recording a gift of Nāgarakshita, while the inscription under study only the gift of his mother. The gentleman and the lady mentioned in the record are not known from any other inscription from Barhut. A Buddhist monk of Pushkara, named Nāgarakshita, is, however, known from an inscription of about the same period ; but he appears to be different from the person of the same name mentiored in the record under study.
No. 3 The railing pillar on which this fragmentary inscription in one line is engraved bears the number Ac/2918. The writing covers a space measuring 54 inches in length with individual aksharas slightly less than an inch in height. The epigraph reads... girino bhanakasa bhātu, after which there are traces of an akshara which may be pa or ha. The word bhānaka indicates & reciter (of sacred texts]' and a number of such reciters are mentioned in the Barhut epigraphs. Our inscription apparently records the gift either of Ha (or Pa)................, the brother of a reciter whose name ended with the word giri, or of both the reciter and his brother.
This inscription reminds us of another Barhut epigraph which reads : Namdagirino bhānakasa Selapurakasa thabho dānan. “The pillar (which is] the gift of the reciter Nandagiri, an inhabitant of Sailapura". It is not unlikely that the same reciter named Nandagiri is mentioned in the record under study. A person named Nandagiri is known from another Barhut inscription;' but he was not a bhānaka.
1 Cf. Barus and Sinha, op. cit., p. 11, No. 19; pp. 17 f., No. 45 (1 and 3), etc.; and p. 12, No. 22; p. 13, No. 28; p. 18 (4); eto.
18. C. Kala, op. cit., p. 33, No. 19. . Laders' List, No. 607. .8. c. Kala, op. cit., pp. 21-22.
C. Barua and Sinha, op. cit., p. 8, No. 15; p. 11, No. 20; p. 13, No. 27; oto. • Ibid., p. 18, No. 41. * Ibid., p. 37, No. 13.

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No. 8]
BARHUT INSCRIPTIONS IN ALLAHABAD MUSEUM
59
No. 4
This inscription is engraved on a pillar bearing the number Ac/2914 as a label for the representation of a Näga offering protection to the Buddha. It is in two lines which cover a space measuring 9 inches by 31 inches. The letters in the first line are somewhat bigger than those of the second. Individual aksharas are between 1" and 2" in height in line 1 and a little less than one inch in line 2. The inscription reads:
1 Muchilido Nāgarūja [I*] 2 Tis[w]yi Benākaļikāya dūnā(nam) []*]
It may be translated as : "[This is the representation of] Muchalinda, the king of the Nāgas (i.e. dragons). This is the gift of Tishyā, an inhabitant of Benakataka." If it is believed that dānā has been used in the plural number for Sanskrit däniini, it has probably to be suggested that Tishyā's gift included more than one piece of stone.
The mention of Nagarāja Muchalinda reminds us of two other Barhut inscriptions speaking similarly of the Näga-rājas Erāpata (Sanskrit Airāvata or Elāpatra) and Chakravāka. Accord ing to Buddhist tradition, when there was a great shower of rain at Uruvelā where the Buddha was spending the third week after his Enlightment, the Näga king Muchalinda sheltered him by winding his coils seven times round the Buddha's body and holding his head above the Buddha's head. The expression Benā katika (Sanskrit Bainākaţikā) has been derived from Benākataka in the sense of a female resident of Benākațaka.' The name Benākațaka seems to indicate a town (kataka) situated on the river Benā which may be a tributary of the Krishņū bearing that name or the Wainganga which is a tributary of the Godāvari. But one of the Nasik cave inscriptions appears to locate a place called Benākataka in the district of Govardhana around modern Nasik.
No. 5
This inscription in one line is engraved on a rail stone bearing the number Ac, 2967. The writing covers an area of 61 inches in length and individual aksharas are between l' and ' inch in height. The epigraph is both damaged and fragmentary. It reads... [ye Ra]kh[i]tasa thabho dānam.' The first ukshara seems to be the remnant of a word indicating a place name in the feminine gender and the fifth case-ending. We have other cases of this type among the Barhut inscriptions ; cf. Moragirimha Nāgilāyā bhichhuniyā dānan thabho, "[This) pillar [is] the gift of the nun Nägilā from Mayuragiri."
No. 6
The fragment of the coping stone on which this inscription in one line is incised bears the number Ac/2925.? The writing covers an area measuring 21 inches in length with individual aksharas about inch high. The record reads:
Hansa-jātakai.
1 8. c. Kala, op. cit., pp. 31-32, No. 26. . Barua and Sinha, op. cit., p. 71. • Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. II, pp. 638-39. Of. Do, Geographical Dictionary, s.v. Benā and Beni. Cf. Select Inscription, p. 191; Lüders' List, No. 1125. . See, e... Barua and Sinha, p. 13, No. 28.Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 234, No. 81. :S. C. Kala, op. cit., pp. 28-29, No. 35.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII This reminds us of the numerous scenes from the Jātakas on the Barhut sculptures often bearing inscriptions mentioning the names of particular Jätakas. There is actually another Barhut inscription reading Hansa-jätaka. Among the Jätakas mentioned in the Barhut inscriptions, we have Maghadeviga-jataka, Isimigo-jataka, . . . wigajataka, Secha-jatakan, Nāga-jätaka. Sujatogahuto-jätaka, Latuvā-jätaka, Vidalajataraluku fa-jätaka, Uda-jätaka, Kimnara-jātaka, Miga-jätaka, Bhisaharaniya-jātaka, Chhadartiya-jätaka, Isisiṁgiya-jātaka, Vitura punakiya-jātaka, Yavamajhakiya-jātaka and Muga pakiya-jätaka. It may be pointed out that the names of the Jätakas as quoted in these inscriptions are in some cases found in different forms in the Jātaka collections.
No. 7
The coping stone bearing this inscription has the number Ac/2910. The record is in two parts. The height of individual aksharas in this epigraph is similar to that of the letters in No. 6. The first part of the inscription reads Gajā-jätaka Sasoo and the second jätake which however, seems to be followed by traces of the letters saso. The two parts jointly mention the Gaja jätaka and the Sasa-jätaka Although the Sasa-jätakat is well known, it is difficult to identify the Gaja-jätaka. Among the Jätakas, we have stories in which both the gaja (i.e. elephant) and the saía (i.e. rabbit) are known to have some part to play.
1 Barua and Sinha, op. cit., p. 81; Ind. A., Vol. XXI, p. 239, No. 158.
* See Ibid., pp. 78, 80-81, 83, 85, 87-89, 91.94, 97; Lüders' List, Nos. 691 ; 694-05, 698, 700-01,703-04, 706, 724, 730, 769, 755-86, 802, 807, 810, 825, 897. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 233, No. 72; p. 239, No. 155. For another Jätaka, see ibid., p. 239, No. 157.
.S. C. Kala, op. cit., pp. 32-33, No. 7. See Jätaks No. 316. Cf., e.g., Jätaka No. 322 (Daddabha-jalaka).

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No. 2
No. 6
No. 3
No. 7
ع
به نا+
Edlturn
Scale: One-half
No. 4
ydu SITE
Scale : One-fourth

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No. 9-TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA PRITHIVIMALLAVARMAN (2 Plates)
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 23.4.1958)
Photographs of the two copper-plate inscriptions published here with the kind permission of the Government Epigrapnist for India were obtained in his office during 1949-50. The plates were found somewhere in the Goa territory but the details about their discovery are not known. Both of these inscriptions, called here A and B,belong to the reign of the king Prithivimallavarman of the Bhoja dynasty. The existence of this dynasty is known from a few copper-plate grants. In all, six inscriptions, including the two published here, have been discovered so far. Of these, the Siroda plates of Devaraja are the earliest as they are assignable, on palaeographical grounds, to about the 4th century A. D., while the others belong to the 6th or 7th century A. D. The six inscriptions disclose the names of five rulers, viz. Devaraja, Asankita, Asankitavarman, Käpälivarman and Prithivimallavarman. Unfortunately their relationship to one another cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. The records refer only to the ruling kings and do not mention any of their predecessors. For this reason, it is even difficult to say whether Asankita of the Hiregutti plates is the same as Asankita varman mentioned in the Kāpōli plates. These Bhōja rulers seem to have held sway in the west coast area comprising the North Kanara District, Goa and portions of the Belgaum District. Among the charters of the family, the Siroda plates were issued from Chandrapura, the Argā plates from Pamasa-khēta, and the present records from Vrishabhiņi-kheta and Prithivi-parvata. Of these, only Chandrapura has been satisfactorily identified with modern Chandor near the city of Goa.
A
The set consists of two plates, each measuring approximately 6.5" by 2.2". In the middle of the left margin of each plate, there is a hole. (about 1" in diameter) meant for the ring. The whereabouts of the ring and the seal are not known. The first plate is engraved on the inner side only while the second has writing on both sides. There are altogether eleven lines of writing, of which the first plate and the first side of the second plate have five lines each and the second side of the second plate only one line. Some letters in the third and fourth lines of the first plate are damaged. The rest of the writing is well preserved.
The characters belong to what is known as the southern class of alphabets. They generally resemble the characters of the early Kadamba grants and may also be compared with those of the Argā plates of Käpälivarman and the Kapōli plates of Asankitavarman. While these characters are box-headed, those of our record are what may be called hook-headed. They are definity later than those of the Siroda plates of Devaraja and belong more or less to the same period as those of the other Bhoja grants referred to above. On palaeographical grounds, they may be assigned to the latter half of the sixth or the first half of the seventh century A. D. Initial a occurs
1 They have been registered as Nos. 8 and 10 of App. A., A.R.Ep., 1949-50, and briefly noticed above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 337-40. See also Summary of Papers, All-India Oriental Conference, Bombay, 1949, p. 99.
Though the Siroda plates of Devaraja were noticed as early as 1933 and published above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 143 ff., the record was assigned to the Bhoja dynasty at a later date. Cf. above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 337 ff.
The remaining four records are: (1) Siroda plates of Devaraja, referrred to above: (2) Hiregutti plates of Asankita, above, Vol. XX VIII, pp. 70 ff.; (3) Arga plates of Käpälivarman, above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 232-34; and (4) Kapoli platos of Asankitavarman, ibid., pp. 234-36.
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62
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
in lines 4, 5 and 10 while initial r is found in line 6. Finalm is written in two ways; cf. the diminutive form of the letter in Dittham (line 1), pallikāyām (line 2) and eram (line 6) and the form endowed with only a small hook in Bhojānām (line 1). Final / is indicated by a diminutive form of the letter without the top mātrā ; cf. khēļūt and rachanat (line 1) and hirsyät (line 8). The early forun of kh may be noted in Khētāt (line 1) and mukh-ū (line 10).
The language of the record in Sanskrit and the entire text is written in prose. In respect of orthography it may be observed that the consonant following r is invariably reduplicated.
The inscription opens with the word ditthun which, however, is written about the beginning of the second line. This expression stands for Sanskrit drishtam. The charter was issued from Vpishabhiņi-khëta by king Prithivimallavarman of the Bhöja dynasty. The king is not introduced with any titles, imperial or subordinative. But since the charter is addressed to subordinate officials like the Bhojakas, Ayuktakas and Sthūyins (lines 2-3), we may assume that Prithivimallavarman was an in lependent king.
The object of the inscription is to record the king's grant of a field, probably surrounded by blue hills, in the village of Bhagala-pallikă included in the Kupalapakațāhāra-dēsa. It is stated (lines 3-4) that the grant was made for the merit of the king's mother Chētasādēvi' at the request of his brother Satrudamana. These two personages, viz. Chētasādēvi and Satrudamana, are not known from any other source. The donee was Mādhvārya (i.e. Mādhavārya) of the Agnivēśya gotra.
The record is dated (line 9) in the first year of the king's reign and the 13th day of the bright half of the month of Jyōshtha. The executor of the grant was the king himself. A statement in line 10 shows that the gift was actually made by Chētasādēvi who was the daughter of Nēllika. From this it appears that the gift land was purchased by the king's brother Satrudamana on behalf of his mother Chētasādēvi and that the formal donation was made by the king himself. The charter was written by Dévalarm-acharya of Bhāradvāja-gotra.
There are three places mentioned in the record, viz. Vrishabhiņi-khēța whence the grant was issued, and Kupalapakatähära-desa in which the village of Bbāgalapallikä was situated. I am unable to identify them. Kupalapakațāhāra-dēša is, however, mentioned as Kupalākata-déba in inscription B below.
TEXT
First Plate
í Dittham [*] Vijaya-Vrishabhiņi-khőtat Bhojānām Přithivimallavarmmaño
vachanāt dēśē Kupala2 [pa]kat-āhārē grāmē Bhāgalapal[1]ikāyām varttamāna-bhavishyad-bhõjak-ā3 yukstjaka-sthayy-alayo [vaktavyäh] [l*) yath=āsmābhir-asinad-bhrātuḥ Satrudamanasya 4 [vijñāpyona? asmad-ambāyah] Chētas[ūļdēvyāḥ puny-õpachay-ārttham-asmai Brikma
1 In the Siroda plates (abovo, Vol. XXIV, p. 145, text line 2), the passage containing the names of these officers has been read as bhogik-ayuktaka-othamy-aday8. But the correct reading there appears to be bhojakayuktaka. athayy-adayo as in the present record.
• The expression used is nila-dama-raprakah. It may also stand for the name of the field granted.
. It has been inadvertently stated that Chetasädēvi was the queen of Prithivimallavarman (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 339).
• See above, pp. 50 ff. . From photographr. This is No. 8 of App. A of 1949-50. • This word is ongraved about the beginning of the second line. Rend drianfam. Read vijiapanēna.

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TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA PRITHIVIMALLAVARMAN-PLATE I
e
បទមសប បាយ
77,
Scale : Five-sixths

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63
No. 9] TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA PRITHIVIMALLAVARMAN 5 ņāya Agni[vē]øya-sagātrāya Mā[dh]vāryyāya kshētra-halam(lah) nila-dāma-vaprakah
Second Plate, First Side 6 sarvva-parihțital-parihāraḥ udakēna sampradattaḥ [l*] tad=ēvam jñātrā na kēnachit 7 vyansitavyah! yo=smat-kul-ābhyantarõ=nyā vā rīga-dvēsha-lõbha-möha-mada-mātsaryyā8 [di]bhi(bhi)r=ddöshair-abhibhūto him'syāt sa-pancha-mahāpātak-õpapataka-sariyukta[h*]
syād=iti [*] 9 dattā pațţikā varddhamānaka-samvval prathama(mē) Jyēshtha-śukla-divasē
trayodaśyām [l*] 10 atra sa-mukh-ājñāpti[h 1*] Nēllika-bālikāyāḥ Chētasādovyāḥ dānam=iti i
Second Plate, Second Side 11 Dõ[va]šarmm-āchäryyāna(ņa) Bharadvāja-ssa(sa)götrüņa li[khJitam=iti !
The set consists of two plates, each measuring about 8.2" by 2.2" and having a hole on the left margin (about in diameter) for the ring to pass through. The ring and the seal are not found. The first plate is engraved on the inner side only while the second plate bears writing on both the sides. The first plate contains four lines of writing, the first side of the second plate five lines and the second side of the second plate three lines only. Thus there are in all twelve lines of writing. Some letters in lines 10 and 11 are damaged while the rest of the writing is well preserved. The characters are the same as those employed in inscription A above.
The grant is issued from the victorious Prithiviparvvata. The charter is addressed by king Prithivimallavarman of the Bhoja dynasty, who is introduced without any royal title as in record A above, to the present and the future Bhõjakas, Ayuktakas and Sthāyins. The object of the charter is to record the grant of a field called Kapoti-khajjana, situated in the village of Malāra included in Kupalākața-dēśa made by the king for his own merit. The donee was one Dāmārya of the Bhāradvāja götra, who is also called Agnivēsya. The word khajjana occurs in the Argă plates of Käpälivarman referred to above as Pukkolli-khajjana. Apparently it is the same as the modern Marathi and Konkani word khājaņ which means 'a rice-field created out of the nullah of a sea-shore by putting embankments after the ebb-tide." The inscription further states (lines 7-8) that a yūpaka standing in the midst of the field was also given to the donee. The word yüpaka may be a mistake for kūpaka.
The record is dated in the year 25 (expressed in numerical figures), Śrāvana-sukla 15. The year apparently refers to the king's regnal reckoning, thereby showing that Pțithivimallavarman ruled for about 25 years at least. The charter was written by Buddhacläsa of the Kamboja gotra while its executor was Nidhivara.
The boundaries of the gift land are mentioned in lines 10-11 as follows: in the east the rocks ; in the south also the rocky path ; in the west a locality called Vësimikā; and in the north a river,
1 Better read parihțita-sarrrao • Anusvāra is engraved inside the loop of the medial i sign of hi. * Better read eamratsurē. . Read mva. * There are traces of an unnecessary virarga-liko mark after na. • There is a visargn-like mark after it. It is part of the punctuation mark indicating the end of writing. Cf. Maharashtra-dablakõsa, s.v. See also above, pp. 52-54.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII At the end (line 12), the inscription once again refers to the grant of the field made by the king in the village of Malaxa.
Prithivi-parvata, whence the grant was issued, Kupalakata-dēsa, which included the village where the gift land was situated, and the village of Malāra are the three localities mentioned in the record. It is not possible to identify them. Prithivi-parvata seems to have been named after king Prithivimallavarman. Kupalākata-dēša is apparently the same as Kupalapakațāhāradēla mentioned in record A edited above. There is a place called Malowli in the Goa territory, though it is not possible to say whether it represents the village of Malára mentioned in the record.
TEXT:
First Plate 1 Dittham (Dfishtam) [I*] Vijaya-Pșithivi-parvvatāt Bhojānăm Prithivimallavarmmaño
vachanā[t] dēsē 2 Kupalakatē grāmē Malārē su-grāmo varttamāna-bhavishyad-bhõjak-ayuktaka-sthāyy-a3 dayő vaktavyāḥ [l*) yath=āsmābhir=asmat-pu[ny-7]pachaya-vivsiddhy-arttham'=atra
grāma-si4 me Kapõti-khajjanam=asmai Brāhmaṇāya Bharadvāja-sagotrāy=Agnivēśyāya
Second Plate, First Side 5 Dämäryyāyrödakēna sampradattam [l*] jñātv=aivam na kēnachid=vyamsayitavyam yo
v=ā[tra] 6 rāga-dvēsha-lobha-mada-ma(mā)tsaryy-ādibhir=abhibhūt-ātma vyamsanāṁ kuryyat=sa
pancha
7 mahäpätak-õpapātaka-samyukta[b*) syād=iti [l*] khajjana-maddhyastho=pi (yü)paka[h]* 8 Brāhmanāy=aiva datta iti [1] dattam patrakar samvva 20 5 Śrāvana-sukla diva
10 [5] [l*] 9 likhitam=ētach=cha Kamboja-sagötrēņa Buddhadāsēn=ā[tra) ch=ājñāptir=
Nnidhivara[h] [1]
dakshiņatör
Second Plate, Second Side 10 [kha]jjana-parimānam sētavas=cha [l*] pūrvvata[h] (påshä]na[h]
pi (pāshāņa-vīthi] 11 aparato Vēsimikā uttaratö nadi . .. kha[lā]-sthā[na)-pari[māņam] 12 avya[ın*]sit[0] Malara-simēsmābhis=sampradattēti ||
1 From photographs. • This word is unnecessary.
• Better read opachay-arihan". · Can this be a mistake for kipakah ?
Road datta idi.

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TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA PRITHIVIMALLAVARMAN–PLATE II
i, a
ఆ నరకకు ముందు ఆ బంక బంలోని ములు అని అంతం
SH
and
- వాన
Scale : Nine-tenths

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106
10
12
12

Page #108

No. 10-FRAGMENTARY YAJVAPALA INSCRIPTION FROM NARWAR
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 14.9.58)
The inscription, preserved in the Gwalior Museum, was copied by me when I visited Gwalior about the end of 1952 for attending the Fifteenth Session of the Indian History Congress It was registered as No. 146 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1952-53, Appendix B. The record, stated to have been found at Narwar in the Shivapuri District of the former Gwalior State, is as yet unpublished; but a short notice of it was published by M. B. Garde in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of the Gwalior State, V.S. 1982, No. 1. Garde's note was utilised by H. N. Dvivedi in his Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh, No. 704. It has been supposed that the inscription was engraved during the reign of Asalladēva of the Yajvapāla dynasty of Narwar. Actually, however, the record belongs to the time of Asalla's son Gopala whose known dates range between 1279 and 1289 A.D.
The inscription is engraved on the excavated bed of a squarish stone slab, the four sides of which are raised. There are 18 lines of writing in the record, the inscribed area covering a space about 19 inches long and about 14 inches high. The inscription is incomplete. The last line, which contains the concluding part of verse 22, ends with the first six syllables of a new stanza; but the rest of this verse was not engraved on the stone. It may be supposed that, as in the case of the Ajmer inscription edited above, the writing was continued on a separate slab. But there is some evidence to show that such was not the case. It is interesting to note that there is enough space on the stone below the last line of the record to accommodate several lines of writing. It is clear therefore that the original idea was to engrave on the stone a complete prasasti of the type known from four other inscriptions of the Yajvapala age, preserved in the Gwalior Museum and edited by us elsewhere in this journal, and that, for some reason unknown to us, the engraver gave up the writing after finishing about three-fourths of the work. The reason of course may have been a sudden calamity that befell the persons concerned.
The inscription is not only incomplete but also fragmentary. A layer of stone has peeled off from a considerable area of the surface of the slab. This has resulted in the effacement of a number of letters in all the lines. The number of lost letters is the highest in lines 7-9. The record is a prasasti written in more than 22 stanzas in various metres. The verses are consecutively numbered. In the absence of the concluding part of the inscription, the purpose underlying the composition of the eulogy and its incision on the stone slab cannot be determined; but, considering the fact that the record closely resembles, in all respects, the four other prasastis of the Yajvapāla age recording the excavation of step-wells, it may be suggested that the present inscription was also designed to serve a similar purpose. Indeed it is possible to think that the author of the eulogy was the Mathura Kayastha poet Sivanabhaka who is known to have composed several other prasastis of the reigns of the Yajvapala kiugs Gopala and Ganapati. The known dates of these rulers range between 1279 and 1300 A.D. Verses 1-2 containing adoration to the gods Murari (Vishnu) and Sambhu (Siva) refer to the reflection of the former on the cheek of Lakshmi and of the latter on the ear-ring of Siva (Kali). The idea contained in the first of the two stanzas is actually found in verse 2 of a prasasti composed by Sivanabhaka during the reign of Yajvapala Gopala in V.S.
1 Vol. XXIX, pp. 178 ff.
2 See above, pp. 31 ff.; vol. XXXII, pp. 334 ff.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 1839 (1283 A.D.). Then again the expression saurājya-bhāsura occurs in the description of the city of Nalapura in verse 3 of another prasastit composed by the same poet during the reign of the same monarch in V.S. 1336 (1281 A.D.). The word saurājya occurs in a similar context in verse 9 (line 9) in the present record algo. These facts coupled with the other that the eulogy under study was composed during Göpāla's reign seems to suggest that the same poet Sivanābhaka was responsible for its composition.
The characters of the inscription belong to the Dēvanāgari alphabet of about the thirteenth century and closely resemble those of other Yajvapāla inscriptions. The letter b has been indicated by the sign for v. The orthography of the record is characterised by the occasional uge of the class nasal and final m instead of anusvāra, and reduplication of consonants after . The language is Sanskrit and, with the exception of a few passages at the beginning, the whole record is written in verse.
The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol and the expression siddhih and the passage Ganapati-prasāddhāt(dät). The above is followed by two stanzas in adoration of the gods Muräri (Vishnu) and Sambhu (Siva), which have already been referred to above.
Verses 3-9 describe the kings of the Yajvapāla dynasty of Nalapura from Chāhada to Gopāla. Verse 3 apparently introduces the hill-fort of Nalapura (Narwar) which was the capital of the Yajvapälas since the days of Chāhada.) Unfortunately the passage containing the name is lost; but the reference to Naishadha-kshitipa, alluding to the epic king Nala of the Nishadhas, leaves us in no doubt about the author's intention. The stanza also contained the name of the vishaya (i.e. district or territory) of which the above fortress was the capital. The reference is to the Yajvapāla kingdom or the district round Narwar which seems to be mentioned as Pädõnalaksha-vishaya in another epigraphic record. The restoration Pädonalaksha in the present epigraph suits the metre of the stanza in question.
The name of king Chahada in verse 4 is only partially preserved ; but the name of his son Nrivarman in the following stanza (verse 5) can be clearly read. An interesting information about Nțivarman, which is known for the first time from the present record, is that he defeated the king of Dhārā and exacted tribute from him. Since the latest known date of Chāhada and the earliest of his grandson Asalla have both been read as V.S. 1311=1254-55 A.D., Nșivarman, son of Chahada and father of Asalla, may be supposed to have ruled for a few months in 1254-55 A.D." He thus appears to have been a contemporary of the Paramāra king Jaitugi (known dates between V.S. 12921236 A.D. and V.S. 1300=1243 A.D.) or his younger brother and successor Jayasimha-Jayavarman (known dates between V.S. 1311=1256 A.D. and V.S. 1331= 1274 A.D.) of Dhārā and Mandu. There is a passage in verse 5, which seems to suggest that the Yajvapäla monarch was helped in his encounter with the king of Dhärä by three persons named Skanda, Chandra and Parita, who were possibly his generals.
(Verse 6 introduces Nrivarman's son Asalla although the name is not fully preserved. The stanza appears also to have contained the name of his queen who gave birth to his son and successor
1 See above, p. 39, text lines 2-3, verge 2, * See ibid., p. 34, text line 3.
See ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 323 ff. and Plates ; Vol. XXXII, pp. 334 ff. and Plates ; above, pp. 31 ff. and Plates.
• See No. 139 of A.R.Ep., 1952-53, App. B; above, p. 38.
R. D. Banerji speaks of Chābada's coins of V.S. 1312 (1255 A.D.) and 1316 (1259 A.D.) and concludes, "Nrivarman did not reign at all, because the reigns of Chahada and his grandson Asalla or Asals overlap " (Num. Suppl., No. XXXIII, p. 83). If this is correct, Nrivarman's achievement has to be referred to the reign of his father Chahada. The language of the inscriptions, however, seems to suggest that Nộivarman ruled between Chahada and Asalla.
• Bhandarkar's List, p. 397.: above, Vol. XXXII, p. 140.

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No. 10) FRAGMENTARY YAJVAPALA INSCRIPTION FROM NARWAR Gopala. Her name is lost; but another inscription of the family gives it as Lāvanyadēvi. The next stanza (verse 7) refers to the person who succeeded to Asalla's position [as kingl (cf. labhë tasya padam). The reference is undoubtedly to Gopala who was the son and successor of Asalla. But the name cannot be traced in the extant parts of any of the three stanzas (verge 7-9) that describe the Yajvapāla monarch during whose rule the inscription was engraved.
Verse 10 introduces Gopagiri (Gwalior) where the family, to which the hero of the prasasti belonged, originally resided, while the next stanze (verse 11) speaks of a Mathura Kayastha family hailing from that place and belonging to the Harita gotra. Verse 12 describes Syāma of the family mentioned in the foregoing stanza. He is compared with Syāma-vața or the sacred banyan tree at Prayāga near Allahabad, U.P.: The next stanza (verse 13) speaks of Bhuvanapāla who seems to have been the son of Syäma, although no word indicating the relationship between Syäma and Bhuvanapāla can be traced in the extant parts of verses 12-13. An interesting information about Bhuvanapāla is that he is stated to have been seated on half of the throne of king Bhoja of Dhārā. The expression mantra-balāt used in this context seems to suggest that he was a minister of that monarch. It is difficult to determine whether the word mukhya in a damaged passage of the stanza suggests that he was Bhoja's chief minister. As will be seen below, Bhuvanapāla's greatgrandson was a contemporary of Yajvapāla Chāhada (c. 1231-34 A.D.). Bhöja of Dhära, contemporary of Bhuvanapāla, therefore cannot be identified with Paramāra Bhõja II who ruled about the close of the 13th century. He seems to be none other than Bhöja I (c. 1010-55 A.D.) of the Paramāra dynasty. But there is an interval of nearly two centuries between Paramāra Bhöja I and Yajvapāla Chāhada. This seems to be too long a period to be covered by four generations only, even if it may not be altogether impossible.
Bhuvanapāla's son was Vāsudēva (verse 14).whose son was Dāmādara (verse 15). The name of Damodara's son is lost in verse 16; but he is stated to have been the Kosādhyaksha (treasurer) of king Chahada, apparently the Yajvapāla king of that name. Verse 17 states that Dāmõdara's son visited Kāsi, Gay, and other holy places, while the next stanza (verse 18) mentions his wife named Dharmā who was the daughter of Pithane. The lady Dharmā is stated in verse 19 to have given birth to five sons. The first of these five brothers is described in verses 20-22. Unfortunately his name is lost; but he is described as a poet and an expert in vamsa-varnana (i.e. description of families). He is further stated to have been & servant of king Göpa, no doubt the Yajvapāla king Gopāla who was the great-grandson of Chāhada. It is interesting to note that, while the father was a contemporary of Chāhada (c. 1231-54 A.D.), the son was serving under Gõpāla (c. 1279-89 A.D.).
The concluding part of the last line of the inscription, as already indicated above, gives us only the first six syllables of a stanza which was expected to be verse 23 of the eulogy under study. It was meant to introduce the younger brother of the eldest of Dharmā's five sons.
It seems that one of the five sons of Dharmă was the hero of the prasasti under study. This is not only suggested by the fact that Dharmā's sons were contemporaries of the reigning Yajvapāla king but probably also by the mention of their mother in the eulogy. In the praśastis composed during the reigns of Gopāla and Ganapati generally the mother of the hero is mentioned and not his grandmother or great-grandmother. But who the hero was cannot be determined. A guess may, however, be hazarded in this connection. We have seen that the eulogy was possibly composed by the poet Sivanābhaka who is described in a stanza found in several records as a member of a
1 Above, p. 34, text line 8.
* For the mention of Syama in literary works like the Rāmāyana (11,68, 23), Kalidasa's Raghutamia (XIII. 63) and Bhavabhūti's Uttararāmacharita (Anka I), see ABORI Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 87 ff.
* There is only one case of the mention of the hero's grandmother and nono mentioning his great-grandmother.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII
Mathura Kayastha family hailing from Gwalior and as the son of Köśādhipa Lobata and the grandson of Dämödara. The hero of the eulogy under study belonged likewise to a Mathura Kāyastha family hailing from Gwalior, and he was the son of a Kösādhyaksha (name lost) of king Chahada and the grandson of Damodara. It appears possible that the name of Chahada's Kośädhyaksha which is lost in our record was really Lõhata which suits the metre of the stanza in question. Thus it seems that the present eulogy was composed by Sivanābhaka in order to record a pious deed of one of his brothers or of his own self. We have seen how verses 20-22 describe the eldest of Dharmā's sons as a poet who was an expert in describing genealogies and as one engaged in the service of the Yajvapāla king Göpăla, although the name of the person is lost. It is, however, interesting to note that the description suits very well the poet Jayasinha, son of Lõhata and the author of a prasasti' composed in V.S. 1350 (1293 A.D.) during the reign of Gõpāla's son Ganapati.
Pithana, maternal grandfather of the hero of our presenti, cannot be identified. The name, however, reminds us of Pithana of the Gaudahara Kshatriya community, who was the father of Dēvadhara, the chief minister of Āsalla according to a prasasti of Gopāla's time, composed by Sivanābhaka in V.S. 1336 (1279 A.D.). The identification of the two Pithanas is possible if it can be believed that the Mathura Kāyasthas and the Gaudahara Kshatriyas intermarried beween themselves.
Among geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kasi and Gavà are famous holy places. As already indicated above, verse 3 seems to refer to the bill-fort of Narwar as the capital of the territory called Pädonalaksha-vishaya which may have been the name applied to the deminions of the Yajvapālas.
TEXT
[Metres : verse 1 Upajāti; verses 2, 4, 6-7, 9-12, 15-20 Anushrubh ; verses 3, 5 l'asantatilaka :
verses 8, 13-14, 21 Aryā ; verse 22 Giti.]
1 Siddham ! Siddhiḥ || Ga[napati-pra]sāddhāt(dāt) Ni[l-am]vu(bu)da-syā(byā)[ma-ru]chih
kapõlē puna(tu) Laksh[my]āḥ prativim(bit)vi(bi)tö vah sphuran-mayükhe [vi]male Mura.. 2 [rir=u)-----UU--[nda]m=indāḥ || [1].... tamaső [vā(bā)dham) sphuranti [sthiti-šā]lini
kumdalē vastanur=vv=āpi Sivāyā [dis(sa)tām) Si[va]r(vam) || 2 3 [Paj u [vishay-aika)-vibhushanam y[o] yo N[ai]shadha-ksh[i]tipa-kirtti-vikāśa-hētul
yaḥ śrēyasāṁ cha vibhavasya cha pātram=ēkam=ās[t]ë sa [6]imga-kha4 chistaju ud[r]ih 3 Tasminn=abhūta pūrvvõ=bhuchChā. ....i-patiḥo | bhuja-sau
(sau)țirya-nirddhüta-prati[pa)-bhața-pauru[sba]b || 4 Tasmad-abhüd-amalla)
1 Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 337, text lines 20-21, verse 22. . Above, p. 32. * From impressions. This is No. 146 of A.R.Ep., 1952-53, App. B. • Expressed by symbol.
* There is an unnecessary danda here together with a cancellation mark intended to cover a little blank space At the end of the line.
• The word lost here seems to be Sambhavi qualifying the word tanuh.
The name may possibly be restored as Padonalaksha. "There is an unnecessary mark ahove this letter. . The passage may be conjecturally restored as "chitaretu Nal-abhidh-adrih. 10 The damaged passage may be restored as 'Chahadah prithics-palib.

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FRAGMENTARY YAJVAPALA INSCRIPTION FROM NARWAR
Colleniuminivilहीमा बालन नमानी समाजमान
नदEBISHALAUpretalireमितासनतम्वामियानामनिवारण UncenानाriHDVISE नावावासावविश्वासातमकाजदान गरिव MAHARA
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नायकरानातहतसादाताविनाम KHAलामिनामनामनातलामाधानदाता
R ANCHETANIमलीमीनिर्मचा dil
aagunनिनबनातावादाता नामाया। कादरी तिमािम AANETसनापालाआराधानासानाकामा महामनसावा वालाp a ali नवरतारा सत्तास्तवाशाजिमानतजामामुलीवार सादावन ( DALAGaneमारासतमा मनाम तिवापानबाहदगाला (मायाको निदानका तमामदिमागमाना जादा डिनावामानाडादनावमा वातादा गाविस illustanimal AMARथापनमा समानतामालिकामा चिनाजपिपई तथा समाज A ndrenisaHDHARATमाशापातमाशायीमासारखा
TRAELEnालालमहालाभारामशानामानिलिवन
Scale : Two-fifths

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No. 10) FRAGMENTARY YAJVAPALA INSCRIPTION FROM XARWAR 6 ki[rttir-i]--0--[h srimă]n=Nộivarmma-ntipastih) www.-- (1) (Gri)-Bka[m]da
Chandra-Paritaih paribh[U]ya yèna Dhår-adhipad-api karo jagribi-tidpiptat 5
6 Tat[ô-bhū]ch-churi... [1]laḥ simha-sanii[hāra)... [I*).... [pa]vitr=ībbūd=yasya kirttir-iva
priya || 6 Lēbhë tasva padaın kirtti-pūta-viņšē
7 sha... hol
akhila-si
..........[ 7*)... jal-a[r]dra-kar-agrah
pratihuta -vigivah(ghna)-sad-õdit
8 ddhish | asti)........ .......[188].. itim niti-sampannå sa-vananızavan-õjvalijvallam
alamkurdva(rvva)tio
9 saurājya............[|| 9*]...[se]....... [sa]rvyamangalaḥ| asti Gopagirir-nåma durg88
Durggapatir-yatha 10
10 Varso dhar-avata]]'. ...........nina (cha tështi) Hårista-gotrāņā[rn] Mathurinam
yabő-rthinām(nām) | 11 Guņaiḥ suchir api syāmö nämna Sya
11 mo vato yatha | [ru]......[yö] brita-tāpū-rthinām=al hūt || 12 Adhyāsta Bhuvanapalo Dhår
adhibasya Bhõja-bhūpasya simhasanam-apy-a
12 rddham maint[r]a-va(ba)lān mukh[y]a..... || 13 Va(Ba)lavān=uddhrita-gótrah [pa]ra -
hita-ksityē[sh]u sautatam niratah | upaśamit-ahita-nägas-tasya suto Vä
13 sudēvõ=bhūt || 14 [Kři].... prītir-götr-ånamdi vsisha-sthitiḥ | Damodaro-bhavat-tasnáda
apūrvvõ=mita-vikramah || 15 Tatas-Chahada-bhūpala
14 koß-adhyaksho visu... [l*]... 10[8=ta]nayo jajñē kutuiva(ba)-bhara-sāsahih! 16 Kab.
Gay-adi-tirthöshu snāna-pind-odaka-kriyah | kritvatma(tma)
15 möchito yềna (tri)...... [māt] li 17 T[ēna] Dharmm-abhidhă dharmmyå sådhvi Pithana
putrikā 1 upayēmē kutumvā(b-ā)rthi-dvij-anainda-para priya || 18
16 Tasyam samāna-siki........[tõ]=rthinām(nam) | utpăditāḥ sutāḥ prajñaḥ pancha Pan
chęshuņā samāḥ || 19 Tēshām=ādyaḥ krit-ābhyāső vidyāsu saka1 The damaged passage may be restored as Grimal-Asallah.
The name of the queen is lost. But No. 141 of A.R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B., gives it as Lavanyadovi (cf." above, p. 34, text line 8). There is, however, no space for five syllables here. The passage may be conjecturally restored as Lavanyali-paritrio.
. The intended reading may be din-mukhal. * The word lost here may be dana. • There is an unnecessary mark above this letter. • There is an unnecessary double danda hero together with a cancellation mark. * The expression appears to be dhar-avatarea. The passage may be conjecturally restored - valamide
tra kulõna cha damẽa cha.. • There is an unnecessary danda here with a cancellation mark. • The expression may be conjecturally restored as buddha-dhib. 10 The name is lost here. It may be Lühafa. 11 The damagod word may be restored as Hlayar.

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17 läsvapi saya.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII
[t-agraniḥ] || 20 Mänita-marggana-vrin[da]h kavir-asmin vamsa
varopane nipapabaishyairwiva pravam(bat)dhair-ni
18 rdöshair-yo yata[s-tene | 21]....... karyeshu Göpa-bhūpasya sastrē sastrē nipunaḥ ju(chi)-anu(küla)]b priyathvado data | 22 Tad-avaraj hi
1 The rest of the prosasti was not engraved although there is space for several lines after this. The last akshara of the line (i.e. hri) may have begun a personal name like Hrishikeśa, Hridayasa, etc. The stansa cannot be determined.
metre of this

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No. 11 NOTE ON KALYANA INSCRIPTION OF SAKA 1248 D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 24.4.1958)
The inscription under study was originally found in the locality called Yellanagar in Ka lyana, the ancient capital of the Chalukyas and Kalachuris in the Gulbarga District of the former Hyderabad State. It is now preserved in the Husaini Bargah in the fort at Kalyana. The inscription has been twice edited, once by Mr. R. M. Joshi in the. Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of His Exalted Highness the Nizam's Dominions, 1936-37, pp. 43-45, and again by Mr. P. B. Desai in the pages of this journal, above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 165-70 and Plate. Unfortunately the writing and engraving of the inscription are both very careless and some of the letters are damaged. There are moreover numerous errors in the language. The text is thus very difficult to decipher and interpret. It is therefore no wonder that both the published transcripts of the epigraph are full of errors and consequently the text has not been properly understood. The readings of the verses in the second half of the record are particularly unsatisfactory in the published transcripts and the editors have disregarded both the metre and the sense.
The characters of the record are Nagari; but the letter kh has been written in line 30 in its early Southern form. It seems that b has been indicated by the sign for v.
The inscription is written in both prose and verse. Lines 1-14 contain a document in a few sentences in prose, and verses 1-4 in the Sardulavikridita metre in lines 14-29 record the main object of the epigraph. This part is in continuation of the prose section referred to above. There is also a fifth stanza in Anushṭubh in lines 29-30 mentioning a new fact. The last two lines of the record (lines 31-32) are damaged.
The introductory part in lines 1-8 gives the date: Saka 1248, Kshaya (called Akshaya in verse 2), Kärttika-sudi 15, Monday (November 10, 1326 A.D.), when Mahäräjädhirāja Suratana(Sultan) Mahamada (Muhammad ibn Tughluq Shah of Delhi, called Suraträna Mahimada in verse 1) was the reigning monarch, his Mahapradhana Mallika Kamadina (Malik Qivamuddin Qutlugh Khan) was the viceroy of Maharashtra-mandala and the latter's subordinate Khōja Ahamada (Khwaja Aḥmad) surnamed Jandamalantara was the Syaramallika (Persian Sair Malik, Collector of Taxes) at Kalyanapura. The office of the viceroy is indicated by saying that the Mahapradhana was conducting the affairs associated with the imperial seal (or, carrying the imperial seal, according to verse 1).
The purpose of the inscription is introduced in the following sentences. It is stated, that, during the troubled days associated with [the rebellion of] Vahavadīnnu (Bahauddin Gurshasp, son of the Sultan's father's sister), the people of Karnata discontinued the worship of the god Madhukēsvara, installed in a temple at the city of Kalyana as indicated more clearly in verse 1 below. The reason behind this discontinuation of the god's worship is not stated in the record. It may have been due to the priests and devotees of the deity having fled from the city in trouble. It is difficult to ascribe it to the desecration of the god by the Muslims as in that case the Sivalinga would have most probably been broken to pieces. The language of the record seems to suggest that the old Sivalinga was re-installed for worship which had been stopped. Obviously when
1 We are amused at Joshi's remark that the language is grammatically correct'.
If the expression punab-pratishtha, used in this connection, may be taken. to mean installation of another Sivalinga in the place of an old one, the passage avabhanga-vipadam...Sambhob in verse 1 may suggest that the old Linga called Madhukéévara had been broken and that the attempt was for its replacement by a new one. But the statement of fact in the passage anjanam baddhikritam (cf. lines 9-10) merely speaks of the stoppage of worship and not of any damage to the Linga.
(71)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII better days returned to the Kalyana area after the revolution, there was a controversy among the citizens on the restoration of the god's worship. Some of them (probably the local Hindus) argued that the god should be purified at his place [for the re-introduction of his worship]. But there was another group of citizens (probably Musalmans) who were opposed to the re-installation of the deity. Then Thakkura Mala (Malla), son of Thakkura Naiņapala, went to the Khoja (i.e. Ahamada) and represented the case. The Khōjā granted his request saying that the worship of the deity was the religious obligation of the supplicant and the members of his community (kuladharma) and that therefore the deity could be re-installed. Mälä, son of Nainapala, is mentioned in the versified part of the record as Malla, son of Naiņasimha. The word naina in the nam Nainapala or Nainasimha stands for Sanskrit nayana while Mālā is the same as Sanskrit Milla or Mallaka,
72
The interpretation of the above section of the record offered by us here requires some elabo ration since both Mr. Joshi and Mr. Desai have read and interpreted the text differently. Some of their views are quoted in the following analysis while their readings have been quoted generally in the foot-notes to our transcript of the inscription.
As regards the latter part of the above section of the inscription, Joshi's transcript contains several errors while his faulty translation runs as follows: "When at Kalyana, Khwaja Ahmad... (Shahabuddin, etc.) appointed by him (i.e. Kamadina), in Karnataka, during the rebellion, the vicinity of the god Madhukesvara was awaiting consecration. Efforts were being made (?); desires as to why the deity should not be installed were whispered (?)". What he has understood from the text is given elsewhere in the following words: "Due to a mutiny, the local temple was defiled. Attempts were made to find out the image and re-install it in the former place. Nenapal, the son of Thakur Malapo, perhaps out of hesitation consulted the local Qazi who spoke as follows: That is your religious and family duty and you should act upto it'....". These statements are not all correct. Desai's interpretation of this part of the record is equally erroneous. Thus he says, "It seems that, in connection with the revolution (viparyaya) caused by Bahabadinu, the officer of Kalyana, along with Jandamala, went to Syära Mallika. This gave room for confusion which was taken advantage of by the unruly elements who seem to have caused serious damage to the temple of Madhukēsvara and even broken the Sivalinga Soon after this, some devotees of the god from the Karṇața section of the population appear to have made a premature offer to embellish the temple. The text of the relevant passage after correction stands as Kārnāta-lōkaiḥ añjana-buddhiḥ kritä. But this move was not encouraged by the trustees of the temple. After sometime when the governor of the town returned, a representation was made to him in the matter of re-installing the deity and resumption of ceremonial worship as usual, by Thakkura Malla (Mala), son of Vainasimha or Vainapala, who was in charge of the management of the temple. The request was granted by the governor in consultation with his secretary (named Jamḍadāsa, probably the same as Jamḍamala)." Most of these statements appear to be unsupported by the language of the record as read by us.
In the first place, lines 7-8 appear to read Kalyanapurě tam (tan)-nirō(ru)pita-Shō(Khō)jāAhamada-Jamḍamalamtare Syāramallika[tva]m gata(të), 'when Ahamada-Jandamalantara, appointed by him (i.e. Kamadina), was the Syaramallika at Kalyāṇapura.' Jandamalantara seems to be the surname or designation of Khwaja Ahmad, while Syaramallika seems to be derived from the Persian words sair, tax' and malik,' a master' in the sense of Collector of Taxes'. Thus there seems to be no reference to Ahmad having gone to Syara Mallika in the company of Jandamala. Secondly,
1 It is not altogether impossible that the controversy was between the local Saivas and the members of some other Hindu community such as the Vaishnava. But normally a Hindu community is not expected to object to the re-introduction of the worship of a deity by another Hindu community.

Page #117

No. 11]
NOTE ON KALYANA INSCRIPTION OF SAKA 1248
the next sentence in lines 8-10 reads: Vaha[va]dinnu-viparyaye Madhukēśvaradēva-saṁ(sāṁ)dhy(or samnidhau) Karnata-löke(kaih) amjana[m] vudhikritam. Desai's emendation of the last portion as anjana-buddhiḥ krita, ' made a premature offer to embellish [the temple]', is unsatisfactory in view of the passage Madhukesvaradeva-sannidhye (or sannidhau), 'before Madhukēsvaradiva (i.e. the god Madhukēévara)', occuring in the same context, although he reads it wrongly. In our opinion, the intended reading for vudhikritam is baddhikritam in which baddha means stopped. The root anj means to celebrate', 'to honour', and anjana may indicate celebration, worship'. It therefore seems to us that all celebrations in the presence of the god Madbuksvara were stopped by the people during the troubled days of Bahauddin's rebellion. This necessitated the purification and re-installation of the god in his old temple and that is exactly what is referred to again not only in the following section of the prose part but also in the versified section that follows.
73
The third sentence reads: jalpanta: deva[h] [40]dhaniya[h*] tatra kim: na hi. In this, alpanta is apparently a mistake for jalpanti, '[the people] are talking'. This means to say that there was a talk or controversy among the people. The conflicting views in the controversy were devaḥ sodhaniyaḥ tatra kim? na hi, "Should the deity be purified [for re-installation] there [in his temple]?" "Certainly not." As already indicated above, it is possible to think that, in this controversy, the Hindu citizens of Kalyanapura were in favour of the re-installation of the god while the Muslims of the place were opposed to the idea. This state of affairs, apparently referring to the time after the viparyaya, led to the efforts of Malla or Mala, son of Naiņapāla or Naiņasimha, for the re-installation of the god.
The following section of the prose part reads: tatra tasmin [ni*lja-sthānē punar-api deva-sthāpana-pujana-vidhaye (or vishaye) sam(sat)-thaku(kku)ra-Nainapala-suta-thakura-Mala(thakkuraMallena) Sho(Khoja-samksha (samaksham) udyasah [kri]ta[h|*] Khoje[na*] prasādam(dah) dattam(ttah) yushmakam kula-dharmo varttate | tat-karaniyam (yam) | The meaning of the section is quite clear. Mala (Malla) appeared before the Khoja and made an effort in regard to the re-installation of the god in his old temple and the re-introduction of his worship. The Khoja favoured him with his permission. In case the controversy was really between the local Hindus and Musalnans, the Khōja was on the side of justice and fairplay in giving this permission against the feeling of the focal Musalmans. Praise is certainly due to him for this act of courage in those days of bigotry and religious fanaticism.
As regards the contents of the versified portion following the prose part discused above, Joshi says, "... Kalyāņa, with its increasing glory, had the chariot of Sambhu moving freely. Nainasimha's son, the best of the Kayasthas, who was perhaps a worshipper of Vishnu, did not like the idea. In 1248 Saka, cyclic year Kshaya, on the full-moon day in Kärttika, when at Seshachala god Thakur is generally worshipped, Madhukeśvara was installed." These statements are based mostly on wrong readings of the text. Desai on the other hand thinks that verses 1-2 summarise the main facts stated in the prose part. This is also based on misunderstanding.
The first four of the five stanzas in the second half of the inscription repeat only a part of what we have in the prose section analysed above and record the result of the Khoja's permission accorded to Mālā (Malla) in respect of the re-installation of the god Madhukeśvara and the reintroduction of his worship in his old temple. But the Khoja is not mentioned and there is only an indirect reference to the stoppage of Madhukesvara's worship. Verses 1-2 state that, in the night of the day of the moon (i.e. Monday) which was the full-moon day of Kärttika in the cyclic year Akshaya (the same as Kshaya mentioned in the prose part), when the nakshatra was Rōhiņi, in the Saka year counted by 8, the 4 seas, the 2 ayanas and 1 (i.e. 1248), when Suratrāna Mahimada (the same. as Suratana Mahamada of the prose part) was ruling the earth and Kamadin was his viceroy, the god Madhukeśvara was re-installed at Kalyāṇanagara by Kayastha

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74 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII Naipasimha's son Malla who had become ashamed at the [possible) calamity of Sambhu (i.e. the Sivalings called Madhukēbvara) being broken away [in the state of neglect from which he was then suffering). It may be pointed out that it was not the intention of the author to repeat in this part anything from the prose section excepting the date and that the mention of the reigning. monarch and his viceroy is in the same connection. The installation ceremony took place at night, which fact is of course not mentioned in the date of the record given in the prose part. The verses give the additional information that the nakshatra on the date in question was Rõhiņi.
Verse 3 is in praise of the god Mahēsvara (i.e. Siva in the form of Madhukēsvara) who received re-installation. There is no mention of king Mahāmada or Mahamada in this stanza as suggested by Mr. Desai. The next stanza (verse 4) prays for Madhukēśvara's favour in granting the desires of Malla's heart. Verse 5 speaks of a sāsana or grant (probably of land) which was made in favour of Madhukēévara by a person named Vaijāditya and states that this grant was honoured by certain rulers including one named Usyarasimha who was probably a local chief. Mr. Desai considers this stanza to be a passage in prose and speaks of Vijāditya who wrote (.e. drafted) the charter and was respected by Syara Sihādārāja'. He further identifies Syara Sihādārāja with Syara Mallika of line 8.
The last two lines of the inscription, which are damaged, appear to contain some personal names. These persons may have been witnesses to the grant made by Vaijāditya in favour of the deity.
TEXT: 1 Siddham || svasti éri-sa[k]ā 1248 Kshaya-samvatsarö | Karttiko 2 sudi 15 Somē | ady=éha samasta-rāj-āvali-mal-ālam3 krita-virājita-mahārājādhirāja-bri-suratāna-Maha4 madah(da)-räjyē tat-pada-padmāpajivirtasarnā-bhāra-[nirū]. 5 pita-mahāpradhāna-Mallika-Kāmadina(nē) Mahārāshtra-mam6 dalē samasta-mudrā-vyāpā[*)n paripamthayati [i*]ty=ēvam kā7 lē varttamānē Ka(Ka)lyāņapurē tamnirõpita -Sho(Kho)jāAhama8 da-Jamdamalari tarē Syāramallika[tva]m gata(tē)" | Vā(Bā)ha[va]dinnu-7 . 9 viparyayē Madhukēsvaradēva-sam (sāṁ)nidhyēs Kārņāța-lõkē(kaih) amja10 na[m] vudhikritamo jalparta1o dēva[h*] [4]õdhaniya[h*) tatra kim na hitta
From impressions. * Expressed by symbol. * Read padm-opajivita-sarva.
Read tan-nirūpita. • Sandhi has been avoided here.
Joshi: Khaja Ahamada Jandra (Makhatard] Saré Malikatranga; Desai : Ahamada[6] Jandamala(lah) lasthatha)] [Syå]ra-Mallikantam(k-arthan or "k-antikan) gata(tau). The errors in Joshi's transcript have not been noticed in all cases. His readings have often been quoted after removing misprints and inserting diacritical marks. Some minor differences with Desai's transcript also have been left unnoticed.
* Joshi : Syaha Badinu ; Desai : Bahabadinu. I have doubts whether the letter b has been used in the name. The mark inside the loop of the letter preceding di may be a flaw in the stone.
* The reading may also be samnidhau.
. Read baddhikritam. Joshi : sannidhau Kärnáta-lokt anjanah kritam; Desai: samh[tiya(bhithyan)] Karnata 1878(kaid) arhjana-rudhilbuddhib) kritam(a).
10 Read jalpamti.
11 Joshi : Igatahj ta dan Mianmain latra kin=nahi; Deeai: jalanta-deva[t8 dha nila ata kish na hi (jal. antar-daivatdedhad kshtyatleira kish na 18).

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No. 11] NOTE ON KALYANA INSCRIPTION OE SAKA 1948
76 11 tra tasmin (ni*lja-sthäng' punar=api dēva-sthapana-půjuna-vidha yo'l 12 sajn(sat)-thakkurē(ra)-Nainapala-suta-[th]akura-Mala Sho(Kho)jā-samkeha(sama keham
ody13 sala [krijta[b *1* Shõ(Kho)jö[na*) prusidariu (dah) da[t]tamattab)" yushmoika: kula
dharmo varttaté 14 tat-karaniya[m](yain) || chha | Prithvisā(s-a)dhipatau Mahimada-suratra16 pē mahlm sä(sā)sati prasphūrjargu(d-gu)ņa-Kamadina" sa-vivi(dhim) 16 mudrām dadhānē tada' | Kalyānā nagure=vubhamgas-vipadam dashțva(dfishţv=)17 [pi] Sari(Šari)bhõr=ayam. Käyus[th]-ottama-Naiņasimhalo-tanayau(yo) dhimäm(man) 18 punarullajji[tab] | 1 8a(SA)ko-sht-av[dh]yo(bdhy-a)yan-aika-nämni vishamä(mě) 19 Samvat[sa]rē ch=Akshaya mā[s]ë Kärttika-sarijñakė Vidhu-yuta-sri-pau20 rpamat]y[m]** tithau | Rohinya[*] nisi vipra-maliitra-vihitai[h*) s21 vá-chathai(yai)" (sh-thaku(kku)ro Malla[h*) sri-Madhukā[áva)rasya vidadhe dha22 nya[b*) pratishthän punaḥ || 2 Ya[rn](Ya)n-nētr-ana[la]-tējasi samabhavat Känomo) 23 pa(py-a)nany-aspada yat-kanth-ábharaṇa[ii] jaga la(d-ga)ti-hara[111*] ta[t*) kala-kūta[*
visha[m! 1] 24 Cya]dólēnē" pură Pun-trayam-api praptam katha-köshatain sõ=yam mahya25 Malesvaro-dhikurută vataḥ pratishtha-padam(dann) || 3 Vain(YA)n-nitrazhitr-á)chala-#
Derui: kumin prasthane. * The reading may be vishayi also. The following dandu is redundant. • Kead thakkura. Mallena.
Jonli : nambardha Nenapala-sula thakura Malayója (1) samaha (1) uda salapla (1); Deus : sambuddha) wwkkuraVainapala-sula-thakura. Mal Shajn nan[baldhal Jaindndard Ma. Desai, who roads the naines of the futher and the son respectively as Vaiva pala and Mala, thinks that an inoompleto sentence ends after Mila. Note that tak ura in colloquial form of hallura. The name of MAIA is found in vernee 2 and 4 below. Malla.
Joshi : Khajana aandishyatt. . Read dind which, however, violates the motre. The author probably thought of Kamadiri
Denai: falha. • The word avalhangu means 'breaking off'. Joshi: abhanga : Deni: vardpa.
Joshi: Sambho ratham, translated as the chariot of Sambhu'. 10 Desai: Vainasimhu; but the first consonant is clearly 7. Naipasintaha is no doubt the same as Nalqapila of line 12 where, however, the letter ou le confused with v.
11 Desui: *4- Mullaji[tab](Mau-orjitab). 11 The word nämni is not happy in this context. 13 Desai: pau( púrrumal pyar)). 14 Jorhi : Sesh-uchuli; Desai: elshavn naib ( lui pananaih).
16 Rimaydo or "spanlam. Joshi: patritratnja 1jnsd samahhala Kano yanan (1); Desi: yanirdring. vald Insya rumal havulu karo pata mga produ. The reading of the verb in clearly damabhavat and no samanavam u reud by both Joshi andi Desai.
19 Joali: yu[wwagal bharanam jaga(t)ti harata kalakuta visha: Dewal: pakamja bharand jagaddhani Aarole bilakatu vinhamadt (with two syllables of the following foot of the stanza).
the intended reading inay be yud-bà nuiranu. *Joi: madnit ..... pura-trayamaapi....... kathaI Hahalin): Denai: madal tend pund puratruyumsupi (ghajtan kuathirishalim.
1. The intended rearling may be vedlah or better putah.
* ubi : Mi vaiheutya mahdivardapi kurwe chdial pratishthà-pridash; Dosal nayan Mah. Mahtavarde dhil uruté (che tan gratishiha-padam.

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[VOL. XXXIII
laya pratipadam la[kshmyla chiram chi[hn]itä[b] [8]ürya-[Chandra]masnu Satakratu-mukhā deva labhan[t]e padam(dam) | so-yam [sarva]-sur-éévarō-pi mahatim dashvā(drishṭvā) pratishṭā[m] (shṭhām) nijā[m] dēva[b] ári-Madhukēévaro vitanutan-Mallasya chitai(tt-ni)shapärb(pam) | Artma[d-U]syara-si[*]h-ädä(dya)-räja-pājita-daiva[vava(vat)]' | Vaijädityasya likhita[m*] śāsanaṁ* Ma(Mã)dhukāśvara[m*]' || chha || thakura-Redhūnu Viśvarupa Madhukō[éva]rā
taye pratipadam tasyam chiram chihnsta; Desai: vantri trăm valaia tatha pratipada lakshmyd
1 Joshi:. chiram chihnitam.
Joshi... Satkra(possibly Salakra)tu-mukha deva labhanti padam; Desai: hata-ripu-matau batal I umukhā dēvā labha[m]të padam.
Joshi: mahata va(ba)dhva pratishtām nijā; Desai: mahatām datvā pratish‡ã[*] nij&[m*].
Joshi: ritanute sarvvasya vitt-Eshanam; Desai: vitanutatatat-tasya vitt-shanam.
The intended reading may be daivatam. Joshi: brimato samarasiha rajya prajita de (1) ..ga Desai: rimatu Syara Sihada-raja-pajita-[de]va[vacha].
The word Jasana here seems to mean a gift of land. This gift was made by Vaijaditya. The intended word for likhita may be vihitam. In any case, the writer of the document does not appear to be mentioned in the stanza. If the word sana is taken in the sense of the present document, its epithet in the first half of the verse would be unaritable.
Jos: Ijaya)dityasya likhita basanam Madhukéévara; Desai: Vijadityasya li[chhi](khi)ta-sasanam Madhu. binara. likhita[m], the letter kh is of the early Southern type.
Joshi... Kurare... Madhukivara; Desal: thakura redhatu Visvarupu Madhukitvara... Joshi: ... punarana ......Deal:... [sthana]...'

Page #121

No. 12-NOTE ON MADAKASIRA INSCRIPTION OF DILIPARASA, SAKA 870 K. V. RAMESH, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 6.2.1958)
The slab which bears this inscription was found in the Chōlaraja temple at Madakasira in the Taluk of the same name in the Anantapur District, Andhra Pradesh. The text of the inscription was first published in the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. XII, Si. No. 35, and again in the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. IX, Part I, No. 25.
The inscription contains 9 lines of writing occupying an area about 6 feet 10 inches in length and between 2 feet 3 inches and 1 foot 7 incl.es in height. There is a rectangular space in the centre measuring about 2 feet in length and 1 foot and 3 inches in height, which contains a sculpture in relief depicting a warrior being attended upon by two damsels bearing chowries. The inscription is written in Kannada characters and language.
The date of the record is quoted as saka 870 (written in words), Kilaka-samvatsara which corresponds to 948-49 A.D. It refers itself to the reiga of the Nolamba-Pallava ruler Diliparasa.
The inscription opens with the word svasti followed by the date-mentioned above. It records the death of Ponnayya, a servant of Ballaha, in the battle of Ipili, in which he is said to have fought with great bravery against Gajankusa-chola. The scene in the rectangular space obvious ly suggests that, on his death, he was welcomed by celestial damsels in heaven. The epigraph further states that Ponnayya was the son of Chikkayya and Ichabbe and the younger brothe of Sivaya and Bikiyanna. Sivaya is eulogised as the foremost archer in the 32000 country, no doubt meaning Nolambavadi. It is also stated that the Nolamba-Pallava chief Diliparasa joined the army of Ponnayya when it was on the march.
Diliparasa has been called samadhigata-pañcka-mahāśabda, Prithivi-vallabha, Pallara-kula-tilika, Iriva-nolmban, etc., like the other rulers of his family. The title Pallava-Rama attributed to the chief in this record is interesting in that it is not known to have been assumed by any other NolambaPallava ruler. The title Ekavakya was enjoyed both by Diliparasa's father Ayyappa and by Iriva-Nolahba Nollipayya..
Iriva-nolamba Diliparasa was the younger son of Bira-nolamba Ayyappa and ascended the throne on the death of his brother Anniga. The exact date of Diliparasa's accession is not known. On the strength of the Deoli copper-plate inscription of Rashtrakuta Krishna III, dated Saka 862 (910 A.D.), which is the last known inscription to refer to Auniga and in which Anyiga is said to have been defeated and reduced to a miserable plight by the Rashtrakuta monarch, and the Hemavati inscription of Diliparasa dated 942-13 A.D., which is his earliest known inscription, we can only say that Diliparasa occupied the throne sometime between 94) and 942-43 A.D. He was apparently a feudatory of Krishna III, mentioned as Ballaha in the uscription under study.
A point of interest in the inscription is the mention of a certain Gajankusa-chōla against whom the battle of Ipili was fought. The epigraph itself does not help us to identify this person. Basing their arguments on the fact that Krishna III led an expedition against the Chola country about the time our inscription was set up, scholars have suggested that (ajankusa-chōla may have been the Chola king Parantaka's eldest son Räjäditya. We know that this Chola prince was killed in the
A. R. Ep., 1916, No. 728.
According to some scholars (cf. Karyafakada Aras manelanagalu, pp. 217-18), Nollipayva was the son of Diliparasa. Mt. N. L. Rao, however, suggests that Dilfparasa and Nollipayya were one and the same chief (QJMS, Vol. XLVIII, 1957-58, p. 36).
Cf. QJMS, op. cit., p. 35.
SII, Vol. VI, p. 199.
A. R. Ep., 1917, Parts II, p. 106; Karnatakada Aruanmanetanayaļu, p. 217
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX III
fanious battle of Takkõlam by Ganga Būtuga in the year 949 A.D., that is to say, within a few months after the issue of the record under discussion, which seems to have been engraved soon after the battle of Ipili. The battle of Ipili must have been fought at a place to the north of the Ganga territory, possibly in the present District of Anantapur. It is thus possible that the modern Ippēru in the Anantapur Taluk was known in early times as Ipili. There is no reason to believe that Rājāditya was at this time camping anywhere near Anantapur. On the other hand, we learn from inscriptions that he was stationed with a huge army for a number of years at Tirunāmanallur in Tirumunaippādinādu, situated in the present District of South Arcot, obviously with a view to protecting the kingdom from the Gangas.
Following in the footsteps of his enterprising father Aditya I, the Chola king Parantaka I extended his dominions upto Neilore. But the death of Ganga Pfithvipati II, his strongest ally in the north, started a series of troubles from which the Chola kingdom suffered throughout Parantaka's reign. The foremost among the difficulties was created by the usurpation of the Ganga throne by Būtuga of the main Ganga line. As a result of this, Parāntaka not only lost his hold on the Gangas but had to count them among his enemies. The Vaidumbas, Bānas and NolambaPallavas were no doubt already in the enemy's camp. But the Ganges were the nearest among Paräntaka's enemies and their king Bütuga was closely related to the powerful Răshtrakūta monarch Krishna 11I. It is therefore no wonder that Räjāditya was given the task of safeguarding the north-eastern boundaries of the kingdom against the Gangas. It is also apparent from this that Rājāditya could not have been in the Nolamba-Pallava kingdom unmindful of the more powerful neighbour, Ganga Būtuga, who had no reason to be friendly with the expanding power of the Chõļas.
Who then was this Gajānkuba-choļa, if he was not of the family of the imperial Chõlas ? It is not possible to say anything definite regarding his identity without further light on the subject. But a suggestion may be offered.
The name Gajānkusa seems to indicate that this Chola chief belonged to the family of the Telugu-Chödas, probably of the Rēnāndu branch. In the Velurpalaiyam plates of the Pallava king Nandivarman III, mention is made of Chōļa-mahārāja Kumaränkuba. It has been said that this Kumaränkusa belonged to the family of the Renandu Cholas.? Balliyachõla. the Telugu-Chöda chief of Renāndu,who flourished in the ninth century, also enjoyed the title Kumara. ikusa, and this seems to strengthen the suggestion that Kumarīnkusa of'. Pallava Nandivarman's epigraph belonged to the family of the Rênandu (hödas. If this is accepted, we may further conclude that names ending in ankuka were popular in the family of the Chödas of Rēnându. On this basis, Gajānkuša-chõļa may be said to have belonged to the same family. The attack on him led by Nolazba Diliparasa and the army of Krishna Ill seems to have been part of the Rashtrakūta offensive against the Imperial Chöļas.
1 K. A. Nilukanta Sastri, The Colas, lut ed. pp. 187-58
• There was an intervening stretch of Ganga territory between the kingdom of the Cholas and that of the Kolambe-l'allavan At the battle was fought further in the mouth, probably the Gangas and not the NolambaPallavas would have beon involved in the conflict.
This village is situated to the north-east of Cholasamudram and was within the territory of the Renandu Cholas. It may be that the invading army hurriedly retreated after an indecisive encounter and that, on reaching Modokasira within the Nolamba-Pallava kingdom, a hero stone commemorating the death of Ponnayya was erectod.
Nilakauta Sastri, op. cit., pp. 154-58.
No doubt the descendants of Prithvipati II continued to be loyal to Parintaka I and his successors. But with the bulk of the territory, which Prithvipati II had been ruling, now under the control of Batuga of the main Ganga line, their power declined and they counted for nothing in the long period of trouble during which the very foundations of the newly built Chola empiro were so rudely shaken.
• SI1, Vol. II. pp. 507-10.
Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 20. • Journ. Ind. Hist., Vol. XV. p. 258.

Page #123

No. 13-BHAIRAVAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA
(1 Plate) H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 17.3.1953) Bhairavakonda is a hill in the Eastern Nallamalai, which extends over a part of the Cumbum Taluk of the Kurnool District, Andhra Pradesh. Its highest point is about 3000 feet above sea level. At a level about 400 feet down from this point, amidst thick jungle, is an unpretentious temple enshrining a small linga called Bhairava. The nearest village from which the temple could be reached is Mohidinpuram, & hamlet of Bögölu, and the temple is situated at a distance of about 5 miles from it. There is a small pond in front of the shrine and, close to it, a much weather-worn image of Gaņēka. Another sculpture by the side of this depicts a seated figure with four hands, holding a staff in one of its right hands. Among the other soulptures lying scattered near the temple and mutilated beyond recognition may be mentioned a stone tablet about 2' long and 6' broad depicting labelled images, in relief, of the Seven Mothers (Saptamātikās) with their characteristic vāhanas. The epigraph published here is on & slab near these images.
The inscription, occupying a rectangular area about 11 inches by 23 inches, is engraved on the dressed surface of the slab. The letters are neatly incised and the entire inscription runs to just 10 lines.
The language of the record is Telugu and it is written in archaic characters which may be assigned to the middle of the eighth oentury. Medial i is formed by a circular loop attached to the top of the letter. For this loop formed by an anticlockwise flourish, cf. Ili (line 2) in which the left end of the loop has not been fully extended so as to join the main letter ; see also ndi (line 4) in which the flourish starts from the top of the shaft over na and, after sweeping over it in a circle, descends on the other side of it a little further down than where it started, and Achi (line 6) in which the sign commences almost with an upright stem over which the loop is formed. A further sharp inward bend of the left end of this loop marks the sign of medial i. The vowels & and e occur in the words acharlu (line 8) and Byu[va) (line 7). Attention may be drawn to the archaic forms of b in bol showing the tendency to the formation of the open b, of formed by a horizontal stroke inside & flattened loop, and of th indicated by an elongated upright curve with its ends opening towards the left and its lower end bent inside. Among orthographic peculiarities may be mentioned the use of 8 for é in the names Nandisvara and Dandisvara (lines 4-5) and the use of, in place of r in the expression acharlu (line 8).
The inscription records the setting up of the images of Ganapati, Nandisvara and Dandiśvara by Kalli-ből. It mentions [Mu]nasanga, the son of Eyuva-acharlu, probably as the sculptor, and ends, with a short sentence in Sanskrit attributing [the engraving of) the document to the same person,
The main interest of the epigraph lies in establishing the identity of the ruler Vikramaditya and the deity Dandisvara mentioned in it. In the absence of any prasasti and distinguishing titles or epithets in the epigraph, it is difficult to identify the king. But the internal evidence of the inscription offers some help.
The first sentence of the record states that during the reign of Vikramaditya, Kalli-bol had the [images of) Ganapati, Nandisvara and Dandisvara made. In the name of Kalli-b8l, the 1 A. R. Bp., 1949-80, No. 281.
The Turimella inscription of Vikramadity. I also ends with sentence in Sanskrit although the main part of the record is in Telagu. See above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 160 ff.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII suffix bol, is the honorific plural of boyu and it is found both as bol as in the record under review, and as boyul or boya. Generally, in the formation of such names, the prefix indicates a place name, e.g., in Atakuru-bōya, Kumunuru-bōya, etc., and the expression as such is construed to stand for the person who held the office of the boya of the place. Sometimes such names are followed by the names of the persons themselves, e.g., Nadukuri-boya Sarvasarman, Kanparbōya Manḍaśarman, etc. It may therefore be suggested that in the expression Katli-bol, the word Kalli stands for the name of the village of which Ganapati was the boya or bol. If thi were so, a person named Ganapati may have caused the images of Nandiévara and Dandisvara to be made. But it has to be noticed that there is actually an image of the god Ganapati near the inscribed slab. It is therefore more probable that this is one of the images mentioned in the record and that Kalli-bol himself was the author of this and the other two.
Lines 7-9 of the text inention a person named [Mu]nasanga as the son of Eyu[va]-acharlu. This statement is followed by the last sentence of the record, in Sanskrit, attributing the writing (or rather the engraving of the epigraph) to this individual. That this person himself was the sculptor of the images is not ruled out, since his father is referred to by the epithet ächarlu (i.e., acharyulu) which is indicative of the artisan class to which he belonged. The term ächäri is the common designation of an artisan, either a carpenter or a mason.
All the three images mentioned in the inscription, viz., Ganapati, Nandiévara and Dandiévara are lying near the inscribed slab and two amongst them have already been referred to above. About a foot high, in the usual seated posture, with the mushaka as his characteristic vahana, i a much wornout image of Ganapati. By the side of the aforementioned image, there is an equally worn out image of the bull Nandin, which is invariably associated with any temple of Siva. This is indeed the Nandiévara referred to in the record. The third image, viz., that of Dandisvara, is a seated figure with four hands, holding a danda or staff in one of its right hands, the objects held in the other three hands being too worn out to be recognised. However, the seated posture of the image and the unmistakable danda ale enough indications for identifying the image as of Dandisvara referred to in the inscription. It may be recalled that the Malēpāḍu and Dommara-Nandyala plates of the Telugu-Choda chief Punyakumara quote an invocatory verse in praise of Lakuṭapāņi (Lakulisa). Lakuta or laguda being a synonym of danda, the identity of Lakuṭapani with Danga. pāņi, Dandesa or Dandiévara is obvious. As Lakulisa appears to have been the family deity of a branch of the Telugu-Chodas of Renadu, Vikramaditya to whose reign the record purports to belong was, in all probability, a member of this branch of the family. It has been shown that there was a branch of this family, the members of which bore names ending in aditya, such as Vikramaditya, Uttamaditya, Satyaditya, etc. Among them are two kings who bore the name Vikramaditya and were related to each other probably as grandfather and grandson. Judging from the similarity of the names and the provenance and palaeography of the records, it is very ikely that Vikramaditya of the record under review is identical with either of hese two rulers (more probably the second of the two) of this branch of the Telugu-Chōda family he relationship of which to the main branch is, however, still unknown.
If the identification suggested above is accepted, the present epigraph adds one more to the wo known lithic records of Vikramaditya. The sculpture of Dandiévara, identified with Lakula, ppears to be the earliest known representation of the deity in South India."
1 Above, Vol. XXXI, p. 79, text lines 36-40.
The word boya, said to be a derivative of bhögika, stands for an office. A.R. Ep., 1921-22, Part II, p. 97. Above, Vol. XI, p. 337 ff.; Vol. XXVII, pp. 268 ff.
Ibid.. XXVII, p. 248.
Cf. ibid., Vol. XI, Plate facing p. 346.
Loc. cit.; above, Vol. XXVII, p. 236.
Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 209, note 1.

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BHAIRAVAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA
2
6
8
10
আম तटाउ
तदक्षक दर्द yama নबाय 23 Joyc
10- 20200 तत्या
Scale : Three-eighths
2
4
6
8
10

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No. 13]
BHAIRAVAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA
TEXT
1 Svasti brf-Vllera[ml] % dituloa Kalli3 bol Gapapati 4 Nandi(nds)ovaskva)ru Dapdi(adi)6 na(svaru papi(ni)sé6 yiñohinavāru [l*] 7 Svasti srl-Eyu[vs)8 ūchapla koduku (Mul9 nasanya ll*] Tasyä(nya) lie 10 khita[rial)

Page #127

No. 14-THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN BARIPADA MUSEUM
(1 Plata) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
(Iteceived on 30.8.1957) There is a small stone pillar preserved in the Museum at Baripada in the Mayurbhanj Distriot of Orissa. The pillar is four-sided and measures about 14 inches in length, 5 inches in breadth and 31 inches in thickness. Three of its faces bear each an inscription in three lines. Sometime before the year 1915, the inscribed stone was brought to Baripada by Mr. Kamakhya Prasad Basu, thon an officer of the former Mayurbhanj State, from the village of Podagadhi in the Udala Subdivision of Mayurbhanj, lying about 4 miles from Udala. There is a temple of the goddess Bhimi or Bhimēsvarl in the forest adjoining the village and the internal evidence of the records would Buggest that the stone was secured from the area of the said shrine.
The inscriptions were recently published by Pandit Satyanarayana Rajaguru in The Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I, No. 2, July 1952, pp. 178-79, with Plates. While going through Pandit Rajaguru's article, I felt that most of his views on the inscriptions, including their eading and interpretation, are unacceptable. Thus, in the first place, he assigns the three inscriptions on paleographical grounds to different periods ranging from the ninth to the eleventh century and apparently considers the record mentioning Dhruvarāja to be the latest amongst the three. I, on the othor hand, hayo no doubt that Dhruvarāja's epigraph is the earliest of the three records and that they may be asained on palæographical grounds to the 10th century A.D. The three sides of the slab bear votive records of three different rulers; but the king, who was responsible for fashioning the stone into a pillar for the definite purpose of incising his record on it, is expected to have used one of the two broader faces (5 inches wide) of the pillar and not one of the narrower side faces (3 inches wido). It has to be noticed that Dhruvaraja's inscription occupies a broader face of the pillar, the opposite side at its back remaining blank and the left and right faces bearing the two other inscriptions. It appears that the stone was so placed originally in the temple of a goddess that only the thres inscribed faces were visible to the visitors and that at first there was inscription only on its front face, the two side faces boing inscribed at later dates. This is also suggested by the fact that, of the three records, Dhruvarāja's inscription is the most nestly and carefully engraved apparently because, as already indicated above, the stone was dressed for the special purpose of engraving his record. Its characters also appear to be somewhat earlier than those of the other two epigraphs. Secondly, according to Pandit Rajaguru, the two other records speak of Kumāra Dharmarāja alias Durgariya and Satrubhañja respectively. In my opinion, what has been read as Kumira-Dharmarājēna is very clearly Kumāravarmarājēna, so that the person referred to is a king namel Kumaravarman and not & prince namel Dharmarāja. Moreover, I do not find the naine Durgaraya in this record nor the name Satrubhañja in the other. Thirdly, I do not agree with Pandit Rajaguru's reading and interpretation of the purport of any of the three epigraphs, even though it has to be admitted that, excepting Dhruvarāja's record, the two other inscriptions are very carelessly engraved and are therefore extremely difficult to read and interpret especially because both of them
damaged, a few letters being lost at the end of the lines.
Such being the case, I requested Mr. P. Acharya, Superintendent of Archaeology, Government of Orissa, to be so good as to send me a few inked impressions of the inscriptions for study. Although Mr. Acharya could not send me the impressions required by me, he was very kind to place A So. N. N. Varu, The Archæological Survey of Mayurbhanj, Vol. I, 1911, p. 85.
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No. 14)
THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN BARIPADA MUSEUM
.
83
.
the inscribed stone at my disposal for examination when I visited the Orissa State Museum at Bhubaneswar in January 1956. The stone was brought from Baripada to Bhubaneswar for me and I am extremely thankful to Mr. Acharya for his kindness.
The characters of the records belong to the East Indian alphabet of the tenth or eleventh century and resemble those in the early inscriptions of the Bhañjas of Khijjinga-köţta (modern Khiching in the Mayurbhanj District at 21°55' N., 85° 50' E.) who call theruselves Adi-Bhañja and are known to have ruled in the eleventh century. The language is only seemingly Sanskrit. It is extremely corrupt in all the three records. But their objeot is fairly clear and it is to record certain gifts of land made in favour of a deity, called by the name Durga in Inscription No. 3. She seems to be none other than the goddess Bhimā now worshipped at Pēdāgadhi, findspot of the inscribed stone. No date is quoted in any of the epigraphs.
The first of tho throe inscriptions covers an area about 131 inches in length and 4 inches in height. There is no doubt about its reading and interpretation even though a few letters are broken away from the end of the lines and the first letter in both lines 2 and 3 is damaged. The inscription records the grant of the localities called Vanagrāma, Aranapadā and Bharāļihu made by Dhruvarāja as an agrahara (i.e. rent-free holding) for the bali and nivēdya (naivedya) apparently of a deity whose name, however, is not mentioned no doubt because the inscription was exhibited in the shrine of the said deity. As indicated above, the deity seems to be no other than the goddess Bhimă of Pēdāgadbi. Pandit Rajaguru, who could not decipher some of the letters and read some of them wrongly, translates the record as follows: "(It is a grant made) by Sri-Dhruvarājadēva for the purpose of bali and naivedya of the goddess) Bharādi of Arachhupada". But he admits that the letters håra in line 3 are unintelligible to him. Unfortunately he does not make it clear as to what the object granted by the king was and apparently fails to realise the absurdity of his interpretation of the record. As it stands, his translation would suggest that it was the inscribed stone which was granted by Dhruvarāja in favour of a deity for bali and naivedya. Since the stone has no cash value at all, the interpretation is absolutely unwarranted, even if Pandit Rajaguru's reading is accepted as correct. The goddess Bharādi of Arachhupada is no doubt imaginary.
The second inscription records a grant made by Kumāravarmarāja. The facts that the epigraph is carelessly engraved and that a few letters are lost at the end of lines 1 and 2 make it difficult to read and interpret the record. But it apparently necords a grant of land just as Inscription No. 1 noticed above. Possibly it mentions two gift villages as Dušākhi situated in Dūga .. rayēsa and Dāțiā lying in Loshthaja..rya. Pandit Rajaguru translates the record, as he has read it, as follows: "(It is) a grant made by Kumāra Dharmarāja (who is also called) Durgarāya in favour of Pinäkipati, for the fulfilment of his desires." But his reading of many of the aksharas in the passage Kumāra-Dharmarājēna Durgarāyēna Piņākhipate abhishtajavai is imaginary. I do not find any mention of Durgarāya and Pinäkipati in the record. His interpretation of pināki pati as Siva, called Pināki or Pinākin, is not happy while abhishtajavai is meaningless. Moreover, in this case also, Pandit Rajaguru fails to realise that his interpretation of the record involves the absurd suggestion that the donor re-granted the same stone previously granted by Dhruvarāja. Of course he seems to place Dhruvarāja's inscription in the eleventh century and the present epigraph in the ninth century. But the inherent impossiblity of a king making the grant of a stone and a later iuler granting it once again still remains.
The third inscription records the grant of a king whose name ends with the word bhanja. It was a grant of land made in favour of the goddess Durgā who, as suggested above, may be the same as the modern Bhimă of Pēdāgadhi. The gift land seems to have consisted of three localities called Tõlērpā, Bhujā and Rai .. which were all situated in Nēmi-grāma in the Maďāhā vishaya (district). The grant was made to last as long as the sun and the moon would exist. The passage
1 Boo .. above, Vol. XXV, Plate facing p. 160 ; N. N. Vasu, op. cit., Plates 79 ff., etc.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII containing the name of the donor at the beginning of line 2 seems to read ōdhabhanjēna.. If it may be believed that the letters Srima are broken away from the end of the previous line, wy suggest Srimat-Todhabhanjena and in that case the name of the donor may be Todhabhañja even if it sounds rather peculiar. But it is equally possible that one or two of the letters broken at the end of the previous line actually formed a part of the donor's name. Strangely enough Pandit Rajaguru finds a stanza in the Anushṭubh metre in the inscription, the first half of which is read as Maḍārdā-vishaye ti(t)rē Sa (Sa)trubhañjēna dataḥ(tta) [taḥ [*] while the third foot is supposed to read Lilēsabhadra Durgāyā, the first five syllables at the end of line 2 and the remaining three at the beginning of line 3. His translation of the record runs as follows: "This grant is made on the border of the Maḍārdā vishaya by Satrubhañja in favour of Līlēśabhadra Durga (in perpetuity) as long as the sun and the moon exist." Unfortunately both the reading and the interpretation are in most part imaginary and unwarranted. It is impossible to read the names Satrubhañja and Līlēšabhadra in the inscription, while the emendation dattataḥ is quite meaningless in the context. The translation' on the border of the Madarda vishaya' of what has been wrongly read as Madarda-vishaye ti(ti)rë is equally unsound. Moreover, it would involve the impossible suggestion that the inscribed stone, raised on the border of a district, was granted in favour of a goddess. In case a plot of land on the border of the district was meant to be the object of the grant, it is impossible to believe that the record gives only its location without any other details. Indeed there is scarcely any such instance in the whole range of Indian epigraphy. Pandit Rajaguru fails to notice that a few letters are lost at the end of lines 1 and 2 and that the record is in prose. The fact that his interpretation leaves it uncertain as to what the gift really was renders both his reading and translation of the inscription unacceptable.
84
The importance of the inscriptions lies in the fact that they mention three rulers, apparently petty chiefs of the Mayurbhanj region, who dourished about the 10th century A.D. The same area was under the rule of the Atli-Bhañjas of Khijjinga-kōṭṭa from about the beginning of the eleventh century. Some of the earliest records of this family, which originally owed allegiance to the Imperial Bhauma-Karas of Orissa, bear dates in the Bhauma-Kara era. This era seems to have started from 831 A.D. The dates in this era found in the inscriptions of the Adi-Bhanjas have been read as the years 288 and 293; but, as we have tried to show elsewhere, the intended reading of the symbol taken to be 200 is really 100. Thus these dates actually stand for 188 and 193 respectively and therefore they appear to correspond to 1019 and 1024 A.D. The three rulers mentioned in the records under study appear to have flourished sometime before these dates apparently as feudatories of the Bhauma-Karas.
It seems that the Bhanja ruler mentioned in No. 3 of our inscriptions belonged to a branch of the Bhanja family of Khijjinga-kōṭṭa; since, however, his name is not mentioned in the records of the family among its earlier rulers, we may suggest that the branch represented by the Bhanja ruler of our inscription was overthrown by the Adi-Bhañja dynasty known from inscriptions. That the Bhanjas of Khijjinga-kōṭṭa called themselves Adi-Bhanja or Original Bhanja' would suggest that there was at least another (probably, earlier) Bhañja ruling family in the area, which was regarded by them as of a more recent origin than their own dynasty and may have been overthrown by them. It also seems that kings Dhruvaraja and Kumāravarmaraja belonged to a dynasty that flourished in the region before the rise of the Bhañjas. This dynasty appears to have been overthrown by the Bhanja family represented by the Bhañja ruler mentioned in No. 3 of our inscriptions.
1 Above, Vol. XXX, p. 221. Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXIX, p. 150; Bhandarkar's List, No. 1487; above, Vol. XXV,
p. 167.
Above, Vol. XXIX, p. 191, note 2.
Ibid., p. 184; of. Vol. XXVII, p. 327, note 1.

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No. 14]
THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN BARIPADA MUSEUM
Whether the rulers mentioned in the records under study had their capital at Khijjingakōṭṭa, i.e modern Khiching in Mayurbhanj, cannot be determined. Considering, however, the facts that there is no other site in the area, which can be compared with Khiching in regard to antiquity and that some of the sculptures found at the place are earlier than the eleventh century when the Adi-Bhañjas flourished, it seems very likely that the pre-Adi-Bhañja rulers of the region had also their capital at Khijjinga-kōṭṭa. Indeed it is possible that Khiching was originally the centre of a big kingdom comprising the northern part of Mayurbhanj and the adjoining areas of Manbhum and Singbhum. But whether the Manas, possibly of Odra origin, also ruled from bere in the sixth century cannot be decided without further evidence. But it is not altogether impossible.
The geographical names mentioned in Inscription No. 1 are Vanagrama, Aranapada and Bharaḍihu. Nos. 2 and 3 also mention several localities; but the reading of the names is not beyond doubt in all cases. I am not sure about the location of any of them, although they appear to have been situated in the present District of Mayurbhanj in Orissa.
TEXT:
No. 1
1 Siddham [1] Sel-Ddh[r*Javaraja'döv[5]na Va[na]
2 [gr]ma-Arana(pa)padă-Bharāḍi[hu]...'
3 [grabāra va(ba)li-nivědya sa[mA]...
No. 2
1 Siddham [*] Kumāravarmarājēna Dūga...
2 raye[68] Du11akhi Dätiä" Lōsh[tha]ja. 13
3 14[rye] data1 [*]
85
1 For an account of the architectural monuments and sculptures of Khiching, see R. P. Chanda's notes in the Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1922-23, pp. 124 ff., Plates XLI-XLII; 1923-24, pp. 85 ff., Plates XXXII-XXXIV; 1924-25, pp. 111 ff., Plate XXXV. I do not agree with Chanda's view that the earliest antiquities from Khiching should be assigned to the eleventh century and to the age of the Adi-Bhañjas. In his Development of Hindu Iconography, 2nd. ed., J. N. Banerjes assigns some of the sculptures roughly to the tenth century (pp. 378, 440) and some others vaguely to the early medieval period (pp. 360, 481). At least the following illustrations in Banerjea's work appear to me to be earlier than the Adi-Bhañja age: frontispiece; Plate XX, figures 1-2; Plates XXX, figures 2-3; Plate XXXV, figure 3.
Cf. Journ. Ind. Hist., December 1956, pp. 263 ff.
From impressions.
Expressed by symbol.
The intended reading may also have been frimad-Dhruvaraja.
It is difficult to determine if a letter is broken away after the damaged na which may possibly also be read as la. But Vanagrama makes a good name for a village and many localities of this name are known in Eastern India..
The traces of this lost letter at the end of the line suggest ma, so that the expression is "rädihum-agrahara. The intended word was apparently samarpita. In correct Sanskrit, we should have Vanagram-AranapadaBharädihu-nama-gramah agraharatvēna bali-nivědy-artham samarpitab.
There were two letters here, which are now damaged beyond recognition.
10 Of the triangle forming the left limb of &, only the base can be seen now.
11 The letter d resembles its form in Diga in line 1. The akshara may also be read as dra. It does not appearto be pra.
12 The a-mäträ-like part of the vowel is not quite ciear on the impressions.
18 At least one letter is lost here.
14 The three letters of this line are engraved about the middle of the space.
16 The intended word is datta; but, in correct Sanskrit, we should have [feau griman) daliau.

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[VOL. XXXIII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
No. 3 1 [Siddham)"...Madāhā-vishay[ē) (Nē]mi-[grāmē].. 2 t-TO[dhajbhatjēna data[h]* Tõlēr[n]ā"(rņā)-Bh[u]jä-Rai... 3 Du[r]gäy[@]yāvata chandr-arka varttati' [l]
1 Expressed by symbol. * There are traces of two damaged letters here. Probably the word is spasti followed by double danda.
* The akahamas gräme are considerably rubbed off. Two or three letters have broken away after this word They may be conjecturally restored as brima.
The word intended is datta, although in correct Sanskrit we should have dattás. . The letter seems to be imperfectly formed. The akahana may possibly be read as da. • Alout two letters are lost after rai. In correct Sanskrit, we should have Durgāyai yavat chandr-arlow variate.

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THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN BARIPADA MUSEUM
No. 1
वायव दवा बाद पवारा बन दाता
No.2
No.3
Scale : Two-fifths

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No. 15-DAVANGERE PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN, YEAR 34
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 10.4.1958)
A set of three copper plates strung on a ring bearing a seal was received by the Director of Archaeological Researches in Mysore, quarter of a century ago, from Mr. Nadiga Basappa who was a lawyer of Davangere in the Chitaldurg District of Mysore State. It was edited with illustration in the Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department for the Year 1933, pp. 109-16, Plate XXII. Unfortunately there are numerous errors in the published transcript and translation of the record. The most serious defect in the treatment of the inscription is that the grant portion has been wrongly read and translated and consequently the very name applied to the record, viz. Koramanga grant of... Ravivarman,' seems to be a misnomer
The editor of the inscription says, " The lands granted are said to be situated near Kõrannan, a, Samaņa and Asandi. Koramanga is probably the same as Koramangala, a village situated about eight miles from Hassan and about 40 miles from Āsandi. Āsandi is a village in the Kadur Taluk of Kadur District near Ajjampur, and Asandi or Āsandi-nädu or the province of Asandi is often referred to in inscriptions. The extent of the lands granted seems to be three nivartanas..." There are several mistakes in this statement. In the first place, of the four plots of land granted by the charter, three were situated around a sētu or embankment in the southern part of Asandi and the fourth in a locality called Vēdirkāda apparently within Asandi or in its neighbourhood. Secondly, what has been read as Koramanga (line 17) seems to us to be Köravega which was moreover a locality where the above-mentioned embankment was situated. It was therefore a part of Asandi and does not appear to be a place 40 miles away. Its identification with Koramangala is thus extremely doubtful. Thirdly, what has been read as Samanë (line 19) appears to us to be samaye and the passage samayē sētu-bandhasya means ' at the extremity of the embankment'. The inscription therefore does not refer to a village called Samana. Fourthly, as our analysis below will show, the area of the four plots of the gift land, excluding the site of the embankment, was six nivartanas and not three nivartanas only. Besides these, there are numerous other errors in the published transcript and translation of the inscription. Under the circumstances, no apology is needed for re-editing the inscription in the following pages.
The three plates nieasure each 74 inches by 3 inches. The seal fixed to the ring on which they are strung does not show any representation. The characters closely resemble those of other Early Kadamba charters, especially those issued by king Ravivarman (c. 490-538 A.D.) of Vaijayanti (modern Banavasi in the North Kanara District). The record also resembles other Early Kadamba epigraphs in respect of language and orthography. The language is Sanskrit and the inscription, with the exception of the auspicious word Siddham at the beginning, is written entirely in verse. The orthography is characterised by the reduplication of some consonants following and the use of both the anusvāra and the class nasal without discrimination. Final m has been invariably employed at the end of the halves of stanzas. The jih vāmuliya has been used once in line 3.
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Kadar, No. 145. 1 Cf. above, Vol. VIII, PP. 146 ff.; Vol. XVI, p. 264 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 25-26, 28, 29-30.
(87)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII
The date of the grant is quoted in line 15 (verse 14). It is the 34th regnal year of the Early Kadamba king Ravivarman, the day referred to being one in the bright half of the month of Madhu (Chaitra) when the nakshatra was Rohiņi. We know that Ravivarman began to reign about 490 A.D. His 34th regnal year thus fell about 524 A.D. The exact date of the charter. however, cannot be calculated as neither the tithi nor the week-day is mentioned.
The inscription begins with the auspicious word siddham and a stanza (verse 1) in adoration of the Sarcuña Sarvalókanātha. Since both Sarvajña and Lokanatha are well-known names of the Buddha, we prefer to identify the deity referred to in the stunza with the founder of Buddhism, even though the editor of the inscription was inclined to associate the verse with Jainism. As will be seen from our discussion below, the objects of the grant were the maintenance of worship in the Siddhūyatara and the increase of the Sangha. The editor of the epigraph regarded these as Jain religious institutions. But Sangha is well-known in the sense of the Buddhist church. As will be shown below, a Siddh-nyutana is also known to have been associated with the worship of the Buddha. We know that the Early Kadambas were Brahinanical Hindus. Although they had Jain leanings and many of their charters contain Jain adorations and were issued in favour of Jains or Jain institutions, they claimed to be devotees of the god Mahāsēna and the Mothers. This claira is found in the records of Ravivarman, one of which proudly mentious the Kadamba family as having performed the typical Brahmanical sacrifice known as the Aśvamēdha. If it is believed that the charter under study was really issued in favour of Buddhist religious institutions, it shows that, in spite of their Brahmanical faith, the Early Kadambas not only favoured the Jains but also the Buddhists. This points to the catholicity of their religious policy.
Verses 2-4 speak of the following four Kadamba kings: (1) Raghu, (2) Kākustha (correctly Kikutstha), the younger brother of Raghu, (3) Sāntivarman, the son of Kākustha, (4) Mpigēsa, the son of Sāntivarman and (5) Ravi whose relationship with Msigēša is not specified, although from other records we know that king Msigēša or Msigēśavarman was the father and predecessor of Ravi or Ravivarman. The description of the predecessors of Ravi is short, but that of the reigning monarch Ravi continues in the following eight stanzas. Verse 8 speaks of the city of Vaijayanti indirectly as the capital of Ravi's kingdom.
An interesting point in Ravi's description is offered by verse 7 wbich states that the land as far as the Narmada (i.e. the people of that region) sought refuge in the Kadamba king and rejoiced. This no doubt refers to Ravi's claim of a sort of suzerainty over the whole of South India as far as the Narmadā in the north. The claim is of course conventional and merely means that Ravi was an independent or in perial ruler. As we have shown elsewhere, powerful monarchs of ancient and medieval India generally claimed to be rulers or conquerors of the whole of India which was regarded as the conventional chakravarti-kshētra or sphere of influence of an emperor ; but sometimes a South Indian monarch speaks of sir ilar possession of the land between the Vindhyas and Cape Comorin and a North Indian emperor of that between the Vindhyas and the Himalayas. It may be pointed out here that the editor of the record read narmmadam tam mahi instead of Narmmadanta-mahi and thereby missed an early and interesting reference to the southern chakrauntti-kshetra.
Among other conventional claims of the Kadamba king, reference may be made to verses 10-11. The first of these stanzas states that the whole earth wanted Ravi to be its lord while the second says that his coronation ceremony was performed by the goddess Lakshmi herself. But
1 Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 146 ff. Cf. Suc. Sat., pp. 255, 260 ff., 269 ff. * See JRASB, Vol. V, 1939, pp. 407 ff; Sarüpa Bharati, pp. 313 ff.

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No. 15)
DAVANGERE PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN, YEAR 34
89
verse 12, the meaning of which is rather obscure, seems to refer to a historical fact. It states that a hillock or hill-fortress called Kunda resisted (adhārayat) the missile (ili) let down upon it by Raghu but that it submissively obeyed Ravi's command. This appears to mean that the Early Kadamba king Raghu failed but his descendant Ravi succeeded in capturing a lill-fort called Kunda-giri. This incident is not mentioned in any other record of the family. The identification of Kundagiri is also uncertain unless it is Kūdgere in the Shimoga District.
Verse 13, with which the grant portion of the record begins, states that a certain Haricatta made a request to the king (in respect of the grant to be recorded in the charter) with a view to obtaining religious merit and that the king was pleased to reply to it (i.c. complied with it). This fact suggests that the real donor of the grant was Haridatta.
Verses 14-18 record the grant proper. The first of these stanzas gives the date of the grant which has already been discussed above. The other four stanzas state that the following plots of land were granted by the king at Asandi for the maintenance of worship at the Siddhiyana and the extension or prosperity of the Sangha : (1) a piece of land (mahi) covered by the stone of an embankment (i.e. by an embankment made of stone) at Kõravēgā together with an additional area measuring one nivartana ; (2) a plot of land measuring one nivartana according to the royal measure in the area under water (kēdāra) near the said embankment, which lay in the southern part of Asandi ; (3) one nivartana of land at the extremity of the said embankment; and (4) a plot of three nivartanas according to the royal measure, which was situated at Vēdirkõda. The first three plots of the gift land are mentioned in connection with the embankment apparently in the southern part of Āsandi. It is not quite certain that Vēdirköda was also situated within Asandr ; but it is not improbable that it was a locality within Asandr like Koravogā where the enbankment was situated. The expression Siddh-ayatana seems to indicate a Buddhist temple associated with the name of a Siddha like Nägarjuna. It reminds us of the mention of the Pirun-Siddh-üyalam associated with the worship of the lord Pitāmaha Samyaksambuddha (i.e. Buddha) in an early inscription from Kosam. The exact area of a nivartana of land is unknown since it was not the same in all parts of the country and all ages of history.
Verse 19 states that the plots of land were granted by the king in the presence of all the simantas together with the samādhi or samādhis and that they should have to be exempted from unchha and other dues. It is difficult to say whether the word sümanta here means a feudntory of the king or an inhabitant of the neighbourhood of the gift land. The mention of chha in this context reminds us of the passage unchha-kara-bhar-ādi-vivarjita used as an epithet of the gift land in the Halsi plates of Ravivarman. It possibly meant a sort of tolls. The word samādhi means 'storing of grains' and may indicate in the present context 'a granary'. The lands thus appear to have bean granted together with the royal granaries in it.
Of the last four stanzas of the record, three are the ordinary imprecatory and benedictory Vorses often found in copper-plate grants. The first of these is, however, a new stanza.
of the geograpbical names mentioned in the inscription, the river Narmadi and the city of Vaijayanti are well-known. Asandt has been identified with a village in the Kadur District of Mysore. The hillock called Kunda-giri, as indicated above, cannot be identified.
1 Cf. above, pp. 50 ff. . Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 146 ff. Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 245, note. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 28.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Voz. XXXH
TEXT:
Metres :-Verse 1 Praharshini ; verses 2-19, 21-23 Anushtubh : verse 20 Vasantafilaka.]
First Plate 1 Siddham[us] [Sū]ry-anaku-dyuti-parishikta-pankajānām sõbhän yad-vahati sad=āsya pada
padmam [1] 2 dēvänām=makuţa-mani-prabh-abhishiktam Sarvvajñassa jayati(ti) sarvva-loka-nāthah ||
3 Kirtyā dig-antara-vyäpi Raghur=āsIt=na'rādhipa) [l*) Käkuatha-tulyah-Käkustho* yaviya
ms=tasya bhūpatiḥ [ll 2*]] 4 Tasy-abhüt-tanayas-srimäñ-Säntivarmma-mahipatih [1] Mrigēsas tasya tanay8 mrigosvara
parākramah || [3*) 5 Kadamb-amala-vams-ādrē[r=mmau]"li[tām=ā]gató Raviḥ [l] Uday-adri-makut-atopa'-dipr
ambur=iv=āmáumān || [4*] 6 Nřipa-chchhalēna kim Vishnureddaitya-jishnur ayam svayam [l*) hiranmaya-chalan-mālam
tyaktvă chakram vibhāvita[m]" || [5*) 7 Sämrājyė varttamino-pito na madyati para tapaḥ [I*] Srir=8sha madayaty=anyän=atipit=ēva
vāruni || [*]
Second Plate, First Side 8 Na[rma]d-amtali-[ma]hi pritya yam=äsrity=ābhinandati [l*] kaustubh-abh-āruņa-chobha
yam vaksh Lakshmir-Harēr=iva |[7] 9 Ravāv=adhijayant-lyam Surendranagarim sriya [l*] Vaijayanti chalach-chitra-vaijayanti
virājatē || [8] 10 Ravēr=bhuj-ängad- [Alishţa]i-chandana-prita-mi[na]să [1*] tatha Srir=nnamavatileprita
Murårēr=api vakshasil [9*]
1 From the illustration in 4.R. Mys. Arch. Surv., 1988. * In the loft margin noar the beginning of lino 2.
Read deinana which is the reading in A.R.
• 4.R. reads tulyam-Kabuotho and suggests the correction (ulyal Kakustho. The correot form of the name Kikustha is Kalutatha.
4.R. reads "varmma. .A.R. reads var f-adrth mau. * A.R. reads makeutatepa and suggests the correction makuf-ajopa. There is a metrical detect here.
.A.R. reads nripadechhalanalt and suggests the correction ngipatuchhalanako which is meaningless in the context.
• 4.R. roads vibhavitab whinh don not suit the context. 1 A.R. reads nandamangapi. UA.R. reads narmmadanh lam. 44 R. roads bhsyanga-dda-iva. 1 Read abhavat which is A.R.'s reading.

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No. 15]
DAVANGERE PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN, YEAR 34
11 Viśvā vasumati nathan-nathate naya-kōvidam [*] dyaur-iv-Endran jvalad-vajra-diptikōrakit-angadam || [10*]
12 Yasya murdhni svayah Lakshmir1-hema-kumbh-odara-chyutaiḥ [*] rajy-abhishekam akarōd-ambhoja-salalair-jalaiḥ || [11]
13 Raghuna lambitām-ilim Kundo girir-adharayat [*] Raver=ajñā vahaty-adya malam= iva mahidharaḥ [|| 12*]
14 Dharmm-arttham Hari[da]ttēna so-yam vijñāpito nripah [*] smita-jyotsn-abhishiktēna vachasã pratyabhashata || [13*]
Second Plate, Second Side
15 [Chatu]stri[m]sattam! #rimad-rajya-vriddhi-sama sama [*] Madhur-mmāsas= tithiḥ punya [6]ukla-pakshas-cha Rohini || [14"]
91
16 Ya[da] tada mahā-bāhur-Asamdyām aparajitaḥ [[*] Siddh-ayatana-puj-arttham Sainghasya paiivriddhaye [ 15*]
17 [Seto]r-upalakasy-api Kōra[vē]g-aéritām mahim [*] adhikan-uivarttan-anyēna'dattavalis= tamarindamaḥ || [16*]
18 Asandi-dakshinë-sy-atha sētōḥ kōdāram-asritam [*] raja-mänēna mänëna kshetram ēka. nivarttanam || [17*]
19 Sama[ye] setu-balm]dhasya kshetrain-eka-nivarttanam [*] tach-ch-api raja-mānēna Vēdirkōdē10 tri-nivarttanam || [18*]
20 Unchh-di-pariharttavyē(vya)-samadhi-sahitam hi tam [] dattavani-sri-mahārājas sarvvasamamta-samnidhau || [19*]
21 Jaatva cha punyam-abhipalayitur-vvisalam tad-bhamga-karana-mitasya cha doshavattam [1]
Third Plate
22 [varn-ram-[4]skhalita.na[th]yya(yu)man-sika-chittäḥ samhrakashant-nya jagattpatayah.
pramapam[20]
23 Bahubhir-vvasudha bhuktā rāja[bhils-Sagar-dibhiḥ [*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya ta[syal tada phalam [ 21*]
AA.R. reads Lakshmi.
Better read im. A.R. reads mill and suggests the correction maulau.
An unnecessary subscript t is noticed with da.
A.R. reads 'tamā.
A.R. reads Köramamy.
⚫A.R. reads adhikan-nivartlunan-yena which is grammatically wrong and meaningless.
A.R. reads dattavām svāṁ.
A.R. reads dakshinasy".
A.R. reads Samane.
1 A.R. reads Vetikause and takes it to be a word of doubtful import. There is a metrical defect here.
11 AR does not read the first two aksharas and reads the following letters as árama-akhalita.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII # Adbhireddattan trib' i[r-bhu]ktam sadbhit-cha paripálita[m] [l] ētani na nivarttanta
puruvsorája)- [rijtani oba [29] 23 Suardattăm para-dattán vá yo harēta va[sun]dhară[m][!*) shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi narako
pachyata tu sah || [23]

Page #140

No. 16 GYARASPUR INSCRIPTION OF MAHAKUMARA TRAILOKYAVARMADEVA
K. G. KRISHNAN, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 3.4.1958) Gyaraspur, a town in the former Gwalior State, lies at a distance of 24 miles from Bhilsa on the road from Bhilsa to Sagar. Cunningham gave an account of the antiquities of the place in his Reports. He noticed two fragmentary inscriptions engraved on a plain pillar built into a platform near what is known as the Hindola Toian. The first of these records is dated V. 8. 936. The second inscription, which is of a much later date, forms the subject of this article. It is published here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The language of the inscription, which is fragmentary, is Sanskrit and the characters employed are Nagari of about the 12th century. There are only four lines of writing, the concluding part of all of which is broken away and lost. The inscription refers to the consecration of an imago of the god Chāmundasvāmidēva and records the grant of a village, excluding the lands already in the enjoyment of gods and Brāhmaṇas, with a view to provide for the god's worship. The donor's name is given as Mahākumāra Trailokyavarmadēva who made the grant from his camp at Harshapura. The passage containing the other royal epithets enjoyed by the ruler is insufficiently preserved. In connection with the date, the tithi navami is mentioned in the extant part. But the other details of the date and the grant are lost due to the fragmentary nature of the inscription.
The record is important inasmuch as it is the only stone inscription of Mahākumāra Trailöky&. varmadēva who no doubt belonged to the Paramāra dynasty of Malwa. The Bhopal plates of the Paramāra Mahākumāra Harichandradēva (Hariéchandradēva) published in this journal revealed to us for the first time that the said Paramāra ruler acquired sovereignty through the favour of Mahākumāra Trailökyavarman who had obtained the privilege of the five great sounds. It is also stated in that record that Trailökyavarman meditated on the feet of the illustrious Ya4varmmadēva, the well-known Paramāra king of that name. The late Dr. N. P. Chakravarti suggested that Trailökyavarman, if he was not identical with Harischandra's father Lakshmivarman, may have been a son, or more probably a brother, of Lakshmivarmane and that he was possibly ruling as a regent during the minority of Harischandra with the full power of a chief. Though the present record does not throw any light on the position of Trailokyavarman in the genealogy of the Paramāras, it confirms the fact that he ruled for sometime as a Mahakumāra.
The Bhopal plates, dated in V.8. 1214 Kāittika su. 15, lunar eclipse, corresponding to Saturday, the 19th October, 1157 A.D., were issued when Harischandra was ruling. He seems to have ascended the throne sometime before that date. Thus Trailokyavarman, the donor of our record, Fuled as # Mahākumāra about the middle of the 12th century. The grant under study is stated to have been made by Truilökyavurman when he was oncamping at Harshapura which is no doubt the same as Harsaudū, inentioned us Hur lupura in un inscriptious of Paramūra Devapaladeve, dated V. S. 1275. Harsauda is a village in the Nimar District of Madhya Pradesh. This suggests that the truct over which Trailokyavarman ruled extended from the Gyaraspur region in the
Op. cit. Vol. X (Report of Tours in Bundelkhand and Malw) in 1874.75 and 1876-77), pp. 31
K. Ep., 1952-53, App. B, No. 151. The stone bearing these insoription is now deposited in the Gwalior Museum.
. Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 220 ff. • Ibid., p. 228. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 310 €.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII Bhilsa District to the District of Nimar. Lakshmivarman, father of Hariéchandra and the earliest known Paramara Mahakumara, claims to have appropriated a portion of Malwa sometime before V.8. 1200, the date of his Ujjain plates. It seems that, after Lakshmivarman, Trailökyavarman and Harisch andra ruled successively over the tract referred to above, while members of the main line of the Paramāra dynasty were ruling over the territory around Dhārā.
The only place mentioned in the record is Harghapura, the location of which has been indicated above.
TEXT
| Siddham' [l*] Svasti || Sri[r*l=jayo=bhyudayas-cha | Ady=ēha éri-Ha[r*][sha]pura-sthitēna
samasta-rajā.... 2 ta-samasta-prakiya-virājamāna-mahākumāra-sri-Trailokyavarmmadēvēna..... 3 navamyönh srl-Chamupdasvāmidēva-kārita-pratishțbāyām pājā-nimittë ...... 4 bhojy-āya-sahitam dēva-Vrā(Brā)hmaņa-bhukti-va[r*]jam grāmõ=yam
Sri-Chēmumdasvämi[nē)......
1 Tbid., Vols. XVI, pp. 254 ff. See also above, Vol. XXIV, p. 230. • From Impressions. • Expressed by symbol. • There is a lotter after jd; but its reading is doubtful. The rest of the line w of the other lines is broken away. • The language bere is faulty though the song is clear.

Page #142

No. 17-COPPER COIN OF HARIGUPTA
. 11 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 6.2.1958) A copper coin of a king named Harigupta,stated to have been found at Ahichchhatra (modern Ramnagar in the Bareily District, U. P.), was published by Cunningham in his Coins of Medieval India. Its weight is given as 41 grains and size 6 inch. The obverse of the coin contains the representation of a pürna-kumbhal on a pedestal while the legend in two lines on the reverse was read as (sri)-mahār[āja)-[Ha]riguptasya. Allan who entered the coin in his Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, however, observed that the reading of the legend is very uncertain, guptasya alone being clear. But, as regards the reading, we are inclined to agree with Cunningham. Elsewhere in the same work, Allan admits his inability to offer any suggestion regarding the identity of the king who issued the coin, but observes that the palaeography of the legend suggests & date in the fifth century A.D.
Assuming the correctness of the reading of the name Harigupta in the legend, we have to see what relations the ruler might have with the Imperial Gupta dynasty of Magadha. It has to be pointed out that the Abichchhatrā coin of Harigupta is not without resemblance with the copper coinage of the Imperial Guptas in type and style. One type of copper coins issued by the Gupta emperor Chandragupta II (circa 376-414 A.D.) shows a purna-kumbha (with flowers or leaves hanging down its sides) within a dotted border on the obverse and the legend Chandra beneath & crescent within a similar border on the reverse. Elsewhere Allan suggests that, this type was probably struck in Malwa in imitation of the Malava tribal issues just as Chandragupta II imitated the coins of the Saka rulers in his silver coinage meant for circulation in Western India conquered from the Sakas.? The vase within a dotted border is a well-known feature of the coins of the Malavas. It has to be admitted that the weight of the seven coins of this type of Chandragupta II in the British Museum cabinet varies between 33 and 180 grains, while the weight of the Ahichchhatri coin of Harigupta is 41-0 grains. But a number of copper issues of the Gupta monarch are known to weigh between 40-5 and 49.5 or more grains. Now we have to determine whether Harigupta imitated the copper coinage of Chandragupta II or whether he ruled over a tract near about the Malwa region and imitated the tribal issues of the Mālavas.
In this connection we have also to see whether Harigupta of the Ahichchhatrā coin W88 related to another ruler of the Malwa region who bore a name ending with the word gupta and some of whose coins have been discovered in East Malwa. Some years ago, six copper coins of a ruler named Rāmagupta were discovered in a locality near Bhilsa (near the capital of the ancient Akara or Dasārņa country comprising East Malwa) and were published in the Journal of the Numismatic Society of India. Their obverse exhibits, within a dotted border, a lion sitting, facing left, with its tail raised and curled, while their reverse shows the legend Rāmagula or Rāmagupta beneath
1 Seo p 19, Plate II, No.6. * This is often described as a flower vase. • Cf. p. 152, No. 616; Plate XXIV, No. 16. See p. lxi. Cf. p. cv. • Ibid., p. 60: Plate XI, Nos. 21-26. Allan describes the pürna kumbha as & flower-vato.
Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India, p. ovl. • See Smith, Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I, pp. 171 f.
Cf. Allan, Cat. (Gupta Dynasties,) pp. 52 ff., Nos. 141-45, 147-48, 152-53, 160-61. 16 Vol. XII, PP. 103 ff.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
96
[VOL. XXXIII a crescent within a similar border. The weight of these coins varies between 2.5 and 31.3 grains. It may be pointed out that lion is a familiar device on the Malava coins, although generally they exhibit the animal in a standing posture. The palaeography of the legend on Ramagupta's coins suggests that they were issued sometime in the fourth or fifth century A. D. Another group of four copper coins, similar to the above six, also found at Bhilsa, have been published in the same journal.
There has been a controversy whether Ramagupta of the Bhilsa coins was a local ruler of the Bhilsa region or should be identified with the Gupta king of the same name who, according to literary traditions, succeeded the Gupta emperor Samudragupta (circa 340-76 A.D.) but was ousted by his younger brother Chandragupta II. It is difficult to be definite on this point without further evidence, although the Prakritic form of the name Ramaguta found on some of the coins would suggest a date earlier than the time of Samudragupta who is the first Gupta monarch to have extended his supremacy in the Malwa region. Another point which can scarcely be ignored in this connection is that, if Rämagupta really belonged to the Imperial Gupta dynasty and ruled as an emperor even for a short period, we would have by now discovered at least a few of his gold coins, since the largest number of Gupta coins so far found are gold issues, the Gupta silver and copper coinage being by far less copious. The genuineness of the literary tradition regarding the existence of a Gupta emperor named Ramagupta has not yet been proved by any other evidence, The problem to be solved now is: if Ramagupta is regarded as a local ruler of the Maiwa region unconnected with the Imperial Gupta house and assigned to a date somewhat earlier than the expansion of Gupta supremacy in the said area about the middle of the fourth century A. D., should Harigupta of the Ahichchhatra coin, on which the reading of the name has been doubted by Allan, be regarded as a scion of Ramagupta's family or of any other local ruling house and as flourishing before the middle of the fourth century? The problem of this ruler is, however, rendered more complicated by two factors. In the first place, a newly discovered copper coin of the king not only gives the name quite clearly as Harigupta but is also a very clear imitation of a type of the copper coinage of Chandragupta II. Secondly, we have an inscription testifying to the fact that a king named Hariraja, who claimed to have been a scion of the Gupta dynasty, ruled over the region comprising the present Banda District of U. P. sometime in the fifth century and it is very probable that he is identical with the issuer of the Ahichchhatra coin.
A copper coin, now exhibited in the Allahabad Municipal Museum, was examined by me when I visited Allahabad in December 1957. Dr. S. C. Kala, Curator of the Museum, was kind enough to allow me to take a plaster cast of the coin. There can be no doubt that the prototype from which this coin was imitated is the second variety of the second type of the copper coinage of Chandragupta II described and illustrated by Allan in his Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties. The prototype may be described as follows:
Obverse: King standing to left (three-quarter length), apparently casting incense on altar with uplifted right hand (as on similar gold coins of the Chhatra type); left hand behind on hip; behind the king a dwarf attendant holding the parasol over him.
Smith, op. cit., p. 172.
JNSI, Vol. XIII, pp. 128 ff.
See ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 103 ff.
One of Samudragupta's inscriptions has been found engraved on a pillar at Eran in the Saugor District of Madhya Pradesh (i.e. in East Malwa) and his Allahabad pillar inscription refers to his success against the Aryavarta king Rudradova who is apparently the Saka ruler Rudrasena III of Western India. See Select Inscriptions, pp. 257, 260 ff.; Proc. IHC, Madras 1944, pp. 78 ff.
See p. 53, Nos. 144-47; Plate XI, No. 4.

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Page #145

COPPER COIN OF HARIGUPTA
(from Photographs)

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97
No. 17)
COPPER COIN OF HARIGUPTA Reverse: The bird Garuda (the emblem of the Guptas) standing, facing, with outspread
wings (without human arms with bracelets as seen on the first variety of these copper
coins); legend below the above reading Mahārāja-eri-Chandraguptah in one line. The size of the coins is about three quarters of an inch and weight between 36-5 and 101-5 grains. On the coin under study, the obverse does not clearly show the parasol in the hands of the attendant and the proper right side of the bird on the reverse is blurred, while the legend beneath the bird reads Mahārāja-sri-Hariguptasya in two lines in characters similar to those of the legend on the Ahichchhatrā coin. The size of our coin is 85 inch and its weight 49 grains, although its exact findspot seems to be unknown. We have no doubt that the same Mahārāja Harigupta also issued the Ahichchhatră coin, even though Allan doubted the reading of the name on it.
An inscription on a bronze image found in the ruins of Dhaneswar Kherà in the village of Ichchhāwar or Nichchāwar in the Banda District, U. P., was published by Smith and Hoey as early as 1895, although they could not decipher the record satisfactorily. The correct reading of this record in two lines is as follows
1 Dava-dharmmyasni*] Gupta-vanso(vams-5)dita-eri-Harirajasya ra(rä)jni-Mahādēvyä[b]
[l*] yad attra punya[m*] tad-bhavatu
2 sa[rvva]-sa[tvā(tivā)nā][m] māta(tā)-pitsi-pū[rvva]ngama(mē)na anuttara-pada-jñāna(n-ā).
vāptayē [l*]* It seems that the ruins of Dhanesar Khera referred to above represent the site of the headquaters of Harirāja mentioned in the inscription. We know that, about the fifth century A.D., the title Mahārāja was enjoyed by the subordinates and feudatories of the Gupta Mahārājādhirājas.: Our Harirāja, called Mahārāja in the legend on his coins, thus appears to have been a subordinate of the contemporary Gupta emperor. The first question now is: if Hariraja belonged to the Imperial Gupta family, why was he called Harirāja and rot Harigupta ? We know that from the assumption of imperial status by Chandragupta I about 320 A.D., his descendants assumed names ending in the word gupta. But we also know that the second name of Chandragupta II is sometimes quoted as both Dēvagupta and Devarāja. Thus mere mention of the ruler'a name as Harirāja instead of Harigupta does not prove anything. The second question to be answered then is : if Hariraja-Harigupta was a gcion of the Imperial Gupta family even from his mother's side, why is his family relationship with the contemporary Gupta emperor not specified in the inscription? The answer to this seems to be that the relationship was not a very close one.
Thus, even if the problem of the Ichchhāwar inscription can be solved, the Ahichchhatra and Allahabad Museum coins offer yet another difficult problem. The king enjoyed the feudatory title Mahārāja and there is no doubt that he imitated a type of the copper coins of Chandragupta II. The question now is whether a subordinate ruler was allowed by his Gupta suzerain to issue coing of his own. This seems to be extremely doubtful in the present state of our knowledge. As we have already seen, Mahārāja Harigupta of the Ahichchhatra and Allahabad Museum coins cannot be assigned to an age earlier than the expansion of Gupta supremacy in Malwa and Central India since he certainly imitated one of the types of the copper coins issued by Chandragupta II, the obverse design of which was itself a copy of the well-known Chhatra type of the same monarch's
1 JASB, Vol. LXIV, 1895, Part I, pp. 159 ff. and flate. • See JOR, Vol. XVIII, 1949, pp. 185 ff.
Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, pp. 64-65. Select Inscriptions, pp. 273, 420.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
gold coinage. But when did Hariraja-Harigupta issue his copper coin of the same type! The answer to this question may be that Harigupta issued the coins on the decline of Gupta power about the last quarter of the fifth century A.D. He seems to have selected some of the popular types of Imperial Gupta coinage prevalent in the area over which he ruled. Considering the problem of local conservatism in ancient Indian numismatics, it does not appear necessary to think that Hariraja-Harigupta's coins were issued shortly after the issue of their prototypes.

Page #148

No. 18-BRICK INSCRIPTION OF DAMAMITRA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, Ootacamund
(Received on 20.1.1958) Dr. A. S. Altekar has recently published, in the pages of this journal, a brick inscription in Brāhmi characters of about the first century B.C. or the first century A.D. Its language is Prakrit which is, however, considerably influenced by Sanskrit. It is a fragmentary record in one line referring to the performance of the horse-sacrifice by Aśvavātāyaniputra Devimitra.' Dr. Altekar has wrongly taken the name of the performer of the sacrifice to be Devamitra This inscription was discovered in a mound near the village of Musõnager in the Kanpur District, O.P.
In December 1957 I visited the Lucknow Museum where I noticed another brick inscription of the type of the Musānagar epigraph published by Dr. Altekar. It is also a fragmentary record, the left portion of the brick (11" x 71" x 4") being broken away exactly as in the case of the other inscription. The two records may have been originally of the same length; but the extant part of the present inscription, engraved in one line on a side face of the brick and covering an area of about 7" in length, is smaller than that of the Musõnagar epigraph. Individual aksharas in our epigraph are between " and 17' in height. Dr. Altekar suggests that the inscribed brick originally formed a part of the platform built round a sacrificial post or pillar.
The resemblance betwe’n the two inscriptions is striking. In the first place, both the present epigraph and the Musānagar inscription are incised on a narrow side face of the bricks in question and not on a broad face of them. Secondly, our record refers to a horse-sacrifce performed by Dāmamitra, a name ending in the word mitra as in the case of Devimitra of Musānagar inscription. Thirdly, the size, style, characters and language of the two epigraphs are similas. Fourthly, both the records end with a symbol standing midway between a cross and the so-called Ujjayini symbol found on early Indian coins. Fifthly, although the exact findspot of our inscription is unknown, the inscribed brick is stated to have been presented to the Lucknow Museum by Mr. F. S. Fanthome, when he was Additional District Magistrate of Kanpur and thus appears to have been discovered in a locality in the Kanpur District if not at Musānagar itself. There is an old mound at Musánagar and ancient coins have occasionally been found there after the rainy season. It is therefore not impossible that both Devimitra and Dāmamitra belonged to the same family of rulers having their capital at Musānagar or its neighbourhood.
As already indicated above, the characters of our record closely resemble those of the Musānågar inscription. But there are some indications which appear to suggest that our epigraph belongs to a slightly later date. In the first place, the triangularity of the lower part of m and of v is more pronounced in the record under study. Secondly, the -mātrā in mi is a prolongation of the right upper limb of m while the other inscription exhibits the said vowel-mark as a distinct addition to the consonant. Thirdly, while both the left and right limbs of the lower part oft are of the same size in the Musānagar epigraph, the right stroke is considerably elongated in the present record.
1 See Vol. XXX, pp. 118 ff. and Plate. + Macron over e and o has not been used in the article. • A photograph of the inscription was published in Archaeology- A Review, 1955-56, Plate LXIX, C. • Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 118.
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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII On palaeographical considerations, the inscription of Devimitra inay be assigned to the close of the first century B.C. or the beginning of the first century A.D. and that of Damamitra to a date in the first halt of the first century A.D.
The Language of the record ia Prakrit; but the influence of Sanskrit 18 indicated by the use of sva (for sa=ssa) in the word asvamedhe. It may be pointed out here that, in the Musānagar inscription, Dr. Altekar read this word as aśvamerdha while we suggested the reading asvamedhe or afvamedham. The present record makes it clear that the intended reading of the word in the Musānagar inscription is neither asvamerdha nor aśvamedham but asvamedhe.
Our inscription begins with the akshara sa which is, however, not fully preserved. Since this is followed by the expression Damamitasa (Sanskrit Dāmamitrasya), it may be regarded as the remnant of a metronymic like A évavātāyaniputasa (Sanskrit Asvavātāyaniputrasya) qualifying Devimitasa (Sanskrit Devimitrasya) in the Musānagar record. The last word of the inscription is afvamedhe (Sanskrit asvamedhaḥ). This is followed by the symbol referred to above, which indicates the end of the writing. Although no regal epithet is applied to Dāmamitra's name, the attribution of the performance of the Aévamedha to him suggests that he was a ruler of importance.
The two early rulers of the Kanpur region of U.P., viz. Devimitra and Dāmamitra known from their brick inscriptions, do not appear to be known from any other source, although coins of many kings with names ending in the word mitra have so far been discovered from various sites in that State. Their relations with other known rulers of the said region, especially with the Mitra kings of Kaubāmbi and Ahichchhatrā, can scarcely be dertermined in the present state of our knowledge. But our inscription adds one more name to the list of the performers of Afvamedha, who flourished in the ancient and medieval periods of Indian history. The name Devimitra points to the influence of the cult of the Mother-goddess on the royal family in question.
TEXT
..[sa] D[a]mamitasa as[v]amedhe [ilo
TRANSLATION
The horse-Bacrifice of (i.e., celebrated by) Dämamitra, the....
1 Cf. Sundaram Pillai Com. Vol., pp. 93 ff. ? From impressions. : This is apparently the last akshara of an epithet of Dämamitra in the sixth cage-onding.
This stop is indicated by a symbol.

Page #150

BRICK INSCRIPTION OF DAMAMITRA
eve
Scale : Actual Size

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Page #152

No. 19-NOTE ON ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN II
V. V. MIRASHI, NAGPUR
(Received on 19.7.1957) Some time ago I examined the dates of the Ganga era, which contain details necessary for calculation, and showed that the epoch which suits them all is Saka 419 (497-98 A.D.) for & current year and Saka 420 (498-99 A.D.) for an expired year. Later I examined two more dates of the era, which were discovered subsequently. I have shown that both of them corroborate the epoch which I had fixed and that none of the other epochs suggested by other scholars is applicable in their case. Recently we have another date of this era, viz., Gn. 133, furnished by the Andhavaram plates of the Ganga king Indravarman III. It provides me with another opportunity of testing the epoch fixed by me.
The plates record a grant made by the king on the occasion of a solar eclipse which occurred on the amāvāsyā of the month of Srāvana. Further, in lines 19-20, the plates record the date in the following words: gri-pravarddhamana-Tumvu(bu)ru-vanda(vansa)-rajya-samva(mva)tsarānām satë trintaty(trimsad)-adhikë samva(sarva)tsarāḥ 100 30 3 Srāvana-māsa-amāvāsya-dināni cha, i.e., in the augmenting dominion of the Tumburu family, in the year hundred increased by thirty--133- on the new-moon day of the month of Sråvana. It will taus be seen that the date given in words does not agree with that expressed in numerical symbols. In the indifferent facsimile of the inscription published previously in JAHRS, Vol. XX, the unit symbol appeared to denote 2, as it consisted of two curved horizontal strokes with a dot between them which appeared accidental. Taking the date as expressed in numerical symbols to be correct, I showed, in an article published in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXX, pp. 271 f., that according to my epoch, the date Gn. 132 (as I read it then) was quite regular. The new-moon day in amanta Srāvana in the expired Ganga year 132 corresponds to the 13th August 630 A.D., on which day there was a solar eclipse as stated in the Andhavaram plates. The excellent facsimile published in this journal, however, shows that the unit symbol of the date denotes 3 and not 2. The date as expressed in numerical symbols must, therefore, be read as 133 and not 132. It does not agree with that expressed in words ; but it has been suggested that the engraver seems to have omitted trayas before trimsat through carelessnes.
Dr. Subrahmanyam appears to accept the epoch of the Ganga era fixed by me. Says he, The grant is said to have been made on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the new-moon day of Lrāvana. Calculating from the starting point fixed by Prof. Mirashi, i.e., Saka 420 plus 132 expired years of the era, we get Saka 552 (630 A.D.) as the date of the grant. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, on the 13th August of that year there was a solar eclipse ; but this was in the month Bhadrapada! Dr. Subrahmanyam's words appear to imply either that the date is irregular according to my epoch, or that the epoch does not suit it exactly. I propose to show that neither of these suppositions is correct.
In the detailed ephemeris given by Pillai in Vol. I, Part II, and the subsequent Volumes of his great work, the lunar months are shown according to the amānta scheme; but while giving the
* Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 236 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 192; Vol. XXVIII, pp. 171 f.
• Ibid., Vol. XXX, pp. 87 ff. In his article on the Andhavaram plates, Dr. R. Subrahmanyam has not numbered this Indravarman though there were several kings of this name. Indravarman I was ruling in Gn. 39 and Indrevarman II ruled at least from Gn. 87 to Gn. 97. So this king must be named Indravarman III, for whom we have dates ranging from Gn. 128 to Gn. 154. Ibid., p. 40.
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[VOL. XXXIII New Moons and Eclipses in Vol. I, Part I, Pillai has adopted the purnimanta scheme of lunar months. This has misled Dr. Subrahmanyam. Table II gives the solar eclipse on the 13th August 630 A.D. under Bhadrapada. As stated before, this month was purnimanta. The same eclipse may, therefore, be said to have occurred on the new-moon day of amanta Sravana, as stated in the Andhavaram plates. The date is thus perfectly regular. It further corroborates the epoch of the Ganga era fixed by me. It may, again, be noted that this is one of the few dates of the era in a current year and that the scheme of lunar months here is ämänta as in several other records of the Ganga era as shown already.
Let us next see if the date would be regular according to any of the other epochs suggested by other scholars. Leaving aside such epochs as 349-50 A.D., 741 A.D., 772 A.D., and 877-78 A.D. which, on the face of them, appear to be impossible, I shall examine those that approximate to the one fixed by me. They are as follows: 494 A.D. proposed by Mr. Subba Rao, 496 A.D. by the late Mr. J. C. Ghosh, 497-98 A.D. by the late Mr. B.V. Krishna Rao and 504-05 A.D. by Mr. Somasekhara Sarma. Mr. Krishna Rao was previously of the opinion that the Ganga era began on amänta Bhadrapada-su. 13; but he now says that it began on pürgimanta Kārttika-ba. 1 in the expired Saka year 419 (28th September 497 A.D.). From the equivalents of some dates given in his recent article, he seems to take the epoch of the Ganga era as 497-98 A.D. As the Ganga year, according to him, began in Kärttika, we shall get the Christian year corresponding to Gn. 133, for the month of Sravana, by adding 498 to 133. The years of the Christian era corresponding to Gn. 133, according to these epochs, would thus be as follows:
Proposed Epocn of the Ganga Era.
494 A.D.
496 A.D.
497-98 A.D.
504-05 A.D.
Ganga Year 133, Śrāvaṇa amāvāsyā
Corresponding year of the Christian Era.
627 A.D.
629 A.D.
631 A.D.3 637. A.D.
Was there a solar eclipse on this tithi ?
No solar eclipse in purnimänta or amanta Srāvana.
Do.
Do. Do.
Dr. R. C. Majumdar as recently suggested that the Ganga era started some time between 540 and 556 A.D. As he has not, however, stated the exact epoch of the era as well as the beginning of the Ganga year and the scheme of its lunar months, it is not possible to test its correctness by means of this date.
The Andhavaram plates of the Ganga king Indravarman III thus prove the correctness of my view that the Ganga era commenced on amanta Chaitra śu. di. 1 in the expired Saka year 420 (the 14th March 498 A.D.). Thus the epoch of the era for a current year is 497-98 A.D. and for an expired year 498-99 A.D.
1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 171 f.
JBRS, Vol. XLII, Part I. Curiously enough, he regards all these years of the era as current. For an examination of his view, see ibid., pp. 309 ff.
[This should be 629-30 A.D. according to Mr. Krishna Rao who regards the years of the Ganga era to be current
-Ed.]
Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 46 ff.

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No. 20--INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA
(2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR AND K. H. V. SARMA, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 12.5.1958) We have elsewhere suggested that inscriptions set up at well-known tirthas by visiting pilgrims sometimes mention kings of distant lands not because the holy places in question formed parts of their dominions but merely because the pilgrims were their subjects or subordinates and that pious people including kings often sought to secure the merit of visiting tirthas of their choice by sending others to those localities at their own cost as their proxies. The four inscriptions edited in the following pages come from Gayā which is one of the most celebrated tirthas of India and they throw welcome light on the said question. The holiest shrine at Gayā is the Vishnupāda temple and all the records are found within the precincts of that temple.
Gayā is regarded as the most suitable place for the celebration of the post-funeral ceremony called Srāddha for the salvation or the spirits of dead ancestors. Gayā-érāddha (i.e. the performance of Srāddha at Gayā) can be celebrated by anybody for any deceased person at any time of the year, although the fortnight ending with the Mahālayā-Amāvasyā (i.e. the new-moon day in amānta Bhādrapada or pūrnimānta Āsvina) is regarded as the best time for it and lakhs of pilgrims from all parts of India visit the holy place on that occasion.'
1. Inscription of the time of Kakatiya Pratáparudra I The inscription is engraved on a black slab of stone fixed into the eastern wall (right side) of the shrine of Siva in front of the Vishnupāda temple. There are in all 31 lines of writing. The préservation on the whole is satisfactory, though some letters are damaged here and there. The inscribed space measures 31 inches in height and 11 inches in breadth. Beneath the writing, there are the representations of the Chakra (discus) and Sankha (conch-shell), the latter on a pedestal, and below these there is K. 1848 incised in English. The English writing apparently refers to the utilisation of the stone slab some time in 1848 A.D.; but it has nothing to do with the inscription. The Chakra and Sankha are the well-known emblems of the god Vishnu and appear to point to the Vaishnava leanings of the person who set up the record under study,
The characters are Nandi-Nāgart of the twelfth or thirteenth century. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and it is written in verse with the exception of a passage in prose at the end. There are altogether 12 stanzas, the metre employed being Anushţubh in all cases. The author's command over the language was, however, not quite satisfactory. The orthography of the record is characterised by the use of anusvāra in the place of final m and class nasals. The
* Ser: abovo, Vol. XXXI, pp. 100-101.
. For the importance of Gayt as a holy place especially for the performance of árādilha, see the Vayu Purana, chapters 105 ff.; Kano, History of Dharmasdstra, Vol. IV, pp. 643-79. For the antiquity of Gaya, see JIA, Vol. XXXII, pp. 283 f.
This is No. 132 of 4. R. Bp., 1957-58, App. B.
The name Naudi-Nagart is usually associated with the Nagart alphabet used in the South Indian records of the Vijayanagara period (cf. Ojha, Palaeography of India, p. 68 ; Renou et Filliozat, L'Inde Classique, Tome II, p. 682). But tbe development of the Yandi. Xagari alphabet can be traced to enrlier times. We have applied this name to the characters of Inscriptions Xos. 1-2 cited in the following pages because they exhibit the Nandi-Nagart forms of some letters. Cf.s in both the records and initial i in Inscription No.2, lipe 18.
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[VOL. XXXIII name Mallikarjuna (lines 11 and 19) has been spelt with kh instead of k as in Telugu inscriptions." The inscription bears no date.
Verses 1-4 in lines 1-9 describe a king named Prataparudra. The first of these stanzas speak of him as mithila-bhüpāla-mauli-ratna-lasat-pada and räja-firo-mani which may indicate that he was an independent or imperial ruler. The suggestion seems to be supported by verge 3 which represents the king as hearing the burden of the entire earth. Verse 2 refers to his capital as excelling Amaravati, the city of the gods, but does not mention its name. This reference to the capital, which has no direct relation with the purpose of the inscription, seems to indicate that king Pratāparudra was ruling from the unnamed city when the inscription was incised.
The following five stanzas (verses 5-9) in lines 9-20 describe the preceptor of Pratāparudra. Verse 5 states that the name of the king's preceptor was Mallikārjuna who enjoyed the title Tribhuvanividyāchakravartin. He is also called süri in the same stanza and kovida in verse 9 and was apparently famous for his learning. The name of "Mallikarjuna is repeated in verse 9, while Verse 7 represents him as a great devotee of the god Siva as it says that Indusēkhara (Siva) liked his stay in Mallikarjuna's mind better than his residence on Mount Kailasa. Verges 8-9 state that a locality called Mantrakata lying on the southern border of the Vindhya mountain range (Vindhy-ädri-dakshina-präntë) and on the bank of the river Gautami (Gautami-taţë) was studded with numerous lingas and that the city called Simhädri-nagari, situated in the said locality, was beautified by Mallikarjuna with many buildings. Gautami is another name of the river Godāvari, while Mantrakūta appears to be the same as Manthani (also called Mantenna), the headquarters of a Taluk of the same name in the Karimnagar District in the former Hyderabad State but now in Andhra Pradesh. A chief named Gunda is described as the lord of Mantrakuța-nagart in the Hanumakonda inscription' (Saka 1084=1162 A.D.) of Kakatiya Pratāparudra I, while the same chief is called Manthanya-Gunda in the Palampet inscription of Saka 1135 (1213 A.D.), and Manttena-Gunda in the Gana pesvaram inscription (Saka 1153-1231 A.D.) of the Kakatiya king Ganapati. Thus the same place is called Mantrakūta-nagari, Manthani and Mantenna. A Siva temple built at the same place, called Mantrakūtapura, by Gangadhara, a general of Kakatiya Pratāparudra I, is mentioned in the Karimnagar inscription of Saka 1092 (1170 A.D).
Verse 10 in lines 21-23 states that Mallikārjuna's wife was Gauri who caused to perform the Gaya-Sraddha, apparently of her husband Mallikārjuna, even though the husband's death is not clearly referred to in the inscription. As already indicated above, &rāddha performed in honour of the departed spirits of dead relatives at Gayā is regarded as specially efficacious especially during the dark half of the amänta month of Bhadrapada or the purnimänta month of Asvina. Verse 11 in lines 23-26 speaks of Gauri's daily entı y through the gate of Gaya' and to her securing the salvation of the foremost of her relations (i.e. her husband). Apparently she was performing what is called nitya-frāddha for the emancipation of her husband Mallikarjuna.
1 Cf., o.g., P. Sreenivasachar, A Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingana Districts, Part III, 1968, p. 71.
* Mallikarjuna's title Tribhuvant-vidyd-chakravartin reminds us of the title Sakala-vidya-chakravartir enjoyed by several scholars at the court of the kings of the Hoysala dynasty of Dorasamudra. It has been suggested that the title was conferred on the court pandits by the Hoysala kings (Heo abave, Vol. XXXI, p. 227). It is thus not impossiblo that the title Tribhuvant-vidyd-chakravartin was oonforred on Mallikarjuna by his royal disciple Pratáparudra.
P. Sreenivasachar, op. cit., Part II, p. 10, text line 34. • Hyd. Anch. Ser., No. 3, p. 3, text line 49.
Above, Vol. III, p. 85, text line 18. .P. Sreenivasachar, op. oit., p. 173, text line 142. * Gayd-dvdram dvibanti dint dine seems to refer to Gaurt's daily visit to the Caya temple. • The expression purodhasan cha bandhandm has been used to indicate the husband.'

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No. 20)
INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA Verse 12 in lines 26-29 gives some interesting information about Gauri, wife of Mallikarjuna. It is stated that formerly she had been passing her days playfully at the feet of the god Göpinātha described as the lord of the Kandammati family, but that at the time being her residence was Manikarnika. As regards her later residence, the place appears to be the same as the famous Manikarnika Ghat at Banāras. But the location of the deity Göpinātha worshipped by the members of the Kandammați family is difficult to determine, although Kandammaţi seems to be the name of a locality from which the family derived its name. Gaurl's relationship with the said family is not stated in the inscription. We may conjecture that she was born in the Kandammați family. It is, however, very interesting to note Gauri's devotion to the god Göpinātha, undoubtedly a form of Vishnu. Thus she was a Vaishnava,' while her husband Mallikarjuna was a staunch devotee of the god Siva. The document ends with an adoration of the god Gopijanavallabha, the same as Göpinātha: But, while the latter is described as the lord of the Kandammaţi family, the former is called Mantrakūta-Gõpijanatallabha, apparently meaning Göpijanavallabha of Mantrakūta', even if the two appear to be one and the same deity. It is possible to think that the Kandammati family, which originally hailed from the village of Kandammati and to which Gauri seems to have belonged, was at a later date living at the locality called Mantrakūta. In that case, Kadammali-kul-üdhiệa Göpinātha may of course be safely identified with Mantrakūta. Sopījanavallabha .
There is no obvious clue in the inscription to help us in identifying king Pratāparudra and his preceptor Tribhuvani-tidyā-chakravartin Mallikarjuna. As regards the king, who appears to have been an imperial ruler, we can only think of Pratāparudra I (generally called Rudra) and Prataparudra II of the Kakatiya dynasty, who flourished respectively in the periods 1163-95 A.D. and 1291-1330 A.D., and the king of the same name who belonged to the Suryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa and ruled in the period 1496-1539 A.D. Of these three rulers, Gajapati Pratāparudra of Orissa was a great devotee of the god Purushottama-Jagannātha of Puri and was therefore a devout Vaishnava. It is thus extremely doubtful if he could have had a staunch Saiva teacher like Mallikarjuna of our inscription as his preceptor. On the other hand, we know the Saiva leanings of most of the Kakatiya rulers who are described as paramamahësvara in the records of their time and some of whom are known to have received initiation from Saiva religious teachers. This fact leads us to the suggestion that king Prataparudra mentioned in the inscription under review may be identical with either of the Kakatiya monarchs bearing that name: Of the two Kūkatiya kings of the same name, viz. Pratāparudra I and Pratāparudra II, the former is described in several records as paramamāhēsvara and Svayambhu-pada-padm-ārādhaka and there can bu no doubt that he was a devout Saiva. Kakatiya Pratāparudra II has not, however, been called it parumamiheśvara in any of the numerous records of his time and does not appear to have been
For the importance of Banaras as a holy place, see the Malaya Purana, chapters 181-85 ; Kane, op. cit., pp. 018 ff. Manikarnika is one of the five holiest spots at Banaras, the others being Dababvamēdha, Lolarka, Kesava and Bindumüdbava (Vulsya Purana, Chapter 186, verses 65-68).
* The inscription does not say that Gauri was devoted to both Vishnu and Siva.
Bota II and probably also his grandson Prola II claimed Ramosvara-pandita of the Mallikarjuna-matba on the Sriéaila as their diksha-yuru (Hyd. Arch. Ser., No. 13, p. 25, Ins. No. 7; p. 55, Ins. No. 12; cf. Bharati, Vol. XVIII, Part II, p. 194). Mahidēvu is known to have learnt the Saiva siddhantas from his preceptor Dhru.
vara-nuntiare (Ilyd. Arch. Ser., No. 13, p. 02, Ins. No. 15) while his son Ganapati was a disciple of a celebrated Saiva teacher named Visvēšvarasambhu who was also revered by his daughter Rudrāmba (SI1, Vol. X, No. 395, 21.203; JAHRS, Vol. IV, pp. 147 ff.).
The Kakatiya queen Rudrāmba was often mentioned as Rudradeva in the masculine ; but she was not called Prataparudra.
fee. ... SII, Vol. X, p. 122, No. 241, text lines 5-6.
Cf. Teleuam Inscriptions, Nos. 46 ff. 811, Vol. X, No. 319 (p. 281) apparently belongs to the reign of Pratáparudra I.

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[VOL. XXXIII & staunch devotee of Siva. The possibility therefore is that king Pratāparudra of our inscrip tion is identical with the Kakatiya monarch Prataparudra I.
There is a tradition that the great Saiva teacher Mallikārjuna-panditārādhya was the preceptor of the Kākatiya king Ganapati (1199-1260 A.D.) who was the brother's son of Pratāparudra 1. This, however, is clearly wrong since the Malkapuram inscription represents the great Saiva teacher Vibvēsvarasambhu, hailing from Pūrvagrãma in the Rādha division of Gauda, as the dikshā-guru of king Ganapati. But, confused even if it is, the above tradition seems to be based on the fact that a Kākatiya monarch was amongst the disciples of the great Panditārādhya. If such was the case, the Kakatiya disciple of Mallikarjuna-panditärädhya was probably none else than Pratäparudra I since the contemporaneity of the Saiva teacher and the Kakatiya king has been admitted by scholars. Under the circumstances, it may not be unreasonable to identify Pratāparudra and Mallikarjuna, mentioned in the inscription under study, respectively with the Kākatiya king Pratāparudra I and the Saiva teacher Mallikarjuna-panditärädhya at least tentatively for the present till further light is thrown on the subject by new discoveries.
A number of legends grew around the celebrated name of Mallikärjuna-panditārādhya, the details of many of which may not have any foundation in facts. But, as indicated above, the traditions representing him as a contemporary of Kakatiya Pratāparudra I appear to be genuine. Dr. P. Sreenivasachar identifies the Panditārādhya with the Saiva teacher Mallikarjuna mentioned in an inscription of Saka 1109 (1187 A.D.) from Kudavel-Sangamēśvaram about 10 miles from Alampur in the Mahbubnagar District of Andhra Pradesh. Two inscriptions from the Kurnool District of the same State, dated respectively in Saka 1154 (1232 A.D.) and 1157 (1235 A.D.), speak of a disciple of Mallikārjuna who may be no other than Mallikārjuna-paņditārādhya. The language of our inscription seems to suggest that the royal disciple Pratāparudra was still on the throne when his preceptor Mallikarjuna died. This may suggest that Mallikārjuna-paņļitārādhya died before 1195 A.D.
In spite of the mention of king Pratāparudra I of the Kakatiya dynasty of Warangal in the inscription under study, there is certainly no reason to believe that the Gayā region in South Bihar formed any part of his dominions. We know that South Bihar lay in the empire of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar from the eighth to the twelfth century and in the dominions of the Musalmans from the end of the twelfth century till the British conquest in the eighteenth century. Even in the absence of any reference in the present inscription to the ruler whose dominions comprised Gayā, king Pratāparudra mentioned in it cannot be regarded as having ruled over the Gayā region.
1 After the preparation of this paper, we have uxamined an inscription of about Saka 1121 (1199 A.D.) from Manthani (ancient Mantrakūta), which states that Mallikarjua's son Göpäla received a big plot of land at Mantrakūta from Kakatiya Rudradēva (i.e. Pratápar udra l) and that the township called Simhagiri-purs (the same as Simhädri-nagarl of tho Gaya inscription) was built by him on the said plot. This epigraph bottles the identity of Prataparudra of the Gaya inscription beyond doubt. Who Manthani insoription is being published in the pages of this journal.
* See a poem entitled 'Kakati Prolarājūdula prakarsa' in the Kakatiyasarnchika, od. by M. Rama Rao, p. 140.
.811, Vol. X, No. 395, p. 207, text lines 79-80.
C. Kabattyananchika, pp. 26, 81, 212. Op. cit., Part II, p. 71.
Rangachari's List, Nos. Kl. 14 and 19; A. R. Ep., 1926. 26, para. 62 (pp. 116-17).
* The death of Mallikarjuna-panditärädbyn has been assigned to 1169-70 A.D. (Kūkallycemichika, p. 212 on insuficient and doubtful grounds.

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No. 20]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA
107
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the holy tirthas of Gaya and Mapikarnika (called Manikarnika in the record) at Banaras, the mountain range Vindhya and the river Gautami (Godavari) are well-known. Kandammați cannot be satisfactorily identified. The location of Mantrakūta has been discussed above.
TEXT1
1 Śrīmam(man)-nikhila-bhūpāla-mauli-ratna-lasa.
2 -padab asti Prataparudr-akhyō rājā rāja
3 sirōmaniḥ [ 1*] Yat-[pu]ri turag-ākīrņā maha
4 t-kari-ghat-akula | panya-sta(strī)-muktā-vyājēna hasa
5 nt-iv-Amaravatim(tīm) || 2*] Yad-bhujā-nihit-āsēsha-ratna
6 garbha-maha-bhu(bha)rah | śithilika (ku)rutē nunam Pha[n]dro-piphaṇā-kulaṁ(lam) |[| 3*] Gup-ālavāla-niya
7
8 ta bahu-mina-phal-ämkitä | vyäptä yat-kirtti
9 [la]tika gagana-sthala-mamjapaṁ(pam) || 4*] Tasya tribhu
10 vanividyachakravartt-Iti viśrutāḥ | guravaḥ sam
11 ti lōkō-smin Mallikhā (kā)rjuna-sürayaḥ |[| 5*] Ya
12 d-yasamsi sarach-chamdra-vimalāni va(vi)tanvatē [*]
13 niyatain din-mrigakshīņām duküla-vasana-śri
14 yam(yam) 6*] Eshäṁ mānasam=adhyāsya bhagavan-Indu
15 se(sē)kharaḥ | na Kailasa-mahāśaila-sukh-ā
16 [visam apēkshatë || 7*] Vi[m]dhy-ādri-dakshiṇa-prām
17 të vilasad Gautami-tate | Mamtrakuta[m*] sahasra
18 [n]ām liṁgānāṁ sthānam-uttamam (mam) | | 8*] Tatra Simhadri-na
19 garith Mallikā(kā)rjuna-kōvidaḥ | vidvaj-janēmi
20 dra-mi(n)radhram ramya-harmyam-achikarat || [9]
21 Gauri gunavati tasya vidvaj-jana-vi
22 [no]dinah dharmapatni Gay-irā
23 ddham vi[ta]-vi[chchha(ghna)]m=akārayat || [10*]Atha
24 Gauri Gaya-dvaram-avisamti dině
25 dine purōdhas[a(sain) cha] bamidhunath muktam-81 From impressions.

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[Vol. XXXIII
26 v=ākarot=sati ! [11] Karndammati-kul-a27 dhfía-Göpinātha-pad-ārivu(bu)jo tastho)-1 28 syāḥ pūrvam=abhūt=k[r]i[dja. idūnini 29 Manikarnike || [12*) sri- Maîtrakū30 ţa-Gõpijana[va]llabhāya 31 namah ||
2. Inscription of the time of Hoysala Nerasimha III This inscription is engraved on the left door jamb of the doorway leading into a Mahādēva shrine under a peepal tree in the compound of the Visbņupāda temple. The writing occupies & space of about 262 inches in height and 4 inches in width, there being altogether 25 lines and each line containing about four aksharas. Immediately below the above record, there is a second inscription which contains 21 lines covering a space equal in area as the first epigraph. It seems that the available space was divided into two halves for the two inscriptions which were very probably engraved at the same time.
The record is written in Nandi-Nāyari characters of about the 12th or 13th century A.D. with the exception of the last line which is in the Kannada script. The characters resemble those of the Gayà inscription of Prataparudra's time, edited above. The form of vra ir rrajana in lines 11-12 is interesting to note. The language is Kannada and the inscription is written in prose. As regards orthographical peculiarities, the word simha has been spelt as singa (lines 3-4), while niya has been spelt as riņa thrice in lines 14-16.
The record bears no date, although it refers in lines 2-5, to a ruler named Hosaņa ViraNarasimhadēva. Hosana is the same as Hoysaņa, a well-known variant of the dynastic name Hoysala, and there is no doubt that Vira-Narasimha of our record belonged to the Hoysala ruling family of Dorasamudra (modern Haļebid in Mysore State). In this connection, it is interesting to note that the second inscription on the same stone referred to above, which is written in the Kannada language and script, reads in lines 1-16 : fri-Vira-Narusi[m]hadēvaracara karmalada Jakari nana magarn[*] [Chajridirana Ka(Kha)ra-sanhvatsarada Ba(Bha)drapalda*)-bu 30 So [Gayā) pravésar(san) müdi.... This record, the concluding part of which is damaged, speaks of a person named Chandiranna who was a son of Jakanna, an employee in the mint of ViraNarasimhadēva, and of his visit to Gayă on pilgrimage. It will be seen that both the inscriptions apparently refer to the same Hoysaļa king named Narasirha or Vira-Narasiriha. But, while the first record which is the subject of our study in these lines does not bear any date, the second epigraph was dated in the cyclic year Khara, Bhādrapada-ba. 30, Monday, i.e. the day of the Mahalayā Amārasyā and, as indicated above, the most suitable time for the performance of the sraddha of relatives at Gaya. Unfortunately there were no less than three kings named Narasimha in the Hoysala dynasty of Dorasamudra, all of whom flourished in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The reign of Narasinha I, son of Vishnuvardhana, is now assigned to c. 1141-73 A.D., while his grandson Narasimha II and the latter's grandson Narasimha III are supposed to have ruled respectively in c. 1220-35 A.D. and c. 1254-91 A.D. There is, however, a clue in the second of the two
1 The akshara looking like tho is redundant. * Sandhi has been avoided here for the sake of the metre. Better rond chu-edanim. • There is a syn bol here at the end of the writing. *This is registered as No. 126 of A. R. Ep., 1967-68, Appondix 13. C4. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Partii, p. 490. See Coelho, The Hoysala Vams, pp. 115, 169, 198,

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA-PLATE 1
1. Inscription of the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra I
2
4
6
8
10
12
141
16
2 2 2 2 2 2 2
18
20
22
24
26
28
30
इसी में निपाल मलिन बसे पिपाडा
कायाकलाप गरे, नद जीवामा वा जतिहिताश
पिकुलात चलितिय मालकिन वा प्राय क नयन कांग्रेगवसूलीनस्व विश्वका जी विविना
M
ना तर बंदरावर लाव
सनत
परती लाहान वामपेंड तयादिदाप मतदानमा कुटा
हार्दि
लिखानदेशविहिन मरहमবী।। पानं तात्रस्यविना दिनक्षलपत्राग पाता বারके মकार यदि नादिन दिनीच साठव हुन्। बा नाक कदआर्टिकल गोपीनाथ घा स्याःजतकी हारा
श्रीम गोपीजनमा १ माल
Scare: One-fourth
2
4
6
8
10
वाडि 14
12
2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
16
18
20
22
26
28
30

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2. Inscriptions of the time of Hoysala Narasimha III
MZEE SIZ 15 GLICHAKO
12 Cara
Scale : One-fourth

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109
No. 201
INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA inscriptions as regards the identification uf Vira-Narasimha. The cyclic year Khara of the Jupiter's sixty-year oycle 48 counted in South India can be associated with the reign of each one of the three kings, viz. Khara-1171-72 A.D. falling in the reign of Narasimha I, Kharam 1231-32 A.D. in that Narasimha II and Khara=1291-92 A.D. about the end of that of Narasimha III. But since the week-day is given as Monday, the details quoted in the epigraph would suit only the year 1291 A.D. The date corresponds to the 24th September 1291 A.D. and the king mentioned in our epigraph is thus no doubt Hoysala Narasimha III.
The inscription under study begins with the auspicious word svasti which is followed by a passage in lines 1-11 mentioning a person named Apannd as the son of Acharya Padmanabhabhattopadhyāya of the dēhāra of Hosana (Hoysaļa) srl Vira-Narasimhadēva. The word dehāra is derived from Sanskrit dēvagrihaka, a temple', through Apabhraría deharaya. The word acharya is used in Kannada in the sense of a priest and Acharya Padmanabha-bhattopadhyāya was apparently the priest of a temple built by the Hoysaļa king Narasimha probably at his capital Dörasamudra. Padmanābha's son Apaņņa is stated in lines 11-18 to have caused to be constructed what is called a Gaya-vrajana-matha and to have discharged thereby his debts to the gods, to his forefathers and to other human beings. The expression Gaya-vxajana-maţha appears to indicate a sort of Dharma-sālā which was meant for the pilgrims who visited Gayā probably from the Karnāta country to which Apanna belonged. Lines 18-23 mention the names of three persons called Rudrapada, Vishnupada and Gadadhara who are stated to have been the witnesses in the matter apparently of the construction of the Matha. It is not clear whether these three persons, who appear to have been local people, were made trustees for the Matha in question by Apaņņa. Lines 23-24 contain the expression fri-sri forming a mangala and indicating the end of the document. This is followed in the last line (line 25) by the personal name Devarasa written in Kannada characters. Dēvarasa was possibly responsible for the engraving of the inscription analysed above as well as of the other record incised in the lower half of the surface of the stone.
It appears that Apanna of the present record and Chandiranna of the second inscription visited Gayā at the same time. There is little doubt that they were accompanied by many other pilgrims from the area of Karņāțaka, to which they belonged, one of them apparently being Devarasa.
It is not clear from the inscription whether. Apanna, the son of the priest of Hoysala Narasimha's temple, visited Gay, and constructed the Matha at the holy place for the pilgrims probably from Karnātaka on his own behalf or at the expense and on behalf of the Hoysala king. But, in spite of the non-mention of the ruler whose kingdom included the Gayā region in the inscription under study, Hoysala Narasimha mentioned in it had obviously nothing really to do with South Bihar.
TEXT
. 1 Svasti [l *) þri2 Hösaņa3 Śri-Vira-Na4 rasimgadē5. vana děhā6 rada acha7 rya-Padmana1 It is also possible to think that the reference is to three local deities.
From impressions. We are indebted to Dr. G. S. Gai and Mr. B. R. Gopal fou some help in reading and interpreting this inscription.

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Page #164

111
No. 20]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA
The inscription begins with the auspicious word svasti which is followed by the date in lines 1-4. Next comes a sentence in prose in lines 5-9, which states that the vijaya-sasana (apparently referring to the record under study) was set up by the illustrious Rajadhiraja Räjaparamèsvara Virapratapa-Vira Krishnadeva-maharaya. The above is followed by a verse in the Kanda metre, which is in praise of the king. He is represented in the stanza as the husband of Tirumaladevi and as the son of king Isvara-Narasa (i.e. Narasa-nayaka, son of Iévara). It is interesting to note that this verse occurs in the celebrated Telugu work entitled Pärijätäpaharanamu by the well-known poet Nandi-Timmana (also called Mukku-Timmana) who was an ornament of the court of king Krishnadeva-raya (1509-29 A.D.) of the Tuluva dynasty of Vijayanagara. The stanza is followed by another sentence in prose in lines 17-21 stating that the sasana (i.e. the vijayaśāsana mentioned in lines 8-9) was composed by Mukku-Timmaya, i.e. Mukku-Timmana referred. to above.
The inscription is interesting for several reasons. In the first place, it is a lithic record of the Vijayanagara king Krishnadeva raya set up far away from the territory under his rule. Secondly, it is a composition of Krishnadeva-raya's famous court poet Nandi-Timmana, who is mentioned in no other epigraphic record so far discovered. Thirdly, it quotes a stanza from the poet's celebrated work Pārijātāpaharanamu and quotations from such works are rare in inscriptions.
The inscription refers to itself as the vijaya-sasana (literally a document relating to victory') of king Krishnadeva-raya, set up by the king himself, as if Gaya, where it was set up, formed an integral part of his empire. But we know that in Saka 1444 (1521 A.D.) when the epigraph was engraved, the region was a part of the dominions of the Muhammadans. The said region, moreover, lay far away from the borders of the Vijayanagara empire in the extreme south of India and the sphere of Krishnadeva's influence, with a number of independent states lying between the two areas, and it is impossible to believe in the present state of our knowledge that the Vijayanagara monarch had anything to do with South Bihar. Thus the poet Nandi-Timmana seems to have himself visited Gaya as a proxy of his 'patron. The prevalence of such a practice is well-known from medieval inscriptions. Thus a records from Bothpur in the Mahbubnagar District, of Andhra Pradesh, states how a chief named Viṭṭaya sent two persons named Bachaya and Boppa to Varanasi (i.e. Varanasi or Banaras) in the name of his grandmother' and gave them two Marturus of land for their labour. Another inscription of Saka 1194 (1272 A.D.) from the same place seems to state how another chief named Malyala Gunda gave some lands to several people for making pilgrimages on his behalf to tirthas like Satu (SetubandhaRāmēsvara), Sriparvata, and Alampuru on the Tungabhadra.
Thus in spite of the mention of the record as Krishnadeva's vijaya-tasana set up by himself and of the absence of any reference to the king whose dominions comprised the Gaya region, the Vijayanagara monarch cannot in any way be associated with the area where the inscription was set up by his court poet in his name. As indicated above, Mukku-Timmana probably made the pilgrimage to the holy place on behalf of his patron and there is no reason to believe that Krishnadeva himself visited Gaya.
It may be pointed out here that the expression vijaya-sasana is not quite suitable in the present context. The record should have properly been called a dharma-sasana (i.c. a document relating to religious merit), as found in a similar context in the record of Achyutaraya's time, edited below, since it was really associated with the king's endeavour to acquire religious merit by performing & pilgrimage to Gaya through a proxy. Of course it may be regarded as a dharma-vijaya-gāsana.
About the period in question, the Bihar region was a bone of contention among the Sultans of Delhi. Bengal and Jaunpur.
P. Sreenivasachar, Corpus, Part II, p. 142. Ibid.. n. 152 (p. 147, text lines 135 ff.).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
The great Telugu poet Nandi-Timmana, who composed the record, is known to have belonged to the Aruvēla sect of the Niyogi-Bhrähmanas and to the Kausika götra and Apagtamba sūtra. He was the son of Nandi-Singana and Timmămba and the nephew of a certain Malayamārutakuvi. He was popularly called Mukku-Timmana and the record under study refers to him by this name. :
Křishnadēva-rāya's services to Telugu literature are well-known. His court was adorned by eight ominent poets called the ashta-diggajas, among whom Allasāni-Peddana and Nandi. Timmans were the most famous. Allasäni-Peddana is mentioned in a number of epigraphs found at Anniyūri (South Arcot District). Kökatam (Cuddapah District) and Molpädi (Chittoor District) in different parts of the Vijayanagara kingdom corroborating the statement of a Chafu verse attributed to him. Mukku-T'immana, who is mentioned only in the inscription under study, also claims in his Pārijātā paharanams to have received a number of big villages from the king. Unfortunately we do not have epigraphs to confirm this statement. The present inscription does not mention what he received for the pilgrimage he apparently undertook on the king's behalf.
A record from Tippalūru in the Cuddapah District states that the village was once granted to the ashta-diggaja-kavisvaras by king Kpishṇadēva-raya. But it does not enumerate the names of the eight poets, although it is almost certain that Peddana and Timmana had their shares in it.
of the two jewels of Kțishṇadēva's court, while Peddana was a Saiva with Vaishnava leanings and was a disciple of Sathaköpa-yati, Mukku-Timmana was a staunch Saiva and was a disciple of Aghorasiv-acharya, probably mentioned in a Pushpagiri (Cuddapah District) recordo dated Saka 1423 (1501 A.D.). The representation of the goddess Mahishamardini on the stone slab bearing Timmana's inscription is in consonance with his religious faith.
The importance of the inscription to the student of Telugu literature lies in the quotation from the Pārijatāpaharanamu. The work was apparently composed by Timmana sometime before the date of our record, viz. 1521 A.D.
TEXTιο
1 Svasti | Sri-jay-ābhyudaya-śā2 livāhana-Saka-varshambulu 3 1444 agu nēmți Vpisha-sam4 vatsara Ashāda(dha)-bahuļa 13 Mali 5 briman-mahārājādhirāja-raja6 paramèśvara-vira-pratāpa-vira
1 A.R. Ep., No. 623 of 1915. This record mentions him as the governor of the entire Karivāchi-síma. Ibid., Nos. 715 and 716 of 1926. Ibid., No. 105 of 1921.
K. Viresalingam, The Telugu Poets, Part II, pp. 189-90: Koka ga-gram-ddy-anek-agraharamul-adigina simalayandunrichche.
Parijatapoharonamu, Canto V, verse 108: Krisk parāya-kshitisa-kuruna-samalabdha-ghana-chaturanita-ya na mahägrahara-san mana-yutudu.
• A.R. Ep., No. 282 of 1937-38.
Manucharitramu, Canto I (introduction), verse 6. This Sathakopa-yati seems to be mentioned in two inseriptions at Little Kanchipuram (A.R. Ep., Nos. 474 and 633 of 1919).
• Parijatapaharanamu, Canto V, verse 108.
4.R. Ep.. No. 307 of 1996. 10 From impressions. 11 This is a contraction of Mangala-varo, Tuesday'.

Page #166

INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA PLATE II 3. Inscription of Krishnadeva-raya, Saka 1444
E0ะ 2
g39
มาก 1 2 33 34
ที่ 13
14
315
OG OP
16
4
18
ScJON 20
Scale 1 One-fourth

Page #167

4. Inscription of Achyutaraya, V. S. 1588
* (
11
)
- 30 ก.) 3 (Cen
Acc8222 เE 1.1 กม .)
Scale : One-fourth

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113
No. 203
INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA 7 Krishpadēva-mahārāyalu 8 võima-china vijaya-sāsana9 mu || Tirumaladēvi-vallabhaka? ka10 ruņāmaya-hridaya rāja-kam11 thirava Isvara-Narasa-bhūpuramdara.
12 vara-namdana
13 basa-da
14 ppuvara 15 ganddām. 16 kkā (!*1* 17 yi(i)-sa18 sanamu 19 Mukku20 Timmaya 21 vräsenu. [II
4.-Inscription of Achyutarāya, V.S. 1888 This inscription is engraved on a sculptured stone slab kept in the Mahadeva shrine to the right of the Vishņupāda temple in the compound of the latter. The inscribed surface measures about 20 inches in height and 12 inches in width. There are altogether 21 lines of writing. An image of the goddess Durgā is cut in relief in the central part of the lower half of the inscribed face of the stone. Lines 1-11 of the record are engraved above the figure of the goddess while lines 12 and 18-21 are engraved to its right and lines 13-17 to its left. Line 12 should have properly been incised to the left of the image above lines 13-17.
The inscription is written in Telugu characters of about the 16th century and the letters very closely resemble those of the record of Krishnadeva-riya's time, edited above. The letter ch is written in two different forms (cf. stāpan-ācharyya in line 7 and Achchutta in line 10), while t resembles the modern Telugu k. B has been used for v in Vikari (line 3). The language is Telugu and the record is written in prose. The wrong spelling of the words Iresvara for I kvara (lines 8-9), Achchutta for Achyuta (line 10), syāsanań for dāsana” (line 11), sesenu for chēsenu (lines 20-21), etc., exhibits the poor knowledge of the composer especially when compared with the composition of the record of Krishnadeva-rāya's time.
1 Read veyim. • Read vallavha.
This stanza is from the Parijata paharanamu, Canto 2, Vurde 108. Lines 12.16, as indicated above, are engraved to the left of an excavated bed containing the figure of a deity in relief.
• Lines 17-21 are inolsed to the right of the said excavated bed. * It hns been registered as So. 12 of 4.R.Er., 1957-38, Appendix B.

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The date of the inscription is very interesting. It is quoted in lines 1-4 as SalivāhanaSaka 1588, Vikärin, Märgasira-ba. 30, Friday. But the year 1588 really belongs to the Vikrama Samvat and not to the Saka era. This is clearly suggested by several indications. In the first place, Saka 1588 was far removed from the cyclic year Vikärin of both the North Indian and South Indian calendars and the details of the date are irregular for the said Saka year. Secondly, the cyclic year Vikärin of the northern calendar corresponded to V.S. 1588 and the Vikrama and northern cyclic years are sometimes found side by side in the records discovered at Gaya. Thirdly, the details of the date are regular only in the case of the year V.S. 1588 corresponding to Vikärin of the North Indian calendar and this date tallies with the internal evidence of the record stated to have been set up during the reign of king Achyutarzya of the Tuluva dynasty of Vijayanagara, who was the step-brother and successor of Kţishnadēva-raya and ruled in the period 1629-46 A.D. On the other hand, Saka 1588 (1666 A.D.) would fall more than a century after the period of Achyutarāya of Vijayanagara. The details of the date, viz. V.S. 1588, Vikārin, Märgasira-ba. 30, Friday, regularly correspond to the 8th December 1531 A.D.
The date of the inscription discussed above is followed by a passage in lines 5-11 stating that the dharma-sāsana belonged to king sri-vira-Achyutarāya-mahārāya, the son of Narasimha, grandson of Isvara and great-grandson of Timmaya. The expression dharma-säsana means * a document relating to religious merit' and undoubtedly refers to the inscription under study. It is quite appropriately employed in the present context since the record was apparently set up by a person who made a pilgrimage to Gayā on the king's behalf. King Achyutarāya is endowed in the inscription with the epithets Rājādhiraja, Rajaparamèsvara and Virapratāpa as well as Hindu-rājya-sthāpan-ūcharya (i.e. one who can teach how to establish the sovereignty of the Hindus) and Yadu-kula-tilaka (i.e. an ornament of the Yada family). Lines 12 ff. state that a certain Timmananna made the occupants of the Vijayanagara throne Gayā-mukta. The passage Vijayanagaram(ra)-simhāsana-karta[la] in lines 13-17 apparently refers to the departed ancestors of king Achyutarāya mentioned in the record. The expression Gaya-mukta (literally, 'emancipated at Gaya ') no doubt means that Timmananna performed the Sraddha of Achyutarāya's ancestors on the king's behalf at Gayā and thereby led their spirits to emancipation. Timmananna was probably a priest of the Vijayanagara king.
The inscription gives the genealogy of king Achyutarāya from his great-grandfather Timmaya who is the earliest historical figure in the Tuluva dynasty of Vijayanagara and is mentioned only in a few copper-plate grants of his descendants and in literary works like the Manucharitramu and Amuktamālyada. He has been identified with the chief named Tirumalaidēva mentioned in two inscriptions from Tañjāvüro and Srirangam. The earlier of the two records is dated in Saka 1377 (1455 A.D.) and refers to the chief as Mahamandalesvara Médinimisaraganda Katharisāļuva SāļuvaTirumalaidēva-mahārāja. His mention in & stone inscription of Achyutarāya is striking and seems to be explained by the fact that he was one of Achyutarāya's ancestors whose srāddha was performed by Timmananna at Gaya. Timmañanna was apparently sent to Gaya by Achyutarāya in order to perform the pilgrimage on his behalf and at his cost as well as to celebrate the fräddha ceremony of his departed ancestors. It is impossible to believe that king Achyutariya himself visited Gayā or had anything to do with South Bihar.
1 See, 6.8., Bhandarkar's List, No. 370 which comes from Gays and is dated V.S. 1232 and Vikarin. . Above, Vol. I, pp. 363, eto.
Mann.charitromu, Canto I (introduction), verses 23-24. • A muktamalyada, Canto I (introduction), verses 24.28. .811, Vol. II, p. 117, Ins. No. 23. • A. R. Ep., No. 59 of 1892.

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No. 20) INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA
115 The well-known city of Vijayanagata (modern Hampi in the Bellary District of Mysore State) is the only geographical name mentioned in the inscription besides Gaya.
TEXT:
1. Sri-vijay-ādbu(bhyu)da2 ... livāhana-bata-varushach 3 ..-1588 Bi(V)kari-nama-sam4 tsara Mārggabira-ba 30 $u? 5 man-mahā. Tājādbirājal.10 6 [ja]-paramāśvara l-fri-virapratāpa | Him
[du]-rājya-stā(sthā)pan-ācharyya | Ya8 [du]-kula-tilaka | Tim(Ti)mmaya I9 rēsvara! | Nārasimhya(ha) | mandalé10 ..126ri-vira-Achchutta18rāya-ma11 .."yala | dha[r*]mma-syā(bā)sanam | Tim12 15maņamna 13 14[Vi]jaya14 [na]garam(ra)
15 simha16 sana-ka
1 From impressions. . The two aksharas lost here may be restored as suasti.
The two aksharas lost here may be restored as ya-8a.
The word intended is apparently Saka. But, as indicated above, we have to read Vikrama-samvatsarath for Salivahana-Suka-varusham.
The two akaharas lost here may be restored as bulu. The akshara lost here may be restored as va.
This is contraction of Sukra-vdra, Friday'. • The akshara lost here may be restored as brl.
This danda and others in this and the following lines are redundant. 1. Tho akshara lost here may be restored as ra. 11 Read I dvara. 'U The two akaharas lost here may be restored as buara.
Read Achyuta. Sandhi has not heen observed. * The lost akshards inuy be restored as hara.
This line was incised by the engraver to the right of the image of Durgå above lines 18-21 through oversight. ** Lite 13-17 are engraved to the left of the image.

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(VOL. XXXI
17 Eta[la] 18 Gaya19 mukta20 í sē(chē)se21 nu [1]
Lanos 18-21 are opgraved to the right of the image of Durga below line 12.

Page #172

No. 21-VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA BHIMA II
(1 Plate) V. P. JOHARAPURKAR, NAGPUR
(Received on 2.4.1958) This inscription was found near the Police Station at Prabhas Patan (Vöräval) and is now deposited at the Junagadh Museum. I am editing the inscription from an excellent inked impression received from the Government Epigraphist for India.
The inscription is engraved on a stono slab measuring 18"x16'. The left half of the slab is lost. The inscription originally contained 25 lines with 64 letters in each. Approximately 28 letters from each line are now lost with the left half of the slab. The writing is well executed and it is in a good state of preservation except in the fifteenth line. The language is Sanskrit and the characters are Nāgari of the 11th or 12th century A.D.
The inscription opens with two invocatory verses; but the name of the deity invoked is lost. The next three stanzas describe the capital city of [Apabillalpataka. Verses 6-7 mention Malaraja described as respected by all kings and as the uprooter of all enemies. The following two verses refer to the kings who succeeded Mülaraja. Verses 10-12 refer to the ruling king Bhima. Then comes a description of Achārya Kundakunda of Nandi-sangha in three verses. Verses 16-18 refer to a line of teachers that started from Kundakunde. The next two verses describe Srikirti as a prominent pontiff of the line. Verses 21-23 appear to refer to Srikirti's pilgrimage from Chitrakata to 'the holy place of Nēminātha', i.e., Girnar, to the welcome he received at Apabillapura and to the title Mandalācharya that was conferred on him by the king. Verse 24 refers to the Mülavasatikā.temple of Anahillapura.' The next few verses describe the teachers who succeeded Srikirti. These names include Ajitachandra, Charukirti, Yasaḥkirti and Kshēmakirti. Their interrelation is not clear due to the fragmentary nature of the inscription. Verses 34-41 describe the restoration of a shrine which is probably the temple of Chandraprabha referred to in verse 42. The restoration was made probably at the instance of Mandalaganin Lalitakirti referred to in verse 40. Verse 42 refers to a miracle connected with the image of Chandraprabha. It is stated that the water used for its bath cured leprosy. Verse 44 gives the date of the restoration of the temple and verse 45 mentions the name of the author of the inscription, viz., Pravarakirti.
As noted above, the inscription belongs to the reign of Bhima who has to be identified with king Bhima II of the Chaulukya dynasty of Gujarat. Numerous inscriptions of his time have come to light, ranging from 1178 to 1239 A.D. Bhima was a minor when he succeeded his brother Mülarāja II and he was supported by Väghēla Arnoraja and his son Lavanaprasåda in the difficulties that he faced in the earlier part of his reign. Line 3 of our inscription seems to refer to this fact. Bhima had to face the invasions of the Yadava kings Bhillama and Jaitugi, Paramāra Subhatevarman and the Muslims under the leadership of Qutbuddin. In 1197 A.D. his capital Anahillapätaka was plundered by the Muhammadans. In the latter part of his reign, Bhima secured the assistance of Viradhavaln, son of Lavanaprasåda, and his ministers Vastupala and Tejahpāla. He was succeeded by Tribhuvan päla whose earliest known date is 1242 A.D.
It is registered as No. 408 of Appendix B in 4. 8. Ep., 1960-61. "[The temple seems to have been named after MOlaraja I.--Ed.) • The struggle for Empire, p. 78-81,
(117)

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[VOL. XXXIII The date of this inscription is recorded in both words and figures; but unfortunately they are not fully preserved. The incomplete passage srimad-Vikramabhüpasya varshänāṁ dvāda[ éa] in line 24 shows that the year falls in the thirteenth century of the Vikrama era. The third figure after Sar in line 25, from the part that is preserved, seems to be either 4 or 5. It may be compared with the figure 4 occurring in lines 23-25 and 5 in lines 3, 8 and 25. The date may therefore be somewhere between V.S. 1240 and 1269, i.e., between 1183-84 and 1202-03 A.D.
As already indicated above, the inscription records the restoration of the temple of Chandraprabha, the eighth Jain Tirthankara, at Prabhāsa 'on the shore of the western ocean' (line 23). It is interesting to note that verse 42 referring to the miracle associated with the image of Chandraprabha is found in Madanakirti's Sāsanachatustrimfikāl which is a Sanskrit work in 34 verses in praise of various Jain holy places. Madanakirti is considered to be a contemporary of Pandita Asadhara whose known dates range from 1228 to 1243 A.D.'.
The inscription refers to Kundakunda of Nandi-sangha (line 7). The name of this illustrious Jain teacher is associated with numerous sects of Digambara Jain teachers. Kundakunda Padmanandin was the author of many Prakrit works on Jain philosophy. Though his traditional date falls in the first century B.C., some scholars put him after Pushpadanta and Bhūtabali, the authors of the Shatkhandāgama, in the second century A.D.,' while others place him after Sarvanandin, the author of the Lokavibhāga (458 A.D.). The second of these two views appears to be nearer the truth. The domicile, from which Kundakunda's name was derived, was Kondakunde, now identified with Konkoņdala in the Anantapur District, Andhra Pradesh.
Early epigraphical records of the Jain sect called Kundakund-invaya are found in Mysore State and date from 797 A.D. They refer to several subdivisions of the line, viz. Desiga-gapa," Kränür-gana, Mēshapishinagachcha, etc. The inscription under study is probably the earliest epigraphical record of this line in Northern India.
Srikirti referred to in this inscription seems to be identical with the teacher of this name mentioned in Srichandra's Kathakosha.1. In the prasasti portion of this work, Srutakirti, the disciple of Srikirti, is said to have been honoured by kings Bhöja and Gängeya,11 He was succeeded
1 Published by the Viraseva Mandir, Daryaganj, Delhi, 1950, and also in the anekanta, Vol. IX, p. 410. In its complete for the verso runs as follows: Yasys anana-pay-nuliplam akhilan kewah hati danidhayatt sauvarna-atabakéka nirmitam=iva kshamarkarari vigraham sa fuad-bhakti-vidhayind fubhalaman Chandra. prabhal sa prabhustré pakchima-sågaraaya jayatád-Digudaasan Sasanam 1
• Sathuram Promi, Jain Sahitya aur Itihas, p. 346. • Shafkhandagama, Vol. I, Intro., p. 53. • Jain Sahitya aur Itihde, p. 6. . QJMS, Vol. XLVI, pp. 1 ff.
• Cf. the Manne inscription in Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nelamangala No. 60. The Mercers plates of Avinita, dated Saka 388, referring to six teachers of the Kundakund-ánvaya are considered to be spuriou.
Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Kadur No. 1 (Saks 893). • Ibid., Vol. VIII, Sorab No. 262 (Saka 997).
Ibid., Vol. VII, Shimoga No. 10 (Saks 1001). 10 The Struggle for Empire, p. 427; Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts in O. P. de Berar, p. 725. The relevant verses aro quoted below : Anahillapurė ramya sajjanal Sajjanoabhavat Pragua fa-amanishpanno mukta-ratna-baf-agranth || 2 Mülaraja-ntipendrasya dharma-sthanasya g8oh fhikal dharma-sära-dhar. adharah Karma-raja-samah pura | 3 ..........Kund-Endu-nirmalt Kundakundachary-anvayeabharat lharmo mūrlah Svayam w Srikirti nämd munTovarab || 11 Tasmaamo-pahal birhanuda prabhdvedinirmalas Srutakirtih samutpanno ratnan ratnakarād=iva | 12 .......... Gängeya-Bhöjad do-ddi-samasta-n pipa-pungavait ! müjit-ottkrish fa-påd-aravindo vidhvasta-kalmashah ||15
11 [These kings are no doubt identical with Paramāra Bhoja (o. 1010-68 A.D.) and Kalachuri Gangeys o. 1015-41 A.D.).-Ed.)

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No. 21]
VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA BHIMA, II
by Sahasrakirti whose disciple Viryachandra was the teacher of Srichandra, author of the Kathakōsha. The patrons of Srichandra were the grandsons of one Sajjana who was the Dharmasthanagoshihika of king Malaraja of Apahillapura.
Little is known about other teachers mentioned in the inscription. The Nandisangha Paṭṭāvali names one Charukirti in V. S. 1262-64. His identification with the teacher of that name mentioned here remains uncertain.
The inscription testifies to the flourishing condition of Jainism in Gujarat in the reign of Bhima II, even after a setback received under the rule of Ajayapala and Mularaja II. It also goes to prove that the Digambara sect of the Jains continued to flourish in Gujarat even under the overwhelming influence of the great Svētāmbara teacher Hemachandra who is probably referred to in line 15 of our inscription.
[Metres: Verses 1-23, 25-28, 33-38 Anushṭubh; verses 24, 31, 39-40, 44-45 Arya; verse 41 Indravajrā; verse 42 Sādūlavikridita ; verse 43 Mālinī.]
_TEXT=
1. ...... प्रवम्प्रति नित्यमद्यापि वारिधौ ॥[१] भूवादभीष्टसंसिर्द्धच सु.'''
2. ......पाटकाख्यं पत्तनं तद्विराजते ।।३ मन्ये बेधा विधायैतद्विधित्सुः पुनरीदृशं (शम्) ।। (i) [क]..... [3] ......[न]यमंत्रयंत्र लक्ष्मी स्थिरीकृता ॥५ तन्निःशेषमहीपालमौलिघृष्टांहि '
सौ नृपः । वेनोत्लातामुन्मूलो मूलराजः स उच्पते ॥७ एकैकाधिकभूपालाः सम. (वाजि] श्रजखुराहतं (तम्) । प्रतुच्छमुच्छलत्सूर्यपर्व्वभ्रममजीजनत् ॥९ पौरुषेण प्रतापेन पुण्येन
5
6
- रन्यूनविक्रमः । श्रीभीमभूपतिस्तेषां राज्यं प्राज्यं करोत्ययं (यम् ) ॥११ भालाक्षराण्यनम्प्राणां यो बेभंज म
7 ...... नंदिसंघे गणेश्वराः । बभूवुः कुंदकुंदाख्याः साक्षात्कृतजगत्त्याः ॥ १३ येषामाकाशगामित्वं त्या
8
....तपंचकमुज्य ( ज्ज्य) लं (लम्) । रचवित्वाय जल्पति येऽन्यनियमपूर्वकं (कम् ) ॥१५ कालेऽस्मिन् भारते क्षेत्रे जाता
9 ....[धुरी ]णास्तत्व (स्व) वत्र्त्मनि । तेषां चारित्रिणां वंशे भूरयः सूरयोऽभवन् ॥१७ सद्वेषा अपि निर्दोषाः सकला धक
10 .....'भावस्यारुरोह् तत् । श्रीकीर्तिं प्राप्य सत्कीत्तिं सूरि सूरिगुणं ततः ॥१९ यदीयं देशनावारि सम्यग्वि
11 ~~~~''[क]श्चित्रकूटाच्चचाल सः । श्रीमन्नेमिजिनाधीशतीर्थयात्रानिमित्ततः ॥ २१ अहि
ल्लपुरं रम्यमाजगा
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 77.
• From an impression.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXXIII 12 ......[मुनींद्राय ददौ नृपः । बिरुदं मंडलाचार्यः । सछत्रं ससुखासन(नम्) ॥२३
- श्रीमूलवसतिकाख्यं जिनभवनं तत्र 13 ....."संशयैव यतीश्वरः । उच्यतेऽजितचंद्रो यस्ततोभूत्स गणीश्वरः ॥२५ चारुकीति
यशःकीर्ती ध 14 ...."मुक्तो यो रत्नत्रयवानपि । यथावद्विदिता|भूत्क्षेमकीर्तिस्ततो गणी ॥२७ उदेति
स्म लसद्ज्योः (ज्यो)ति15 .....लेपि वासिते हेमसूरिणा । वस्त्रप्रावरणाय.... [॥२९]........[तां स्व] 16 ...कीत्तिर्यत्कोतिर्नर्तकीव नरि(री)नत्ति । त्रिभुवनरा'वासुकिनूपुरशशितिलकनेपथ्या ॥३१ ते 17 ...: "तिः ।।३२. समुदतसमुच्छन्नशीपजीणजिनालयः । यः कृतारम्भनिर्वाहसमुत्साहशिरोम' 18 ..... चयैरवगण्यते ॥३४ वादिनो यत्पदद्वंद्वनखचंद्रेण बिंबिताः । कुर्वते विगतश्रीकाः कलंक19 ..."द तीर्थभूतमनादिक(कम्) ॥३६ सीतायाः स्थापना यत्र सोमेश: पक्षपातकृत् ।
त्राण त्रैलोक्य 20 ....''तदुद्धतं तेन जातोद्वारमनेकशः ॥३८ चैत्यमिदं ध्वजमिषतो निजभुजमुद्धृत्य सक21 ... षतो मंडलगणिललितकीर्तिसत्कीत्तिः । चतुरधिकविंशतिलसद्ध्वजपटपटुहस्तकं ......-- -- - ---- - - -- --
-- -- मेतदीय सद्गोंष्ठिकानामपि गल्लकानां(नाम्) ॥ ४१ यस्य स्नानपयोनुलिप्तमखिलं कुष्ठं दना -----vu-u-juu---U--u--- - - मं चंद्रप्रभः स प्रभुस्तीरे पश्चिमसागरस्य
जयतादिग्वाससां शासन(नम्) ॥४२ जिनपतिगृह24 --- -- -- ooooo--- --
-- oooooo ---- - चार्यवों व्रतविनयसमेतैः शिष्य
वग्गैश्च सार्द्ध (ईम्) ॥४३ श्रीमद्विक्रमभूपस्य वर्षाणां द्वाद[श] 25 ......'ककीतिलघुबंधुः । चक्रे प्रशस्तिमनघा ...... प्रवरकीतिरिमां(माम्) ॥४५ सं १२ ...
1 [The reading seems to be ramgi-Ed.] • [The word is apparently °masih.-.Ed.] [The rending is trāma.-Ed.] . "[The lotters may be restored as °maalidivydrive-Ed.]

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VERVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA BHIMA II
जनियतिनित्यमद्यानिवारिधि मदानासमोर 2ीकारपतनतहिरकातरवानिवनीशाल
नयमपासवानका गिरी हातात दिल्दीमा मालिटीसीका 4. चायनामातयती मनवानागलोक सन्चातापविकास
संराहतीमाटीपरममावासावरतानमा 6मानविकमानी सानागावस्तरालमारियनया रियावक्रम
दिसाघोगासागमाहाता मारायला मदनराया विद्या तपंचक महालानानिमितवा7कालासितारात कापडाता राणामववर्मनिातांचा रिविवारी मारकासालाना गदालाया। 10 माहतानाशीकापEEरातनवायाकलावारिसमाधान 10
सबकटाववालसः1117तीवाभानामतमाहिया मारमा 12ीडयदादेशपटिसदमंटनाचार्यः सदासता ३यामलवमान सहिन्दसनंतन
मज्ञाटावातीवरःयात ऊतवादाशातारागणी शासकीयशदाता 14 साचार नवयवान शिवधानविदिता मायानगी दतिराममाया लपिवासिवाद समाचार
ASE 16 हायिका वरिपती पणशतकाव13भत्तिा समुहतसमनाशी निसर: लतार निदिमा सानाशारामा :घटियात३४वादिनाया इनाबादता। वातावगतमा कलंक तालमनादिक॥३६सतमा तानियसपकानारावासमा डातनजाताद्वारमानकरः। मदतमाशाला महासकर खात्मेडलगाएकालतकारिजाति वनधकारातसहसण्टा दमका धमतदीयमाडाधिकानामपिगलकान।४ मा मानपानानिमा दिना सदनासपडसारमाधम सागरघकटाता यासाशासननिरक्ष वा वाटीतविनयमामतिःशिक्षवादापोलीहान कमालकाचाकपासका
Scale: One-third

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No. 22-UNCHAHRA FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1294
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 1.5.1958)
The inscribed slab was secured for the Allahabad Municipal Museum from the village of Unchahra in the former Nagod State, now merged in Madhya Pradesh. The fragmentary inscription was noticed in the Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Vol. VIII, pp. 21 ff., and published above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 186 ff., without illustration. It is re-edited here since our views do not entirely agree with those of the previous writers on the s
The inscribed area on the stone slab measures about 17 inches in height and about 12 inches in breadth. There are altogether 21 lines of writing, the first of which is my partially preserved. But it appears that the first line of the inscription is completely broken away along with the upper part of the stone, so that the first line of the extant part of the record is really line 2 of the inscription. A few letters are broken away and lost at the end of several of the lines. The aksharas are about three quarters of an inch in height.
The characters of the inscription belong to the Devanagari alphabet of about the thirteenth century. The language of the record is Sanskrit and it is written in both prose and verse. There are five stanzas in the first half of the epigraph in lines 1-13, the rest of it in lines 13-22 being in prose. The palaeography and orthography of the inscription closely resemble those of the later records of the Gahaḍavala kings, although it is a few decades later than the latest, known Gahadavala epigraph. The use of final m at the end of the second and fourth feet of verses and of the class nasal instead of anusvära in some cases are interesting orthographical features of the inscription under study.
The date of the record is given in the prose part in lines 18-20 as the Damanaka-chaturdasi tithi in the year 1294 (in words) apparently of the Vikrama Samvat. Unfortunately the name of the week-day is lost. The month is not mentioned by the scribe no doubt because the name of the tithi gives a clear indication. We know that Damanaka-chaturdasi is the name of the 14th tithi of the bright half of the month of Chaitra. V.S. 1294, Chaitra-su. 14, seems to correspond to Tuesday, March 30, 1238 A.D.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction and consecration of a temple of the god Siva styled Vindhyesvara by a lady whose name appears to be Uddalladevi. The name occurs in the prose part in line 17. It was apparently also mentioned in verse 1 ; but the passage containing the letters appears to have broken awap. Where exactly the temple was built is not specified; but probably it was built near the village of Unchahra where the inscribed stone slab has been found. Verse 3 suggests that the temple stood on a hillock pertaining to the Vindhyan range and the suggestion seems to be supported by the name Vindhyesvara applied to the deity installed in it. A hillock actually, stands near the village.
Verse 1 of the inscription apparently introduces the lady who was responsible for the construction of the temple in question, although the passage containing her name, as already noted above, seems to have broken away. There is a player in this stanza for the continuity and continuous rule probably of the royal family to which she belonged. Verse 2 speaks of Rāņakachakravartin Lakshmana alias Dharmadeva who was related to the mother (mätri-paksha) of the said lady. The introduction of this ruler, who was probably the maternal grandfather or uncle of the lady, is
1 See also ARASI,1935-36, pp. 95-96.
* Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 134.
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[VOL. XXXIII
difficult to explain unless it is supposed that he was a ruler of the Unchahra area where the temple was built by her. The following two stanzas (verses 3-4) state how the lady caused a temple of the god Sūlin or Dhurjati (i.e. Siva) styled Vindhyēśvara to be built apparently on the Vindhyas. The purpose behind the construction of the temple is stated to have been the lady's desire to obtain wealth including sons and grandsons as well as the salvation of her dead ancestors. The last stanza (verse 5) states that the eulogy was composed by Pandita Sukhākara.
The second half of the inscription in prose repeats parts of what is already stated in the versified section discussed above. But, although it does not mention Ränakachakravartin Lakstmaņa alias Dharmadēva, it gives some interesting details not found in the verses. Here the lady Uddalladēvi is stated to have caused the temple of Vindhyēśvara to be built and consecrated it on the Damanaka-chaturdasi in V.S. 1294 for obtaining wealth including children and grand children as well as for her own beatitude and the salvation of the twentyone past generations of her family. It is possible to think that reference is here to seven generations of each one of the three families to which she was related, viz. the families to which her father, mother and husband belonged. A damaged passage in line 20 seems to suggest that she performed the pious deed as a result of the god Vindhyēsvaradēva having ordered her to do so in a dream. The lady is further described as born in the Kanyakubja country and to have been the daughter of Mahasāmantarāja Bharabadöva of the Rashtra family. Răshtra here is apparently a mistake for Rashtrakūta. This shows that the lady was a scion of the Rashtrakūta ruling family of Kanyakubja, i.e. Kanoj. She is stated to have been the patta-rajñi or chief queen of a chief named Mahamandadēva who is described as a sāmanta or feudatory of a ruler of the Gahadavāla dynasty, whose name appears to be Aradakkamalla. A person named Pandita Sasyakara is mentioned at the end of the inscription in line 22 apparently as the writer indicating that he wrote the document on the stone for facilitating the work of engraving.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it mentions no less than four rulers who flourished in the early decades of the thirteenth century in different parts of U. P. when that region is generally believed to have formed an integral part of the dominions of the Muhammadans. These four rulers, who are not known from any other source, are: (1) Ränakachakravartin Lakshmaņa-Dharmadēva of the Unchahra region ; (2) Mahāsāmantarāja Bharahadēva of the Rashtrakūta dynasty of Kanoj : (3) Samanta Mahamandadēva, a feudatory of the Gahadavāla king : and (4) king Aradakkamalla of the Gahadavāla family. Of these, the first three were feudatories. But, while Mahamandadēva, whose name seems to exhibit an influence of the Arabic name Muhammad, was a subordinate of the Gāhadavāla king, the overlords of Lakshmana-Dharmadēva and Bharahadēva are not known. Whether they acknowledged the supremacy of the Muhammadans is not clear, although that is not improbable even if the fact has not been indicated in the inscription.
The real status of Gābadavāla Aradakkamalla is also difficult to determine. He had no doubt some feudatories under him ; but neither subordinative nor imperial epithets have been used with his name.
The Set-Mahet inscription of 1119-20 A.D. speaks of Rashtrakūta Gõpāla, king of Gadhipura (i... Kanoj), and king Madana. This Madana has been identified with Madanapala mentioned as the son of Gopāla in the Budaun stone inscription of the time of Lakhanapala who represented the fourth generation after Madanapala and may have flourished about a century later in the beginning of the thirteenth century. Bharahadeva of our inscription may have belonged to a branch of the same house. Lakhanapäls of the Budaun inscription may be identified with Lakshmana-Dharmadēva of our record if it is believed that marriage was allowed between different
1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 204 3 Ibid., No. 1670.

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No. 22] UNCHAHRA FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1294 125 branches of the Rashtrakūta family. These Rashtrakūtas appear to have owed allegiance to the Gühadavāla emperors and, after the overthrow of the Gahadavülas, to the Muhammadans.
It is well known that in A.H. 590 (1193 A.D.), Mahammad Ghūri, while he was advancing against Kanoj and Banaras, encountered Jaichand, the Rai of Banāras' i.e. the Gühadavāla king Jayachchandra) in the vicinity of Chandwar or Chandrawar near the Jumna in the Etawah District of U.P. Jaichand was killed and his capital Banaras was occupied by the Muhammadans. That, however, the Gahadavāla suzerainty was not completely destroyed in 1193 A.D., is indicated by the Machhlishahr plate issued by king Harischandra, son of Jayachchandra, on Sunday, Paushasu. 15, V.S. 1253 (January 6, 1197 A.D.), and the Bēlkbära pillar inscription of Tuesday, Vaišākhasu. 11, V.S. 1253 (April 29, 1197 A.D.) when the feudatory chief Vijayakarņa ruling over a part of the Mirzapur District acknowledged the suzerainty of an unnamed imperial ruler of Kanyakubja. The Belkhärā inscription shows that Vijayakarna was not subdued by the Muhammadans before April 1197 A.D. although he was doubtful whether he could still refer to Gahadavāla Harischandra as his overlord. The present inscription referring to a Gahadavāla king named Aradakkamalla as the overlord of Samanta Mabamanda in V.S. 1294 (1238 A.D.) suggests that the rule of the Gahadavāla dynasty did not end with the death of Haritchandra. But it is difficult to determine whether Aradakkamalla was ruling as a subordinate of the Muhammadans or as an independent monarch in the regions still unsubdued by the Musalmans. The Tabagat--Nasiri,which attributes the conquest of Budāun, Banaras, Kinnauj-i-Shergarh (Kanoj) and Tirhut to Iltūtmish, also speaks of an independent Hindu king named Bartū, Britū or Prithu who is stated to have held sway in the territory of Awadh (Ayodhya)' and to have been killed by the Muhammadans soon after A.H. 623 (1226 A.D.). The continuity of Gahadavāla rule probably to a still later date, as suggeted by the inscription under study, may indicate that king Prithu was a scion of the Cahadavāla dynasty. His name, however, does not sound like the names of the later Cūbadavālas ending with the word chandra. Nor does the name of Aradakkamalla sound like that of a later Gahatlarūla. Whether this means that they belonged to a branch line of the family cannot be determined without further light on the subject. But, if Aradukkamalla ruled as an independent monarch, it has to be admitted that even as late as the second quarter of the thirteenth century the Muslims were in occupation only of the important cities and strongholds while the countryside of the Gahadavāla empire still continued to be under Hindu domination.
Only two geographical names are mentioned in the inscription. They are the well-known Kanyakubjadēša (i.e. the territory around the city of Kanoj) and the Vindhya mountain range.
TEXT
[Metres : verses 1, 3 Särdülavikriditu; verse 2 Vasantatilaka ; verses 4-5 Anushtubk.]
1. ... --UU-UUUUU U -- 2 [dīpt=ai]va surendra-mandala-mu ---U--u--(1-- 3 na guņēna bhänti bhuvanē sarvvē taya nyakkritā[s=ta]--UU- [bhava).
1 In that case, the Rashtrakūtas settled in the Unchahra area after their dislodgment from Budaun by the Muhammadans. According to a tradition current about the southern borders of the Allahabad District, the Gakadavalas settled in the northern region of Vaghelkhand after the Muslim conquest of Kanauj and Banaras.
* Ibid., No. 433. 3 Ibid., No. 434. • Ravorty's trans., Vol. I, pp. 627-29. . From impressions. • Probably the Siddham symbol followed by the word spasti stood at the beginning of the line.

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124
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII 4 tv-avichalam rājyaril praistv-adbhutam || [1*] Sümantarāja-tilakah prathitah pri[th]i 5 vyūn sri-Lakshmaņð UUU' Lakshmana-tulya-kirtti) | yan-inātưi-paksha mu(i)lia rā(tja)6 ka-chakravartti yāthārthyataḥ kħalu tathā sa cha Dharmmadēvaḥ || [2*) Sr[i-Vindhyöj7 svara-sūlino-dbhutatarah stambh-āvali-sõ[bhi]tah präsūdő=[yam=a]ne8 [ka-bhaldra-[pa]vitā nānā-patīk-anvitaḥ ! yach-chhringēņa divar spri[Annaga)9 ti-harð Vindhyö ravīr-utthitõ vyäjäd=yad-Uhvaja-parkti-pätita[gati)10 rbhbhi(r-bhi)to gurõr=vvākyatah || [3*] Prāsūdī=yari tay-ükāri sri-Vindhyökva11 ra-Dhūrjjatēh T putra-pautr-adi-san:pa[t]tyai pitļiņān=tāraņāya cha || [4*) 12 Prasasti-rachanañ=chakro panditaḥ śri-Sukhākaraḥ sujan-ārbri-sarāja13 nma-rajo-rañjita-mīrddhajah 1(5*) iti sri-Kanyakuvja(bja)-dēs-ödbhūtaya Rashtra14 kula-vamsa-pradipa-mahisämantarāja-sri-Bharahadeva-sutayā srima15 d-Gahadavāla-kula-kamala-vikāšana sahasrāmáu-sri--A[ra]dakkamalla16 samanta-saraņāgatavajrapañjara-srimpn-Mahamandadöva-pa[tta]r[ā)17 jñyā sri - Uddalladēvyā sva-kul-aikavimśati-purusha-santāraṇārtham=āt[ma]. 18 (padrama-nihárēyasa-prāptyai putra-pautr-adi-sampattyai samva[t'.. 19. .. dvādasa-satēshu chaturnnavaty-adhikēshu Damanaka-chaturd[daśyā)
m. ..! 20 vārë sri-Vindhyesva[ra]devasya svapn-a.....' 21 sādo=yam kāritaḥ pratishthấpitas-cha || vã.... 22 riņa pandita-sri-Saśyakarēņa10 praba[st]i. ."
1 Three syllables were omitted here by the scribe or engraver through oversight. A word like jayali would suit the metre.
* The intended name is apparently Rashtrakata. * Sandhi has not been observed here.
Sandhi has not been observed here. Above dda which is the second akshara in the name, there are what may be traces of a sign of medial ai. The queen's name may, therefore, possibly be Uddaillad ovl (for Uddilladerf?) also.
• The lost akshara at the end of the line may be restored as nal. • The space at the end of this line and the beginning of the next suggests the restoration samtaleartohu. + The lost name of the week-day may be conjecturally restored as Kuja. • The few aksharas lost at the end of the line may be conjecturally restored as ādē šād=&va tal-pra.
About five aksharas are lost here. What has been read as ad may also be read as vi. 10 Road Sasyakarēna. The letters rinä may be a part of the epithet virina. 11 The akaharas lost here may be conjecturally restored as or-likhita.

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Unchahra Fragmentary Inscription of V. S. 1294
मानिनुसनधान्यममा हात विलायतमासानन्तमामातल पनि गील बापालनललाकीतिज्ञायमा करा
वायाधनमासनामामासाधा सलमानता म मादलासा भासादिशियन
निसावतानाबामाको वताय गादिवाकर लिविवातिनातिनागरायपनि पातितः । 10धीतरागरा वा मधापासादाशनयाकावसानिधी 10
Rai नादि सम्पनापिरला जागणायाम 12 सिमनाचा परितःमाजमा मडि.सना 12
नितमहतशतलवियनाशाइनमारमा 14ल पिमहामासन्नमाहानवहारवायासाला
राजकुलकर्णले विकारांवसर पाशुश्ती त्राहक मन्त्र 16 सामागम पनामसहसनवार
शासो नदेयाला लेकशिनिप्रासमनवात जा 18 लागि तयात्रा प्रामाविसम्मलियन
डोसाशततमननयविकारतक्ता 20वारसीविचितार
सालीको प्रतिक्रिया 22 Auतिनसीसीट
Scale: One-half

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No. 23-WARANGAL INSCRIPTION OF RAGHUDEVA, KALI YEAR 4561
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 12.5.1958)
Many of the imperial ruling families of the Deccan had their capitals in the former Hyderabad State now merged in the Mysore, Andhra Pradesh and Bombay States. Thus Manyakhēta of the Rashtrakutas, Kalyāņa of the Later Chalukyas and Kalachuris, Devagiri of the Yadavas and Anumakonda and Varamgallu of the Kakatiyas were all situated in different parts of the former State of Hyderabad. It was therefore expected that the area, if properly explored, would yield a large number of interesting inscriptions and some time ago a band of my colleagues and assistants were sent to various parts of the region to begin the work. In the course of the exploration of a very small part of the area in 1957-58, Mr. K. H. V. Sarma and Pandit V. S. Subrahmanyam, both Epigraphical Assistants in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India, visited Warangal and copied some inscriptions that were found at the place. One of these inscriptions from Warangal is edited in the following pages. I am thankful to Mr. Sarma and Pandit Subrahmanyam for the assistance they have rendered me in the preparation of this article.
About 150 years ago, Mackenzie's Pandits copied the inscription and their tentative transcript finds a place in the Mackenzie Manuscripts, 15-4-5, p. 106 (cf. Bharati, Vol. XII, Part i, pp. 426 ff.). Unfortunately the Pandits could not read the epigraph satisfactorily.
The inscription is divided into two parts, the first engraved on the right wall of the gate of the Warangal fort while the second part is incised on the left wall of the same structure. The first part contains ten lines of writing covering an area about five feet in length and two feet and one inch in height. There are only eight lines in the second part which covers a space about six feet and six inches long and one foot and eight inches high. The epigraph is continued from the first to the second part. The preservation of the writing is not satisfactory as the letters are rubbed off in many parts of the record.
The characters of the inscription are Telugu. Initial a has a rather peculiar form resembling modern Telugu lg in shape. But the language is Oriya which is, however, considerably influenced by Sanskrit. There are many errors in the language and orthography of the record. The date, quoted in lines 2-5, is Saturday (Briha-vāsara1), Mṛigaśirā-nakshatra, Māgha-su. 10, in the year Pramathin which is mentioned as corresponding to the Kali year indicated by the defective passage yčkafatad-adkika-pańcha-fat-Uttara-chats[*]-sahasra-parimite. The expression packa sat-öttara (i.e. 'with the addition of 500') qualifying chatuḥ-sahasra (i.e. 4,000) in the same context suggests that the number intended in yēkasatad-adhika qualifying pancha-sata should be less than hundred. The word yēka (eka, 'one') forming the first part of this expression clearly suggests that the intended number is one of those immediately following 10 or any of its multiples between 20 and 90. But the name Pramathin applied to the year, which apparently corresponded to one of the Kali years from 4501 to 4599, shows that the Kali year 4561 current (i.e. Kali 4560 expired) is intended since no other year in the said period of 99 years corresponds to the cyclic year Pramathin of the South Indian calendar. Saturday, Magha-su. 10, Mrigasira-nakshatra, in Kali 4561 current, corresponds regularly to the 2nd February, 1460 A.D.
The proposed emendation of yēkasatad-adhika as ēkaskashty-adhika is supported by the internal evidence of the inscription. As will be seen below, the record mentions Raghudeva, the governor
1 For Briha-vara meaning Saturday, see above, Vol. XXXI, p. 100, note 1,
(125)

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126 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII of Rajahmundry under Gajapati Kapilēsvara of Orissa, in connection with the Oriya conquest of the fortress of Vörumgallu in the land (rājya) of Varamgallu, i.e. the Warangal fort. The occupation of Warangal by the Oriyas is mentioned in another inscription in the fort, referring to its conquest by Kapilēsvara's son Hambira and bearing the date Pramāthin, Māgha-su. 10, Va (i.e. Vadda-vāra, Saturday) which is exactly the same as the date of the record under study. There is no doubt that both the inscriptions refer to the same event, viz. the conquest of the Warangal fort by the generals of Gajapati Kapilēsvara. It may be that Hambira was the chief commander of the Gajapati forces and that Raghudēva was the second in command. It is interesting to note that Hambira's inscription is found on the eastern gate of the Warangal fort while Raghudēva's record is incised on its western gate, locally known as the fifth gate. This apears to show that the two leaders of the Gajapati forces led the attack on the Warangal fort from two different sides. Raghudēva, the Oriya governor of Rajahmundry, is also known from several of his inscriptions bearing dates in the sixth decade of the fifteenth century.
The object of the inscription is recorded in two sentences in the last two lines (lines 17-18). The concluding part of the first of these sentences is very much damaged. But it seems to read as Võrumgamţi-durgga-patinku sādhila in which sādhilā (past tense of the Oriya verb sädhivā) has no doubt been used in the sense of subdued' or 'defeated'. It is therefore stated here that Raghudēva-narēndra subdued the lord of the Vorumgayți-durga (i.e. the Warangal fort). The second sentence says that he spared the lives of the governor of the fort and the latter's followers (yihara sasainya-sahitya jiva-dāna dilā). The conquest of Warangal by the generals of Kapilēgvara is one of the events in the struggle between the Bahmanis of Gulbarga and the Gajapatis of Orissa.
The inscription is interesting from several points of view. In the first place, it represents the god Vishnu as the imperial ruler of the earth and apparently as the overlord of the emperor Kapilēsvara of the Süryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa. The date of the record has been put against the background of eternity as it is represented as falling in the eternal reign period of the said god. This is because of the fact, as we have shown eleswhere, that Ganga Anangabhima III (c. 1211-38 A.D.) dedicated his kingdom in favour of the god Purushottama-Jagannātha of Puri, who is regarded as a form of Vishnu, and that the Ganga king's successors as well as the later imperial rulers of Orissa including their theoretical successors, the present Mahārājas of Puri, regarded themselves as the viceroys of the deity who was considered the real lord of the country. This conception is noticed in several inscriptions of the Ganga dynasty. The present epigraph is the only record outside the Ganga family, which echoes the same idea. There is, however, a slight difference in the conception as found in the inscription under review. The god is not represented here as the lord of the kingdom of Orissa with the king of Orissa as his viceroy. The idea expressed in our record is that the god was the lord of the earth while Kapilēsvara, endowed with imperial style, was the king of the Utkala country under him. This mode of introducing a king is possibly the only case of the kind in the whole range of Indian epigraphy.
The second point of interest in the record is its style which exhibits an influence of certain inscriptions of the Gangas. Some of the passages in Kapilēsvara's description in the present inscription are copied from records like the Dräkshārāma," Bhubaneswar and Kāñchipuram inscriptions of Anangabhima III and one of the Kapilās inscriptions of Narasimha I (c 1238-64 A.D.). The
1 Above, p. 1, note 3 ; IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 280-81; cf. SII, Vol. VII, p. 372, No. 733.
* Above, pp. 1-2. - . lbid., Vol. XXX, p. 19.
SII, Vol. IV, p. 467, No. 1329. . Alove, Vol. XXX, p. 234. • Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 94 ff.
See above, pp. 41 ff.

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-No. 23]
WARANGAL INSCRIPTION OF RAGHUDEVA, KALI YEAR 4561
127 most interesting among these epithets are those which speak of the king as Maheśvara-putra, Purushottama-putra and Durga-putra. In the similar representation of Anangabhima III and his son Narasimha I, one may notice the fact that these kings, in spite of their staunch devotion to the god Vishnu in the shape of Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri, could not possibly dissociate themselves totally from the Saiva leanings of their ancestors. Since, however, the hold of Vaishnavism became gradually stronger and stronger on the kings of Orissa, it is rather strange that the same epithets were applied to Kapilēsvara who flourished two centuries later. But this may be explained by the suggestion that the Suryavamsis were also Saivas originally. It has, however, to be noticed that a similar description of Kapilēsvara is not noticed in any other inscription of the Suryavamsi Gajapati family. Are we then to suppose that the reason underlying the above description of Kapilesvara was the Saiva leanings of Raghudeva? It will be seen from our analysis below that Raghudeva calls himslef ári-Durga-varaputra as well as śri-Jagannathadeva-[labdha*]vara-prasāda. He also bore the typical Saivite name Virabhadra. This prince as well as his father and grandfather are further represented as devotees of the god Mallinatha and the goddess Ganamangalachandi or Mangalachandi. These two deities are probably to be identified respectively with Siva and Parvati since the name Mallinatha is known to be often applied to a Siva-linga1 and Chandi and Mangalachandi are both well-known names of the said goddess. As Raghudeva's grandfather was Kapilēsvara's father, it is possible to think that the family was originally Saiva and that Kapilēsvara was the first of its members, who was devoted to the god PurushottamaJagannatha. Kapilēsvara may have become a devotee of the said deity after his accession to the throne of Gajapati Bhanu IV, since theoretically the Ganga throne belonged to the god.
The first section of the inscription in lines 1-5 gives the date, viz. Saturday, Magha-su. 10, Mrigasira-nakshatra in the year 4561 current (in words) in the first quarter of Kali which is one of the four ages, the name of the year being Pramathin. This year is mentioned with reference to the victorious reign of the illustrious god Vishnu just as is done in the case of dates falling in the reigns of particular kings. In consonance with this interesting reference, the date is stated to have fallen in the second Parardha of the god Brahman, in the Svētavaraha Kalpa and the twentyeighth Chatur-yuga of the Vaivasvata Manvantara. Lines 5-6 likewise mention the locality, where the inscription was put up, in an equally grand setting. The concluding part of this passage cannot be fully deciphered. But it seems to speak of the tract of Varumgallu (Warangal) within the dominions of Umainusaha (saha) described as the Suratāņa of Kalubaraga, i.e. the Bahmani Sultan Humayun Shah (1458-61 A.D.) of Gulbarga. This land is stated to have been situated in the western tract of the Andhra country which formed a part of Bharatavarsha lying in the Jambudvipa section of the earth. This is in consonance with the old conception according to which Jambu-dvipa was one of the four or seven dvipas constituting the earth. The representation of a locality in a similar setting, is however, not unknown in South Indian inscriptions. Thus an inscription of 1077 A.D. gives the situation of the capital of the Kadambas of Banavasi in the following words: "Among the fourteen worlds is the middle world, one rajju in extent. In the centre of that middle world is the Golden Mountain, to the south of which is the Bharata land, in which like the curls of the lady earth shines the Kuntala country, to which an ornament [with various natural beauties] is Banaväsi."
The next passage in lines 7-17 introduces Raghudēva-narendra who was responsible for the setting up of the record. First is mentioned in lines 7-8 Jāgēśvaradēva-māhārāya described as a devotee of the god Mallinatha and the goddess Ganamangalachandi. Next is described Jägëśvara's son Pratapa-Kapilēśvaradēva-māhārāja in lines 8-14. Kapilēsvara is stated to have
1 Cf. P. Sreenivasachar, A Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingana Districts, Part III, 1956, Nos. Ma. 18-25 (pp. 49 ff.).
Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sorab No. 262. See also the Vilasa grant of Prölaya-nayaka, verses 5 ff. (above Vol. XXXII, p. 260).

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128
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII become a lord of the Utkala country at the command of the illustrious Purushottama described as the lord of the fourteen worlds, i.e. the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri. Next he is described as the son of Mahēbvara (Siva)', the son of Purushottama (Vishnu)' and 'the son of Durga'. As already indicated above, these epithets and some others in the description of Kapilēgvara appear to have been borrowed from certain records of the Gauga 'king Anangabhima III and his son and successor Narasimha I. In the inscription under study, Kapilēsvara is endowed with the imperial title Mahārājādhirāja-Paramēsvara and is described as belonging to the solar race. He is further called fri-vira-Gajapati (the Gajapati who is an illustrious hero), Gardēdvara (lord of Gauda) and vijita-navakoti-Karnāt-eśvara (Lord of the Karnāța-nine-crore country conquered by him). It is interesting. to note that Kalavarag-eśvara (i.e. the lord of Gulbarga) is not added here to Kapilēsvara's epithets as in other records. This is probably because the inscription was set up in an area belonging to the dominions of the Bahmani Sulţāns of Gulbarga and the local people were expected to sneer at the hollowness of the claim.
Kapilēsvara was the first independent imperial ruler of the family and Raghudēva is known to have been his younger brothers' son and his viceroy. at Rajabmundry. The mention of Jägebvara as a mähārāya (i.e. makārāja) shows that he was also a ruling chief. This is supported by the evidence of the Raghudēvapura grant. Lines 14-15 of our inscription mention ParasuTämedēva as the younger brother of Kapilēsvara and as a devotee of Mallināthadēva and Mangalachandi (elsewhere called Ganamangalachandi) Parasuramadēva-rāya's son Raghudēva is mentioned in the following lines. He is called Virabhadra Raghudēva-narēndra and is described as a devotee of the god Mallinåthadēva and the goddess Ganamangalachandi and also as having been a favourite son of the goddess Durgā and as favopred by Jagannāthadēva, i.e. the god Purushottama-Jagandātha of Puri. It is further stated that Raghudēva was the ruler of Rājamahēndravara, i.e. Rājamahēndrapura, which is the modern Rajahmundry. As already indicated above, the object of the inscription is recorded in the last two lines (lines 17-18) which state that Raghudēva subdued the governor of the Warangal fort but that he spared the lives of the said Bahmani officer and his soldiers.
The god Mallinātha seems to have been the fainily deity of the ancestors of Kapilēsvara. Since Mallinātha as the name of a deity is very popular in the Telugu speaking areas and not in Orissa, the original home of the Süryavami Gajapati family may have been in the Andhra country. As we have elsewhere suggested, the mother of Kapilēsvara was probably born in the Velama community of Andhra.
The genealogy of the Suryavamai Gajapatis of Orissa supplied by the present inscription represents Kapilēsvara and Paragurāma as the sons of Jägēśvara, and Raghudēva, governor of Rajahmundry, as the son of Parasurama. This information is already available from the Raghudēvapura and Dorapālem grants of Raghudēva edited above. But Raghudēva's secondary name Virabhadra is known only from the present record. The geographical names mentioned in the inscription have already been discussed thove.
TEXT
Part I 1 Sri-Vishnu-rajya-pravarddbamānasyal adya [Brahmaạo] dvitiyya(ya)-parārddhë' | Svě
(Svē)tavaraha-kalpe 1 Above, PP 4, 6 ff. * Cf. ibid., p. 7. • See ibid., pp. 1 ff. • From an impression. . Better read omāne. • The danda here and in other places in this and the following lines are superfluous.

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WARANGAL INSCRIPTION OF RAGHUDEVA, KALI YEAR 4561
First Part
lo
Scale : One-sixth

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Second Part

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No. 28]
WARANGAL INSCRIPTION OF RAGHUDEVA, KALI YEAR 4561
129
2 Vaivasvata-manvantta(ta)rē ashțābi[ni sa titan chaturyyamgana Kalē(lau) prathama
pāda yēkabatād-a-3 3 dhika- | pamcha-sat-őttara- chatu[h*-sahasra- parimit[7] | avadho | Pramadi
samvatsarē | Uttar-a4 yapo kisi-rutaus | Māgha-mãsē sukla-pakshi dasamyām tithau | Briha
vasarā | Mrigasi(fi)rā6 nakshatra | iha přithivyāin-| Jambu-dvipe Bha(Bha)rasta)-varshē | Andhra-dēb-anta
rggata-[pabchima) 6 disa-bhägē | Ka[lu]baraga-suratăņa-Umainusaha | Vorumgallu- |- rājy[@]........... 7 sri-Mallināthadēva-Gaṇamangaļachandi-chara[na]-saraṇa |éri-Jāgēb[v]aradēva māha8 (rāyam]kara putra | bri-cbaturddata-bhuvan-adhipati [srimatu] | Sri-(Puru]shottamasya 'S9 dēļād=Utkal-adhisa krita-samara-mukh-ānēka-ripu-darppa-marddana | bhuja-bala-para
krama 10 ......pūjya-sattamah |. Mahēsvara-(putra char-ācha]ra-jagan-müla-kāraņa- | Sri-Puru
Part II
11 shottama-putra | sri-Durggā-putra | trayi-vasundhară-samuddharana-pratare-practanda
dor-ddamda-(mahā-varăha brīman-mahā]rā
12 jadhiraja-paramēsvara Vaivasvata-[kula)-pra[s]ūta rakshā-daksha.....
..... sri-Rāma-guna-7
star[bhilta
13 alam krita | bri-Sürya-vams-Āvalambana-stambha | sri-Vira-Gajapati-Gavud-ökvara vifita
nava-koti-Karnnāt-eśvara | Prata
14 pa-Kapilisvara- dēva-māhārājankara | tasyalanuja | Sri-Mallinātha- dēva-Mangaļacha
mdi-charana-saranu | Sri-Para
15 b[u]rāmadēvām(var)kara putra | Sri-Mallināthadēva-Ganamamgalachandi-charana- | Aara
nu sri-Jagannāthadēva]-[labdha*)
16 vara-prasada | Sri-Durggå-vara-putra | ripu-[darppa)-māna-marddana- | yoka-daksha Sri
Rajamahăndra)
1 Road imbatita ma'. . Read "-yyugiya. • Rood thoshashty-ao. • Read abde. • Rend Whir-artau. . Read the. * Bandui he not been observed here. . The word is redundant. • Read marddan-aika.

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130
EPIGRAPHLA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 17 vara-rajya(ja) Sri-Parusa'råmadēva-rāya-taņaya | Sri-Virabhaldra-Raghudēva-narich
dra Vöruraga[m]-[durgga)18 [patinku) sädhila yihara sa-sainya-sahitya' jiva-dana dili til*]
I Read Parafuo. The expression bri-Parasuramo dēvarāya-tanaya is, however, redundant since the same re. lationship between Parabudima and Raghudéve is already indicated in the passage fri-Parasuramadevil (van)kana putra in lines 14-15 above.
The intended word is sahita which is redundant.

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No. 24 CHIKKERUR INSCRIPTION. OF AHAVAMALLA, SAKA 917
(1 Plate)
B. R. GOPAL, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 10.4.1958)
In December 1957, while touring in the Hirekerur Taluk of the Dharwar District in the present Mysore State in search of inscriptions, I had the opportunity of copying about 21 inscriptions at Chikkerür about six miles from Hirekerür, the headquarters of the Taluk. The earliest inscription1 so far found at Chikkerur is edited here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The inscription is engraved on a stone set up in front of the temple of Banadavva. Long ago Burgess referred apparently to the same inscription as lying in front of the temple of Banasamkari that is the same as Banadavva. According to him, the date of that record is Saka 975. It will be seen, however, that the date is Saka 917 and not Saka 975.
The stone is dressed only on the surface where the inscription is engraved. There are 17 lines of writing. The engraver seems to have marked out on the stone the space necessary for incising the inscription by a line both at the top and the bottom. But as that space was not enough, he had to continue the writing below the line at the bottom. Above the line at the top, there are the figures of the sun and the moon. The record is written in Kannada characters of about the tenth century A.D. Barring the imprecatory verse at the end which is in Sanskrit, the language of the epigraph is Kannada and it is written in prose.
The engraver has done his job in a very indifferent way and the record contains many mistakes; cf. samvastara (lines 1-2) for samvatsara, Pamlguna (lines 3-4) for Phalguna. The form of m is mostly cursive. The akshara bhai in line 2 has a peculiar form. Similarly noteworthy is the form of n in Uppalana and nadeda (line 9), mijabbe (line 11), °nātana (line 12) and narah (line 15). In punname (line 4) the subscript is n and not n as is usually found in the inscriptions of that period.
The record is dated Saka 917.(expressed partly in words and partly in figures), Jaya, Philguna Puppame (i.e. su. 15), Saturday, Uttara-nakshatra. The date, which is irregular, seems to be the 18th February 995 A.D.
The record opens with the word svasti followed by the date. Then it states that, when Mahamandalesvara Ahavamalladeva proceeded against Uppala (Utpala) in the course of his northern dig-vijaya after having subdued his adversaries in the south and when Bhimayya was governing Banavāse-nādu and Nagarjjuna was the Nalgavunda, Palliga, son of Kondavanigara Jōgayya and Nijabbe, and his wife Arasakka, had the image of the goddess Bhalari installed. They also made a gift of land, obviously in favour of the deity.
The record does not give the name of the ruling king, but refers to a Mahamandalëśvara named Ahavamalla. We know that the region in question was a part of the kingdom of the Western Chalukya king Tailapa II Ahavamalla (973-97 A.D.). But it is difficult to identify Ahavamalla of our record with Taila II since the former is referred to as samadhigatapanchamaha sabda-mahāmandalesvara while the latter's records give him the usual sovereign titles borne by the Western Chalukya kings. Ahavamalla of our record may be identified with Irivabedamga Satyaáraya, the
1 This has been registered as No. 255 of A.R. Ep., 1957-58, App. B. Antiquarian Remains of Bombay Presidency, p. 12.
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132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII son of Taila II. A record from Lakkundi clearly suggests that this prince was known as handmalla. The inscription thus offers evidence in support of the statement of Ranna that Satyakraya assisted his father in his military affairs."
As indicated above, the record refers to a time when Mahāmandalēsvara Ahavamalla proceeded against Utpala in the course of his northern dig-vijaya after he had put down his adversaries in the south. This indicates that Taila II had to face troubles in the south. The moment the Răshtrakūtas were defeated by him, the feudatories of the former declared their independence. Ganga Mārasimha wert so far as to enport the Rachție kūța prince Irdra IV in the latter's claim for the throne. It is well known, however, that Taila II succeeded in subduing them. But he had to face the Cholas who were the hereditary enemics of the Chāļukyas as they had been of the Rāshtrakūtas previously. The contemporary Chöļa king Rājarāja I conquered Gangavādi, Nolanıbavādi and Tadigaippādi, taking opportunity of the chaos that existed for some time after the disappearance of the Rāshtrakūtas. Taila II took action in repulsing the Choļa advance as is evidenced by an inscription found at Kögali in the Hadegalli Taluk of the Bellary District, according to which king Ahavamalla (i.e. Taila II) was ruling from Rodda (identified with Rodam in the Anantapur District) after baving defeated the Cholas and seized 150 elephants from the enemy, on Friday, the 23rd December 992 A.D. It is quite possible that, after the battle referred to in this record, Taila II appointed his own son as the governor of that territory.
Three years later, in 995 A.D., our record shows that Satyásraya moved from the place and proceeded against Utpala in the north. This Utpala may be identified with Paramāra Muñja. The fact that Satyastaya proceeded against Utpala, i.e., Paramāra Vākpati Muñja, is known for the first time from our record. The date of Muñja's death has been placed between V.8. 1050 (993-94 A.D.), when Anitagati compiled his Subhāshitaratnasandoha during Muñja's reign, and 997 A.D. when Taila II died. Our record minimises this gap. If by February 995 A.D., Satyābraya was on his way against Utpala, the latter's death must have taken place after that date.
'It is difficult to say whether Satyasraya was directly responsible for the capture of Muñja which led to the latter's death. Mahāsāmanta Bhillama claims in his Sangamner copper-plate grant,' dated 1000 A.D., that he crushed the military force of the great king Muñja and made the goddess of fortune observe the vow of a chaste woman in the house of the illustrious RaņarangaBhima. He might have helped Satyasraya, whose identification with Ranaranga-Bhima is suggested by Ranna's Gadāyuddha, very considerably in the latter's battle against Utpala referred to in our record.
Bhimayya, it is seen from our record, was ruling over Banavāsi. Several inscriptions from Yasale speak of Kadamba Chattayyadēva governing over Banavāsi in 993 A.D. Bhimayya must "have begun to govern the division some time after that date. Nāgārjjuna, who is said to have been a Nalgāmunda, may perhaps be identified with his namesake who is stated in an inscription from Hirechavuţi in the Shimoga District 10 to have been a Närggåvundu.
1811, Vol. XI, Part I, No. 52. . Gadāyuddha, Afvāsa 2, verse 47. : K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Clus, 2nd ed., pp. 174-75.
811, Vol. IX, Part 1, No. 76. . Cf. Ganguly, History of the Paramāra Dynasty, p. 47. • Ray, DANI, Vol. II, pp. 857-58. * Above, Vol. II, pp. 212 ff.
• For the names Bhimn, Sahasa-Bhima, Raņayasa-sri-Rama-Bhima, etc., applied to Satyasiaya, of. Aévase 1, verses 22, 52-53, 64, Alvīga 2, verses 3, 47.
4. R. Ep., 1939-40, B. K. Nos. 90, 91 and 92. 10 En. Carn. Vol. VIII, Sd, 234,

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Page #195

CHIKKERUR INSCRIPTION OF AHAVAMALLA, SAKA 917
CX
CEMAHONES
Scale : One-fourth

Page #196

No. 24) CHIKKERUR INSCRIPTION OF AHAVAMALLA, SAKA 917 133
Banavåse-padu was the district round Banavāsi, the ancient capital of the Kadambas in the North Kanara District of the Mysore State.
TEXT:
1 Svasti Saka-nfipa-kal-ati(t1)ta-sath2 vastara-batamgal=ori[bhai]nd 8 ra 17 [no] Jaya-samvastara'da Parhlgu4 pa-mama)sada punnam. Saniväram="utta[ro] 5 nakahattram [l*]svasti samadhigata(pa)
6 ñchamahābabda-mahämam(ma)pdaļēbva
7 ta brimat Abavamalladövam da
8 kshina-dig-bhabhā)gavam nira(ra)kulam mādiy=u9 ttara-dig-vijaṁ -geyd-Uppala[na] mēlo naded=a10 ndu Bhi(Bhf)mayyam Banavāsi-nädan-ale Nägärjjunath [Nā). 11 Iga(Igä)mundu geyye Koń(Ko)pdavanigara Jõgayyam Nijābbe12 ya magam Palligam(ga)n-ātana pem(pe)ndatiy=[A]raaakk-e13 nēka-sațţugam-uņdu Bhalariyam pratishthe geyi. 14 'sidal' matta[la] keyya[nugge?]" kottaṁ ma[m*]gaļam [l] Dova-drabyam(vyam) 15 tilaria vapa yavadbhakshamntil yē(yo) naraḥ [l*) tävat16 vad-varisha-saharsraņa vishthayam" jāya17 tē krimiņi* [|1 *)
1 From impressions. * There is a symbol here at the beginning of the writing. * Read samvatsara. • The month referred to is Pbälguna. . An anusvára sign seems to have been engraved above ml.
Read ijayan. * This and the next line aro engraved in smaller characters.
Read geysidar. . The reading and interpretation of these lotters are doubtful. ** Read koffar. 11 The intended reading may be v-api yutad=bhakshati. # Road tävad-varsha-sahasrapi vishpháydın. 13 Therr is a symbol here at the end of the writing.

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No. 25-DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 10. 4. 1958) Five copper-plate grants of king Srichandra, who ruled over the south-eastern part of Bengal about the second half of the tenth century A.D., have so far been discovered. Three of these, which have already been edited, are the Rampal,- Kēdārpur and Madanpurplates. The copperplate grants of Srichandra discovered at Idilpur and Dhullā have not yet been edited, although the contents of both the inscriptions have been published. The Idilpur plate was noticed in the pages of this journal. The Dhulla plate was discovered in 1925 by the late Dr. N. K. Bhattasali of the Dacca Museum, whose transcript of the record was utilised by the late Mr. N.G. Majumdar in noticing the epigraph in his Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III. 'On an examination of the impressions of the epigraph preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, it is found that the preservation of the writing is unsatisfactory. A number of letters on both the obverse and reverse of the plate are rubbed off and consequently their reading is doubtful. Bhattasali seems to have waited for the preparation of a complete and more satisfactory transcript than the one supplied to Majumdar and this may be the reason why he could not publish the inscription till his sad demise about the beginning of 1947.
It is a single plate measuring 88 inches in length, 71 inches in breadth and 1 inch in thickness. The length quoted is that of the sides, the plate being slightly longer in the middle. The well-known Dharmachakra seal of the Buddhist dynasty of the Chandras is fixed at the top of the plate. It is 3 inches in length and its lower part (24 inches wide) disturbs the continuity of the writing of the first line on the obverse of the plate. The circular surface of the seal is 21 inches in diameter. This surface closely resembles that of the seals fixed on the known copperplate grants of Srichandra. There are altogether 47 lines of writing, 23 on the obverse and 24 on the reverse. The preservation of the writing, as already indicated above, is unsatisfactory.
The characters resemble bose of the other inscriptions of king Srichandra who issued the charter. Medial 2 is of both the rishtha-mātrā and siro-mātrā types. B has been indicated by the sign for v. The avagraha has been used in lines 28 and 37. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written in both prose and verse ir style similar to that in the other charters of the king. As a matter of fact, all the nine verses forming to a introductory part of the record are also found in one or other of the same king's records. The change of anusvāra before & to n and before v to mexhibits some of the orthographical peculiarities. It is also often changed to class ríasals. Mistakes like yūtīya for jatiya (line 28) and trina for trina (line 30) are interesting to note. The date in line 46 is difficult to read ; but the reading of the portion may be Samta(Samra) 8 A(A)śtina-dine 18. Tuis is of course not enough to determine the actual date of the record. But we know from other evidences, as already indicated above, that the Buddhist king Srichandra, who belonged to the C'handra dynasty and ruled over South-East Bengal, flourished about the second half of the tenth century A.D.
1 Above, Vol. XII, pp. 136 ff. und Plate; Majumdar, Ins. Reng., Vol. III, pp. 1 ff. and Plate. * Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 188 ff. and Plate; Majumder, op. cit., pp. 10 ff. and Plate. Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 51 ff. and Plate; pp. 337 ff. Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 189-10; Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 166-67. Op. cit., pp. 165.66. 01., .g., above., Vol. XXVIII, Plato facing p. 56.
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No. 25] DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA
135 Of the 9 stanzas in the introductory part of the document, verse 1, found in all the known records of the king, is in adoration of the Jina (i.e. Buddha), the Dharma and the Bhikshu-sangha (i.e. the Buddhist Church), the holy trinity of the Buddhists. Verses 2-8 are found in the Rampal and Madanpur plates in the same order while verse 9 is the same as the seventh and last stanza of the introductory part of the Kēdārpur plate.
Verse 2 introduces a ruler named Parnachandra as born in the family of the Chandras ruling over Rohitāgiri. The following two stanzas (verses 3-4) describe Pürnachandra's son Suvarnachandra who became a Buddhist. Verse 5 speaks of Suvarnachandra's son Trailokyachandra who is compared to Dilipa and is stated not only to have become the mainstay of the royal fortune of the king of the Harikõla country but also to have made himself the lord of Chandradvipa. Pūrnachandra and Suvarnachandra may or may not have been rulers of Robitägiri ; but Trailokyachandra was apparently the ruler of Chandradvipa as a feudatory of the Harikēla king. If Rõhitägiri is identified with Rohtasgarh in the Shahabad District of Bihar, it has to be suggested that Trailökyachandra or one of his ancestors migrated to South-East Bengal where Träilökya succeeded in becoming the subordinate ruler of Chandradvipa.within the dominions of the king of Harikēla. It appears that the Chandras of Rohităgiri were originally the feudatories of the Pāla kings of Bengal and Bihar and that one of the Chandra princes ca to Bengal in connection with his services under the Pāla master. But Trailokyachandra seems to have transferred his allegiance to the king of Harikēla and was rewarded by the viceroyalty of Chandradvipa. As we have elsewherel suggested, Chandradvipa was the old name of parts of the Buckergunge District and Harikēla was originally the name of the area round the Sylhet District, both now in East Pakistan, although at a later date Harikēla (also spelt Harikēlā and Harikēli) came to be used to indicate the tract alled Vanga apparently as a result of the expansion of the dominions of the Harikēla rulers over wide areas of South-East Bengal.
About the end of the ninth century, the Gurjara-Pratihāra king Mahēndrapāla I (c. 885-907 A.D.) conquered considerable areas of Bihar and North Bengal from the Pālas and the fortune of the latter was at a low ebb.Since the Dacca-Tippera region appears to have formed parts of the empire of Dharmapala (c. 770-810 A.D.) and Dēvapāla (c. 810-50 A.D.), this may have been the timewhen the rulers of the Dēva Dynasty, as known from the copper-plate grant of Bhavadēva, were ruling an independent monarchs from the city of Dévaparvata near modern Comilla in the Tippera District of East Pakistan. Shortly after Bhavadova, the third known ruler of the Deva family, a king named Kāntidēva was ruling over the tract called Harikēla as we know from his Chittagong plate. It seems that the dominions of the Dēvas of Dēva parvata soon passed to the hands of the ruling family of Harikēla represented by Kantidēva and that the Harikëla kings, thus came to be in the possession of wide areas of South-East Bengal including the Buckergunge region. Trailökyachandra appears to have ruled over Chandradvipa as & feudatory of the dynasty of Harikēla kings, represented by Kāntidēva, about the second quarter of the tenth century.
1 See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 338-39.
* For Mohēndra påla's stone inscriptions in these areas, dated in his regnal years ranging between the years 2 and 19 (or 9), soo Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1641-47. Recently I had an opportunity of examining ono of these records, viz. the Râm-Gaya inscription (ibid., No. 1645) which R. D. Banerji (Mem. A. 8. B., Vol. V, p. 64) read and interpreted as foliows: (1) Om Samvat 8 fri- Mahindrapala | rajyabhisht. (2) ká Saudi-rishi-putra-Sahad Evasya, "Om, the yoar 8 (fron) tho coronation of Mahindrapāla. (The gift) of Sahadeva, the son of the Rishi Sauri." The correot reading of the inscription is however : (1) Siddham symbol. Samvata 8 || Mahindapala rajabhist. (2) ka || Saudirini 5 P[M]la-saha deva[dharma). The gift of the image was made by & person named Saudirisi and his five sons whogo names are not mentioned.
Cf. JAS, Lotters, Vol. XVII, pp. 83 ff. For another inscription of the 12th regnal year of Bhavadēva, of. Pp. 21-22 of F.A. Khan's report referred to below.
Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 313 ff.

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138
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
Verse 6 introduces Trailokyachandra's queen Kafchanā or Srikāñchanā, and the next stanza (verse 7) speaks of Srichandra, son of Trailökyachandra and his queen. Verse 8 states that Srichandra brought the earth under his sole umbrella and this conventional description apparently suggests that he was the first independent or imperial ruler of the family. Verse 9 describes him As a digvijayin in the conventional way and this also supports the above suggestion. As will be seen below, there is another indication in favour of the same conclusion
The prose passage (lines 17 ff.) following the above introductory part in verse reintroduces king Srichandra as in good bealth, i.e. as fit for making a grant. As in his other grants, the king is described as enjoying the imperial titles Paramēšvara, Paramabhattāraka and Mahārājādhirāja, as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of the Paramasaugata (i.e. one devoted to the Sugata or Buddha) Mahārājādhiraja Trailokyachandradēva and as issuing the charter from his jayaskandhāvāra (meaning' capital' in this case) at Vikramapura. It has to be noticed that, while Trailokyachandra is endowed with the title Mahārājādhiraja only, Srichandra is called Paramesvara-Paramabhatļāraka-Mahārājādhiraja. This supports the suggestion that the father was a feudatory and the son an independent and imperial ruler. It seems that Srichandra threw off the allegiance to the king of Harikēla, conquered a considerable part of the latter's territories in South-East Bengal and transferred his capital from Chandradvipa to Vikram.apura in the Dacca District. The rise of Srichandra may have been a result of the struggle between the Palas and the kings of Harikēla for the Dacca-Tippera region. The Mandhuk (Tippera District) inscription of the first regnal year of Gopila II (c. 935-92 A.D.) shows that the Palas succeeded in ousting Harikala rule from Tippera before the middle of the tenth century. But shortly afterwards, Srichandra conquered the Dacca-Tippera region originally perhaps on behalf of the Harikēla king.
Srichandra must have flourished earlier than Govindachandra (c. 1015-40 A.D.) who apparently belonged to the same family and is described in Chola records as the lord of Vangala-dēda (originally the same as Chandradvipa but later the name of the Chandra empire in South East Bengal). The armies of the Chola king Räjëndra I had an encounter with Govindachandra before 1023 A.D. For some time between the reign of Srichandra and that of Govindachandra, the Dacca-Tippera region seems to have been in the possession of king Mahipala I (c. 992-1040 A.D.). This is suggested by the Bäghāurā and Nārāyanpur inscriptions dated respectively in the 3rd and 4th regnal years of the said Päla monarch, both discovered in the Tippera District. Thus Srichandra seems to have ruled for at least about 46 years (cf. the issue of the Madanpur plate in the 46th year of his reign) about the second half of the tenth century between the earlier years of Gopāla II and those of Mahipāla 1.
All the geographical names mentioned in connection with the details of the plots of land granted as given in lines 20-23 cannot be fully deciphered from the impressions, even though Bhattasali offered readings for all of them. There were altogether five plots of land. The first of these was situated in a village (called Durvapatra and situated in Vallimunda-mandala according to
THQ., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 51 m.
Cf. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 229 ff. • Bhandarkar's List, No. 164; Ind. Cuu. Vol. IX, pp. 121 ff.
• Pila rule appears to have been ousted from the Dacca-Tripura region by the successors of Srichandra. Two oopper-plato grants of Ladabachandrs and one of Govinda chandra have been recently discovered at Mainamati in the Tippers District of East Pakistan. These charters, issued from Vikramapura, show that Srichandra was followed on the Chandra throne by his son Kalyanachandra, grand on Ladahachandra and great. grandson Govindachandra. Another charter, discovered along with the above, was issued by Virdharadeva in hin 15th regnal year. He appears to have belonged to the Deva dynasty and flourished about the 13th century. For a note on these inscriptions, see F.A. Khan's report on 'Excavations on Mainamati Hills near Comilla in Further excarations in East Pakistan-Vainamati, pp. 22-28.

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No. 25] DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA
137 Bhattasali) in the Khôdira villi vishaya within Paundra-bhukti and measured 4 halas. The second plot, apparently in the same area, measured 3 halas and was situated in a locality the name of which appears to us to be Nõndiyājo-Jayastara, although it was read by Bhattasali as Löniyājādāprastara. The third plot of land also measured 3 halas and was situated in the village of Tivaravilli no doubt in the same region. The fourth plot measured 2 halas and 6 drogas and was situated in a village (called Parkadimundā and situated in Ikkadāsi-vishaya according to Bhattasali) in the Yolā mandala. The fifth plot measured 7 halas and was situated in a village (the name of which is read by Bhattasali doubtfully as Mūlapatrā) apparently in the same neighbourhood. As stated in line 23, the five plots together measured 19 halas and 6 dronne. The exact areas of the land measures called hala and drona (dronavāpa of earlier records) are unknown.
The list of officers and others to whom the royal order in respect of the grant was issued is found in lines 23 ff. It is similar to the lists found in other charters of Srichandra, although its resemblance is closer to the one in the Rampal plate than that in the Madanpur plate. The privileges to be enjoyed by the donee as enumerated in lines 30 ff. are also similar to those in the list found in the other records of the king.
The description of the donee is found in lines 33 ff. He was the Brāhmaṇa Vyasagangaśarman who belonged to the Vārdhakausika götra, the pravara 2f the three rishis and the Kaņva saklā and was the son of Vibhuganga, grandson of Nannaganga (or Nandaganga) and great-grandson of Jayaganga. He is described as the Sāntirãrika, or performer of propitiatory rites, exactly as Pitavāsaguptasarnan, the donee of Srichandra's Rämpäl plate. But, while Pitavāsa received & grant for performing a ceremony called Kõțihoma, Vyūsaganya received the lands mentioned in the present record for performing four hömas in connection with a rite called adbhuta-śānti. In the expression adbhuta-santi which is well-known to the student of the Puräna aud Smriti literature, adbhuta is a synonym of utpāta and means any portentous or unusual phenomenon foreboding calamity to a king or a private individual or the population of a land, and sänti is a propitiatory rite performed with a view to aiérting such an evil.
The grant was made by the king in the name of Lord Buddha for the merit of his parents and himself. The charter is stated to have been authenticated by the Dharmachakra seal as in the Case of the king's other grants. The gift lands were made a rent-free holding according to the well-known principle of bhumi-chchhilra-nyāya (i.e. the free enjoyment of land by one who first brought it under cultivation).
Lines 40 ff. contain some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas also known from the king's other records. The date, which has already been referred to above, is quoted in lines 46-47. This is followed by the contractions mahīzā-ni...mehāksha-wi, two damaged letters between the two groups of letters probably reading anu. The contraction ni has been regarded as standing for wibaddha or wirikshita, i.e. registered or examined. The contractions mahusā and mahāksha apparently stand respectively for the official designations Mahasandhivigrahika and Mahākshapatalika. It appears that the record was first examined by the Mohäsiindhi igrah ika and then by the Mahākshapatalika.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Harikēla, Chandradvipa and Vikramapura has been discussed above. The Paundra-bhukti was the territorial division, the headquarters of which were originally at the city of Pundravardbana identified with modern Mahästhan in the Bogra District of North Bengal. During the age of the Palay, this bhukti or province included considerable parts of South-Eastern Bengal. Although the
1 See the Albhuta-santi section of the Matsya Purana, chapters 228-38 ; cf. also tho quotations from number of authorities in the Sabdakalpadruma (Parisishto), A. V. dlhula.
* Cf. JAS, Vol. XX, pp. 216-17.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII Chandra empire does not appear to have included any portion of North Bengal, the name of the old administrative unit was continued in use during the rule of the Chandras. The villages mentioned in connection with the gift lands cannot be satisfactorily identified. But the district called Yōla-mandala is also known from the Madanpur plate and has been located in the Manikganj subdivision of the Dacca District. The different plots of land were probably situated in two districts, the two groups being not far from each other.
TEXT:
[Metres : verses 1, 3 Vasantatilaka; verses 2, 5, 9 Šārdulavikriḍita; verses 4, 7-8 Upajati; verse 6 Indravajrā; verses 10-13, 15 Anushṭubh; verse 14 Pushpitāgrā.]
138
Obverse
1 Siddhathavasti | Vandys Jinas-aa bhagavan karup-aika-påt[r]ach [Dharmm]6-py-asu
2 [vijayatë jagad-éka-dí[pa]b | ya[t-svalyā sakala öva-(ma]h-á[nubhāva]b sa[thsāra-pā]ra[m=u]paga
3 chchhati Bhikshu]-sanghaḥ || [1*] [Chandrā]pām=i[ha] Rö[hi]tagiri-rbhu(bhu)jā[mvad vila-[áriyäth] vi[khyātő]
4 [bhuvi pärona]-chandra-sadriah -Parppachandro-bhavat | archchānā[m]-pada-piṭhi[käsu] pa[thitaḥ santa]
5 ninām=agratash-tank-ötkirņṇa-nava-prasastishu jaya-stambhēshu tāmrēshu cha || [2*] Vu(Buddhasya [yab]éasaka-[]
6 takam-aka-sa]metha]m-bhaktyä vi(bi)bha[r*]tti bhagavän-amṛit-ä[kar-adsub] | Chandrasya tasya kula-jāta it-Iva Vau(Bau)ddhaḥ pu
7 [tra]ḥ śrutō jagati tasya Suvarppachandraḥ || [3*] Darée=[sya] mātā kila dōhadēna di[drikaba-map-da[i]
8 chandra-vimvam | suvarṇpa-chandrēna hi tōshit-ēti [Suvarppachandraṁ samu]dāharanti || [4] Putras tasya pavitrit-[ö]
9 bhaya-kulab kaulina-balt-Biaya's-t[r]ailšky vidito [di]m-ati[thi]bhi[s-Tr]ailokyachandro gunai[h]
10 adhārō Harikela-raja-kakuda-ch[chha]ttra-smitānam [ériyam] ya[s-Chandr-opa]padě va(ba)
[bhüva]n[ri]pati[redvf]
11 på Dilip-opamab [5] (Jyötan-va Chandrajaya Sach-tva (Jishur-Gaujet [Harasy-va] Harer-iva Seth) tasya pri].
12 ya [ka]ñchana-kantir-asit Sri käñchan-oty-añchita-[s]sanasya || [6] Sa ra[ja-yō]gēna subhe muhü[rtte mau]
This may be the reason why the name Pundravardhana-bhukti (or Paundra vardhana") was changed to
Paundra bhukti.
From impressions, Expressed by symbol.
4Read bhujam vash.
Read "ambub,
•Read vimbam or bimbam.
The Rampal plate has "bayai".
Read "astch=chart. The queen's name was either Kanchana or Srikäñchanā.

Page #202

DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA
Obverse
'
ভাঙs. যেসব @dae.gঞ্জ 4 হজরা SKIইন্দ্র
গ্রাৰ্থীৰaষাসুম গরম | সুনিনি এমন
সময় নেয়। মাঠেaষম সময়ের আমgaid hasah ইভে
মধ্যে হালন। এসময় স্ত্রীর
#বিয়স: সসেস তবে কিছু প্রমমধু9 st is৯ বয়েসেমামলা। এমtoda(চ্ছিi7Xavi ভিসা: মুর দিয়ে বিদ্র। 5 }g[স্থা :389
State/CJA বৈীময় সঞ্জলীর easy toাদ্দাম, বিলকি - Hরীব দুঃ । ৯ . পা
'ই স্বপেয়া
Scale : Seven-ninti

Page #203

Reverse
to S দলনাময়বের 24 আর এসময়াসহমর্মবীয়ায়
cds hipল। এদিষারোকিবু।। 26 মন'-stitiaktag৫ () সিং । মgina-
যস্থ মেয়াহিম।।। 24 মনসহiliati SUমিছিলেতামধেরির্সেপেd 30 সর্বেয়া SAানি (
Aলন । hৈ Us mizat ব সে যায় ? 32 IS। হিন্য জগতেখটিং এফসি(hসময যকােন বীর মুন। SA (
Sto34 যgAাহhiatidi\Adলাতি নষীয়া S6ামাস! মদয়ে সেটি নিয়ে । 36 | 'মম্বসস্ত্রাস দমtiজায় । | মসুর গুরে মনতা ইsasuসস,
Auসহা২।(লয়ামের মানসলোকে , da: ২য় (৪৭তময়ত মইন তীয়
সেyal and পারে মুখ ও সময় দিয়ে মহা প fল সেয়েহে সরসরিজ326
পর্ণ আসন। বিকাল তিন সমকানজনক

Page #204

No. 25]
DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA
13 [hürtti]kaiḥ suchita-raja-chihna[m*] | [a]vapa ta[syam tanayam naya]jñaḥ Srichandram ind-upamam-Indra-[tējāḥ || ] [7*]
14 Ek-tapatr-ábharagim-bhuvash yo vidhaya vai[dheya-ja]n-ividhēyaḥ | [cha]k[ära käru nivesit-Ari(r)-yya
15 [ba]h-sugandhini disam-mukhāni || [8*] Sprishtaḥ på[r]thiva-pāmsu-dōhada-asa-ślāghāghanan dig-gajai-në
139
16 [trāpā]m-animeshataḥ paribitā dūriņa vindārakaiḥ | köšē[shv-apsajrasām-arvva-palitabhräntim
17 [samar]ōpayan santano rajasām raneshu jayi]no yasya dyu-marggan-gataḥ [ 9*] sa khalu Sri-Vik[r]amapura-sam[a]
18 vasita-sr[i]maj-jayas[kandhavarat paramasaugato mahārājādhiraja]-śrimat-Trailōkya
chandra[d]ē
19 va-pad-nudhyataḥ para[mééva)rab para[ma]bha[ttä)rako majhārājdirājaḥ érni Sri
chandrade
20 vab kulali ict-[Pau]pdra-bhukty-antabpiti-Khudiravill-vishaye Valli)........ [udala ....tta.
21 gram bala-chatushtayam Nandiyājö-Ja]ya[star [hala]-trayamṁ Tivaravilla-grimē [cha] hala-[tralya
Yo[a]
23 [ms]oda[1].... [vishaya-sam]-Pa. dimunda-grāmē shad-drop-adhika-hala-dvayum 23.10[gra]me cha [hala-sa]pta[kam *] | [a]tra shad-dron-adhika-unavi[nśati11-hala-bhū]mau samapagato abhi
Reverse
24 [ja]-j-aka-rajaputra-räjämatya-mahävyähapati-mandalapati-mahisindhivigra 25 hika-mahiinäpati-mahakahapajalika-mahasa[rvväjdhikrita mahāpratihāra-kōṭapā
26 la-dau[bsidhasidhanika-chauröddhajrapika-nauva(balahastyadvagʊmahisḥājāvikädivyāpti
taka
27 gaulmiks faulkika-dapdapsi(i)ka-dapḍanayaka-vishayu(ya)paty-din-any-cha sakala28 rāja-pad-pajlvinë-'dhya[ksbal-prachar öktän-ih-äk[r]ttitän | châța-bhața-уäjä)tyän ja
1 The Kedarpur plate has ghana which has been corrected to ghanair".
Bhattasali reads "valli.
There are five damaged letters hore. Bhattasali reads Vallimunda-ma. I have doubts about this reading. There are four damaged letters before ttä which Bhattasali reads as ttra. He reads the last three of the damaged letters as Durvvapa and the first probably as m (i.e. sambaddha). I have doubts about this reading.
Bhattasali reads Lönigsjödäprastar ē.
Bhattasali reads "valli.
Bhattasali apparently reads dvayam.
The name of the vishaya is read by Bhattasali as Ikkadasi which seems to us extremely doubtful.
The damaged akshara here is read by Bhattasali as rka and the following letter as di.
10 Bhattasai doubtfully reads the name of the village as Milapatră.
11 Read adhik-õnavimbatí.
13 The intended reading of these letters is samupagal-abesha-ra°.
13 The mark of punctuation here and in the lines below (cf. lines 31 .) is unnecessary. The expression ashyakshaprachara means "notification about the heads of departments".

Page #205

140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII 29 napadán kshētrakarāms=cha [Vrā(Brā)hma]n-õttaran (yath-arham-mā]nayati võ(bő)dhayati
samādisati 50 cha || mata[m=astu bha]va[tāri(tam)] | yath-öpari-likhita-bhūmir=iyam sya-sim-āvachchhinnä
tri(tri)na-[pūti-go)31 obara-paryantā sa-talā (8-6]ddēsa m-a[mra)-panasi sa-guvāka-nāli[k]ērā sa-lavana sa-jala32 sthalā sa-ga[r]tt-ösharā | sa-das-āparādha | sa-chauröddharaņā | parihrista)-sarvva-pidā | a
chăta-bha[ta). 33 pravēsā a-kiñchit-spra]grā[hya] | [sa]masia-rāja-bhöga-[ka]ra-hiranya-pratyāya-sahitā|
Jayaga34 iga-p[r]apautrāya | Nan[n]agariga-jautrāya | Vibhū(bhn)ganga-putrāya | Värddhakausika
sagotrāya | try-a35 raha-pravarāya | Kaņva-sākh-idhyāyinė [sāntivärika)-frī-[Vyāsa]yanga-farmmani(na) [sval)
krita-[h]36 ma-Cohatu]shtayē | ad[bhu]ta-sānti-nimitē(tt) .. ta[va]tie' (punyē]=hani vidhivad=udaka
pūrvvakam (kpi*][tvā] 37 bhagavantam=Vuddha'-bhattārakam=uddisya mātā-pitrõr=ātmanaḥ [cha*) puşya-yaső-'bhi
vriddhayē 2-chandr-arkka-kshisti)38 [sa][108 *)-kālam yāvat bhūmi-chchhidra-nyāyēna Srimad-Dharmma-chakra-[mudra]ya | ta
[mra]-sāsanīksitya pradattā (Asmā)39 [bhil) ato bhavadbhiḥ (sarvvair=anu]mantavya[m*] [] bhävibhir=api [bhūpatibhiḥ]
bhūmēræddāna-phala-gauravēd=apaha[ra]40 [ņē me]hā-naraka-pāta-bhayāch=cha dānang=idam=anumödy=ānupälaniyam [1*] nivāsibhiḥ
kshētrakarais=cha ājñā41 savana-vidhēyibhūya ! ya[th-õ]chista-pratyā]y-opanayaḥ käryya iti [l*) bhavanti ch=ātra
dharmm-ānusamsinaḥ slākāḥ [l*] Bhūmim 42 yaḥ pratigrihņāti yas-cha bhūmim=prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmānau niyatam
svargga-gäminau || [10*) Shashti-inva(va)rsha-sahasra43 ņi svarggë módati bhūmidah | akshēptā ch=anumantā cha tāny=ēva narakam (kē) vasēt ||
[11] Sva-dattām=para-dattāmvā yo harēta vasundha44 rām(rām) sa vishthayām krimir=bhūtvā pit;ibhiḥ saka pachyatë | [12*] Va(Ba)hubhir
vvasudha dattá rājabhiḥ Sagar-ädibhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya ya45 då bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā phalam || [13*) Iti kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lõlām briyam=
anuchintya manusliya-jivitañ=cha | sakala46 m=idam-udahfitañ=cha vuddha' na hi purushaiḥ para-kirttavo vilõpyāḥ || 0 || [140] [8amva
(Sarhva)t 8 A(A)&vina)-dini 18 (1) mahäsä47 ni sanu| ] mahāksha-ni -
1 The subsoript of the conjunot is not clear. Bhattasali roade Nandao. * The reading may be tad=gatavati. . Read vantam-Buddha
Read dattat ta. *Read buddhra.

Page #206

No 26-CHIKKALAVALASA PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III, SAKA 982
(2 Plates) D. C. STRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 16.9.1957) The copper-plate inscription under study was dug up more than three decades ago by a farmer of the village of Chikkalavalasa while tilling a field. The village lies between Urlām and Kambakāya in the Taluk and District of Srikakulam, Andhra Pradesh. It is stated that the plates were found in a field near the border of the village of Kuddamu in the same neighbourhood. The inscription was secured from the farmer by Bhairi Appalaswami Naidu of Chikkälavalasa, who sent them to Pandit Somasekhara Sarma for study and publication. Pandit Sarma published the inscription in the Bhārati (Telugu), Vol. II, 1925, Part I, pp. 138 ff., with illustrations. The text of the epigraph was also quoted by R. Subba Rao in the Kalingadēgacharitramu (Telugu), Appendix, pp. 50 ff. The record was noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1924-25, C.P. No. 5. I edit the inscription in the following pages from a set of excellent estampages preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund.
The set consists of five plates, the first of which is inscribed only on the inner side while the next three have writing on both the sides. The fifth plate bears no writing and was apparently used for the protection of the writing on the reverse of the fourth plate. The plates were strung on a ring bearing the Ganga seal with the bull and other emblems on its counter-sunk eurface. The charter together with its seal resembles other such records of the early Imperial Gangas, especially those of Vajrahasta III Anantavarman (1038-70 A.D.) to whom it belongs. The plates are rectangular in shape ; but their length is less in the sides (8.4 inches) than in the middle (8:7 inches) while their breadth is more in the sides (3.7 inches) than in the middle (3-3 inches).
The characters belong to the Gaudiya or East Indian alphabet and the language of the record is Sanskrit. As regards palaeography, orthography and style, the inscription closely resembles other copper-plate grants of Vajrahasta III, several of which have been published in this journal, some of them very recently. The introductory part of the charter in lines 1-41 is & copy of other such grants issued by the king. The major part of this section (i.e. lines 1-38) is also copied in the copper-plate records of Rājarāja I Devëndravarman (1070-78 A.D.), son and successor of Vajrahasta III, and we had occasion to discuss the section in our paper on the Galavalli plates (cf. lines 1-35) of the said monarch, which have been recently published in the pages of this journal. Remarks on the palaeography and orthography of the Galavalli plates also apply to the present record.
The date of the charter is quoted in lines 41-45 as the Saka year counted by the words kara (i.e. 2), tasu (i.e. 8) and nidhi (i.e. 9), i.e. 982. The tithi is stated to have been the third of the first fortnight of the month of Kārttika. The week-day is given apparently as Monday. The date reminds us of that of another charter of the same kiny, which was issued on Monday, the 7th of the first fortnight of Asbūdha in Saku 991. This date was equated with the 9th of
Soo abovo, Vol. XXXI, pp. 305 ff. and Plates: Vol. XXXII, pp. 308 f. and Plates. Cf. Vol. IV, pp. 189 ff. and Platcs : Vol. IX, pp. 96 ff. and Plates ; Vol. XI, pp. 149 ff. and Plates; Vol. XXIII, pp. 67 ff. and Plates.
1 Abovo, Vol. XXXI, pp. 191 ff. and Plates. Tbid., Vol. XXIII, p. 69.
(141)

Page #207

142
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
June 1068 A.D. taking the year to be current and the month Amanta, If, in the case of the date of the inscription under study, the year is similarly regarded as current and the month as Amânta, Saka 982, Kārttika-prathama-paksha 3, Monday would correspond to the 11th October, 1059 A.D. On that date, the tritiya tithi began at:55 of the day.1
Lines 38-41 state that Parambabhatļāraka Mahäräjädhiraja Anantavarman Vajrahastadöva (i.e. Vajrahasta III), who was the lord of Trikalinga and a devout worshipper of the god Mahēsvara (Siva), issued his order relating to the grant in question to the people of the countryside together with his officers. The gift village was Kuddam (line 42; called Kudda in line 55) which was situated in the vishaya or district of Köluvartani. It was given for the perpetual enjoyment of the donee, without any trouble, for the merit of the king himself and of his parents. But it is interesting to note that the village is not stated to have been a rent-free gift. The expression sarova-pida-vivarjjitam in line 43 shows that the donee enjoyed certain privileges which, however, did not include freedom from the payment of rent. We know that, in chartery recording the creation of a rent-free holding in favour of the donee, the exemption from the payment of rent is specified in clear terms. As will be clear from our discussion of the details of the grant below, the nature of the document under study is that of a kara-säsana or Tent-paying grant.
Lines 45-49 describe the donee who obtained the village of Kuddam or Kudda from the king probably by purchase. It is stated that there was a family belonging to the Vaisya community and the Datta (wrong for Danta according to Pandit Somasekhara Sarma) götra, in which a person named Madhava was born. Madhava's son was Sömana-grēshthin, whose wife was Erayapā. Sõmana's son from Erayapā was Mallaya-brēshthin to whom the Ganga king Vajrahasta III gave the village in question with libation of water by means of the copper-plate charter under study. The king requests the future rulers of the area to be so good as to approve of this gift and protect it. But the Vaiấya Mallaya-srēshthin obtained the village from the king for the purpose of giving away the major part of it as an agrahāra in favour of a large number of Brāhmaṇas, This is made clear by the concluding part of the record in lines 49-56. Another instance of this kind is offered by the Kailan (Kailain) plater of Sridharanarata, according to which an officer of the king obtained a big plot of land from his master probably by purchase and retained a small part of it for himself after having allotted the rest in favour of a number of Brāhmanas and a Buddhist religious establishment.
It is stated in lines 49 ff. that, after having obtained the charter from the king, the donee Mallaya-Sreshthin kept a part of the village for himself and made over the rest to three hundred Brāhmaṇas. His share consisted of a house-site, a garden-site and an area of cultivable land
1 In the Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy, 1924-25, p. 64, the date of the inscription under review has been equated with the 30th October 1060 A.D. taking the year as expired. But that day falls in Amanta Märgairaba and not in Karttika, either Aminta or Purnimanta.
For a number of such records, see JRAS, 1962, pp. 4 ff.
In the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1924-25, p. 78, it is stated, "The donee reserved a portion of the vintage for himself and granted the rest to the Brahman Mapa-nayaka and fixed the rate of taxes to be paid annually to the king from the village. The granting of villages as agrahāras to people of communities other than Brahman is peculiar. But in the copper.charters of the Eastern Ganga dynasty cases in which villages were granted as agraharas to Vaibyas have been noticed already (Copper Plate No. 5 of 1918-19)." The name of the Brāhmans was, however, Mapaya-nayaks and not Mapa-nāyaks and he was one of the many Brahmapas in whose favour the agrahara was granted. The language of the epigraph doee not suggest the creation of s Vaidyagrahara. Mallaya-brenhthin reservod for himself only a small part of the village and agreed to pay annual rent in both cash and grains. The Vaisy-agrahāra mentioned in C. P. No. 5 of 1918-19 acons to have been orested on the condition that rent shonld be paid at the rate of 150 silver coins per year.
• 180, Vol. XXIII, PP. 234-36. .. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 51.

Page #208

No. 26) OHIKKALAVALASA PLATES OF VAJRARASTA III, SAKA 982 143 producing one hundred Murās of paddy (or grain) (per year]. The meritorious act of creating an agrahāra of the rest of the village in favour of Brāhmaṇas was performed by Mallaya-śrēshthin on the auspicious occasion of the Uttarāyana-sankranti. The sankranti, however, took place sometime later in the month of December, though the charter was issuod in October. The three hundred Brāhmaṇas who received the major part of the village as an agrahāra were headed by Mapaya-nāyaka who was the son of Karantama-nāyaka from his wife Rēkapi and the grandson of Pillisarman. This Brāhmaṇa family belonged to the Bahvpicha sākha and Aupamanyava gotra and hailed from the village of Jalambūt. The names of the other recipients of the grant are not mentioned in the charter.
The last sentence of the record in lines 55-56 state that the rent for the village payable to the king had to be paid at the rate of one hundred Murās of paddy (or grain) and eight Mādas (coins of gold or silver) apparently per annum. It was no doubt Mallaya-brēšshthin who was responsible for the payment of the rent to the king. But whether he realised a part or the whole of the rent in cash and grains from the Brāhmaṇas is not clear from the language of the inscription. We have shown elsewhere that the old custom in many parts of Andhra and Orissa was generally to pay to the king for an agrahāra, even when it was declared as rent-free, an amount of money annually." The amounts mentioned in some records in this connection are 200 Panas (probably of cowries], 10 Mashakas (probably of silver), between 2 and 9 Palas of silver, etc. This was apparently much less than the usual annual rent for & village. The determination of the concessional rates must have depended on such factors as the size and revenue-income of a village, the degree of the king's willingness to suffer loss of revenue in lieu of religious merit, the amount of purchase money received by the king for the creation of an agrahāra from the donees or a third party eager to perform & meritorious deed, etc. In the present case, a pious member of the mercantile community seems to have purchased the village for the Brähmanas and the king appears to have fixed the annual rent at the concessional rate of 8 coins and 100 Muräs of grain. The exact quantity of & Mura of grain cannot be determined. Mada is generally spelt Madha in Orissan records. It was regarded as a coin weighing 40 Ratis or half of a Tolā.
Among the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the village of Kudda or Kuddam has been identified by Pandit Somasekhara Sarma with modern Kuddāmu near Chikkälavalasa where the inscription was discovered. The Kõluvartani vishaya, mentioned also in some other records of the area, was therefore the district round the said village Jalambūr, where the donee's family lived, has been identified with modern Jalamūru about six miles from Kuddāmu.
TEXT
[Metres : verses 1, 4, 12 Sārdüjavikridita ; verse 2 Arya; verses 3, 7, 13 Anushțubh; verse 5 Vamastha ; verses 6, 10 Mālini ; verses 8-9 Giti; verse 11 Vasantatilaka.]
First Plate 1 Siddham svasti [l*] Grimatām=akhila-bhuvana-vinuta-naya-vinaya-dayā-dāna-dākshinya-sa2 tya-baucha-sauryya-dhairyy-ā[dji-guņa-ratna-pavitrakāņām=Ātrēya-gotrāņāṁ vi3 mala-vichar-ächāra-punya-sa(sa)lila-prakshyā(kshā)lita-Kali-kāla-kalmasha-ma4 shiņām Mahā-Mahēndr-achala-sikhara-pratishthitasya sa-char-achara-guro1 Abovo, Vol. XXX, pp. 114-15. JRAS, op. cit., pp. 8 ff.; 119, Vol. XXIX. i'p. 298 ff. From impresions. Expressed by symbol.

Page #209

144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 65 sakala-bhuvana-nirmmăn-aika-sūtradhárasya sasanka-chrischūdā-maņē6 rbhbha(r=bbha)gavató Gökarnnasvâminaḥ prasādātesamāsādit-aika-bankha-bhe7 ri-pancha-mahāśavda(bda)-dhavala-chchhatra-hēma-chamara-vara-vpishabha-lañchhana-samu8 jva(jjva)la-samasta-sämrājya-mahimnām=anēka-samara-sanghatta-samu
Second Plate, First Side 9 palavdha(bdha)-vijaya-lakshmi-samālingit-ő[t*]tumga-bhuja-daņda-manditānāṁ 10 Trikalinga-mahibhujām Gangānām=anvayam=alankarishộor=Vishạõr=iva 11 vikram-ākrānta-dharā-maņdalasya Gunamahārppava-mahārājasya putraḥ || 0 || Pū12 rvvaṁ bhūpatibhir=vvibhajya va'sudhā yā pañchabhiḥ pañchadhā bhuktā bhūri-para13 kramo bhuja-va(ba)lāt=tām=ēka ēva svayam(yam ēkiksitya vijitya sa(ka)tru-nivah[@]
14 na(n) Sri-Vajrahastaś=chatus-chatvarimsatam=atyudara-charitaḥ sarvvām=arakshīt=sam[a]· 15 || [1*] tasya tanayo Gundamarājā(jo) varsha-trayam=apālayata mahim(him) tad-anajaḥ
K[2]16 mārpnavadēvaḥ pañcha-trimsatam=avda(bda)kān || [2*] Tasy=ānujo Vinayaditya[h*)sama
Second Plate, Second Side 17 satisra[h*] || Tataḥ Kāmārņņavāj=jātö ja gati-kalpabhūruhaḥ yo=rājad=rājitaḥ(ta)-chchha18 yo Vajrahasto=yanipatiḥ || [3*) Praschyöda(ta)n-mada-gandha-luvdha(bdha)-madhupa
vyālidha-gandan=ga19 jānna(n=a)rthi[bhy]aḥ samadāt-sahasram=atulo yas=tyāginvāsnā)m=agraņish *) saḥ(sa) Sri
mān=Aniyanka20 bhima-nțipatir=Ggang-ānva'y-7[t*]tanśa(sa)kaḥ pañcha-trimsatam=avda(bda)kān=s&21 mabhunakyi(k=pri)thvir stutaḥ pārthivaiḥ || [4*] Tad-agra-sūnuḥ Surarāja-sri(sū)nunā 22 [sa*]mas=samastāṁ sa(sa)mit-āri-mam(ma)nda·lab [l*) sma pāti Kāmārņpava-bhūpatir
bhbhu(r=bbhu)vam samriddhi23 māma(n-a)rddha-samām samu[j*]jvalaḥ || [5*] Tad-anu tad-anujanmõ(nmā) Chittajanm-opa
[mā]no guņa24 nidhir=anavadyo Gundam-ākhyö mahisaḥ(saḥ |) sakalam=idam=arakshi(ksbīt) triņi
Versba
l'hird Plate, First Side 25 ni dhatri-valayam-alaghu-tējā-nirjjit-ārāti-chakraḥ || [6*] Tato dv[ai]māturas-tasya Ma26 dhukāmā[r]nnavö nsipah II( ) avati sm=āvanim=ētām=avdā(bdā)n=ēkārņna(n-na)-vimsatin
(tim) || [[1] [7*) 27 Atha Vajrahasta-npipatēr=agra-sutād=akhila-guni-jan-ägraṇya[h [*] Kámārņņavāt=kav-indra
1 An unnecessary d-matra was incised after this letter and cancelled by the engraver.
An unnecessary i-matra with this letter was cancelled by the engraver. * The letter oya was originally written for ada.

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CHIKKALAVALASA PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA NU, SAKA 982
it, ৫
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No 26]
CHIKKALAVALASA PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III, SAKA 982
28 praglyamán-vadata-subha-kirttib [8] Sriya iva Vaidumva(mb-)nvaya-payab-pa29 yönidhi-samudbhavaya-cha [1] yab samajani Vinaya-mahadevyäb ri-Vajrahasta 30 iti tanayaḥ || [9*] Viyad-ritu-nidhi-samkhyām yāti Sāk-avda(bda)-sanghe di
31 nakriti Vrishabha-sthe Rohini-bhe su-lagne [*] Dhanushi cha sita-pakshe Sri(Su)ryavārē tri
32 tiyam yuji sakala-dharitrim rakshitum yö-bhishiktaḥ [10] Nyayĕ(yye)na yatra
samam=ā
33 charitum tri-vargge(rggam) märggēna rakshati mahim mahita-pratāpē [*] nirvyādha
Third Plate, Second Side
34 yas-cha niraghas-cha nirapadas-cha sasvat-praja bhuvi bhavanti vibhutimattyaḥ || [11*] Vyāptē Ganga
140
35 kul-ōttamasya yasasa(sa) dik-chakravālē sasi-pradyot-amalinēna yasya bhuvanaprahlada
36 sampadina [1] saindarair-ati-sandra-padka-patalai[b] kumbha-sthal-pàƒ¡áklávñ(«hv-)limpanti puna[b]
37 punas-cha haritam-adhōraṇā vāraṇān || [12] Anuragēna guņinō yasya va
38 kab-mukh-vja(bja)yöḥ | (st)në Set-Sarasvatyäv-anukālē virajata[b] 10 [13] Ka
39 lingana[ga]rät-paramamähëvara-paramabbaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhiraja-Tri
40 kaling-adhipati-érimad-Anantavarmmā Vajrahastadēvaḥ kusali samast-amatya41 pramukha-janapadän-samähūya samajñāpayati [*] viditam-astu bhavatām(tām)|| 42 Köluvarttani-vishaye Kuddam-akhya-grāmaḥ chatuḥ-sim-avachchhinnah sa-jaFourth Plate, First Side
43 lasthalah sarvva-plḍā-vivarjjita(m-]-chandr-ärkka-kshiti-sama-kalanı yavan-mātā-pitrō44 r=atmanaḥ [cha*] punya-yaso-bhivriddhaye | kara-vasu-nidhi-Śāk-āvdē (bdo) | Kärttika-masa-pratha
45 ma-paksha-triti[ya*lyam So[ma*]va(vā)rē | Datta-gōtrasya Vaisya(sya)-kul
odbhavab Madhav-Akhyaḥ
46 tasya putraḥ Somana-srishthah | tasya bharyya Prayapatayõr-jjätäyn
47 Mallaya-sreshṭhāya udaka-purvvaṁ temvrā(mra)-säsansṁ kritva pradattama(ttaḥ a)
smābhi
1 Originally y was written in the place of p.
An unnecessary d-matra with this letter has been cancelled by the engraver.
Originally medial i was incised in the place of medial e.
The punctuation mark is unnecessary.
Read freshthi.
• Read freshthine.

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII 48 tbhbhä(r=bbhā)vibhirbhbhū(r=bhū)mipālairmnia(-a)numo[dya*) dharmmä(rmma)
gauravāt=paripāla'niyam=i49 ti || rajataḥ sāsanam lavdhvā(bdhvā) punar=ayam grāmaḥl' gpiha-sthanam=udyāna50 sthānam cha sa(sa)ta-mura-dhäny-otpanna-bhūmischa(8-oka) sva-sva[***] bēshayitval.
Jala
Fourth Plate, Second Side 51 mvū(mbü)r-akhya-grāma-nivūsi "Vabhya-sākha-Upamanya-gotrasya | dvij-ottamaḥ |
Pi52 llisammaḥ" | tasya putraḥ Karaṁtama-nāyakaḥ | tasya bhāryyā Rēkapā | tayo53 r=jjättēna Mapaya-näyakēna saha tri-sa(sa)tēbhyaḥ | Vrā(Brā)hmaņēbhyaḥ agraha54 ram kritvā Uttarāyanna-nimittö(tt) | Mallaya-srē(śrē)shthina(nā) dhāra-purvva55 kam | Kudd-ākhya-grāmam pradatam=iti || asya grāmasya utpanna56 karaiḥ rājñāṁ dēyam sa(sa)ta-mura(rā)-dhānyair= ashta-mādais=cha ||
An unnecessary d-mätra with this letter was cancelled by the engraver. * The mark of punctuation is unnecessary. * Read Bahuricha-bakh-Aupamanyava-gotrasya. Read sarmma. Read grāmah pradatta iti.

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11 Plata
No. 27—NAGARJUNAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF EHAVALASRI'S TIME, YEAR 11
(1 Plate) B. CH. CAHABRA, New Delhi
(Received on 5.6.1958) The subjoined stone inscription was copied and examined by me in July 1957 at Nagarjunakopda in the course of my epigraphical tour. It is peculiar in several respects : it is one of the comparatively few Sanskrit inscriptions that have been discovered at this site, most of them being in Prakrit; it is Brahmanistic in nature, the Prakrit ones being all Buddhistic; it is found in six or seven versions, all broken fragments, not a single version having been found in its entirety. It took me some hours to dovetail the fragments till then discovered and kept in the site museum at Nagarjunakonda. Many of the fragments are still missing. I was, however, able to restore the complete text by deciphering the extant parts on the various fragments. The facsimile on Plate A shows the greater part of one of the versions, while those on Plate B represent parts of two more versions. The fragments, of the other versions, so far discovered, are too few and are hence not illustrated here.
The ancient site of Nāgārjunakonda is situated on the right bank of the Krishņā river in the Guntur Digrtict of Andhra Pradesh, and is famous for the Buddhist relics it has yielded in abundance. Of late, the site has been rendered more famous by the Nandikonda Dam Project ; for this hydro-electric scheme, when complete, will have submerged the entire site, as the water so dammed will rise 60 to 70 feet over the vast area now dotted with the excavated antiquarian remains. The Union Department of Archaeology is thus discharging a very special and emergent responsibility of disembowelling, as fast as can be, the buried ruins and salvaging as many of them as it can possibly do before the threatened deluge takes place.
It may be remarked that the recent digging operations at Nāgārjunakoņda have laid bare many Brahmanistic antiquities, whereas those formerly unearthed there almost all belong to the Buddhist faith.
The size of the inscribed bits of stone under study is indicated by the scale given in the photographs reproduced here. The inscription consists of six lines in each version. Though the duct of writing is markedly different in each version, the script in all of them is the same Brāhmi of about the 3rd or 4th century A.D. It resembles that of the Prakrit inscriptions discovered at the same place, and shares with it the characteristic feature of long and curved top and bottom strokes of the letters. The engraving is neatly and elegantly done.
As noticed above, the language of the inscripton is Sanskrit. The composition is remarkably free from errors. Except for the auspicious formula siddham at the beginning, the record is in verse, comprising two stanzas, the first in the Anushțubh metre and the second in Sragdhara. These are logically arranged; the first, being a small one, is divided into halves, each half occupying one line; and the second, being a lengthy one, is divided into quarters, each quarter occupying one line.
There is not much that calls for special notice in the script. The mute consonants are shown by the smaller size of the letter concerned : cf. m in lines 1 and 6, and t in line 5. Besides, they ocour
This is No. 8 of A.R.Kp., 1957-58, App. B. . Cf. above, Vol. XX, pp. 1 ff.
(147)

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148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII a little below the line. Further, the mute t is bereft of its top. There is very little difference between the forms of the letters t and n, both being unlooped. The form of the upadhmaniya (line 1) consists of a circle with a cross in the centre, or a four-spoked wheel, so to say, while that of the jihvāmüliya (lines 4 and 5) is identical with that of the letter m. In point of orthography, the consonant before or after is in most cases reduplicated. The reduplication of the one before r, in pprasādāt in line 5, is noteworthy. The change of visarga into sor & before these letters (lines 4, 5 and 6) is another peculiarity worth noticing.
As for the object of the inscription, it records the erection of a temple (prāsāda), described as the dwelling place for Siva (Sarvvadēv-ādhivāsa)," by one Elisri, on the 11th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Māgha during the 11th regnal year of king Ehavalasrt. Elisri, the builder of the temple, is described as a Talavara-vara (apparently the same as Mahālalavara found in many other inscriptions from Nāgārjunakonda). obviously in the service of king Ehavalasrl. He is further described to be a grandson of the Senapati Anikki and a son of Gandi. It is significant that our donor's father does not bear any title, while his grandfather is mentioned to be a Sēnā pati or commander of armies, who had won victories in battle fields and acquired great fame, His own title shows that he too was a high dignitary..
The most prominent thing in the description of Elisri is that he was a devout worshipper of the god Kārttikėya or Kumāra, the wielder of the terrible spear, so much so that he ascribes the erection of the Siva temple in question to the grace and favour of Kärttikėya.
The names of the donor, his father and his grandfather as well as that of the king are all nonSanskritic. They are presumably of Dravidian origin. It has been suggested to me that the word ali or eli in the name Elieri may be connected with the Tamil word vël, equivalent to Sanskrit fakti, 'spear' (weapon of the god Kürttikoya). Anyway, this name as well as the others in this inscription require further elucidation.
The king Ehavalaấri is known from some other inscriptions from the same place, the name being sometimes spelt as Ehuvala. King Ehuvala Chatamula is mentioned as the son of the Iksbvāku king Virapurisadata and Mahädövi Bhatidēvā. One of this king's records, it is interesting to know, is dated in the very 11th year of his reign as in the case with our inscription. His father and he himself bear the metronymics Mädhariputa and Väsethiputa respectively, indicating thereby that the mother of the former belonged to the Madhara götra while the mother of the latter belonged to the Vüsishtha götra. Ehavala or Ehuvala had a sister whose name was Kodabalisiri, queen of Vänavāsaka-mahārāja.
A much longer and well-preserved Sanskrit inscription engraved on a stone pillar of the time of the same king Ehavalasri has likewise been recently discovered at Nagarjunakonda.
It is not possible to equate the regnal year given in the inscription with the corresponding Christian year. Yet, as indicated above, the inscription can palaeographically be placed in the 3rd or 4th century A.D.
The text of the present inscription given below is based on my reading of the original fragments of the inscription.
1 I take Sarva here as a well-known synonym of Sira: Sarral Sarrah Sivah Sthanuh. · For Talarara and Mahátalarara, see above, Vol. XX, pp. 6 and 7, notek. • [The Telugu word élika (from the verb élu, 'to govern') means 'a ruler, king, master-Ed.] . Cf. above, Vol. XX, p. 94, Inscription H, text line 10. • Loc. cit., Inscription H. • This is No. 4 of 4.R.Ep., 1957-58, App. B.

Page #216

NAGARJUNAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF EHAVALASRI'S TIME, YEAR 11
A.
SaysPOJ
(from a Photograph)

Page #217

(from Photographs).

Page #218

No. 27] NAGARJUNAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF EHAVALASRI'S TIME, YEAR il 149
TEXT
[Metres : verse 1 Anushtubh ; verse 2 Sragelhara.) 1 Siddham Varsha ökādatë rājñah-prabhör-Ehavaladriyah [1] 2 bukla-pakshasya Māghasya punya ēkādaso-hani ( 1*) 3 Dēvē yasy=ātibhaktir-Hutavaha-tanaye chanda-saktau Kumūro 4 pautras=sēnāpatēr=yyas=samara-vijayinak=kkhyāta-kirttēr=Aņikkē” [I*] 5 präsidan=Gändi-puttras=sa talavara-varah-Kärttikėya-pprasādāti 6 Elisrīs=sri-visālaṁ subha-matir=akarot-Sarvvadēv-ūdhivāsam |[] 2*)
TRANSLATION
Luck!
(Verse 1) On the auspicious eleventh day of the bright fortnight of the wow of) Mägha, dur. ing the eleventh year of the king, the Lord Ehavalari.
(Verse 2) Elibri of pure intellect, the chief Talavara, who is intensely devoted to the yod) Kumāra, son of Fire,. wielder of the terrible spear.- Elisri, grandson of the army-chief Anikki who had won victories in battlefields and acquired wide renown, Elisri, son of Gandi, with the grace of (the god) Kärttikēyu (same as Kumāra), built (this) supremely glorious temple, an abode of Sarvadēva (i.e., the god Siva).
· Sandhi has not been obwerved hore. . For the representation of Kumara ur Kürttikoya An the son of Agni, non Hopkins, Epic Mytholog. p. 98.

Page #219

No. 28-BHATURIYA INSCRIPTION OF RAJYAPALA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 31.5.1958) The stone slab bearing the inscription under study was recovered from the mosque at Bhāturiya, about 20 miles from Rajshahi, headquarters of the District of that name in East Pakistan, by Mirza Mokhtaruddin Ahmad, Superintendent of Police, Rajshahi. It was presented to the Museum of the Varendra Research Society at Rajshahi in August 1954. The inscription was published by Mr. Siva Prasanna Lahiry in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXI, No. 3 (September 1955), pp. 215-31, without any illustration. Recently I received a photograph of the epigraph from the authorities of the Varendra Research Society. On an examination of the record, it was found that there are many errors in Mr. Lahiry's transcript and translation of the document while his conclusions in regard to its historical importance are in several cases mere unwarranted speculations.
The inscribed slab is stated to measure between 19 and 194 inches in length and between · 114 and 113 inches in height. The space occupied by the writing is about
187 inches long and 10 inches high. Individual aksharas are about inch in height. There are altogether 20 lines in the record. The last line, which is nearly 13 inches long and is thus shorter than the other lines, has been incised in a central position leaving & space of a little above 24 inches at the beginning of the line and about. 34 inches at its end. The letters are carefully and beautifully engraved and the preservation of the writing is satisfactory, though some letters are slightly rubbed off in the central area of the left half of the inscribed surface.
The characters belong to the Gaudiya or East Indian alphabet of about the tenth century A.D. and closely resemble those of the contemporary records of the Pala kings of Bengal and Bihar. Of initial vowels, a (lines 2, 14, 16, 18), ā (line 13), i (lines 6, 20) and ē (line 19) occur in the inscription.
The sign for v has been used to indicate b. The letter has three forms, viz. endowed with the amätra-like sign (cf. mukuta in line 2), with a short stroke in the place of the said sign (cf. Attao and oddhatta in line 2, Karnnāta in line 11) and without the sign in question (kapaļaih in line 10, Läțail in line 11. palla in line 20). There is no appreciable difference between p and y and between the subscript forms of dh and v. The sign for half nasal called chandrabindu or anunäsika is used in line 11. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and it is written in verse with the exception of the word svasti preceded by the Siddham symbol at the beginning in line 1. It is a prasasti or eulogy in 15 stanzas composed in various metres. The author's style is simple. As regards orthographical peculiarities, there are some cases of the use of class nasals in the place of anus vāra and a few cases of visarga-sandhi as in ajñaś=sirõbhih (lines 11-12) and aropita s-Sankara) (line 16). Anusvāra instead of final m has been used at the end of the halves of stanzas while final m has not been changed to anusvāra before v. Some consonants have been reduplicated in conjunction with the preceding . In line 18, the word jātu has been wrongly written as yātu.
The inscription bears no date. But it records a grant of king Rajyapala no doubt belonging to the celebrated Pāla dynasty of Eastern India. The Pala king Räjyapāla ruled in the first half of the tenth century and his reign period may be roughly assigned to c. 911-35 A.D.
The inscription begins with a stanza (verse 1) in lines 1-2, which is in adoration of the god Sambhu (Siva). Verse 2 (lines 2-3) introduces a locality called Attamūla which was the home of
(150.)

Page #220

No. 28) BHATURIYA INSCRIPTION OF RAJYAPALA
151 the Dāsa family or clan. The said place is described as Brihaddhatta-vinirgata probably meaning that Attamüla originally formed a part of Brihaddhatta. Lahiry reads the two geographical names wrongly as Attāmüla and Bțihaddhattā. Verse 3 in lines 3-4 states that a person named Malhadāsa was born in the said family of the Dāsas of Attamūla and that Süradāsa was the son of Malhadāsa, and Sanghadäga the son of Suradāsa. Sanghadāsa has been described as munificent to the supplicants just as Mount Röhana which is the same as the modern Adam's Peak in Ceylon. Verse 4 in line 5. states that the said Sanghadāsa married Sarasvati, the daughter of Sūryakunda and Durvāyi. Lahiry reads the stanza wrongly and fails to notice the name of Sarasvati, wife of Sanghadāsa, mentioned in it. Verse 5 Ylines 5-7) introduces Yasodása, the son of Sanghadāsa and Sarasvati and the hero of the prasasti under study. It is stated that Yasodāsa was made a Mantrin or minister by king RĀjyapāla. Yasodāsa has been compared here to the lord of speech', i.e. Bțihaspati, the priest and counsellor of the lord of the gods. This of course does not suggest that Yasödāsa was a Brāhmana by caste. As will be seen below, Lahiry regards him as a member of the Chashi Kaivarta community of Bengal on inconclusive grounds. The Kaivartas are fishermen and those amongst them who gave up their ancestral profession and adopted agriculture are the Chashi Kaivarta or Māhishya. Yasodāsa may or may not have been a Kaivarta.
The following five stanzas (verses 6-10) describe the achievements of Yasādāsa. Verse 6 in lines 7-8 states that Yaśõdāsa received the designation of Sachiva (i.e. a minister or counsellor) from the king while the next stanza (verse 7 in lines 8-10) says that the king made Yasādāsa his Tantrūdhikūrin. The official designation Tantrādhikarin, which literally means an officer in charge of administration', appears to be the same as Tantrapāla, Tantrapati and Tantrādhyaksha of enigraphic and literary records and an early commentator is known to explain the designation Brihattantrapati as Dharmādhi kūrini or a judge. The language of our inscription seems to make a distinction among Mantrin, Sachiva and Tantrādhikūrin and to show how Yašādāsa was raised by Rajyapäla from a lower post to a higher one on two occasions. Both these stanzas (verses 6-7) mention the king as Rāma parākrama. The repetition of the expression in two consecutive stanzas seems to suggest that it was a sort of secondary name of the Pāla king Rajyapāla and not merely an epithet meaning 'one who is equal to Rāma in prowess'.
Lahiry understands the passage aérõrasair=bhūmijaih occurring in verse 7 to mean on the score of the broad-chested Bhūmijas' and the Bhūmijas have been understood by him in the sense of the Chashi Kaivartas. In his view, the verse mentions the Pala king as having aspired for the status of Indra on the score of his elephants, Bhūmijas, land and gold and the worship of gods and Brühmanas. This has led him to a good deal of speculation regarding Yasodāsa having been the chief of the Chashi Kaivarta community, the great help Rājyapāla may have received from this community, Yasodása having been appointed his Prime Minister as a reward for such help, the wellknown Kaivarta chief Divya (who snatched away North Bengal from the hands of Mahipala II about the end of the eleventh century) having been a distant descendant of Yasõdāsa, etc. But
there is nothing of all these in the stanza which may be translated as follows: "who (Yasodāsa) was made the Tanträdhikarin by the victorious [and] illustrious Rāmaparakrama who was aspiring, as it were, for the status of tKe lord of the gods by honouring gods and Brāhmaṇas with (the presents of] haughty elephants in rut, principal horses (asrõrasaih) (and) men (bhūmijaih) that had surrendered [to him] (upanataih) (as well as) land covered with crops (and) many heaps of gold which were acquired [by him)." The verse merely refers to the fact that Rājyapāla obtained the possession of a large number of elephants, horses and infantry men (i.e. prisoners to be made slaves) as well as land and gold, all belonging to his enemies, as a result of his victories over the latter, and that he made presents of them all to the gods and Brāhmaṇas. There is no reference here to the Chasht Kaivartas.
1 Bee above, Vol. XXVIII. p. 339.

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152 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII Lahiry's contention that Dasa (which is Yagādāsa's name-ending or family designation) should have to be taken to indicate the Chashi Kaivarta community and that Kunda (the name-ending or family designation of his maternal grandfather Süryakunda) should have to be taken to be the same as Kundu which is now a family name among theChashiKaivartas of Bengal is equally unsatisfactory. Both Dāsa and Kunda are at present known to be the cognomens among various non-Brāhmaņa communities of Bengal including the Kāyastha and Vaidya and there is evidence to show that even the Brāhmaṇas of Eastern India bore the said name-endings or cognomens in early times.
Verse 8 in lines 10-12 states that, when Yasodāsa was occupying the post of the Tantrādhikarin of Rajyapāla, his master's (i.e. the Pāla king's) command was obeyed by the Mlēchchhas, Angas, Kalingas, Vangas, Odras, Pandyas, Karnātas, Latas, Suhmas, Gurjaras, Kritas and Chinas. Besides some errors in Lahiry's readings of the stanza, his acceptance of Rajyapāla's claim to have been obeyed by all the above peoples as a historical fact is unsound. There is little doubt that it is a conventional claim which is not quite reliable from the historian's point of view in regard to most of the peoples mentioned, even if a few of them may have been actually subdued by the Pala king.
The Mlēchchhas mentioned in the list appear to have been the Arab Muslims who were in occupation of the lower Indus valley since the first quarter of the eighth century, although the Păla king had little chance of having come into conflict with them. The Angas lived in the MonghyrBhagalpur region forming a part of the Päla dominions in Rajyapāla's time. The Kālingas may be identified with the Eastern Gangas then ruling from the city of Kalinganagara in the Srikakulam District of Andhra Pradeab The Vangas lived in South-Eastern Bengal and the Odras of Orissa were then under the rule of the Bhauma-Karas of Guhēsvarapātaka (modern Jājpur in the Cuttack District). The Pānd yas ruled from Madurai over the southernrnost Districts of India while the Karnātas may be identified with the Rāshțrakūtas of Māngakhēta (modern Mālkhed in the former Hyderabad State). The Lātas lived in the Nausāri-Broach region of Gujarat and the Suhmas in South-West Bengal. The Gurjaras were of course the Gurjara-Pratihärs of Kanauj.
The most interesting in the above list of peoples is the mention of the Kritas.and Chinas since neither of them generally finds a place in the conventional list of adversaries or subdued peoples found in the records of Indian monarchs. It may be suggested that the Sino-Tibetans are indicated by the name China. But the identification of the Krita people is difficult, since they are not mentioned in the list of peoples found in the Indian epic, Puranic and geographical literature. It is of course tempting to suggest that Krita is a modification of Kirota which is the name of a well-known Himalayan people. But there is no evidence in Indian literary works in favour of such a modification. Monier-Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary recognises the word Krita as the name of the people of a despised caste on the authority of Wilson, while a tradition recorded by Hiuentsang suggests that certain foreign rulers of the Kashmir region were known as Krīta or the Bought'. This reminds us of the name Krita (Krita) or Krita applied in India originally to the Scytho-Parthian era of East Iranian origin, which later came to be known as the Vikrama Samvat.
Verse 9-10 (lines 12-14) state how Yalodāsa was famous for his munificence in the cause of public welfare. Verse 11 (lines 14-16), which along with the next verse (verse 12 in lines 16-17) records the main purpose of the prasasti, says that Yagodāsa built a huge temple surrounded by eight other shrines and established the god Sankara (Siva) in his Linga form (i.e. a Sivalinga) in itx Verse 12 records that the king (i.e. Rājyapāla) dedicated the village of Madhusrava in favour of the god Vțishabhadhvaja (Siva) installed by Yasodāsa after having fixed the nikara at one hundred
1 Cf. e.g., the list of the Brahmara donees in the Nidhanpur plates of Bhaskaravarman, which contain se von names ending in kunda and two names ending in dāsa (Bhattacharya, Kamani pasāsanavall, pp. 33 .). The cognomen DĀBA is popular among the Brāhmaṇas of Orissa.
· Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. I, p. 265. • Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 288 note; The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 125, note.

Page #222

No. 28] BHATURIYA INSCRIPTION OF RAJYAPALA
163 Puranas apparently per annum., The coin called Purāna is well known while the word wikara is recognised in Sanskrit lexicons in the sense of a suitable gift' and in Bengali, by an extension of that meaning, in that of 'an amount which is legitimately payable'. As we have shown elsewhere, when a small amount of rent was fixed for gift lands, it was often designated by some other name than kara, such as trinodaka, agrahāra pradeyansa, etc... The word nikara has been used in the present record in a similar sense. The inscription thus records a kara-sāsana. Many documents of this kind have been discovered in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh. But the Bhāturiyā inscription seems to be the only one of the type so far found in Bengal. It may be pointed out here that Lahiry fails to understand this interesting nature of the record since he suggests that the word mikara should be corrected to nishkara, rent-free'. But the emendation is unwarranted in view of the fact that nishkara does not suit the metre of the stanza.
In this connection, it may also be pointed out that there is nothing unusual in the Buddhist king Rajyapāla making a grant in favour of the Brahmanical god Siva. Most of the grants of the Buddhist kings of the Påla and other dynasties of Eastern India are known to have been made in favour of Brāhmaṇas or Brahmanical deities or religious establishments. It appears, however, that Yaśādāsa had to pay an amount of money to the royal treasury in order to get the partially ent-free holding created in favour of the deity installed by him.
Verses 13-14 in lines 17-19 are of a benedictory nature, while verse 15 (line 20), which is the last stanza in the prasasti, states that the eulogy was engraved on the stone slab by the artisan Srinidhāna. The name of the engraver has been taken by Lahiry to be Nidhāna. The author of the prasasti is not mentioned in it. It might have been composed by Yasodāsa himself.
The inscription does not state where exactly Yasõdasa built the temple of Siva. But probably it was built at Attamūla in or near Bșihaddhatta. These places cannot be identified. It is, however, possible to think that the site of Yasödāsa's temple lies within Bhāturiyā where the inscribed slab has been found. The gift village of Madhusrava was also probably in the same region.
TEXT Metres : verses 1, 8,13 Sragdharā; verses 2, 4, 15 Anushubh ; verses 3, 7, 11 Sārdülavikridita ;
verses 5, 9 Mandākrāntā ; verse 6 Harini ; verses 10, 14 Vasantatilaka ; verse 12 Upajāti.] 1 Siddhar svasti Vēllad-dôr-ddanda-vēg-anila-vihata-maha-kshmadhar-õttunga-singa-grava
bhrams-opajāta-dhvani-chakita-chalad-dig-gaj-onmukta-nadam(dam) I päda-nyāsā 2 n=nimajjad-dharaņi-tala-bhar-abhugna-Bhögindra-bhögan=nfittam=val® pātu Sambhor=mmu
kuta-sasi-kal-aliúgita-vyöma-chandram(ndram) || [1*] Attamulam?-iti sthānam=Vfi(m
Bri)haddhatta3 vinirggatan(tam) | suchinăn=dharmma-bilānān®-Däsānām=asti janina-bhūh | [2*] Van
bē=smin=payasān=nidhāv=iva faši sri-Malhadāsõ=bhavat=khyātas10=tat-tanayo=pi suuryaA nilayah sri-Sūradāsah kriti tat-sūnus-chall samasta-nandita-su brit=sammānit-abhyagatal
sēvyo Röhana-bhüdhara-pratisamaḥ śri-Sanghadāso=rthinän(näm) || [3*] 1 See JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff.; above, Vol. XXX, Pp. 114-15.
Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 2 and note 2 ; Vol. XXX, p. 162, nuto 4. • See above, pp. 50 ff. From & photograph. Expressed by symbol. • Read nrittam vah.
Lahiry reads Alfamulamo. • Lahiry reads "ddhayā.
Lahiry reads Filānan. ** Lahiry reads odaad bhava-khydia. 1 Lahiry reads sinus-cha.

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154 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
FVOL. XXXIII 5 Upayēmē sütām sõ=pi Dūrvvāyī i-Süryakundayõh | Sarasvatim=Umām Sambhur=Mēnā
Himavatoriya - 5401 Jātas-tabhyam jagati mahito janma-bhūh sad-gubanim 6 kbyātaḥ kirtty disi disi Yasðdāsa ity=uddhata-stīḥ | dēvaḥ prithti-ýalays-tilako jitvaraḥ
parthivanāñ-chakrē Vācham-achipam=iva ya 7 mantrinam Rajyapalah [5] Lavana-juadhi-Syam-7pántán-dig-antara-gochara-tvarita
ch&kita-kahonipăla-pratishta-nidasanah sachiva-padavim 8 yasmin=bāsaty-akhandita-sāsano vyadhita vasudhām -ēka-chchhattrām sa Rāmapara
kramah | [6*] Mātanghir=mmada-garvvitair=apanatair=asvõrasair=bhūmijai9 I=urvvyä sasya-samsiddhayā va(ba)butithair=hēmnān=chayair=arfjitaiḥ sampa[ilya dvija
dēvatäh Surapatér-aditsun-by-aspadam yah fri-Ramaparikramēns 10 jayinā tantr-adhikari kriteh (
7 Mlöchchhair=uchchhanna-kalpaih parijana-ni(vi)kalair'= Anga-Kalinga-Vadgar Oddrair=uddina-jivair-apagata-kapataih 11 Pandya-Karppåta-Latalı: Suhmaiḥ s-õpapradānair=asi-bhaya-chakitair=Ggurjjara
Krita-Chinaltta yaemisitantr-adhikäram=vidadhati dadhire bhartturnajña12 s=sirõbhiḥ | EBM Tāy-adhårair-amrita-sisirair=ājya-dhārā-vinidrair=agny-āgārair=upahita
sudhair-yajvanäm-mandirais cha10 vidya-sattrair-ghana-titli-silair-ddva 13 gēbair-mmathair=vvā n-aika-dvārā disi diši guņair=yasya jāgartti kīrttiḥ | [9*] Arama
-8[@]tu 11.matha-mandapa-sattra-dana-präsāda-sankráma-jaläsaya14 Bannivikaih t air-ēbhirmātma-charit-okti-padaiḥ prasastait yah svamo prasasti-prithu
pitham-it-akritõrvviņ(rvvim) | 110*1 Ashtabhih sura-mandiraih -parivritam 15 präsidam-abhraṁ-lihaṁ sampădymēndu-marichi-jala-dhavalair-llipta[m] sudha-karddamaih
tēnayam naya-sālinā suchi-silā-vinyasta-ling-akfitir=bhaktyä 16 dharmma-parāyanena bhagavān-irõpitas-Sankarah || [110] Asmai Yasödāsa-nivēsitāya Sri
Rajyapālo Vriáhabhadhvajāya | batam purāņān=nikaran niyamya 17 Madhusravan grămam-adät kehitīšah li [12*] Pandu-Prachinava(ba)rhir-Bharata-Dasarath
Ekshväku-Rām-Agnimitraiḥ kirttinām=palanāya kshitipati-tilakaiḥ prarthi18 tam yatra bhūyah tatra vrü(brü)mo na tävad=vayam-ati-laghavo yā(jā)tu" kim prarthana
bhir-yasmäd=visv-opakāra-pranihita-manasaḥ pālayanty=ēva santah || [13*] Asy-ēdam=ă19 yatancin-brita-hāri-bobhar sankalpa-siddham=iva nirmmitam=Indumaulēh ētat-tu tā
vad=iha tishthatu saila-sindhu-samsthāna-sustham-avanitalam=asti yāvat [ll 14] 2015 Indtanila-mani-enigdhë silā-patte=tinirmalē prasastir=iyam=utkirņņā Srinidhänēna 16
pinā || [15*] Lahiry roads Dürrāyi. The comma after kundayoh in the place of danda in Lahiry's transcript seems to be a misprint. * Lahiry roada Sarasvati-praman.
. Lahiry roads pratishtha. Labiry reads yasmin=hasatyo. The idea in the second half of the stanza is that Yasodába was made a Sachiva as he was running the administration of the whole earth on behalf of his master.
Lahiry reads ryadhita-rasudhao. • Road sampujya. Lahiry reads samprakshå or sampujya.
Lahiry reada vikalai'. Lahiry roads ochápair or viryairo.
Read kåran vidalhati. 10 Lahiry wrongly suggests, "Read either yajvanair-mmandirait cha or yajvanan-mandirail. The former reading is preferable."
11 Lahiry roads sata and observes, "Reading sata is doubtful. The metro also does not permit it. Read pürttu for sata."
11 Lahiry reads avao.
13 Lahiry suggests the correction nishkaram without noticing that the emendation does not suit the metre. He understands the previous word as puranam and fails to grasp the real import of the stanza.
14 Lahiry retains gåtu.
15 The line is smaller than the other lines and has teen engraved in a central position and not from the begining of the space.
14 Lahiry prefers árf-Nidhanina.

Page #224

(ydr180104d # WOJE)
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VIVAVAT JO NOILLIUOSNI VAIHALVHA

Page #225


Page #226

No. 29–MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 5
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 10.5.1958) A set of three copper plates was recently discovered at the village of Mallar in the Bilaspur District of Madhya Pradesh. The inscription was secuied by Mr. Amarnath Sao of Bilaspur, who showed it to Pandit L. P. Pandeya Sarma of Raigarh, Raipur District, Madhya Pradesh. Pandit Pandeya advised Mr. Sao to send the plates for examination to the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. Mr. Sao was kind enough to agree with the request and the plates were received in my office about the end of April 1958.
The three plates, which have rounded corners, measure each about 5.4 inches in length and 2.95 inches in height. The thickness of the central plate is about inch, the other two plates being thinner (about #inch thick). The plates are strung on a ring 1 inch in thickness and 21 inches in diameter. But the seal, orginally affixed to the ring, is now lost. There are in all 23 lines of writing, six lines each on the inner side of the first plate and the obverse and reverse of the second plate and only five lines on the inner side of the third plate. The weight of the three plates together is 324 tolas and that of the ring only 34 tolas.
The charter is written in 'box-headed' characters and its language is Sanskrit. As regards palaeography, language, orthography and style, the inscription resembles very closely the Ārang platest of the donor of the present grant, which is the only other record of the king so far: discovered. The sign for medial i is made by inserting a dot in the circular sign indicating medial i The upadhmāniya and jihvāmülīya have been used respectively in lines 3 and 13 and lines 8 and 18. The numerical symbol 5 occurs twice in line 23. A horizontal stroke with a dot both above and below has often been used as a mark of punctuation (cf. lines 12, 16, 22). In some cases, a pair of horizontal strokes, one above the other, has been employed to indicate either the mark of punctuation (cf. lines 10, 16 and 17) or the sign for visarga (cf. lines 3 and 11). The normal sign of visarga made of two dots placed one above the other, which is also used in the inscription (cf. bhumidaḥ in line 19), has been once used to indicate a mark of punctuation in line 5. The orthography of the record is characterised by the use of double nasal and the reduplication of t after a nasal. Some consonants have often been reduplicated before and after r. The word simha has been written singha as in the Arang plates of Jayaraja and some other records of the kings of Sarabhapura.
The record is not dated in any era. It registers a charter of king Jayarāja (Mahä-Jayaraja) issued from Sarabhapura which seems to have been situated near modern Sirpur in the Raipur District. The charter was issued on the Afth day of the month of Kārttika in the Afth year of the reign of Jayarāja who very probably flourished about the middle of the sixth century A. D., although his exact reign period cannot be determined.
The inscription begins with the auspicious word svasti and a sentence in lines 1-5 referring to the order of Mahā-Jayarāja, described as a paramabhagavata, issued from Sarabhapura to the agriculturist house-holders of Kadambapadrullaka in Antaranālaka. The name of the gift villagu Kadambapadrullaka seems to be a combination of the names of two contiguous localities called Kadambapadra and Ullaka. The next sentence in lines 5-10 quotes the text of the order which is to the effect that the said village was granted by the king in favour of the Brāhmana Kapardisvāmin of the Kautsa götra. The village was gianted as a permanent rent-free holding on the Corp. In. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 191 fl. and Platos.
(156)

Page #227

156
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
occasion of a lunar eclipse, for the merit of the king himself and of his parents, by means of a copper-plate charter. The following sentence in lines 10-12 advises the house-holders of Kadambapadiullaka to be obedient to the donee and to pay him the usual bhoga (periodical offerings) and bhaga (the king's share in the produces of the fields).
Lines 12 ff. contain the donor's request to the future rulers of the land for the protection of his grant. This is followed in lines 16 ff. by some of the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses represented as the sayings of Vyasa. The concluding part of the document in lines 22-23 states that the executor of the grant was the king himself (cf. svamukh-ajñaya) and that the charter was engraved by Achalasimha who was also the engraver of Jayaraja's Arang plates. The last passage contains the date of the grant, which, as already indicated above, was the fifth day of Kärttika in the king's fifth regnal year.
The Arang plates of Jayaraja were issued on the 25th day of the month of Margasira in the 5th year of his reign. It will thus be seen that the present grant was issued a few weeks earlier than the Atang plates. The seal of Jayaraja attached to the Arang plates, like the seals of other copperplate grants of the family to whom he belonged, bears the representation of Gajalakshmi above the legend which is a stanza in Anushṭubh arranged in two lines. The legend on the seal of the Arang plates was read by Fleet as follows:
Prasanna-h[ridalyasy-aiva vikkram-akkrā[m]tta-vidvishaḥ [*]
srimato Jayarajasya susana[m] ripu-säsanaṁ [||*]
On the seal of the Raipur plates of Sudēvaιāja (Maha-Sudēvarāja), son of Jayaraja's brothe. Manamatra Durgarāja, the first and third feet of the stanza were read by the same scholar as Prasannahridayasy-aiva and śrimat-Sudevarajasya, though Pandit L. P. Pandeya read them respectively as Prasanna-tanasy-ēdam and Sri-Maha-Jayarajasya suggesting that Jayaraja's seal was attached to the charter of Sudevaraja. The reading of the first foot. of the stanza on both these seals is apparently Prasanna-tanayasy-edam, but that of the third foot appears to be śrimato Jayarajasya in both the cases. Jayaraja's seal attached to the recently published Sirpur plates of Sudevaraja, which seems to offer the same reading as the seals of the Arañg plates of Jayaraja and the Raipur plates of Sudēvarāja, reads:
Prasanna-tanayas-dash vikkram-tkhāta-videisha[} [*]
śrimato Jayarajasya sasanam ripu-sāsanam(nam ||
Jayaraja was the son of Prasanna or Prasannamatra who ruled sometime after Sarabha, founder of the city of Sarabhapura, and the latter's son Narendra, known from his Pipardula and Kurud plates. Since Sarabha's daughter's son Gōparaja is known from the Eran inscription" to have died in 510 A.D., Sarabha and Narendra appear to have flourished respectively about the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century. Prasannamätra and his son Jayaraja, who issued the charter under study, may therefore be tentatively assigned approximately to about the first and second quarters of the sixth century respectively.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Sarabhapura, the earlier capital of the family to which Jayaraja belonged, has already been indicated above. The other two geographical names are: (1) the gift village of Kadambapadrullaka, and (2) the district of Antaranälaka in which the village was situated. I am not sure about their exact location.
1 Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 197.
1 Mahakōsala Historical Society's Papers, Vol. II, p. 41.
* See above, Vol. XXXI, p. 103, note 4.
Cf. IHQ, Vol. XIX, pp. 139 ff.; above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 263 ff.Bhandarkar's List, No. 1290.

Page #228

MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 5
។ } 316- រឺ ធំៗខ្ញុំខខ័ag/
ខុយ២ ៦៦ខែ និង ខ្ទី៦៩ 86 * **១១ ម ន ទី១-A3== • Age on-g@} 3 = » Ja ,
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Page #229

14
16
18
20
22
ii, b
iii
ਤੇ
Date 1850 40ਵਾ ਇਸ ਦੇ ਹਰ ਸਤਰ ਦੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਭ ਸਰਦਾਰ ਘਰ - a rya 3 Reਵ ਅਰਥ ਵਿਸਤਰਤ ਕਰਵਾ ਸਰੋਤ
aaj
ਤੇ ਬਸ
ਸਰਕਾਰ Jashan ਕਥਾ
ਵਰਤ ਗਏ ਤਾਂ ਕਾਨ
202
ਭਾਈ ਸਾਰਣੀ ਦਾ ਸਭ ਹੋਣ ਕ 38 ៩ 3 ទ= ស រដ្ឋ A ១៤ | ក្នុង សក
?
品
14
16
18
20
22

Page #230

No. 29]
157
MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 5
TEXT:
First Plate
1 Svasti [l*] Sarabhapurät dvi(vi)kkram-õpanata-sāmamtta(ta)-chuda-maņi-prabhā-pra
sēk-ambu2 bhr=dh[au]ta-pāda-yugalo ripu-vilāsini-simattõsnt-7)ddharana-bētur=vvasu-vasudha3 go-pradah=paramabhāgavato mātā-pitri(tri)-pād-ānuddhyātahi śri-Mahā-Jayarājaḥ 4 A[m]tta(ta)ranālakfya-Kadar(da)mbapadrullakë prativāsi-k[u]ţum binas=samā5 jñāpayati "viditam=astu võ yath=āsmābhir-ayam grămas-Tridaśapatı6 sadana-sukha-pratishtha-karo yāvad=ravi-sasi-tār[ä]-kirana-pratihata
Second Plate, First Side 7 ghor-addha(ndha)kāra[m*] jagad=avatishthatē tāvad=upabhõjya(gyah) sa-nidhis=8-õpa
nidhi8 r=8-chāta-bhata-prāvai(vē)śya[h*] sarvva-kara-visarjjitab=K[au]tsa-sagotra-Brāhmaṇa
Kapa9 rd[d]isvāminaso-som-āparāgē mātā-pitror=ātmanas-cha puny-abhivra(vpi)ddha10 yē udaka-pūrvva[n] tāmbra(mra)-säsanēn=āti[s]pishțase=të” yüyam=ēvam=upala11 bhy=ā[s]y=ājñā-Sravana-vidhēyā bhūtvā yath-ochita-bhöga-bhājam=upanayamttah(tab)
sukham 12 prativa[t*]syatha | bhavishyatas-cha bhūmipān=anudarsayati | Dānā[d=vi]sishta
Second Plate, Second Side purāņātio dharmmēshu nißchita-dhiyah-pravadaṁ(da)nti
13 m=anupālanajam
dharmma".
14 tasmā[d*]=dvijāya suvišuddha-kula-srutāya dattām bhuvam bhavatu võ mati15 r=ēva gõptum(ptum D1 bhavadvi(dbhi)rapy=ēshă dattir=anupāla
1 From the original plates and their impressions. • The viaarga is indicated by two horizontal strokes instead of the usual dots. * The punctuation mark is indicated by a visarga sign. Originally dhi was engraved.
Correctly osvamine. But the sixth case-ending may have been used for the Brāhmaṇa having paid some money for the purchase of the village.
There is here an unnecessary sign made of two horizontal strokes placed one above the other. This may bo regarded as a redundant visarga rather than a mark of punctuation.
"We should better have tad instead of t& in such contexta. Visarga is written here with two horizontal strokes.
The punctuation is indicated by a horizontal stroke with one dot above and another below. 10 Read purana.
Read dharmmam. There appear to be an anusvåra sign above rmma and the faint trace of a final m to its right.
# The lettere matir-dva gõptunt had been engraved here originally for a second time and were afterwards rubbed off.

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158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII 16 yitavyā | Vyāsa-gītāms=ch=ātra slökān=udāharaṁtti(ti) 1* Agnēr-apatyari 17 prathamam suvarņņam bhūr=vvaishņavi sūryya-sutās=cha gāvah [l*] dattās=traya18 s=tēna bhavanttisti) lõkā yah-kāñchanaṁ gam(ga)ñ=cha mabīñ=cha dadya[t]* [l*]
Third Plate 19 Sham(Sha)shți-varsha-sahasrāņi svarggē mõdati bhūmidah [l*) achchhēttä сh=ānuman20 ttä(ta) cha tāṁ(tā)ny=ēva narakē vasēt [l*] Bahubhir=vvasudhā dattā rājaḥbhbhi jabhi)s=
Sa21 gar-ādibhiḥ () yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tada 22 phalam(la)m=iti [1]*] sva-mukh-ājñaya | ukti(tki)rņņam Achalasinghēna. [l*] 23 pravarddhamāna-vijaya-samvvatsara' pam(pa) tcha 5 Kārttika-diso 5 [ll]
1 The mark of punctuation is indioated by horisontal stroke with one dot above and another below.
Tho mark of punctuation has been writton here with two horizontal strokoa. • Tthro is hero an unnecessary mark of punctuation written with two horizontal strokes. • Visarga is written here with two horizontal strokes.
There is a faint trace of t in the original. • Road sinhena. Road pataardb. Road divadb.

Page #232

No. 30-SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA II, YEAR 11
K. G. KRISHNAN, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 4.3.1958) The subjoined inscription' is engraved to the right of the Svargavāśal on the south wall of the fourth präkära in the Ranganāthasvimin temple at Srirangam, Tiruchirappalli District, Madras State. The language as well as the script of the inscription is Tamil and it is engraved in characters of the 12th century A.D.
The record registers the gift of a golden lamp-stand with a ruby set in it to the god Ranganātha and a sum of 681 achchu for lighting the lamp on all the days of the year. The gift was made by Ködai Ravipanman, one of the Vērättadigal' of Malainādu in the 11th year of the reign of Ko-Parakõsarivarman alias Tribhuvanachakravarttigal Rājarājadēva. The record begins with the Meykkirtti: Pu-ntaruviya tirumādum, etc., and hence the ruler is to be identified with the second king of the said name in the Chola dynasty. The details of the date, viž., 11th year, Mirichchika (Vrischika) su. 5, Monday, Tiruvõņam, regularly correspond to November 19, 1156 A.D. The text of the inscription is drafted in the form of an undertaking given by the representatives of the administrative bodies of the temple such as Srīvaishnava-vāriyam, Srībhandāra-vāriyam, Por-pandārigal, Kangāniéeyvār (supervisors) and the temple accountant. It is stated that, having taken charge of tKe lamp and having deposited the money in the temple treasury (Srībhandāram), they would arrange for lighting the lamp on all the 365 days of the year with the interest accruing to the money deposited.
The inscription is important because it gives an earlier date for the donor, Kodai Ravivarman, who was a king of Vēnadu and is known from some inscriptions from the Travancore region." The date of our inscription would be equivalent to year 332 of the Kollam era, in which the Travancore records are usually dated. There is, however, no dated record from Travancore mentioning the reigning king between Kollam 325 and 336 thus leaving a gap of about 12 years in the history of Vēņādu. On the former date the reigning king was Kõdai Keralavarman and it seems to be the latest date available for him. On the latter date, Vira Ravivarman Tiruvadi is stated to have been ruling Vēņādu. Of the name Vira Ravivarman Tiruvadi, Vira Ravivarman is the name and Tiruvadi a well-known designation adopted by the kings of Vēņādu. The expression Vênāttadigal used in our record enables us to identify the donor Kodai Ravivarman with Vira Ravivarman Tiruvadi of Vēnādu due to the proximity of the dates. The locative suffix il in the expression Vēnāttadigalil can only indicate that there was at least one other member of the family with a title to the throne. On the date of this record, Kõdai Ravivarman was perhaps the crown-prince while Kõdai Kēralavarman or another person not known to us was the ruling king. The institution of the office of the crown-prince is indicated in the inscriptions of Travancore as ilarigúru vălunnaruluginra. The name Kodai Ravivarman suggests that he may have been related to Kodai Kēralavarman. It is likely that Vira-Ravivarman Tiruvadi identified with Ködai Ravi
1 A. R. Ep. No. 68 of 1936-37. + See note 3 below. *TAS, Vol. IV, p. 21, No. 6.
Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 7, No. 4. The opposite year to Kollam 336 is a mistake and hence the correct date would be Kollam 338. The corresponding date as pointed out by Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar would be Saturday, April 29, 1161 A.D.
Ibid., Vol. V, p. 78, text line 1. Could it be that the titles Vira and Tiruvadi were not applied to Kodai Ravivarman because he was only a crown-prince and that the record under publication pertains to grant made to a temple lying in the territories of the Cholas !
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160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII varman of our record came to the throne sometime after Kollam 332, the date of the present record, and continued to rule till at least Kollam 340, the latest date assigned to him."
In connection with the question of the relationship between the king of Vēņādu and the Chola monarch, reference may be made to an inscription of this period from Purava.sērio near Nagarkõil in Vēņādu. It states that, in Kollam 340, some members of the Chola military establishment stationed at Köttäru, which is also near Nägarköil in the same territory,' in association with some members of two other Chola regiments made certain endowments to the god at Puravari-chaturvēdimangalam, the approximate date of the foundation of the colony being Kollam 336. It is evident that the military cantonments at many places including Köttáru established by Kulottunga I continued to have their presenoe felt for all practical purposes."
During the period of Chõla suzerainty from the time of Kulottunga I, the kings of Vēņādu appear to have been in close alliance with the contemporary Pāņdya kings. A Tirunelvēli inscription of Māsavarman Sundara-pāņdya II, whose date of accession is 1238 A.D., refers to the newly formed village of Iravivarma-chaturvēdimangalam stated to have been named after the [king's)? appăţtar (i.e., father's grandfather). It is not unlikely that the reference here is to Ravivarman of the present record, though the relationship cannot be exactly worked out at present. The contemporanaeity of a Ravivarman of Vēņādu with Măpavarman Srivallabha is, however, established on the basis of a few records from Puravasēri in the Kanyakumari District of Madras State. The identity of Ravivarman of Vēnādu mentioned in the inscription of Māravarman Sundara-pāņdya II with his namesake who is considered to be the contemporary of Māravarman Srivallabha, a predecessor of Māravarman Sundara-pāņdya II, implies a matrimonial connection between the Pandyas and the Tiruvadis of Vēņādu.
The word varakkattina (line 8) in this inscription seems to indicate that the king of Vēņāda was not himself present at Srirangam but was represented by Ulliruppu Kandan Iravilo who was entrusted with the lamp and the money. Uliruppuli seems to mean here the secretary for the internal affairs of the king. Ködai Ravivarman like most of the kings of Travancore seems to have had a strong leaning towards Vaishnavism since he had also made a gift of lands to PuravariVinnagar-älvār at Puravari-chaturvēdimangalam.
i TA8, Vol. VII. No. 7. Though Mr. Ramanatha Avvar's suggestion assigning this record to Vira Ravivarman Tiruvadi is not directly borne out by the record as pointed out by Mr. Velu Pillai (Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, p. 78, n. 3), it may be accepted till we get some definite date for Ravivarmap's successor,
* Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 7. Mr. Velu Pillai (loc. cit.) has ignored the second of the two documents which is closely connected with the first.
Nagarkoil, Paravabèri and Köttáru are situated within a territory called Nāñji-nādu in contemporary V&ņādu inscriptions. This proves that Köttāru, the military centre, formed part of the territory directly ruled by the king of Vēņādu.
Ibid., No. 1; of. also No. 4. It may be noted that Singan Arangap, the founder of the Pursvari-chaturvedimangalam colony figures in another rooord froin the same place (ibid., No. 2) which is dated in the reign of MarsVarman Srivallabha.
The general position of the rulers of Vēņādu and the contemporary Pandya kinga in relation to the Cholas, the main suzerain power, has been correctly indicated by Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar (ibid., Vol. VI, p. 7).
• 8.1.1., Vol. 7, No. 446, lines 6 and 13.
of. above, Vol. XXV, p. 72, where a different construction has been adopted. • A.R. Ep., 1896, p. 5, pára. 15. See also above, Vol. XXV, p. 84; supra, n. 4.
Māravarman Sundara-pandya II was possibly the grandson of Jatavarman Kulabēkhara stated to be a son of Märavarman Srivallabha, whose inscriptions commence with the introduction of the Palalamadandai, and the great-grandson of Ravivarman of Vepadu.
One Kandan Iravi of Mēlachchëri is mentioned in the Kilimantr record of Kollem 343 (TAS, Vol. V, p. 84).
u Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 3. Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar has interpreted the term as the name of an office connected with the tax department, while Mr. Sundaram Pillai takes it as the name of a place (ibid., Page 17 and noto 4).

Page #234

No. 30] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA II, YEAR 11. . 161
The endowment at Srirangam providing for the lighting of the lamp with ghee and camphor was made in achchu, the coinage of the Travancore territory. The corresponding coinage of the Chola country being the kāśu, the rate of exchange is enumerated to be 97 kāśu for one achchu. But, while the capital invested, i.e., 687 achchu, would yield at this rate only less than 6321 kābu, the amount required as capital is stated to be 633 kafu. The total money required in & year for both ghee and camphor comes to 118 kāśu and hence the rate of interest works out to slightly more than 184 per cent. per annum. The money was deposited into the treasury since it was felt that, if it was invested on lands, the endowment might suffer in case the lands fail [to yield].
TEXT
1 Svasti Sri [!] Pūl-maruvisya Ti]ru-mädum Puvi-mādu[m] Jeya-mādum | nā-maruviya
Kalai-mādum Puga!-mādu=nayandu pulga | aru-marai-vidi-neri[y=a]naittun'=talaippa varu-murai-urimai-maņi-mudi-būdi=t| tingal-ven[kudai=ttisai-kkaļu(li)r=ettun= | tangu
tani-kkūdan= 2 tāņ=eņa vilarga=p | poru-Kali-ppațtigai-chchengõlturappa | poru-kadir-āli&puvi vaļa[*]nd?=
udanvara | Villavar yirațțars Mi[na]var singalar Pallavar Nadaliyar pā[r]ttivar
paņiya | enn-arun-karpilio maņņaga[m*) puņa[*]ndadu" | sempon3 vira-siññāsa[nat]tu-ppuvana-[mulu]dudaiyāļloquml'virgirund=aruļiya Ko-Pparakēsaripa
rmar-ana Tribu[valna-chchak[kara]va[r*]ttiga! Sri-Rajarajadēvarkru yandu
padiponrāvadu Mi(Vi)richchika-näyarru Parva4 pakshattu=Ppañcha[miyulm Tingal-lalamaiyum (pe]rra Tiru[vonatti[1]nāļu Tiru
varangam Periya-kõyilil Tiru[valdi-vaļavañ=cheygira Tiruvarangadāsarum Tiruppadiyil
Sri-vayishṇavargaļil Pasalai-Pperi5 ya-köyil-dāsaru[m. Ka]ndādai-Ttiruvaranga-Nā[rāya]ņa-nam[bi]yum Kuravaiseri-Ttiruva
ranga-vallal[@]rum sri-vaiyishnava 14vāriyañ=cheygira Nālū[ri]r-Singappiră-nambiyum
Vangippurattu Tiruvā[y*]kkulattu Āļvāņum Virenārāya6 .. [vandu]varāpati Ta... [Va]damadurai-ppirandā . . . . . . Sri-bans ... riyam Tiru
varangattu sabaiyaril Kavunniyan Tiruvarangadēvan Alkkondavilli-battanum Päradāyan Kēšavan Purushottama-battanum P[or]-paņdärigaļ Pāra
1 From impression.
• Soveral texts of this prasasti have been published in the South Indian Inscription Series. Important variations from this text are indicated in the foot-notes.
A danda has been introdaood in lines 1-3 at the end of each metrical line. . Cf., Sli, Vol. III, No. 35, where we have anaittum arun-tamifunlani talaippa in a different metre.
Loo. cit: karungali-ppattiyai; 8I1, Vol. IV. No. 822: Karungali padimibaich=chengol turappa. The use of the word kl in the next phrase supports the former and patti has accordingly to be translated as stray bull' and not a prostitute' (ibid., Vol. III, p. 81).
• SII, Vol. III, No. 35: valiyali.
Cf. puli in Inscriptions of Pudukkottai State, No. 136, and valart=uo in SI1, loc. cit. SIT, loo. cit. Telungar. Loo oit: mudaliyar which yields a better sonse. 10 Loc. cit: kar pa which is better. 1. Read punarndu. cf. Inscriptions of the Pudukottai State, No. 138 : purandu which is bettor. 13 Road udaiyalodum. 1 Road Tirupónattu nalil. 14 Road raiskaavao. * This gap may be restored as dara-ta.

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 7 [dāya]n Tiruvēngadavan A[na]ntaņārāyaṇanum Päradā ..... ngal Si-Rāmannum sri
bägavata ... däriga! . . . ravür Ś] . . . . Hlag-kiramavittanum .... Kangāņi seyvärgalil Arisya]n Sri-Paränkusanambiyum Aļvännum Köyir-kaņakku Tiruvarangappiriyannum .. . v-anaivom Malai-nāttu Vēļņātu Adigalil sri ri Ko[dai] ... nman vara-kkāttina kalaiyil oru mā[ni]kkam-aļuttina ponni[n] tirukkuttiviļakku l' onru idu [l** idu Emberumānāro aru!" }ichcheyalpadiyė kaikkondu ittiruk.' [la]giyamanavāla-Pperumā! tirumunbēy tirunund[a] ... ku eriya=kkadavad=āga i-ttiruviļakku ...yumm=idattu Tiruvarangadēvanāl nā! onrukku napu-ney nāļiy=āga nāļ mun-nurru=aru-pattu añjukku ney mun-nurru afu-patt-aiy-ññāliyum nā! onrukku
karpūram iran[du] 10 .... dito aga nāļ mun-nurreatupattu añjukku=kkarpuram mu-ppattu aru-kalañj=araiyum
ippadi chandr-[@]dit[ta*]var=chella=kkadavad=agavum [l*] idu bellum=idattu nättilē nilan-goņdu vidum=idattu nilangaļukku alivu vandapõdu idu sellādē oliyum=enfum
sri rin bandārat11 të popn=āga odukkinäl viruttiyalē selvad=āgavum pä[r*]ttu Tiruvarangadēva nā]l nasu
ney nāļikkum karpūram irandu mañjādikkum käsu oprukku-Ttiruvarangadēvanál ney e-npāli agavum kāśu onrukku=kkarpūram arai=kkaļaiñj=agavum or-āņdu nāļ mun
pürtt-arupa13 ttu añjukku vēņdun=kāśu 6338 agu-nūr[ru mu]-ppattu mūnrum kā[su] onpadė-kālukku
achchu onreaga achchu 6893 aru-patt-eţtë-kālē-arai-kkälum Sri-bandāratte
i-Ekodai Iravipapmanukk-aga i-pponnin tirukkuttiviļakkum ivv-achchum koduvan13 da Paduvāy-amarnda Nārāyaṇanum Solama ... vivā. . . .=Ttiruvarangadāsanum
Irapasinga-Mapavāļanum Ulliruppu-Kkaņdan Iraviyum Alagiyamaņavāla-pperumā! Tiru-ppalli-ttongal-udaiyārgaļil Si-Kulaśēkhara-Ppiramamārāyanum Aņi-aranga-Ppiram
mārāyaṇum iv[v*]-aņaivaraiym ko14 adu i-ttiru-ppadiyil munbu ... [ivv-aņaivām"mum] [Em]b[e]rumānür aruļichcheyal
ppadiyēns i-ppon Sri-baņdārattē odukki(ku)vittu=kkondu viruttivālē chandr-adittavar
i-ttiruvilakkuch=chella-kkadavad=aga naduvip-tirumadițil Nādari-pugalan-Tiruvāśalili's 16 Mērk=adaiya kal-vetti(tu)vittom iv[v*)-anaivām [11*) Idu Srivashņņava" rakshai [l*]
1 This letter is superfluous. * This may be restored as Iravipao. Cf. line 12. • This numeral is given in its Tamil form.
There is a gap of about five feet of space unengraved hero.
The mention of Emborumāņār is obviously in reference to the image of Ramanuja since he is known to have passed away in Saka 1009-1137 A.D. according to the chronogram dharmo nashtak.
. This letter is superfluous. * This may be restored as kõyil. Ao * The missing letters are eilako. • Tho missing letters are eri°. 10 This has to be restored as marijadi. u This letter is superfluous. 15 Cf. line 8 above.
1. The nadwvir-tiru-madil is evidently so called because of the seven präkāras (sapt-avarana) of this temple, the fonrth (where this inscription is engravod) is the central one. Nádasi-pugalan Tiruvasal is the original name of what is now popularly called Svargavāsal.
1 Read erishgavao

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No. 31-BUDHERA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1351, SAKA 1216
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 19.2.1958)
About the beginning of 1955, I visited the small village of Budhera, about four miles to the south-east of Gudar in the Pichhore Pargana formerly belonging to the Narwar District of the Gwalior State but now to the Shivapuri District of Madhya Pradesh, in order to copy an inscription. Within the limits of the village there stands a hillock close to the north-eastern end of the Jhaloni tank and a roughly dressed pillar of stone, about eighteen feet high above the ground and 15 inches in breadth and 114 inches in thickness, stands on the hillock. The inscription in seven lines of indifferently engraved and badly preserved writing was found on the said pillar.
The inscription was previously noticed in the Annual Report of the Archaeologiaal Department, Gwalior State, Samvat 1986 (1929-30 A. D.), pp. 22 and 59-60 (No. 23), and in H. N. Dvivedi's Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh, p. 26, No. 170. The Report gives the name of the village both as Budera and Budhera and says at p. 22, “ It (i.e. the pillar) bears & crudely engraved inscription dated V. S. 1351, which refers to Chanderi and its Bundela rulers. As the inscription is not fully legible, the exact purpose of the erection of the pillar is not clear." Elsewhere at pp. 59-60 it speaks of the inscription as written in the Hindi language and dated in V.S. 1361 and Saka 1216 during the reign of king Padmarāja and further says, "Refers to Kirti-durga and mentions Padmaraja who is endowed with the royal title samasta-raj-avali-samalamkrita-paramabhatjāraka. Other names which can be read are Udaisimha and his son (Hari]rāja, etc. Being badly written and partially damaged, its object is not clear." Dvivedi's work quotes the same views; but he spells the name of the village both as Budhëra and as Budhërā.
It is not quite clear from the published notices of the inscription, referred to above, whether Kirti-durga has been regarded as identical with the Chanderi fort and king Padmarēja has been taken to be a Bundela ruler. The authors of the notices have also not made it clear whether there is any possibility of Bundela rule at Chanderi 80 early as the end of the thirteenth century when the inscription was 'incised. Another important point they should not have ignored to discuss is that how an imperial ruler named Padmaraja was ruling at Budhera near Narwar and Chanderi at lat. 24° 42' and long. 79° 11' in V. 8. 1351 and Saka 1216 when the Yajvapāla monarch Ganapati (known dates between V. S. 1348 and 1357, i.e. 1292-1300 A. D.) is known to have been ruling over the same region in the same period from his capital at Nalapura or Narwar at lat. 25° 39' 2" and long. 77° 56' 57". As a matter of fact, we have found on a careful examination of the impressions of the record that there is no mention in it of a king named Padmarāja or of Chanderi and the Bundelas, while it clearly speaks of an officer of Gapapati (line 3) apparently as stationed at Kirti-durga. This Ganapati is undoubtedly the Yajvapale king of that name. There are also a few other errors of omission and commission in the published notices of the inscription.
Owing to careless engraving and unsatisfactory preservation, it is no doubt difficult to read the whole record. A number of letters are damaged here and there, though the damage is greater in the second half of the epigraph than in the first. But the purport of the record is quite clear. The pillar is a hero stone raised in the memory of two persons who are described in the idaription as hata or killed apparently in a contest with certain unspsoified enemies.
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164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII The inscription is written in the Dēvanāgari characters of the medieval period. Its language is not Hindi but corrupt Sanskrit. The data is quoted as V. $. 1351 and Saka 1216 without any other detail. The year corresponds to 1294-95 A. D. The inscription seems to have been incised towards the close of 1294 A. D. or about the beginring of the following year.
The record begins with the date : Sa[m]vatu 1351 Säke 1[21]6 |. This is followed in lines 1-4 by the auspicious word svasti and the passage &ri-Kirtti-durgrë(rgë) samasta-raj-avali-samalakritaparmabhaţārka(paramabhattaraka)....maraja-[éri-Gajna pati-mahāpradhana-Déuva....... vyāpāra[1] [ka]roti. The two damaged aksharas before maraja may be padi, so that the reading of this expression, which is clearly an epithet of dri-Ganapati, may be padimara(rā)ja. The authors of the notices of the inscription, discussed above, apparently failed to read the name sri-Ganapati and regarded padmarāja(corrected from padimaraja)as the personal name of the Paramabhattāraka. This cannot be the case, since, of the name sri-Ganapati immediately following, the three aksharas napati are quite clear while traces of the two aksharas fri-Ga can also be easily recognised. What is then the meaning of the epithet that looks like padimaraja ? In our opinion, it is a mistake for paramarāja which is found in a Bangla inscription among the epithets of king Gõpāla (known dates between V. S. 1336 and 1345, i.e. 1279-89 A. D.) of the Yajvapāla family, who was the father and predecessor of Ganapati. This epithet occurs in the following passage; paramabhattārakah parameswarah paramamāhësvaraḥ paramaguruh paramarājaḥ. In the present case, we have only the first and last of the five epithets.
The name of Ganapati's Mahāpradhāna is difficult to determine. It may be Deu or Dêuva. This officer was apparently stationed at Kirti-durga. A Mahāpradhana named Dējai, Dējē or Daja is known from the Bangla inscriptions to have served Ganapati's father Göpāla. He was probably stationed at Nalapuri-durga or the Narwar fort which was the capital of the Yajvapälas. The Bangla inscriptions appear to state that Mahapradhāna Dējai, Dējē or Dējā was conducting the gadani (or madani)-vyāpāra. Unfortunately the meaning of the expression is not clear to us. Another difficulty is that the two aksharas before the word vyāpāram in the inscription under study are damaged and the word does not look like gadani or madani. Apparently, however, Mahā-pradhāna Dēu or Dèuva was the governor of the district round Kirti-durga and the modern village of Budhera formed a part of that district. Some medieval documents use the expression mudra-vyāpāraṁ paripanthayati in connection with a high administrative officer like the viceroy and the intended reading in both the present record and the Bangla inscriptions may be mudrā-vyāpāra.
This raises the problem of the identification of the fort called Kirti-durga. The Chanderi inscription of a Pratshära ruler named Jaitravarman, who flourished in the eleventh or twelfth century A. D., states that his grandfather's great-grandfather Kirtipāla built a fort named after himself as Kirti-durga ; but Chanderi itself is mentioned in the inscription as Chandrapura. It is therefore uncertain whether the Chanderi fort is referred to as Kirtidurga in the inscription in question. Another inscription of V. 8. 1154 (1098 A.D.), from Deogarh in the Lalitpur Subdivision of the Jhansi District, U. P., states that Mahidhara, chief minister of the Chandella king Kirtivarman, built the fort of Kirti-giri or Deogarh, apparently named after his master
1 Abovo, Vol. XXXI, p. 331, No. 3, text lines 1-3. * Ibid., pp. 331 (Nos. 2-4), 332 (No. 5), 334 (No. 9), 335 (No. 10), 336 (No. 15).
Ibid., pp. 331 (No. 4, line 6), 332 (No. 5, line 6), 334 (No. 9, lines 3-4), 335 (No. 10, lines 4-5)336 (No. 15, line 5).
Cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 152, noto 2 ; 169, text line 6. Drivedi's List, No. 633 ; Patil, The Cultural Heritage of Madhya Bharal, p. 94.

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BUDHERA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1351, SAKA 1216
BRELERLDRERNALISHERE MALAMRAPYAAHESTI RAMETROPERTSHEN
75AREL
Scale : One-half

Page #239

No. 31)
BUDHERA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF V. 8. 1351, SAKA 1216
166
Kirtivarman. But in any case, Budhera near Narwar seems to be far away from both Chanderi and Deogarh. It is interesting to note in this connection that an inscription of the Yajvapala king Ganapati represents him as having captured Kirti-durga.'
The second half of the inscription in lines 4-7 seems to read : Jauhatti-pradhana-Ravija-palniDi.... na-suta-Mudhaisiha-putra-[Hari]rāja-Jairā[ ju] (dau] hatau [l*) laghu-putra-Tridhau.... ndi-supu]tre nal Jalmarāyana nilvē]hēd=ēs yann) | Although there are several lacunae in this section, the purport of the record is clear. In correct Sanskrit the passage would stand as follows: Jatuhattiya-pradhāna-Ravija-patni-Di..nu-suta-Mudhaisiritha-putra-Harirāja-Jayarājau drau hatau | Laghu-putra-Tridhau....ndi-suputrēna Yamarājēna nirvāhit-cyam | It states that Harirāja and Jayarāja, sons of Mudhaisirha and grandsons of the Pradhāna Ravija of Jatuhatta, were both killed [in the hands of certain enemies) and that Yamarāja son of the younger son [of Mudhaisimha] performed the work of raising the pillar in honour apparently of the two persons who had lost their lives. This part should better have been preceded by a passage like ity=ētasmin kālē. The name of Ravija's wife who was the mother of Mudhaisimha cannot be fully deciphered. The same is the case with the names of the parents of Yamarāja. The word used to indicate the erection of the pillar seems to be nirvāhita (to go with a word like kriyā understood) without specifically indicating the nature of the work done. The same word appears to be employed in a similar sense in an early inscription.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kirti-durga, as already indicated above, cannot be satisfactorily identified. Jauhatta or Jatuhatta was probably a locality near Budhera where the pillar stands.
TEXT"
1 Sa[m]vatu 1351 Sākë 1[21]6 | svasti sri-Ki
2 rtti-durgrõ samasta-rāja(j-ā)vali-samalamkrita-par[ma) -
3 [bha]ţārka-[padi]maraja'-[sri-Ga]papati-mahāpradhana
4 Dêuva....vyāpāra[m] karoti [l*}*. Jauhatti18-pradhana
1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 163.
Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 340. Cf. the Bangla inscriptions, Nos. 1, 3-5 (above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 330-32). Cf. above, Vol. XXXII, p. 85. From impressions. • Read durge. * Read parama. • Road bhaffaraka.
Read paramarāja. 10 The two akshatas lost here are difficult to restore. The intended reading may be misdra-vyaparath.
11 A passage like ity-dlasmin-kalt is required here. Cf. abovo, Vol. XXXI, p. 330 (No. 1, line 3), p. 331 (No. 3, line 8; No. 4, line 4), p. 332 (No. 5, lino 4).
11 Sanskrit Jatuhaf ya.

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[VOL. XXXIII
166
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 6 Revija-spa]tni-Di....na--suta-Mudhaisība'-pu6 [tra)-Ha[ri]rāja-Jairā[jujo (dau)“ hatau [l*) laghu-putra-Trió[dhau]7 ....ndi®-[supu]trē[na] [Ja]marāyaṇa' ni[vē]hēd=?[yam] |
·
1 This name of Ravija's wife should have a feminine ending. * Sanskrit simha. • Read Jayarajau. Read dvau.
It is not clear as to whose laghu-putra (i.e. younger or youngest son) the person in question was. But he sooms to have boon the youngest son of Mudhaisimha and a younger brother of Hariraja and Jayarija.
. This seems to be the last atahara of the name of the wife of the person who was the youngest son of Mudhaisitha and whose name was oither Tridhau or began with those two akaharas. The female namo intended. may have been something like Anandr.
11. o. Jamardyena (Sanskrit Yamardjēna). Road pindhit-syam.

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BHUMARA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF HASTIN
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No. 32--NOTE ON BHUMARA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF HASTIN
(2 Plates ) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 4. 6. 1958) The stone pillar bearing this inscription was discovered at Bhumară in the former Nagaudh State in Central India by Cunningham who noticed the epigraph in his Arch. Surv. Ind. Rep., Vol. IX, 1879, p. 16, No. 9, with a translation and an illustration (Plate IV, No. 9). The text of the inscription as read by Fleet in the Crop. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 111, runs as follows: 1 Svasti [*] Mahādēva-pād-[a]2 nuddhyātā(ta)-mahārāja-Hasti3 rājyê Amblodē mahārāja4 Sarvvanātha-bhögē Indana5 napträ Väsu-grāmika-puttra6 Sivadāsēna vala-ya7 shti[r*]=uchchhritaḥ [l*] Mahā-Mäghê 8 samba(sarva)tsarā Kārttika-masa9 divasa 10 9 [!*]
As regards the reading of the text, it may be pointed out that the name at the end of line 4 is clearly Indanā and not Indana, while the numerical figure at the end of line 9 is 8 and not 9. The name Sarovanātha is spelt generally as Saruvanātha in the records of the king in question.
The date of the record is quoted in lines 7-9 as the 18th day of the month of Kärttika in the Mahā-Mágha year of Jupiter's twelve-year cycle. This year has been variously taken as corresponding to the Gupta years 165 (484 A. D.), 189 (508 A. D.) and 201 (520 A. D.).! The object of the inscription is to record the setting up of what is called a valayashți (no doubt the stone pillar
bearing the inscription) on the date referred to above in Mahārāja-Sarvanātha-bhöga in Ambloda -- in Mahārāja-Hasti-rājya by Sivadāsa who was the son of the grāmika Väsu and the grandson of Indanā. The word grämika seems to have been used here in the sense of 'the headman of a village."
Cunningham read the word yashți in lines 6-7 of the inscription, which he took to mean 'a sacrificial pillar' But at the same time he observed, "I suppose the pillar may have been set up as a boundary-mark between the territories of the two Rājās (i.e. Hastin and Sarvanātha)." Fleet believed that the expression vala-yashți is a mistake for valaya-yashți which he understood in the sense of a boundary-staff or pillar'. His translation of the principal sentence of the record in lines 1-7 runs as follows: "In [the boundary of] the kingdom of the Mahārāja Hastin who meditates on the feet of [the god] Mahādēva ; at [the village of] Ambloda ; [and] in [the boundary of] the bhoga of the Mahārāja Sarvanātha ;-[this] boundary-pillar has been set up." Like Cunningham, Fleet also suggests that the object of the inscription is to record the erection, at Amblõda, of a boundary-pillar between the territories of the two Mahārājas'.
The two kings mentioned in the inscription are Hastin of the Parivrājaka family and Sar vanātha of Uchchakalpa. Besides the present record, the Parivrājaka king Hastin is knowa from his charters issued in the Gupta years 156 (475 A.D.), 163 (482 A.D.), 170 (489 A.D.) and 191 1 See Bhandarkar's List, No. 1661.
(167)

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168
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
(510 A.D.) while the known dates of his son and successor Samkshobha are the Gupta years 199 (518 A.D.) and 209 (528 A.D.). Similarly, the known dates of the 'Uchchakalpa king Sarvanatha are the Gupta years 191 (510 A.D.), 193 (512 A.D.), 197 (516 A.D.) and 214 (533 A.D.) and those of his father and predecessor Jayanatha are the Gupta years 174 (493 A.D.) and 177 (496 A.D.). Roughly speaking therefore Hastin was the contemporary of the father of Sarvanatha who was the contemporary of Hastin's son. Some scholars wrongly refer the dates in the Uchchakalpa records to the Kalachuri era of 248 A.D. instead of the Gupta era of 319 A.D. This is improbable in view of the fact that there is hardly any possibility of the spread of the Kalachuri era in the Uchchakalpa area in the age in question. On the other hand, the prevalence of the. Gupta era in the same area during the age of the Uchchakalpa kings is indicated by the Parivrajaks inscriptions,
The suggestion that the Bhumara pillar bearing the inscription under study was set up for demarcating the boundary between the kingdoms of the two kings Hastin and Sarvanaths is highly improbable in view of the following facts. In the first place, as will be seen below, the expression bala-yashți is found in a similar context in another inscription of the same age and area and this clearly shows that there is no justification for correcting vala-yashti to valaya-yashti. It is clear from the record referred to that the intended reading for vala-yashti in the Bhumară inscription in bala-yashți. We know that the records of the Parivrajaka king Hastin as well as others of the age and area in question often use v for b even though they employ b correctly or wrongly in some cases. Secondly, even if the emendation is regarded as justifiable, valaya-yashti would scarcely mean a boundary-pillar' since the word valaya does not really mean 'a boundary. Thirdly, it is difficult to believe that an ordinary villager without any authority would think of taking upon himself the responsibility of fixing the boundary between the dominions of two neighbouring kings. Fourthly, the language of the record shows that the locality where the pillar was set up lay in both Hastin's dominions and Sarvanatha's bhoga and this hardly suits a line of demarcation between the kingdoms of the two rulers. Fifthly, Fleet's interpretations of the passages Mahārāja-Hasti-räjyē and Mahārāja-Sarvanatha-bhöge respectively as in the boundary of the kingdom of Mahārāja Hastin' and 'in the boundary of the bhoga of Mahārāja Sarvanatha' are no doubt arbitrary, while the suggestion that they refer to the boundary between two kingdoms is quite unconvincing since it is unintelligible why Hastin's kingdom should be called a rajya and Sarvanatha's dominions a bhoga. Sixthly, the word bhoga does not really mean 'a kingdom'. Seventhly, the language of the epigraph suggests that Mahārāja-Sarvanathabhōga lay within the dominions of Hastin.
The expression Mahārāja-Hasti-räjyè in such a context would normally mean 'during the reign of Mahārāja Hastin', even though the meaning in the kingdom of Mahārāja Hastin' may not be altogether impossible in a particular case. But whether the word rajya in our record is taken to mean sovereignty' or 'kingdom', the sentence in question makes it clear, as already suggested above, that what has been called Maharaja-Sarvanatha-bhöga lay within the dominions of Hastin whose reign (less probably, kingdom) is specifically mentioned in relation to the setting up of the pillar bearing the inscription. What can be the meaning of the word bhoga in such a
context?
1 Bhandarkar's List, p. 399; above, Vol. XXVIII, pp, 264 ff.
Cf. Bhandarkar's List, p. 404.
Ibids, loc. cit.; also Nos. 1194-98, 1200, 1702.
For an inscription of the Imperial Guptas in the same area, of. p. 172, note 1, below.
See, e.g., Vrahmana in line 5 and Brahmasiga in line 9 of the Majhgawam plates of Hastin (Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 108 ff.). Cf. also sombatsara (for samvatsara) in line 2 of this epigraph as well as in line 8 of the Bhumară pillar inscription.

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No. 32). NOTE ON BHUMARA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF HASTIN
169 Fleet says, "Bhöga, lit. enjoyment, possession, government', is a technical territorial term, probably of much the same purport as the bhukti of other inscriptions." It is true that, like bhukti, a province', the word bhöga is often used to indicate a district of a kingdom. In many copper-plate grants, the gift village is stated to have been situated in a particular territorial unit styled bhoga. Mention may be made, e.g., of Kumārivadao near Brihannärikā in Görajjā-bhöge within Bharukachchha-vishaya in the Sarsavani plates (lines 19-20)of Kalachuri Buddharāja ; Köniyānām near Bhataürikā in Vatanagara-bhöga in the Vaner plates (line 19)* of the same king; Vira-grāma in Sätimāla-bhöga in Palayatthapa-vishaya in the Jejuri plates (lines 25-27)' of the Chalukya king Vinayāditya ; Jijjika-grāma attached to Vonkhara-bhöga in the Jirjingi plates (line 11)* of the Eastern Ganga king Indravarman ; Vanikā-grāma in Āvaraka-bhöga within Hüņamandala in the Gaonri plates (B, lines 7-8)5 of the Paramāra king Väkpati Muñja; Kailasa-puragrāma belonging to Taradamsaka-bhöga in the Mallar plates (lines 5-6) of the Panduvamsi king Mahā-Sivagupta Bālärjuna, etc. It will be seen from some of these instances from inscriptions found in different parts of the country that bhöga was a smaller territorial unit than a district called vishaya or mandala. It is also interesting to note that the same territorial unit is called Edevolal-bhoga in the Sorab plates of Chālukya Vinayāditya and Edevolal-vishaya in the Harihar plates of the same king. But, if the word bhoga in the Bhumară inscription is supposed to be used in the sense of a territorial unit like & district or its subdivision, we can hardly escape the conclusion that Mahārāja-Sarvanātha-bhöga was a small district of the kingdom of Hastin, even though its name was associated with that of Mahārāja Sarvanātha, apparently the contemporary Uchchakalpa king of that name. This does not appear to support the suggestion that the pillar in question was set up in order to demarcate the boundary between the kingdoms of Hastin and Sarvanātha.
Monier-Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary recognises the word bhöga in the senses of possession, property, wealth, revenue,' besides others. Wilson's Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms mentions two kinds of bhoga or possession, viz. 80-vādha (with obstruction) and nir-vadha (unobstructed, undisputed). He also recognises the following expressions containing the same word : (1) bhoga-labha, usufruct in lieu of interest ; (2) bhögöttara, a grant of revenue for the enjoyment of a person or deity; and (3) bhoga-bandhaka, a kind of mortgage in which the articles mortgaged may be converted to use and the profits are to be appropriated by the mortgagee in lieu of interest. We have also inscriptions speaking of a vithi (i.e. & shop or stall in a market) as bhogadhinä tishthati and bhög-adhinä grihită with reference to its lying in the possession or being brought under the possession of an individual. From the sense of possession' the word bhöga came to be used in the sense of the property under one's possession. The word is used in this sense, 0.g., in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate of Vibvarūpasēns. The use of bhoga (and also of bhukti) in the sense of a territorial unit seems to be due to a further expansion of this meaning of the
word.
Inscriptions often mention the expressions bhogika and bhoga-pati. Since bhoga-pati is sometimes mentioned in association with nri-pati (i.e. king) and vishaya-pati (i.e.governor of a district)",
1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 298. * Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 34. *Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 64. • Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 84, note 9.
Ibid., p. 108. • Told., p. 120. *Thid., Vol. IX, p. 16.
Ibid., Vol. XXX, pp. 212-13. .N. G. Majumdar, In Beng., Vol. III, p. 146, text line 42; JAS, Lotters, Vol. XX, p. 203.
* Above, Vol. IV, p. 249, text line 44; Vol. VI, 141 note, p. 300; Vol. XII, p. 34; Vol. XXIII, p. 180, taxt line 4; Vol. XXVII, p. 40.

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170 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII it may be understood in the sense of an officer in charge of a territorial unit called bhoga', althougX the meaning one in the possession of a bhoga, ise, landed property or jāgir' is also not impossible in such cases. But the word bhogika seems to be often used in the sense of a jāgirdår. Thus the donee of the Srungavarapukota plates (lines 9-10)of Anantavarman is called Achantapura-bhogika Mátrisarman. It appears that Mütriáarman was the jägirdár of the village of Achantapura and not the governor or resident of Achantapura-bhöga.
We have also other instances of the word bhöga being affixed to a personal name in a compound exactly as in Mahārāja-Sarvantīdha-bhöga 'in the Bhumari inscription. A stone inscription", from Kosam () now preserved in the Allahabad Municipal Museum, reads as follows: 1 Siddham. [] svasti [l*] Mahasāmantādhipati-sri-ŚrIdhara-bhögë dushțas.2 håni-Bha(Bhf)mēna kirttan="ěyam kärāpita | bhattaraka-Läha3 dēna # Samvat 4 [11]33 [l* Mahāsāmantadhipati Sidhara's bhöga mentioned in this record, which is no doubt similar to Maharāja Sarvanitha's bhöga known from the Bhumar, pilar inscription, appears to indicate the jagir or fief in the possession of Sridhara and not the district governed by him. Since it is impossible to believe that Mahārāja Sarvanātha was the governor of a territorial unit in the kingdom of Hastin, the sense of a jāgir'is certainly more suitable to the word bhoga in the context of the Bhumara inscription. It may be argued that a district originally named after Sarvanātha was later included in Hastin's kingdom. This is improbable in view of the faot that Sarvanātha was later contemporary of Hastin.
As regards Mahārāja-Sarvanātha-bhöga lying in or comprising Amblöda within Hastin's dominions, there is nothing improbable, in our opinion, in Mahārāja Sarvanátha enjoying a jāgir within his neighbour's kingdom. This possibility is suggested by the well-known story of the locality called Käsi-grāma or Käsi-nigama which lay within the dominions of the king of Kösala but was for & considerable period of time in the possession of the king of Magadha. The said locality yielding a revenue of one lakh coins was given by Mahäkösala, king of Kosala, to his daughter Kõraládēvi for her bath and perfume money when she married king Bimbisära of Magadha and, as n result, became a part of the Magadha kingdom. After Bimbisara's death, Prasēnajit, son and successor of Mahākosala, withdrew the gift from Ajātasatru, son and successor of Bimbisära. This led to a protracted war between Magadha and Kosala. Ultimately Prasēnajit gave his daughter Vajra in marriage to Ajātasatru and the locality. was given back as part of her dowry. It is not impossible that the village or territorial unit called Amblödá lay in or comprised a bhoga under the enjoyment or possession of Mahārāja Sarvanātha even though the area formed a part
1 The word bhojaka is often used in the same sense. CE. Suc. SOL, pp. 64 f. ste. * Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 60. . This is No. 619 of 1967-58, Appendix B. See A8TAR, 1935-36, p. 95. • Expressed by symbol.
For Sahani, cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 141-42. The designation Drisk faadhani seems to be the same as Dewchaadhanika, Duhaldhyaaddhanika or Dauheadhyamadhanila mentioned in many records (cf. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. 111, p. 185).
• The word kirtland is the same as kirlana or kirti often used to indioato an image, & temple, & grant, oto, calculated to render famous the name of the person responsible for it. CL sbore, Vol. XXVIII, p. 184.
Read Kärita.
. The intended reading may be Lahadasya since the object of the theoription rooms to be to record the construction of a shrine for a deity named Lähada.
Soo Malala sekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Name., 5.1, Rangamandoinigama, Konaladevi, Ajditaratu and Pasenadi.

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INSCRIPTIONS IN ALLAHABAD MUSEUM
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No. 32]
NOTE ON BHUMARA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF HASTIN
171
of the dominions of Mahārāja Hastin, just as Kāśi-grāma or Kāsi-nigama in the kingdom of Kosala was in the possession of the king of Magadhs when Mahäkösala and Prasēnajit were on the throne of the Kösala country, although it is difficult to say whether matrimonial relations existed between Hastin and Sarvanātha.
We have now to determine the purpose behind the setting up of the stone pillar at Bhumara since it does not appear to be the demarcation of the boundary between the kingdoms of Hastin and Sarvanatha. Inscribed and uninscribed pillars of stone, found in different parts of India, are innu merable. They were raised for yarious purposes in all the ages of Indian history. Ainongst the inscribed pillars, the earliest belong to the days of the Maurya emperor Asöka (c. 269-232 B.C.).' These are called stambha (Prakrit thabhu, thambha, thablur, thaṁbha) or fila-stambha in the epigraphs they bear. There are some pillars which may be classified as dhuaja-stambhal (often standing before a temple and bearing inscriptions in some cases), jaya-stambhas (often hearing the ealogy of a conqueror) and kirti-stambha* (often bearing the eulogy of a person who performed a pious deed calculated to make him famous). Certain memorial pillars known as hero stoues (often with inscriptions recording the deaths of warriors while fighting against enemies) and sati stones (often bearing inscriptions which record the deaths of widows burning themselves in fire) are found in large numbers in the southern and western regions of India, though they are as well known from other parts of the country. Besides these, we have also other kinds of inscribed pillars bearing small inscriptions as the one on the Bhumarā pillar. Some of these are votive pillars set up in religious establishments by pious men, especially pilgrims, for acquiring religious inerit. They ure generally referred to as stambha in Sanskrit and thabhu, thabha, thambha or tharbha in Prakrit in the records incised on them. Instances of such votive pillars are numerous in the inscriptions discovered in the ruins of old Buddhist Slūpas like those at Barhut, Sanchi, and Nagarjunikonda.' There is another class of memorial pillars similar to the hero and sati stones. The erection of such pillars in honour of one's dead relatives is referred to in early records like the Suivihar inscrip tion dated in the 11th regnal year of the Kushāņa emperor Kanishka I and the Andhau inscritions of the year 52 apparently referable to the Saka 'era and corresponding to 130 A.D. Suc) pillars are generally mentioned in the inscriptions incised on them as yashi (Prakrit yathi, lashti). The use of the word yashţi in the expression bala-yashți occurring in our inscription may suggext that the Bhumari pillar was a memorial raised in honour of a dead relative of Sivadäsa. This relative was possibly his grandfather or grandmother Indani, although it is not clearly stated in the inscription."
See Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. I, pp. xy ff. *Cf., e.g., the Eran pillarinscription of the Guy is yeer 163 (ibid., Vol. III, pp. 88 ff.).
* The Eran and Mandador pillar bearing the inscriptions respectively of Samudragupta and Yasõdharman fall in this category. Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 200 ff.; 393 ff. A Jayu-stawka could sometimes he also regarded AS A kirti-stambha.
The Talagunda pitlar baring a pruni of the Kadamba king Kikunthavaran who excavated a tank nea Siva temple belongs to this class. Cf. ibid., pp. 450 ff. . See, e.g., above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 323 ff.
See, e.g., Hiralal's List, p. 46 (No. 79), p. 33 (No. 95). etc. In many cases, the inscriptions on tho pillar record both the death of a hero and the self-immolation of his widow. (1. e.g., the Eran inscription of the Gupta year 191 (310 A.D.) in the same work, p. 49 (No. 83).
See Barua and Sinha, Barhuf Inecription; above, Vol. II, pp. 87 ff.; Vol. XX, pp. 1 ff; eo. Cf. TRASB, Letters, Vol. XV, 1949, PP. 6-.
. Select Inscription, pp. 35-36. For cificial pillars called yüpe, nee ibid., pp. 92-93.
. Ibid., pp. 167-68. & memorial pillar laving the representation of a dead person is called a chayi-stanbha in. Nagarjunikonda inscription (cf. 4. R. Rp., 1956-57, No. В 26).
** We have other pillarinscriptions without indication as regards the object of setting up the pillars in question, especially when they were raised in a religious establishment. See JRASB, Letters, Vol. XV, pp. 6 ff.

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179 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII It is interesting in this connection to note that another stone pillar inscription of the middle of the fifth century A.D., discovered in the Bhumara region of Central India, refers to the setting up of a bala-yashi in the following words : sva-puny-āpyāyan-ārtham yasah-kirtti-pravardhamanagottra-failikā bala yashti[h*) pratishthäpitā Varga-grāmikēna. This was a memorial pillar apparently raised in honour of several dead relations of a grāmika (headman of a village) named Varga and that is why the bala-yashţi appears to be described as a göttra-failika,' a family stone'. There is absolutely no indication in the inscription that it could have been a boundary-pillar of any kind.
The meaning of the expression bala-yashţi is not clear. The Mëdinikosha recognises the word bala in the adjectival sense of bala-yukta, strong, stout', and this is suitable in the present context. Bala-yashţi may thus indicate a strong or stout (i.e. everlasting) pillar. Even if bala is taken in its ordinary sense of strength, bala-yashti would offer the same meaning in a compound expression. It is difficult to say whether such memorial pillars were popularly and conventionally known to have been 'Balarama's yashti or pillar' just as Asöka's Delhi-Swalik pillar is called Bhimasēna's lāt or lath (from yashţi or lashti meaning a pillar') ?
In this connection, reference may be made to a late pillar inscription from the former Rewa State, now preserved in the Allahabad Municipal Museum. It reads as follows: 1 Siddham: [l*) Samvat 1[4J17 samayē Jēshța -vadi 13 Vuddhā Maha2 rājādhirāja-sri-Vallaladēva-rājyë ato 3 Näyakapālash] tasya varsē(sē) su-putra-Mah[7]rāja-nämä 4 pratyutpannaḥ | tad-abhāgyāt-paramēsvara-vaikūlyät=886 trbhyā[m] saha para-lõk-antaritaḥ tad-artham gätra6 m-akārshit | a-chandra-bhānū yavat=tāvat=tishţhatv-idam(dam) | 7 Bhamina Sõmaka tatha Chöllő] Sahadēva | kpitaṁ gatram(tram)!
This inscription refers to a memorial pillar raised by some persons in the memory of a dead man named Maharaja whose two wives appear to have committed Sati, on Wednesday, Jyështhavadi 13, V.8. 1417 (May 13, 1360 A.D.) during the rājya or reign of Maharajadhiraja Vallâladēva, as a gatra. The word gätra (occurring twice in the record in lines 5 and 7) in the sense of a pillar is unintelligible. It, however, appears to be a mistake or modification of the word götra which may be a contraction of what is called götra-failika in the Rewa inscription of the Gupta period, to which reference has been made above. The pillar in question may be regarded as a family stone' since it was raised in memory of three persons (i.e. the husband and his two wives) of a particular family. It is interesting to note that the use of gotra-sailikā and gātra in the sense of a memorial pillar has so far been found only in the said records of the Rewa region.
Cf. ibid., p. 6. This is the Supia (former Rewa State) pillar inscription of the reign of Skandagupt (456-67 A.D.), dated in the Gupta year 141 (460 A.D.). Cf. CII., Vol. IV, p. 607 and note 7, to which my attention was drawn when the present note was going through the press.
* This is No. 528 of 1957-58, Appendix B. See ABIAR, 1935-36, p. 96. . Expressed by symbol. • Read Jydahtha.
Road Budhe. • A word like dat would suit the context. * Better read Bhomina-Somaba-Chalo-Sahadevaih.

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No. 33–STRAY PLATE IN MADRAS MUSEUM
(1 Plato) P. R. SRINIVASAN, MADRAS
(Received on 6.2.1958) This is a single plate bearing inscription on both sides, which was purchased by the Government Museum, Madras, in 1955, from a person who is stated to have got it from Tirupparan kunram, & suburb of Madurai. Obviously it belonged to a set of which the other plates are missing. I am editing it here with the kind permission of Dr. A. Aiyappan, Superintendent, Government Museum, Madras.
The plate measures 10" X 34' x .075". There are ten lines of writing on each side. The preservation of the writing is satisfactory excepting some letters at the beginning of a few lines on both the obverse and reverse of the plate. Though the inscription is fragmentary it is interesting in more respects than one.
The characters of the inscription are Tamil and the record may be assigned to circa 10th century A.D. on palaeographical grounds. If the information about the provenance of the plate is correct, it may suggest that the charter was issued from the Pandya kingdom. This is to some extent borne out by the use of certain expressions in the record. Cf. ārāffu (lines 1-2), Poduvan (line 6), Ilavan (line 18), etc. The introduction of the Chola variety of the Tamil script in the Pandys kingdom, where Vatteluttu was formerly in general use, was largely due to the Chola kings who began to establish their sway over the Pandya region in the tenth century.
The expressions rottar (each member), orollar (each member) and orökudi (each family) are interesting. They are characteristic of the region where the record is stated to have been found. The use of padu in ponpadunilam is interesting because it refers to a period earlier than the stage of its use solely as a passive participle. The epigraph uses the marks of pulti or vitāma, though not uniformly.
The passage that is preserved in this stray plate seems to record the settlement of one family each of the classes of shepherds, oilmongers, pottets, goldsmiths, carpenters, blacksmiths, washermen, Ilavas, Parambas and Paraiyas in a village. Some of them were assigned lands belonging to s god with whom they were required to share the produce. Unfortunately other details are lost.
The term ärāt! kkāyam and nilakkanam mentioned in the record require a word of explapation. The former stands for sonie kind of a tax levied from the people of the particular colony referred to in the inscription for the specific purpose of the festival of bathing the images of gods and goddesses in river water. The second term means 'the remittance both in kind and cash according to the land holdings that are leased out to them and enjoyed (unbadu) by the various classes of people settled in a colony'. The word kombu occurs twice in the inscription in two different contexts. In the first instance it is associated with nel or paddy (line 4) and this paddy is said to be divided into shares) and received as wage individually [by the labourers). Here the term kombu indicates the quality of the paddy. In the villages, especially in the District of Ramanathapuram, tbe meykkū!!u-al, i.e. the man or woman employed on daily wages basis, is usually paid in kind and gets a quantity of paddy of the first quality. In the second instance, it finds a place in the passage kombil külé-māyāniyum (line 8) as well as in the passage ponpadumilattu ordutarkku käl cheyyum kombil rottarkku (māgāşilyum in lines 9-10. The word kombu is sociated with lūlēmāgāniyum in the first expression and with māgāniyum in the next. It.
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.

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174
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII therefore, seems to indicate & variety of land. The Mapradia were thus granted two varieties of land. Ponpadunilam is one variety and the other variety is qualified by the term kombu. While the former refers to the most fertile class of land usually situated near the residential site or central belt of fields in a village, the latter may refer to land situated in the outlying parts of the village." This meaning seems to be quite in accord with the context.
The term poppadu-nilom means golden land', i.e. the most fertile land. It may be mentioned here that in every village, the lands are classified into several categories according to their fertility. By specifying the land as ponpadu-mlam it is presumable that the place referred to in this inscription should also have other categories of less fertile lands and that the practice of classifying the land is an ancient one. Buoh expressions as atuapayan, meykkattu and melieluttag are equally interesting. Of these, the term meykkatu, as indicated above, is in vogue even today. The adjectives preceding the names of individual Manrādis such as panjirriyan seem to stand for the names of various classes among them. Of these adjectives mallan continues to be in vogue to this day.
The locality called Panriyūr was probably situated in the ancient Pandyan kingdom, though it is not possible to identify it.
TEXT
First Side 1 1 peru[va"]du [l*] ārāļļu-[k*]kāpam samūha‘ttil pannirandu ūžtta-payan kür-i2 ţţu ko!!um mudalum ūţta-kkuraivum ārāţtu-p[panaiyam=āga koļvadu [l*) A3 fțil-paļliyār panikk-uriyār ärādu-näļ rottar kala nel peruvadu [l*] Pa4 pri ūrāruñ=kālärun pāțţam äļavum taliy-āļavum perár [l*] kombin nel 6 uljūr mey-kkāţtiņāl kūjai vilaiy=äga kaļattilē kūr-ittu koļvadu [l*) i-chchëri6 [kku] Maprādigal Pañjirriyan Vattam Poduvaņum Püsal Kāvan-chellanu . 7 m [chērl]ppan Nilar-kāvaņum Mallan Kávama[rai]'yan Kūrran Kõdai Araiyanu8 m Mallan sättam Vattaņum [l*) Sättam Vattanukku kombil kālē-māgāpiyum ma9 x[rai] Manrādigaļukku pon-padu-nilattu orottarkku käl chey'yum kombil ro10 tta[rkku] mā[gāņi]yum uludu Dēvarrodum pādi itt-unpadu [l*) nilakkāņam kār-chey
1 [This explanation is not convincing. The meanings given by the author for the word kombu in the two contexts are contradictory. In the first instance aleo it may mean paddy grown in the kombu variety of land'. The Tamil Lexicon explains the word as the farthest end of a lank bund'.-Ed.)
From the original plate. . Its head has been effaced due to corrosion of the plate; so it looks like pa. • The word samüha is in Grantha.
This expression which has its variant oröllar in line 9, is in vogue id the Ramanathapuram, Madurai and Tirunelveli Districts as well as in Kerala.
• This is a mistake for ti. * There is a dot over this letter.
In the Ramanathapuram District, a chey is a measure of land, also called md, comprising sixteen mundirle which is approximately equal to of a veli or 24 acres. [Ma was one-twentieth of a otli in those days. -Ed.]
. Read Devarodu. The letter m is incised below the letter pd.

Page #252

STRAY PLATE IN MADRAS MUSEUM
First Side
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Scale : Nine-tenths

Page #253

Second Side
543-துனைகளுக்காக இவங்க நாலாவைபதே வர
கSைELEPRESS போதைHotSIENDRAN

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No. 33]
STRAY PLATE IN MADRAS MUSEUM
Second Side
11 yall-a]rai='kkalañju pon iruppadu [*] Mellelutanum Täl[pa]rriyum rotta 12 r pon-paḍu-nilattu kälē-araikkal nilam Devarrodu padi iṭṭu upbadu [/*] 13 [nila]-kkiyam rottar padin-ir-arai-kkäpam poen-iralp*lpadu [*] Melleluttan14 [num Talpar]riyum At-oruvar pani deyvadu []*] kājārum* [Manrådigalum kudiyi
15 [-mättä pani teyvadu [1] i-chehëri kudigal kal cheyyal arai-kkalaju pon
16 [nila]-kkanamum kalav-arisiyum nāli neyyum iruttu Dēvar nilam uludu
17 pādi itt-unbadu [*] Vaniganum Kusavanum Kävidiyum Taṭṭāṇu[m] Tachchanum Kol18 lagam Vanganum Ilavagum Parambanum Paraiyanum orokudi irup
19 padu [1] Devar-vappäpukku kal cheyyal oru padugaiyum kala-ppērum 40
20 duvarai pann-iru kala nellu peruvadu [*] i-chcheri kudigal [va]gdesham*
175
1 Read "yal-arhi.
Nilam preceded by bile-aruikkal (i.e. ) seems to suggest that here it is a synonym of chey. [The language seems to suggest that chey was different from tale-araikkäl.-Ed.]
* Read Devarudu.
Read kälärum.
The letters "gdaha are in Grantha.

Page #255

No. 34-ALLAHABAD MUSEUM PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, V. S. 1171
(1 Plate) D. 0. STRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 13.2.1968) When I visited the Municipal Museum at Allahabad in Deceinber 1957, Dr. S.C. Kala, Curator of the Museum, kindly allowed me to examine and copy two copper-plate grants in his custody. On examination it was found that both the charters belong to the Gähadavāla dynasty of Banatas. Both the inscriptions are engraved on single plates. The first of the two charters, written on both sides of the plate, was issued by the Gähadavāla king Madanapāla (circa 1100-14 A.D.) and the second, witten only on one side, by his son Govindachandra (circa 1114-55 A.D.).
Yadanapäla's document was issued on the occasion of the Akshaya-tritiya on Thursday, the 3rd of the bright half of Vaisakha in V. S. 1164, corresponding to the 16th April 1108 A.D. The seal attached to the ring passing through a hole in the plate has the figure of flying Garuda above, the legend fri-Madanapāladēvah in the middle and the representation of a conch-shell below. The charter records the grant of the village of Sājā in the Chaturāsikā (i.e., Chaurāsi or a Pargana consisting roughly of 84 villages)' of Manighapura in the A[ru]rēsa pattalā (district) in favour of the Brahmana Gangadharafarman of the Bhäradvāja götra. The name of apparently the same padala is also found in the Fyzabad plate of Gāhadavāla Jayachchandra (circa 1170-93 A.D.), dated V. S. 1233 (1187 A. D.), and it may be the same as the region around Arror, the older name of Partabgarh. The inscription was discovered at Badēra in the Kunda Tahsil of the Partabgarh Distriot, U.P. The gift village of Saja lies at a distance of seven miles from Bäderá which is only two miles from Manikpur (Mänighapura of the inscription) near the Ghutni railway station on the branch line between Allahabad and Raibareily. This inscription was published by K. C. Sinha and K. Chattopadhyaya in the Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Vol. XIV, Part I, pp. 70 ff. The other charter issued by the Gahadevāla king Govindachandra is edited below. .
As indicated above, this is a single plate inscribed on one side only. The ring bearing the seal passes through a hole measuring 8' in diameter about the middle of the first line of writing.. The plate measures 17 inches in length, 13.5 inches in height and 15 inch in thickness. But the corners of the plate are rounded off and its length and breadth are slightly less at the sides. The soal bears, besides the usual Garuda and conch-shell emblems, the legend frimad-Govindachadra(ndra)dēva) . There are altogether 23 lines of writing on the plate. The findspot of the record is not known to me.
The inscription resenibles the numerous other charters of Gābadavāla Govindachandra in palaeography, orthography and style. The vowel mark of ē is written both as sird-mätra and prishtha-mātrā. E is written like p and mn like rll and dh sometimes like v. There is no difference between th and dhu. 'The use of v for b (except in Rambu in line 9), 8 for & and the class nasal for the anusvāra is noticed in many cases. The date of the grant is quoted as Monday, the fullmoon tithi of the month of Kārttika in V. S. 1171. We have another charter issued by the
This tithi was the occasion for the grant of several Gähadavāla charters. Cf. the Kamauli plate of V. S. 1172 (above, Vol. IV, pp. 103-04), Pali plate of V. S. 1189 (ibid., Vol. V. pp. 113-15), Lar plato of V. S. 1202 (ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 98-100), etc.
. * Soe JBRS, Vol. XL, p. 10. Cf. the name of Vada-chaturskiti-pattala in the Set-Mahot plate of Govindachandra, dated 1188 (above, Vol. XI, pp. 20 ff.). For the Prakritism in the expression chaturanika, cf. bayalist (Sanskrit drachatarishtal) in the name of Rudamaua bayālial-pattală in the Kamauli plate of V. 8. 1190 (above, Vol. IV, pp. 111-12).
Ind. Ant., Vol. XV. Pp. 10 ff. No facsimile of the inscription was published. The name has been road as Agurtia.
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Page #256

No. 34]
ALLAHABAD MUSEUM PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, V. 8. 1171
177
same monarch exactly on the same day. It is the Kamauli plate published above. But in spite of the occurrence of the same date in two different documents, it has to be admitted that it is irregular since Kärttika-su. 15 was not a Monday in V. S. 1171 (1114-15 A.D.).
The record begins with the symbol for Siddham and the word seasti. These are followed in lines 1-10 by nine stanzas which are already well known from the published Gähaḍavala charters. The first of these verses contains an adoration of the goddess Sri (Lakshmi) while the next (verse 2) introduces Yasovigraha who is stated to have flourished after the rulers of the solar race (i.e. the Gurjara-Pratihara emperors of Kanauj) had passed away. Verse 3 introduces Yasovigraha's son Mahichandra and the next two stanzas (verses 4-5) Mahichandra's son Chandra who is stated to have obtained by his valour the empire (adhirajya, i.e. samrajya) of Gadhipura (Kanyakubja or Kanauj, i.e. the erstwhile Gurjara-Pratihara empire), and protected the holy places in the Käsi, Kusika (Kusikapura or Gadhipura, i.e. Kanyakubja), Uttarakōsala (land around the city of Ayodhya and Srävasti) and Indrasthana (Indraprastha or Delhi) regions. It is also stated that king Chandra eradicated all afflictions of the subjects of the Gadhipura empire (or, less probably, suppressed their rebellion). Chandra's son Madanapala is described in the next two stanzas (verses 6-7) and Govindachandra, who was the son and successor of Madanapala and issued the charter under review, in verses 8-9. A passage in prose in lines 10-13, also known from the king's other charters, then re-introduces Govindachandra, described as Paramabhaṭṭaraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramesvara and Paramamahesvara and as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of Madanapala who himself meditated on (or was favoured by) the feet of Chandra. Here also king Chandra is described as having obtained the possession of Kanyakubja (i.e. Kanyakubja or Kanauj). The claim seems to refer to the fact that the Gähadavalas considered themselves successors of the Gurjara-Pratihara emperors. It is often supposed that the reference is to the occupation of the city of Kanauj which is again believed to have been another capital of the Gahadavala monarchs besides Varanasi or Banaras. But the language of verse 4 does not appear to support this interpretation and there is also no evidence to show that Kanauj was a secondary capital of the Gahadavälas of Banaras. The representation of the rulers of this dynasty as 'the Gahadavalas of Väräpasi and Kanyakubja' thus appears to be inaccurate. Yasovigraha, founder of the Gahaḍavala house, seems to have been ruling in the Banaras region as a subordinate of the latest rulers of the Gurjara-Pratihara dynasty, although there is no doubt that, before his grandson Chandra established his imperial status in the last quarter of the eleventh century, the Kalachuris of Tripuri had succeeded in extending their power over the said area. Baihaqi speaks of a Muslim invasion of Banaras about 1034 A. D. when the city belonged to the territory of Gang (i.e., Kalachuri Gängeya, circa 1015-41 A. D.) while the rule of Karna (circa 1041-71 A. D.), son of Gangeya, in that region is proved by epigraphic evidence. The Basahi plate, referred to above, also assigns Chandra's rise to the period after the death of the kings named Bhoja and Karna (i.e., the Kalachuri king of that name).
Lines 13 ff. record the details of the grant made by the king on the date discussed above after having taken a bath in the Ganges at Varanasi and having paid respects to the Sun-god and worshipped the gods Siva and Vishnu. The privileges to be enjoyed by the donee of the grant and the officers and others addressed by the king are the same as in the other Gahaḍavala charters.
Vol. IV, pp. 102 f.
2 See ibid., pp. 100, etc.
Cf. Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, 507. The Basahi plate (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 103, text line 5) describes Chandra as having 'established his capital at Kanyakubja'. But the statement seems to indicate that, after having estab. lished his suzerainty over the former Kanauj empire, Chandra, stayed at the city of Kanauj for sometime. A subordinate ruling family of the Rashtrakutas had its headquarters at that city under the Gähadavilas. See Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 204, 1670.
See Ray, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 773, 783, 785.

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178
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
The epigraph under study records the grant of the village of Vadhavali in the pattalā or district of Kasnabbhavana in favour of Pandita Govardhanabarman who was a Sāmavēdin Brahmaņa claiming the Särkavasya or Särkava götra and the Angirasa, Amahicha and Aruksha prataras and was the son of Agnihotrin Kosava and the grandson of Pundita Malhaņa. It may be pointed out that the Särkavasya or Särkava götra is not mentioned in any early work, and it has no doubt been wrongly spelt in the inscription. But the mention of Angirasa among the three pravaras helps us in determining the correct reading of the names of the other two pravuras which have also been wrongly spelt. There is no doubt that the three pravaras are Angirasa, Amahayya (or, Amahiyava, etc.) and Auruksbaya which are assigned in early works to the götras of the Kapi group. Unfortunately none of the götras of this group sounds like Sārkavasya or Särkava. Some authorities include a gotra called Sarngarava in this group and Särkavasya or Särkava may be a wrong reading for Sarngarava.
The document was written by Karanika-Thakkura Sahadēva who is already known from the Kamauli: and Don Buzurg plates both issued by king Govindachandra in V. S. 1176 (1120 A.D.). The record ends with the passage mangalan mahā-srih and the akshara chha written twice between double dandas. The said akshara is an indication of the end of the writing. It is interesting to note that the akshara occurs singly at the end of the grant proper in line 21. Its duplication thus indicates the end of the whole document while its single occurrence earlier means the end of a section only.
Besides the Tirthas in certain areas in the modern U. P. as well as Gādhipura or Kanyakubja (i.e., Kanauj) mentioned in the description of king Chandra, only two other geographical names are mentioned in the inscription. They are the district of Kasnabbhavana and the village of Vadhavali. I am not sure about their location. If Vadhavali may be identified with one of the villages named Badhauli in the Districts of U. P., we may possibly suggest the one at lat. 28° and long. 78° 15', since there is at lat. 28° 25' and long. 77° 30' a village called Kasna which is the first part of the name of the pattala mentioned in the inscription. The second part of this name may possibly refer to Bhawan Bahadurnagar at lat. 28° 35' and long. 77° 55'. In that case it has to be suggested that the name of the district was coined by joining the names of two prominent localities in it.
TEXT [Metres: verses 1, 3, 10-11 Anushţubh ; verse 2 Indravajrā ; verses 4, 7 Sārdūlavikridita ; verses 5-6, 8 Vasantatilaka ; verse 9 Drutavilambita.) 1 Siddhar? svasti! Akunth-otkantha-Vaikuntha-kantha-pītha-luthat-karaḥ samrambhaḥ
surat-ārambhē sa Sriyah brēyasēæstu vaḥ || [1*) Asid=Asi($i)tadyuti-vansa(vamsa)-jāta2 [kshm]āpāla-mālāsu divan=gatāsu sākshād=Vivasvān=iva bhūri-dhämnā nāmna Yasd(68)
vigraha ity-udaraḥ || [2*] Tat-suto-bhūn=Mahichandras-chandra-dhāma-nibhan ni3 jam(jam) | yên=āpāram=skūpāra-pāré vyāpāritam yasaḥ(sah) || (3*) Tasy=ābhūt=tanayo
nay-aika-rasikaḥ krānta-dvishan-maydalo vidhva[st-o]ddhata-dbi[ra]'-yova(dha)-timirah
sri-Chandra* Soo Gotra pravaranibandhakadamba, pp. 43, 48, 55, etc. *Ibid., p. 41.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 106 f. • Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 218 ff.
Cf. ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 218. From impressions.
Bupressed by symbol. •Kwas originally incised,
Some records read ora.

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Page #259

ALLAHABAD MUSEUM PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, V. S. 1171
मेवाष्ठवेकष्ठापीठलवार रमतारनेमपिणे यसमुत चासोट्यानमानित सका बाबालमानादिवङ्गतामा मालाहित स्वामितमरिता माना मायामा प्रहरु पदारशात मानाचाहाक्ट्रय समाजनान
नापारमकपारपारे व्यापारितम मानवनितियोटिनये योगनिदानाघिसा हालीविलमोह नबीवयोवानामा याजद । मायाबादाक्तरप्रता मामतारपा पर शमादिमा मात्राममजादाम कामे जातानामनिका मिसिन "तरको मानहानीयका नगरिपालयती निर्गय टिमा मलामनिमदद माइकना ये नाहि जमातीस मदनसुला नि
माना मेटम तिकितीर वडामालकोवान गाव सामान्य कुलमालामाले योनि प्रदलितकनिकम रिशमायादी हिन्धोपयोगीमागदावीलाच वयाचा अपवमान जयनन्यादा मशाल गुडापत्रातानिन ना । लगलिन थानागदा मितभमायावतयादितच नाचिदिजिलानावनमानमार डायतनितनवं दलितलवन सा नवराय नारवधीमीदार तद वनवीय नवागतायो गोविंद उसनपदवामातशामकारमायालन नामका मामला
जोनवनिक निवमरन वल्लन पनिज स्वयमा मादागानागासागसमयकाकाविस महिना जिहार कवायोडाविनापरायचपरममा ने गुचनिशानामा पाक नाका वाविपशाव देवापानीमा मिनहारमा
राजावाजापरवयरममावशी मदनपालदेवपादावमाता रमनहीपद न साधारायवधायपुर समादेवी मनोतिना Kala नीमानलायावततनी ग्रामनिंदा निनोनपदानुपनि पिता का ज्ञापतगंजमविगतला
निसारिकॉरपलिक जियानमारकात मातहतकारवशायनजात पानगावलावकारापानममा ज्ञापटाकर गादमानिया यशाविसमानतायपरलिसियामा लानुनल कनवा करावनातनधारक विद्याविना मतमोतःमती धाविका या पतामनकारासतमश्वानकापानमाया हिनमतलापरवानिक रस
मीनाराम माया मानवनि प्रदेवमा तपशासवायत्वातामाटलपारन समाजविण्यात निमकालुमवरया निवासिदिवस सम्पादनालयात धामावान्तपाय मानकर म मानिसा तस्ययो जाममा नरम मानिहायायनयानमाराया मायबामदाच्या रसामनाया थी गोवईनामी बहरायोकोलीन माललातकार नावातच मापसभाकानध्यापछामबी छपवय जनमाणनारायमान सिडकहोमीन यस अगादायानदास कामवासनामयाकामनामयम्पावरमालयशापया मनावर निसानकायमा माघ स्वावस्यय याचाजस स्थानमा तरायला लावा।
पककर यांची डिरे नामजलाहाबाकाका
THAN
Scale : One-third
SEAL
अमोविदवार
Scale : Actual

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No. 34] ALLAHABAD MUSEUM PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, V 8. 1171
179
4 dévõ nộipaḥ | yên=ādāratara-pratāpa-sa(sa)mit-āsē(&ē)sha-praj-āpadravami śrīmad-Gadhipur
adhirajyam-asamaṁ dör-vvikramēņ=ārjjitam(tam) || [4*] Tirthāni Käsi(si)-Kusi(si)k-O5 ttarakõsal-Endrasthaniyakāni paripālayat-abhigamyal hëm ātma-tulyam=anisan
(sam) dadată dvijēbhyö yên=ānkitā vasumati sa(sa)tasa(sa)stulābhiḥ [ll 5*] Ya(Ta). 6 sy=ātmajo Madanapāla iti kshitindia-chūdā-masir=vvijayatē nija-götra-chandrah yasy=
abhishēka-kalas-öllasitaiḥ payõbhiḥ prakshālitam Kali-raja[h*) sa7 kalam dharitryāḥ || [6*] Yasy=āsid=vijaya-prayāņa-samayē tung-achal-ochchais-chalan
madyat-kumbhi-pada-kram-āsama-bhara-[bhra]sya(sya)n-mahi-mandalē chudlā-ratna
vibhinna-ta8 lu-galita-styān-üssig-udyā(blisitah Sē (Sė) shah pēsha -vasü(ba)d=iva kshanam-asau kröde
nilin-ānanaḥ || [7*] Tasm:ād=ajāyata nij-āyata-vā(bā)hu-valli-vam(bam)dh-āvarudhvaddha)9 nava-rajya-gajo narēndrah samdr)-amrita-drava-muchāṁ prabhavo gavām yo Govinda
chadra(ndra) iti charidra iv=imbu-rāsēh(sēh) | [8*] Ma(Na) kathamapy=alabhanta
rana-kshamānistis[ri]shu di10 [kshu] gajān=adha(tha) Vajrinēḥ(nah) kakubhi va(ba)bhru(bhia)mur=Abhramuvallabhaḥ
(bha)-pratibhatā iva yasya ghatā-gajāḥ || [9*] 87=yaṁ samasta-raja-chakra-samsēvita-chara
ņaḥ sa cha parama11 bhattāraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēsva(sva)ra-paramamābēsva(sva)ra-nija-bhuj-õpārjjita
śri-Kanyakuvjā(bj-ā)dhipatya-śri-Chamdradēva-pād-ānudhyāta-paramabhattāraka
maha12 rājadhirāja-paramēsva(kva)ra-paramamālēsvaléva)ra-bri-Madanapāla dāva-păd-anudyāta
paramabhattāraka - mahārājādhiraja - paramēsva(áva)ra - paramamãhēsva(sva)ra-srimaa.
Govindachandradē13 vở vijayi || Kasnjavbhabbhavana-pattalāyām Vadhavall-grāma-nivärino nikhila-jana
padān=upagatān=api cha rāja-rāja -rajñi-yuvarāja-mantri-purõhita-pratībā14 ra-sēnāpati-bhāņdāgārik-ākshapatalika-bhishaka(shag)-naimittik-āntahpurika-ţū(dū)ta-kari
turaga-pattan-akarasthāna-gökul-adhikari-purusha(shā)n samājñāpayati võ(bo)15 dhayaty=ādisa(sa)ti cha |yathā viditam=astu bhavatām(tām) yath=õpari-likhita-grāmaḥ sa
jala-sthalaḥ sa-lõha-lavan-ākaraḥ sa-madhūka-chūta-[va*]na-vātikā-vitapa-triņa-yüti-go
chara-pa16 ryantaḥ s-ordhv-āvaḥ(dhah) sa-gartt-sharas-chatur-āghāța-visu(tu)ddhaḥ s[v]a-simā-pa
[r*]ya[n]taḥ ēkasaptaty-adhika-sa(sa)t-aikādasa(ba)-samva[t*]sarā Kārttiki
paurppamāsyăm ankataḥ Samvata(vat) 1171 Kārttika-su17 di 15 Somē bri-Vārāṇasyām Ga[m]gāyānh snätvā vidhivan=ma[n]tra-dēva muni-manu
ja-bhūta-pitfi-gaņāmg=tarppayitvā, timira-patala-pāțana-patu-mahasam=Ushṇarochisham=
upasthā18 y=Ausha[dhi]patisakalasēsharam samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-trätur-Vvāsudēvasya pējām
vidhāya [pra]chura-pāyasēna havishā Havirbhujam hutvā mātā-pitror=ātmanas-cha
punya-yasõ(86)-bhivriddha1 Some records read adhigamya. * Some records read patalan. . There is a redundant superscript r above ama.
• Sometimes the correction saisha (cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 12, Note 97) is suggested unnecessarily. The word ita need not be taken here to indicate utpritsha.
This word is redundant although the intended expression may be räjaputra or rājanyala. Read balalaikharash.

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1180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII 19 yē asmabhiḥ Särkkavasya-gotzāyal Angirasa-Amahicha-Aruksha-tri piavaraya Sámavēd
Ādhyāyině pandita-bri-Malbana-pautzāya agnihotri-sri-Kēsa (sa)va-put[r]āya pa[m]dita20 sri-Govardhanayakarmmaņē. Vrä(Brā)hmaņāya gõkarnna-kusu(sa)-latā-pūta-kara-tal-odaka
pūrvvam=ă Padmasad mano Hūbuk-antam yavach=chhäsaniksitya pradatta iti matvā
yatha-diyamāna-bhā. 21 ga-bhoga-kara-pravasikara-Turushkadamda-kūdie-kabhriti-samtal-rāja-pratyādāyān
dāsyatha || chha || bhavanti ch=ātra slökah | Bhūmi[m] yaḥ pratigrihnä(hņā)ti yas-cha
bhūmiņ prayachchhati - 22 bhau tau punya-karmmānau niyatau(tam) sva[r]gga-gāninau || [10*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha
bhuktā rājabhiḥ Sagar-adibhiḥ | yasya yasya yadā bhumi[s-ta]sya tasya tadā phalam(lam)
[[ 11*] likhi23 "taṁ karapika-Thakkura-611-Sahadēvēna || mangala mahā-stih || chha || chha ||
1 The name is not found in the list of gotras found in enrly Indian literature. The intended reading may be Sarngarapa-sagotrāya or Sarngarava-gotraya.
• Sandhi has not been observed in this passage. Read Angiras- Amahayy (or Amahfyav, ctc.)-Aurukshaya. .Read Govarddhanabarmmare or Govarddhandryalarmmand. • This seems to be the same as kutaka of some inscriptions . Read samasta. • Better read bhavataschatra blokau.
This line is engraved below the second half of the previous line.

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No. 35–PURI INSCRIPTION OF CHODAGANGA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 9.5.1958) Some time ago I was informed that the removal of a coating of plaster from the walls of the temple of Siva called Märkandēsvara at the well-known city of Puri in Orissa revealed the existence of a number of inscriptions which had previously been hidden from the eye. In November 1957 I visited the temple and copied the inscriptions on its walls.
Out of the inscriptions copied by me from the walls of the Märkandēsvara temple at Puri, three were found to belong to the reigns of three kings of the imperial branch of the Eastern Ganga dynasty. All the epigraphs record the installation of perpetual lamps in the temple of the god Mārkandēśvara. The earliest of these reords is engraved on the right wall of the second gate and belongs to the time of the great Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1147 A.D.) who conquered the Puri-Cuttack region from the Sõmavamsis about the beginning of the twelfth century. The writing of the record is fairly well preserved. This inscription' is edited in the following pages.
The preservation of the other two Ganga epigraphs in the Markardēsvara temple is unsatisfactory. The earlier of these two inscriptions is engraved on the same wall as the record of Chodaganga and is dated in the third year of the regnal reckoning of Rāghava who was a son of Chodaganga and ruled in the period o. 1156-70 A.D. The passage containing the date at the beginning of the record in line 1, which is in Sanskrit, reads : [svasti] Srimat(mad)-Rāghavadēvasya vijaya-rājyasamvata(sarvat) 3. No other details of the date have been quoted in the inscription. Since the Anka system of calculating regnal years may have been introduced during the reign of Rāghava's elder brother and predecessor Kāmārnava (c. 1147-56 A.D.),' year 3 may be an Anka year actually referring to the second year of Rāghava's reign. The next passage of the inscription in Oriya in lines 1-2 reads : sri-Märkande[svara]dēvara .. .. .. .. .. .. kavadi-pana tini akhanda-dipa väraha. It apparently refers to the investment of three Panas of cowries for the installation of twelve perpetual lamps in the temple of Märkandēsvaradēva. The third inscription, engraved on the right wall of the doorway, is fragmentary, its lower part being damaged. Its date portion in lines 1-2 reads after the Siddham symbol followed by the word svasti: sri-vira-Bhänú[dēva]sya pra. varddhamāna-vijaya-rājya-samata 14 srāhë. The record was therefore incised in the fourteenth year of the reign of one of the four Ganga kings named Bhanu. The characters employed in the inscription are Gaudiya and not Oriya and this fact may suggest that the king has to be identified with Bhānu I or II rather than with Bhānu III or IV. The year seems to refer to the Anka reckoning and to the twelfth actual year of the reign of the king in question. The next passage in lines 2-4 of this inscription reads: Hara-prityā dēvi Umārkara data fri-Mārkakandēsvaradēvanka [sthi]rā e-divasa a-chanir-ärkas akhanda-dipakai........ This clearly shows that, a queen named Uma probably one of king Bbänn's wives, created a permanent endowment (sthira) for a perpetual lamp
1 This is No. 408 of 1957-58, App. B. There is another inscription (No. 403 of the same App.) written partly in Telugu and partly in Sanskrit in Gaudiya characters. It records that Atyändi's son Ganganäräyana Vélandi alias Chodagangana deposited 6 Madhas for the provision of oil for perpetual lamp in the Märkandēsvara temple on Thursday, Tuli-ku. 12, Saka 1061 (possibly September 27, 1128 A.D.). The inscription, however, does not refer to the reign of Anantavarman Chodaganga.
* These are ibid., Nos. 404 and 407. Cr. 811., Vol. V, Nos. 1321-22, 1326-27, 1332-34.
( 181 )

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182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII
for the god Märkandesvara. The name of queen Umā, however, seems to suggest that the king mentioned in the record is really Bhanu III (c.1352-78 A.D). Visvanatha-kavirāja, who wrote his Chandrakalā-näfika during the reign of Gajapati Nihsanka-Bhānu (i.e. Ganga Bhanu IV reigning upto 1434-35 A.D.),' quotes in his Sähityadarpana,' composed some time afterwards,' a stanza referring to Umädēvi's husband Bhānu, as a contemporary ruler, from a work of his own father Chandrasēkhara-sandhivigrahin. Apparently the same Umādēvi is mentioned in the Bhubaneswar Pärvati temple inscription of the 13th Anka year of the king named Bhanu and in the Simhachalam inscription of Saka 1301, Märgabirsha ba. I, Friday (25th November 1379 A.D.) falling in the reign of Narasimha IV (c. 1378-1402 A.D.). It thus appears that Umädēvi's husband Bhanu should be identified with Bhānu III, the father of Narasimha IV and grandfather of Bhānu IV, as suggested by Rajaguru and Das.
The inscription of Chodaganga, which forms the main subject of this article, contains nine lines of writing. The inscribed area covers & space about 131 inches in height and 32 inches in length. Individual aksharas are about 14 inches in height. The characters of the record are Gaudiya and its language is Sanskrit. But it exhibits considerable influence of the local language and is full of grammatical and orthographical errors. In some of the sentences, the language is actually a mixture of Sanskrit and Oriya and often the meaning has to be conjectured. The date in line 1, given in the king's regnal reckoning, also offers some difficulty. The regnal year is written in two figures, the second of which is clearly 7. The first figure is exactly the same as found in the same date occurring in the Bhubaneswar inscription of Anantavarman Chōdaganga, which has been published in the pages of this journal. This doubtful figure has some resemblance with the shape of 5, 80 that the date in both the Bhubaneswar epigraph and the present inscription would appear to be the regnal year 57. But the Bhubaneswar inscription shows that the same yearof Chödaganga's reign corresponded to the Saka year indicated by the chronogram ritu-Rāma-khëndu, i.e. Saka 1036-1114-15 A.D. Since the said Saka year coresponded to the thirtyseventh and not fiftyseventh regnal year of Chödaganga who ascended the throne in 1078 A.D., the first figure in the number in question had to be read as 3. In view of this, Chodaganga's regnal year quoted in the inscription under study should also have to be read as 37. Thus the epigraph appears to have been engraved in 1114-15 A.D.
The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol and the date referred to above. The first sentence in lines 1-4 apparently means to say that, in the year 37 during the reign of the illustrious Chodagangadēva, Sadhu Bhimadēva, & resident of Niralo-grāma called an Angabhöga of the god Purushottama, as well as Ruda (Rudra?) and Hari (both probably of the same place) accepted some amount or coins of gold for one chhāyā-dipa meant to be a perpetual lamp to be burnt before the god Märkandēsvara. The epithet sädhu applied to Bhimadēva shows that he belonged to the mercantile community. Possibly Ruda and Hari were also members of the same community. The expression anga-bhoga often occurs in Telugu and Kannada inscriptions in association with ranga-bhoga and arga-ranga-bhoga is sometimes translated as 'decorations and illuminations of a god'.. 'In the present case, the epithet anga-bhöga is applied to a village, the income from which appears to have been utilised for the anga-bhoga or decoration of the deity in question.
1 Seo JOHR, Vol. VI, Appendix, pp. i ff. . Cf. Kane's ed., 1923, pp. 13-14. • Verges from the Chandrakala-nātikā are quoted in the Sahityadarpana. Cf. JOHR, Vol. III, p. 49. Umādēvf is here wrongly taken to be the name of goddess Parvati.
SII, Vol. VI, No. 730. Umādēvl's relation with king Narasimha is not stated in the inscription. • JOHR, Vol. VI, Appendix, pp. 7-vi. Another known queen of Bhānu III Was Hirädevi. *Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 29 ff. (No. 1), and Plate facing p. 32.
Cf. Sreenivasachar, A Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingana District, Part II, p. 201. For bhoga, 'a jāgir', cf. above, p. 170.

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No. 35] PURI INSCRIPTION OF CHODAGANGA
183 Thus the village of Niralo seems to have been a rent-free holding in the possession of the god Purushottama-Jagannātha of Puri. The expression chhāya-dipa means a lamp held in the hand of an image generally of the donor. The word chhāyā, 'image', is known from other inscriptions also. A Srikurmam inscription of Saka 1275, belonging to the reign of Ganga Bhānu III, speaks of the dedication of the chhāyās of the king's father Narasimha III and the latter's wife Gangămbikā, which were represented as holding lamps for offering light to the god in the Srikurmam temple. The responsibility of Bhimadēva and his two colleagues was no doubt to supply oil for the lamp in lieu of the interest of the gold deposited with them.
The next sentence in line 4 states : "Now Bhimadēva's son Nāna arranged for the discharge fof his obligation)." This shows that, probably after Bhimadēva's death, his son Nāna refunded the deposit and thereby freed himself from the obligation of supplying oil for the perpetual lamp. That the responsibility fell upon the son of Bhimadēva alone may further suggest that Ruda and Hari were his own brothers or sons. From the above two sentences we learn that formerly an endowment had been created by depositing some amount or coins of gold with Bhimadēva and others and that, in the 37th regnal year of the Ganga king Anantavarman Chödaganga, Bhimadēva's son Nāna freed himself from the responsibility. But who created the endowment that was terminated by Nana is not mentioned in these sentences. The names of the persons responsible for the creation of the endowment are, however, possibly known from the following sentences which describe the creation of a new endowment in the place of the terminated one.
The next sentence in lines 4-6 mentions three persons and refers to an image representing all the three of them. The following sentence in line 6 states that Jivanta-śroshțhin accepted the gold for the lamp. This apparently means that the said three persons had originally created an endowment for the supply of oil for a perpetual lamp held in the hands of their own images in the temple of Mārkandē vara and that, on the termination of the old endowment, they created another endowment by depositing the same gold with another person named Jivanta-brēsthin. The condition binding Jivanta-śrēshthin is found in the following sentence in lines 6-1, which states that, in respect of the said perpetual lamp, god Mārkandēsvara would receive two hundred (measures] of oil every month. The name of the measure is not given in the record. In a similar context in the Bhubaneswar inscription of Anantavarman Chodaganga, referred to above, mention is made of the karanka, i.e. a small pot usually made out of coconut-shell and useil in measuring oil. The same kararka measure may be referred to in the present case as well. The names of the three persons who created the endowment are given as : (1) Hari, the Pūjāhāri of the god Mārkandēsvara, (2) Vandau (probably another Pujākāri of the same god), and (3) Vāsu, the Pujāhari of another god whose name appears to be Köhriņēsvara. Püjāhāri is the same as Püjāri meaning a priest'.
Lines 7-9 at the end of the record mention the names of the persons who were witnesses to the above transaction. These were : (1) Mudrāhasta Dēvadhara ; (2) Nilakamunda (possibly another Mudrāhasta) ; (3) Pasāpālaka Sridhara; (4) Nārāyana (possibly another Pasāpālaka); (5) Sārmavāji Mahādēva ; (6) Dēvamēndi (possibly another Sāímavāji); and (7) Srikarana Hari. Mudrāhasta (Oriya Mudiratha) is now the designation of a class of servants of the god Purushöttama-Jagannatha of Puri. Dēvadhara may have been a similar servant of the god Mārkaņdēsvara. Pasāpülaka may be the same official designation found in inscriptions in the forms of Pasāyita, Pasäita or Pasāyati. Sāṁmavāji may be a mistake for Somayājin. Srikarana is the designation of a scribe. These people appear to have been temple officials.
1 SII, Vol. V, No. 1205.
Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 30-31. Cf. ibid., Vol. xxix, p. 107 and note 3.

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184 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII The inscription is interesting from several points of view. It is the only inscription of Anantavarman Chōdaganga so far discovered at Puri where the Ganga king is known to have built the great temple of Purushottama-Jagannātha after its annexation to the Ganga empire and the transference of his allegiance from Saivism to Vaishnavism in the early years of the twelfth century. It is not possihle to determine when exactly and by whom the Märkandēsvara temple was built. But it is not unlikely that this temple had been in existence when Chodaganga built the temple for Purushottama-Jagannatha. We do not know whether the PurushottamaJagannatha temple was bailt by Chödaganga before or after the 37th year of his reign, though the absence of any reference to the achievement in any of his own records may probably suggest that the construction was undertaken in the later years of his life. We also do not know as to who was responsible for granting the village of Niralo in favour of the god PurushottamaJagannatha, although it is clear that this deity was already enjoying considerable influence when the inscription under study was engraved. The suggestion is supported by the reference to sāgara-tira-sannivētë Purushottama-sabditam dēv-āyatanam in Krishạmisra's Prabodhachandrodaya which was staged in the presence of the Chandēlla king Kirtivarman (c. 1070-1100 A.D.).
The name of the yod Kõhriņēsvara, worshipped at Puri as suggested by the record under review, is interesting. I am not sure whether it is really Ko-Rinēśvara suggesting its installation at Puri by the Tamil residents of the area like Kāmāņdi of the Alagum inscription. I have heard of no such deity now worshipped there. The name appears to have been applied to a Siva-linga.
Only one geographical name is mentioned in the inscription. It is the village of Niralo. I am not sure about its location.
TEXT:
1 Siddham (II) samvata' 37 eri-Chodagangadāvasya pra[va*]rddhamina-vijaya-rajye
Sri-Märkandēsva(sva)2 radēvasya yavato-chandr-ärka[i] pravattamānām-'khandadvipa' srl-Purusötmadēva-angal 3 bhöga-Niralo-grāma-vāstavya-sādhū(dhu)-Bhi(Bhi)madēva ēva[m] Ruda vam Har[T]"
ēka-chhāya-dvipa-bung 11 1 It is difficult to say whether the suggestion is further supported by the fact that the Anargharagham of Murärimisra (ninth or tenth century according to some, but c. 1050-1135 A.D. Becording to others) was staged on the occasion of the yātra of the god Purushottama of Purt since the epithet lavan-oda-vela-van-ali-lamalaLars-kandala, applied to the deity, does not refer to his worship on the sea-shore and since Vishnu's namo Purushottama was not unknown elsewhere (cf. No. 504 of 1956-57, Appendix B). For the date of Murari, 10 De, Hist. Sans. Lit., p. 449; Kieth, Sanskrit Drama p. 225; ABORI, Vol XXXVIII, p. 88; eto. It has to be noticed that Murari's drama gives a rapid description of well-known places like Ujjayint, Veripal, Kallisa, Prayaga, Tamrapart on the sea, Champs in Gauda, Panchavati, Kundina in Maharashtra, Kiñohl in Drivids sad Mähishmati in Chēdi-mandala, but not of Purushottamapurf or Purt. The other references pertaining to dates earlier than the eleventh oentury, oited in 01. Hist. Res. Journ., Vol. III, pp. 6 ff., are even more dubious.
* Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 44 ff. * From impressions. • Expressed by symbol. . Read santal. • Read yāvacho * Read pravartlamon-akhanda-dip-drthash. • Road Purushottamallen-anga. . Probably Rudra is intended. 1. Read Harid its ataib. 11 Read dipa-suvarnan or dip-arthani muvarnas.

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मह श्राम। যারAইब
अनि म जवকवह ए दमघवन वाहनेनदं दादाला
मायद र?এমাই
এরक
2
6
8
এ
PURI INSCRIPTION OF CHODAGANGA
16.
রमाघ
N).
नाटकका
Scale : Two-thirds
महादদক
8

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No. 36)
PURI INSCRIPTION OF CHODAGANGA 4 gpihitam [l] idāniņ(nim) sådhu(dhu)-Bhi(Bhi)madēvasya pūta -Nanena v[I]sudhya' kri
(kri)yată [1] Mārkaņdēsvaskva)ravė(da)5 va-pājāhāri-Hari[b] &vaṁ Vand[au] ēvan Kõhriņēs[v]a(bva)radēvasys pājābāri-Väsu dsāṁ
(shāṁ) t[bhr)6 rejapā ēka(ka) chhāya [1] Ji(JI)vanta-srēshta? dvipa-suna' grihitam [1]
Märkandesva(kvara[d]ēvasam prati-mase dvipa7 upajögēte taillya(lar) dä(dvē) tatēt [!]ētada-artha" sākshisnah] mūdrahastha-Děvadhara"
iva[mNi(NI)lakam[u]8 nda[h*) pasāpālaka-Sri(Sri)dhar ēvam Nārāyana[h*) Sārmavāji-s-Mahādēva[h*] Dēvamēndi
[h*j brskara9ņa-Harish 107
* Read griftam. • Read putra. • Read vihuddin. • Read Vand its
The intended reading is tribkio ; but read trayapdn. • The intended reading is janánar. * Road Irishfind
Road dipa-ruparnan or dip-arthani mwvarnar. • Better rend devasya. 10 Read māsan dip-opayoge. 11 The idos seems to be dvi-bata-karanka-parimāram. 11 Road etad-arthe. 11 Read midrahasta. 14 An unnecessary anusvåra above ra seems to have been osnoelled. 1 The intended reading may bo Somaydji.

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No. 36-KALACHURI INSCRIPTION FROM KARITALAI
(1 Plate) BAL CHANDRA JAIN, RAIPUR.
(Received on 13.7.1967) The stone slab bearing the present inscription was dug out by Sri Kanchhedi Lalji Patel in 1953 while he was ploughing his field in the village of Karitalaii in the Murwara Tahsil of the Jabalpur District, Madhya Pradesh. In April 1955, I visited the place and examined the inscription. The inscribed stone was later removed by me to the Raipur Museum.
The slab measures 2' 71" in length and 1' 31' in height. The inscription contains 13 lines of writing. A piece of stone has broken away from the top left corner of the slab causing loss of four letters in line 1 and of two letters in line 2. The middle and lower parts of the record are also damaged.
The record is well written and neatly engraved. The charactors are Nagari of about the 10th century A.D. and resemble those of the stone inscriptions of the early Kalachuri rulers."
The language of the record is Sanskrit and, except the words fubham and me galar at the end, it is metrically composed throughout. There are in all 12 verses. As regards orthography, the consonant following is often reduplicated. V is always written for b. The sign for upadhmäniya has been used thrice in lines 1, 2 and 10. The inscription is not datod.
Verse 4 of the record mentions the Kalachuri king Yuvarajadēva (I), son of Mugdhatunga. The damaged portion in verse 6 seems to have contained the name of his son Lakamapardja I whose minister Somēśvara is mentioned in verse 10.
The objeot of the inscription is to record the construction of a küpa (well) in the heart of the city of Somasvilmipura (obviously Kärstalāi) by Sõmēbvara who was a minister of Kalachuri Lakshmanarāja II and is known from another record' to have erected a temple of Vishnu at Kårstalai. His father Bhākamisra (Bhämisra of the present inscription) was one of the two ministers of king Yuvarājadēva I.
Verse 1 seems to praise Vishnu and Lakshmi. Verse 2 praises the moon, while verse 3 refers to the kings of the lunar race. The poet has compared the qualities of the lunar race with those of the moon in phrases having two meanings. In verse 4, we are told that Yuvarājadēva (I), son of Mugdhatunga, was born in the said family. Verse 5 describes the exploits of the former and states that his elephants had pressed the Gaudas, punished the Kõsalas, beaten the kings of the south ard conquered the Gurjaras. Thus, unlike the Bilhari inscription, the present record which is definitely earlier than the former, claims for Yuvarājadēva I alias Kėyūravarsha, the victories
1 The village is 36 miles north-east of Katni, headquarters of the Murwara subdivision. The following insoriptions were discovered at or near Karitalai : (1) copper plate of Jayanātha, Gupta year 174 (CII, Vol. III, pp. 117 ff.); (2) inscription of Lakshmanerāja I, Kalachuri year 693 (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 256 ff.; CII, Vol. IV, No. 37); (3) inscription of the time of Lakshmanarāja II, which records the erection of a temple of the Enemy of the Demons' (i.e. Vishnu) by his minister Soměsvara (above, Vol. II, pp. 174 ff; CII, Vol. IV. No. 42); (4) Sati record of the time of Virsränadēva, Vikrama Samvat 1412 (ASR, Vol. IX, p. 113; Hiralal- List, No. 48). See also Hiralal, op. oit., No. 74.
. Cf. abovo, Vol. II, pp. 174 ff.; Vol. XXIII, pp. 250 ff.: CII, Vol. IV. Nos. 37 and 49. OU, Vol. IV, No. 42.
Bhakamitra and Gollaks alias Gauda, son of Bhanu, wore the two ministers of Yuvarājadova I (cf. ibid., pp. Ixxxiv. . Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 266 ff.; CII, Vol. IV No. 45.
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Page #269

KALACHURI INSCRIPTION FROM KARITALAI
CENTERTAINMETHIMROMETIMANDAHANEYAMIRRIGEMINE
HusbandereryadibajTIRTHEPATITISTER ReleasRETOPANISHA
मायंदरायपीया पारयो समय दासता मारियायेमबहDEसामावडायतियार
माम सारतसमायोसाय लकीटायापाखिलामियका विनासायोयोर प्रसाद विन मरतोगविगारपेयविधिवत सावता रईशालीवितयार रायनितालमा सरसावर वयसरि भयय लामालाकदिलायमवियरलाइमला टेनिसरदेशवासियल मानववियन परिवटि वायसी काटी अगले सभी मेमरममावन स्थानिय लालिपस्थित मानयिमत स्थापन नगदरनिमियर स्टोरम मामिपूत्रमतारामास्वादनमा
10
10
SHRINEETE hackinjeretirenakPPEAREEKRELAMRUTTAparnahate
(from a Photograph)

Page #270

No.38]
KALACHURI INSCRIPTION FROM KARITALAI
187
over the Gaudas, Kosalas, the South Indian kings and the Gürjaras only. The views of scholars, who doubt the statement of the Bilhari inscriptiou that Yuvarājadēva I had even conquered Kasmira and the Himalayan countries, find support from the present inscription. On the other hand, it adds two new victories to the list, i.e., those over the Kösalas and the Gurjaras.
Verse 6, which is fragmentary, possibly contained the name of Lakshmanarājadēra whose merits are described in verses 7-9. Sõmēśvara and his father are referred to in verses 10 and 11 respectively. Verse 12 records the object of the inscription which, as indicated above, was the excavation of a well by Somēśvara in the city of Somasvāmipura.
The city of Somasvämipura (verse 12) may have been named after the shrine of Sömasvamin, which seems to be identical with the temple of the Enemy of the Demons' built by Söměkvara and mentioned in Lakemanarāja's inscription from Karitalai referred to above.
TEXT
Metres: Vorbes 1, 7 Anushfubh; verse 2 Sragelhara; verses 3-4 Vasantatilaka ; verses 5-6, 9, 12
Sārlūlavikridita ; verse 8 Prithvi : verse 10 U pajati ; verse 11 Arya).
"
.
1 ......क्ष्मलक्ष्मीभ्यां सह साध्वजितायते । यत्स्मृती न द्विषां सैन्यं सहसाध्वजितायते ॥ [१]
स्वग्गंस्रोत प्रवाहप्रथमहिमगिरिर्वात पुत्त्वात्विचक्ष श्शुक्तिप्र2 - 'मुक्ता त्रिपुरहरशिरश्शाश्वतश्वेतपद्मः । कामान्तर्यामिदेहो दहनदिवसकृन्मण्डलान्तो
त्रिपुत्त पुण्यज्योतिश्चकास्ति त्रिजगति कमलावा (बा) लव (ब)न्धुः 3 सुधाजशुः ॥ [२*] स्वच्छाशयस्फुरितनिर्मलमण्डलाग्रसंक्षोभिताखिलदिशाश्रयवाहिनीशा ।
सोमात्सदुद्गतिरतीबकरा नरेन्द्रचन्द्रावली प्रववृते प्र4 तिवि (बि)म्वि (म्बि) तेव ।।[३*] तत्त्राभवद्भवनभूषणभूतभूतिः श्रीमुग्धतुङ्गतनयो युवराज
देवः । यस्यांघ्रिवारिरुहि वा (बा) ढमलीयमानाः प्रापुर्द्विषस्सपदि सं5 पदमापदञ्च ॥[*] य[ग्गों ]डाः . परिपीडिताः सरभसं यः कोसलाः शासिता यः
क्षुण्णाः' गतदक्षिण [*] क्षितिभृतो यैर्गुजरा निर्जिताः । विप्रेभ्यः प्रतिपा6 दिताः प्रतिदिनं ते येन धान्या] ---- --- पुरपुरं दप्पोद्ध
[ताः] सिन्धु]राः ॥[५] इन्दोः सुन्दरता (बु) धाद्धि बुधतामेताङ्कलां शांतितामायोरायु
1 The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 89.
From the original stone and improssions, [The lost lottore may be restored as Srivatsa-lao-Ed.] '(Tho rending in girir-Dharri".-Ed.]
[The mining letters may be rostored as tyagra or tyika.-Ed.] [Read padmam.--Ed.) [Read •l-anta(18) tri".-Ed.] [Road sudharuh.-Ed.)
(Sandh bas not been observed here.--Ed.] "[Thorandingsooms to bo Budhad-ribudhatam-Allar-kala.salifam-4.-Ed.)

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188
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII 7 रबारमायुधविधावुत्साहितिा] - - --- - - - ... -व्यापि चीतस्य' यस्तस्माल्लक्ष्मणराजदे]वनृपतिः श्रीमानभून्मानाभूः ॥[*] . मन्म(एम)ही 8 करिणः कीटाः पाषाणा रत्नराशयः । ] ........
[रणे) पात्यविलक्षता ॥[७*] प्रभू - पटकारिणां - न ------
[भित्तितललेखिनां मधु - ७ विलिप्तचन्द्रार्पिणां (णाम्) । अहो सुमहदद्भतं वचनम तोद्भाविनां न येन
विनिवेशितं हृदि कथाप्रसंगादपि ॥[८*] नेत्तस्थाननिविष्टवारिविसररुन्मुक्तकेशोत्क10 रैईन्तालीवितयान्तराप्पिततुणस्तम्ब (म्ब) रणप्राङ्गणे । वर्षासून्नतिभाजि मेघपटने
यद्वारणाक्षौहिणीत्वा सेनेव पुराणशात्त्रवशिर पिण्डास्थि11 कूटः स्थितं (तम्) ॥ [९*] पदेनवद्यो निपुणः प्रमाणे वाक्ये विपक्वः श्रुतिपार
दृश्वा । वा (बा)लाग्निहोत्री कुशलः कलासु सोमेश्वरस्तस्य व (ब) भूव मन्त्री ॥
[१०*) धिषणान्वितोपि 12 काव्यप्रियोपि वु(बु)धसंगतोपि तच्चित्त (त्त्रम्) । यत्सकलग्रहरहितः श्रीमद्भामि
असूनुरसौ॥[११] सोमस्वामिपुरान्तरालतिलकं स (सु) व्यापकं वापिकारूपं कूपमचीचान]13 [स] - लादप्युत्तम पावनं (नम्) । यनिर्मा]पणकालकर्मठदृष -- कर
----वर्त - समन्ततोपि कमठपृष्ठस्य पुष्टास्तटः] ॥ [१२*] [शुभं (भम्)]॥ मंगास (लम्) ॥]
*[The reading may be vfrasya(s=sa).---Ed.) [The reading is Parttha vilakahatd.-Ed.] [Read [kajl-agati-Ed.] -[The rending indefective and doubtful and does not iuit the motre.-Ed.]

Page #272

No. 37–UPPUGUNDUR INSCRIPTION OF VIRAPURISADATA'S TIME, YEAR 19
(1 Plate) B. CH. CHHABRA, New DELHI
(Received on 17. 6. 1958) A fairly extensive site with remains of a Buddhist chaitya has recently been brought to light on the west bank of the Buckingham Canal, somewhere between the railway stations of Chinna Ganjam and Uppugundūr, the railway line lying about half a mile south-east of the site. There is a lake, called Rumperu, beyond the railway bridge at that point. The lake is connected with the sea, about 5 miles from there. In ancient times, the sea might have been nearer the site, as it abounds in shells as well as in brickbats, stone pieces and potsherds, lying about or stuck in the ruined structure of the stupa which appears to be of a large size.
The nearest village, Uppugundur, in the Ongole Taluk of the Guntur District, is about 2 miles west of the site. The land within which it is situated belongs to one Sri Gogineni Nagiah. The site was accidently exposed by the landlord's men while digging a deep channel for draining out excess rain-water from the paddy fields nearby. The antiquities laid bare included broken stone statues, sculptured pillars, slabs, etc. Some of these have been removed to Uppugupdūr where they are kept in an enclosure, close to the Village Munsif's Office, for safe custody. Among the exposed antiquities was a marble pillar which had some figures and designs carved on the top and a Prakrit inscription incised on its lower part.
On receipt of information regarding the discovery of the inscription, I visited the site on January 21, 1958, in the company of Sri Pallela Pulla Reddi, the acting Village Munsif of Uppugundür. On arrival there, to our great surprise and disappointment, we found that the inscribed part of the pillar had been broken away and missing. The chisel marks on the remainder of the Dillar as well as a quantity of unsoiled chippings strewn thereabout were proclaiming, so to say, that the act of vandalism had been perpetrated freshly. I was told that, at the time of the removal of a damaged Buddha statue and some sculptured pieces to the village of Uppugundūr, the inscribed pillar had been allowed to be left in situ, the landlord having taken it upon himself to take care of that. It is a pity that this pillar was not removed to a place of safety along with the rest of the finds. Luckily, the Superintendent, Nagarjunakonda Excavation Project, had already secured an estampage or two of the inscription, a photograph of which is reproduced here.
As may be seen from the photograph, the inscription has undergone some damage at its lower end. The extant portion shows 10 lines of writing, the first six being complete and the remaining ones progressively damaged. Unfortunately, the most important part of the record, in which its object was mentioned, has been lost to us in the portion already broken away. The tenth line, the extant portion of which reads (ya?)-patane mahā, obviously mentioned the name of the place (patana, Skt. pattana), followed by what might have been mahāchetiyan, the erection of which must have been the object of the record.
The script of the inscription is Brāhmi of about the 3rd century A. D., akin to the one used in many a similar stone inscription from Nāgārjunakonda and places round about. The ornamental treatment of the top and bottom strokes of various aksharas is its chief characteristic.
1 Macron over e and o has not been used in this article.
1 Above, Vol. XX, pp. 1 ff. Amaravati, Jaggayyapeta and Ghantabala are some of the other places that have ielded similar inscriptions.
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Page #273

190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII The language is Prakrit as is the case with the majority of the inscriptions just referred to from the same region.
As for its contents, it begins with the auspicious formula sidhan, followed by a symbol which ordinarily stands for Om. Thereafter comes adoration to the Buddha. Then comes the date, the details of which we shall presently notice. After the mention of the date comes the record proper. It states that one Barghila, son of a merchant (raniye, Skt. vavi or vänija), called Vaira (Bkt. Vajra), and grandson of a householder (gahapali, Skt. grihapali), called Sarghila, performed a meritorious deed, the details of which are lost in the missing part of the inscription. It may be observed that the donor is named after his grandfather in accordance with a well-known custom in ancient India. The inscription further informs us that the donor's grandfather hailed from Dhamakada. This place is mentioned also in some Prakrit inscriptions from Amaravati under the variant readings like Dhaññakataka and Dhanakataka (both from Skt. Dhinyakataka). The Mayidavolu plates of Pallava Sivaskandavarman, however, mention the place-name exactly as it occurs in our inscription. It is generally identified with Dharanikoța.
An indication as to the nature of the pious deed performed by Sariglila is afforded by the few surviving letters, that read (ya?]patane mahā, in line 10. Possibly he erected a mahāchetiya (Skt. mahāchaitya) at a place the name of which ended in paana. This must refer to a sea-port or a flourishing coastal town which must have existed on the site of the present ruined stūpa. Future discoveries will throw more light as to the identity and the history of the place.
Sarighila allowed a number of his near relations to be associated with himself in the merit of the pious act, who are specifically inentioned. They are his mother Dharhinavänikini, his brother Nägilarinaka, his sisters Budharnikā and Samudarnika, his wife Sigaramnika, his brother's wife Sarghanikā, and children. Some more names are inentioned further on, but their relationship with the donor is not clear owing to the damaged condition of the inscription. They are Vairasirinaka, Nägilanaka, Dhamaiinikā and Nägasarımaiinika besides those daniged. There is a mention of children again after the name of Nägilarınaka in line 8. They possibly refer to the children of Nāgilarinaka who is most probably identical with Sarnghila's brother mentioned earlier in line 5.
The inscription is dated the 13th day of the 4th fortnight of the Summer season (gimhu, Skt. grishma) of the 19th year of [the reigu of the Ilchaku ling Mädhariputa SiriVirapurisadata. The highest known regral year of this king is 20 which is cited in the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions already referred to above. On this score, thus, our inscription does not add much to our knowle:lye. However, by its location, it throws some fresh light on the extent of this king's dominions.
Its occurrence in a Buddhist record is odd, but instances are met with. Inscriptions F and H of Nigar. junakonda have it ; but it has been left unread. The same is the case with one of the Jaggayyapeta inscriptione. See Plate LXIII in The Buddhist Stupas of Amaracali and Jaggayyapeta by J. Burgess, London, 1887, pp. 110 f. Compare also Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (C11, Vol. III) p. 46, note 3, and the Nalanda stone inscription of the reign of Yabovarmadeva, above, Vol. XX, p. 43 and note 2.
See above, Vol. XX, p. 6 and note 2. . Ibid. Vol. VI pp 84 ff.
* The latter part of the name is the feminino of riniya. It is also possiblo that her proper name has not been mentioned here. She is only respectfully referred to here as Damn avánikini, i.e. 'the pious lady, consort of the merchant (Vajra]
These children may refer to those of the donor himself, for those of his brother are mentioned separately further on.

Page #274


Page #275

UPPUGUNDUR INSCRIPTION OF VIRAPURISADATA'S TIME,
YEAR 19
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(from
a Photograph)

Page #276

No. 37) UPPUGUNDUR INSCRIPTION OF VIRAPURISADATA'S TIME, YEAR 19191
My reading of the inscription is based on the photograph which I owe to the courtesy of the Superintendent. Nagarjunakonda Excavations Project,
TEXT 1 Sidham Um[1] namo bhagavato sava-sat-otamasa Sammāsambudhas-eti [l*] 2 mahā[t]ājase Mädhariputasa Thakunam siri-Virapurisadatasa 3 sarhvacnharam 10 9 gimha-pakham 4 divasam 10 3 Dhamakada-vathavasa 4 Bamghila-gahapatisa natukena Vaira-vāniya-putena Ba[m]ghilena
matāva Dharmavānikinīja bhātuno cha Nägilamnakasa bhagini6 Budhamnikāya Samudamnikāya bhariyāya Sāgaramnikāya bhātu-bha7 riyāya Saraghanikāya bālaksā]nam chu Vairasirinakasa Chamda . . . .í. 8 kasa "Nägilamnakasa bālakānam cha Dhamaṁnikāya patu......... 9 kāya Nāgasammamnikāya cha evam sa-nāti-mita-bandha ...... 10 .. ............ .(yaj* patane maha .............5
1 Expressed by a symbol. * The form of the akshara meant to be mha is not regular. * Two medial i signs are seen here over the damaged letters. Only the right side of the letter is visible."
[For the symbol in line 1, wbaai & Theinnt of one found in Ausnana inscriptions, seo Select Inscriptions, p. 150, note 3. In line 8, the word is bālikānant which is preceded by the list of Sanghila's sons (cf. bālakānci in line 7) and followed by that of his daughters. It is better to mad bhagini[nam*] in line 5.-Ed.)

Page #277

No. 38–MODASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V. S. 1067
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 12. 6. 1958) A set of photographs of the inscription published here was received from Pandit Purani Utsavalal of Mödāsā, the headquarters of a Taluk of that name in the Sabarkantha District in the Gujarat area of the Bombay State, through Dr. M. R. Mazumdar of Baroda. The locality was formerly in the Prantij Taluk of the Ahmedabad District. The Pandit's interest was aroused by the mention of the geographical names Möhadavāsaka and Sayanapata in the record since he could easily identify them respectively with the present Modāsā and the village of Sinvāda in the Mödāsā Taluk. Unfortunately the original plates were not available for examination in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, though the inscription is decipherable from the set of photographs referred to above. Considering the welcome light the record throws on the history of the Paramāras of Malwa, it is edited in the following pages.
The inscription is stated to be incised on both sides of a single plate measuring about 9 inches in length and about 6 inches in height. There is a hole in its upper margin; but no ring or seal was available. There are in all 21 lines of writing in the inscription, 15 on the first side and 6 on the second. The preservation of the writing is satisfactory. The weight of the plate is not known.
The inscription is written in Nagari characters of about the eleventh century A. D. They are rather carelessly engraved and cannot be compared with the beautifully incised letters of the inscriptions of the Paramāras such as the Gāonri plates of Muñja, dated V. S. 1038 and 1043. They may, however, be compared with those of Bhoja's Betmā platesof V. S. 1076, the characters of which are not as beautiful as those of the Gaonri plates but are nevertheless much more carefully engraved than those of our epigraph. It may be remembered in this connection that the present charter is not an Imperial Paramāra record.
An interesting feature of the palaeography of our epigraph is the incomplete formation of the letter & (without its vertical right limb) in a large number of cases; cf. Sudi in line 2, vāsaka (for väsaka) in line 6, frutā° in line 7, Sayanao in lines 8 and 9, fut° (for suto) in lines 12 and 14, eto. Medial e has been written both as prishtha-mātrā and as firð-mātrā. In some cases, the siro-mātrā type of medial e has its top curved towards the right; cf. paramēsvara (for paramēsvara) in line 3, mandale in line 6, etc. See also the medial signs of ai and o in ih-aiva Valloo in line 7. B has been written by the sign for v. The letter jh, rarely found in early inscriptions, is once used in a personal name in line 15.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. There are many grammatical and orthographical errors in the text. The record is entirely written in prose, there being not even the usual imprecatory verses. Its orthography is characterised by a confusion between $ and 8 (cf. paramēsvara for paramējvara four times in lines 3-6 and futa for suta in lines 12, 14, 18 and 20) besides other errors of spelling. There are many cases of the redundant use of a danda, while sometimes it is placed quite close to a letter so as to look like an a-mātra.
1 See A. R. Ep., 1967-68. No. A 23. 8oo also H. G. Shastri's article on the epigraph in Bhar. Vid., Vol. V, 1945, Supplement, pp. 37-40.
* See above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 108 11., and Plates. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 320 ff., and Plates.
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Page #278

No. 38) MUDASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V. S. 1067
193
The date of the charter is quoted in lines 1-2, both in words and in figures, as Sunday, the first of the bright half of the month of Jyāshtha in the year 1067 (of the V. S. which was Kärttikādi). This date corresponds regularly to the 6th May, 1011 A.D.
The inscription begins with a Siddham symbol followed by the date discussed above. Then it introduces (lines 2-6) the räjya of the illustrious Paramabhattāraka. Mahäräjäthirāja Paramesvara Bhöjadēva who meditated on the feet of (or, was favoured by) P. M. P. Sindhurajadēva. King Sindhurāja is similarly stated to have succeeded P. M. P. Vākpatirājadēva who is likewise described as the successor of P. M. P. Siyakadēva. It is difficult to say whether the expression Bhojadàva-rājyë used in the text means ' during the sovereignty of Bhöjadēva' or 'in the kingdom of Bhõjadēva ', since both interpretations would suit the context. But the word rājya is generally used in the sense of sovereignty ' in such contexts in epigraphic records. Lines 6-7 introduce a subordinate ruler named Vatsarāja who was apparently ruling over Mohadavāsaka or the Arddhāshtama mandala in it and is described as bhõlkūramahārājaputra. In the signature of the ruler copied in line 20, his name is written as Vachchharāja. There is no doubt that Māhadavāsaka mentioned in our inscription is identical with the Möhadavāsaka vishaya known from the Harsölä platest of Paramāra Siyaka, dated V. S. 1005.
The expression bhötkāramahärājaputra may be a mistake for bhoktri-mahārajaputra. In that case, Vatsarāja is called Mahārājaputra probably because he was an as yet unknown son of the Paramāra king Bhöja, although the possibility of Vatsaraja having been the son of some other ruling chief is not precluded. The word bhoktri would suggest that Mohadavāsaka or a part of it lay within the fief under Vatsarāja's possession. This interpretation is quite probable in view of the passage Kethanadēva-rājyē varttamānah(nē) sri-Kirttipāladeva-puttrai[/*] Sinā nava-bhāktā(ktri)-rājaputra-Lasha(kshma)napālha(la)-rājaputtra-Attr-A)bhayapāla(laih) occurring in a record of the Chahamānas of Nadūla. Otherwise the passage bhötkāramahārājaputra would have to be taken to mean that Paramāra Bhõja's feudatory Vatsarāja ruling over the whole or a part of the Möhadavāsaka district was the son of a chief named Bhötkāra-mahārāja. But this is less likely.
Lines 7 ff. record the grant of two hala measures of land in Sayanapata-grāma made by Vatsarāja probably in favour of a Brāhmana named Derdda who is described as Vallstakiva and Chāturjätakiya. Sayanapata-gräma was situated in Arddhashtamamandala lying within the Mohadavāsaka district, mentioned above. Lines 11-12 give the Brāhmara's name as Deddāka who seems to be further described as belonging to a family pertaining to the Upārasya götra and hailing from Harshapura and as the son of Göpāditya. The Upānasya götra is not found in early Indian literature and it is difficult to determine whether it is a mistake for Aupamanyava. The expression Vallotakiya in the Brāhmaṇa's description suggests that he was either the inhabitant of a locality called Vallotaka or belonged to a com munity of Brāhmanas known as Vallōtaka. The same word also occurs in line 13 as an epithet of certain other Brāhmaṇas. The epithet Châturjātakiya (lines 7 and 12) applied to the donee apparently means a member of the Chaturjātaka of the Cintra prasasti,' which was no doubt an administrative board of four like the Chauthia of Rajasthan (cf. Panchakula or Panchayat which was a similar board of five administrators).
The language of the grant portion of the record discussed above is defective and may also indicate that it was the Brāhmaņa Dērda or Dēddaka who was the donor of the grant and that Vatsaraja merely ratified the transaction. If such was the case, the donee was the son of Göpäditya ; but his personal name is not mentioned.
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 236 ff. and Plates.
* Abovo, Vol. XI, p. 49, text lines 3-5; cf. ibid., p.5, text lines 2-3, where the same princes are described as Saninamaka-thokta.
. Cf. abovo, Vol. I, pp. 721 ff.; A. K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat, pp. 250-81.

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194
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII
Lines 9-10 describe the gift land as producing such crops as kõdrava (a species of grain eaten by the poor people), tila (sesame), mudga (a kind of pulse), vrihi (paddy) and kanikā (cummin seed) while lines 10-11 state that the land was given together with a house, a threshing floor, and a quantity of paddy apparently stored there, no doubt in the village of Sayanapāta.
Lines 13-15 give the names of the pārsvikas [of the gift land). By the word pārsvika was apparently meant persons owning lands in the neighbourhood of the two hala measures granted to the donee in the village of Sayanapata. The list of the pārsvikas includes the names of the following persons : Rājādhyaksha (probably,' a judge ') Vidita ; the Brāhmaṇas Tāta, Nāța and Pahiya who were residents of Vallotaka or members of the Vallotaka community; the Brāhmaṇa Govarddhana as also Kēlāditya ; Thakura Rāņaka, son of Dantivarman; and the Pațțakila (i.e. Patēl) Jhambaka as well as Lallāka and Göggaka.
A similar list of witnesses is found in lines 16-19 and it is stated that the charter was engraved in their presence. This list includes the following names: Thakura Kēšavāditya described as the
lord of the Samkasakas'; Tämpalika and the Méhara (village headman) Vallabharāja ; the Sreshthin Jāudi and Bhabha, both sons of Kapashţi; Voivasu (Vaivasvata ?), Gudhayati and Samgēma (possibly Sathgama); and Thakura Chandrika, son of Killa or Killa. The real meaning of Sarkasaka used in this section is difficult to determine. Possibly it is the name of a tribe or community and does not stand for sankarshaka, meaning an agriculturist', since ' a lord of the cultivators' is difficult to think of.
Lines 19-20 state that the document was written by the scribe Chhaddaka who was the son of Amnaka. A copy of the donor's signature on the original document later engraved on the plates under study is found in line 20. But, as already indicated above, the name is given here in the Prakrit form of Vachchharāja instead of Vatsarāja as found in line 7. The document ends with a mangala in line 21.
The inscription is interesting for several reasons. In the first place, Vatsarāja mentioned in it is not known from any other source. Secondly, it is the earliest inscription referring to the reign of the great Paramāra king Bhoja. Thirdly, it speaks of Bhõja's rule over parts of the SabarkanthaAhmadabad region, not far from Anahilapātaka, the capital of the contemporary kings of the Claulukya or Solanki dynasty of Gujarat.
The tradition recorded by Mērutunya. and others that Paramāra Vakpati Muñja, also called Utpala, was succeeded not by his younger brother Sindhurāja but by the latter's son Bhöja is contradicted by Padmagupta's Navasähasār kacharitaas well as by epigraphic evidence. Like the records of the Imperial Paramāras, our inscription, issued by a subordinate ruler, applies imperial titles to Sindhuraja and represents him as the successor of Vakpati and the predecessor of Bhoja. According to Mērutunga, Vākpati Muñja, while he was leading an expedition against the Chālukyas, was defeated in a battle and captured by the Chalukya king Taila II who put him to death at a later date. The Chikkerur (Dharwar District) inscription of Mahāmandalesvara Ahavamalla (i.e. Satyasraya, son of Taila II), dated Saka 917, Jaya, Phālguna-sudi 15, Saturday (possibly February 18, 959 A.D.), states that he was just then moving towards the north for fighting against Utpala (i.e. Paramāra Väkpati Muñja). This not only shows that the Paramára king was captured sometime after February 995 A.D. but seems also to suggest that he was already in the Chalukya territory in the course of his fatal expedition. It appears that the Chālukya crown-prince's movement from
1 Prabandhachintartani, Tawney's trans., pp. 31-32, 36.
XI, 98. • Op. cit., pp. 33-36.
• Above, pp. 131 ff. The inscription of course states that Ahavamalla proceeded against Utpala in connection with his nortbern dig-vijaya after having subdued his enemies in the south. But the fact cannot be ignored that its date is too near that of the Paramára king's suothern expedition. The inscription shows that Ahavamalla Satyasraya was then his father's governor in the Dharwar region and that he was under orders of transfer.

Page #280

No. 38] MODASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V.S. 1067
1 95
the southern part of his father's empire towards the north was part of a scheme of general mobilisation of the fighting strength and resources of Taila II for the defence of the northern regions of his dominions which had been invaded by the Paramāra monarch. Since Muñja was killed some time before the death of Taila II in 997 A.D., it further appears that, from the date of his departure on his last expedition against the territory of the Chalukya king about the beginning of 995 A.D., Sindhurāja was ruling the Paramāra kingdom, first as his brother's representative and then (after Muñja's capture or death) as the latter's successor. The beginning of Sindhurāja's rule may thus be assigned to about the commencement of 995 A.D.
The duration of the rule of Sindhurāja and the date of the accession of his son Bhöja cannot be determined. Some scholars have suggested that Bhõja ascended the throne about 1005 A.D., while others have placed his accession to about 1010 A.D.1 But there is a definite tradition in the Prabandhachintamani and the Bhojaprabandha recording the duration of Bhõja's reign and there is hardly any reason why it should not be accepted as genuine. According to this tradition, Bhõja ruled for 55 years, 7 months and 3 days. While the earliest known date of Bhoja's son and successor Jayasimha is V. S. 1112, Ashādha-vadi 13 (probably the 13th June, 1056 A.D.) when his Mandhata plates were issued, the Chintāmaņisäramikā, composed by Dasabala at Bhõja's court apparently in Saka 977 (1055-56 A.D.), seems to offer the latest date for the reign of Bhoja. Thus Bhöja seems to have ruled from the middle of 1000 A.D. to the end of 1065 A.D. His father Sindhurāja therefore ruled for about five years between 995 and 1000 A.D. The fantastic stories of Sindhuraja's exploits given in the Navasāhasārkacharita (the date of the composition of which is doubtful although it is sometimes believed to be 1005 A.D.) can scarcely be regarded as an evidence in favour of assigning a longer reign to Sindhurāja.
No inscription of Paramāra Sindhuraja has as yet been discovered; but we have a number of dates for the reign of his son and successor Bhoja. Besides the Chintämanisāranikā composed at Bhõja's court in Saka 977 (1055-56 A.D.) and referred to above, the Rājamrigānkakarana, ascribed to Bhõja, was composed in Saka 964 (1042-43 A.D.). Bhõja's copper-plate grants discovered so far offer the following dates : (1) Banswärā plates? issued on Māgha-sudi 5, V. S. 1076 (probably January 3, 1020 A.D.); (2) Betmā plates issued on Bhadrapada-sudi 15, V. S. 1076 (probably September 4, 1020 A.D.): (3) Ujjain plates granted on Sunday, Māgha-vadi 3, V. S. 1078 (probably 24th December, 1021 A.D.) and issued on Chaitra-sudi 14 of the sume year (probably March 19, 1022 A.D.); and (4) Depalpur platesto issued on Chaitra-sudi 14, V. S. 1079 (probably March 9, 1023 A.D.). Besides these, there are (1) the British Museum Sarasvati image inscription 11 of the reign of Bhõja, dated V. S. 1091 (1034-35 A.D.); (2) the Tilakwäļā plates issued by Bhoja's feudatory Yasoraja of Sanga makhēţa-mandala on the occasion of the Soma-parvan on Monday in the
1 See Bühler, Paiyulachchhi, Intro.. p. 9; above, Vol. I, pp. 232-33.
* Cf. Bhojaprabandha, ed. Vāruder Panólkar, p. 2: l'afichasat-pancha turshaxi sapta-masa-dina-trayam Bhojarajena bhöktaryah sa-Gando Dukshinanthal Seo alsu Prabandhachintamani, ed. Durgashankar Kevalrom Shastri, p. 32.
. Above, Vol. II, p. 48: Bhandarkar List, Xo. 139. Bühler ansigned Bhöja's death to a date after 1062 A.D. on inadequate evidence.
• Nee JOR, Vol. XIX, Part II, 19.52, Supplement.
See above, Vol. I, pp. 232-33 ; cf. Ganguly, Ilintory of the l'aramira Dynasty, pp. 80-81. . Cf. above, Vol. I. pp. 232-33. * Ibid., Vol. XI, pp. 181 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 3:20 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 53 f.; Vol. XIX, p. 36). 16 IHQ, Vol. VIII, pp. 305 ff. u Bhandarkar's List, No. 120.
1 Ibid., No. 128. 26 DGA/68

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII month of Marga, V. S. 1103 (possibly November 17, 1046 A.D.); and (3) the Kalvan plates1 issued by another of the Palamāra king's feudatories, named Yasōvarman, on the occasion of a solar eclipse on Chaitra-vadi 15 (March 17, 1048 A.D.). It will be seen that the earliest date for Bhōja supplied by these records is Magha-sudi 5, V.S. 1076-January 3, 1020 A.D., although we know that he ascended the throne earlier since Chalukya Jayasimha II claims to have defeated him by Saka 941 (1019-20 A.D.). The present epigraph issued on Sunday, Jyeshtha-sudi 1, V. S. 1067= May 6, 1011 A.D., is nearly nine years earlier than the earliest of Bhoja's inscriptions so far published.
The inclusion of the Sabarkantha-Ahmadabad region in the dominions of Paramara Bhoja (c. 1000-55. A.D.) is an interesting information supplied by the record under study. So far the said area was known to have formed a part of the kingdom of Bhōja's grandfather Siyaka (c.948-74 A.D.). Our inscription suggests that, in spite of the foundation of the Chaulukya power at Anahilapāṭaka by Mularāja (c. 961-96 A.D.), the region continued to be under the rule of Siyaka's successors. It is interesting to note in this connection that the inscriptions of Mūlarāja and his immediate successors do not mention any place to the east of the upper course of the Sabarmati river, which was probably the eastern boundary of the Chaulukya kingdom during the period in question."
196
-The geographical names mentioned in the inscription are: (1) the district of Mōhaḍavāsaka; (2) the sub-division of Ardhashṭama-mandala (literally, the sub-division of 7 [villages]') in the above district; (3) Sayanapaṭa-grama in the above mandala; and (4) Harshapura. Whether Vallōtaka was the name of a locality near Sayanapata cannot be determined. Of these, the location of Mōhaḍavāsaka and Sayanapaṭa-grama has been indicated above. The identification of Harshapura, whence the donee's family hailed, is uncertain. It may be modern Harsōlā in the Prantij Taluk formerly of the Ahmadabad District but now of the Sabarkantha District, though the name also reminds us of the place of the same name mentioned in the Harsauda (old Harshapura in the Hoshangabad District of Madhya Pradesh) inscripton of Paramāra Dēvapāla, dated V. S. 1275 (1218 A.D.).
TEXTS Obverse
1 Siddham | Samvatsara-sateshu dasasu(su) saptashaptya(shty-a)dhikēpna(shu) Jyeshtha-bukla-patka(kaha)-pratipa
2 dāyām Samvat 1067 Jyeshta (shtha)-[u]di 1 Ravāv=ady-ēha samasta-vri(bri)hadraj-vall
3 pva(pu)rvvam(rvva)-paramabhattaraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramësva(áva)ra-ári-Siyakadēva
padanudhyata'-pa
4 ramabbaṭṭaraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramisva(iva)ra-irt-Vakpatira(rā)jadava-pad-nudhya
(dhya)ta-paramabbaṭṭā
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 69 ff. R.D. Banerji's views (ibid., p. 70) that the issue of the grant by a feudatory indicates the decline of Paramara power and that the charter was issued during the troubled days after Bhoja's death are unsound.
2 Cf. above, Vol. I, p. 230.
Cf. A. K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat, p. 32.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 310 ff.
From a set of photographs.
• Expressed by symbol. The following mark of punctuation is indicated by a curved stroke. Read pad-änudhyata.

Page #282

MODASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V.S. 1067
Obverse
९० वाम पुरस का पूरा परिवार समोरीत १०६११६१ वाजायरा समय तयाबाबत
समझामकमलाना विभागामधर्मस्वाक्शी मीयकलवपदमशन
सरकम सहाणाविना पज सरचा ताबामहादवपासानुशायरमकहा पकनारमा पाटा सनसिंतबाटतपयवानपपमहापक्रम नामाच मनस्वशासानाया जाशमा हवाधकाचा मना र 'सो कापमहापाजवाबवलोटकीयवाशनकामना यस मन पवन को झलटू साध्य के पाट यानि प क सरकाश घरनी सारा के पये कयू' या श्यक पायातकालानमा लसिलवकारिदिमाख
वसन्यमानहाया ममता पकासामा मावाद्वारा कामताप स्पाक नायाबा
गावातवाय तो पाय हाक मापमा सत्य नामक मोया मालकाला (शावमितावानाकायावानभाना
तपाडा TITI माऊल उसायनिक मल पनामा पर | ARUN मेला कापायकवामीसुक्षमा
10
12
(from a photograph)

Page #283

का थाल सजावा ।। अंक 81 काला भवितववाद 2716
या लीका रुसवा १०
राजा उि
के
जब के फापि ममख जज्ञ 20 ক। मंगलम ह
16
Reverse
18
रु या सगा क
कम तीन साल
সলकীৰএৰাॐা
का
18
20

Page #284

No. 38) MODASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V.S. 1067
197
5 raka maha(..)rāja(ja)dhirājul-paramosva(vairu-sri-Simdhurājadēva-pi(pa)d-kuudhiya(yllyä).
ta-paramabhattaraka-ma6 lahārāja (jā)dhirīja-paramosva(svara-sri-Bhojadēva-rājyė sri-Mohadavā(sa(sa)]k
Arddhāshtama-mamdale 7 bhātkāra -mahārājaputra-611-Vatsarājõ(ja) ih-aiva Vallotakiya-chñturjātakiya?[]rut-ūdhya
8 vann-sain* pana(na)-pravara-Vrā(Bra)hmana-Dörddasvn Salyanapāța-grāmē pradatta
hala-dva9 ya-bhūmi-sā (sā)sanan prayachhayatyø=āvam yatha [Salyanapāța-grāmē kūdrava
tila- mu[dga-1'] 10 viīhi kanti(ni)k-ūdi-[ksh]ēttra-bhūmi sya-chatur-ayhattanayanyatya? tathā grāma
madhy griha-khala11 dhanya-namäti asya Vra(Bra)hmananya Harshapura-vinirggataya Upanasya-agöttraya 12 (õpāditya-[Au(su)]tāya chāturjätakiya-vi(vi)pra-Dēdielākasya dharma(rma)-hētavā
sā (sā)san-āka(kā)rēņa prada13 tta | bhūmi-pārasikūlo lakhyattī11 [l*) rājālhyafkslia)-Vidita[h*1 | Vallo]takiyi Vrā(Bra)
hmanī[l*] Tāta[h*] Nāļa[h*] [* 14 tū(tu)thì " Pāhiya[h*1 | Vrā(Brā)hmana-Govardhanash*1 | Köln(lī)ditya[,*1 | Dan
tivarma-LÁļu(su)ta- . "thakura- |*Rāņaka[h*) paț[t]a15 kila-/* Jhamvā(nbā)ka-/" Lallūka- Göggaka-ūdibhi parisukatvail bhumi datritīns
Reverse
16 sā[ksh]yöh(no) li(li)khyartē || tratra
Sarikasakānām=adhipati- " thakura-Koka viditya
17 tathā Tämpālika[h*) / möhara-Vallahharājah | Kapashli(shți)-sutu-srösthi(shthi)-Jāudi[h*)
1 The akshara ja is writton below the line.
? As indicated abovo, this may be either a mistake for thokiri or, loss probably, the personal name of Vatsarāja's father.
. Cf. the expression châturjataklya-vipru in line 12 below.
* Read Derddaya ; but, as indicated above, it is difficult to determine whether Derdda was the donce or the real donor of the grant which war ratified by Vatsarīja probably with Bhöja's permission. The damo of the Bråbmana is written as.Deddāka in line 12 below.
Read prayachchhaty. . The danda is redundant. ? Read aghäfa-8a myukta. . This may be a mistake for Anpamanyara.
. Read Deddakaya; but, as indicated above, it in diMcult to any whother Döddaka was the donce or the donor of the grant in favour of the son of Göpūditya. The name of the Bråbmana is written as Derdda in line 8 above.
10 Read pārsvika. 11 Read likhyante. 11 Read ®ādinām pārsvikalve. 11 Read datteeti. 14 Better read yatha.

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198
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 18 Kapashdi(shți)-bu(su)ta-Bhabha[h* | tathā Võiva[b]u[h*j* Gu(Gü)ąhayati[h*) Samgömä.
Kil(lja -su(su)ta-l" thaku19 ra- ' Chaṁd[r]ik-adio-samasta-jana-pratyaksha[**] sāsanaín samukiritan || likhitam 20 chētata? likhya(lēkha)ka- |* Amnaka-bu(su)ta-Chchhaddakēna | iti || Sri-Cha(Va)chchha
(ta)rājasya10 [1*1 21 mamgalam mahā-śrīsh*] || |
1 It is difficult to say whether the intended name is Vaivasvata. The intended reading may also be Veiva-suta. * The intended reading may be Sangamal • The intended reading may be Killa followed by an unnecessary darda. • The danda is superfluous. Read Chandrika ity-adio. Resd samutkirnam.
Read ch-aitat. . The danda is redundant. Sandhi has not been observed here.
The dandas are superfluous.
10 This represents the donor's signature on the original document later ongraved on the platos. Note that the name of the donor is written as Vatsaraja in line 7 above.
11 There are two spiral symbols here between the double dandas.

Page #286

No. 39-KANCHIPURAM INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ACHYUTARAYA, SAKA 1453
K. G. KRISHNAN AND V. S. SUBRAHMANYAM, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 7. 12. 1957)
The subjoined inscription is engraved on the east wall of the old Sabhanayaka shrine in the Ekamranatha temple at Kanchipuram in the Chingleput District, Madra 8. The inscription contains two parts, one in Sanskrit engraved in Grantha characters and the other, which is incomplete, in Tamil in the Tamil script mixed with Grantha. The Sanskrit portion is couched in verses in Anushṭubh intercepted by a prose passage which has also been numbered along with the rest. There is nothing particular to note regarding palaeography or orthography. The inscription is important from the point of view of literary history as it throws light on the authorship and date of four literary compositions in Sanskrit.
The epigraph is dated in the reign of Achyutaraya of the Tuluva dynasty of Vijayanagara and the details of the date, viz., Saka 1453,' Khara, Kumbha su. 3, Revati, Friday, correspond to 1532 A.D., February 9, the nakshatra being current till 34 of the following day.
The epigraph commences with two stanzas invoking respectively the gods Vighnesvara and Siva. Then it introduces king Achyuta of the Tuluva dynasty, whose greatness is described at length and who is described as the son of Narasa. The king's commander-in-chief Salaka Tirumala is described next as the lord of Ondana-mandala. It is stated that he defeated the Pandya and Kerala kings and acquired sovereignty over them. This Tirumala is then stated to have installed Bhogarāja, son of Timmaraja of the solar race, as governor at Käñchi. Then the record proceeds to narrate an important event that happened during the governorship of Bhōgaraja at Kanchi. Bhōgaraja worshipped Lord Ekamranatha and summoned an assembly of learned Siva-Brāhmaṇas, Māhesvaras and temple officials before the god Ekamresvara. Two other persons, one described as Ramachandra's brother and the other as Nārāyaṇa, were also present. On that occasion, the assembly listened to four literary works in Sanskrit composed by Srinivasa, viz. Sivabhaktivilāsa (stated to have been an account of the lives of the 63 Saiva devotees), Charaṇādistava, Bhōgāvalī and Nāmāvalī. Śrīnivāsa, the author of these works, is represented as the son of Sitarama of the Bharadvaja götra and as a resident of Cheyarur. He is also stated to have been well-versed in the Samaveda and to have performed the Vajapeya sacrifice acquiring thereby the singular privilege of carrying the white umbrella. In appreciation of the compositions mentioned above, the sabha is said to have made presents of ornaments and clothes to the poet and to have also arranged for the poet's permanent residence at Kanchi by purchasing a house for him. The house stood on a site, 40' wide, in the northern part of the eastern row of houses in Nallakampa-vithi to the south of the outer prākāra of the Ekamranatha temple. The poet also received a sivamana of rice daily and five bhāras of grains and five panas per month, to be enjoyed hereditarily. It was further enjoined upon the members of the sabha to see that this gift continues uninterruptedly. The Tamil portion, which is unfinished, refers to the above four works, to the assembly and to Bhogayadeva-mahārāja, the karttar of the place.
1 A. R. Ep., 1955-56, App. B, No. 274.
The Saka year is obtained from the chronogram Sakshmi-bhagye which is apparently a mistake for Lakshmibhagye because the latter form, besides being more sensible, agrees with the cyclic year Khara which corresponds to Saka 1453. The chronogram is based on the Kafapayadi system.
That the persons who performed the Vajapeya sacrifice were entitled to hold the white umbrella as an honour is indicated by the Ramayana, Ayodhya Kanda, Canto 45, verses 22-23, and Govindaraja's commentary thereon.
The length of the site is stated to have been the same as that of the adjoining house.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII Salaka's son Tirumala, described in the record as Achyuta's commander-in-chief, is the wellknown brother-in-law of the king. Tirumala is deseribed as the lord of Ondāņa-mandala. Ondāna is unknown to us as the name of a territory. But, among the numerous inscriptions referring to this chief, two, one from Güdür' in the Nellore District and the other from Vēmulārupādu' in the Guntur District, mention Ondānemandalikaraganda as one of his titles, meaning perhaps the chief of the mandalikas each of whom had an elephant. It does not seem to refer to any mandala Ondāņa by name, as our epigraph would make us believe. It is possible that the composer of our record arrived at this form in his attempt to transliterate this biruda of Saļaka Tirumala without knowing its significance. But there is no doubt that this Tirumala is identical with Pedda Tirumala whose genealogy, as gathered from the Vēmulārupādu inscription and some other inscriptions, from Srirangam, may be recorded here.
Salaka Lakkariju
Singaraja Salakarāju=Anantamman
Akkáchchi-amman Timmaršju, son of Poddayadeva
nētrariju
Pedda Tirumala Periya Konamman.
Kondamma
Pina Tirumala or Chikka Tirumala
Tippamman and Konamman
Varadamba =Achyuta
Bhögarāja, installed as karttar at Käßicht, is called Bhögayadēva-maharaja in the Tamil section of the record. Some inscriptions' from the North Arcot and South Arcot Districts mention a Bhögaiyadēva-maharaja always in association with Salakarāja Tirumala. One of them from Tiruppanangādu states that, when Tirumalaidēva-maharaja was camping at Käßchi in the month of Makara in Saka 1453, Khara, after having captured Vira-Narasimharāya-näyakkar, Bhögaiyadēva-mahārāja enquired at his instance into a complaint lodged by the authorities of the temple at Tiruppanangidu. against the misappropriation of 50 pon of jodi by the captured chief. The amount is stated to have been formerly remitted by Krishnadevaraya. Narasimharaya-nayakkar withheld the amount even after a reminder from Säļuva Timmayar. Bhögaiyadēva
1 Ino.Nel. Dist., Part I, Güdür, No. 108. The text given there reads Onidane-mandao. A Tamil inscription (A. R. Ep., 1919, No. 576) from Kāñchipuram gives this expression as Ondanai-mandao.
. A. R. Ep., 1909, No. 544. • Ibid., 1938-39, No. 70. • Ibid., 1950-51, No. 318 ; cf. also Nos. 323-24. . Ibid., 1938-39, No. 3 ; 1960-61, No. 340. . Ibid., 1924, No. 170.
Ibid., 1906, Nos. 174, 175 and 263 ; 1921, No. 388 ; 1939-40, No. 266. • Ibid., 1907, Part li, para. 60.

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No. 39] KANCHIPURAM INSCRIPTION OF ACHYUTARAYA, SAKA 1453 201 recovered this amount. In another inscription from Elavānāsūr, a Bhögaiyadēva is referred to as the son of Tippayadēva-mahārāja, who is described as Chola-kula-tilaka and Uraiyūr-puravarādhisvara and stated to have served Tirumalaiyadēva-mahārāja. Bhögayadēva is mentioned in our record as the son of Timmarāja and as having belonged to the Sürya-vamsa. If Timma and Tippa can be regarded as variants of the same name, Bhögaiyadēva-mahārāja of the present record would be identical with his namesake mentioned in the Tiruppanangāļu and Elavānāsūr inscriptions.
The theme of Srinivāsa's Sivabhaktivilāsa, stated to be a kávya dealing with the lives of the 63 devotees of Siva, is the same as that of the fine Tamil poetical work entitled Periyapurānan also known as Tiruttondarpurānam composed by Sēkkilār in the first half of the 12th century. Sirabhaktivilāsa has been noticed in Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalagorum.' Charaņādistava, called Padadikēsastava in the Tamil portion, is evidently the same as Ekāmranāthastava noticed in the Catalogus Catalagorum. The works are assigned by Aufrecht to Srinivāsa-dikshita who is no doubt identical with Srinivāsa-yajvan of our record, the titles yajvan and dikshita being synonymous. Charaņādistava was no doubt a description of the god commencing from his sacred feet and ending with the glory of his crown or the head. It is sometimes composed also in the reverse order. It appears that both the types were chosen to describe a god while the latter was employed only to describe a man. The other two works Bhögāvalid and Nāmāvali are evidently names of two types of compositions. Apparently they too were compositions on Ekāmrēša. The munificence of the gifts made to the poet is sufficient indication of the patronage that men of letters enjoyed during the period in question.
Cheyarūr, the native place of the poet, cannot be identified due to want of further details.
TEXT"
1 Subham-astu [1*] Vām-āṁk-ārūdha-vāmākshi-vakshöj-āsakta-pu2 shkaram vāraṇam vighna-tamasāṁ Vāraņāsyam=upāsmaha l[1*] Kāmā3 kshi-tumga-vakshöja-kamkaņāmkita-vakshasam Silayē sthi4 tam-Ekāmra-mūlē Bālēnduśēkhara’m | [2*] Yasy=ājñām sarvva
5 bhūpālā vahanto nija-mūrddhabhiḥ | nirajayanti kotira-ratna-di
6 paiḥ pad-ā[m*]bujam | [3] *] Nasta)-mūrddha-pad-angushtha-nakh-agra-krita-randhratah
yat-pratāpnel? 7 jvālā-jālair=utsarppibhir=mmubuḥ| 4 | Brahmāņdam mukha-nikshipta-nava-palla[va*)-sam8 hatēh | suvarnna-pūrņņa-kumbhasya vibhramam vahati sphutam | [518] [Na]
LXV).
Ibid., 1906, No. 174. ? See p. 670.
Loc. cit. . For the nature of this composition, see Prataparudriya (Bombay Nankarit and Prakrit Series No Kavyaprakarana, p. 98.
. From the original and inked impressions, • Cf. Mükaparicha sati, Āryäsatakam, verse 15. · Tamil is used here.

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202 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 9 ļa-Nābhāga-Nahusha-Nriga-Rāma-mukhān nļipān | atiśētē pavitrēņa charitē(trē)ņa
10 nijēna yah | 6 | Asau Narasa-bhūpāla-tanayo vinay-ojva(jjva)laḥ | Achyutēndra
11 mahārāya-nāmā sīmā su-vartmanām | 7 | Yadā bhujēna Bhögindra-bhöga-ka
12 lpēna sat-prablıuh | vahaty=asősha-vasudhā-valayam valayam yathā | 8 | Tadā tasya chamū
nāthas=sarvva-sāmra
13 iya-dhūr-vaha) Ondāņa-maņdal-adhišas=Salaka-kshmäpa-bhūr=abhūt | 9 | Yaḥ Pāņdya
Kērala(!-a)dhišam(sau) parā
14
jitya tataḥ karam | karan=tat-prithivi-rājya-lakshmyā iva tad=āgrahit | 10 | Asau Tirumala
kshmāpas=ta
15
sy=āptam prāpta-tējasam | Sūryya-vams-abdhi-sasinar Surēndra-sama-vikramam | 11 | Timmarāja-bhu
16 [va]m Bhögarājam
i bhūyasim | 12 |
Kāñchyān=nyavēšayat sa tatra kārayan
pūjām=Ekāmrēšasya
17 Sakshmibhagyēt sakasy-abdē Khar-abdē Kumbha-gē Ravau sita-pakshē
tritiyāyām
18 Rāvatyä[m*) vāsarē Bhrigðḥ | 13 Praņamy=Aikāmraramanan=tasy=āgrē samupāvisat
Ri
19 machandr-ānujanmā Nā[rā*]yaņā='pi cha | 14 | Gautamās=cha Bharadvājā[h*) Kausi[kā]h**
Kāsyapās=tatha | Aga
20 styās=cha mahānmā(tmā)nas-Siva-dvija-kul-ottamāḥ | 15 | Kulē sīlē sad-achārē tyāgē bhöga
same daměl prathitaḥ
21
karaņās=cha *
kischa(n=cha) kušalās=sakalāsu kalāsu cha | 16 | Māhēsvarās=cha mahitāḥ
gup-alayāḥ [l *) ala
22 (y)-Aikamranāthasya puratas-tridašā iva | 17 | Tadā tata(to) Bharadvāja-Sīta(ta)rāma
sutas-sadhih | Vājapēy-arijita-svēta
Bharat-ādi-kalāsu cha
23 ja(chcbha)tra-maņdala-manditaḥ | 18 Pada-vākya-pra[ma]ņēshu
prathitag=Chiyarūr-grāma-väst
1 Bee p. 199, noto 2.
Aftor janmd we have to read cha briman to suit tho metro. • The letters fikk are written below the line. • The number 13 was originally engraved and later it appears to have boon corrected into 16. . This danda was wrongly engraved here instead of at the end of this bomistich. • The sign for medial ai is ongraved at the end of the provious line.

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2
No. 39) KANCHIPURAM INSCRIPTION OF ACHYUTARAYA, SAKA 1453 24 Säm-abdhi-päragah [19*] Srinivāsas=Sivasy=ājña (jña)-vasata[h] svēna nirmmitam
[sha*]shți-bhakta-chāritra-dyötakam kāvyam=utta
03 tri
25 mam | 20 | Sivabha[kti]'vilās-akhyam=abrāvayad=imam sabhām
valim Nămāvalim*-api | 21 | Etā
Cha[ra]ņādistavam Bhöga
26 n prabandhān=ākarnya santushţās=[tjē sabliāsadaḥ prasannan Sivam=alakshya Lakshma
bhih pūrvva-sam(sam)sitaiḥ | 22
27 Prasasy-aitari kavim bhūshā-vastr-adyaih pratipūjya cha kļi(ka)lpayanti sma ch=ivāsani
Kanchyām=ēv-āsya santatam 2[3 ]
han
28
Nallakampa-vidhi(thi)-śrēshthi-rathya-pūrvve
Ekāmranātha-bāhya-prākārād=dakshinato śrēny.[u]ttara-pranta-sthi
29 tu[ni*) dakshiņottaratas=chatvārimsat-pada-vistritam prativēša-gộiha-prācharayāma-sam.
āyāmam Ekāmro30 sõna ka(kra)ya-labdham ni[dh]y-ūdy-ashta-bhāga-sahitam=īka-nikētanañ=ch=āsmē(smai)
Srinivasa
31 yajvanē dattavantaḥ | 26 Ekāmrēs-älayāt prāpyam=amunā [ka]vin=ānv-aham . 32 Siva-māna-mitari Sali-tandulānāñ=cha sanchayam | 27 | Māsë mäso tatah
prāpya[m*] 33 vrīlīņām bhūra-pañchakam | paņānām pañchakamam=api“ prasādam- Pārvatipatēḥ |
2[8 ] 34 Etat-sarvvan-dvija[sy-ä*]sya bhõjyam putr-ādikair=api yath-ēshta-viniyog-ūrham=å
kalpāntam=akalpa
35
yan 29 Srinivāsīna vidushī prāptam-Ekāmran[W]yakāt prasannād=ētad=khilam pala
niyan-na
36 rādbipaiḥ | 30 | Māhēśvarair=Mmahādēva-divy-ājñā-paripālakaiḥ | sthānakais-cha Siva37 prīti-kartri-dharmm-ārttha-kāṁkshibhiḥ | 31 | Kāmākshi-ku[cha]-mudr-āṁkas=Sarkaraḥ
kimkarān-nijān avyā38 d=avyāja-kärunya-kallõlita-drig-anchalaḥ | 32 Subham?
Bolow ti there is another unnecessary letter looking like thi. * The word Namarali is written below the line. • The letter la is written below the line.
* The passage running from this upto datlavantah in line 31 is in prose; yet it is enumerated as though it is squal to three verses, thus carrying the number to 26.
. Read prachár-uyama. The vertical line of cha appears to have been projected downwards • Read panchakanisch-api.
There is a punctuation mark here consisting o stwo symbols resembling the Tamil figure 10 flanking & sign resembling the letteru.

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204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 39 Tiruvēkambam-ūdaiya Nayiņār Afupatti(ttu)mūvar-purāņam Samskrita-bā(bhā)shaiyir(yir)
chey40 da Sivabhaktavilāsattaiyum' tammudaiya Bhögāvalli(liyai) yum! Nämūvalli(liyai)yumi
Pātā(da)dikēsastavamum 41 ugandu tiru[ch* chevi-chochātti aruļuga(gai)yili-kkõyil Tāŋattārum Mühüśvararum
santoshi42 ttu sthalattukku kattar(rttar)āna Bhögayadēva-mahārājā.
The letter yum is indicated by a symbol. . Read alavatlaiyum. • The letter ch is redundant. • The writing stops here abruptly.

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No. 40-NOTE ON MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF GAURI D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 11. 7. 1958)
The fragmentary inscription of a ruler named Gauri belonging to the Manavayani family was discovered at Mandasor in Madhya Pradesh while another record of the same ruler, dated V.8. 547 (491 A.D.), was found in a temple in the vicinity of Chhoti Sadri near Neemuch about 32 miles from Mandasōr. Both the records were edited by me above, Vol. XXX, pp. 120-32, with Plates. A king named Adityavardhana is mentioned about the beginning of the Mandasōr epigraph of Gauri, apparently as ruling from Dasapura (Mandasor). The Chhoti Sadri inscription does not mention this ruler. One of the several possibilities suggested by me regarding Adityavardhana's identification was that he may have been Gauri's overlord and a later member of the Aulikara family of Dasapura.
In an interesting paper entitled "New Light on the Ancient History of Malwa ", which has appeared in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXIII, No. 4, December 1957, pp. 314-20, Prof. V. V. Mirashi has tried to show that king Adityavardhana mentioned in the Mandasōr inscription of his feudatory Gauri whose known date is V.S. 547 (491 A.D.) and king Dravyavardhana mentioned in the Brihatsamhita (LXXXVI, 2) of Varāḥamihira who flourished in the sixth century A.D. were later members of the Aulikara ruling family of Western Malwa just as king Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, one of whose Mandasōr inscriptions is dated V.S. 589 (532 A.D.), and that all these three Aulikara kings had their capital not at Dasapura (modern Mandasōr) but at Ujjayini. As regards the second of the two suggestions, Prof. Mirashi observes," Dr. Sircar seems to think that Dasapura was the capital of Adityavardhana... There is no basis for this conjecture." I am afraid, Prof. Mirahsi has not been successful in proving his point.
We have two pillars of the nature of jaya-stambhas raised by Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana at Dasapura (Mandasor) and it is generally believed that he was ruling from the said city. This is quite possible since the early kings of the Aulikara family very probably had their capital at Dasapura where most of their lithic records have been found. The suggestion is supported by one of the Mandasōr inscriptions of this family, which clearly states that, in V.S. 493 (436 A.D.), Aulikara Bandhuvarman was the ruler of Dasapura while the Gupta monarch Kumaragupta was ruling over the earth'. This shows that the Aulikara king Bandhuvarman, who was a feudatory of Kumaragupta and flourished in the second quarter of the fifth century, had his capital at Dasapura. But Prof. Mirashi says, "The pillars commemorate the memorable victory which Yasodharman obtained over the Hūņa king Mihirakula. The battle appears to have been fought at Dasapura, about 75 miles north by west of Ujjayini. Hence the memorable pillars were erected at Dasapura, the site of the battle, and not at Ujjayini, the capital of Yasodharman." The theory, however, does not appear to be quite convincing in view of the facts that most of the stone inscriptions of the Aulikara kings, as indicated above, have been found at Dasapura and none at all at
1 Cf. ibid., p. xi.
CII, Vol. III, pp. 142 ff.
Cf. Raychaudhuri, PHAI, 1938, p. 504.
See Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 3, 6-7 ; above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 12 ff. For early Aulikara records found elsewhers (not far away from Mandasōr), cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 4; above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 130 ff. The two inscriptions of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, a later member of the family, were both found at Mandasor (Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 9, 1870).
CII, Vol. III, pp. 79 ff. Cf. Kumaragupte prithivim prasasati in verse 23 and Bandhuvarmmary=udarē samyaksphilam Dabapuram idam palayaty-unnat-ämse in verse 29.
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206
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
Ujjayini and that one of these records mentions an early Aulikara king as having his capital at Dasapura, while, on the other hand, there is absolutely no evidence to show that the Aulikarasearlier or later--had anything to do with Ujjayini.
Verse 2 of the fragmentary Mandasor inscription of Gauri reads as follows:
Jitvā ripu-balan sandkhe(khye) ramyari pura[**] das-adi. [l*]
....(na]ra-uyāgghtë narendr-Adityavarddhane || In my opinion, the damaged akshara at the end of the first half of this stanza is certainly kan while the word lost at the beginning of its second half, as I have suggested, may be restored as pälayati or prasāsati. The above restoration is supported by the style of epigraphic records including the Mandasör inscription of Bandhuvarman (verse 29) referred to above. There can be little doubt that the stanza represents Adityavardhana, probably an Aulikara, as the ruler of Dasapura ; that is to say that he had his capital at Dasapura. Prof. Mirashi, it is interesting to note, admits that the name Dasapura appears in the verse quoted above) in a fragmentary form', that Adityavardhana is said to have done something to a town whose name contained the word data (probably Dabapura)', that as the name of Adityavardhana is used in the locative case, the intended meaning seems to be that he was ruling at the time', and that the kings Adityevardhana and YasodharmanVishnuvardhana' were connected in some way or other with Dasapura (Mandasõr)'. In spite of all these admissions, however, he, strangely enough, comes to the conclusion that the said stanta gives no clear indication as regards Adityavardhana's relations with Dasapura. But, if it is admitted that the name of Dasapura occurs in the verse in the accusative along with that of Adityavardhana in the nominative absolute, I do not see how Prof. Mirashi can easily escape, without resorting to unwarranted conjectures, from the natural conclusion that the king was ruling at the city in question.
It will be seen that, while in our opinion verse 2 of the fragmentary Mandasõr inscription of Gauri apparently speaks of Daśapura as the capital of Adityavardhana, it offers no indication on the point to Prof. Mirashi. It is, therefore, natural to expect that he has stronger grounds to show that Ujjayinī, and not Dasapura, was the capital of Adityavardhana as well as of Dravyavardhana and Yasödharman Vishņuvardhana, all the three kings probably belonging to the same family. Unfortunately the two points Prof. Mirashi has raised as evidence in support of his theory do not appear to be convincing at all as both of them are based on misunderstanding.
The first point raised by Prof. Mirashi in this connection is based on the mention of Maharājādhiraja Dravyavardhana as an Avantika or Avantika-nripa, i.e. 'the king of Avanti', in the following stanza of Varahamihira's Brihatsaṁhitā, to which reference has been made :
Bhāradvāja-matan drishtvā yach=cha fri-Dravyavardhanah
Avantikah präha nsipo mahārājādhirājaka) || Prof. Mirashi takes the name Avanti occurring in the expression Avantika, to indicate the city of Ujjayini. But unfortunately he forgets that Avanti was primarily the name of a people or their country (identical with West Malwa) and only secondarily the name of the chief city of the said people or country. Of course it is well-known that, during certain periods of the history of the Avanti country, Ujjayini was its chief city. The expression Avantika thus means both the lord of the Avanti people or country' and 'the lord of the city of Avanti (identified with Ujjayini)'. One has to note that the Paramāra kings like Bhõja are called 'king of Avanti's even though they had their capital at Dhārā and not at Ujjayini. It will, therefore, be seen that the epitbet Avantika applied to Dravyavardhana does not prove that his capital was at Ujjayini and not at Dasapura.
1 I do not find any justification for Prof. Mirashi's remark, "The metre appears defective."
See Pargiter, Markandeya Purāna, trans., p. 344, note; Apte, Sans.-Eng. Dict., App. III, s.v. Avanti. ot. Avanti-bhupala in Monier-Williams' Sans.-Eng. Dich., B.v. Avanti.

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No. 40) NOTE ON MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OP GAURI
207 Prof. Mirashi's contention that 'the aforecited passage from the Brihaleamhitā thus suggests that the later Aulikara kings Adityavardhana, Dravyavardhana and Vishņuvardhana (Yabōdharman) ruled from Ujjayini' therefore stands on a shaky foundation.
Prof. Mirashi's other argument in support of his theory is based on the Mandasõr inscription! of V.S. 589 belonging to the reign of Yasõdharman Vishņuvardhana. He says, " It (i.e. the Mandasör inscription of V.8. 589) tells us that the country between the Vindhya and Pariyātru (Aravali) mountains was being governed by one Nirdosha who was a Rajasthaniya appointed by Yasodharman and had his headquarters at Daśapura. This clearly indicates that Yasõdharman himself was ruling not from Daśapura but from some other place like Ujjayini." He refers us to the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, p. 154, with the following remark : " The name of the viceroy was Nirdosha and not Daksha as shown by Kielhorn." We are sorry to note that there are not only several errors in these statements but also that the inscription does not prove Prof. Mirashi's theory at least to our satisfaction.
In the first place, the inscription does not really mention any country between the Vidhya and Pāriyātra mountains'. Verse 19 of the record actually speaks of the land bounded by the Vindhya, the Păriyātra and the Sea (Arabian Sea) apparently meaning the region lying to the west of the Vindhya and the Pāriyātra and to the east of the Arabian Sea. There is nothing in the record to show that the city of Daśapura was situated in this land. As a matter of fact, the area indicated seems to have been situated to the west of the city in question. Secondly, the person represented in the stanza as the Rajasthaniya, i.e. viceroy or governor, of the said region is not Nirdosha but his father's elder brother Abhayadatta. Verses 20-21 suggest that, on the death of Abhayadatta, the viceroyalty of the above land fell on Dharmadosha who was a son of the former's brother Döshakumbha. Thirdly, it is uncertain whether Abhayadatta was a contemporary and a viceroy of Yasõdharman Vishnuvardhana, although Dharmadosha was in office in V.8. 589 when his younger brother Nirdosha excavated a well apparently at Daśapura in the name of his deceased uncle Abhayadatta. Verse 21 of course seems to suggest that Dharmadosha was a viceroy of Yabodharman; but he may have been metioned by Nirdosha merely to indicate his own importance as the brother of an important personage like the governor of a district. Fourthly, for similar reagong, Nirdosha's mention of his relations with Abhayadatta and Dharmadosha scarcely proves that Dasapura, where he excavated the well, lay within the territory under the viceroyalty of his elder brother and paternal uncle, even if both of them were viceroys under the Aulikara king Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana. Fifthly, the inscription does not mention Dasapura as the headquarters of Abhayadatta and Dharmadosha, not to speak of Nirdosha who is not stated to have been a ruler. Sixthly, the mention of the two names together in two different stanzas shows that Daksha was the second name of Nirdosha." Seventhly, even if Yasõdharman Vishnu, vardhana had his capital at Dagapura, Abhayadatta and Dharmadosha could have acted as gover nors of the metropolitan district of the Aulikara empire with their headquarters at the capital city.
The points raised above will make it clear that the Mandasör inscription scarcely proves the location of Yasödharman's capital at Ujjayini. Prof. Mirashi's statement that all these kings (viz. Adityavardhana, Dravyavardhana and Yabodharman Vishnuvardhana) were ruling from Ujjayini' is thus an unwarranted conjecture, especially in view of the discovery of most of the Aulikara inscriptions at Dasaputa and of the fact that verse 2 of the Mandasör inscreption of Gauri
1 CII, Vol. III, pp. 150-58. . Select Inscriptions, p. 392, note 3.
. It may be noted that, when Maharaja Brahmadatta or Maharaja Jayadatta was ruling over Pundrava. rdhana-bhukti with headquarters apparently at the city of Pundravardhana, there was also the office of an Ayuktala (no doubt the governor of the district round the city) at the same city. See above, Vol. XV, pp. 136 f., pp. 188 ff.; Vol. XX, pp. 61 ff.

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208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII apparently represents Dasapura as the capital of Adityavardhana just as the earlier Aulikan. king Bandhuvarman is mentioned as the ruler of the same city in another Mandasör inscription.
Prof. Mirashi thinks that Mahārāja Gauri had his capital at Dasapura. But this view seems to. go clearly against the evidence of verse 2 of his Mandasor Insoription, unless of course Gauri is identified with Adityavardhana. As indicated above, we have only the following two inscriptions of Gauri: (1) the Chhoti Sādri epigraph, and (2) the Mandasõr inscription recording the excavation of a tank by him in the suburbs of Dasapura for the merit of his deceased mother. Of course Gauri's activities recorded in these inscriptions do not prove that he had his capital at either of the two places where his records have been found or at a third place, since a ruling chief could build a temple or excavate a tank at his capital or elsewhere in or outside his own territory. Thus according to an inscription of Saka 983 (1060 A.D.) from Barsur in the Bastar District of Madhya Pradesh, a Telugu-Choda Mahamandalesvara named Chandräditya-mahārāja, who had his headquarters at Ammagrāma, is known to have built a temple of Siva called Chandradityēsvara and excavated a tank called Candrādityasarovara at Bārasūru which was the capital of his Chhindaka overlord, Mahārāja Jagadēkabhushapa.
Another fact that cannot be ignored in this connection is that Dasapura was in early times one of the celebrated holy places in Western India and that death at a place of pilgrimage was considered by the people as highly meritorious. Gauri's mother may, therfore, have visited Dasspura on pilgrimage with a view to meet her end at the holy place. The excavation of wells at Dasapura by both Nirdosha and Gauri in the name of their dead relatives in such a case becomes clear..
Moreover, as already incidated above, verse 2 of the Mandasör fragmentary inscription of Gauri suggests that Dasapura was the capital of his overlord Adityavardhana probably of the Aulikara dynasty. It is, therefore, impossible to believe in the present state of our knowledge that Gauri of the Mänavāyani family, who was a feudatory chief and not a governor, had also his capital at the same city of Dasapura.
We also find it difficult to agree with Prof. Mirashi's view regarding the date of Dravyavardhana who is mentioned in the Brihatsamhitā and may be supposed to have belonged to the Aulikara family. The date of the composition of this work is uncertain, although it may have been written some time about the first quarter of the sixth century A.D." It is, therefore, impossible, without further evidence, to prove whether Dravyavardhana ruled in the fifth or sixth century A.D. or whether he was a predecessor or sucessor of Adityavardhana. Prof. Mirashi conjectures that Dravyavardhana was a successor of Adityavardhang and predecessor of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana and says, "Mahārājādhiraja Dravyavardhana of Avanti mentioned by Varahamihira (c. first half of the sixth century A.D.) must, therefore, be placed in the period V. 552 to 589. He may have ruled from c. V. 552 to 572 (A.D. 495-515). He was thus & predecessor of Yabodharman and might have been his father." He lays special emphasis on the last sentence by putting it in italics. Unfortunately, however, all these statements appear to us to be nothing more than guesses unsupported by any evidence worth the name.
1 See Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1908-09, pp. 111 ff.; Hiralal's Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar, pp. 158-59; The Classical Age, pp. 216, 220. For another similar inscription, seo Hiralal, op. cit., p. 159.
Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 161, text line 2. See above, Vol. XXX, pp. 43 ff. Cf. JAHRS, Vol. XIX, p. 207.
· Varahamihira probably composed his Parichasiddhantika in Saka 427 (808 A.D ) sinoe in that work the said Baka year has been taken as the basis of osloulation. The Brihalaarhild appears to have been composed at a later date. The tradition that Varahamihira died in Saka 609 (587 A.D.) is now generally regarded as of dubiona value. Cf. The Classical Age, p. 323,

Page #296

No. 41-MALGA PLATES OF SAMANTA INDRARAJA
(1 Plate) : D. C. SIRCAR AND S. SANKARANARAYANAN, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 18.7.1958)
About the middle of the year 1957, Pandit L. P. Pandeya of Raigarh, Madhya Pradesh, informed the Government Epigraphist for India of the existence of a copper plate inscription lying in the possession of Shri Badri Prasad Rai of Dhoba har in the Bilaspur District of the same State. Under his instructions, Shri Rai was good enough to send the inscription on loan to the Government Epigraphist for India in July 1957, and it was soon returned to him after examination. The owner of the plates was stated to be Thakur Ratansingbji of Malgā, P. O. Kotma, District Shahdel, Madhya Pradesh.
The inscription is written on a set of three plates which measure about 94 inches by 4 inches each and are strung on a ring measuring about 2 inches in diameter and about 7 incb in thickness: The ring passes through a hole about the iniddle of the upper side of the plates. The first plate has writing only on the inner side while the other two plates are inscribed on both the sides. The record contains 30 lines of writing, 7 lines each on the inner sides of plates I and III and the obverse and reverse of plate II, and only 2 lines on the outer side of plate III. The rectangular seal soldered to the joint of the ring contains only the legend fri-Indrarajah (correctly dr-Indrarājah) in embossed characters. The three plates together with the ring and seal weigh 119 tolas.
The characters belong to a variety of the Siddhamātrikā alphabet and are assignable to a date roughly between the Bodhgaya inscription" (c. 589 A. D.) of Mahānaman and the Aphsad inscription. (c. 670 A. D.) of Adityasēna, that is to say, about the Arst half of the seventh century. The letters are, however, more angular in shape and their top is formed by a hollow triangle of a bigger size than the solid triangle at the top of the letters of the Bodhgaya and Aphsad epigraphs. Letters with a hollow triangle forming the top are sometimes met with in early inscriptions, e.g., in the recently discovered Mallar (Bilaspur District, Madhya Pradesh) plates of Vyāghrarāja, written in Southern characters assignable to the 6th century A. D.
Among initial vowels, a occurs in line 29; a with length indicated by a curve in lines 1 and 8 and by an angular sign in lines 13, 16, 21 and 24; i in lines 6, 8, 26 and 28 ; u in line 28 and 29; and è in line 29. The medial signs of a anda (cf. also medial 6) are sometimes a birð-mātrā and sometimes a prishtha-mätra. Medial u is written with a downward vertical stroke (cf. "tphulla in line 2), or a curve attached to the lower end of the letter (cf. tunga in line 3). The sign has been written differently in ru in gunair-u in line 1 and chāru in line 2. Medial û is indicated by & downward curve added to the left of the vertical stroke of a medial u (cf. mürtti in line 4), or a curved stroke added to the rignt side of the u sign (cf.or-bhütva in line 16). The sign for medial a in bhūgna in line 23 is of a different type. The subscripts ch and v are not clearly distinguished (cf. svasti in line 1 and of-charu in line 4). The letter m'is written with a straight stroke or a globular mark added to the lower left corner of p (cf. frimäo and mati in iine 6). The form of subscript y is angular and the top of the letter is flat. In the ligature ry (cf. paryanta in lines 5 and 13),
* OIT, Vol. III, pp. 274 f., and Plato.
Ibid., pp. 200 f. and Plate. • No. 6 of 1958-59, App. A. Cf. also above, Vol. XVI, Plato faoing p. 16.
( 209 )

Page #297

210 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII r looks different from the form of superscript r added to other consonants. Visarga is represented either by two dots (cf. samal in line 1) or by two slightly curved strokes placed one above the other (of. 8-odrangah sa-parikarah in line 11).
The orthography of the record shows a considerable amount of carelessness on the part of the scribe and the engraver. Words like arahati for arhati (line 24) exhibit the influence of local pronunciation. Though a separate sign for b was not unknown (cf. the brased word Budayyake in line 9), the letter has been represented by u throughout as is.generally done in the contemporary inscriptions of North India. Occasionally consonants are doubled in conjunction with
(cf. mūrttio in line 4 and pittro® in line 13). Sometimes the signs for anusura and visarga have been either omitted (e.g. in ya[*] bri[*] in line 2), while often one of them is written for the other (e.g. in pakshah for paksham in line 5, and väsinan for väsinah in line 17). In some cases, visarga is unnecessarily added (e.g. in ghattanaḥ in line 4). Class nasals havo been generally used instead of anusvära (cf. Indra in line 1; pandita in lines 2-3; tunga in line »). Anusvāra is once wrongly changed to si in vanga for vamia in line 17. While it is wrongly used for final min phalan in lines 20 and 26, it is wrongly retained in dattām-vä in line 22 and samua in line 30.
The language of the record is Sanskrit, and the composition is a mixture of prose and verse. For instances of grammatical errors, see Sailendrarājā for rājad in line 3, nirjitua for nirjitya in line 5, Indrarājā for orājah in lines 6-7, svāminasyal for svānime in line 15, rājānes for rajabhiḥ in line 19, etc.
The record belongs to toe time of Samanta Indraraja and is dated in his regnal reckoning without mentioning any era. The details of the date are given as the avonth day of the first fortnight of the month of Jyễshtha of the Arst (or, eleventh) year apparentıy of Indraraja's reign, the week-day being Tuesday and the nakshatra Uttarabhadrapada. The month was no doubt Purnimānta. The details are, however, not sufficient to determine the exact date of the record. As indicated above, the palaeography of the inscription suggests a date about the first half of the 7th century A. D.
The document starte with a Siddham symbol followed by thv auspicious word svasti. The first verse that follows instroduces Samanta Indrarāja's fathe, whose name was probably Kshitipati. The next verse describes the donor of the grant, viz. Indrarāja, as a great figarer.
A long passage in piose in lines 7-17 records Samanta Indrarāja's declaration trom his residence at Mandaka to his officers including the grāmakūta (village-headman) and ths chief perBons and residents of Salagramamantamaraka (or Sālagrāmamantamaraka) within Gulagrāmake which was situated in Akasa-rashtra forming a part of the Chhõndaparanga vishaya. The village was granted as & tax-free holding to Bhavagvāmin, sonof Nāgasvamikarman of the Sāndilya götra and the Vājasaneya-Mäddhyandina säkha. The order regarding the execution of the grant was passed by Indrarāja himself. The above section is followed by IndraTāja's request in lines 17-19 to the future kings to protect the grant. After seven imprecatory verses, some of which are not usually met with, the document is said in lines 27-28 to have been written by Rajaputra Dēva and engraved by Dron&ka, son of the goldsmith Isvara. The date of the charter, quoted at the end of the record in liaes 28-30, has been already discussed.
The inscription under 1eview is interesting in that Samanta Indrarāja and his father are known for the first time from it. Unfortunately we have no clue to determine the dynasty to which they belonged. Indraraja was a Sämanta, i.e. a feudatory ruler. But there is no mention of his overlord. The issue of the charter, dated apparently in his own regnal reckoning, without any reference to the overlord, suggests that Indrarāja was a semi-independent chief, although
*Cf. spämināya in the Umachal rock inscription (above, Vol. XXXI, p. 67). *Cf. räjänaid in one of the Pandukovar plates (ibid., p. 209.)

Page #298

No. 41] MALGA PLATES OP RAMANTA INDRARAJA
211 be seems to have been the ruler of a small territory in the Shahdol region in the former Rewa State. The area was under the kings of Kausāmbi in the 2nd and 3rd centuries A. D. and later came under the possession of the Imperial Guptas. In the 6th century, the Mankharis of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, whose dominions are known to have comprised the neighbouring Kālañjara region of Bundelkhand,' may have extended their power over the Rewa area. It is, therefore, not impossible that Indrarāja originally owed allegiance to the Maukharis and ruled semiindependently for sometime between the death of Maukhari Grahavarman about 605 A. D. and the establishment of Harshavardhana's power over the former, Maukhari empire shortly afterwards. The semi-independent period of Indraraja's rule may possibly also be assigned to a date following Harsha's death in 647 A. D. In such cases, the record under study may be assigned roughly to the second decade or the middle of the 7th century.
Among the geographical names mentioned in the record, Mandaka whence the giant was issued seems to have been the capital of Samanta Indraraja. It is difficult to say whether the name of Malga, the findspot of the inscription, is a modification of that of ancient Mandaka. The gift village is called Salagråmåmantamaraka or Sālagrămamantamaraka which is apparently made out of the names of two localities, viz. Salagrama and Amantamaraka or Mantamaraka. These two localities forming one unit was a part of the village called Gula-grāmaks which was situated in a rashtra or subdivision called Akāśa within the vishaya or district called Chhēndaparanga. Nono of these can be identified.
TEXT
[Metres : verse 1 Sardūlavikridita ; verse 2 Sragdhara ; verses 3-9 Anushţubh.]
First Plate
1 Siddham svasti [II] Asi(si)d=Indra-samaḥ kshitau Kabita(ti)pati[h*) lakty, ktriskri)
yábhiragupair=u2 tphull-āmala-chāju-vimva(mba)-vadanã ya[n*] Bri[h*) sadā sēvatē | yo dēva-dvija-sädha
[pa)3 odita-janasy=ādhāra-bh[ū]to ha vā' siddh-[A]dhyäsita-hēma-tunga-sikharah Sailai(lē)ndra
rājā(jo) yathā (11 *] 4 Jāta[s=ta*]sy=ātmajā(jā)=pi. prakața-gha(ga)ja-ghata(tā)-ghattanaḥ(na)&=ch[á]ru-mürtti
[re=nitya[m] dát-abhima* Seo above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 187 ff.
An inscription of kandagupta has been found in the forinar Howa State, while Gapta supremacy was acknowledged in Chattisgarh. See ibid., pp. 287-88 ; below, pp. 300 ff.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 28; above, Vol. XVII, pp. 18 ff. From photographs and impressions. Expressed by symbol. • The lotter dha is written above the lino. Better road bhut-bhavat.

Page #299

212 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII 5 ni rana-chapala-patuh bhrānta-paryanta-[k]irtish [*] nirjitvästynā)rāti-pakshah(ksham)
prasabham=apahi(hri)6 tõ(ta) yocha(na) lakshmi visālā sa stimā[i*)-kri-nikētaḥ prati-mati-suchiraḥ Indra7 raja(18) narēndraḥ (|| 2*) Mandakāt=para[ma*]māhāsvarā(ro) mātā-pitsi-päd-änudhyātaḥ
sri
Second Plate, First Side 8 sāmä(ma)nta Indrarājaḥ Chchhē (Chhēndaparanga-vishaya-prativaddhaḥ Akaba
răshtrē Gula
9 grāmako | Salagram mantamarakās grāmaku(ku)ţa-dcönägika10 gandakānāyaka-devavārika(kā) n*) sarvvāmē(n=ē)va pramukhā[n] yathā-prativāsinam
(nah) samājña
11 payati viditam=astu bhavatā[m) yath=zemābhir=aya[m*)grāma[h*]s-õdiangaḥ sa-parikaraḥ 12 a-chāța-bhața-pravēla' sa-nidhiḥ s-õpanidhiḥ(dhi)s=chora-danda-yalitah chatuh-6i(si)13 m-ādbāna-paryants A-chandr-[&]rka-kshiti-tārakā-nirödhëna mātā-pittrõr=ātmanaś=cha
punya(ny-ā)14 bhivriddhayo /* Sa(Sandilya-gõtra-VājasanĒya-Mäddhyandina-Nāgasvāmi-puva(tra)
Second Plate, Second Side 15 Bhavasvāminasya pratipăditurēty=a'lvagamya | yath-ochita-bhögam=upana16 yanta[h]" ajñā-brava pa-vidbeyair-bhūtvá suktam prativā(va)stavyam=iti svayar=a
ch=zemad-vangera
samū(mu)tpadya(tsya)ntē
rājānaḥ(na)s=tairapaniy816
17 jñāparā| yê
dattir=anu
* Read pafuro. Originally då may have been engraved in the place of fu. The reading of the word may possibly be manab also.
* Road ruchirachndra.
Road baddha. • The punctuation mark is unnecessary.
The letters lagrama are engraved whero 'lakbyya were originally written and afterwards erased. Between marakt and grdmakuta, the four letters lwdaysakt, originally written, have been eraeed. If the a eign of ma is regarded as the part of an erased letter the reading may be salagrama-Mantamaraka.
These two expressions are not known from any other record. It is difficult to say whether they are mistakes for drangika and dandanayaka.
* Read praoddal. There is an unnecesary slanting stroko after bl.
Read varjitab. • Read nsrødham. 10 Read andmine. 11 Road pralipadinte 11 Road yadbhih. » Read vasthe.. 14 Read reapelyan.

Page #300

MALGA PLATES OF SAMANTA INDRARAJA
১৩ যুক্তি 5 6 ফা/ সু%।। 2nd ধষর্মী । টি,
সহ!2, 2 সঞ্জয়ধ্বঞ্চিংশ্বিইয়োরে 4 ইসাহazzczসপিডি z@y 4 6 সুই! ৪ x x 9: 48 : 6 | Page #301

グッドストップスがスタッ月21日 24 「かる気がしないアルCB22 スロット24
ゴースプラス「スルスライフバン ブ ー 26 13 1422222名におけるスラバーマス好き好ントラスト 1.26
マンになるなる、おススメするおい 28 22 04 03- 731115で、でみを28
170205137 スクワイアンハムスターズ! 303251さん
30

Page #302

No. 41] MALGA PLATES OF SAMANTA INDRARAJA
213 18 pālaniy=ātu(nu)mödauiya cha | yas=chrēmõ(mām) datti[m*] vilõpam=āpādayishyat sa
19 pañchabhir=niahāpātakaih saba sarıyuktazi(ktah) sya(syā)[t] [*] [Ba*]hubhir=vasudha
bhūtvā rājānēt
20 Sagar-āji(di)bhish *) yasya yasya yada bhūmi[s*]=tasya tasya tadā phala[m]lam) Il 3*]
Shashti
21 varisha -sahasriņi svargë mõdati bhūmidah [l] ūchhē(chchhē)ttä сh=ānumantā
Third Plate, First Side 22 cha ttä(tā)nyrīva nurake vasi[t || 4*] Sva-dattám para-dattāmvā yo harēti(ta) Vasundhara
(m1*] kapilā-sata-yhä
23 tīnām=ēnasā pratipadyątë lll 5*] Khila-bhugnäs tu yā bhu(bhū)mi[r*]=yä сha bhuktā
dal=āparē* [l*) sa[ta][11*] ya
24 [va]ntu(tutu) yā bhukta na rāji hantum=arabati' [l 6*] Asphoțayanti pitara[h*] pra
valganta(nti). pitämahülh /*]
25 tvan=čkõ=snii(snia)t-kuli jātāstah) sa piattrā bhavishyati' [ || 7*] Prūpsyarð vipula[n")
blogā[n*] pūrvva-dattē(tta)sya tat=pha
26 lam(lam) [I*] punar=dēh=iti dānābhi(d=dhi) punar-bhogi bhavishyası 118*j 1ha róka
kpitan karma tat=pa[ra*]ttr-opi(pa). 27 bhujyatı(te) tala-siktasya vrikshasya phalum Aakhāsu dřikyıtı ILI y*] likbitan-cha
rājaputtā(ttra)-Dēvē[na*] 28 utkirnari*] suvaiņakara-Isvaru-putrönal Dröņākëna samāptaichac=ch=)da[in] tāsana
[111*] Jyushta 1.pratha-13
Read bhukta rajabhih.
Read varsha for the sako of the motro, though the form tarisha is also recogniecd. • The letter ra is writton below na. • Road dattām vā.
The word intended is bhugnâ which has beon used in tho conse of bhagna. Cf. Apto, Pract. Sans.-Ing. Dict., B.v.
• Read para. Originally pu was written.
* Read hartum-arhati. The stanza sccms to refer to the right of persons who bring fallow land under cultivation for the first time or enjoy the possession of a plot of cultivated land for a period between 10 and 100 years. Many Authorities. however, speak of 20 years' posression of land and 10 yours' possession of movable property leading to proprietory right. Cf. Milakaharà undor Yajñasulkyasmriti, II, verses 24 and 27.
• Read 8a (or tvan) nastrālā bhavishyati (orosi).
Road drisyatē. 10 Read kār-Edvara. 11 The letter na is engraved below the line. ! Read Jyesh fhao. 13 The lotter tha is engraved bolow rha, the third letter of the line.

Page #303

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII Third Plato, Second Side 29 ma-paksha Urattara'bhadra pada(da) | Angārā(ra)-vära(rē) ddi(di)vasa kādasa(88)
prava[r*]ddhamana 30 vijaya-rajya-samvatparah' 11"
1 Rond Uttara. • The panotuation mark is unnocenary. • Read sanhvataarad. • The reading may possibly also be 11.

Page #304

No. 42-MAHUDI PLATES OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V. S. 1074
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 4. 7. 1958)
This is a set of two copper plates, lying in the possession of Shri Ratansinghji Saindhawa of the village of Mahudi in the Jabar Tahsil of the Shehore District of Madhya Pradesh. One set each of unsatisfactory impressions and pencil-rubbings of the inscription was received for examination at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India from Mr. V. S. Wakankar of Ujjain. An attempt to secure the original plates on loan failed. The inscription is, therefore, edited in the following pages on the basis of the above material.
The plates measure each about 13.75 inches in length, about 9 inches in height and 2 inch in thickness. They bear writing only on the inner sides. The two holes, separated by an intervening space of 5 inches and meant for the rings on which the plates were strung, are found in the lower margin below the writing on the first plate and in the upper margin above the writing on the second. There are in all 29 lines of writing in the inscription, 15 lines on the first plate and 14 on the other. The preservation of the writing appears to be satisfactory. The last 8 lines of the record (lines 22-29) on the inner side of the second plate are shorter than the other lines by 4 inches as a rectangular area at the left lower end of the surface, about 4 inches in length and 5 inches in height, is occupied by the engraved figure of Garuda which was the emblem of the Paramāra rulers and is generally found on their copper-plate grants.
The inscription is written in Nagari characters of the eleventh century A.D., which closely resemble those of the charters of the Paramara king Bhoja (c. 1000-55 A.D.) who was also the donor of the grant under study. The letters may be compared with those of Bhoja's Banswara and Betma plates of V. S. 1076 (1020 A.D.) as well as of his Ujjain plates of V.S. 1078 (1021-22 A.D.) and Depalpur plates of V.S. 1079 (1023 A.D.). The inscription uses the avagraha once in line 29 and the initial vowels a in lines 15, 21 and 28, i in lines 16, 25 and 27 and ai in line 1. The letter b has been indicated by the sign for v. The orthography of the record also resembles that of the epigraphs referred to above. Both anusvära and the class nasals have been employed. Although final m has been used correctly in some cases, it has often been wrongly changed to anustara at the end of a sentence or of the second and fourth feet of stanzas. The change of final m to anusvära before v has been wrongly avoided. No stop has been indicated at the end of the second foot of stanzas and the last word of this foot is sometimes joined in sandhi with the first word of the next foot. Consonants like g, n, bh, m and u have been reduplicated when they follow . But rbhbh has been written wrongly for rbbh. As regards visarga-sandhi, we have both chatuhsapta (line 7) and chatus-sima (line 12). The word farmmanaya in line 15 is one of the grammatical errors in the composition of the record.
The charter bears two dates. The grant is stated in lines 7-8 to have been made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on Thursday, the full-moon day of the month of Śrāvana
1 See A. R. Ep., 1957-58, No. A 26. See also Mr. Wakankar's article on the inscription in the Hindi periodical Usha (Bhoj-anka, pp. 20 ff.), published from Dhar, Madhya Pradesh.
Above, Vol. XI, pp. 181 ff. and Plates.
Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 320 ff. and Plates.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 53 f. and Plates; cf. ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 361.
IHQ, Vol. VIII, pp. 305 ff. and Plates.
1
For some other epigraphs of Bhoja's reign, see Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 120 and 128; above, pp. 192 ff.; Vol. XIX, pp. 69 ff.
(215)

Page #305

216 EPIGRAPHLA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII in the year 1074 [of the V.8.). But line 28 quotes the date of the charter as Sarhvat (i.. V.8.) 1074, Abvina-rudi 8. There is no doubt that the grant was actually made on the first date, though the doourront which was later incided on the plates under study was prepared on the second date quoted in the record. The year was no doubt Kärttikadi. The details of the first date are, however, irregular. V.8. 1074, Srāvana-eudi 15, corresponds to the 30th July 1018 A.D. But the week-day was Wednesday and not Thursday as given in the inscription, while there was no lunar eclipse on that date according to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris. V.8. 1074, Asvinasudi 5, seems to correspond to the 17th Soptombor 1018 A.D. The present charter is the second of the copper-plate grants issued during the reign of Paramāra Bhöja, the earliest date of his time being offered by the plates of his son or feudatory Vatsarāja, dated V.8. 1067 (1011 A.D.).
The introductory part of the inscription beginning with the Siddham symbol followed by two stanzas in adoration of the god Siva and introducing the donor as Paramabhaftāraka Mahapājādhiraja Paraměsvara Bhojadova, who was preceded on the throne successively by P. M. P. Sindhurajadēva, P. M. P. Våkpatirijadeva and P. M. P. Styakadēva, is similar to that of the other charters of Bhoja. Lines 5 ff. record, in the usual style, the grant of the village called Dugárylgrāma, situated in the territorial unit called Bhumigriha-paschima-dviparhchābatka, in favour of a Brahmana by the king when he was stationed at Dhara. The name of the district seems to indicate an area consisting of 52 villages and lying to the west of a locality called Bhūmigriha while Dhärä was the capital of the Paramára king. The name Bhūmigrihapaschima-dvipamchilatka reminds us of such districts as Nägadraha-paschima-pathaka and Ujjayini-paschima-pathaka mentioned respectively in the Ujjain and Depalpur plates referred to above. Similarly, the word dvipaficha tatka in the name røminds us of such names as Nyāyapadrasaptadasaka mentioned in the Betma plates. The donee of the grant was Märkandaśarman who Was the son of Bhafta Sripati and grandson of Bhatta Gökarna and belonged to & Brāhmana family hailing from a locality called Sravanabhadra in Gauda-doba (modern West Bengal). The village was granted as usual with the right to receive all the adāyas or imposts such as hiranya (taxes in cash), bhāga (share of the orops produced), bhoga (periodical offerings) and uparikara (additional cess or tax on temporary tenants). This part of the record is in the same style as in the king's other grante. It ends with some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stenzas.
The letter chha thrice repeated in line 27 indicates the end of the document proper. This is followed in the next line (line 28) by the date (V.8. 1074, Asvina-sudi 5) when the document was prepared. In the same line, which ends with a usual mangala, we have also the statement that the king himself was the ajfa, which seems to mean that the announcement of the gift was made by the king himself. The passage sva-hasto-yar mahārāja-fri-Bhojadēvasya in the next line (line 29) represents the king's signature on the original document later engraved on the plates. The charter ends with the statement that Jäsata was the dapaka. The word däpaka means' one who causes another to give'. It is thus not impossible that Jäsata was the real donor of the village of Dugăryi in favour of the Brāhmaṇa Märkandasarman and that king Bhöja merely ratified the creation of the rent-free holding. The word däpaka, however, occurs in many other grants especially of the Paramāra kings and is generally understood in the sense of duta or dütaka, i.e. the executor of a grant.
The Banswara plates of Bhoja were issued in V.S. 1076, Māgha-sudi 5 (probably the 3rd January, 1020 A.D.) on the occasion of what is called Korkana-vijaya-purvan, while his Betma
1 Seo Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 361, No. 160. * See above, pp. 192 ff. . Cf. above, pp. 50 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 178 and note 2 ; cf. SII, Vol. I, p. 33, note 1.

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No. 42] MAHUDI PLATES OF PARAMARA BHOJA V. 8. 1074
911 plates were issued in V8. 1076, Bhadrapada-sudi 15 (probably the 4th September, 1020 A.D.) on the occasion of Kornkana-grahana-vijaya-parvan. Hultzsch interpreted the expression occurring in the Banswara plates as the anniversary of the conquest of Konkana,' while D.B. Bhar. darkar suggested the festival day in consequence of the conquest of Köņkapa'. D.B. Diskalkar thinks that the Banswara plates refer to Bhoja's conquest of Könkana, and the Betma plates to his occupation of the country' It, however, appears to us that both the expressions mean the game event, viz. Bhöja's conquest of Konkana. The silence of the present record on this achievement of the Paramärk king may suggest that Könkana was conquered by Bhöja sometime after the dates of the present grant, probably in 1019-20 A.D.
of the geographical names mentioned in the record, Dhärā, the capital of Bhoja, is the modern Dhär in the District of the same name in Madhya Pradesh. The location of the gift village of Dugăryi and the district called Bhūmigpiha-paschima-dvipafichābatka as well as of the locality called Sravanabhadra in the Gauda country is uncertain.
TEXT
[Metres : verses 1-2,4-5 Anushţubh ; verses 3, 7 Vasantatilaka ; verse 6 Indravajra; verae 8 Salini
verse 9 Pushpitāgrā.]
First Plate 1 Siddham [l*] Jayati Vyömakēbo=Bau yaḥ sarggāya vi(bi)bhartti täm(tām aindavim
sirasā lēkhām jagadvi(d-bi)j-ánkur-ākritim [] 1*] Tanvantu vaḥ 2 Smarärātēḥ kalyāṇam=anisa[m] jațāḥ [[*] kalp-anta-samay-oddāma-tadid-valaya-pi
ngalāḥ 1[1 2*] paramabhattāraka-mahārā. 3 jādbirāja-paramēšvara-sri-Slyakadēva-pād-anudhyāta-paramabhasțāraka-mabārājādbirāja
paramēsvara-bri 4 Vakpatirājadēva-päd-änudbyäta-paramabhatýāraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēsvara-bri
Simdhurājadēva-pád-.6 nudhyāta-paramabhatýāraku-mahārājādbirāja-paramēsvara-bri-Bhöjadēvah kusali
Bhumigriha-paschima-dvipancha6 kath-intahpāti-Dugăryl-gramo samupāgatān=samasta-rajapurushän-Vrā(n-Brā)hmap
ottarān=pratinivāsi-pattakila-ja7 napad-ādimscha Bamádibaty=astu vaḥ samviditam yatha | Srimad-Dhar-āvasthi
tair=asmābhit-chatuḥsaptaty-adhikā(ka)-data-sa8 arbamvatsarā śrävapa-sudi-paurppamäsylith 'Gurau samjāta-ama-grahapa
parvvapi snätvå char-āchare-gurum=bhagavanta9.m=Bhavānipatyam(tim) samaabhyarchya samsārasy=āsäratām jñātvă tathā hi Vät
abhra-vibhramam-idam Vasudh-adhipatyam-ap1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI, p. 201.
Above, Vol. XVIII, P 321.. • A stangs in the Tilakwada plates has been road as Tal-pada-kamala-dhyata Kanyakubja-vinilb*]brilori)tab eash Sravanabhadranath Suradityo Hard(T-0) ttamal || -(Proceedings and Transactions of the First All-India Oriental Conference, p. 324). It is pomalble to think that the Sravanabhadras mentioned in the verse originally lived at the village of Sravanabhadra montioned in the Mahudi plates as situated in West Bengal.
From imprensions and pencil-rubbings. Expressed by symbol. • Read sathua

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218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII 10 ta-mātra-madhurð vishay-opabhõgaḥ [l* prāņās=trin-āgia-jala-visdu-sama narañáth
dharmmah sakhā param=sho para-1811 ka-yäně ILI 3*) Bhiamat-sari sära-chakr-āgra-dhir-adhăräm=imam sriyam(yam 1)
präpya ye na dadus=tēsbāṁ paschāt-tāpaḥ paraṁ phalam=iti |(lam || 4 iti) 12 jagato v inasva(kva)ra-sva[rū]pam=ākalayy=Öpari-likhita-grāmas-chatus-simā-gochara
yütı-pargantaḥ sa-hira13 oya-bhāga-bhogaḥ sāparikaraḥ sarvv-ādāya-samētaḥ 611-Gauda-dēs-antahpāti-Sravana.
bhadra-sthāna-vinirgge14 ta-Vātsya-gotra-pamcha-plavara-Vājasanēya-hākh-adhyāyině Bhatta-Gokarnna-pautra
Bhatta-Sripati-suta-pamdita15 [M]ārkkaņdalarmmaņāya' mātä-pitrõr=ātmanab-cha punya-yaső-bhivriddhayē adfishta
phalam=angiksitya chamdr-arkk-ár DA
Second Plate
16 [va)-kshiti-sama-kālam yāvat-paraya bhaktyä täsanēn-odaka-pūrvvakam pratipädite
iti matvă tan-nivāsi-pe17 [tta]kila-janapad-ādibhir=yathā-diyamāna-bhāga-bhöga-kara-hirany-adikam=ājña-bravana
vidhēyairbhbhū(i=bbhū)tvá sa18 rvvam=asma: samupanētavyam(vyam) | sámánya ch-aitat-punya-phalash vudhya
'smad-vamsajair=anyair=api bhāvibhirbhbhõ(r=bbhö)ktribhir=819 smat-pravsitta-dharmmā(rmma)dayo=yam=anumamtavyā(vyaḥ) pālaniyas-cha
uktam chal Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha bhuktă rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādi 20 bhirya(bhiḥ 1 ya)sya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā phalam ICT 5*] Yan=lha.
dattāni purā darēmdrair-ddānāni dharmm-ārtha21 ya[fa]skarāņi [l* nirmmālya-vânta-pratimāni tāni kō nāma sādhu[h] punar=
adadīta [1 6*] Asmat-kula-kramam=udā22 ram=udāharadbhir-anyais cha dānam=idam=abhyanumðdaniyam(yam lakshmi
(kshmyā)s=taqid-valla)23 ya-vudvuda-chamchalāyā dānam phalaṁ para-yabah-paripālanaṁ cha Ill 7*) Saryvån.
=ētān=bhāvi. 24 naḥ, pārthivēmdrān=bhūyo bhūyo yāchatē Rāmabhadraḥ [l*) sämänyõ=yam dharmma. sētu 25. r=nnripānām kālē kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ (11.8*). Iti kamal-dal-ambha(mbu)-virdu-1826 lām sriyam=anuchintya manushya-jivita cha [1*] sakalam=idam=udāhritam cha
yudhvão na 27. hi purushaiḥ para-kīrttayo vilõpyä iti(pyāḥ || 9 iti) || chha || chha || chha || 28 Samvats 1074 A(A)svina-sudi 8 [l*) svayam=ājñā || mangalam mahā-erih [1] 29 sva-hastõ=yam mahārāja-sri-Bhojadēvasya || dāpakõ='tra sri-Jāsata[ho] ||
• Readbarmmari. . Read buddhydo. . Read budbuda. . Read buddava:
Read Samoat

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Scale : Seven-twelfths
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MAHUDI PLATES OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V.S. 1074

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લાજ ના લોવિનવાસી હોવાના સમાગમ
પારો) કJી 22) તો નહિ કે છે છે . એ . કે કોઈ શોધી )://silૉ.
પs | મા ધો. 5 થી 10 રોગોથી PET If I E SE HOLD Dhir) હોય કે ન કરવી _કો છેઆ રોગ) . કવિ કી - - એીિ માટે ની 5 ટિપી થોડ/ ચીજોશી , વ, નવી ht Elો )), શીખી લીટી માટે DM )[ Other MISSELSS) પોપી bp બિESTી 'પ્રાણિક હિલી Nિછે તે પાણી LESS E US na De) 4) TE પિન) નીમીનો તીખગાસતર્ક રોગ હારી ગણENAL M ના ,
. ગીતોમાં પણ આ જીવી છે રીતે ત્રિણી
છે

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No. 43-PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265
(3 Plates) H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 7.3.1958)
The set of plates was received for examination by the Government Epigraphist for India in the year 1946-47 from the late Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao, then Assistant Commissioner, Hindu Religious and Endowments Board, Madras. The set consists of 10 thick plates each measuring 5.25" X 9.5", except the last one which is slightly smaller than the rest. The plates have a round hole in the left margin for a ring to pass through, though the ring was missing when the plates were received for examination. Of the ten plates, the first eight are inscribed on both the sides. They are numbered consecutively on their reverse. The ninth and tenth plates are each inscribed on only one of their sides. The tenth plate, as will be seen below, contains a post-script to the document and is also slightly smaller than the rest of the plates. The ninth plate contains a human figure, standing astride, with its head formed by two heads of birds facing opposite directions. It holds two elephants by their trunks, one in each hand. An explanatory passage engraved on the left of this figure says that the donor Bhaktirāja enjoyed the title Gandabhērunda, thereby indicating that the figure depicted was that of the mythical bird Gandabhērunda. This bird is usually depicted as a double-headed eagle holding elephants in its beaks or claws. In inythology, however, two more fabulous creatures which are said to be the incarnations of Vishnu and Siva respectively, intervene between the elephant and the mythical eagle. They ure the lion, more powerful than the elephant, and the eight-legged Sarabha stronger even than the lion. Although the representation of the Gandabhērunda on our record does not conform to its traditional form, it is represented in the same shape in epigraphs like the Tripurāntakam (Kurnool District) inscription (Saka 1310) of Annadēva, the son and successor of Bhaktirāja, and the Vinukonda (Guntur District) inscription. (Saka 1377) of the time of the Sāgi chief Gannaina-nāyaka. The same emblem is embossed in relief on each of the four granite pillars of an imposing gõpura at Srirangam. Perhaps the plate bearing the emblem of the mythical hird served the purpose of the seal of the charter under review and was a later addition like the one bearing the post-script. The seal of the Madras Museum plates of Bhaktiraja depicts the same figure in a very crude form. An earlier charter showing an excellent representation of this figure on its seal is the Edavalli plates of the Köta chief Kēta III.
14. R. Ep., 1946-47, App. A, No. 3.
Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao has explained the significance of these mythological figures sculptured in a frieze depicting the chain of destruction in the Büchēkvara temple at Koramangala in Mysore and has cited examples of different kinds of representation of the Gandabhērunda in the Kannada and Telugu areas. See IHQ, Vol. XX, pp. 341 ff.
: A. R. Ep., No. 264 of 1905. • Ibid., No. 528 of 1913. Ibid., 1936-37, p. 77, para. 42. Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. V, pp. 128 ff.
Mr. T. N. Ramachandran describes the figure as that of a man. The two heads of the mythical bird are here depicted so indifferently that they give the appearance more of a grotesque human head or that of an owl rather than that of two birde. But a closer examination clears this illusion. It must be noted, however, that the elephant usually associated with this bird is absent in the crude motiff on the real rendering its identification somewhat diffioult. .A. R. Bp., 1916-16, App. A, No. 5; of. p. 138, para. 65.
(219)

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1220
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
Bherunda occurs as a title of Satyarasa, a feudatory of Chalukya Jayasimha, while some of the later rulers adopted titles like Gandabherunda, Rayagajagandabherunda, Gajaughagandabherunda, Arirayagajagandabherunda, etc. The soldiers of a Hoysala regiment are referred to as bherundas in inscriptions."
The record is throughout in Sanskrit verse engraved in Telugu characters. It is more neatly executed than the Madras Museum plates of the donor and its composition resembles that of other charters of the period such as the Vilasa grant of Prōlaya-nayaka and the Rajahmundry Museum plates of Annadeva-Chōda. The medial signs of ō and au and the aksharas bi and chi
are written alike.
The date of the charter is quoted in verses 44-46 (lines 79-81) as Thursday, the full-moon day of the month of Kärttika, Šaka 1265 (bhūta-tarka-arka), when there was a lunar eclipse. The date is irregular as there was no lunar eclipse in Saka 1265, either expired or current.
The first few verses of the charter praise the primordial couple (Siva and Parvati), the elephantfaced god (Ganesa), the Primeval Boar (i.e. Vishnu), the Sun and Moon, and Brahman. The mythical lineage from Brahman down to king Devanîka through Marichi, Kasyapa, Bhanu (Sun), Vaivasvata-Manu, Ikshvāku, Kakutstha, Dilipa, Raghu, Aja, Dasaratha, Rama, Kusa, Atithi, Nishadha, Nala, Nabhas, Pundarika and Kshēmadhanvan is delineated in the next few stanzas (verses 7-13). Verses 13-17 speak of Nalla-Bhima, born in Devänika's lineage, and his wife Kāmā; their son Dāma and his wife Sōmā; their son Pöta and his wife Anyama; their son Bhima and his wife Pōtā; their son Dama and his wife Lakshmi; their son Sōma and his wife Süramā; and their son Ganga. When Ganga came of age, his father Soma of the Solar lineage contemplated the marriage of his son with a bride of the Lunar race (verse 18).
Verses 19-23 mention the following members of the Lunar family: Kumāra and his wife Gangama; their son Chandra and his wife Gauri; their son Brahman and his wife Suramā; their son Deva and his wife Abbidevi; their son Käma and his wife Lakshmyamba; their three daughters and two sons respectively named Irugamba, Devāmbā, Abbidēvi, Venga and Tamma; and Venga's three wives named Mahādēvi, Anyamamba and Chennamamba.
According to verses 24-28, Ganga of the solar or Kasyapa lineage married Irugamba of the funar race (Manavya-sakula), who gave birth to Kama named after his maternal grand-father and also called Bhakta. The following two stanzas (verses 28-29) speak of the accession of Bhakta or Bhaktiraja and the overrunning of the Andhra country by the Yavanas (Muhammadans).
The Musunuri family, to which Bhaktiraja owed allegiance, is described in verses 30-33 as follows: Pochi-nay aka of VengI-vishaya; his son Prōlaya-nayaka who left Vengi along with Venga and repaired to a fort in a forest (vana-durga) surrounded by hills. Prōlaya-nayaka and Venga are stated to have together subdued the pride of the Turushka horses and reconquered the Andhra country. The four following stanzas (verses 34-37) describe how, on Venga's death, the son of Pochi-nayaka (i.e. Prölaya) installed [in his uncle's estate] his (i.e. Venga's) sister's son Bhakttraja and how the young king defeated the infantry and cavalry forces of the Yavana lords. According to verses 38-42, Anyama, Anyama and Lakshmi were the three wives of Bhaktiraja who enjoyed the title Rajavěsyabhujanga and was ruling over Chirhtapemța, Võng!, Chintalapani and Göritäru. Verses 43-44 state that, on Prōlaya's death, his cousin (pitrivyasuta) Kapaya-nayaka, installed Prölaya's son Vochi-nayaka on the throne.
1 IHQ, XX, p. 341, note 2. Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Cn. 211. Above, Vol. XXXII, p..... Ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 14 ff.

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No.43)
PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265
221
According to verses 45-48, on the date already discussed above, Bhaktirāja, having obtained Vochi-niyaka's approval, granted to Brähnianas well-versed in the Vodas and Sastras the village of Pentapādu which was clubbed together with the villages of Enarlagoddu, Mulakala and Jalēpalli in Vēngi-vishaya and named Gangadharapura after Ganga-bhūpati.
Verse 49 prays for the success of Bhaktikshitisa who enjoyed the title Gandaraganda and Gavdabherunda. This is followed by twentyeight verses in various metres enumerating the names of the seventysix donees together with the share or shares allotted to each of them as well as their götras and sākhās. There were, among the donees, persons learned in the Vēdas, Vēdāngas, Vedānta, Tarka, Dharmaśāstra, Jyotisha, Pada, Padakrama, Purāna, Samudrikaśāstra, etc. Four among them received two shares each and one only a share and a half, while the rest of the donees were assigned either a single share or half a share each. One of the major shareholders was the priest of Bhaktirāja. A learned man named Bhārati is mentioned in the post-script. Whether he was the composer of the charter is not known.
It is noteworthy that the majority of the donees bear the title or epithet Ghata käsin. This term occurs in inscriptions and literature in several forms such as Ghadesäsi, Ghadiśāsi, Ghadiyaśāsi, and Ghalisasi. To these may be added the form Ghaisāsi or Ghaisāsa met with in Kannada inscriptions,
The rest of the document, with the exception of the last four benedictory stanzas, enumerate the boundaries of the village granted and mentions, among others, the places Darsaparru, Mudunūru, Vipparru, Kommana, Kātaparru, Nakkakunta, etc.
List of donees
Name
Götra and Sakha
Shares
...
2
.
1 1
1. Richchana-yajran (teacher of Sama and Yajus and versed in T'edasiga) . . . .
. . . . Harita, Yajurvēda. 2. Vallabha-yajvan (versed in Yajue ; priest of Bhaktisa) . . 3. Gangadhara-ghutasinin . . . . . . . . 4. Rudraya-bhatta . . . . . . . 3. Pröli-ghatasisin . . . . . . . . Do. . . 6.Devaya-ghatašūsin . . . . .. . . Do. . . 7. Sari-bhatta (vorsed in Rik and Fidintor). .
.Harita, Rigveda 8. Cangadhara-ghata asin . . . . .
. .
. .
. Do. . 9. Jallaya-yhatarixin . . . . . . . . . Do. . . 10. Xārāyaṇa-ghatabūsin .. . . . .. . Kaundinya, Rigveda 11. Gangadhara-ghatakilsin (vereed in Turke). . . . . Kaundinya, Yajurvēda 12. Koppanitha-bhatta . . . . . . . Do. . . 13. Söma (versed in Vedantu) . . . 14. Poti-ghatnéīsin (versed in Dharmasastra). . 13. Saryo (Jyütis-saetrin) . . . . . .
. . . . .
1 1 1 1 1
* Cf. Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. XXVI. pp. 290 ff.
A.R. Ep., No. 268 of 1953-54.

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222
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIN
Name
Gotra and Sakha
Sharos
. .
. .
. •
. Kaundinya, Yajurveda
Kansika, Yajurvēda
1 1
.
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
Do. Do.
. .
. .
. .
1 1
.
.
1
.
. . Do. . . .. . Käsyapa, Rigvēda.
Do. ...Kayapa, Yajurvēda . . Do. . .
Do. . . Do. . .
. .
.
.
1
.
.
.
.
1
.
.
1
. . .
.
.
16. Krishna-ghatasäsin ( Jyotis-bāstrin) . 17. Namkana-ghatabäsin . . . 18. Dāšana-bhatta (vorsod in Dharmasastra) 19. Nårūyapn (vorsod in Padu) . . 20. Poti-ghatalüsin . . . 21. Potaya-ghatasõsin... . 22. Müraya (Padakramuria). . 23. Mallaya (vorsed in Rigveda) 24. Poti-ghatabasin (Do.). . 20. Kāmaya-ghatabāsin 20. Vonnaya-bhatta (vorsod in Tarka) . 27. Annaya (versed in Jyotis-süstra) 28. Poti-ghatabūsin . . . 29. Raclraya (vorsod in Vyakarana) 30. Gopāla-bhatta (do.) . . . 31. Punyamūrti (vorsod in Rik) . . 32. Ananta-bhatta (vorsod in Purana) . 33. Vallabha-bhatta (vorsed in Pada) 34. Kundaya (Chaturvēdin) . . 35. Mallnya (Samudrikasāstrin) . 36. Bhimaya-ghatashsin . . . 37. Agusti-yajvan . . . . 38. Prõli-bhatta (Vēdāntin). 39. Mallaya-ghataśāsin 40. Malli-bhatta . . 41. Bhimaya-ghatakäsin 42. Mallaya-ghataśāsin 43. Vallabha-ghatasusin . . . 44. Ananta-ghatasasin 45. Vallabha-ghatabūsin . 40. Obhala-ghataśäsin. 47. Küchena-ghatakäsin 48. Vallabha-ghatasasin . . . 49. Bhadraya-ghntukäsin . .
. .. . . .
i
.
.
1
. .
. Do. . . . . Parādara, Rigvēda . . . Do. . . :
Parasara, Yajurvēda . . Bhäradvāja, Yajurvēda.
Do. . . . . Do. . . . : Do.
Bhäradvāja, Rigvēda .
Srivatsa, Yajurvēda . . Do. Atrēga, Yajurvēda .. .
Do. . Do. . Gárgya, Yajurvéda : .Abharadvasu, Yajurvēda
Hârita, Yajurvēda.,
. . . . . . . . .. :
.
. .
. .
.
1 1
.

Page #314

No. 43]
PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265
Götra and Sakha
Harita, Rigveda
Do.
Kaundinya, Yajurvēda
Do.
Do.
Do.
Kaunḍinya, Kanva.
Kaundinya, Rigveda
Name
50. Appana-ghaḍaśāsin
51. Vallabha-ghatasasin
•
52. Kētana-ghaḍaśāsin.
53. Lingaya-ghaṭaśāsin
54. Dommana-ghaṭasāsin
55. Mallaya-ghatasasin
56. Somaya-ghatasasin
57. Allaḍi
58. Ellaya
59. Ramga.
60. Dōchaya-ghatasäsin
61. Sōmaya-ghaṭaśāsin.
62. Varadaya-ghaḍaśāsin
63. Gapapaya-ghatakäsin
64. Chamana-ghatasasin
65. Mailara-ghaṭasāsin.
06. Kesava-ghaṭaśäsin.
67. Appana-ghatasäsin.
68. Sripati-bhatta
69. Narahari-bhatta
70. Kamaya-bhatta
71. Pinnaya
72. Maraya-ghatasäsin.
73. Kommaya-ghatasäsin
74. Lakshmana-ghaṭasasin 75. Playa-gam
76. Bharati
.
.
. Atreya, Rigveda
•
.
•
Atreya, Yajurvēda
Käéyapa, Samaveda
Kasyapa, Yajurvēda
Maudgalya, Yajurvēda
Pütimasha, Yajurvēda
Kapi, Yajurvēda
Bharadvaja, Yajurvēda
Do. Do.
Srivatsa, Yajurvēda
Do.
Do.
Do.
Srivatsa, Rigveda Kausika, Yajurvēda Maitreya, Rigveda
Löhita, Yajurvēda Kaundinya, Bahvṛicha
.
223
Shares
2
651
The record supplies some new information about some of the earlier members of the donor's family as also of the chiefs of Musunuru. The Muslim inroads into Telingana that followed the downfall of the Kakatiyas and the attempts of the Nayakas of the coastal region to stem the tide of the enemy hordes are well known and it has been shown how the chiefs of the various families such as the Panta-Reddis, the Undirajas, the Recharla chiefs, etc., numbering altogether seventyfive according to the Kaluvacheru grant, rallied round their leaders, the chiefs Prōlya-nayaka and Kapaya-nayaka of Musunuru and offered stiff resistance to the Muslims. The more prominent
Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. I, pp. 107 ff.

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224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII among these chiefs were inter-related by ties of matrimony. Of them, the Chödas of Eļuva appear to have been a powerful ruling family of which Bhaktirāja was the most eminent nienber. In tracing the descent of this chief who was also called Kāma, the charter furnishes his ancestry for seven generations on the paternal side and six generations on the maternal. A comparison of the details of the families as indicated below, with those furnished by the Madras Museum anıl Rajahmundry Museum platest reveals some new facts.
Solur and Lunar families Solar
Lunar
Brahman
Kshēmadhanvan
Dēvānika
Nalla-Bhima m. Kūmā
Dama m. Sömā
.
Kumāra m. Gangamå
Chandra m. Gauri
Põta m. Anyama Bhima m. Potā
Dāma m. Lakshmi
Brahma m. Sürama Devanțipa m. Abbidévi Kūma m. Lakshmyambā
Sõma m. Sāramā
--
-
Ganga m. Irugamba
Dēvāmba
Vēnga m. Tamma
Mahädēvi, Anyamā Kama alias Bhaktirāja m.
and Chennamā (1) Anyamă, (2) Anyama and (3) Lakshmi
It will be seen from the above pedigrees that Dama who married Lakshmi was preceded by four generations, viz., Bhima, Pota, Dama and Nalla-Bhima. The Madras Museum plates mention Nalla-Blrima merely as & predecessor of Dama, omitting the three intervening generations, and Karikāla as the latter's distant forebear, while according to the Rajahmundry Museum plates, Dāma's predecessor was Eruva-Bhima. This Eruva-Bhima or merely Bhima as he is called in our record, is obviously the same person who took the name of his great-grandfather. The name of Bhima's father, viz., Pota, is not mentioned in the Madras Museum plates and his name and those of his predecessors supplied by this record are lost in the Rajahmundry Museum plates. Pota's wife's name occurs as Annemimbă in the Rajahmundry Museum plates and as Anyamā in the present inscription. The pedigree on the donor's maternal side refers to five generations backwards from Irugămbă, mother of Bhaktirāja. Irugāmbā's brothers were Vēnga and Tamma, of whom the former is mentioned in our record as an intimate associate of Prõlaya-nāyaka. We have seen that Prolaya repaired along with Vănga to a fort in a forest when the Andhra country was overtaken by the Yavanas (Muhammadans). This place has been identified with Rēkapalle, mentioned in the Vilasa grant as Mount Mālyavanta and as the capital of Prolaya-nayaka. In the course of the struggle leading to the reconquest of the country by Prolays and
1 Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. V. pp. 128 ff.; above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 14 ff. *Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 254.

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No. 43]
225
PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265
Venga, the latter lost his life. It seems as though Võnga died without any issue, for, on his death, his overlord Prōlaya-nayaka installed Venga's nephew Bhaktiraja to his estate (verse 35). We do not know whether Bhaktiraja held his ancestral principality of Eruva in addition to this newly acquired territory round about Vengi, although that seems to have been the case, nor are we told what became of Venga's brother Tamma who must have, in the natural course, succeeded to his late brother's estate had he survived him. On the death of Prōlaya-nayaka, his son Pōchi(or Vōchi)-nayaka1 ascended the throne with the help of his uncle Kapaya-nayaka. Bhaktirāja now owed allegiance to Pōchi-nayaka and obtained the latter's permission to make a gift of certain villages.
It will be seen that the donees who numbered 75 held 63 shares altogether. The postscript adds the name of Bharati as a holder of two shares given to him by the donees at the instance of the donor. This brings the total number of shares distributed among the donees to 651. But the post-script specifies the number of shares contained in the gift land as 66 and says further that Bhaktiraja added Uttanampuņi to the gift land. This Uttanampūņi was thus a piece of land which constituted the remaining share out of the total of 66 that the gift land comprised.
The post-script referred to above calls for some remarks. It is dated Ananda, Pausha, Krishnadvādaśī, when the sun was in Makara. The Cyclic year Ananda after the date of the main grant, viz., Šaka 1265 (1342 A.D.), corresponds to Saka 1296 (1374 A.D.) and thus the interval between the two dates comes to about 32 years. Bhaktiraja's reign probably continued beyond Saka 1296, Šaka 1310 (1388 A.D.) being the earliest available date for his son and successor Annadeva. The present grant gives the earliest date so far known for Bhaktiraja, earlier nearly by a decade and a half than his Madras Museum plates, the interval between this and the earliest date cited above for Annadeva being 45 years. Bhaktiraja's success against the Yavana forces referred to in verses 36-37 shows that he associated himself with his uncle or uncles (Venga and Tamma) against the Muhammadans. The events that followed, viz., the death of Venga and perhaps also of Tamma in these battles, made Prōlaya-nayaka confer on the young Bhaktiraja the chieftaincy of his uncle's estate. The defeat of Boggara, Dabaru-Khānu and other Muhammadan warriors in the neighbourhood of Gulapundi and Pedakonda by Bhaktiraja while he was yet a youth, as referred to in the Rajahmundry Museum plates of Annadeva, evidently refers to the same achievement. Bhaktiraja's success was at the latest contemporaneous with the date of our charter, viz., Saka 1265 (1342 A.D.).
As regards the localities mentioned in the record, Chintapēta, Chintalapūņi, Vēmgi and Gomtūru, over which Bhaktiraja is stated to have ruled and which perhaps formed the central part of Venga's territory to which his nephew succeeded, may be identical with Chinnampēța, Chintalapudi, Peddavegi and Guntūru respectively. Of the places clubbed with Pentapāḍu, viz., Enarlagodḍu, Mulkala and Jalepalle, the first is possibly the same as Yanaralapalle, about a mile and a half due south-west of Penpadu, the other two bring insignificant hamlets of the same village. Of the villages of Darsaparru, Padmara-Vipparru and Kommara, the first is about a mile due east of Pentapadu (or Pentapadu-agraharam as it is now called) in the Tadepalligudem Taluk of the West Godavari District, the second about 4 miles south-west and the third also about 4 miles due south-south-west of the same. The stream called Veyyera runs from west to east about a mile and a half due south of Pentapadu. Mudunuru, another village mentioned among the
1 The name of this chief was wrongly read in A. R. Ep., 1946-47, App. A, No. 3, as Võbi-nāyaka.
A. R. Ep., No. 254 of 1905. This date is expressed by the chronogram dasa-visva-bhaji Vibhavě Märgge Sasanka-grahe. The chronogram yields the Saka year 1310 corresponding to the cyclic year Vibhava and the occasion indicated is a lunar eclipse in Marga. The above details regularly corespond to the 14th November, 1388 A.D.
* Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. V, pp. 128 ff.

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226
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
boundaries, still retains the same name and is about 2 miles due south-cast of Pentapādu. Tallareddikunta and other snch names ending in kunta probably indicate certain ponds. I am unable to identify the other names.
I expross my thanks to Messrs. K. H. V. Sarma and V. S. Subrahmanyam for having carefully checked the text of the inscription and offered many useful suggestions.
TEXT1 Meires: verscs 1, 41 Mälini; verxes 2, 5, 7-21, 23-33, 42-47, 78-80, 83-84, 86-91, 93-97, 99-1013, 105-109 Anushdubh ; verse 3 Udgiti; verses 4, 40 Rathoddhatā; verses 6, 22, 34-36, 34-39), 48-64, 66-77, 81, 85, 98, Gili; verses 37, 65, 82 Iryū ; verse 92 Indruvajrā; verse 104 Silini.]
First Plate, First Side | Ori Jayati mithunam=ādyam jātarūp-āru2 n-ibham ravi-kasi-sikhi-nētram raja-rēkhā-vatarsan(sain) [*] 3 charaņa-kamala-charnchach-chamcharik-amar-ēšar 4 Saranam=upagatānāın Sāśvat-ānanda-dāyi [Il 1*] 5 Pratyuha-timira-vrāta-parākarana-pai miditam(tam) | Bhav-achal-oditain nityam bhaja Gaja7 mukhari mahah || [2*] Astu mudē Vārāham vapu8 r--anisuin vasumati yasya | visade damshtrā-sikha9 ro vilasati bhizingiva kotaki-mukulo ! [3*]
First Plate, Second Side 10 Kairav-õtkara-kavata-kurichikā parcha-bāņa-nigama-prapam11 chikā | rūjatë viyati rāja-rēkhikā pāritha-loka-paribha12 va-lēkhikū il [**] Prabodhit-ābja-kumudē bbūsētām bhūsit-ä13 khila | nayant Nagajābhartur=nisa-divasayāḥ ppa(pa)ti || [5*) NA14 rāyara-nābhi-saras-saijātam satatam-avatu võ nali153 nam(nam) yatra madhuvrata-nikarö yamibhir=vvēd-ārttha16 vādam=ātanutē || [6*) Tatas=samudabhūd=Brahmā Marichir=Brahmaņā= 17 mutah | Kasyapah Kasyapād=Bhānur=Bhūnor=Vvaivasvato Manuḥ || [7*] 19 Ikshvūkur=asmin=saritāno dikshv=ūtata-maha-yasah Kakutsthah Ki19 Áyapinäthas-tat-kulē tarani-prabhah | [8*] Dilīpabhūpas-tad-varnsyo 20 Raghuruētasya nandanaḥ| Ajas=tad-ātmajas-tasya data DA
From impressions.
This is preceeded by a floral design. • The figuro 1 is onyravod against this line in tho margin,

Page #318

PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265-PLATE I
2 P
6
8
10
=== = = సి
12
44
16
గా సంయత్రముంద మనం
పరసిం విచేశావనరులo 20 నండన వి
222222
i, a
28
30
32
మలిను. సహకంగా నరర్నూలు రకంగా జర నివరం సా|| 2 చంద్ర, కామత్రం సాలించంఉయి. 4
సరం, బదిల ముఖమడం ల నిఖించనుము 3 గల సంభంది.
i, b
ii, a
జనా
విరవాసరం?
ఇ
22 మేకప్రియ భావదేవయు సన
ప
శర్షం సూరీడు అదిగంబరిని ఉదబరం, శ్రీ ను సాంది. 2 ఈపూడ్స "మంత్ర మద్దూరి దానిని దవాడి
సంబ
26 మ ROY
ద న న త యమునల్ల బవవడ్డిదాః | సమయ రాముఖ్యగా మినిస అనండా ముదరడాలు మామ pape దామన్న ఇజారాల భద్రుసంత మగత సయత కటే క్యానల్ తినయ్య 26
మా
మనుజ
సాము.
లొక
మహించావలసబిరం పండు. ఉరు ప్రపంచానికి
Scale : One-fourth
6
8
నాకు ప్రతి 10
12
14
16
18
20
2228
24
26
30
32

Page #319

అంటుతు
thoma Oంగా మన పండరందు ప - తన కంటి పు బతుకమ్మ అ యోగుల
దాకా ఆనందంగా
మన మ్యూపసేద్యంవ్యంగా అనుపమతం పుంసముంబయెరా
గద మందపన పణంగా ప్రపంచం ముందు
ని - కందిగాం దం॥ లేదు సువా చేశంలో
and co were
- మతమబండ తండాగంగమ్మ ఆడు తమ రవమ నిబంబూలాలతి కండానవుపయువకర పనిచ ముండమం బంధం||దను తెలంగాణ స్స్స రుదము మనియం కంబానాం | ఈదహారో |
పుంజాలయ నయం విపుంగవని దాంతో విలుక సెం! ఆగాగురాణండం ఉనగుగరు
సమందు ఆలిం పరతరం పంపారనుందాంద్రమండలమరం మనం ఇపురం సంద81 ఎంపరర అది సులువసభ్య నాడు నా నుంచి 58
ii,
-
MEN, ముందు అందుబాల అస్థిపండు పులు, 60
లభ్యమంగ కుతం ఉతంబులగా శ్రీవాత్సవంలో సంగ్రామింగంపలో 62 అది సంచలనం సోమం న సమంత HOMసు ముందు కుంభం చూడు వనాలు పనులు ముందు వరసయ్య
చిన్నమండంబర చుం అబూ ఇంజనముల 68 మరి అ
లలు అడు తరతరంగంగా మారి 70
WARAN
JOM

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No. 43] PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265 227
Second Plate, First Side 21 Sarathas=sutaḥ || [9*] Tad-ātma-sambhavo Rämö räjánya-kula-48khara22 | Kubaḥ kuśāśay-abh-akshas-tanayas-tasya bhūpatéh || [10] Kubasy-Atithi23 r=utpamnā{nno) Nipa(sha)dho-tithi-sambhavaḥ al) Nalb Nishadha-bhūpasya sūnus
sūnpita-bha24 shaņa) || (11) Nabhá Nala-tanü-jātaḥ Pumdariko Nabhas-Butah | Pumdarskasya
putro 26. bhūt-Kshēmadhanvā kshamāpatiḥ || [12*] Deväniko dharäpālas-sambhūtaḥ Ksha26 madhanvanaḥ | tad-anvayê samutpaṁnõ(nnā) Nallabhima-narädhipa) || (13*] Tasya kārta27 tar-äkärā Kām-ākhyā kāmint sati | tayör=Däma-dharäpälo 28 jajñā Sõmā tad-amgani | [14) Tayoḥ Pota-dharānāthaḥ putras-tasy-Anya29 mā priya | Bhima-bhūmipatir-jātas-tayoḥ Põt:=āsya vallabha || [16*) 30 Tayor=Dāma-ngipõ jāto Lakshmis-tasya manorama. | anayös-Soma-ngi31 patis-tanayo vinay-ānvitaḥ || [16*] Mahishi Sūram=āmushya mahaniya32 tar-äkritiḥ | tayor-Ggamga-mahspālo gabhira-bridayas-sutaḥ || [17) Bhū33 mi-bhāra-kshama-bhujā tasminn=ārūdha-yauvanē Sõmēsõ=sya viväh-atha
Second Plate, Second Side 34 m Sõma-vambam=amanyata || [18*] Kumāro nima ntipatiruvvidyatë Vidhu-va35 majaḥ | ētasya Gamgamā dēvi Gamgå vārinidhër=iva || [19*) Tayo8=Chandra-mahi36 pāló játo Gauri tad-angana | Brahma-bhūpas-tad-uditas-Gürami ta37 sya sumdari | [20*] Tayőr-Ddēva-nfipag-sūnur-Abbid&vy=asya vallabhā Kāma-kshitidase
38 t-putro Lakshmyamba tat-priya sati || [21*3.Jātāḥ Kāma-mahlsät-kangas-tisras=su39 tāv=ubhau chrásyäm(syām) | Irugāṁbā Dēvāmb=āpar-Abbidēvi cha Vērn40 'ga-Tamma-nfipau || [22*) Vårhga-kohamāpatës tiro dëvyo divy-angan-o41 pamāḥ | Mahādēvy=Anyamāmba cha Chemnamāmb-ābhidh=āparā || [23*] [Ka)42 byap-anvaya-sambhūtō Gamga-kshititalēsvaraḥ Mänavya-Bakul-ottamaa43 í måninim=Irug-ähvayām(yäm) || (24*] Kanyan kāṁtatar-ākā[rā*]m=upāyamsta 44 yathā-vidhi | să tato garbham=ādha[tta*) bhuvan-āvana-kāraṇam(ņam) || [25*) Asū45 ta putraṁ punye='hni punya mürttara satām-iva | uditě tanayi 46 tasminn=ubhayam vidit-taavar(vam) || [26*) Nirīti vasudha-chakram havi[s-tu]
1 The Rajahmundry Museum plates (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 42) real Protambik. • The numeral 2 is engraved against this lino.
This half verso completes the sense of the previous stanza. 26 DGA/58

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
Third Plate, First Side nämna Kama-nļipālasya pitä sutam=ayõja
47 shtam trivishtapam(pam)
48 yat || [27] Saidavē='pi Sivē bhaktyā Bhakta ity=aparēna cha || (1) tato Gamga-mahipa
-49 lë trätum yātē=mar-ālayam(yam) || [28*] Bālő='pi Bhakti-bhūpālas=sa50 dbhis-santānavach-chhritaḥ | Yavanair=avani-chakram-Andhram=atr=āmtarë
51 hțitaṁ(tam) || [29*] Adharma-karmá-niratā jātās=sa[r*]vvējanās=tataḥ | vikrami 52 Vēmgi-vishayë vidyatē Pochi-nāyakaḥ || [30*) Tasya dharma-rato vi
53 raḥ putraḥ Prðlaya-nāyakaḥ
vispijya Vērgi-vasudhām Vērn
54 ga-bhūmibhujā saha || [31*) Agād=aga-sat-äkrämtam vana-durggam vi55 chakshaṇaḥ samarē samit-ātēsha-Turushka-turag-otkarau || [32*] Puna
56 r=āharatām=ētāv=Amdhram mandalam=arddhataḥ, bhujāv=j- , 57 va Varahasya bhuvam pralaya-[vā]ridhēh || [33*] Vērga-kshititala[nä)58 [thö] vihat-akhila-Yavana-vähini-nāthaḥ sāhāyyakam-iva
Third Plate, Second Side 69 karttum samarēshu Sachipatēr=agā[t*]=tridivam(vam) || [34*) Tad-rājyë tad-bhagini-ta
60 nayam Bhakti-kshitisam-api bālam(lam) | asthāpayad=ari-jayinań Kul
61 māram=iva Pochi-nāyakasya sutaḥ || (35*] Patutara-bhuja-bala-sa
62 II Bhakti-kshitipālako='tha bālo='pi
samgrāma-ramga-samhfita
63 Yavan-ādhipa-subhața-ghotak-ātopaḥ || [36*] Tēna samarëshu să
64 rddham samgharsham sõdhum=akshamāḥ kv=api
hata-sishţă hțita-bha
65 'vanā javanı Yavanāḥ palāyamta || [37*] Mahaniyya(niya)66 vamba-jātā mangalatara-vsitta-sila-sālinyaḥ | Bhakti-kumarasy=1 67 san=[d]ēvyas-tisrõ='nyam=Anyama Lakshmīḥ || [38*] Bharata-Bhagiratha-mukhyais-chira
68 m-upabhukt=āpi pūrvva-bhūpālaiḥ
rajyaty=ananya-purvvă rama
69 ņē ramanziva vasumati tasmin || [39*] Tasya dharma-guna-visrutam sru
tar pūrit-artthi-nikar-asayau kayau varjit-anya-hariņfdri1 This half verse completes the sense of the previous stanza, The numeral 3 is engraved against this line.

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toi
.
No. 43) PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1266 999
Fourth Plate, First Side 71 66(sau) dribau vairi-raja-mukut-Aspadach padath(dam) || [40*) Vitarana-suradhônu72 ravvidvad-ambhoja-bhānus-sa jayati Siva-limga-dhyāna-sakt-ūriutarangal 78 bala-vibhava-Surěndro Bhakt-bhüpäla-chamdro raņa-krita-ripu-bhathgo TX74 ya-vēbya-bhujangaḥ || [41*) Chintapörta-sthalam Vomgim=api Chithtalapupiga75 mgām) Gorhtari-vrittim=apy=ő[sha] tāsti Bhakti-mahspatih || [42*] Kälēna tridivan 76 yātë tataḥ Prölaya-nāyakē tat-pitfivya-sutas=tasya rājyő Kapaya77 nāyakaḥ || [43*] Tad-ātmajaṁ vira-Vochi-näyakamh naya-kðvidaß! 78 abhyashöchayad=ātmiya-prathā(dhā)napurushair=yutah || [44*}' Ath=īnuma79 tim=āsädya tasya Bhakti-mahspatiḥ | Sak-abdá bhata-tarkk-arkka-ga80 nito mási Kärttiko || [45*] Parpimayan Guror=värē grahapo staro81 chishaḥ | vitato Vörugi-vishayi sarvva-sasya-rddhi-sālini || [46*) Perntta(ta)på. 82 dur=iti khyāto grāmaḥ kaśchana vidyat' | Enarllagodụu-Mulkala-(Ja)
Fourth Plate, Second Side 83 'lēpallibhir=anvitaḥ || [47*) Vidvadbhyo viprēbhyö vidit-akhila-věda-sästra84 tatvēsttvē)bhyaḥ | Gamgādharapura-samjñaḥ tan prūdād=Gamga-bhūpa85 tēr=nāmnā || [48] Gamąda(da)ragamąạõ(do) Bhakti-kshitipatir=Aritāyaga 86 mdabhērumdaḥ / sukritēna tēna jivād=ā-dinakaram=api cha mēdinim 87 pāyāt || [49*] Rishir=iva Richchana-yajvā Haritas-Sama-Yaju88 Or-upādhyāyaḥ, bhāga-dvaya-bhāg=asminn=adhigata-nigam-ārga89 nikara-nishņātaḥ || [50*] Bhaktīíasya purodhā Vallabha-yajvā Vasishtha i90 va sākhshāt | Rāmasya Yajushi nipuņo Ha(Hā)rito bhāga-yuga91 lavān=asmin || [51*] Gangadhara-ghataśāsi Rudraya-bhattag=cha Pröli-ghatasa92 si Dēvaya-ghataśāsi syur=Hārītā bhāginõ='tra yājushkāḥ || [52*) şi93 chi nipuņo Vēdāmti Hārītas-Sūri-bhatta ēkāmsi | Gamgādhara-ghatabā
The two verses together form a yugma. • The four verses ending with this one form a Kalapala. • The figure 4 is engraved against this line near the ring hole.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 84 at Harito bhāgavāms=cha Rigvēdi [l 53*) Tad-gotras=ta ::-vēdi Mallaya-ghatabāsi-nā96 mako-'mutra ||(1) Rigvědí Ko(Kau)mậin[**]ā bhāgi Nārāyan-ākhya-ghatatāst (|| 54*]
Fifth Plate, First Side
96 Gamgadhara-ghatasāsi tarkka-jñaḥ Koppanātha-bhattab=cha | Sõm-ākhyā Vēdā97 mti dharma-vid=anyõ='pi Poti-ghataśāsi Ill 55*] Jyotih-bästrl [Sū]raya. 98 nämä Krishn-ähvayas=cha Ghatabāsi Kõ(Kau)mļinyā yāju[shkä]s-sarvvë pra 99 tyēka-bhāgino='mutra || [56*) Nūmkana-ghataśāsy-abhidho Dāšana-bhatta100 s=cha dharma-sästra-jñaḥ (1) Nārāyaṇa-nāmā='nyah pada-vēttä сh=i101 'tha Poti-ghatasāsi || [57*] Potaya-ghatabāsy-anyo Māraya-na- , 102 mä pada-krama-jãā='pi ||( 1) pratyēka-bhäginõ='smin=yäjushkāḥ 103 Kõ(Kau)sik-anvay-ödbhūtāḥ || [58*) Rigvēda-vidau Mallaya-ghatašāsy-anyõ='pi 104 Poti-ghataśāsi | Kāmaya-ghatabāsy-anyo Vennaya-bhattas=cha tarkka-sa108 stra-jñaḥ I(1 59*] Annaya-nāmā Jyotis-sõstra-jñā='nyas-cha Poti-ghataśāsi | Vyakara106 na-jfāv=anyau Rudraya-Gopāla-bhatta-namānau [[| 60*] Kāsyapa-gotrās=sa107 rvvo yājushka bhāgaśālino-'mushmin | Annaya-nāmā jyo
Fifth Plate, Second Side 108 tis-sā[stra)-jšo bhāga-yugalavān=ēshu 1[1 61*) Richi Punyamū109 rttir=ā[dh]yő='py=Ananta-bhattaḥ purāņa-pāragataḥ| Yaju110 shkaḥ pada-vēttā Vallabha-bhattaḥ Parāsar-ānvayinaḥ |[| 62*] Pratyēka111 bhāgavaṁtas=tataḥ paraṁ Kumdayag-chaturvē[dr] | Mallayu-sa112 'mudrikő=[pi*) Bhimaya-ghataśāsy=Agasti-yajvä сha [l 63*] 113 Bhāradvāj-ānvayino Yājushkā bhāga-sālinas=sarvvēl 114 ētēshu s-ārdha-bhāgi Kumdaya-nām-āṁkitas=chaturvvēdi |[] 64*) Rigvē115 di tad-gotri vēdāṁti Prõli-bhatta ēk-āmái | Mallaya-ghataśāsy-anyag=tata116 ḥ param Malli-bhatt-ākhyaḥ || [65*] Srivatsa-gõtra-jātau Yājushkau bhäga-hälinä117 v-atra Bhimaya-Mallaya-Vallabha-ghatabāsy-abhidhā Yajur-vidas=saivvē (11 66*] 118 Ātrēya-götra-jātās=tatra pratyēka-bhāga-bhājas=tē | Gä[*]gya-ku[lō]=namt-ax 119 khyo Ghatasäsi bhagavān=Yajurvēdi (167*] Vallabha-ghatasüsyami [Yā)
Botwoon this and the next line the numeral 5 is engraved against the ring-holo.

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PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA. SAKA 1265 PLATE II
72
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C3.
84 / గంగాదర
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తో
v, a
1 రసాన్న | గండరగం బిరుండ శాతూర్ : జూ.
తెలగా
S
మందస్వాది నాథృద్ధాక్టరయ పడు
దుస్త రవసి
జ
బా
ఎంచుకో నగరంభం
లింగ్
72
సోరదనా న సర్వే అర్థంగః, రంధ్రంమృడండ భంగా జపంతంగి ఒచింతం పంజా 74 పరపతి 113 సత్రిదివం అదిరపు సరసన రాజన్ జయ సాయం చేయ నిరుమలవాస DIST - జూర ర
వి
నాతి
సస్కుడిలిచ
vas
సమయ వాగ్మన్నది గత ని వేగం ప వల్ల భయక
Warehou రుత్రయభడవ ప్రోలిణి మండే వారి గోరి
రామప్పడం కరసభర ముదివిడమరియను
Ba
వికారతపై పోతిదే
సంసయనా
Scale: One-fourth
76
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2-86
808822
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108
108
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110 మంత రామ
Aata 112
Pునాయులు
112 114 A
GT తుడిచయం తంజల 114 గడం అerige 116 సంచలనందుబారి
ENSIOంచవలతపాసభ యూజడని 118 మ na M
అడుం అం శాసనం
vi,
120
సినీONATED
122
కంప్యూనుపల్లబడడం గయాయస్తమ
120 ఉపనదని భము సందడి మసలింల మల్లయము లోనయు అవదిలి బయమం లాంటు
122
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సంచయువ మరింత బాగా పలు
130
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ఆది నడుముజయమందిస్తుందని మండలాన్నంతా మంచం అనంపదను
132
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DECE
అంతయున్న తంలో
13
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GO
138
అరుడు పండి
138
140
డంలో
Sa
140
54
142
SODS.COM
142

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231
No. 43] PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265
Sixth Plate, First Side 120 jushkö='py-Abharadvasõr=vvamsyaḥ 11 (1) Obhala-Küchena-Vallabha-Bhadraya121 ghatasäsinö='rddha-bhāg-ārbāḥ |[68*) Härītā yäjushkäs-tad-gotrāv=a122 rddha-bhāgināv=anyau | Appana-Vallabha-ghatabāsy-abhidhānau dvāv=adhīta123 Rigvēdau || [69*] Kõ(KE)tana-Lingaya-Dommana-Mallaya-ghataśāsinas=cha yā124 jushkāḥ | Kāņv-ādhiti Sõmaya-ghatabāsy=Allāờir=api chal Rigvë125 di [\ 70*] Kaumdinya-götra-jātās=sarvvě bhāg-ārddha-sālinas-tatra | A126 trēyāv-ardh-āmśĀv=Ellaya-Ramgaụ cha Rig-Yajur-vvēdö(dau) |[71*] 127 Dôchaya-Somaya-ghataśāsy-abhidhānau Käsyap-änvay-ödbhū128 tau | Sāme-Yajur-vvēda-jñau kramēņa bhāg-ārdha-sālināv=atra (1 72*] Varada129 ya-Ganapaya-Chāmana-ghataśāsy-abhidhās=trayo Yajur-vvēdāḥ [i* 130 Maudgalya-Pūtimā[sha]ņa-Kapi-gotrās=ch=ārdha-bhāginaḥ kramaśaḥ |C| 73*] Mai131 lāra-Kēšav-Appana-ghatatāsy-ākhya Yajur-vvidas-tatra | bhāg-ārdha-bhā132 ja ētē Bhāradvāj-ānvayē samudbhūtāḥ |[| 74*) Sripati-Narahari-bhattau Kä
Sixth Plate, Second Side 133 maya-bhattő='pi Pinnay-akhyas=cha Srivats-ānvaya-jätä yāju134 shkās=ch=ārddha-bhāginas=sarvvē [[| 75*] Rigvēdi tad-götro Māraya-ghataśāsi-nä 135 makõ='rdh-āmsi | Kausika-gotro(traḥ) Kommaya-ghataśāsy-abhidho Yajur-vvi136 dau' tadvat [1 76*) Rigvēdi Maitrēyö Lakshmaņa-ghatabāsi-nāmakõ='rddh-ambi 137 Lõhita-gotraḥ Põtaya-ghatabāsy-arddh-āmśa-bhāg=Yajur-vvēdi || [77*] 138 #Simā prächyāṁ Bõdugumtag=tasya dakshiņato='pi 139 cha | Tall-akhya-reddigunțö='sya prächyāṁ simä 140 babhūva saḥ |C| 78*] Goddumballēr=Ddarsaparrör-madhye ma141 rgo mahān bi yaḥ | Kumārasvāmino 142 guntas-tasy=āgnēyyām=amushya cha (1 79*] Prachyam-ma
no
1 Read Ovid-api. * The numeral 6 is engraved near the ring hole.

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252
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII Seventh Plate, First Side 143 rggg mahinmässt sima tatra sa eva yah | Goddumballēr=Ddarbaparro144 r=Mudunürosucha samdhi-gaḥ || [80*] Dakshinato='mushy=isin=Muchchenapallēgacha 145 Goddumballēg=cha | Mudunūror=api ch=aivam grāma-traya-samdhi-madhya146 gõ márggaḥ || [81] Tat-paschimatas=simMuchchanapallēs=cha Goddu[m]ballēs=cha [lo] 147 Uttanapūņēs=saudhāv=api rachito mya(mţi)ttikā-rāśiḥ || [82*] Tad-vä148 yaviya-kakubhi mpid-rāfis=sima-lakshanam(nam) | tasy=őttarasya149 m=apy=āsín-Nattū-kuly-āṁtima-sthali || [83*] Tad-vāyaviyya(viya)-kakubha(bhi) 150 Mära-bhattasya Koppaņõh | kshētram lla(la)kshanam=ētabya pratichyām 151 Kandigunţakaḥ ||| 84*] Mārapachemga-kshētram tan-nairfityām=amu152 shya dakshinataḥ | Simgi-setti-Mella-kshētram tat-prächyām mrunma(mpinma)yo 163 räsih || [85*) Tasya dakshinatas=simā Veyyēsuratha dakshina [l*)
Seventh Plate, Second Side 154 ägnöylm disam-arabhya simā sädhu pradarbyatë |C| 86*] Agnē165 yyām-api Veyyērus-tasya pabchimatő-’pi cha | Mödu-kshë166 trasya nairfityam Parrumballiya-kulyaka (1 87*] Tasyä u157 dichyāṁ simā tu Mõdõr=vāyavya isharsh | tasya paschi158 'matag=simā dakshiņas=sētūr=ishyatē | [] 88*] Ertuma[l*]ly-ākhya169 gumtasya tasya paschimatõ='pi cha | Parrumballēs=cha Vi160 pappa)rror-Ggamgādharapurasya cha [I 89*] Samdhau mărggas=sima-samdhir-abhū161 d-ä Nakkakuntataḥ | Nakkakumt-õttar-õttunga-sthali tatra tu la162 kshanam(pam) ICI 90*) Tasyāḥ prachyām Nāgadēva-kshtra-sētv-anusárata) |[91*]'Ta163 sy-öttarasyāṁ kkalu Kāta parror=Ggamgādhar-akhyasya
Eighth Plate, First Side 164 purasya olmni | sětur-hi simi'tad-anu prasärân-mţit-samdhafya)165 $ paschima-dig-vibhägë [1 92*] Sētuh Káru-tatākasya ptāchyðe'sy-öttarato 166 'pi cha | Perfidiikurhtd='sya ch=8dfchyan mpid-räsir-lakshanam sa cha |[193") Kätaparro
* Tho numeral 7 is engraved noor the ring-holo.. *This is a half verde.

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PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265-PLATE III
vii, a
144
146
148
148
150
150
సాంక
approte
152
a
మడుగPRI
am 144 - జసంగా అంది జయసుధ
ముంబం మునుప 146 కంగుతించుడ నిద్రుము వరకు A సమసంబం బరావాలని
యదయం అవుతుంది ముడుతలు పల్లంక్రిముల రద్దమవుతున్న మరల కొనని వరం వారం
అగల 152
తరంగా నాలు
andoraa vii, 154 మందగబోండా
యముడితం అంటే 156 పి.ముందు
వరసపురి దరసనలు తన వలపు
తల అటు 20-0920గుందంజ ఈ సందర్భంలో
అనాగరికం మన పంజ79 Pold
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SALA
viii, a 164 15 సులు.
నాంచ 164 1:25 చుక్నజసలు మగ పురాణం
చుండినందిబాంపకాలిక సభ 166 125 డల్ పాపుల్లో పండిగలంచంచుమా EAL మురిపించిన పుంజడం జత 168
పంబలపల్లియంను సుతుల చరి వారి 170
ప్రాభండాలరి ఇషణతంత్యడి 170
ముంబాదపపుదనందంతమం 172
172
174
174
అసదుండియు మంచం అటచడం పండగత్తునుడు నారదునిమిది
Scale: One-fourth

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viii, 6
అచ్చ జరసుడు
బండారు 176 గా సంద్రపు డబియంలో చండా ముందు పది, కంగా దరథి రంగుల పుత్రసంప్రధిగా సంత
ను బవండడం అనవసర భూ సుని సంజయదే చంపం సూరు • 180
- మాడు....ద సంశం వదంతు 182 ఇంత మంది లయం లాండు గింర 182 184 ఆలయంచ రా బోస్ సంపాదం 184
చుండ్రం
t
బర్తిగా
బదుపు ఇంద. గుండం
194
రామంలో దవాడు అంటూ పదమయమదీయులం
విసిటి వత్తులు గాసయతవాన గంగానగరం
పది లత బభమదంగాడంగా 196 - గయుగిబరలి వడ బందుగుదల 196
పండిన కడియంవరః నాని ముందు 198 - భగంతయు పుంజు 198 Aడండి..మనం,

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No. 43]
PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265
167 Jölepallah Parrapallié-cha sandhi-gab | tat-prichyäth mṛiqmayor(yö) rābis-ta168 d-udichi-disa-sthale [[| 94*] Gulikumto='sya purvasyamh disi sima babhüva tat | 169 kshetram1 Dibalapalliyam tasya dakshinato='pi cha [ 95*] Koṭṭhari-kshetram=ēta170 sya prachyam Paluri-Kommanöḥ [*] kshetram tasy-agni-dig-bhage bāņa
171 charsirtatmaprabhäb [96] Ködürü'mushys pa pörvvasyah Deva-kahetrtya nam(sam)
172 di(dhi)-(gab | stambho dakshinato-'musys(shya) Kurram-kuchtab pradasyatě 97*] Samaya
173 samudras-tasya prächyäth disi vartma tasya dakshinatab | Sastrimalla-kahëtrë mți
174 d-rasis-tasya paschimasyam tu [ 98*] Tadiyam-eva cha kshetram tasya' tasya dakshi175 pato'pi cha Tall-ikhya-reddi-ködäras-tasya dakahipato-' pi [cha*]|[199] Lasāmika(1)-ta
Eighth Plate, Second Side
176 takasya prichyss-stur-amushya cha | dakshinaaykh Dariaparro
177 r=marga-samdhau mridas-cha yaḥ [ 100*] A-chamdr-ärkam=ami viprā
178 Gamgadharapuram subham(bham) | putra-pautra-prapautr-ādi-samta
179 tya-'nubhavamtv=idam (dam) || [101*] Bhānu-vamsa-pradipasya Bhakti-bhū
180 pasya sasanam(nam) | bhūyad-a-chamdra-tar-arkkaṁ
1
181 bhūmāv=udadhi-simani || [102*] Samtatir-vardhatamasya satām
182 sahtōsha-käript pålayatv-akhilih prithvith chatur-arga
183 va-mēkhalāṁ (lām) || [103*] Sāmānyō='yam dharma-sētur nṛipāņām kālē 184 kālē pālaniyyō(yo) bhavadbhiḥ | sarvān=ētān bhāvinaḥ pārthivēṁdrān 185 bhayo bhayo yachatë Ramachandraḥ || [104]
Ninth Plate
186 Bhaktira
187 jugări
188 birudu
189 Gamḍabhe
190 rumḍam [*]
233
1 There is an unnecessary anusvära here.
Read charé tama.
This letter is redundant.
This word is redundant.
The number 8 is engraved near the ring-hole between this and the next line.
Against the writing giving the title of the donor is engraved the figure of the mythical man-bird
Gandabherunda.

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234 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
IVOL. XXXIII
Tenth Plates 191 Anarhd-Abdd Pausha-krishna-dvädasyam Makar-ayang | Ganga192 dharapurē půrvvam dāpayitvă dvij-ottamaiḥ IC 105* Dvau bhāgau Bhāra193 ti-nämnd vidushē Bhakti-bhūpatih sa paschăd-Uttanampu194 nim grāma-gräsāya dattavān ([| 106*] Gangadharapurð bha198 gäshushat-shashțis=oha tato='bhayan | Gargadharpuri bha196 ga-yugmi Bhārati-kövida” |[| 107*] Bam(Ba)bți(hvri)has-sarvva-sõstra-jñaḥ 197 Ko(Kau)rhdinyas-sudhiyam varaḥ | dakshinasyäm-ath-üj&&(gnő)yyā198 ṁ prächyāṁ ch=aiva yatha-kramarh(mam) |C| 108*) Voyyērur-Jammi-gudda199 scha Kabekumtas-cha ssma-bhūh /(1 109*]
1 This forms the post-soript to the grant. . This is a half verse.

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No. 44 PALIAD PLATES OF BHIMADEVA I, V.S. 1112
(1 Plate) A. L. BABHAM, LONLON
(Received on 30. 8. 1958) This set of plates was discovered at Pallad, a village in Eastern Saurashtra, just off the niain road from Wadhwan to Bhavnagar, about ten miles north-west of Botad and about the same distance south-west of Ranpur. The plates, deposited in the Rajkot Museum, were sent in 1955 to the Government Epigraphist for India, Cotacamund, for examination. The inscription is edited below from inked impressions and photographs neceived from the Government Epigrapbist for India.
The set consists of two plates, each measuring 9' long, 5'4" broad and '1' thick. They are held together by a ring (about 1.75' in diameter) passing through holes (about 15' in diameter) made about the centre of the lower margin of the first plate and the upper anargin of the second. No seal is attached to the plates which, together with the ring, weigh 133 tolas. The plates are engraved on the inner sides only and the writing is fairly well preserved.
The characters are Nagari of the eleventh century A.D. and generally resemble those of records like the Palanpur plates of Bhimadēva I and the Kadi plates of Mülaräju. No speciul remarks are called for in respect of orthography.
The date of the inscription (line 1) is given as V.S. 1112, Chaitra bu. 16. It is further stated in line 4 that there was a lunar eclipse on the said date. These details correspond to the 2nd April, 1056 A.D.
The giant was issued when Mahārājādhiraja Bhimadöva was residing at Akäsikā-grama (lines 1-2). Bhimadēva is evidently the first king of that name of the Chaulukya family of Gujarat, who ruled in c. 1024-1066 A.D. The present record does not add any new information of historical or chronological importance.
The vrant is addressed (lines 2-4) to the king's officials, the Brāhmanas and the people of the 116 villages attached to the city of Vāyada. Its object (lines 4-8) is to record a grant made by the king in favour of the Jain monastery situated at the said city. The grant consisted of piece of Innd measuring two halas and belonging to a merchant named Sädäka, together with another plot meusuring two Kalasikävāpas, which was attached to the said land of Sādāka and was separated from the border of Guduhulă by a chari (pasture land).
The position of the merchant Sädāka in the transaction is not altogether clear. Since the peasants are toid that they inust now pay their dues direct to the monastery, it seems that he was not the occupant of the land, but, until the issue of the grant, was the landlord and intermediary betwecu the cultivators and the king. Evidently he was now deprived of his rights over the land in question : but the grant gives no evidence of the means whereby this was done. Possibly Sädāka died without leaving heirs; or he may have had his land confiscated for an offence
1 The plates aro registered in 4. R. Bp., 1954-58, No. A 15, and are briefly noticed ibid., pp. 11-12. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 171 ff. and Platos. * Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 191 ff. and Plates.
Kalasika-draya-vapa kalusika-udpa-dvaya means a plot of land sufficient for sowing two Kalasikas of sood. Kalasikaviya reminds us of Dronanay a known from many records.
The word chari in this song is not found in standard Sanakrit Dictionaries, but is common in this sonno ir Hindi.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII
of some sort ; or the land was resumed by the king and transferred to the temple with the payment of compensation to the merchant. We are inclined to support the last suggestion, since the transfer takes place on the occasion of an eclipse. At such a time the king, anxious to ward off evil influences by a work of piety, might well have commandeered part of Sādāka's estate in return for compensation. Moreover, if Sādāka were dead or had forfeited his property on account of a crime, this, we might expect, would have been mentioned in the grant.
Lines 8-12 vive the boundaries of the gift land as follows: in the east--the field belonging to Kalyapāla Kosarin ; in the south-the royal pasture land; in the west-the field belonging to the merchant Bhubhala; and in the north- the road leading to the village of Palaväda. Lines 11-15 state that the grant made in favour of the Jain monastery should be protected by the descendants of the king and others. This is followed (lines 15-16) by an imprecatory verse.
The writer of the grant was Vateśvara who was the son of Kayastha Kanchana (lines 16-17). This Vaţēśvara, son of Kāñchana, was also the writer of a capper-plate grant of Bhimadēva, dated in the year 93 of the Sitha era, corresponding to V. S. 1093. The dutaka was the Mahāsāndhivigrahika Bhögāditya who is also known from the Palanpur plates referred to above. The record ends with the sign-manual of Bhimadeva.
As regards the localities mentioned in the inscription, Akäsikā-grāma, whence the grant was issued, and Guduhula mentioned in connection with the gift land, cannot be identified. Vāyada may be the same as modern Botad referred to above. Palavāda is evidently modern Paliad where the plates were discovered.
TEXT:
First Plate 1 Siddham' Vikrama-samvat 1112 Chaitra-śudi 15 ady=ēha Akasika-grām-avāsē
samasta2 rāj-avali-virăjita-mahārājādhiraja-sri-Bhimadēvaḥ || Vāyad-adhishthāna-prati3 va(ba)ddha-võ(shő)das-ottara-grāma-sat-antah-pāti-samasta-rajapurushan Vrā(Bra)[hma)
-õtta[rān] ja4 napadāms-cha võ(bő)dhayatyustu vaḥ samviditari yatha adya Soma-grahaņa-parvani
char-achara5 guru[m] Sarvajñam-abhyarchya Vāyad-adhishthāniya-vasatikāyai atr=aiva Vāyad-ā[dh]i
sbthānē 6 chajri-kshëtr-ämtaritaya Guduhula-pāli-samlagnayā vaņika(nik)-Sädüka-bhumi-sam[va(ba)
dhya)7 mānaya kalasika-dvaya-vāpa-bhuvā sah=āsy=aiva Sādākasya satkä hala-dvayasya 2 8 bhūḥ sāsana(nő)n=ôdaka-pūrvam-asmābhiḥ pradattaa syås=cha bhūmēb purvasyåin dibi
Kalya9 pāla-Kēsari-satkan kshētram dakshinasyām cha rājaklyä сhart | paschimä
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 110-ff.; cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1464. * From Impressions and photographs, * Expressed by symbol. .There is an unnecessary avagraha sign after this.

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PALIAD PLATES OF BHIMADEVA I, V.S. 1112
मा बनिदिमा कातायाजावान समन्त्र 2 पावलीनि शातितम सासारू मामलमालवहानयानपति -
1.वाऽप्यति रामनातजातिलाना माज रवानबालगोजावत 4RE M A(दन जमरामा मगरलियाई सावरल Lई निसानायतावानीसवयतिकाय नविनय ताना Kावारिबाउला पाविसलमयावलिनसादाकनी मजा नयालसिकाइ लापहवाहालातसावकासका लक्ष्य
मनाना रावल आदि मानवमादिनिकला। चालाक समिती सवदकि मलादे की यारी पक्षिना
10 मिलियक साईलीयको वारगरपालगाडयानमा ।
तिआवाटायल किला मुनानगान बजातिनिंदा सितनवाद 12- यक्षादीयमान खानको ग दिनादिवासमान्तामति
वासनमनिकायमानुपान कारारिनकलना जापान निमालिकास्सिालापवान दायाऽयमतित मलिना
राखविलेस हमालयन 16सनद शहनामा नुहाउनालल्यालिक्लिजिताया।
कारनपुललाव कोऽधार सवानिगाहकवाको गादिराज 18
Scale: Two-thirds

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No. 4] . PALIAD PLATES OF BHIMADEVA I, V.8. 1119
237 Second Plate 10 yith cha väņiya(ja)ka-Bhabhaliyash kshëtram=uttarasyäń cha Pulavada-grima-ma11 rgga iti chatar-aghät-opalakshitam bhuvam=ētām=svagamya ētan-nivāsi-janapadai18 r=yatha-dlyamána-bhäga-bhöga-kara-hirany-ādi sarvvam=ājñā-[krava]na-vidhēyais 18 ræbhütv='syai vasatikāyai samupanētavyamsãmânyam charitat-punya-phalań matv
a'[sma)14 d-vamsajair=anyair-api bhāvi-bhoktfibbir=asmat-pradatta-dharma-dáyõ='yam=anu
mamtavyaḥ 15 pälaniyas=cha || uktam cha | bhagavatā Vyāsēna | Shashtir=varsha-sahasrani svarggo
tishthati 16 bhūmidah | achohhēttä сh=anumantă che täny=ēva Darakam(ke) vasēt i likhitam-idah
Kayastha17 Kämchana-suta-Vatēsvarēņa | Datako='tra mahasāıdhivigrahika-sri-Bhāyāditya isti]
18 bl-Bhimad vasya ||
1 The dandou are not c ry. . * The akahana ti loobs khe nymbol. Of. abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 178, note 13.

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No. 45–STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA
(1 Plate) D. C. BIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 5. 9. 1958)
Sometime ago I received for examination an old photograph of the inscribed face of a copper plate from the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. There are marks of two ring holes on the photograph and it appears that the inscription was originally engraved on the inner side of two copper plates strung on two rings as is the case with the copper-plate grants of many of the West Indian ruling families. The plate is stated to have been found at the village of Nānāņā about three miles from the Bhagwanpura station on the Western Railway. Bhagwanpura is 27 miles from Marwar Juno tion. The inscription was noticed in the Annual Report on the Working of the Rajputana Museum for the year ending 31st March 1937, pp. 3, 9 (No. 6). There are, however, some minor errorR and inaccuracies in the notices.
In July 1958. Dr. Dasharath Sharma of the Delhi University was good enough to send me a copy of his article on the same inscription published without illustration in the Hindi periodical Marubhārati, Vol. VI, No. 2, July 1958, pp. 2-4. This aroused my interest in the record and I checked Dr. Sharma's transcript with the photograph of the epigraph in my possession. It was found that, while the preservation of the writing is unsatisfactory and some letters here and there are undecipherable on the photograph, there are some palpable errors in Dr. Sharma's transcript and that most of the many lacunae in it could be filled up with confidence. A number of errors were also noticed by me in the introductory part of Dr. Sharma's paper. Dr. Sharma takes the document to be a charter issued by Chāhamāna Alhana of Nadol in V. 8. 1205. But this belief is absolutely unwarranted since, as a matter of fact, the epigraph contains a large number of small documents only one of which records a gift of the said ruler. Dr. Sharma reads vyavansikaThandiva in line 1 and dramaka in line 9 and regards the three words as the names of particular coins, the first to be identified in his opinion with Pāvisā (equal to 5 cowrie shells), the second with Lohadiyā (equal to 20 Pāvisās) and the third with the well-known Dramma (equal to 20 Lohadiyās) also mentioned elsewhere in the record under study. But the first of the two passages in question clearly reads tathā vam(vām) sika-Lhaudiyāka, "and the flute-player [named) Lhaudivāka'. The word read as dramaka is again certainly stama(ba)ka meaning' a bunch [of flowers]'. Dr. Sharma also thinks of the possibility of the word pada in lines 1 and 3 signifying a class of coins. The suggestion is, however, impossible in view of the adjectives shodasama (i.e. sixteenth) and saptarā(da) sama (i.e. seventeenth) qualifying the word respectively in lines. 1 and 3. It may be pointed out that, though Dr. Sharma failed to read saptada sama in line 3, he has read shoda. fama correctly in line 2. Among other errors of omission and commission in Dr. Sharma's reading and interpretation of the record, mention may also be made of his reference to the Kumaradrona of wheat belonging to Sobhikā 'as occurring in line 15 of the record and the suggestion that Kumara-drona may have been a bigger measure of capacity than Drona. As will be seen below, this is all imaginary and unwarranted.
The fragmentary inscription is written in Nagari characters of the twelfth century. But it is not engraved by a single person. There are many records of different dates, which were
For three other copper-plate grants from Nanini, so ibid., pp. 3-4, . Non. 7-9; of. 4. Felin No. A 79.
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No. 45]
STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA
apparently engraved in groups by several persons on different occasions. The various documents engraved on the plate record donations made by both royal and private personages in favour of a religious institution apparently situated at Naḍol (cf. ady-eha śri-Naḍule in lines 19-20). Among the donors of non-monarchical rank, some were no doubt members of the Chahamāna royal family of Naḍōl. As our analysis of the different documents would show, it was probably the authorities of the said religious institution that were responsible for the preparation of the document. Since Alhaṇadeva was the donor of only one of the many grants recorded in our epigraph, it is impossible to assign the entire charter to him. The nature of the epigraph somewhat resembles that of the well-known Sironkhurd (Siyāḍōņi) inscription.1
239
The god Tripurushadeva or his temple is often mentioned in the inscription as the receipient of favour. Among other beneficiaries, mention is also made of the god Chandalesvara, whose temple seems to have stood near that of Tripurushadēva, and of the goddess Gauri whose shrine lay within the Chandalaśvara temple. The deities Tripurushadēva, Chandalesvara and Gauri are also known from another Nanāņa copper-plate inscription dated V. S. 1220, Ashadha-sudi 11, Thursday (July 2, 1164 A.-D.). This record speaks of the restoration of the village of Nandānā (modern Nanāņā) in V. S. 1219 and the grant of the village of Chamvōḍi by the Naḍōl Chahamāna ruler Alhana in favour of the temple of Tripurusnadeva as well as of the same ruler's grant of Bhitalavaṭaka (Bhinṭalavaṭaka) to the temple of Chandales vara and of four Drammas per month to the shrine of Gauri built inside the Chandalesvara temple by his queen Sankarādēvi. The god Tripurushadēva is also known from the Nānāņā copper-plate inscription of V. S. 1212, Śrāvaṇasudi 5, Monday (July 24, 1156 A.D.) referring to the shrine of Lakhayesvara built inside the temple of Tripurushadeva by Lakhapadevi, daughter of Chahamana Kuntapala, probably a member of the Nadol branch of the Chahamana family. The localities called Nandana and Bhinṭalavāṭaka are also mentioned in the inscription under study.
The language of the record is Sanskrit, its orthography and vocabulary being considerably influenced by Prakrit or the local dialect. The language is extremely corrupt in some of the records. The nature of Prakrit influence can be guessed from the use of words like mehari, i.e. a songstress', in lines 1-7, etc.; väriga (once written correctly as varika in line 4), i.e. a temple superintendent', in lines 5, 6, etc.; sü(su)ravala (probably, one who sets songs or musical instruments to tune') and panavika (i.e. a drum-player') in line 7; döyaraka (i.e. the singer who repeats part of a song after it has been once sung') in lines 7-8, eto. We have also spellings like Jasodhavalēna for Yasodhavalena and tritiyāyām for tritiyāyām in line 9 and forms like ma(me)harina used as Third Person instrumental singular from the word mehari (recognised as mehari in Prakrit) in the
feminine.
There are several dates in the document, although many of the transactions recorded are undated. The first of the dates, occurring in line 9, is V:S. 1173, Kärttika-vadi 3, and the second is quoted in lines 12-13 as V.S. 1171, Pausha-vadi 10. On both these dates Mahārājādhiraja Asaraja of the Nadōl branch of the Chahamäna family made certain grants in favour of a religious institution at Naḍōl, to which reference has been made above. Line 19 quotes the date V.S. 1122, Kärttika-vadi 5, Saturday, when Maharajaputra Kumara Sahaṇapāla made a grant. Line 23 mentions V.S. 1205, Bhadra-vadi 5,Friday, as the date of a grant made by Chahamaria Alhaṇadeva of Nädöl. The importance of these dates will be discussed in the analysis of the contents of the various records in the epigraph. Besides the above dated records relating to grants made by kings and princes, there are several other grants of royal and private personages, which are undated.
1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 162 ff. Cf. ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 19, note 7 p. 159.
An. Rep. Raj. Mus., op. cit., pp. 4-5, 9, No. 9; 4. R. Ep., 1956-57, No. A 79. An. Rep. Raj. Mus., op. cit., pp. 3-4, 9, No. 8,

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240
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From the ductus of the writing, the inscription can be divided into different sections engraved on different dates. In most of the cases, a section contains more than one transaction. Some of these transactions relate to arrangements (sthiti) and not gifts actually. The sections are analysed below one by one.
Section I (lines 1-2). There are three transactions recorded in this section.
(a) The first sentence states that the sixteenth pada was allotted to the lasini Vījalā, the daughter of Padmavati, with the stipulation that she would enjoy it together with some other unnamed vilāsinis (a parābhiḥ saman). The word pada here seems to mean'a share' or ' a quarter of the standard land measure'. An account of 15 other padas appears to be lost with the earlier part of the record on the missing first plate. The word vilāsiņi is also used in line 4 apparently in the sense of a Dēvadāsi. Probably the word ganikā (line 2) and mēhari (lines 1, 7, etc.) are also used in a similar sense. The name of the deity to whom Vijalā was attached seems to have been mentioned in the missing first plate of the set. It may have been the god Tripurusha mentioned in the following sentence. The name of the donor of the pada to Vijalā is not known from the extant part of the record.
(6) The next sentence states that, in the same way (tathā), the flute-player named Lhaudiyaka (i.e. Lhaudiya) was allotted to Tripurusha which was the name of the deity. The expression tripurusha has been used here and in many other places in the record in the plural. But, in line 21, the same deity is mentioned as Tripurushadēva in the singular. It was therefore the name of a single deity, probably a combined image of the Trimurti of Brahman, Vishņu and Siva.
(c) The last sentence of the section speaks of the arrangement, according to which a mēhari, whose name cannot be fully deciphered, was to receive annually five Droņas of wheat out of the collections made on behalf of the deity (devakiy-ādāna-madhyāt) from the Nandānā-grāmiya-bhoga, no doubt a free-holding comprising a part or the whole of the village of Nandāņā (modern Nānāņā) under the enjoyment of the deity. This deity seems to be no other than Tripurusha mentioned in the previous sentence. We have already noted that the word mēhari, literally & songstress ', seems to have been used to indicate a Dēvadāsi.
Section II (lines 2-8). There are four transactions referred to in this section.
(a) The first sentence records the allotment of the seventeenth pada to a ganika's daughter with the stipulation that she would enjoy it together with some other ganikās. As indicated above, the word ganika, like vīlasini and mēhari in Section I, probably means 'a Dévadāsi'. The ganikā's name was Göchhini, though her daughter's name cannot be deciphered.
(6) The second sentence records the grant of the village of Bhiņķalavādā. The village is stated to have been given to Tripurusha, though it was actually meant for the deity Chandalēsvara. This probably suggests that the shrine of Chandalēsvara lay in the neighbourhood of the Tripurusha temple. The expzession atr-aiva used in connection with Bhiņtalavādā seems to suggest that the village lay in the vicinity of the temple situated at Nāļol. The following sentence further states that the income or produce of the said village should have to be collected by the Varikas attached to the god Tripurusha as a part of their own collections and that the expenses for the training, food, etc., of the vilasinis attached to the god Chandalēśvara as well as any other expenditure made for the said god should have to be met from the collections or income of the god Tripurusha. It is clear that the management of the affairs of the god Chandalēśvara was entrusted to the Värikas of Tripurusha. As we have elsewhere seen, the Vārikas were the suporintendents of a temple like the
1 For the deity or deities called the Tripurushas', see also the Karimnagar insoription of Prataparudra I (Sreenivasachar, Corpua, Vol. II, p. 176). For a Tripurusha temple at Anhilwada, see Tawney's Prabandha. chintamani, pp. 26, oto. In the composito Trimurti images of Gujarat, Sürya-nārāyaṇa was often representod in Vishnu's place (Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat, pp. 300, 381),

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No. 45]
STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA Påņdās of today. The last sentence of this subsection seems to say that the king and the Vārikas should have to look after the permanent one-fourth share belonging to Tripurusha.
(c) The next transaction in lines 6-8 records that an araghafta or a machine for drawing water from a well, called Nārāvaţtaka and situated in the village of Dēvanandita which was under the possession of the chief priest of the temple (matha-pati) of Tripurusha, was granted for the maintenance of the worship of Chandalēśvara. It appears that two persons named Silapati and Sripāla, who were probably engaged in working the araghatta at Dēvanandita-grāma, were allotted to the said god along with a number of persons living probably at the locality where the temple stood (i.e. Nādāl). These were the songstresses Vingadā, Sitadi, Prēmali, Ratani, Sriyādēvi and Asādēvi; the Suravāla (a person responsible for setting songs or musical instruments to tune) Jasarā ; the drum-player (Pānavika) Śripäla ; the Doyaraka (a singer who had to repeat parts of a song after they had been once sung) Vadiyaka (i.e. Vadiya); the Mridanga-player Mahipatiyaka (i.e. Mabipatiya); and the flute-player Risiyaka (i.e. Risiyā), the son of Govinda.
(d) The last sentence of the subsection states that a mëhari, whose name is not mentioned, was allotted five Dronas (of wheat) out of Kumara's Drönas (of wheat) at the araghafta at Bhintalavādā-grāma. It appears that Kumara was the lessee of the araghatta, who used to pay the annual rent for it to the temple in wheat. This transaction is also referred to in Section IV (6) in lines 15-16 below, where the name of the mehari is given as Sobhikā.
From the grant of the village of Bhintalavādā, it appears that most of the transactions recorded above were made by the contemporary Chabamāna ruler of Nädöl. The name of this ruler seems to be lost with the first plate of the set. But he may have been Asārāja mentioned below. The god Chandalēsvara was apparently installed by the queen Chandaladēvi mentioned below in line 10 which also mentions Āsārāja. It is not improbable that Chandaladēvi was a queen of Āsārāja.
It should, however, be noted that the Nānāņi copper-plate inscription of 1164 A.D., referred to above, speaks of the grant of Bhintalavätaka by king Alhana to the Chandalēgvara temple. It is not impossible that Bhiņķalavādā or Bhiņķalavățaka was originally granted to the temple by Asarāja but the grant was later renewed by his son Alhana.
Section III (lines 9-10). There are two transactions recorded in this section.
(a) The first sentence states that one Yasodhavala made a gift of one load of lotuses and one hundred bunches (of flowers) at a place called Ahumala. It is difficult to determine whether the transaction refers to a daily supply of the flowers and whether Åhumala is a modification of Ahavamalla, & well-known personal name which occurs in Section VI, 6. The identity of the donor is uncertain, though he may have been a member of the Chähamāna royal family of Nädöl. The deity who received the grant is not mentioned, but may probably be Chandalēsvara.
(6) The second sentence of this section states that, in V.8. 1173, Kärttika-vadi 3, Mahārajadhirāja Abārāja made certain gifts (the names of which cannot be fully deciphered but may be those of a few localities) in favour of the matha. This matha may refer to the shrine of Chandalēgvara, which is mentioned in line 10 below (Section IV, a).
The date may correspond to the 11th September 1116 A.D. The only other date for Asarāja's reign so far known is V.8.1167, Chaitra-sudi 1, corresponding to the 12th March 1111 A.D.' Another date for Aśārāja's reign is found in Section IV (6) below.
Section IV (lines 10-16). This section also speaks of two transactions.
(a) The sentence constituting this sub-section is difficult to understand owing to certain errors of the scribe and the engraver. The first part refers to the 100 leaves allowed out of each load of
See above, Vol. XXXI, p. 164, note 1. : Bhandarkar's List, No. 182.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
leaves by the royal officials (probably the customs officials of Nädöl; cf. Section VI, b) to be enjoyed by the goddess Gauri installed in the shrine (matha) of Chandalesvara caused to be made by Mahārajni Chandaladevi. A passage in line 11 immediately after this reference is unintelligible. After this there is reference to six persons who are stated to have paid annually 100 Drammas, i.e. the coins of that name. The concluding part seems to say that the merchants, who were willing to give, would have to divide the third share of the leaves and wheat probably received as collections on behalf of the Chandalesvara or Tripurusha temple. It appears that either Chandaleśvara would have to receive one-third of the collection of leaves and wheat made on behalf of the Tripurusha temple or Gauri would have to receive a similar share out of the collection of the Chandalesvara shrine (cf. Section V below).
We have seen above, that the Nanāņa copper plate inscription of 1164 A.D. refers to the installation of the goddess Gauri in the Chandaleévara temple by Sankaradevi who was a queen of Alhaņa, son of Asārāja. If the present transaction has to be referred to Asaraja's reign, we have to suggest that the goddess was installed by Sankaradevi during her father-in-law's rule.
(b) This subsection records a regular grant of Mahäräjädhiraja Asārāja made in V.S. 1171, Pausha-vadi 10, in favour of the mehari Sōbhika on the occasion of the king's visit to her house. The gift consisted of the village of Piñchchhavalli which was granted in its entirety as far as its ascertained boundaries. It is stated that no one was allowed to disturb the mehari's possession of the land as long as the earth and the mountains would endure. It is further stipulated that, so long as the mehari Sōbhika would be allowed to enjoy the gift village, the five Dronas allotted to her previously out of Kumara's Dronas of wheat (cf. Section II, d) should be enjoyed by the god Tripu rusha and, in case there was nobody to protect [the mehari's enjoyment of] the village, the allotment of Kumara's Dronas to her should again revert to her.
The date V.S. 1171, Pausha-vadi 10, may correspond to the 23rd November 1114 A.D. This is the third known date for Asäraja's reign. The two others in V.S. 1167 and 1173 have been referred to above (ef. Section III, b).
Section V (line 17-18). There is only one transaction recorded in this section.
The first sentence states that the village of Salayi was allotted to the matha together with its entire income. The passage upari-sasana-madhye used in this connection connects this grant with the one recorded above (Section IV, 6). It appears that Piñchchhavalli-grama, allotted to Sōbhikā, belonged to the matha and that therefore the latter had to be compensated by making the gift of another village in its favour. The following sentence seems to suggest that the matha referred to was the shrine of Chandaleśvara since it is stated here that two-thirds of the village would be enjoyed by the matha (apparently of the god Chandaleśvara) and one-third by the god Tripurusha. The third and last sentence of the section states that the Bhattaraka, i.e. the king, should act in accordance with the said arrangement.
Section V1 (lines 18-19). There are two transactions in this section.
(a) The first sentence states that Mahäräjädhirāja Ratanapila (Ratnapala) gave away one Nōriya together with his relations. To which god the persons, who were probably to work as temple. servants, were allotted is not stated. There is no date mentioned in connection with this grant. But we know that V. S. 1176, Jyeshtha-vadi 8, Thursday (22nd April 1120 A.D.) fell within Ratnapaia's reign. Between Asaraja and Ratnapala who was the son of an elder brother and predecessor of Asārāja, we have two inscriptions of Asäraja's son Mahārājādhiraja Kaṭudēva or Kaṭukaraja, one of which is dated in V.S. 1172 (1115-16 A.D.).
1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 200.
See ibid., Nos. 189 and 1460. The date of the second inscription has been read as Samyat 31 which Bhandarkar refers to the Simha-samvat of V.S. 1170-1113 A.D. and equates with V.S. 1200-1143 A.D. (above, Vol. XI, p. 34). But Katukäraja could not have ruled in 1143 A D. Moreover the Simha-samvat is not known to have been used outside Kathiawar (cf. Ojha, Bharatiya Prachinalipimälä, pp. 181-82).

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243
(6) The second sentence records the monthly grant of 6 Dronas probably of wheat by one Ahavamalla at the maydapikā (customs office) at Nadula (Nadol). The identity of Ahavamalla is unknown though he may have been the lessee of the mandapikā. The deity, in whose favour the grant was made, is also not mentioned.
Section VII (lines 19-22). Only one transaction is recorded in this section.
The section records the grant of two kutumbikas (agriculturist householders) named Sõliya and Āsāicha, formerly living at the village of Nandāņā (modern Nānāņā), together with their sons and grandsons so long as they lived. The gift was made at Nadula (Nádol), according to the arrangement based on a charter, in favour of the god Tripurusha by Mahārājaputra Kumāra Sāhanapāla in V.S. 1192, Kārttika-vadi 5, Saturday (28th September, 1135 A.D.). The passage ady=éha sri-Nadale seems to suggest that the temple of Tripurusha stood at Nädöl. This Sāhanapāla was probably a co-uterine brother of Sahajapāla who was the son of Ratnapāla's successor Rāyapāla (known dates between V. S. 1189=1132 A.D. and V.S. 1200=1143 A.D.): from the queen Padmalladevi and is known from an undated inscription. Three deities named after the mother and her two sons are mentioned in line 22 (Section VIII, a). The second sentence states that the arrangement should not be nullified by anybody.
Section VIII (lines 22-24). There are four transactions recorded in this section.
(a) It is stated in the first sentence that Tripurusha's car could be always utilised by the deities Padınalēśvara, Sahanapālēsvara, Sahajapālēśvara and others. Padmalēsvara was apparently named after Padnialladēvi, queen of Rāyapāla, and Sāhana pālēsvara and Sahajapālēsvara after her two sons. They appear to have been installed in shrines within or near the Tripurusha temple.
(b) This subsection records the grant of the kutum (i.e. kufumbikas) Kikāu, Madanapāla and Mahanasiha (i.e. Mathanasimha) who were formerly living in the village of Nandāņā. The gift was made in favour of Tripurusha by a charter by Mahārāja Alhapadēva in V.S. 1206, Bhădra-vadi 5, Friday (6th August 1148 A.D. taking the year to be current). Alhaņa or Alhana, the son of Abārāja and successor of Rāyapāla, is known from two records of his reign, one dated in V.8. 1209, Mågha-vadi 14, Saturday (24th January, 1153 A.D.)' and the other in V.8. 1218, Srāvana-vadi 14, Sunday (12th August, 1162 A.D.?). The next sentence states that the arrangement should not be nullified by anybody.
(c) Some passages in the next sentence cannot be deciphered. But it seems to mention the grant of one or more persons by the same king Alhapadēva (tath=ānēna). The grant was probably made in favour of the same god Tripurusha.
(d) This sentence, the last of the epigraph under study, states that one bada made a gift of two persons named Gösā and Lobha. The grant seems to have been made in favour of Tripurusha.
The above analysis of the contents of the inscription under study exhibits some interesting information about certain customs relating to religious institutions, which were prevalent in Rajasthan during the early medieval period. The gift of persons (apparently as slaves) in favour of temples is one such custom.
The geographical names mentioned in the record are Naţūla, i.e, modern Nālöl in the Jodhpur region of Rajasthan, and such villages as Nandāņā- or Nandana-grāma, Bhintalavādā-grāma, Dēvanandita-grāma, Ahumala, Piñchchhavalli-grāma and Sālayi-grima. Of these, Nandāņaor Nandāna-grāma is certainly the modern village of Nanna where the plate was found. The other localities appear to hnve been situated in the neighbourhood of Nadol or Nänäpä.
* See Bhandarkār's List, p. 382. * Ibid., No. 1505, p. 382, note 7. * Ibid., No. 287. Ibid., No. 311.

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244
EPIGRAPHIA NDICA
TEXT1
1 vilasini(nyah) Pa[dm]āvati(t)-suta[yaḥ*] Vijalaya-'parābhiḥ samam shōdasamam padam pradatta[m](tam) | tatha vath(väm)tika-Lhaudiy&kas-Tripurusha]p[th] pradattab mehari- SI...
2 [n]ikāyāḥ varshaṁ prati dēvakiya-5(y-ä)dāna-madhyāt gōdhūmānāṁ drōnāḥ pamcha Namdāpā-grāmīya-bhögt dätavyä[b] | gapiki-[G]chhini(p)-sut[āyā]
chaturtha]"
3 nam aparābhiḥ saptadara(sa)mam padam pradattam || tatha atr-aiva Bhimtalaväḍāgrāmaḥ śri-Chamdalesvaradev-atha(rtham) Tripurushānāṁ pradattaḥ ||
4 amd-grid-utpattis-Tripurushäpäth satka-värikaiḥ samādāya aviy-idänasy-aika[t]võ(tva) [cha] vidhäys ári-Cha[th]dalvariya-vi[1]äsint[näm] vidya-[visha]
5 chalya)-bhaktak-adikath(kam) aparam-api yat-kithchid-divaaya kriyati bhaṭṭäraka-purabsara-varigai(kai)-Tripurushägih sa(sva)kly-ādānēns [cha] kürayitavyas-Tri'purushāpāti.
[VOL. XXXIII
6. sthāyi bhaṭṭārakēna, varigai(kai)s=oha sarvada drashṭavyaḥ || tatha śrī-Chamdale varapujan-artham Tripurushäņām satka-matha-patah Devanaṁdita-grāmē Närävaṭṭakama()
Stadt
7 araghattan-tatra. pati-Setpila-samanvita[b] pradattaḥ | atrs mäheri-Virgad Primal Batan! | Sriyadhvi | Asa(5)dēvi(v) | aŭ(au)ravála-Jasarā pagavika-Sripālab [do]8yaraka Vadiyakab | märda[th]gika-Mahi(hr)patiyākaḥ | vach(väh)tika[b] Govinda-auta-RisiKumara-dröpänä madhyād-ādī(dā)ya
yakab Bhihjalavada-grämiya aragha mēharim11 [drōnāḥ] drō 'pamcha11 dātavyā[*]||
9 śrī-Jaso13dhavalēna Ahumale sya (sa)ta[pa]tra-[bha]ra(rah) 1 stamakam1 100 pradattam(ttam) || Samvat 1173 Kärtti[ka]-vadi [3] tri(tri)tiyāyām mahārājādhiraja-ári-1 Asa(sā)[rā]
10 jōna ka
loliya mathasya pradattaḥ || mahārājñi-éri-Chaṁdaladōvyā śrīChandalievaramadhys käritä" Gö(Gau)ryāḥ rājakulina bharakath prati dapita-patra
From a photograph.
Read Vijalaya aparabhiḥ or Vijalaya aparābhib.
The name of the mehari cannot be fully deciphered.
The name is elsewhere spelt many times as Namdana.
The intended reading seems to have been amukäyäḥ samam.
This letter may be a mistake for mam for samam. Sandhi has not been observed here.
7 Read kärayitavyam Trio.
Chaturtha seems to mean chaturth-amia.
The reading of the two damaged aksharas here may be Sila.
10 This danda and some others in this line and in the next are unnecessary.
11 Better read mehari-Söbhikayai. Cf. lines 13-16.
13 Better read pancha dro 5 in which dro is a contraction of dröṇāḥ.
13 Read Yas8°.
14 Read stabakäni or stabaka-batam-ēkam.
18 Sandhi has not been observed here.
14 The objects granted, mentioned here, are difficult to determine. They may, however, have been localities. 17 Read Chamdaladevyä käritë Chamdalëóvara-mathe.

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STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA
लाशनशनमा
बिलासिनीय नो वति तो वीउला यायलासिसम (वा उरामा निराधाशका राजधान मन निकायाः प्रतिदिवसीयवादा तमा न सा मा नीला पायाराजारामायस या यातना दिसतात
पससि संबई रामवर परत नवगछि दल या उपशाखा । अनाजा हो न हो तो समोस याची यादी व यातायात गतिमा HOW : सामान थिइ घरमा कायानुसार व परसवातावमशागस्वरमा काम न
करता या निधी दिलायास लार यसमा पुरुषालकमसुखमादर नजियाले गरबा ARNEARTोया ब धित तरिति उसी तरलतारतम्बाथारी मामाला तान तामगावालाहरुयामला का मानदेय का वेग सिखान-रिलबोहरायाजीयावर वाहन का सम्मान स्थानमाला यापून भाजार
मातTAD मानवपत्र सार10.
पर PANCEL
PAHशा पट जाम नाराजी वंदलादावादलपपमा कालिनागोया मराज मतलकियतदारपणा A nावाबातल डामाजो बाजा बारा लिया इतर माविलगादा लाभासलाद पतित पावेदावध पालन रातशे कद दातार जानकायोमनानी सतीमाला गती ही नदी का जवाझा अन्यदासवन-शान मदत
कामानावी असं सानामपिता लि का बाइस कहातिमा कपाटागालनासाइपिलवलाणामा IVAH बाद जातो. या कुंजरगाहोजाया लवालिद तिहितिवरकालयावन्यजनजात
EMAकाया दीयंमाक मारलीयालाहताना तो पायावादसा बाझिनुरुपनि नावानपुर
नवादा पवाजाम(मन का बिनपलिंबवितदान या विशवमान कुमानिगाउँ महानपतिनाला
नसतारा यसदिन वाया मोटरसायका जशजलो गोमटारमायाशासधा सपना पाया उको न वजी 15जन पालकमा रिए नितिन बान । Pakking का माल पालाशासन पनिझानिया पिया (मावसजानाकार FASLA साहित्य को समदिली जात नाजनहित याजिरवाया
Kanाचल पायaaliyासावयालयका सवालमा एक जिद तावासाद 24solarsat वतनालायलाय Asaसा में पाया जाहिरदा 4304WITदिशदेशा जगाशी मोल लनanाजामकाउमाताद साला
मामालामा ल
बात मान या कामावर या लोधामपुरावा
(from a Photograph)

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No. 45) STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA
245 11 ņām bata[*] 1 batam=ēkam(kam) || gumdakūrvāyātavadhātāmõttämövahamgata' | Tuliya
thahalaharā. Vālaharā. Visala- Väsal-ādi(khyaih) shadbhiḥ janaiḥ sarvadā varshan
prati dra[mmā)12 năm satam=ēkam dadadbhir-amkato dra' 100 satä(tam) tat-patra-gõdhūnā(mā)nām tri(tri)
tiya-bhāgaṁ(gah) vānībhir'dātukāmaiḥ karttavyaḥ || anyadā Samvat 1171 Pausha
vadi 10 daśa- 11 13 myam mahārājādhirāja-sri-"Asa()rājēnā(na) ma(mē)hari-Sobhikāyāḥ satka-gpiha
nirikshaņāya gatēn=āsyāḥ Pimchchhavalli-grāmaḥ sva-sim14 paryanto vijñāta-maryādaḥ pra[s]ādiksito='syāḥ vur(bhum)jayamtyāḥ rubhu)mjāpayan
tyāḥ kën=āpi kshiti-kshitidhara-kālam yāvat paripamthana na kä[rya"] || 15 aparam=agrē mēhari-Sõ(So)bhikāyāḥ diyamāna-Kumara-droņiya-gõdhūtā(mā)nām pamcha
drönāḥ yāvad=ēshām grāmam bhumjayati? tāvast*] Tripurushai16 r=bhoktavyä[h*) [l*) atha kadā[chi*]d+vidhi-vasād=grāmam=ēnań kõ=pi na pālayati tadā
bhūyö-pi yujyamāna-Kumara-droņāḥ mahariņā.bhë(bho)kta vyä[h*] || 17 upari-Sāsana-[ma]dhyē sarv-ādāya-sahitaḥ Salayi-grāmo mathasy=āyattaḥ kritas-tan
madhyāt dvau bhāgo(gau) mathasya tsitiy-amsas=Tripurushāņām pradatto(ttah) anaya
sthē(sthi)tya 18 bhattārakēņa varttaniyam(yam) || (puna][*=mahārājādhirāja-sri-Ratana palēna (No)
riya[kaḥ*) Ba-kuțumba[h*) pradataḥ(ttah) | Sri-Nadalya-mamdapik[@]yām brf1o-A[hava)19 mallēna .....māsam prati drõhi 6 shat yāvatayām | amishāṁ paripamthanā kv=api
na karya || Samvat 1192 Kärttika-vadi 5 Sanäy=ady- ha éri-Nadu
20 la mahārājaputra-kumyara-14gri-Sahapapaladēvaḥ sāsanaṁ prayachha(chchha)ti yatha |
agre Namdana-grāmē vasaman-asina-16ku
21 tummi(mbi)ka-Sõhiys- Āsāichau sa-putra-pautr-adikau yāvat jivau tāvat sāşana-sthityān.
(tyä) sri-Tripuru[sha Jdēvāya prada22 ttah(ttau) CI*) kan=āpi na lopaniyah Sri-Tripurushiya-rathaḥ Sri-Padmalēsvara
Bahanapälēsvara-Sahajapälēsvar-ādi-devānāṁ sädhyaḥ sarvadā ||
1 The meaning of this passage is doubtful. Possibly it ends with a personal name. The following danda and others occurring later in the lino aro wrongly incised.
* This is an abbreviation of the word dramma. • The intended reading is swamibhs. • These dandas are unnecessary
Sandhi has not been observod horo. • Better road bhojayantyah.
Read bhojayati. • Read mdharyd. . Read Ratnao. 10 Sandhi has not been observed hero. 11 The word godhamandris would suit the context; but the traces of the letters do not support this reading, u This is an abbreviation of the word drondb. Read datavyah. Read lundra. Better rond vasantau,

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246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII 23 Samvana' 1205 Bhadra-vadi 6 Sudrēḥ(krā). || mahäräja-srre-Alhanadövöna [pr]äk
(prāå)-Namdāņā-[gr]āmiya-kutum-) | Kikāu-Madanapala- | Mahanasihai" ady=ai[va]
Sri-Tri(Tri)purushäņām sāsanēna pra-1 24 dattausttah) kön=ãpi ka[d]āchit na lõpaniyölyäh) || tath=ā'nēna Säleipatra... Simda
sutäh (praldata(ttih) tathā Gösä-Lobhau Saņēna (pra]dattau (I") [kën=āpi na löpaniya]mitithall
1 Road Sanhvat. * Sandhi has not been bserved here. • This is a ountraction of loufumbika and the following danda is an indication of the abbreviation.
The danda is unnecersary. Better road sihhah. • The names of the persons cannot be definitely determined. * This lettor is an indication of the completion of the document,

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No. 46–POOTPRINT SLAB INSCRIPTION FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA
(1 Plate) D. C. BIRCAR and A. N. LAHIRI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 21.11.1958)
In the course of the excavations conducted by the Department of Archaeology at the wellknown Buddhist site of Nagarjunikonda, a monastic establishment with a four-winged monastery, a Stüpa and a Chaitya-griha was completely exposed in the year 1955-56 at the site marked V-6. The discovery was briefly noticed in the Indian Archaeology, 1955-56-A Review, p. 24. In this connection, reference wae made to the discovery of a stone slab, bearing the representation of the Buddha's feet and a small inscription engraved on it, near the entrance of the Stupa. According to the said notice, the inscription records that 'the sacred feet were of Buddha and were designed and consecrated by or for the Mahāvihāravāsins of the Theravāda-Vibhajjavāda school of Ceylon in a Vihāra described as Dharana-vihåra situated on the Praveņi'.' It is further observed that the Mahāvihāravāsins are described as 'adepts in reading the marks on the human body and fixing horoscopes which constitute the eighth sisana (abbhuta) of the navanga promulgated by Buddha'. Unfortunately, the statements regarding the contents of the epigraph are full of errors. They are apparently based on a defective transcript of the record. There is really no mention in the inscription of a Buddhist monastery called Dharana-rihāra, no description of the Mahāvihāravasins of the Theravāda-Vibhajjavāda school of Ceylon as experts in reading the marks on human bodies and preparing horoscopes and no reference to the eighth sāsana of the Buddha.
Similar footprint slabs, sometimes uninscribed and sometimes bearing inscriptions, bave been discovered at variou: early. Buddhist sites including those of Amaravati and Nagarjunikonda. It is well known that, in early Buddhist art, the Buddha was generally represented by symbols and one of the most popular symbols was his feet. A Nagarjunikonda sleb of this kind is called a patipadā (pratipadā) in the inscription it bears, while the expressions by which it is indicated in the Amaravati inscriptions are paduka(or pătuka)-paļa (pădukā-patta) and patuka (pādukā).“ The Nagarjunikonda slab under study bears the representation of the two soles of two feet placed side by side with that of the Bodhi tree in railing, flanked by two human figures, on one side. The niost prominent symbol engraved on each of the soles is the chakra. Behind this are an ankusa, & Näga symbol, a triratna on chakra and a pair of fish with a sankha nearby, while in front of it are two Näga symbols, a svastika, a srivatsa and a pürna-ghata with a farkha near it. The five toes in front of the above bear respectively & stambha, an ankuća, another indeterminable symbol, a pair of fish and a triratna on chakra. The inscription under study is engraved in & rectangular space touching the toes of the feet.
1890 op. cit., Plate XXXIX, C. 2 Macron over e and o to indicate the length of the vowels has not been used in this article. • Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, p. 31.
See above, Vol. XX, p. 37.
*Cf. Monier-Williams, Buddhism, pp. 510 ff., 520 ff.; Burgess, Buddhist Stūpus of Amaravali, pp. 97 ff. and Plates XLIII, 14; LII, 6 and 8; LIII, 1; MASI, No. 54, Plate XIXa ; Marshall, Sanchi, Plates LXXXVIII, 226, 75b; LXXXVII, 60a ; LXXXII, 42b; Allan, Catalogue of Coins (Ancient India), pp. o, oi, cl, 131, 158-60, 273, etc.
( 247 )

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248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII There are only three lines of writing covering an area about 134 inches in length and about 2 inches in height. The first line is slightly bigger than the second owing to the incision of the auspicious word sidhan in the left margin, while the third line is smaller than the second. Tbe letters, excepting conjuncts as well as ā, k and r and the letters with vowel-marks added to the top or the bottom, a, 6 less than half an inch in height. The characters are similar to those of the epigraphs incised during he reign of the Ikshvāku king Virapurushadatta and may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to a date about the middle of the third century A.D. Among the few points of palaeographical interest noticed in the record, mention may be made of the fact that the medial i is of the ordinary short type and not of the elongated ornamental form generally found in the Ikshvāku records. This was apparently due to the narrow space available for engraving the epigraph. In the passage Tambapanni-dipa-pasādakanam in line 1, the second n is of the usual type but the first one exhibits a somewhat earlier form. The language of the inscription is Prakrit and its orthography resembles that of the inscriptions of Virapurushadatta's time. The modification of the surd to the sonant is noticed in the word samghādā or sanghāda (sanghaļā or sanghāļa) in line 3. Medial i and n have been generally used in the record for medial i and n.
The inscription begins with the auspicious word sidham which is followed by the only sentence in which the record is written. The object of the epigraph is to record the installation of the pair of the Lord's (i.e. Buddha's) feet in the Vihāra or Buddhist monastery which has now been exposed by the excavations at Site V-6 at Nagarjunikonda. The language of the passage is vihāre bhagardto pada-samghādā nipati(hapito (line 3). The intended reading apparently being pāda-sanghādā nipatithapitā or päda-sanghādo nipatithapito. The expression used to indicate the feet of the lord is pāda-sanghādā or pāda-sanghāda which reminds us of Pali atthi-sanghāta, used in the sense of 'the joint (i.e. bone-coupling)' according to scholars. The word is the same as Sanskrit sanghātikā, meaning a pair, a couple'. Thus päda-sanghäța means 'the pair of feet' obviously referring to the representation of the feet near which the epigraph is incised. The participle nipatithapita has been used in the sense of patithapita (pratisthāpita, installed). The purpose behind the installation of the Lord's feet in the monastery is stated to have been the prayer (athanā, arthana) for the welfare and happiness of all beings (sava-satānam hita-sukh-athanaya). But the person responsible for the installation is not mentioned in the record.
The Vihara or monastery in which the Lord's feet were installed is stated to have belonged to certain Achariyas or Buddhist teachers who are endowed with a number of interesting epithets. These epithets are Theriya, Vibhaja-väda, Kasmira-Gandhara-Yarana-Vanavāsa-Tambapannidinapasādaka, Mahāvihåravāsin, Navanga-Sathu-sasana-atha-vyajana-vinichhaya-visarada and Ariyavanitsa-paveni-dhara. Among these epithets, the third stating that the said teachers converted to the Buddhist faith the peoples of Kasmira, Gandhāra, Yavana, Vanavāsa and Tämraparņi-dvipa is most interesting since it reminds us of the package .... tarāj-āchariyanan Kasmira-Gamdhāra-China-Chilata-Tosali-Avaramta-Varga-Vanatāsi-Yarana-Damila-Palura-Tantapannidipapasādakanan Theriyānań Tamba pamnakānam suparigahe Siripavale Vijayapuriya pura-disabhāge viháre Chula-Dhanmagiriyan Chetiya-gharam an-pata-santharaṁ sa-chetiyar sava-niyutan kāritam uvāsikāya Bolhisiriya occurring in another inscription from Nagarjunikonda. The passage states how an upāsika (female lay worshipper of the Buddha) named Bodhisri was responsible
1 Soe Childers' Pali Dictionary, s.v. sanghafo. The intended reading does not appear to be samghädani.
The word pasadaka means literally 'causing serenity or happiness' and figuratively converting to the Buddhist faith'. The Maharamsa unes the expression dipa-prasadako thero to indicate the monk who converted the Island (Ceylon)'. See Childers, op. cit., s.v.
• Vogel suggests the restoration bhadanta-raj-achariyanan here. But the intended reading appears to be Achantaraj-achariyanan occurring in a similar context, in another Nagarjunikonda inscription (Nagarjunikonda Souvenir, ed. Rama Rao, pp. 44-45) and probably meaning the teachers of the Achantarāja school'.
Above, Vol. XX, p. 22.

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No. 46]
FOOTPRINT SLAB INSCRIPTION FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA
249
for the construction of a Chaitya-griha in the monastery on the Little Dharmagiri in the Sriparvata range to the east of the city of Vijayapuri for the acceptance of certain Acharyas or Buddhist teachers who are stated inter alia to have belonged to the Tämraparna or Tāmraparni country, i.e. Ceylon (Tamba pamnaka), and converted to the Buddhist faith the peoples of Kasmira, Gandhåra, China, Kirāta, Tosali, Aparānta, Vanga, Vanavāsī, Yavana, Damila, Palura and Tāmraparni-dvipa. Although the list of countries in the present epigraph contain only five out of the twelve names of the other inscription probably due to the shortage of space, the teachers mentioned in the two records may be the same. In that case, the Buddhist teachers referred to in our inscription were of Ceylonese origin.
The epithet theriyānam applied to achariyānam in both the inscriptions is interesting. The word theriya in the masculine plural used in the Mahāvansa has been taken to mean the fraternities of the Theravādins'.1 Vogel, who edited the other Nagarjunikonda inscription referred to above, derived the word theriya from thera, 'a monk, an elder'. According to him, theriya is primarily an adjective meaning 'belonging to the theras or monks' from which comes the substantive sense of 'a fraternity or community (of monks)', while N. Dutt commenting on Vogel's views was inclined to interpret the word theriyānan as 'of the nuns' and took all the epithets in the feminine gender. But the epithet Mahāvihāra-vāsinan (of those dwelling in the Mahāvibāra or Great Monastery) used in our record is in the masculine and shows that Dutt's interpretation is wrong. This Mahävihāra seems to be identical with the Buddhist monastery of that name mentioned in several other Nagarjunikonda inscriptions referring to 'the Mahācbaitya in the Mahāvihāra' and indicating the location of the monastery in the Nagarjunikonda valley. As it is difficult to believe that the Great Monastery at the Ikshvāku capital accommodated nuns, this fact also appears to go against Dutt's suggestion.
The epithet Vibhaja-vāda (Vibhajja-vāda) indicates that the teachers in question belonged to the Vibhajja-vāda school. Vibhajja-vāda is the doctrine of analysis or the religion of logic or reason and is identical with the Theravada or doctrine of the Elders, which was the original teaching of the Buddhist Church. Thus our inscription mentions the teachers both as Theriya (i.e. Thera-vādin) and as Vibhaja-vāda (i.e. Vibhajja-vādin).
The remaining two epithets refer to the learning of the Buddhist teachers. One of them says that they were experts in determining the meaning and implication of the nine-fold teachings of the Sāstri, i.e. the Buddha (naranga-Sathu-sasana-atha-vyajana-vinichhaya-visarada=nav-āngaSastri-fäsan-ārtha-vyanjana-vinischaya-vibārada). Pali Satthu-säsana (Sanskrit Sāstri-sāsana) is often used in literature to indicate Buddha-éāsana, i.e. the doctrine or teachings of the Buddha, one of the Lord's popular names being Satthā (Sanskrit Sāstri). The nine divisions of the Buddhist scripture are Sutta (sermons in prose), Geyya (sermons in prose and verse), Veyyākarana (explanation or commentary), Gatha (scriptures in stanzas), Udāna (pithy sayings), Itivuttaka (short speeches of the Buddha), Jātaka (stories of the Buddha's former births), Abbhuta-dhamma (stories of miracles)
1 Cf. Childers, op. cit., 8.v.
** Abovo, Vol. XX, pp. 23, 29. He took the Achariyas as different from the fraternities (of monks) of Tambapamhna (Ceylon)'.
Cf. IHQ, Vol. VII, pp. 633 ff.
Of. Above, Vol. XX, p. 19 (Ayaka pillar inscription B5, line 5), p. 22 (second apsidal templo inscription F. line 3); Vol. XXI, p. 66 (pillar inscription M 2, line 3). It is doubtful if the Mahävihāra-väsins mentioned in our noord can be regarded as a subsect of the Theravādin-Vibhajjavidin community (cf. MASI, No. 71, p. 36).
See P.T.S. Pāli Dictionary, s.v.

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[VOL. XXXIII and Vedalla (teachings in the form of questions and answers). The other epithet says that the teachers knew the traditions of the different classes of Buddhist recluses by heart (ariya-vaṁsa-pavenidhara=ārya-ramba-praveni-dhara). The expression paveni-dhara may be compared with dhammadhara, vinaya-dhara, mātikā-dhara, etc., of the Pali literature as well as vinaya-dhara and mahavinaya-dhara of the Amaravati inscriptions and Digha-Majhima-nikaya-dhara in a Nagarjunikonda inscription. According to Buddhist scripture, there are four classes of recluses (ariya-vansa, literally 'noble family'), viz. those who are contented with the robes presented to them, those who are contented with the food presented to them, those who are contented with the bedding presented to them, and those who delight in meditation.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kasmira is still known by its ancient name. Gandhāra (the Rawalpindi-Peshawar region), Vanavāsa (the district round Banavāsi in the North Kanara District) and Tämraparni-dvipa or the Isle of Tāmraparņi (Ceylon) are wellknown. By Yavana, possibly the old Greek settlement in the Kabul valley was meant.
TEXTS
1 Sidham [1*] achariyanam Theriyānam Vibhaja-vädānam Kasmira-Gamdhāra-Yavana
Vanavāsa-Tambapamnidipa-pasādakanan 2 Mahāvihāra-väsinań nava[m]ga-Sathu-sasana-atha-vyajana-vinichhaya-visaradanam ariya
va[m]sa-paveni-dharanam 3 viháre Bhagavato pāda-samghāļā nipatithapitosava-satānam hita-sukh-athanāya ti?
TRANSLATION
Let there be success! The pair of feet of the Lord (i.e. the Buddha) has been installed, with the prayer for the welfare and happiness of all beings, in the monastery of the teachers who are Theriyas (i.e. Thera-vādins) (and) Vibhajja-vādas i.e. Vibhajja-vādins) ; who caused delight to (i.e. converted to the Buddhist doctrine) (the people of) Kaśmira, Gandhāra, Yavana, Vanavāsa and Tāmraparni-dvipa ; who are the residents of the Great Monastery; who are experts in the determination of the meaning and implication of the nine-fold teachings of the Sastri (i.e. the Buddha); (and) who know the traditions of the four) clasees of (Buddhist) recluses by heart.
1 Cf. ibid., s.v. * Burgess, op. cit., p. 37, No. 8; p. 102, No. 26. . Above, Vol. XX, pp. 17, 29.
See Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 31. From impressions. • The intended reading is either sanghäda nipalithapitz or samghado nipatijapito. "The punctuation is indicated by s horizontal line.

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FOOTPRINT SLAB INSCRIPTION FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA
NUCLEO WISHESE
A
JIGGWAXAA SELLE
L¢ÛÛ¤z
ZKARJA, LANQUGDULNORA DANEAN WANITA JOI AKSIDAT PURTZIKOLAJ, UK, UDORuk
12
Scale: Two-thirds

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(from a Photograph)

Page #354

No. 47-NOTES ON SENAKAPAT INSCRIPTION
No. 1
V. V. MIRASHI, NAGPUR
(Received on 22.11.1957)
Drs. M. G. Dikshit and D. C. Sircar have edited the Senakapāt inscription of the time of Sivagupta Bālarjuna in this journal, Vol. XXXI, pp. 31 ff. This inscription records the construction of a Siva temple and some grants of land in favour of the god installed therein and some Saiva ascetics connected therewith, by Durgarakshita, son of Devarakshita, who was a minister of the Panduvamál king Nannaraja, the great-grandfather of Sivagupta Balärjuna. In the course of the description of Devarakshita there occurs a stanza (verse 7) which the editors have read as follows:
Yo Vindhya-dharddhi(r-ddha)rateam Vara[da]-tata-parikatā(ta) cha saṁprāpya | ashpripadnika Yatööhäṇḍāgār-äkhyagā khyātish(tim) !!
The editors have taken this verse to mean that Devarakshita obtained (apparently from king Nannaraja) the governorship of the Vindhyan territory (Vindhya-dhur-dharatva) as far as the banks of the river Varada (Varada-tata-parihata) and that he became well-known as Yasöbhändägära (literally, a store-house of fame').1
The editors' reading and interpretation of this verse are open to several objections. I have in my possession two excellent impressions of this record which Dr. M. G. Dikshit placed at my disposal when he consulted me about the reading and interpretation of this verse. On referrring to them I find that the reading Varada-tata-parihatām(tam) adopted by the editors is very doubt ful. Varada is indeed fairly clear, but the next two aksharas are indistinct, the second being mutilated in the crack which has divided the stone into two parts. Still, in view of the mention of the Varada, it is not unlikely that the following two aksharas were intended to be tata (or rather, kata).* The next four aksharas, however, are certainly not parihatam. The first has a clear curve at the top of its vertical and must be read as pha. The second akshara can hardly be read as ri. It is clearly li; see the form of la in °ōtpalad in line 1. The reading is, therefore, Varadā-taļa(or, rather kata)-phalihatam. This, however, does not yield a good sense. The writer or the engraver has evidently committed some mistake here as in some other places in this record. Perhaps, the intended reading is Varada-tata-phanihatam cha samprapya. Dikshit and Sircar, who read Varadatata-parihatām, had to change it into Varada-taṭa-parihatam to make it qualify Vindhya-dhürdharatvam. But the use of cha after this word clearly shows that Devarakshita had not one, but two attainments, which made him well-known as Yaso-bhāṇḍ-āgāra (a store-house of fame). Besides, mere appointment to the Vindhya region, even though it may have extended to the banks of the Varada, would not make a man a store-house of fame. I think, therefore, that the inten ded reading of this verse is as follows:
Yo Vindhya-durdharatvam Varada-tata-phanihatam cha saṁprāpya | sashpräptain-iha Yasöökäṇḍägär-äkkyayd khydtím |
1 Above, Vol. XXXI, p. 32.
Cf. Bennāka ja mentioned in the Tirodi plates (above, Vol. XXII, p. 172).
[See below, p. 255.-Ed.]
(251)

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[VOL. XXXIII
'Having become irresistible like the Vindhya mountain and having exterminated a Naga [king] (Phanin) of Varadātaṭa, [Dēvarakshita] became well-known as a store-house of fame '.1
From the mention of the river Varada in the description of Devarakshita, who was a minister of the Panduvamsi king Nannarāja, the editors have conjectured that Nannaraja's dominions included the area about the Chanda District. They further say that this inference is supported by the inscription from Bhandak situated on the bank of the Wardha in the Chanda District, which describes Bhavadova Ranakesarin as having restored a derelict Buddhist temple originally built by Suryaghosha, an ancient king of that area. This conjecture also is equally baseless. There is not an iota of evidence to show that the Panduvamsi kings were ever ruling over the Chanda District, or, for the matter of that, over any part of Vidarbha. The inscription of Bhavadeva Raṇakēsarin did not originally belong to Bhandak. Cunningham, who had noticed the inscription in the Nagpur Museum, conjectured that it must have come from Bhandak, because he was told at Bhandak that 'an inscription on a long red slab had been taken to Nagpur during the time of the Rājā about 40 or 50 years previously by Wilkinson Saheb." As the inscription of Bhavadēva Raṇakesrin records the restoration of a Buddhist temple and as there are extensive Buddhist remains at Bhandak, Cunningham conjectured that the inscription must have been brought from that place. The Nagpur Museum has no accurate information about the provenance of several stone records which were brought there from time to time from various places in the former Central Provinces and Berar. There was evidently no mention of Bhandak as the provenance of the inscription in the records of the Museum; for Kielhorn, who has edited it in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, was informed that it had been brought there from Ratanpur. I discussed this question in detail in my article on the Mallar plates of Sivagupta and showed that the inscription must have been found somewhere in Chhattisgarh. My conjecture later received confirmation from a statement of Vinayakarao Aurangabadkar, who was deputed by Jenkins, Resident at Nagpur, to search for and report on the inscriptions in Chhattisgarh. In my article on the Somavaṁśī kings of Southern Kosala published in this journal several years ago, I drew attention to the statements in Aurangabadkar's report, an extract of which had been supplied to me by my friend Dr. Y. K. Deshpande who found it deposited in the India Office Library, London. As I pointed out at the time, Aurangabadkar states that the slab containing the inscription of Bhavadeva was affixed to a large temple at Arang. He gives a transcript and a short description of the contents of this record which leave no doubt about its identity'. Dikshit and Sircar are not inclined to believe the testimony of Aurangabadkar. They say, 'Unfortunately, even if an inscription of the Panduvamsis existed at Arang, its identification with the Bhandak epigraph cannot be established. It is doubtful if any importance can at all be attached to the alleged testimony of Aurangabadkar especially when the evidence of Cunningham and Stevenson seems to point to Bhandak as the provenance of the record'. As this matter is of considerable importance for the history of the Panduvaṁsi dynasty, I propose to examine this criticism in some detail.
At the instance of Jenkins, Aurangabadkar visited several places in Chhattisgarh and submitted a report in Mōḍi characters which is still preserved in the India Office Library (MSS., Marathi D,
1 Besides, the next stanza (verse 8) states that Devarakshita obtained from king Nannaraja a number of vishayas or districts. Verse 7 is, therefore, probably devoted to the adecription of his exploits.
Above, Vol. XXXI, p 34.
ASI, Vol. IX, p. 127.
JRAS, 1905, p. 618. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 116 f.
Ibid., Vol. XXVI.p.227 note 2.

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253
No. 47]
NOTES ON SENAKAPAT INSCRIPTION 46).1 About the inscription in question he says, 'I give below a copy of the Sanskrit writing on & slab attached to a great temple at Aring (i.e., Arang)'. [Here follows a transcript of the inscription.] The inscription states that there was a king named Süryaghosha.... One of his relatives died by a fall from an upper storey. As a result of grief consequent on this, he became indifferent to worldly matters and built a large structure for a sage. Thereafter flourished Udayana, who was said to have belonged to the Pārdava family...... His fourth son Bhavadēva was, like him, meritorious, brave and righteous. He built a Jaina temple. He belonged to the Jaina faith.'
The relevant extracts from Aurangabadkar's report given above leave no doubt that the reJord whose contents he summarised therein was identical with the inscription of Bhavadēva Ranakësarin. This record is incised in acute-angled characters. It is creditable to Aurangabadkar that he could grasp the contents of it fairly correctly, though from the mention of Jina in verses 1 and 37 he was misled into supposing that it was a Jaina record.
The foregoing account of Aurangabadkar's report would show that the doubts about the importance of his testimony are wholly unjustified and that there was no "speculation " on my part when I stated, on the authority of his report, that Bhavadēva Ranakēsarin's epigraph originally came from Arang. Aurangabadkar was an employee of Richard Jenkins who was Resident at Nagpur from 1807 to 1826. He, therefore, saw the inscription in question in situ at Arang more than fifty years before Cunningham noticed it deposited in the Nagpur Museum. Aurangabadkar's statement is thus much more reliable than Cunningham's conjecture. In fact it clinches the issue and proves incontrovertibly that the record came from Arang. As for Stevenson's evidence, "it comes to nothing. He merely states that the inscription was found at Nagpur." He does not connect it with Bhandak or any other place.
Apart from the testimony of Aurangabadkar, there are other reasons why the record could not have belonged to Bhandak. Bhavadēva Ranakēsarin, who restored the dilapidated temple of the Buddha, was a cousin of the great-grandfather of Sivagupta Balärjuna,' who flourished in the first half of the seventh century A.D. He, therefore, cannot be referred to a period later than the beginning of the sixth century A.D. Süryaghosha, who originally built the temple of
1 Through the good offices of Dr. H. N. Randle, who was then in charge of the India Office Library, I obtained woveral years ago photostat copies of some portion of this report relating to some inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur. Soo CII, Vol. IV, p. 601, note 1. Jenkins sent to the Asistio Society of Bengal a report about these inscriptions which was published in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV.
* See the actual words of Aurangabadkar :
'या आरिंग्याचे महादेवालयाचे बगगवर संस्कृत अक्षर लिहिले त्याची नक्कल ...."सूर्यघोष नामे राजा पृथ्वीपतिः... त्याचा कोन्ही एक आप्त माडीवरून पडून मेला. त्याचे शोकास्तव वैराग्य आंगी मानून ऋषीच स्थान मोठ बांधल.याचे वंशीचा राजा उदयेन नामक.याजला परिववंशीचा म्हणत होते...... पाचा चवथा पुत्र भवदेव नामक.हाही त्यासारखा गुणवान, प्रतापवान सदाचारसंपन्न....'या राजान a fer star. aerat ETETTE...
[See below, p. 258.-Ed.)
Cunningham noticed the inscription in the Nagpur Museum sometime before 1873. See his ASR, Vol. IX, po 187.
See JBBRA8, Vol. I, 1841-44, pp. 148-49. Owing to & wrong reading of verse 5 of this inscription Stevenson supposed that Süryaghosha, who built the temple of the Buddha, was ruling over Orissa. See -JR48, 1905, p. 617, noto 1.
• Seo the genealogical table in my 'Three Ancient Dynasties of Mahakosala' (Bulletin of the Deccan College Romarch Institute, Vol. VIII, pp. 47 f.).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII
the Buddha, is said to have flourished long before Udayana, the grandfather of Bhavadēva. He cannot therefore be later than the beginning of the fifth century A.D. In this period, the Chanda District and the surrounding territory were included in the dominions of the Vākātakas. Several inscriptions of the Vākāțaka king Paravarasena II, who flourished in this period, have been found in this region. No king named Suryaghosha could have ruled over this territory in the beginning of the fifth century A.D.: There was, however, another king of this name ruling in Chhattisgarh in this period, viz., Sūra, whose descendant Bhimasēna Il's copper plate inscription dated in G. 182 (501-02 A.D.) was discovered at Ārang itself. Sūra (often written as Sūra) and Sūrya are synonyms in Sanskrit, both meaning the sun'. This also proves the correctness of Aurangabadkar's statement that the inscription of Bhavadēva Raņakēsarin was originally at Arang.
The question still remains: What was that record which, as Cunningham's informants told him, was removed from Bhāndak to Nagpur ? In the absence of reliable information on the point, I previoulsy conjectured that it may have been the Nagpur Museum prasasti of the rulers of Malwa. Here also Aurangabadkar comes to our aid. He has given elsewhere a transcript of the so-called Sitäbaldi inscription of the time of Vikramaditya VI, edited by Kielhorn in this journal, Vol. III, pp. 301 f. Cunningham found this record at Sitebaldi, á suburb of Nagpur ; but it did not evidently belong to that place originally ; for Sītābaldi or Nāgpur was not in existence in the time of Vikramāditya VI of the Later Chālukya dynasty. Abo it four years ago, Dr. Deshpande showed me the transcript of an inscription which Aurangabadkar had found near the old caves at Bhāndak and asked me if it had been published anywhere. I at once identified it with the aforementioned inscription of Vikramaditya VI. This is, therefore, the inscription which, as Cunningham was told at Bhāndak, had been removed by Major Wilkinson from the Wijason Caves of Bhandak to Nagpur.
The foregoing discussion must have made it plain that Bhavadēva Raņakesarin's epigraph originally belonged to Arang. Devarakshita, the ririster of Nannarāja, may have raided the country up to the bank of the Wardhā, but that does not prove that the Pāņduvaṁsis were ruling over the region round Chanda.
Cf. Gachchhati bhūyasi kälē bhūmipatik........ Udayana-námå samutpannab in Bhavadēva's ingcription, JRAS, 1905, p. 626.
*[Soe below. p. 256.-Ed.]
. This has already been pointed out in my aforementioned article on the three ancient dynasties of Mahikosala.
. Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 117.

Page #358

No. 2 D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 1.2.1958) Prof. V. V. Mirashi has offered above, pp. 251 ff., his views on the reading and interpretation of verse 7 of the Sēnakapāt inscription with reference to his theories that no portion of the Marathispeaking area formed a part of the dominions of the Panduvamsis of Kõsala and that the Bhandak inscription was brought to the Nagpur Museum not from Bhandak in the Chanda District but from Arang in the Raipur District. We do not think that he has succeeded in proving the point to the satisfaction of scholars.
He suggests the reading Vindhya-dhurddhri(dur-ddha)ratvan and Varadā-tata(or kata)-Phanihatām in the stanza which was read by us as follows :
Yo Vindhya-dhürddhri(rddha)ratvan Varadā-tata-parihatām(tum) cha samprāpya |
saprāptavān=1 ha Yaśobhāndāgār-akhyayā khyātim (tim) || Both his readings and emendations appear to us doubtful and unacceptable. But his arguments in favour of the suggestions are more dubious. He thinks that Dēvarakbuita, whose exploite are described in the stanza, performed two feats according to its first half as indicated by the word cha therein, viz., irresistibility like the Vindhyas and the extermination of the Phanin or Näga king of the Varadå valley, and that the said two achievements led to his celebrity as Yasobhāndāgāra,
the store house of fame'. Not only are Prof. Mirashi's reading, emendation and interpretation of Vindhya-durddharatvan and Varadā-tata-Phani-hatām farfetched and unsatisfactory, his objections against our interpretation of the stanza appear to be based on misunderstanding. We understood the stanza as follows: Yah Varadā-tata-parihatan Vindhya-dhūr-dharatuan sarpräpua. iha Yasobhāndāgār-ākhyaya khyātir cha sampraptavan in which cha does not offer any difficulty at all. There is also no difficulty if his achievement recorded in the first half of the verse is regarded as the cause of Dēvarakshita's celebrity as the store-house of fame', since the implication is that he conquered the Vindhyan region as far as the banks of the Varada on behalf of his master who made him the governor of that newly annexed territory and conferred on him the title of Yasobhandagara. We do not find any difficulty if, according to verse 8 of the record, Dēvarakshita received from his master a few.other vishayas either for governing or as fiefs, although the vishayas referred to in these stanzas Inay have been actually comprised in the Vindhyan tract mentioned in verse 7. In any case, even according to Prof. Mirashi's suggestion, Dēvarakshita, a general of the Panduvamsi king Nanna, became famous after having killed a Nāga king of the Varadă valley. He therefore, admits Pinduvamsi association with the valley of the Varadā. But in his opinion, Dēvarakshita merely raided the country upto the banks of the Varadā and this fact does not prove that the Panduvamsis were ruling over the region ground Chandā. That the reference is only to & raid and not to the occupation of the Varadā valley by the Pāņduvamsi general is, however, purely a matter of opinion. Even if, therefore, Prof. Mira hai's doubtful reading, emendation and interpretation of verso 7 of the Saua kapăt inscription are accepted, they do not prove that the Varadā valley lay outside the dominions of the Panduvamáls.
In this connection, Prof. Mirashi has offered a number of suggestions such as that the Vākātakas were in occupation of the Chándā region in the beginning of the fifth century, that Süryagbõsha
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII mentioned in the Bhandak inscription ruled in that very period, that this Suryaghosha has to be identified with Sura, the ancestor of Bhimasena II of the Arang copper-plate inscription, and that the said inscription of Bhimasena is dated in the Gupta year 182 (501-02 A.D.). All these suggestions are mere speculations and are, therefore, absolutely unwarranted. There is no clear evidence of Vakaṭaka rule in the Chanda region in the beginning of the fifth century. If one suggests that the Väkäṭakas conquered the area from Süryaghosha, it would be at least as good a conjecture as any of Prof. Mirashi's. The exact period wheh Suryaghosha of the Bhandak inscription flourished is impossible to determine with the evidence at our disposal. The identification of Süryaghosha with Sura is no better than fantastic. The date of the Arang inscription of Bhimasēna II is very clearly and certainly the Gupta year 282 (601-02 A.D.).
The main object of Prof. Mirashi's note is to reiterate his contention that the Bhandak inscription of Bhavadēva Rapakēsarin, now in the Nagpur Museum, was really brought to the Museum from Arang and not from Bhandak, a theory associated with another conjecture that no Marathi-speaking territory formed a part of the dominions of the Panduvaméis. This he has tried to prove on the basis of the evidence of Aurangabadkar who is supposed to have noticed the same inscription in a temple at Arang. It has, however, been forgotten that, in the Mahamayi témple at Arang, there is an inscription of the same Bhavadeva Rapakesarin, which has been noticed in Hiralal's List, 2nd edition, p. 110, No. 183. This Arang inscription is damaged and has not been fully deciphered. But it is interesting to note that the name of Ranakesarin occurs in line 13 of both the Bhandak inscription in the Nagpur Museum and the Arang Mahāmāyi temple inscription. This shows that the two inscriptions had similar, if not exactly the same, contents. Aurangabadkar, therefore, must have noticed this inscription at Arang. It appears that the old king named Suryaghosha built one temple at Bhandak and another at Arang and that both of them were repaired by Bhavadeva Ranakesarin. Bhavadeva's interest in the temples built by Suryaghosha can be easily explained if the latter was an ancestor of the former's mother.
256
Prof. Mirashi is eager to show, in support of his theories, that some other inscripton brought to the Nagpur Museum by Wilkinson was confused by Cunningham with Bhavadeva Ranakesarin's record. Formerly he suggested that it was the Nagpur Museum prasasti of the Paramāras that was brought from Bhandak. But now he says that this suggestion was offered in the absence of reliable information. Now, on the authority of Aurangabadkar, he suggests that it was the Sitābaldi inscription of Vikramaditya VI, and not the Bhandak nscription of Bhavadeva Rapakesarin, that was brought from Bhandak to the Nagpur Museum. But this is as clearly unwarranted as the older suggestion. According to local information available to Cunningham at Bhandak, which Prof. Mirashi has himself quoted, the inscribed stone taken away by Wilkinson was a long red slab. This description suits the Bhandak inscription of Ranakesarin in the Nagpur Museum very well and not the Sitabaldi inscription of Vikramaditya VI even in the least. Bhavadova Ranakesarin's Bhandak inscription measures four feet and ten inches in length and one foot and eleven inches in height, although the number of missing syllables at the end of the lines show beyond doubt that the original length of the slab was not less than six feet and a half. On the other hand, the Sitabaldi inscription of Vikramaditya VI is engraved on an elaborately sculptured pillar and the writing covers an area about two feet in length and eleven inches in height. It is impossible to believe that the villagers of Bhandak could have referred to this pillar inscription as an epigraph on a long red slab of stone.
It is difficult to believe that Sitābaldi did not exist before Vikramaditya VI. Even if Vikramaditya's epigraph was brought there from Bhandak, Bhavadeva Raṇakesarin's inscription could also have been brought to the Nagpur Museum from the same place.

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No. 48-INSCRIPTION FROM HOMBLI
. (1 Plate ) G. 8. GAI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 10.9.1958) The subjoined inscription was copied by me on the 24th December 1946 at Homblu, a village in the Hangal Taluk of the Dharwar District, Mysore State. The village is situated at a distance of about 10 miles to the north east of Hangal, the headquarters of the Taluk. The inscribed slab is lying in a field called Kāļi Hakkala (Survey No. 19).
The inscription is written in two sections, called here A and B, which are engraved side by side on the same slab and occupy a rectangular space measuring 2'10" by 11.5" with a small gap of 2.5' between them. Bection A is enclosed by three straight lines, only the left side having no such line, while section B is enclosed by such lines on all the four sides. The writing of A covers an area about 1'4.5' by 10" while that of B about 1'2' by 10'. There are only 5 lines of writing in either of the sections, so that the whole inscription is written in 10 lines. A piece of stone has been chipped off from Section B resulting in the loss of a few letters in lines 6-8. But the preservation of the writing on A is quite satisfactory.
As will be seen below, both the sections of the inscription record the death of a hero in a tight and as such the slab may be called a herostone (viragal). But it does not contain any sculptures depicting s fighting scene and the death of the hero, which are usually found on such inscribed slabs.
The characters of the record are Kannada-Teluga of the 8th century A. D. The letters are neatly and deeply engraved. Initial a occurs in lines 1, 7 and 8. No distinction is made between e and e which are found in lines 3 and 5 respectively. Final I is met with in lines 3 and 8 and final n in lines 5 and 10. As regards orthography, it may be observed that the reduplication of a consonant following is found only in some cases
The language of the inscription is Kannada and the text is written in prose. The dative suffix akke in lines 5 and 10, the conjunctive suffix um in lines 2 and 9, and the verbal form eridu in lines 4 and 5 and ēridan in lines 5 and 10 are some of the early features of the Kannada language.
Section A records the death of Badugiltigāmunda of (i.e. son or servant of) Kargámunda after having pierced and won [the fight against Mädamma of Nareyangal when Märakke-arasa was governing Banavāsi Twelve thousand. The object of section B is to record the death of Animēnti, son of [Pri]yamēņti of Kargāmunda in & fight which is apparently the same as referred to in Section A.
The record is not dated nor is the reigning king to whom it should be referred mentioned. But the mention of Märakke-arasa as the governor of Banavasi 12,000 throws some light on the question. Now a record from Naregal, about 2 miles from Hombli, refers itself to the reign of a king named Döra and mentions a certain Mārakka-arasa as governing the Banavāsi 12,000 province, evidently as a feudatory of the king. This Dora has been identified with the Rashtrakūta king Dhruva who was the son of Krishna I and ruled from 780-94 A.D. The characters of this Naregal inscription are exactly similar to those of our record. And the object of that inscription is also to record the death of a pereon named Dommarakādava[m] on the occasion of a cattle-raid.
1 It is noticed in A. R. Ep., 1946-47, App. B, Nog. 221 and 222.
The oxpression menti in Kannada means 'chief or headman'. But it appears to have been affixed to the proper name here. In the case of his father Priyamenti, it may be taken as a proper name or to mean a dear or beloved chief' and, in the latter case, he might be identified with Badugilti-gámunda of Section A.
• Abovo, Vol. VI, pp. 102-03.
• Ibid. p. 163. Floot's statement that he was the successor of Krishna I has to be modified in as much as Govinda II, elder brother of Dhruva, also ruled for a fow years (776-780 A. D.).
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[VOL. XXXIII There can be no doubt that Marakke-arasa of our record is identical with the Marakka-arasa1 of the Naregal inscription. It is possible that the same fight is referred to in both the inscriptions. The same Marakka-arasa figures in an inscription from Siḍenur in the Hirekerur Taluk of the Dharwar District. In this record also he is stated to have been governing the Banavasi-nādu as a subordinate of Dhorapparasa, i.e. Dhruva. In yet another record from Kachavis in the Hirekerur Taluk, belonging to the reign of Dhōra-Dhärävarsha, i.e. Dhruva, a certain Mara is introduced as administering the Banavasi 12,000 province. He is apparently the same as Marakka-arasa. Therefore the inscription under study may be assigned to the reign of the Rashtrakuta king Dhruva. In this connection, two records from Nülgeri in the Hirekerur Taluk may be noticed. One of them refers itself to the reign of a king Gōndra under whom a certain Marake-arasa was governing Banavasi 12,000. Gōndra may be the Rashtrakuta king Govinda II or III. The other record belongs to the time of Kannara, possibly Krishna I, and mentions his feudatory Marakersa as administering the nadu which may be taken to represent Banavasi-nādu. Mārakersa may be the same as Mārakka-arasa. Unfortunately the records are not illustrated. If, however, the identification of the kings mentioned in them with Krshna I and Govinda II is accepted, it follows that the Marakkaarasa was the governor of the Banavasi province from their time onwards. And, so far as I know, Mārakka-arasa is the earliest known governor of the Banavasi 12,000 province under the Imperial Rashtrakuta kings. The Kachavi record informs us that he had a son named Kattyara from his senior queen Appa-Vineti and the Siḍēnur inscription apparently refers to the same queen as Binaĕti-Abbe who is stated to have been administering the village (i.e. Siḍēnur).
Only one geographical name occurs in the record, viz. Nareyamgal which is the modern Naregal situated about 2 miles from Hombļi, the findspot of the inscription. Nareyamgal is also mentioned in the Naregal inscription referred to above.
TEXT. Section A
258
1 Svasti srl-Märakke-arasar-Banavă
2 si-pannirchcha(rchchha)siranum-ale Nareyagam-7
3 lla Madammana eda(di)rol Karga
4 mundara Badugilti-gamunḍann-e
5 ridu geldu sa (ava)rggala[ya*]kke eridan [*]
Section B
6 Sri Kargāmundara [Priya] menți
7 ya maga[m] Animenti. 10 le
8 gadol atavita11 kōl[a] . la
9 mēle kondu tänun sa(sva)
10 rggalayakk=#zidan [/*]
1 The slight difference in the spelling of the name may be attributed to scribal error. Its form in the Naregal record seems to be correct.
A. R. Ep., 1935-36, App. D., B. K. No. 94.
Prog. Kan. Res. Bomb. State, 1947-52, p. 43.
Ibid., p. 35.
Prabhutavarsha Govindarasa under whom one Räjädityarasa was governing Banavasi-Mandala according to an inscription at Mäväll in the Sorab Taluk of the Shimoga District (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 10) has been identi fied with Govinda III (794-814 A. D.), son and successor of Dhruva. Cf. above, Vol. IX, p. 16. Similarly Prabhatavarsha Govindarasa under whom one Ereyammarasa was the governor of Banavasi-nadu as stated in another record from the same place (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 9) may be identified with Govinda III.
From the impressions.
7 Read Narenaṁga
There is some trace of a subscript of r of this lost akshara which may be restored as pri. See above, p. 257, note 2.
10 Two aksharas lost here may be suggested to be a ka from the context.
11 This expression may mean 'here and there'.
12 One akshara is lost here, which may be resorted as ha from the context.

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INSCRIPTION FROM HOMBILI
Section B
Section A
N
SU
Scale : One-fourth

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Page #364

No. 49-JNSCRIPTION IN CAVE IV AT AJANTA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 15.11.1958) An inscription was recently discovered on the pedestal of the huge Buddha image in the shrine inside Cave IV at Ajanta in the Aurangabad District of Bombay State. Before the discovery of this record, it was generally believed that the cave bears no epigraphic records and therefore its age was a subject of speculation.
The inscription is a votive record written in two lines only. The writing covers an area about 5 feet 6 inches long and about 41 inches high. Individual letters are about 1 inch in height although conjuncts and consonants with vowel-marks are bigger in size. The preservation of the writing is not satisfactory. Some of the letters are damaged here and there, while six letters are totally lost about the middle of line 2.
The characters of the inscription closely resemble those of the epigraph of the time of the Väkätaka king Harishēna in Cave XVI at Ajanţă and of the Ghatotkacha cave inscription at the village of Jangla about fifteen miles from Fardapur near Ajanta, which mentions king Divasõna of the Vākāțaka dynasty. It has, however, to be pointed out that our inscription exhibits a form of th which is slightly later than that of the letter as found in the Väkātaka inscriptions. While in the Vākātaka records, a separate curve is attached to the inner side of the bottom, the present inscription exhibits a loop instead of the separate curve as in records like the Pipardula plates of king Narendra of Sarabhapura, who ruled about the beginning of the sixth century A. D. Since the Vākāțaka kinge Dévasēna and Harishēna flourished about the second half of the fifth century A.D., our inscription, which is slightly later than their records, may be assigned to the first half of tae sixth century.
It may be pointed out, in connection with the date of the record, that the earlier writers on the history of the Vakatakas entertained a wrong view in regard to the chronology of that dynasty. Some of these writers assigned the reigns of king Dēvasēns and his son and successor Harishēna to c. 475-500 A. D. and o. 300-20 A. D. respectively. But they mixed up the NändivardhanaPravarapura and Vateagulma branches of the family and wrongly made Dēvasēna and Harishēna
1 ASWI, Vol. I, pp. 53, 128 ff. and Plate LVI; above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 142 ff. and Plato facing p. 143 ; eto. ASWI, op. cit. pp. 138 #. and Plate IX.
CE. IHQ. Vol. IX, Plato faoing p. 145, text line 8; cf. his Kurud plated above, Vol. XXXI, Plato facing p. 284, text line 13, and Maitraka Dronasimha's Bhamodra Mohota plates of 502 A.D. (abovo, Vol. XVI, Plato facing p. 18, text-line 2). It may be noticed in this comection that the Siroda plates of Dovaraja, which use the samo type of looped th (cf. lines 2, 6), have been assigned on palacographical grounds to the 4th centry A.D. (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 144; Vol. XXVI, p. 389; The Classical Age, p. 191). I have now no doubt, howover, that the palaeography of the record is not earlier than the beginning of the Bth oentury.
• Soe above, Vol. XXXI, p. 267. ASWI, op. cit. p. 128.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
260
[VOL. XXXIII of the Vatsagulma branch the successors of their contemporaries of the Nāndivardhana-Pravarapura branch. Another group of scholars assigned Pravarasēna II of the Nändivardhana-Pravara pura branch, who was supposed to have been a predecessor of Dēvasēna and Harishēņa, to the eighth century A. D. on the basis of the identification of his maternal grandfather Dēvagupta with Adityasēna's son of that name ruling over Magadha about 680-700 A. D. It is, however, now known that the two branches of the royal family sprang from Vindyasakti's son Pravarasēna I, the end of whose reign is referred to in the historical section of the Puranas, which was compiled when the Gupta empire was confined to Bihar and Eastern U. P., i.e. about the second quarter of the fourth century A. D. We now also know that the maternal grandfather of Pravarasēna II of Nandivardhana-Pravarapura was not Dēvagupta of the so-called Later Gupta dynasty but the Imperial Gupta monarch Chandragupta II who ruled in the period 376-413 A. D. In the Vatsagulma branch, Pravarasēna I was followed by: (1) his son Sarvasēns ; (2-3) his sons Vindhyasakti II and Pțithivishēņa; (4) Pravarasēna II, son of Prithivishēņa; (5) his son whose name is lost; (6) his son Dēvasena ; and (7) Dēvasēna's son Harishēņa. In the other house, Pravarasēna I was followed on the throne by : (1) his grandson Rudrasēna I, son of Gautamiputra ; (2) his son Přithvishēņa I ; (3) his son Rudrasēna II ; (4-6). his queen Prabhāvatiguptā,, daughter of Chandragupta II, and sons Damodarasēna and Pravarasēna II ; (7) 'Pravarsēna's son Narēndrasēna ; and (8) his son Prithvishēņa II.
Since Sarvagēna began to rule about the second quarter of the fourth century, it is difficult to believe that the reign of his grandson's great-grandson Harishēna extended beyond 500 A.D. Harishēņa's father Dēvasēna again was the sixth in descent from Pravarasēna I exactly as Pravarasēna II of the other branch, who was the daughter's son of Chandragupta II (376-413 A. D.) and could not have ended his reign much later than the middle of the fifth century A. D. Since, however, Gautamiputra of the other branch apparently predeceased his father and did not rule, Narēndrasēna, son and successor of Pravarasēna II of that branch, may be regarded as a contemporary of Dēvagēna of Vatsagulma. Even then the rule of Dēvasēna and Harishēna should have to be attributed to a period before the close of the fifth century."
The inscription is written in Sanskrit and its orthography resembles that of the contemporary Vākataka inscriptions. Consonants following have often been reduplicated. There are some orthographical errors. The object of the inscription is to record that the image, on the pedestal of which it is engraved, was the gift of a person who was the owner of the monastery', i.e. who built Cave IV at Ajanţā.
The epigraph begins with a damaged Siddham symbol and this is followed by the two sentences in which the record is written. The first sentence states that the object on which the inscription is incised (i.e. the Buddha image) was the dèya-dharma or gift of a person named Mathura who was the son of Abhayanandin and Skandavasu and belonged to the Kārvaţiya götra. Apparently Abhayanandin was the name of Māthura's father and Skandavasu that of his mother, although female names like Skandavasu are not often met with. The Kārvațiyā götra is not known from ancient Indian literature. Mathura is further described as the Vihärasvamin or 'the owner of the monastery'. The monastery referred to is undoubtedly Cave IV at Ajanţă, in which the Amage of the Buddha bearing the inscription under study is enshrined.
The second sentence, with which the inscription ends, states, in the usual Mahāyāna style, that the merit accruing to the pious act of Mathura was meant for the attainment of the supreme knowledge by all beings including his parents and others.
1 See OII, Vol. III, Introduction, p. 15. * For the dates of these Vakataka kings, see The Classical Age, pp. 177 ff.
. It does not appear to be a singlo namo reading Abhayanandiskandavasu. It is also doubtful whether we can suggest Abhayanandin alias Skandavasu.

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261
No. 49]
INSCRIPTION IN CAVE IV AT AJANTA
The passage indicating the persons for whose supreme knowledge the pious act is stated to have been made reads: mätä-pitrös tät-ambāyāś-ch-āgr-ānvavāya-su..........s-sarvva-satvā(ttvā)nāñch-änuttara-jñāna(n-a)vāptaye. The expression tat-ambayāḥ in the singular may of course mean 'the ambā (i.e. mother) of [one's] täta (i.e. father)', that is to say, 'one's father's mother'. There are, however, words of common use in Sanskrit to indicate one's father's mother and tät-ämbä is not such an expression. It is, therefore, not improbable that the expression has been used in the inscription to convey a special meaning such as that of one's father's step-mother or aunt. The expression agr-änvavaya-su is incomplete as about six aksharas of the line are lost after su. We may possibly suggest agr-änvavāya-suhridām, 'of the prominent friends of the family [of Mathura, the donor of the image]'. There is space for another word between su[hridam] and s-sarvva and we are inclined to restore the damaged section as 'suhridāms-ch-atmanas-sarvva°, the word ätmanaḥ meaning of one's own'. Thus Mathura seems to have installed the Buddha image in the Vihara or Buddhist monastery (i.e. Cave IV at Ajanța), which he caused to be built, for the attainment of supreme knowledge, leading to Nirvana, by all beings including his parents, his father's mother, step-mother or aunt, the prominent friends of his family and his own self.
The importance of the inscription lies in the welcome light it throws on the controversy about the age of Cave IV at Ajanță. The difference of opinion amongst scholars is due to the fact that, in the absence of any inscription in the said Cave, they had so long to depend entirely on the less specific evidence such as that of architectural and sculptural style. Besides the absence of inscriptions in many of the caves, another fact contributing to the confusion regarding the dates of the Ajanța caves is the wrong date assigned by earlier writers to kings Devasena and Harishēņa of the Väkäṭaka family, during whose rule respectively the Ghatotkacha Cave and Cave XVI at Ajanta were excavated. This point has already been discussed above.
A number of writers on the subject are inclined to assign Cave IV at Ajanță to a date between the sixth and eighth centuries A. D. They divide twentynine caves at Ajanta into two broad groups, the first of which is called Early or Hinayana and Caves VIII-XIII are included in it by some scholars. This group of caves is assigned to the period between the second century B.C. and the second or third century A. D. The second group, called Later or Mahāyāna and supposed to be removed from the other by a considerable period of time, is subdivided into two sub-groups. To the first of these two are assigned Caves XIV-XX believed to have been excavated in the sixth century due to Cave XVI bearing an inscription mentioning Vākāṭaka Harishēņa whose reign was assigned to the age in question, while Caves VI-VII of the same class are attributed to a date between 450 and 550 A. D. Caves I-V and XXI-XXIX, constituting the second sub-group of the Later or Mahayana group and assigned to the period between 500 and 650 A. D. or between the sixth or seventh and the seventh or eighth centuries A.D., are called the latest Caves at Ajanta ' and' the most ornate group of the whole series'. According to these scholars, therefore, Cave IV, the largest Vihara at Ajanța, belongs to the latest group of Ajanță Caves which may be as late as the seventh or eighth century A. D. There is, however, another view, according to which Cave IV is the earliest Mahayana Vihara at Ajaṇṭā and 'was probably excavated in the third century A.D. or still earlier' though the decorative work may have been done at a later date. But the inscription under study now shows that the cave was excavated about the first half of the sixth century A. D.
1 J. Fergusson and J. Burgess, The Cave Temples of India, 1880, pp. 80 ff.; J. Burgess ASWI, Vol. IV (Report on the Buddhist Cave Temples and their Inscriptions, 1876-79), pp. 43 ff.; J. Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 2nd ed., pp. 188 ff.; A. Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, pp. 28, 76 96; etc. There is difference among scholars as regards the date of individual caves.
G. Yazdani, Ajanta, Part III, Text, 1946, p. 7.

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282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII
TEXT 1 (Siddham Ell" döya-dharmmwyatta vihåra-svåmind-bhayanandi-Skandavasu-putrasya Må
thurasya Karvvaţiy[á]-sagotrasya [l*) yad-atra punyam 8 tad-bhathtu máta-pitroparteåt-Amblykk-cb=&gr-ånva[vdjya-su ............. S-Barvva-matvd
( a)nainch[nujttara-jñāņ&(n-&)våptayo t[i](iti )

Page #368

INSCRIPTION IN CAVE IV AT AJANTA
Left Half
Right Hall
Scale : One-fourthi

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Page #370

No. 50–RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA
(2 Plates) DEBALA MITRA, CALOUTTA
(Received on 14.10.1958) In 1958, while camping at Ratnagiri (lat. 20° 38' 30"; long. 86° 21') in the Cuttack District, Orissa, in connection with the excavation of the Buddhist remains at the hill-top, I came to know that a copper plate lying with a villager had been removed to Puri by & Police Officer. An enquiry revealed that the plate is now in the possession of Pandit Sadasiva Ratha Sarma of Puri. Though it has not yet been possible for me to examine this plate in original, it appears almost certain that it is none other than the one already published by Narayana Tripathi in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XVI, 1930, pp. 206-210 and Plate.
In the hope that the remaining two plates (the Sõmavambi charters being triphali-tāmraśāsanas) might still be available at Ratnagiri itself, I proceeded to make enquiries of the local people and succeeded in locating one of the plates (the third of the complete set) with Shri Raghunath Jena, ex-zamindar of the village. A further search brought to light the second plate in the series, which was lying in the possession of a local gentleman named Dasu Mallik. These two plates, together with the one previcusly published, complete the charter. It was reported to me that all the three plates, originally strung together on a ring (now lost), had been found in an earthern pot by the late Shri Sanatana Mallik, father of the above-mentioned Dasu Mallik, about fifty years back in the south-eastern part of a mound, locally known as Ränipukhuri (literally 'the queen's tank”), situated at the top of the hill at Ratnagiri.
Both the plates edited here are well-preserved and measure 14 inches in length, the widths of the second and third plates being respectively 8-9 and 8-7 inches. They have a ring-hole, .8 inch in diameter, at the centre of the left margin. A portion was cut off from both the plates evidently for testing the metal. The second plate (i.e. the first of the set available to me), weighing 3 seers and 13 tolas, is inscribed on both the sides, while the third, which weighs 2 seers and 564 tolas and has a raised rim, is engraved only on one side. The second plate contains eighteen lines of writing on the obverse as well as on the reverse and the third only fourteen lines, the average number of letters per line being thirtythree. The letters are nicely and boldly engraved and have the average height of 4 inch.
The palaeography of the charter resembles that of the Orissan inscriptions of about the twelfth century. The top horizontal line of the letters has a triangular hook below on the left side. The consonants p and y are often undistinguishable ; so also are ch and r. The medial sign of u closely resembles that of subscript v.
The language is Sanskrit and the record is written partly in verse and partly in prose, though the influence of the local language is noticed in the word Atthāvisa for Ashļāvim sa (line 33) as well as in the words indicating taxes, viz. chitola, andhāruā, pratyandhāruā, antarāvaddi, rintakävaddi and vasāvaki (lines 38 and 39).
Ás regards orthography, apart from obvious scribal mistakes, the following features may be mentioned the use of sh for 8 in Köshala (line 19) and Toshali (line 33), of s for sh in sața (line
[Seo below, pp. 269-70.-Ed.] • The excavations at this mound revealed two full-fledged monasteries.
( 263 )

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264
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII
66), of & for & in Käsya pa (line 42), of n for final m in valliyan (line 30), angular (line 58), eto., and of the avagraha sign in some cases as yath=ā'smābhi (line 36) and Sünäsirta'rthavan (line 62); the reduplication of the consonant following the rëpha in some cases as in kürtti (lines 22, 30 and 61); etc.
The charter was issued from Yayātinagara by Paramamähēsvara Paramabhatáraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramēsvara Somakulatilaka Trikalingadhipati Karnadēva alias Mahäkivagupta on the twelfth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Asvina in his sixth regnal year. Its object was to record the grant of the village of Köņā which was within the Brahmo-Atthāvisa khanda (sub-division) of Uttara-Tosali to Räni Karpūrasri who was the daughter of the son of Udayamati and the daughter of Mahārima-Hunadēvil and who belonged to the Kāśyapa gotra having three pravaras. The mention of the names of her mother and grandmother instead of her father and grandfather is rather unusual. She hailed from the Mahāvihāra of Salõņapura in Utkala-dēša, which seems to have been a Buddhist monastery. In that case, she was a Buddhist, though she claimed a Brahmanical götra. Her title Rāni is equally enigmatic. It is not clear if she was the wife of some Ränaka or was one of the secondary queens.
The list of persons addressed regarding the grant is identical with that of the Narasinghpur (Balijhari) plates' of Udyotakësarin and comprises officials and dignitaries like samāharti (collector of taxes), sannidhātri (receiver of stolen goods or an officer who introduces people of court), niyuktādhikärika, dāndapāsika (police officer), piśunavētrika (one who canes the wicked), avarodhajana (inmates of the seraglio), rājsi (chief queen), rāņaka (subordinate chief), rājaputra (prince), räjavallabha (persons enjoying royal favour) and bhogijana (village-headman), besides the rural
folk.
The privileges to be enjoyed by the donee, over and above the common ones found in most grants, were hastidanda, varabalīvardda, chittola, andhāruā, pratyandhāruā, adattā, padātijīvya, antarāvaddi, rintakāvaddi, vasāvaki, vishayāli, ähi-danda, hala-danda, bandha-danda, vandāpanā and vijayavandāpanā, Most of these occur in the Narasinghpur plates of Udyotakēsarin and the Kelga plates, though the exact significance of these still remains to be determined. Hasti-danda, tara-balivardda and hala-danda may mean taxes on the maintenance of elephants, superior bulls and ploughs. The āhi-danda might have been a tax imposed on snake-charmers who earned their livelihood by the exhibition of snakes. Padāti-jīvya, vandāpanā and vijaya-vandāpanā may respectively indicate subsistence for the infantry, tribute to the king and such tribute paid after the king obtained a victory.
Karnadēva's minister for peace and war (sandhivigrahin) was Krishnadēva who apparently superceded the members of the Datta family who had held that post up to the reign of Udyotakesarin. Mahākshapatalin (chief accounts-officer) Chhittalla dēva was responsible for getting the charter written and it was engraved on the plates by Sankhuka.
The inscription throws considerable new light on the history of the later Sõmavamsis. It furnishes for the first time the names of the three immediate successors of Udyotak@sarin, namely, Janamējaya, his son Purañjaya, and his brother Karna. Of these, Karna is no doubt the same as the Utkalēša Karņakësarin mentioned in the commentary on the Ramacharita, though the suffix kësarin is absent in his own record. In verse 45 of the third Parichchhöda of this work, we are
1 See p. 267, pote 3. The name is not a pure Sanskrit one. This may be due to her Hūņa origin. [See below, pp. 272-73.-Ed.]
JBORS, Vol. XVII, pp. 1 ff. . Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 321 ff.
The evidence of the Ramacharita commentary and the Madala Parifi shows that the name-ending kesarin beoame associated with the later Somavamits following Udyotaknarin, though their own official records do not show this.

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265
No. 50]
RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA
told that Ramapala (c. 1077-1120 A.D.) favoured the vanquished king of Utkala, who belonged to the lineage of Bhava's ornament (i.e. the dynasty of the moon or the Sōma-vamsa), and rescued the world from the terror of Kalinga after having killed those robbers of that place,' most probably led by the Ganga king Anantavarman Chōḍaganga. Ramapala accomplished this towards the later part of his reign following the consolidation of his empire after his victory over the Kaivarta king Bhima, most probably about the beginning of the twelfth century. The commentary on verse 5 of the second Parichchheda supplies the name of this Utkalesa as Karņakesarin who was defeated by Jayasimha, the feudatory ruler of Dandabhukti under Rāmapāla.3
King Janamējaya, son of Udyōtakesarin, succeeded his father. In verse 13 he is stated to have threatened or surpassed the Naga king in bearing the weight of the earth. If this verse has any political significance, the Naga king must have been the Chhindaka-Naga Sōmēśvara I (c. 1069-1097 A.D.) of Bastar, who is known to have come into conflict with the king of Udra.*
Puranjaya, son of Janamejaya and grandson of Udyōtakesarin, is praised in the inscription in high-sounding words. We are told that even the kings of Gauda, Dahala, Kalinga and Vanga were afraid of his prowess. This is a vague eulogy. The contemporary ruler of Gauda was Ramapala and the contemporary Kalachuri king of Dahala most probably Yaśaḥkarna. The ruler of Kalinga was either Rājārāja I (1070-78 A.D.) or his son Chodaganga (1078-1147 A.D.). The king of Vaiga was no doubt the Yadava king Harivarman.
Karpadeva, brother of Purañjaya and another grandson of Udyōtakesarin, succeeded his brother. Like other members of his family, he was a devout' worshipper of the god Mahesvara. His viruda Mahasivagupta proves that the alternate assumption of the names Mahabhavagupta and Mahasivagupta was a regular feature in the dynasty. That the prasasti praises him only in vague terms shows that he was not a powerful ruler, though he was maintaining his independent existence in Utkala till his sixth regnal year, as his assumption of imperial titles like Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja and Trikalingadhipati and also the grant of land in Uttara-Tōsali testify.
Among the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kōnā and Brahmō-Aṭṭhāvisa are not readily identifiable. Uttara-Tōsali roughly corresponded to the modern Balasore District with parts of the Cuttack and Midnapur Districts. Yayatinagara, whence the order conveying the gift was issued, is modern Jajpur, the capital of Utkala under the later Sōmavamáis. Salonapura, evidently identical with Salōnapur-adhivasa in Uttara-Tōsali mentioned in the Nuelpur plates of the Bhauma king Subhakara, may be the modern Solampur (lat. 20° 52'; long. 86° 21′) on the bank of the Vaitaraņi, about 2 miles from Jajpur, a town in the Bhadrak Sub-Division of the Balasore District. The village has yielded a rich crop of Buddhist images of the Mahāyāna-Vajrayana pantheon, such as Lõkesvara, Jambhala and Vajrasattva.
1 Cf. Bhava-bhushana-santati-bhuvamanujagräha jitam-Utkala-tram yah jagad-avatisma samastam Kalingatas tan-nisacharan-nighnan.
This refers to the earlier invasion of Chōdaganga before his permanent conquest of Utkala. Cf. Simha iti Dandabhukti-bhūpatir-adbhuta-prabhāv-ākara-kamala-mukula-tulit-Otkalesa-Karnakesarisaridvallabha-Kumbhasambhavo Jayasimhab.
Above, Vol. X, p. 26.
It may be mentioned that about 3 miles from Ratnagiri there is a village called Anikōna which is reminiscent of Kōna. The village Brahmapur, 14 miles north-east of Ratnagiri, recalls the first part of the name BrahmōAṭṭhāvisa.
Above, Vol. XV, pp. 2 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXILE
TEXT Metres : verres 9, 13 Upajāti ; verbes 10, 12, 17-Arya ; verses 11, 15 Rathoddhata ; verse 14 Vaxt
fastha; Verse 16 Vasantatilaka; verses 18-20, 22-27, 30-32 Anushfubh; verse 21 Indravajra ; Verde 28 Salini, verse 29 Pushpitāgrā.)
Second Plato, First Side 194 Bhatair=sv&shtavdha(bdha)m=idań narēndrai rashtradvayam Könha(sa)lam=Utkalan=
cha a-kantakarh såd hayataḥ samantadbhū(d=bhu)ja-dva20 yam yaeya krit-artham=āsít || [9] Tasya tataḥ sukfita-phalam saphalikfita-loka-lochanas=
tanayah sama> 21 jani gun-aika-simā srimăn=U[at]dyotakosari npipatiḥ || [10*) Bhakti-du(da)ra-nata-kuntala
skhalan-mallika-kusu22 ma-d&ma-rajayah dhaukayanta iva kirtti(rtti)-santatir-yam=praņēmur-abhito mahi
bhujah || [11* Tanayas-tasya na23 masyan-narēndra-maul-indranila-mani-madhupaiḥ [l*) spingārita-pada-padmaḥ samajani
Janamějayo nfipatiḥ || [12*] 24 Kripāņa-dhāra-dhara-dhauta-vau(vai)ri-bhūpāla-kāntā-ma(mri)ganäbhi-pankaḥ vasun
dhară-bhāra-mahā-dhuri(ri)ņa-dōh-kāņda25 nirbha[r*]tsita-Nāgarājah: ||[13*] Tatastanu(nūjo' manuj-ottamõ=bhavat Purajayo
vairi-puran-jayo npipa) [l*) namat-kshi26 tis-ārchchita-păda-pankajaḥ sphurat-Sunāsīra-samāna-vikramah || [14] Gauda-pahala
Kalinga-Vanga-jā bhūbhu27 jo bhuja-nivärit-arayaḥ | tē=pi yasya bhuja-sära-lankayā kampamānam=anisam=mano
dadhu28 ḥ || [15*) Tasy=ānuji nija-thuj-ārjjita-saurya-sūrya-praudha-prabhā-samita-satru-yasah
Saśänka 29 ḥ sri-Karnnadēva-nțipatiḥ kshitipāla-mauli-samlina-ratna-chaya-chumvi(mbi)ta-pāda
píthaḥ || [16*] Tri-bhuva30 na-kutīra-patalē sarpati nijakiya-kirtti-valli(ll=i)yam(yam) | yasya samunnati-bhājań
bhuja-yuga-niḥári(śrē)ņi31 kam britva | [17") svasti sri-Yayātinagarāta(rāt) paramamahësvara-paramabhatta
raka-mahārājädhi32 rāja-paramēsvara-Soma-kula-tilaka-Tri-Kalingădhipati-sri-Mahāśivaguptarāja
dēvah 33 kušali | Uttara-Tosha(sa)liya-Vra(Bra)hmöshmē?)-Atthāvisal-khanda-sam
Köņā-grāmaḥ| Atastatic-khandiya-Vrā(Brā)hma
1 From the original plates and their impressions. [See below, pp. 269-70-Ed.]
* The numberings of the lines and verses are respectively in continuation of those of the first plate. While that plate ends with the name of the king Yayati, the second plate begins with the eulogy of that ruler and continues the genealogy down to his son Udyotakësarin in verses identical with the corresponding ones occurring in the Narasinghpur platos of the latter (JBORS, Vol. XVII. Pp. 1 ff.).
• The reference is prohably to both Väsuki and a king of the Näga dynasty. • Correctly Ashfavithia. [See below, p. 273.-Ed.]
Sam is a contraction of sambaddha. . [See below, p. 273.-Ed.]

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No. 50] RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMI KARNA
267 34 nān=āpu(pūljya samähartri-sannidhätri- | niyuktādhikärika- | dāņdapāsika- 1 pišuna
vētrik-ävarõdha36 [ja] na- rajñi- rāņakarājaputra- rajavallabha-1 bhögi-jana-pramukha-nivāsi-samasta -
janapadān=836 [nu]nayati võ(bő)dhayati samājñāpayati viditam=astu bhavatām(tām) | yath=ā'smäbhir=
ayan=grāmaḥ
Second Plate, Second Side
37 sa-jala-sthalaḥ sa-gartt-othars| s-amra-madhuka-prabhsiti-nanā-vsikshah | sa-nidhiḥ
. B-opanidhi38 ḥ | hastidanda- vara-va(ba)livardda- | chittola-1 andhāruā- pratyandháruā
adattā- padāti-jivya-la39 ntarāvaddi- rintakāvaddi- vasāvaki- vishayali- ahi-danda- hala-danda
va(ba)ndha-danda- vandāpanā40 | vijayavandāpanā-prabhfiti-nāna-mārggani-samēta-bhavishyat-kara-sa hita!! sa-khandla
pālīyaḥ 41 sarvva-vādhā-varjjitaḥ sarvv-õparikara-dāna-sa hitaḥ chatuh-sim-āvachchhinnaḥ
Utkaladēsīya-sri42 Salóņapura-mahāvihāra-vinirggatāyai | Käsya(sya)pa-sagotrāyai try-ārsha-pravarā:
yai | Udayama43 ti-nāranyāḥ pautryai | Mahārima-Hunadēvi(vi)-nämnyāḥ putryairāņi-ári-Karppūraéri
nāmnau(mnyai) | sali44 la-dhārā-purassaram(ram) | a-chand[r*]ārka-kshiti-fama-kāl-opabhôg-årtham mātā
pitrõr=ātmanas-cha pu45 pya-yaső-bhivsiddhayēl tāmra-sāsanēn=ākariksitya | sampradatta ity=&vagatya |
samuchi46 ta-kara-bhāga-bhogam=upanayadbhi[r*]=bhavadbhiḥ sukhēna prativastavyam-iti |
bhāvibhis cha bhüpati47 bhir=ddattiraiyan-asmadiya | dharmma-gauravād=asmad-anurövā(dha)ch=cha sva-dattir
iv=ānupālaniyā | tathā 48 ch=āktan-dharmmaśāstrē ! Va(Ba)hubhi[T*)=vacudhā datta rajawab Sagar-ādibhil
yasya yasya yadā bhū49 miḥ ta(s=ta)sya tasya tadã phalam(lam) || [18*] Mā bhūd-a-phala-bankā vah para-datt
pārthivāḥ | sva-dattāt phala50 m-anantyam- paradat[t*]-ānupālanēl' [19*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi svarggő módat
bhūmidaḥākshēptā 51 ch=anumantă cha dvau tau naraka-gaminau || [20*7 Agnēr=apatyam prathaman satsu
varnnam bhūr=Vvaishnavi Sürya-sū(su)tā
1 The danda here and in must of the cases in this line and the lines below is superfluous. • The first akshara in lines 35-36 is cut off.
• The name may also be read Mahachimd. (See holow, p. 272.--Ede] 28 DGA/58
10

Page #377

268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII 62 incha gāvaḥ | yaḥ kañchanam gāñwcha mahiñ=cha dadyat | dattās-trayas-tēna bhavanti
lokāḥ || [21*] Asphota[ya). 53 nti pitaro valgayanti pitämahā b hūmi-dáta kulē jatah sa nasatrātā bhavishyati (29)
Bhū[min] 54 yaḥ pratigrihiņāti yas-cha bhūmin prayachchhati | abbau tau punya-karmmänau niyata
Svargga-gämisnau) || [23]
::
Third Plate 66 Tadāgānām sahasrēna vājapāya-tatēna cha | gavāṁ kõţi-pradānēna bhūmi-harttä na su56 dhyati || [24] Harati harayēd=yas-tu mandavu(bu)ddhistamo-vpitaḥ su-va(ba)ddho
däruņaiḥ pābais=triya(tirya)g:yonin 57 sa gachchhati || [25] 8va-dattām=para-dattāmvā(ttām vä) yo harētta(t=tu) vasundhara[m") }
84 vishthāyām krimi[r*]=bhūtyä(två) pitsibhiḥ saha 58 pachyatë | [26*] Gam=ēkā[m*) svarṇnam=ēkañ=cha bhūmēr=apy=a[**]ddham=angulam(lam) |
haran (na*]rakam=āpnēti yāvadāhū59 6-Ba[m]plavah(vam) || [27] Bämänyöryam dharmma-sētu[*-nnfirpā(pā)ņām kālē kāla
palaniyo bhavadbhiḥ | Ba[r*Jyvăn=ētāna(tān) 60 bhāvinah pārthiv-ënd[r*]an bhūyo bhūyo yachatē Rāmabhadraḥ || [28] Iti kamala-dal
âmvu(mbu)-vindu-lõlä[m*] 61 kriyam=anuchintya manushya-jivitañ=cha [l*) sakalam=idam=udāhritañ=cha vu(bu)ddhvi
na hi purushaih para-ki[r]ttayo 82 vilöpyāḥ 101) [29*] Pahționda-mandal-āgrēņa khanditair=ahitair=ayam(yam) | Sūnāsirom
'rthavan puthyīt pātrē ya63 tra vasundharā | [30*) Yasya vu(bu)ddhi-va(ba)lāl=Lakshmir=ēka-patn-Iva tarathist-sthi)ta
[1] sa sriman Krishnadēvõ=bhūsd*]-bhūpa64 təh sandhivigrahi 11 (31) Mahākshapatali órimāna(min) vfras-Chhittallad&vakah
b=lilikhat 66 khal-ananda-nāšanas-támra-sasanam(nam) | [32*] paramamahēsvara-paramabhattaraka
mahārājādhi66 Tâja-paramēsvara-brimat-Karpparājadēvasya pravarddhamäne-vijaya-rajya sate
(shashtha)-samva(samva)tsar | A67 6[v*Jina-budi-dvådasyām(ayam) | ankė samvuta(razhivat) @ Atvina-hadi 12
varnpa-vithi-prativa(ba)ddha-sunnahi-vijai(2)ni-. 68 Sankhukēna tāmra-bāsanam=idam-utkir nam=iti (1)
The danda is unnecessary. Read dadyad. An akahana at the end of each of lines 62-54 in out ofl. • The first letter may also be read as ya and the second ajri or ju.
The first letter may also be read a ya and the second thyd. [See below, p. 372.-Ed.]
[The figure looks more like 5.-Ed.) "The reading may alno bo eva.

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11, d
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RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA-PLATE II
नानास सिलवा जयराज वृक्षाजवशनन (3॥ तद्वास्थान 15াतঃघা56 45 वृता माघ वाहन हমघाया TEST तलकालकानि यातना वहशतव शाशनले ला नक्लनमान दृतेः घधका राय मला 37 नामी
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58
60
62
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66
68

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No. 51–NOTE ON RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 1.12.1958)
In her article on this inscription published above, pp. 263 ff., Mrs. Mitra has correctly surmised that the first plate of the set of the Ratnagiri plates of the Sõmavamsi king Karņa, which was published by Narayana Tripathi in J BORS, Vol. XVI, pp. 206 ff. and Plate, was secured by Pandit Sadasiva Ratha Sarma of Puri. Sometime ago, I received the plate, stated to have been lying in the possession of one Panchanana Sandi of Ratnagiri, from Pandit Ratha Sarma for examination. The writing, as expected, is only on the inner side of the plate. The eight stanzas constituting the epigraphic text are the same as verses 1-8 of the Balijhari (Narsingpur) plates of Udyotakësarind published by Binayak Misra in JBORS, Vol. XVII, pp. 1 ff. and Plates. Unfortunately they have not been quite correctly read and interpreted either by Tripathi or by Misra. I am, therefore, re-editing the said part of the inscription below.
TEXTз
[Metres : verses 1, 3-7 Sārdūlavikrīdita ; verses 2, 8 Vasantatilaka.]
1
Siddham' [*] Jyotsnā-śāli-samriddhi-bhūḥ kumudini-has-aika-sampādanā dhūrtto Dhūrjjati
mauli-sau
2
dha-vasatiḥ piyūsha-dhārā-gļiham(ham) | Tār-āntah-pura-nāyako Rati-patéh sastr-aika
sā (sā)n-Opalaḥ Kshirõd-ärnpava-nandano virja(ja)yatē dēvaḥ Sudhādidhitiḥ || [1*] Asy=ānvaya mahati sändra
tamah-kalanka-vi
3
4
chchhāya-dig-valaya-mārijana-kūrchchakasya | utpēdirē sakala-sad-guna-jauma-kandāḥ
kund-āvadātanyasaso jarga(ga)tībhujas=tē ! [2*) Rāj=ābhūj-Janamējayo='tha nfipatir-jjāto Yayātis=tataḥ
śrīmá
5
6
n-Bhimaratho="bhavattad-anu
antarēshu vijaya-stambh-āva
cha kshma-chakra-rakshā-mapibashţăsv=ēva
dig.
1 Pandit Ratha Sarma wanted that, in case the inscription was unpublished, I should write a paper on the epigraph and insert his name in it as that of the joint author as had been often done by me previously in his case and in the case of others who made new inscriptions availablo to me. It was, however, found to be a published record.
The correct form of the name is Uddyolakiearin.
From the original plate and impressions. • Expressed by symbol.
( 269 )

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270
7
8
9
10
11
nis
12
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII li-[hu](chchha)dmanā hrich-chhalyāni disa-bhujām=api samāröpyanta yaiḥ visphutan"
|| [3*] Tasmād=Dharmmaratho manoratha-phalar Sitämbu-vamsa-ári(sri)yo nistrims-aika-sakbā sikhā-maņir=abhūn=niņšēsha
bhūmi-bhujām(jām) yasmin=dig-vijay-āvatāra(ri)ņi pū(pu)rā vidvēshi-bhubhūmībhujah prātishthanta dig
antaram tadanu cha sphītās-chamu(mū)-rēņavaḥ || [4*] Sēt-upānta-van-āntarē Himavataḥ paryyanta-bhū
si(si)mani Prāgambhodhi-tați-vanēsha(shu) katakë Pärvvõtarakshmäbhfitaḥ yasy=ottāmyad-arāti-rāja-yuvati
niśvāsa-jhanjh-ānila-vyäsanga-svanad-antarāla-mukharair=ggitar yasaḥ kichakaiḥ || [5*] Bhrātā tasya
vaba)bhūva [bhūta]la patēr=Bhūtēša-tulya-prabhaḥ prakhyātam kshiti-bhūshanam Naghusha' ity=urvvīpatinām
patih | yad-[d]õr-daņda-bhu"jangamēna vilasan-nistrissa(sa)-jihvā-bhțitā pītās=tē paripanti(nthi)-pārthiva-chamū
kaņth-antarē mārutā$ !! [6*] Atr=āstē kari-va(vri)ndam=unmadam=iha praudhõ=sti pañchānana santy=ētāsu
jagad-druho giri-dari-kumbhishu kumbhinaśāḥ(sāḥ) | snēbād=ity=abhidhāya v[fi]ddha-Savari-varggēņa va(ba)ddh
āšruņā yad-vairi-pramadā-jano vanabhuvaḥ sanchāram=adhyäpitaḥ | [7*] Tasy=ānujo nata-sa[ma*]sta-sapatna-mauli
ratnātsumātsalita -pada-saro[ja-rõ] chiḥ | vidyā-nidhiḥ pratinidhir=Mmadhusū(sū)danasya jāto='tha visva-vijayi
nțipatir=Yayāti) || [8*]
13
14
15
16
17
18
The first of the eight stanzas introduces the Moon-god, the mythical progenitor of the Somavambīs. Verse 2 refers to the kings born in the family of the said god and the next stanza (verse 3) mentions three early Sõmavambi kings, viz. Janamājaya (i.e. Mahābhavagupta I Janamējaya I), his son Yayati (i.e. Mahäsivagupta I Yayāti I) and his successor Bhimaratha (alias Mahābhavagupta II). In this enumeration, the regular succession of the kings has been indicated since the second ruler was the son and successor of the first and the third the son and successor of the second. We know that Mahābhavagupta I Janamējaya I was the first imperial ruler of the family, very little being known about his father Sivagupta and nothing at all about the latter's ancestors. Verse 4 speaks of king Dharmaratha (Mahāśivagupta II), son and successor of Bhimaratha, while verse 5 refers to his conventional dig-vijaya with reference to the chakravarti-kshetra bounded by the Sētu (.e. sētubandha Rämēsvara) in the south, the Himavat in the north, the Eastern Sea (Bay of Bengal) in the east and the Western Mountain (i.e. the mythical Sun-set Mountain) in the west. Verses 6-7 vaguely describe the exploits of Dharmaratha's Lyounger brother and
1 Read yair=visphutam. * The correct form of the same is Nahusha. • There is a defective mark in the plate after this lettor. • Read ratn-amou-sathmiita. * These two letters are cut off.

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No. 51] NOTE ON RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA
271 successor Naghusha (Nahusha, probably called Mahābhavagupta III). Verse 8 mentions Yayāti (i.e. Chapdihara Yayati III Mähäbivagupta III) as the anuja of Naghusha (Nahusha), the word anuja being used here in the sense of a younger ccusin, since the Brahmēsvara temple (Bhubaneswar) inscription represents Chandihara as the son of Abhimanyu, grandson of Vichitravira and great-grandson of Janamējaya I Mahābhavagupta I.
The following stanza (verse 9) on the obverse of the second plate of the set suggests that this Yayāti, who was the father of Udyotakēsarin, established his rule over both the Kosala and Utkala countries, although his predecessors were very probably rulers of Kösala only. When the early Sõmavamsis were ruling over Kõsala, Utkala was under the rule of the Bhauma-Karas. The Bhauma-Kara queen Dandi-mahādēvi was ruling over Utkala at least down to the year 187 of the Bhauma-Kara era, probably corresponding to 1018 A.D., and she is known to have been succeeded on the throne by two other rulers, viz. her step-mother Vakula-mahādēvi and her aunt Dharmamabādēvi. One of the predecessors of Dandi-mahādēvi was Prithvi-mahādēvt who was the daughter of the Sõmavamsi king Svabhāvatunga of Kõsala (i.e. Yayāti I Mahäsivagupta I) and was ruling in the Bhauma-Kara year 158 corresponding probably to 989 A.D. Another fact of chronological importance is that Naghusha (Nahusha or Mahābhavagupta IIT) seems to be the same as the ruler named Indraratha defeated by Paramāra Bhöja (c. 1010-55 A.D.) as well as the king of the same name who belonged to the family of the Moon and was captured by the generals of Rajēndra-chola I at Adinagara (i.e. Yayātinagara) sometime before 1023 A.D.' It is not im possible that verse 9 of the inscription really refers to the subjugation of the Kösala and Utkala countries by the Chola army among others and to their reconquest by Yayāti III. It seems that, while Naghusha (Nahusha) was struggling with the Choļa occupants of Kösala, Yayāti III, who was probably related to the Bhauma-Karas either through his mother or by marriage and may have been passing his days at the Bhauma-Kara court, was fighting with the Cholas in Utkala and that ultimately Yayāti III succeeded in consolidating his position in both the countries, his cousin Naghusha (Nahusha) having died (cr killed by the Chöļas) in the meantime. Yayāti III thus ruled about the second quarter of the eleventh century A.D. (c. 1025-55 A.D.).
Besides the importance of the Ratnagiri plates discussed by Mrs. Mitra, there are a few points requiring elucidation. Udyota kēsarin, son and successor of Yayati IIT, ruled about the third quarter of the eleventh century (c. 1055-80 A.D.). The Kelga plates suggest that he made over Kösala to a prince named Abhimanyu and was himself ruling over Utkala, while the inscriptions of the Telugu-Chōdas indicate that the successors of Udyotakēsarin in Utkala had nothing to do with Kösala which passed into the possession of the rulers of the Telugu-Choda dynasty. Karna or Karnakēsarin, grandson of Udyöta kësarin, seems to have ended his rule over Utkala before the conquest of that country by the Ganga king Anantavarman Chödaganga probably before 1112 A.D. The issue of the present charter from Yayātinagara is thus interesting. The city of Yayātinagara (modern Binka in the former Sonepur Btate in ancient Kõsala), built by and named after Yayāti I, was originally the capital of the Sõmavamsis of Kosala. It appears that, after the expansion of Somavamál power over Utkala, their capital in Utkala was also given the name
1 Cf. JRA8B, Letters, Vol. XIII, p. 69, text linos 7-8 (vorse 7). . See The Struggle for Empire, pp. 209 ff.
. Cf. verse 7 of the Brahmēsvara temple inscription which refers to a Somavamót prince who was staying away from the country when Dharmaratha died without leaving an issue.
* See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 323-24,
Cf. ibid., pp. 286 #. • Cf. The Struggle for Empire, p. 212.

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272
-
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
. [VOL. XXXIII Yayštinagara or Yayatipura, probably after Yayāti III who seems to have beun the first Somavamár king of Utkala. This new 'city of Yayāti' seems to be the modern Jājpur (possibly a corruption of Yayātipura) which was previously the capital of the Bhauma-Karas, the predecessors of the Sömavamgis in Utkala.1
Another interesting fact is that the lady Karpūrasri, the donee of the grant, is described as a Räni or queen and as the daughter of a woman and the granddaughter of another woman. I & inclined to take the word pautri in this context in the sense of 'the daughter's daughter'. The absence of any reference to Karpūrasri's father and grandfather and her representation as the daughter and granddaughter of females appear to suggest that she was born of a harlot. There are other instances of similar representation of a harlot in inscriptions. Thus the Mahākūtēsvara (Badami) temple inscription of the time of Chālukya Vijayaditya records the donations of the harlot Vinā-poți described as the daughter of Kuchi-poți and granddaughter of Revamanchal and the heart's darling (prāna-vallabhe) of king Vijayaditya Satyāśrya. Similarly, an inscription of the time of Rashtrakūta Dhruva in the Virupaksha temple at Pattadakal records the donation of Badi-poddi described as the daughter of Goyinda-poddi who was a harlot (.e. Dévadāsi) of the temple of the queen Loka-mahādēvi. These inscriptions are in the Kannada language in which the word poti, poddi or boddi means 'a harlot'.
If Karpūrasri, apparently one of the secondary queens or concubines of the Sõmavamsi king Karna, was a harlot's daughter, there are a few points to be explained. The first of these is that whether the word dēvi suffixed to her mother's name should have to be taken to indicate the latter's status as a queen. We have, however, inscriptions mentioning harlots with names ending in devi. Even if Karpūrasri's mother was the secondary queen or concubine of some ruler, we may think that she was originally a harlot but was later married to or associated with a king while Karpūrasri had been born before her mother was associated with the ruler. I read the name of Karpūrasri's mother as Mahāri Māhūņadēvi, the epithet mahāri being undoubtedly the same as Oriya māhāri (Prakrit mëhari) meaning & songstress or dancing girl or a Dēvadāsi or harlot. She had, therefore, nothing to do with the Hūņa people as suggested by Mrs. Mitra. Secondly, Karpūrasri is described as Salonapura-mahāvihāra-vinirgatā, i.e. hailing from Salonapura-mahāvihára. The Dévadāsis are, however, associated with Brahmanical temples and not with Buddhist monasteries. It is thus impossible to believe that the harlots in question were residents of the monastery at Salonapura. We are, therefore, inclined to believe that Salonapura-mahāvihāra has been used in the inscription as the name of the locality where the harlots lived. Probably the entire area under the possession of the Salonapura monastery or the village or township around it was known under the name of Salonapura-mahāvihāra. This is not improbable in view of the fact that the names of the town of Bihär (i.e. Bihår-sharif) and the Bihar State are both essentially derived from the word vihāra meaning a Buddhist monastery originally standing at the site or in the vicinity of the modern town of Bihār called Bihār-sharif by the Muhamadans. It is of course uncertain whether the harlots in question were attached to any temple situated in the said locality. The third point to be noticed in this connection is that Karpūrasri is stated to have belonged to the Kāśyapa götra. This appears to have been the götra of one of her direct female ancestors, who first took to the profession of a harlot.
1JIH, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 273 ff. The city seems to be called Abhinava-Yayātinagara in the Madala Panji. * Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 103. • Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 125.
• A Telugu inscription from Vélpüru in the Sattenepalli Taluk of the Guntur District, dated Saka 1131, mentions Kasadi Süramadēvi, concubine (Bhöga-stri) of the Kota chief Kētarāja, and her mother Amara-säni who was a harlot (SII, Vol. X, No. 249).
* See above, p. 244, text line 7.
According to a Bengali saying, one having no getra can claim the Kāśyapa götra. Cf. also Brough, Gotraprataramafijari, p. 171.

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No. 61] NOTE ON RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA
273 King Karna'. Sandhivigrahin Krishnadēva, who was probably the dutaka of the charter, has been described in the following two stanzas (verses 30-31) :
Yajda(d-da)nda-mandal-āgrēna khanditair=ahitair-ayam(yam) Sü(Su)näsiro='rthavân puthvil prithyāḥ) pātrê yalch=ā)tra vasundharā || Yasya vu(bre)ddhi-valba)lāl=Lakshmir=čka-patni-va(vra)ta-rsthi(sthi)lā [l*
sa frimän Krishanadēvd=bhū[d*]=bhüpatëh sandhivigrahi || The meaning of the first of the two stanzas, as it is found in the record, is rather obscure. But the author's idea seems to be that king Karna was made the lord of the earth in the real sense by the various kings killed by his minister Kpishṇadēve and that the earth, including the territories of those rulers, came into the possession of a better master.
Vähēru and Mangaka, who engraved the Balijhari (Narsingpur) plates, are described in that record as Suvarna-vithi-vijñānin, i.e. an artisan who lived in a locality called Suvarna vithi, probably meaning "the goldsmiths' quarters' literally. But, in the present inscription, the ngraver Sankhuka is called Svarna-vīthi-Svannahi(or Sunnahi)-v[jfā]nin. It is not improbable that Svannahi or Sunnahi was the name of an area in Svarnavithi or Suvarnavithi.
The passage referring to the gift village in lines 33-34 may be read as Uttaru T3sha(sa)liya-vrajmë(sic. rājye?) Atfhävisa-khanda-sam[baddha*]-Konā-grāmah Atastati-khandiyaVrā(Brā)hmanän-āpujya, eto. It is difficult to understand why, when the gift village was situated in one khanda or subdivision, the Brāhmaṇas honoured in connection with its grant should be represented as living in another khanda. I think it possible that the intended reading for Atastatikhandiyao is atasztat-khandīyao.
In this connection, reference may be made to another inscription of king Karna dēva of the Sömavamsa of Orissa, which I had an opportunity of examining recently. Among the epigraphs copied by me at the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, in Decenber 1957, there is a fragmentary inscription engraved on the back of an image of the Sun-god. The characters of the record resemble those of the Ratnagiri plates and its language is Sanskrit. M. P. Acharya informed me that the inscribed image had been secured from the village of Gandhibedha in the Balasore District of Orissa. The left half of the inscription is broken away and lost while the letters of the extant part of the writing have been deliberately rubbed off by means of chiselling. In spite, however, of this attempt to cancel the writing, the first two lines of the extant part of the record can be read as follows:
1 dhirāja-paramēsvara-Somakulatilaka-Tri(Tri)
2 sri-Karnnarājadēvasya pravarddhamāna-vi Before dhirāja at the beginning of line 1, the Siddham symbol follower by the letters paramabhatjāraka-mahārājā° must have broken off. The letters lost at the beginning of the second line, following Tri(Tri) at the end of line 1, must have been "kalingādhipati, Trikalingādhipali being a well-known title of the Sõmavamsi kings. The number of lost letters in line 1 suggests that there was another expression between "kalingadhipati in the lost part and fri-Karnnao in the extant portion of line 2. This lost word seems to be para manähësvara, an epithet of king Karņa found in line 31 of the Ratnagiri plates, in which, however, the said epithet occurs before paramabhatāraka. But, if it is supposed to have been engraved in the game position in the lost part of line 1 of the Gandibedha inscription, the gap between the lost kalingādhipali and the extant fri-Karnna in line 2 becomes bigger. Although the Ratnagiri
1 This is No. B 394 of A.R.Ep., 1957-58.

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[Vol. XXXIII
plates show that king Karna's second name was Mahasivag upta and presumably he was also called Yayati, it is doubtful if we can bring in these names to fill up the big gap created in the lost part of line 2 as a result of paramamāhesvana being read in the lost part of line 1.
After vio at the end of line 2, jayarājye ..sampa(samvatsarë, eto., orojaya-rājyo-samvalsamva) Esare...must have been engraved at the beginning of line 3, which is now lost. Owing to the fragmentary nature of the inscription, the year of king Karna's reign, that must have been mentioned here, cannot be determined.

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No. 52--VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380
(1 Plate) D. C. BIRCAR and K. H. V. BARMA, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 13. 12. 1958) This is an incomploto sott of ten plates which were obtained for examination nearly quarter of a century ago from an advocate of Bapatla in the Guntur District. The first plate of the set, which apparently contained about ten lines of writing on the inner side of it, is lost. It is stated that the advocato secured the plates from one of his clients. But the original provenance of the inscription is not nown. The record was published by the late Raja Saheb L. H. Jagadeb of Tekkali in the Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, Vol. VI, pp. 94 ff. (without illustration). But his treatment of the subject is quite unsatisfactory. . The plates measure about 14 inches in length and 7 inches in height (except the eighth plate which is only 6 inches high). They have raised rims and their borders are about 1 inch thick. There is & ring-hole (about 1 inch in diameter) in the plates at a distance of 10 inches from the left margin. The ring, which held the plates together originally, and the seal that may have been affixed to it are both lost. The total weight of the ten plates is 1367 tolas.
: The plates bear writing on both the sides. But the record is a palimpsest, being engraved on an earlier grant which, with the exception of the concluding lines in Sanskrit verse, was almost completely beaten in. The names of certain donees of this earlier charter together with their gotras can be read with some confidence. The numbers of the plates in the original document, which were incised in the left margin on their obverse, were not beaten in. The concluding lines of the original grant show that it was also a record of Kapilēsvara, the donor of the record that was later incised on the plates. The circumstances leading to the cancellation of the earlier document cannot, however, be determined.
The plates are numbered in the Telugu-Kannada numerals. But the numbers refer to the position of the plates in the original document as already indicated above. The figure 4, e.g., occurs in the left margin on the obverse of the first of the plates available. This is really the second plate of the present set and was apparently the fourth plate of the original document. There are 10 lines of writing on most of the inscribed faces. On the reverse of the last plate, there is the conventional representation of a dagger which is generally found at the end of the charters of the Süryavamsi Gajapatis of Orissa. This was meant to represent the king's signature on the original document later inscribed on copper plates. To the right of the representation of the sword, the figure of a standing elephant, the emblom of the Gajapatis (literally, 'the lords of elephants'), is engraved. We know that the figure of an elephant is affixed to the seal of the Rajahmundry plates oi Raghudēva, the nephew and viceroy of Gajapati Kapilēsvara. Beyond the elephant on the last plate, there are the representations of the crescent moon and the sun, both of which are often found in medieval epigraphs as an indication of the permanency of the grants recorded therein. There are also representations of the sun and a lotus beneath the above figures of the moon and the sun. A lotus is also seen engraved on the obverse of the same plate, in the left margin near the ring-hole.
14. R. Ep., 1934-35, C. P. No. 17.
. Above, Pg, 18. Ct. the figure of an elephant on a stone bearing an inscription of Gajapati Purushottama (811, Vol. X, No. 729).
( 275.)

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The inscription is written in Telugu characters except the last plate where there are eleven lines in the Oriya script. The palaeography of the Telugu section closely resembles that of the two grants of Rahgudēva, referred to above. No distinction is made between the medial signs of i and i, e and è and o and 8. Ri is used in the word Rigvedi (lines 29, 30, 31, etc.); but, unlike the modern form of the letter, it exhibits the top matra. The letter t differs from its modern form in that it has no loop at the left end. It is difficult to distinguish between d and ₫ and between bh and ch. The sign of aspiration is indicated by a vertical stroke placed below the letters dh, bh and chh. Th and dh are distinguished; cf. Jagannatha (lines 95, 123, 127), Bhutanāthani (line 87) and Bahudhanya (line 13). Anusvara is invariably used for final m and the class nasals. There are some instances of the use of the final forms of n and t.
The characters of the Oriya section are of a cursive variety not noticed in the epigraphs discovered in Orissa proper. As in the records written in the later Kalinga script, often the same letter has different shapes and different letters the same shape. For instance, in the passage Jägēsarapura-sasana (line 186), the letters g and p are almost similar. The letter bh has been written in several different forms in the words bhogyama (line 181), garabha-bhire (line 182), bhūmī (lines 183 and 188) and bhake (line 187). Similar is the case with t in ätito (lines 180-81), göta (line 183) and tōlā (line 188); n in purna (line 182) and Brahmana (lines 183-84); and h in sriharsta (line 181), mahārāja (line 185) and hoilä (line 188). The similar forms of the letters k and i in Karnnata-Kalavaragesara (lines 184-85) and hoilä (line 188), etc., are also noteworthy. Letters like k, j and h have often extremely cursive forms. Conjuncts and letters with vowel-marks are likewise often written in a cursive way, e.g., nd in khande and ti in ati (line 180), śri in friharsta (line 181), etc. The letters / and have been distinguished as in the modern Oriya alphabet. The letter chh has been written by the sign for ksh; but the form of the letter is slightly different in chhatisi and chchadi both in line 189. B has been indicated by the sign for v. As is well known, e (even in Sanskrit words) is always pronounced as b in Oriya as in other East Indian languages.
The record is trilingual having four sections, the first and fourth in Sanskrit verse (written in Telugu characters), the second in Telugu prose and the third in Oriya prose. The Telugu section describing the boundaries of the gift village calls for some remarks. The words büruvu (silk cotton), udugula (Alangium Lamarckü), mömdugu (bastard teak), tige-mrömdugu (Butea superba), turga (coarse grass or Rottleria tinctoria), ravi (Ficus religiosa), marri (banyan tree) and tāḍi (palm), all denote the names of trees. In the expression damṭṭa-tādi (line 147), i.e. a pair of palm trees, the word damṭṭa is used for modern jamța, 'a pair, a couple'. In the compound words yerram-butta (lines 150, etc.) and nallam-buṭṭa (lines 174, etc.), the word putta, 'an ant-hill', is distinguished by the qualifying adjectives yerra, 'red', and nalla, 'black', both referring to the colour of the soil. The words kara (line 156) and dariye (i.e. dari, line 156) are used almost in the same sense of the bank or shore'. In the expression borra-nakka-viriki (line 155), borra (i.e. borra or boriya) means 'a hole or burrow' such as is made by animals, while nakka is a jackal' and virigi means 'ground with many cracks. The meaning of the expression may thus be a plot of dry land with many fissures and burrows made by jackals. The word kanama (lines 161-62) or kanuma means 'a gap' or 'a mountainous pass'. The form imchika (lines 164-65 and 172), a little', is used instead of the modern form imchuka. In the compound avurum-godu1 (line 171), the word kōḍu means 'a bed of bulrushes, a marsh', and avuru is a kind of grass. Due to saral-ādēsa, k is changed to g in this expression exactly as p has been changed to b in nallam-buṭṭa and yerram-buṭṭa. The word chautanumta (line 178) is interesting. It means a well with a parapet around. The word chauta is not found in the lexicons but is now in common use.
1 The same expression is also found in the Vilasa grant of Prölaya-nayaka, where it has been read as avurubāde. Cf. above, Vol. XXXII. p. 267, text lines 150-51.

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277
iNO. 62) VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1390
In the Oriya portion of the record, s has been generally used for and contractions are noticed in words like smaë for samayė (line 189) and Gajapta(pti) for Gajapati (line 184). The change of Sanskrit gau to gaú, madhya to madhi, manya to māirnna, etc., has also to be noted.
The date of the charter is quoted in verse 11 (lines 13-17) as the Saka year 1380 (expressed by the chronogram vyöm-ēbha-vahn-indu), Bahudhānya, Vaisakhi (i.e. the full-moon day of the lunar month of Vaisakha). The Oriya part of the inscription seems to supply the name of the week-day Brihaspati, i.e. Thursday. The details suggest 1458 A.D., April 27, Thursday, f.d.t. 77.1
The first section in Sanskrit verse records the grant. The first half of this section is missing, and thus some information particularly about the ancestry of the donor seems to have been lost. Only five syllables, with which the verse marked as the sixth ended, are found at the beginning of the extant part of the inscription. Verses.1-5 of the record and the major part of the sixth stanza were, therefore, incised on the inner side of the lost first plate of the set. The first verse of the extant part (lines 1-4), marked as the seventh, speaks of Vira-bri-Kapilēndra's military prowess. It is stated that the noise of his battle-drums filled the whole universe and that, as a result, Hampa trembled, Dhārā was pressed hard, the horses fled from Kalubarigă and Dhillf was filled with savage women. Verses 8-10 (lines 4-13) describe the glory of Kapilēsvara in vague terms. He was an unrivalled ruler who destroyed his enemies and distributed their wealth among learned men. Verse 11 (lines 13-17) states that, while camping on the bank of the river Godavari on the fullmoon day in the month of Vaisakha of the year Bahudhanya corresponding to Saka 1380, KapilasVara made the grant of the village of Veligalani, situated in Hariguka-Médari-siman and renamed it after his father or parents (sva-pitr-ākhyayā), in favour of 120 Brühmanas. The next stanza (verse 12 in lines 17-20) records the grant of a locality named after Vijaya-Pratāpa'Kapilëndra himself in favour of 120 Brāhmaṇas. The locality is stated to have been situated to the east of the joint streams of the Krishna and Vēņpā. From the language of the above two verses it may appear that two localities were granted in favour of two groups of 120 Brāhmaṇas each, one of the localities being named after the king himself and the other after his father or parents. But, as will be seen from our analysis of the Telugu and Oriya sections below, this was not the case. Verse 13 (lines 21-23), with which the first section in Sanskrit closes, refers to the enumeration of the donees in the following section in Telugu.
The Telugu portion begins in line 23, with the mangala : Subham-astu which is immediately followed by the passage : Veligalani Kapilēśvarapurānaku. This may indicate that two villages called Veligalani and Kapilēsvarapura were granted in favour of the donees whose names are enumerated in the following lines. The list shows the names of 120 Brāhmaṇas only. We have seen above that verses 11 and 12 of the Sanskrit section may appear to speak of the grant of the two localities in favour of two groups of 120 Brāhmaṇas each. The present section, however, makes it clear that there was only one group of Brāhmaṇas numbering 120, who received the gift.
The list of the 120 Brāhmaṇas, receiving equal shares in the gift land, are enumerated in the Telugu section in the following order (lines 23 ff.):
I. Northern part of Jāgēśvarapura, beginning from the west-20 Brāhmaṇas; II. Southern part of the same—20 Brāhmaṇas; III. Northern part of Vollamambapura, beginning from the west-20 Brahmaņas ;
Bee JAS, Letters and Science, Vol. XXIII, pp. 13-14.
• The Oriya section suggests that the village of Veligalani was divided into three asanas named after Jagēlvara, Volama (Vellamimba) and Kapildvara and this information can be reconciled with the Sanskrit section under review if the expression sva-pitr-akhyayd in verso Il is taken to mean '[named) after himself and his parents'.

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278 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII IV. Southern part of the same-20 Bråbmanas; V. Northern part of Kapilēsvarapura, beginning from the west-20 Brāhmaṇas; and VI. Southern part of the same-20 Brāhmaṇas.
It may appear from the above enumeration that the village of Veligalani was divided into two parts, one of which was named Jägēsvarapura and the other Vellamāmbūpura. But, as will be seen below, the Oriya section of the charter seems to suggest that the above village was divided into three säsanas, viz. Jāgēsvarapura, Vēlamapura (i.e. Vellamambāpura of the Telugu section) and Pratapa-Kapilēsvarapura, and this may be regarded as supported by the Sanskrit part at the beginning if, as stated above, the expression sva-pitr-ākhyā in verge 11 is taken to refer to the names of the donor and his parents. It is, therefore, better to take Veligalani-Kapilēsvarapuränaku as referring to the gift village as Veligalani alias Kapilēśvarapura. In any case, it is clear that the word pitsi in the verse means not merely 'father 'but both father and mother 'and that the name of Kapilēndra's father was Jägēsvara and that of his mother Vellamāmbā or Vēlamā.
The third section in Oriya (lines 180-90) gives a short summary of the whole transaction which is already indicated in the Sanskrit and Telugu parts. The epithets Vira-fri-Gajapati-Gaudēsvara and Navakoti-Karnāta-Kalavarag-eśvara referring to Kapilēśvara's victories over the countries called Gauda, Karņāța and Kalavaraga (i.e. the dominions of the Sulţāns of Bengal, of the Karpata kings of Vijayanagara and of the Bahmanis of Gulbarga) are found for the first time in this record. The same titles were also assumed not only by his successors but also by the later rulers of Orissa, who considered themselves successors of the Imperial Gajapatis, till quite recent times.
The charter ends with a fow verses in Sanskrit. One of these verses is in adoration of the Varāha incarnation of Vishņu (lines 191-93). There are two other stanzas (lines 194-99) which, as stated above, belonged to the charter originally incised on the plates. One of these speaks of the creation of a sarva-mänya (i.e. rent-free holding) by Kapilēgvara after having renounced the thirtysix āvēdanas or taxes while the other is one of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The word āvēdana (āvadānă of the Oriya section, line 189), used in the sense of a tax', is of lexical interest. The word shattrinnsat, literally 'thirtysix', has been used here in the sense of many'.1
This is the only copper-piate charter of the great Kapilēsvara, who was the founder of the Süryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa and ascended the throne in 1434-35 A.D., so far discovered. Two copper-plate grants of prince Raghudēva, the nephew and viceroy of king Kapilēsvara, were recently discovered at Rajahmundry and they have thrown a flood of light on the ancestry and early career of the Gajapati monarch. His grandfather, bearing the same name, is stated to have been a Nāyaka (a ruling chief) who was one among the rulers of the solar and lunar races, while his own father Jägēsvara, who possessed a large number of elephants, and his elder brother Balarama lost their lives in a battle against their enemies. The Warangal inscription of prince Raghudēva mentions Jāgēsvara, the father of Kapilēsvara, as a Māhārāya (Sanskrit Mahārāja). The record under study speaks of Jägēsvarapura named after the father of Kapilēndra or Kapilēsvara.
During the last years of the reign of the Ganga king Bhānu IV, his feudatories like Pratāpa Gargarāju of the Silāvamsi family of Nandăpur and Saubhāgyarāju of Viraghattām became semiindependent. The Reddi chiefs Vēma and Virabhadra, sons of Allāda, conquered the southern
1 Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 116. For an elaborate analysis of the Oriya section of the inscription under study, 100 JAS, Letters and Science, Vol. XXIII, pp. 13 ff.
Above, pp. 1 ff. The family is stated to have belonged to the Kidyapa götra in the Nanadmpandi plates of Prataparudra (C. P. No. 5 of 1948-49).
. A. R. Ep., 1957-58, No. 55; sbove, pp. 125 ff. • SI1, Vol. V, No. 1170; Vol. VI, No. 950. Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 1101. Viragbattam is in the Palakonda Taluk of the Srikakulam District,

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No. 52]
VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380
279
part of the Ganga kingdom, as is borne out by two inscriptions at Simhachalam. The record of Vēma1, dated Saka 1356 (1434 A.D.), registers the remission of taxes on the lands belonging to the gods and Brahmaņas in the villages of Kaluvalapalli, Odḍādi, Poṭnuru and others, which were acquired by the strength of his own arms. There can be no doubt that the said places were conquered by the Reddis from the Ganga king Bhanu IV. Virabhadra's inscription is undated; but it praises him as a great conqueror. The Mudabidure inscription, dated Saka 1351 (1429 A.D.), however, refers to the success of the Vijayanagara monarch Devaraya II against the Gajapati king and describes the former as 'the lion in destroying the crores of elephants to the lord of elephants (Gajapati), and the very Kalasōdbhava (Agastya) to the ocean of the army of the Andhra king (or, kings)'. The Simhachalam inscription of Telungaraya, a subordinate of the Vijayanagara king, also corroborates this fact. The success of the Reddis against the Ganga king thus appears to have been due to the help they received from the Vijayanagara monarch to whom they owed allegiance. The latest record of Gajapati Bhanu IV at Simhachalam is dated Saka 1352 (1430 A.D.)."
Kapilēsvara made an attempt to subdue the semi-independent chiefs like Pratapa Gangarāju and Saubhagyaraju and to reconquer the southern part of the erstwhile Ganga kingdom from the subordinates of the Vijayanagara monarch. The chiefs of Nandapür and Viraghaṭṭāms were subdued and with their help the Gajapati king attacked the Reddi kingdom of Rajahmundry. A Draksharama inscription (dated Saka 1366-1444 A.D.) of the Vijayanagara king Dövaraya II suggests that he came to the rescue of the Reddis against the attack of the Gajapati. As a result of the conflict between the Gajapati and the Vijayanagara king, the Reddis lost the Rajamahendra-rajya which became a part of the Gajapati empire. An inscription at Penugonda (Tanuku Taluk, West Godavari District), dated Saka 1370 (1448 A.D.), Vibhava, alludes to the rule of the Gajapati-kshönisa, i.e. Kapilēsvara. With the help of the Redḍis of Rajahmundry, who were the enemies of their kinsmen ruling from Kondavidu, Kapilēśvara marched against Kondaviḍu and other important forts in the south, captured them all and finally annexed them to the Gajapati kingdom.
Kapilēsvara appointed his own relatives to govern the southern tracts conquered by him. His nephew Raghudeva was ruling from Rajahmundry and one of his kinsmen named Ganadeva from Kondavidu, 10 while his own son Kumaramahāpātra Hambira was in charge of the whole Telugu and Tamil areas annexed to the Gajapati empire. Hambira's son Dakshina-Kapilēśvara was also a governor in the Tamil areas, 12
1 Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 1168.
Ibid., No. 1169.
Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 202, lines 13-14.
Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 905.
Ibid., No. 784.
A. R. Ep., 1933, No. 395.
SII, Vol. IV, No. 1375.
Mack. Mas., No. 15-4-4; Loc. Rec., Vol. II, p. 200; Sarma, History of the Reddi Kingdom, p. 193, note: Sak-ahde gagan-adri-Rama-dharani-namkhya-sama-purite
Vibhav abde cha Tapasya-masi kasino vire dvitiyam(ya)-tithau,
Pengoni-akhya-pur-öttamam Gajapati-kahiniba-sandipitam. Vibhav-abde cha does not suit the metre, Above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 1 ff.
10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 390-93; A. R. Ep., 1917, No. 70.
11 Cf. A.R.Ep., 1941-42, C.P. No. 4.
1 C. ibid., 1919, Nos, 51 and 92; 1937-38, No. 87.

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII As already indicated above, verse 7 of the present charter refers to the success of Kapilēsvara against Hampā, Dhārā, Kalubariga (Gulbarga) and Dhilli (Delhi). The same verse is found in the Chiruvroli grant of his son Hambira. Verse 6 of the Gopinathpur inscription also refers to the same achievements of Kapilēsvara. We have also seen that the Oriya part of the record under study mentions the king as the lord of Gauda, Karnāta and Kalavaraga. Kapilēsvara's claim of success against the kings of Hampā (Vijayanagara, capital of Karnata), Dhārā (capital of Mālava), Gulbarga, Delhi and Gauda may thus refer to a date before 1458 A.D. when the charter under study was issued, although the nature and degree of the success cannot be determined in all the cases.
Hampā was the capital of the Vijayanagara king Mallikarjuna who succeeded his father Dévarāya II in 1446 A.D. The Gangādāsapratāpavilāsamu states that both the Gajapati of Orissa and the Sultān of Gulbarga attacked the city of Vijayanagara, but that Mallikarjuna sallied forth from his capital and routed the besieging forces. This no doubt admits that Kapilēsvara besieged Vijayanagara. The Anantavaram grant also states that Kapilēsvara captured the city of Vijayanagara, the seat of the ruler of Karnataka, and received tribute. Dhārā was the secondary capital of the Sultans of Malwa and Sultan Mahmud I (1436-69 A.D.) of the Khalji dynasty was the contemporary of Kapilēsvara. Muhammadan historians refer to the defeat of the Malwa king at the battle of Muhura by the Bahmani Sultān Alāuddin Ahmed (1436-58 A.D.)." The Gajapati monarcb was an ally of the Bahmani Sultan and seems to have helped the latter at the said battle. It is interesting to note that Muhura is mentioned in the list of places subdued by Kapilēsvara.
Kalubarigā or Kalavaraga (Gulbarga) in the present Mysore State was the capital of the Bahmani Sultans. According to the Gangādāsapratāpavilāsamu, the Bahmani Sultāns were allies of the Gajapati king and their joint victory over the Sultan of Malwa at Muhura seems to support the statement. But the position was changed with the accession of Humayun Shah (1458-61 A.D.), the eldest son of Aläuddin Ahmad Shāh. Humayūn besieged the fort of Dēvarakonda with a large army and the chief of the fort appealed for help to the king of Orissa who readily despatched a force. "The infidel's forces being more numerous than that of Islam the latter were routed, and the whole of their baggage, elephants and horses looted." This is also supported by a chāļu verse which recounts the victories of Gajarāvu Tippa who is stated to have defeated the Yavanas (Musalmans) on the plain outside the town of Kambhammetta in the presence of Ambariya, i.e. Hambira, son of Kapilēgvara. Two inscriptions in the Warangal fort, one of Hambirs and another of Raghudēva, 10 refer to the capture of the fort on the 2nd February 1460 A.D. and to the victory of the
1 Bharati, Vol. XVIII, Part II, pp. 516 ff. ? JASB, Vol. LXIX, pp. 173 ff.:
Karnaf-5jjhasa-simhah Kalavaraga-jayi Mälara-dhvamsa-lila-jarghald Gauda-mardi Bhramaravara-ntipo dhvasta-Phill-indra-garvah. • Kalingadēsacharitra, p. 360. Cf. the Anantavaram grant in the Andhra Patrika Annual, 1928-29, Kalingadesacharitra, Appendix, p. 97: Prasahya Karnă ța-mahipatēh purim nirudhya Vidyanagarim nijair-balaih samunnata mānam=iv=ochchhrayan karath
samadade karkasa-chakra-vikramah || . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 240 ff. • Mack. M88., No. 16-4-3:
Vira-pumgavulaku vētalu mådelu maniki viharambu Muhurambu. 7 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 244. . Chalupadyamanimanjars, Vol. II, p. 65 :
Yavanula gelvade Yarbarayalu chuda. n=etfaina Kambamumetta baita. .A.R. Ep., 1957-58, No. B 53. 10 Ibid., No. B 55; ahove, pp. 125 IF.

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No. 621 VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380
281 Gajapati generals over Humayun Shah, though the date of the record under study is earlier than that of the capture of Warangal by Hambira and Raghudēva. Dhilli (Delhi) was the capital of Bahlul Lodi (1451-89 A.D.), though nothing has come to light so far about the conflict between Kapilēgvara and the Lodr Bultan. Like Muhura, Dhilli also finds mention in the list of places subdued by the former.1
The information about the donees of the charter, as found in the Telugu section, is appended below in a tabular form. Their family names may be mainly divided into two categories : (1) villages whence their families originally hailed, e.g. Bejavāda, Addāda, Komdapalli, Lolla, Rājūkomda, Yedavalli, Akunūri, etc.; and (2) titles indicating their proficiency in particular branches of learning, .g. Shaddarsanam, Sämavēdin, Vedāntam, Bhagavatula, Purānam, eto. Most of the family names mentioned in the list are still in existence in Andhra. The list of donees includes one called Näräyapa-dvivēdin whose family name is Sāmavēdin but who calls himself a Yajurvēdin. His title dvidedin would suggest that he was a student of both the Sämavěda and the Yajurvēda.
I. (a) Northern half of Jāgèsvarapura
No. Name of the Donos
Name of the family
Götra
Vēda or Sakha
.
Rigveda.
1 Sarva-bhatlu 2 Näga-bhatlu
. .
. .
. .
. .
. Godavarti . Odde.
.
. . . . . . .
Yajurvēda Rigvāda Yajurvöda Rigveda
.
. . .
.
3 Rama-bhatlu . . 4 Närkyapa-bhatlu 6 Narkyapa-bhatiu . 6 Annath-bhatlu . 7 Mukti-bhatlu . . 8 Boma-bhatlu . . 9 Yajedvara-somayajulu 10 Vellava-bhatlu. . 11 Narasimha-bhatlu . 12 Mallu-bhatlu . . 13 Parvata-bhatlu. . 14 Rámi-bhatlu . . 15 Näga-bhatlu . . 16 Venni-ojhalu . 17 Kanni-dvivbaulu 18 Yata-bhattu . . 19 sömd-bhatlu . . 20 Gopala-bhatlu . .
Yajurvēda
Kurti . . Munnangi . Yempalela .
Jannasäni , Akuntri . Yenamandra. Upadrashta Yētüri . . Gorti. Hari . . Siva . . Yedavalle . Malyala . Kanapalli .
Kpiahpathbhatla . Pavye . .
Bhamdaru . . Matadadapu.
Kadyapa Angirasa-Bhära
dvāja. Maudgalya
Bhäradvāja. . . .
Srivatsa Käbyapa . . Kaubika . .
Kaundinya. . . Bhäradvaja.
Srivatsa Vådhola Harita . . Srivatsa . . Kaulika
Bhäradvāja. • Gárgya . . . . Atroya .
Gautama Kaulika
Rigvēda
· • • • . . . .
Woulu
.
Yajurveda
.
Rigvēda
1 Mack. M88., No. 16-4-3: Gaja yudhamula gaffu Kambal KaribalupaHananbu gunala-pallo Phili,

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282
[VOL. XXXIII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 1. (b) Southern half of Jāgësvurpura
No. Name of the Donee
Name of the family
Gotra
Véda or Sakha
. . .
.
Yajurveda
- Rigvēda Yajurvéds
.
. . • .
21 Mallu-bhatlu . 22 Prolu-bhatlu . 28 Trivikrama-bhatlu 24 Mallu-sömayājulu 25 Bhimēsvara-bhatlu 26 Peddi-bhatlu 27 Somi-bhatlu . 28 Visvēsvara-bhatlu 29 Durga-bhatlu'. 30 Mall-Evadhånlu . 31 Vallava-bhatlu . 32 Aditya-bhatlu 33 Vallava-bhatlu . 34 Kommad-ojhalu . 86 Yollu-bhatlu . 38 Kekava-bhatlu . 37 Janārdana-bhatiu 38 Rima-bhatlu 39 Narahari-hhatlu . 40 Déchi-bhatlu .
. . .
. . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . .
.
. ..
Räjukonda. Uppaldri . Parimetta .
Kondapalli. . Pulye
Gollapundi.
Madugåri : . Upadrashta. • Manjeti . Kochi. .
Lolla . .. Parimetta
Därvisula : Könakathchi. . Någavarapn . . Dhäilipále
Shaddarkanam
Kandari . . Bêtanabhatis:
Yēţuri . .
Harita . . Käsyapa .
. . Gautama . Atreya . . Kaundinya. Härita . Kaundinya . Bhäradvāja.
. . Hårita. . Kikyapa Srivatsa . Gárgya . . Atreya . Kausika Bhäradvāja Harita Kaubika . Atreys . .
. . . . .
.
Rigvoda .
Yajurveda . . .
Rigvēda
Yajurveda . Rigvēda
Yajurveda . .
Rigvēda
Yajurvēda . .
. .
. .
. .
41 Mahakaļi-bhatlu . . 42 Rimi-bhatlu . . 48 Tippa-bhatlu . 44 Poda-K&mi-bhatia . 48 Vallava-bhatlu. 46 Pot-Avadhaniu . , 47 Gangadhara-bhatia . 48 Barva-bhatlu . . 49 Peddi-bhatia . . 50 Narayana-dvivedulu. 61 Mallu-bhatlu .
II. (a) Northern half of Vellamāmbäpura . . . .... Kutes . . . . . Därvisula
Srivatsa . . Addida . Harita . . . . . Yorupalēla . Bharadvaja . . Ing .
Saunaka . Vaddi. . . Kauktka . . . . Penurhbarti Kaundinya. . . Kupps
. . . . Sadhu. . . Brtonton . . . Simavedl . Kandinga . . . NAH , . . Bharadoja
Yajurveda . . . . . .. .
. .
.

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No. 52)
VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380 No. Name of the Dones
Name of the family Gotra
Voda or Sakha
. Yajurvoda
52 Prolu-bhatlu 53 Annanh-bhatlu
. .
. .
Harita. Vädhula
. Vēdāntam . . Ramakrishnan
bhatla Siddhi . .
. .
.
.
54 Yetu-sümayājulu
.
.
•
Kiņva-sākha
.
55 Chiţtā-ujhalu , 66 Mashchi-bhatlu. 67 Poddi-bhatlu . 68 Narasimh-ojhalu 69 Dēvarë-bhatlu 60 Aubhala-bhatlu
. . . . i .
. . . .
Käyva . . .
. . . .
Odde . . Odali.
Argirasa-Bhāra
desja Maitrēya . . Kaubika . . . . Maitroya .
Bhäradvāja. Härita . .
. . . .
.
.
, Rigvěda
,
.
.
II. (b) Southern half of Vellamāmbūpura
Yajurveda
. .
. . . .
Rigveda Yajurvēda
. .
.
. . . . .
.
.
.
.
61 Potu-bbatlu . 62 Dövarë-bhatlu . . 63 Peddi-bhatlu . 64 Saumitri-bhatlu . . 85 Vallava-bhatlu : . 66 Aditya-bhatlu . . 67 Gamgadhara-bhatlu . 68 Vibvēsvar-achāryulu . 69 Anamt-ojhalu , . 70 Peddi-bhatlu . . 71 Narahari-bhatlu. 72 Tirumala-bhatlu. 73 Näga-dvivēdulu . . 74 Yarré-ojbalu 76 Narasimh-avadhanlu. 70 Bhairava-bhatlu . . 77 Māru-bhatlu 78 Mallā-ojhalu . . 70 (Singa-bhatlu . . (80 Gamgadhara-bhatlu .
Chovane peddi . Bhaskararāju
Annangēri , Perumädi . Mukkolani. Kadali. . Tādēpalli Kamdavalli
Muddali . . Damodara .
Challa. .
Bhagavatula. . Nðri . .
Tādāpalli .
Tadipandi . • Bhutanathani .Poyyala . Anamdula , . Jagarlapandi
Divákara-bhatla
Hårite . . . Kutsa . .
Bhāradvāja . . .
Kaubika . Kaundinya .
Harita . . . Bhäradvāja :
Maudgalya. Kausika . Kaundinya
Kapi. . . Hárita
Atrēya . . . ....
Gautama . Mudgala . Harita . .
Bharadwaja . . Kāsyapa .
.
.
. .
.
.
Rigvěda Yajurvēda Rigvēda
. . .
. . .
. .

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[Vol. XXXIII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA III. (a) Northern half of Kapilăsvarapura
Name of the family Gotra
No. Name of the Donee
Vada or SAkhi
Yajurvēda . Rigveda . , .
Yajurveda . . . .
81 Garngädhara-bhatlu . . . Nöråyana-dvivèdula Bharadvaja . 82 Narasimha-bhatlu
Tomta-sõnayojula . Kaun dinya. 83 Kuldvara-bhathu ... Jagarlapāmdi Bhiradvaja . 84 Jagannatha-bhatlu . . Yajianna-bhatla. Kaundinya 83 Barva-bhatlu . . . . Appalēbhatia Sandilya . 86 Kasuvā-ojhalu. . . . Samkara
Gautama 87 Soma-bhatlu
• Mängamţi . Käsyapa . A8 Yarapota-bhatlu . . . . . Chimtalapāti. Härita . 89 Poddi-bhatlu . . . . Satyashadha. Sathamarahapa 90 Podd-ojhalu . . . . Solasa. . Bharadvaja. 91 Somayojulu or somayajulu. Anduville . Käsyapa . 02 Pina-Kami-bhatlu .
. . Yarparila Bharadvaja. 93 Rudra-bhatlu .
. Betana-bhatla . Kautika . 94 Narasimha-sðmayājulu . . Uttarëvarapu Kibyapa . 98 Rama-bhatlu . . . . Chergolani. Kauliks . 06 Prðlu-bhatlu . . . . Kamdavalli Bhäradvája. 97 Pâtu-bhatlu . . . . Jonnalagadda Gautama . 98 Tallu-bhatlui . . . Mulukalori. Kaupdinya. 09 Gopala-bhatlu . .. Kondapalli . , , 100 Potu-bhatlu . . . . Sataküri Käsyapa
.
Rigtoda . . : Yajurvēda
Rigvěda
III. (b) Southern half of Kapilesvarapura
Yajurvēda . . +
101 Lakshmana-somayajulu 102 Lingd-ohalu • • 108 Aubhal-ojhalu . . 104 Singa-ojhalu . . 105 Kami-bhatlui : 106 Bhdvanārāyana-ojhalu. 107 Tirumala-bhatlu . ' 108 Madha-ojhalu : 100 Malla-8jhalu ... 110 Bhimi-ojbalu . 111 Madhe-ojhalu .
. . . Atnduvilla . • • • Talaprồi . . . . Mathadapu. . . . Bojavada . . .. Mirachi-bbatla i : Biruvagadda ; : Puranam .
Bittagumata . .
Kunděti . ... Rémalla ... Mukkoleni'.
Kädyapa . • Bradvj+ .
Kaubika . .
Maitreya . . Härita .
Sandilya . . ,
Bharadvaja. Kadyapa . Harita'. :
.,
Kapve-bákba . ;
Yajurveda

Page #396

No. 52)
286
VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380
III. (b) Southern half of Kapilesvarapura-contd.
No. Name of the Donee
Name of the family
Gotra
Věda or Bakht
.
Yajurveda
. i .
. . .
. .
.
112 Prölu-bhatlu . 113 Jagannatha-bhatlu 114 Tallu-bhatu . 115 Telumgari-bhatlu 116 Kämadēva-bhatia 117 Aubhala-bhatlu 118 Jagannatha-bhatlu 119 Appalē-bhatlu . 120 Soru-bhatlu .
.
Rigveda Yajurvéda
.
. . . . .
. Pulya. . . Atroya ,
Alam üri . Kaundinya. Appaya-dvivēdule . Sandilya . Mailavarapu . Bhäradvaja. Aávarõmula. Kaulika .
Kātanagadda Atreya . . . Metaku . Kaupdinya . . Därvāsula . Srivatsa . . Chētaküri
Kikyapa .
. . . . .
. . .
. . .
. Rigveda
Some of the geographical names mentioned in the record have been discussed above. The gift village of Veligalani is stated to have been situated in Hariguka-Mödüri-siman. Mention is also made of the rivers Gödāvari and Krishņā-Vēņņā (Kộishņā). While describing the boundaries of the gift land, the rivers Bhimarathi and the villages of Pemchikalapādu, Penamärgūru, Garagaparti, Mõraṁtāda, Kanumuru, Mūmdlarūmdi and Mirti are mentioned. Amongst the other places mentioned, Delhi is referred to only in a few South Indian epigraphs. Bhimarathi of our record may be identical with the stream of that name mentioned in the Gavarapādu grant of Kākatiya Ganapati, which is now called Bhima-nadi, though the famous Bhimarathi is the modern Bhimã, the well-known tributary of the Krishņā. Hariguka-Mëdüri-siman, or Medūra-thala As it is called in the Oriya section, is identical with modern Mēdūru in the Gudivada Taluk of the Krishna District. Kapilēsvarapura of our record is no doubt the present Kapilēsvarapuram in the same Taluk, which is only a few miles from Mēdūru. The old name Veligalani and the new names Jāgēsvarapura and Vellamāṁbāpura or Velamapura applied to two parts of Veligalani appear to have gone out of use while the name Kapilēsvarapura, which was originally applied to a third part of old Veligalani after the name of the donor, came to be applied to the entire village. The village of Mundiapūmdi is apparently the present Mullapūdi while Kanumūru is the village of the same name neur Kapilēgvarapuram. Penamamgūru is modern Penamakuru. The other localities mentioned in connection with the boundaries of the gift village cannot be satisfactorily identified.
TEXT . Second Plate, First Side
[Sanskrit] 1 pi tõlāyatë | 6 | Vira-sri-Kapilēndra tāvaka-chamū-dhātishuḥ(shu) bhēri2 dhvanau bhār-ābhugna-bhujamga-pumgava-phaņāsv=ākrāmta-rõd-orta
Cf. Panchadharla pillar inscription (Saka 1325) of the Köna king Choda II (above, Vol. XIX, p, 156) And the Vilasa grant of Prolaya-nāyaka (ibid, Vol. XXXII, p. 267, text line 160-51). Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 356.
From impressions. • The 'Telugu nnmeral 4 is incised in the left margin showing that this was the fourth plate of the original grant lator utilisod for drawing up a new onarter. The Arst plate of tho now charter, which was ongraved upparently on the inner Ride only, is lost.
Metre : Sardulavileridita(?).

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286 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 3 rē Hampā kampam=agāt tadā(to)=dhikadha(ta)rā Dvā(Dhā)ră cha dhār-ātura4 dvārā Kalubarigāt vimukta-turagā Dhilli cha Bhilli-vritā 17|| Tulya5 chod=rajatēna bukti-rajatam hēmn=ārakūtam samam sya6 ch=chēt kācha-maņis-surēridra-maņină sădpisyam-abhyēti chět naksha7 tram graha-nāyakėna tulanām viņdēta chēt=tējasā vira-sri-Kapi8 lēsvarēna samatām=anyo janēsā vrajēt || 8 ||* Dānē yasasi šaurya 9 cha Kapilēndra-mahikshitā. [l*] n-ūnyo samās=samā[s*)=syus-tē chatvāraḥ shoqasa
tra
10 yaḥ || 9 || Nissosham nihatāḥ parē vasumati nītā tadiyya(ya) vasam ta
Second Plate, Second Side 11 d-vitta-pratipādanēna sakalā vidvaj-janāḥ põhitā) vikhyātir=jagada12 ka-vir[ra]' iti cha vyākhyāpitā rodaso Rāinēņ=ēva dhară dharātridasa13 sāt=kūry--ēti buddhis vahan || 10 || Śāk-abdē Bahudhānya-nāmni ga14 nitě vyom-ēbha-vahn-indubhir-Vaišākhyām Kapilēśvaro Harigukā-Mā16 duri-simni sthitam(tam) | viršatyai vidushām sutāya cha vasan Go16 dāvari-saikatē niņéeshan Veligalanis-nāmakam-adād-grāmam 17 sva-pitr-ākhyayā || 11 || Krishņā-dakshiņa-vähiņē(nī) vijayatē Vēnnā(pņā)18 nadi-sangatā tat-prāchyām Vijaya-pratāpa-Kapilērdr-ākhyam ma19 hā-sāsanam(nam) | tatr=ābhāmti satam cha virsuti-param viprā Vasishth-o20 pamā ta(8=ta)d-dātā Vijaya-pratāpa-Kapilēmdro bhāti dharm-õttarah || 12 |
Third Plate, First Side 21 Manishv=anarghyöshu parikshitëshv=iva dvijeindra-ratnēshu na lakshyatë kra22 maḥ | tath=āpi bhūmīsurarāja-mālikā vilikhyatö rāja-vilökha23 na-kramāt || 13 ||?
1 Read Kalbariga for the sake of tho metre. • Metre : Sardūlavikridita.
Metre: Anush fuhh. Of the 4, 18 and 3 persons famous respoctivoly for their liberality, fame and valour, the second group refers to the ancient imperial rulers of the Shodasa-rājaktya section of the Mahabharata (Dronaparvan, chapters 58 ff.). It is difficult to say whether tho first group rofers to Karna, Sibi Ustnern, Bali and Dadhi. chi and the third to Bhishma, Dröna and Arjuna.
The letter ra is written below the line.
The inotro requires Veligalni.
• The Telugu numoral 6 is found in the loft margin, indicnting theruhy that the plate was the Afth of the original set.
Metre: Vansaxtha.

Page #398

VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380
యమంలో పండించి హోదాలో 2 | నా భారాభుగ భుజంగ ఎనోసోం దొండ తప్యాం బదుగా కడాది రారా రారు 4 లార్యా తురిగానము లుంగాంభువుడా||
సమర్కండాన్నంరకం ఉందంగా అలమునోన్ని రందమునా సాధించబడిన సంపూనారు. కులగాం ఎం
ఎం ఆ 2016లడు
GIA W523
మరినికి నాని 2020నసునుండియు వాటం
TELANGA
SPIRS.
i,
మంట రాసారామ వద్దిరాజు 12 12 2 దీంతం పెట్టి సురానువారు మన పండు జూలు వివరామంగా కాతన 14
నుంచి విశాలం నాటి మతం , మృతం దుర్మారావాలనే విషయాన్ని సరికా రంగం పుంలింగా ముందు రాసనం
వండదు. కంచి పాదం - ఎండగాని జయ అవతారంగాణ ఆదరణ
Scale: Two-fifths

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బునోప్పిన కమి పరిపూ మద్వాచనం సరరాజు మాలికా ది లిమిట్ ప్రయత్నం కుజమును ఎనిగలానికి వచ్చిం చిం 24 విదిరి దంచిన ఎ డిన శక్తి వానలో గొర్రె మురున్నది ఓ ఉనాగా బడు అంగిం - బార్ అంగునది కురి రామా భద్రుమాదివ్య గాత్రముంటే జుంది. యుగ సంగినా రాయ బడుబాం జ చక్రంలో నదియింపాలనారాయి బంగా రాయ జరన స్థానిఆంశంబమన్ని ఏతగా (జుడి ఆకు ముని పాడి యెనమండ్ర మాభు
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No.52] VELIGALANI GRANT ON KAPILESVAPA, SARA 1380
287 [Telugu] Subham=astu | Veligalani-Kapilēsvarapuränaku Jāgo24 svarapurapu vidhiki uttara-śrūņi paschim-ādi Godavartti-Survī-bhatlu Kā25 Syapa-gotramu Ru(Ri)gvēdi Odde Näga-bhatlu Argirasa-Bharadvá26 ja-götrari Ru(Ri)gvēdi | Kurti Rāmā-bhațlu [Mau]dgalya-gotranuu Ya27 jurvēdi | Murinna(na)ingi Nārāyaṇa-bhatlu Bhardvāja-gotraria Ri28 gvēdi | Yeặpalela Nārāyaṇa-bhatlu Bhāradvāja-gotram Yaju29 rvědi | Jamnna(na)sāni Aạnna(na) i-bhațlu Srivatsa-yötram Rigvēdi | Akunü30 ri Mukti-bhatlu Kāxyapa-gotram Ķigvēdi Yenamaridra Sömü-bha
Third Plate, Second Side 31 țlu Kausika-gõtraṁ Ķigvedi | Upadrashţha Yagñējñā)śva[ra*)-sūmayājulu 32 Kaunơinya-götrar Rigvēdi | Yētūri Vallava-blațlu Bhūradvūja-go33 trari Yajurvodi | Gotti(rtti) Narasimhya(ha)-bhațlu Srivats.n-põtrari Yajurva34 di Hari Mallu bhațlu Vädhüla-gotrazi Yajurvēdi Sivi Parvata-bhatlu 35 Harita-gõtruri Yajurvēdi | Yedavalle Rāmā-bhatlu Srivatsa-go36 tran Yajurvīdi | Malyala Nāgā-bhatlu Kausika-götrar Yajurvēdi | 37 Kūnapu(pa)Ili Vennā-ojhalu Bhāradvāja-gõtram Rigvēdi | Kțishņam38 bhatla Kannā-dvivēdulu Gārgya-gotram Rigvēdi Puvye Yatu-bhatlu 39 Atrēya-gotram Yajurvēdi | Bhamdāru Sõmā-bhatlu Gautama40 gūtram Yajurvēdi Mandadapu Gõpāļa-bhatlu Kausika-götraria
Fourth Plate, First Side 41 Ru(Ri)gvēdi |20 || Dakshina-brēņi paśchim-ādi Rájukorda Mallu-bhatlu Ha42 rita-götraṁ Yajurvēdi | Uppalūri Prõlu-bhatlu Kāsya(sya)pa-gotram 43 Yajurvēdi | Pūrimetta Trivikrama-bhațlu Kāsyapa-gotrain Ru(Ri)gvēdi Ko 44 adapalli Mallu-sömayājulu Gautama-gotram Yajurvēdi | 45 Pulye Bhimësvara-bhatlu Atrēya-gotram Yajurvēdi || Golla46 půṁdi Peddi-bhatlu Kä(Kau)mļinya-gotram Yajurvēdi Madugūri 47 Sõmā-bhatlu Hārita-gotraṁ Rigvēdi | Upadrashta Visvēsvara-bhatlu Kau48 mậinya-gotram Rigvēdi | Mājēți Durgā-bhatlu Bharadvāja-gotram 49 Yaju[rvē]di | Kūchi Mall-āvadhānlu Bhāradvāja-götram Yajurvēdi ) 50 Lolla Vallava-bhatlu Härita-gotram Yajurvēdi Pūrimetta Aditya
The Telugu numeral G is engraved near the ring holo showing that this was the sixth plate of the original set.

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288
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Fourth Plate, Second Side
51 bhaṭlu Käsya(sya)pa-gōtram Rigvedi | Dürväsula Vallava-bhaṭlu Srivatsa-götram 52 Yajurvēdi | Kō[na]kamchi Komman-ojhalu Gargya-gōtram Rigvedi | Nāgava53 [ra]'pu Yellu-bhațlu Atreya-götrash Yajurvédi | Dhulipāļa Käsiva-bhatla Kā(Kau)54 sika-götram Yajurvēdi | Shaddarśanam Janardana-bhaṭlu Bharadvaja-götram 55 Rigvedi | Kām[ḍū]ri Rāmā-bhaṭlu Harita-gōtram Yajurvēdi | Bēta
56 na-bhatla Narahari-bhațlu Kausika-götram Yajurvedi | Yețuri Dechi-bha57 tlu Atreya-gōtram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || 20 || Vellamambapura-vidhiki uttara-śre
58 ni paschim-adi | Mahakali-bhaṭlu Kutsa-götram Yajurvēdi | Dürväsu50 la Rama-bhatla Srivatsa-gotram Yajurvédi | Adḍāds Tippa-bhatla Hi60 rita-götzah Yajurvédi | Yethpalela Peda-Kämi-bhaṭlu Bhāradvāja-götrah
[VOL. XXXIII
Fifth Plate, First Side
61 Yajurvédi Inga Vallava-bhalu Saunaka-götram Yajurvēdi | Vaddi Po 62 t-āvadhānlu Kausika-gōtraṁ [Yajurvēdi | Penum[ba]rti Gamgadhara63 bhalu Kaudinys-götesh Ye(Yajurvedi | Kuppa Sarva-bhatlu Kaudinya. 64 götra YeYajurvedi | Sadhu Peddi-bhatla Sriva tas-götrath Ye(Ya)jurvédi |
65 Samavedi Nārāyapa-dvivēdulu Kaumḍinya-gōtram Ye(Ya)ju
66 rvědi || Nāli Mallu-bhaṭlu Bhāradvāja-gōtram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi |
67 Vēdāmtam Prōlu-bhaṭlu Harita-gōtram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Rāmakrishṇa
68 m-bhaṭṭla(tla) Annam-bhaṭlu Vadhula-gōtram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Siddhi Yetu
69 amayajulu Athgi[raan). Bharadvaja-göteach Yo(Yajurvēdi | Kā
70 mdva(pva) Chiṭṭa-ojhalu Maitreya-gōtram Kämḍva(Kānva)-sakha | Kāmḍva(Kanva) Mam=
Fifth Plate, Second Side
71 chi-bhatlu Kausika-gōtram Kamḍava(Kanva)sakha | Kamḍva(Kanva) Peddi-bhatlu Kausika= 72 götrach Käthḍva(pva)-däkha | Käthḍva(Käpva)-Narasimhyo(h-o)jhalu Maitriya-go
73 tram Kamḍva(Kāņva)-sakha | Odde Devare-bhaṭlu Bharadvaja-götram Rigvō
74 di Odali Aubhala-bhaṭlu Harita-götram Rigvedi || 20 || Dakshina
75 árēņi paśchim-adi | Chevanapeddi Pōtu-bhaṭlu Härita-gōtrain
76 Yajurvedi Bhaskararāju Devarē-bhatla Kutan-götra Ya
77 jurvedi Annadigeri Peddi-bhatla Bharadvāja-götrath Bigvědi | Pe
78 rumdi Baumitri-bhalu Bharadvāja-götzah Yajurvēdi | Mu
79 kkolani Vallava-bhatlu Kausika-gōtram Yajurvēdi | Kadali Aditya-bha
80 tlu Kaumḍinya-götram Yajurvēdi | Tadepalli Gamgadhara-bhaṭlu Hā
1 Engraved in the left margin.
The Telugu numeral 7 is engraved near the ring hole.
Originally ya had been written and was corrected to ye.

Page #402

No. 52]
VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380 Sixth Plate, First Side1
81 rita-götrach Yajurvedi | Kadave(va)lli Viśvē[áva*]r-ächiryulu Bharadvāja-götrach 82 Ye(Ys)jurvédi | Maddali Anarht-ojhalu Mandgalya-götrah Yajurvedi |
83 Damodara Peddi-bhaṭlu Kausika-gōtram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Challa Narahari-bhaṭlu Kau84 mḍinya-gōtram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Bhagavatula Tirumala-bhaṭlu Kapi-gōtram Ya
85 jurvēdi || Nōri Nāgā-dvivēdulu Ye(Ya)jurvēdi Harita-gōtram | Tā
86 dipalli Yarā-ojhalu Ātrēya-götram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || Tādipūm
87 di Narasimhya(h-a)vadhanlu Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || Bhutanathani Bhairava-bhaṭlu Gautama88 gōtram Ru(Ri)gvēdi || Peyyala Maru-bhaṭlu Mudgala götram Ye(Ya)jurvē
89 di Anathdula Malla-ojhalu Härita-götrach Ru(Bigvādi | Jagalla(rla)på
90 inḍi Simga-bhaṭlu Bharadvāja-gōtraṁ Ru(Ṛi)gvēdi | Divakara-bhatla Gamga
Sixth Plate, Second Side
91 dhara-bhaṭlu Kasyapa-gōtram Ru(Ri)gvědi || 20|| Kapilēšvarapurapu vidhi[ki] 92 uttara-śrēņi paśchim-adi | Nārāyaṇa-dvivedula Gamgadhara-bhaṭlu Bhā
93 radvaja-gam Yajurvédi Tōmta-sōmayājula Narasimhya(ha)-bhaṭlu
94 Kaumḍinya-gōtram Ru(Ri)gvēdi | Jagarlapudi Kisisvara-bhaṭlu Bharadvāja
96 götrah Ru(Rigvedi | Yelyaljanna-bhatla Jagannatha-beatlu Kaumhḍinya-götrah Ru(Ri)gvědi
96 Appale-bhatla Sarva-bhaṭlu Samḍilya-götram Yajurvēdi | Samkara Ka
97 suva-ojhalu Gautama-gōtram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Mangamți Sōmā
98 bhalu Kyapa-götrash Ye(Ya)jurvédi Chirhtalapäți Yarapota-bhalu Hari
99 ta-gütrach YeYajurvédi | Satyashidha Peddi-bhaṭlu Sathama[r*Jahana-götrah Ya
Adu
100 jurvédi Sölasa Pedd-ojhalu Bhärdvāja-götrain Ye(Ya)jurvõdi 101 villa Sömayajulu Käsys(ya)pa-götrath Ye(Ya)jurvédi | Yaparula Pina-Ka
Seventh Plate, First Side
102 ma-bhaṭlu Bharadvaja-götram Ye(Ya)jurvedi Betana-bhatla Rudra103 bhaṭu(tlu) Kausika-gōtram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || Uttarēsvarapu Narasimhya(ha)104 somayajulu Kasya(sya)pa-götzah Ye(Yajurvedi J. Chedigola
105 ni Rāmā-bhaṭlu Kausika-gōtram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || Kamḍave(va)lli Prōlu
106 bhaṭlu Bharadvāja-gōtraṁ Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || Jonnalagadda Pōtu107 bhaṭlu Gautama-götram Ru(Ri)gvēdi || Mulukaluri Tallu-bha
108 tlu Kaumḍinya-gōtram Ru(Ri)gvēdi || Komḍapalli Gōpāļa-bhaṭlu Kaum109 dinya-götram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || Satakuri Pötu-bhaṭlu Käsya(éya)pa-go
110 tram Ru(Ri)gvēdi || 20 || Dakshina-éreni paschim adi 1 Arduvilla Lakshmanamayajulu Klaya(iya)pa-göteath Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Telaprāli Li
111
289
The Telugu numeral 8 is engraved to the left of the ring hole.
The engraver has omitted the name of his götra.
*The Telugu numeral 9 is engraved in the left margin.

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(VOL. XXXIII
290
ÉPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Seventh Plate, Second Side 112 mgā-ojhalu Bhāradvāja-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Mandadapu 113 Aubhal-ojhalu Kausika-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Bejaväda Simga114 ojhalu Kausika-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || Mamchi-bhațla Kämä115 bhatlu Maitriya-gotram Yē(Ya)jurvēdi | Büruu(vu)gadda Bhāva116 nārāyan-ojhalu Härita-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || Pura117 nam Tirumala-bhatlu Sāmdilya-gotram Ye(Yajurvēdi || Bi118 ttagumta Madha-ojhalu Sandilya-gotram Kämdava(Kāņva)-bakha || 119 Kumdēti Mailā-ojhala Bhāradvāja-gotram Kamdava(Kāņva)-säkha 120 Rēmalla Bhima-ojhalu Kāsya pa-gotram Kämdava(Käņva)-sākha || Mu121 kkolani Mädha-ojhalu Härita-götrar Ye(Ya)jurvēdi |
Eighth Plate, First Side 122 Pulya Prõlu-bhatlu Atrēya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || Alamů123 ri Jagannātha-bhatlu Kaumdinya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Appāya-dvi124 vēdula Tallu-bhatlu Chām(sām)ạilya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi [l*] Mailavarapu Te125 lumgari-bhatlu Bhāradvāja-gotram Ru(Ri)gvēdi || [A]”svarõmula Ka126 madēva-bhatlu Kausika-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Kātanagadda Aubhaļa-bha127 țlu Ātrēya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Metaku Jagannātha-bhatlu Kaumdi128 nya-götram Ye(Ya)jurvēdi | Dūrvāsula Appale-bhatlu Srivatsa-götra129 m Ye(Ya)jurvēdi || [Chē]takūri Sūru-bhatlu Kāsya(bya)pa-gotram Ru(Ri)gvēdi
Eighth Plate, Second Side
130
| 20 || Verasi 1204 [*]
Ninth Plate, First Side 140 di padamați-mukhamai mõta-rāviki veļli ūdugula-puţta mo141 chi vu(u)ttaram-mukhamai Bhimarati(thi)-dhari prāta-putta möchenu [l*] An142 dun=undi padamați-mukhamai būruvuku veļli ā-padamați143 Kumpațipuțţi tirigi nēla-puttan=umại vu(u)ttaran-mukhamai põi(yi)144 lõkunimgām-dirigi uttaram-mukhamai põyi dēvara-chēni145 padamați-nallam-buttan=umddi(di) padamați-mukhamai põyi 146 mõta-rāviki velli ā-padamați-pedda-puttan=undi daksha(kshi)ņam-mu147 khamai pöyi damţta-tādi-puttan=undi padumati-mukhamai po148 yi ūdugula-puttan-undi uttaram-mukhamai nēla kumta möchi pa149 damați-mukhamai põyi pedda-puttan=undi uttaram-mukhamaiyi(mai)
2 The Telugu numeral 1 and a floral design are faintly soon at the margin. The number 10 in Telugu unmorals is engraved near the ring hole. This plate is only 8 inches height. The lotter i seems to have been corrected to a.
• The old writing on the rest of the plate is beaten in. Some letters belonging to the earlier grant are visible here and there.
• The writing on this plate referring to the boundaries of the gift land begins abruptly in the middle of a word which may be andunumdi.

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No. 52)
VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1330
Ninth Plate, Second Side 160 mamchi-nilla-kumţta-ājñā(gnē)yam-mūla yarram-buțţa möchenu (1*] 151 Andun-umdi daksha(kshi)ņam-mukhamai põyi Pemchikelapādu no152 chi padumati-mukhamai põyi pādu tirigi daksha(kshi)pa-mukhamai 153 põyi prāṁta-mõndugu-puttan=umdi tūrupu-mukhamai 154 põyi yarram-buțțan=umại daksha(kshi)ņa-mukhamai pöyi pe155 dda-putta möchi padamați-mukhamai soyi borra-nakka-viriki veļli156 kara-vemtanë pöyi Bhimarati(thi) dāmți duriye(ya)-duksha(kshi) pann-mukha* 157 mai põyi vāmgu vu(u)ttarapu-prămta-putta möchi padamați-mu
158 khamai třge-mrosdumuku veļli Paimçi-mukkula-rāvula-domkka 159 möchi vu(u)ttaram-mukhamai põyi domka tirigi pedda-putton=urn
Tenth Plate, First Side 160 [d=im"Jchika-mēral võyi padamaţi mukhamai Bhimarathi mochenu [l*) Amddvn=n. 161 hdi Bhimarati(thi) vemttanē uttaram-mukhamai põyi Mallamarāju-kana162 man=uṁdi padumați-mukhamai põyi Penamamgüri polamēra163 mlmdi pedda-puttan=undi uttaram-mukhamai Sambane-kumta padamatai164 gāṁ=böyi Nāgamayya-putta mochi padamați-mukhamai i165 mchika-mēra poyi uttaram-muklamai põyi Gəragaparti po16€ lamēra mimdi nēla-putta mochi tūrppu-mukhamai põyi tum167 ga-kumta möchenu [l*] Aṁdun=umļi uttaran-mukhamai pöyi graddala168 marri-kumta tirigi tūrpu-mukhamai põyi nēla-kumta mochi u169 ttaram-mukhamai poyi Mõramţāda polamēra-mimdi Garapapu
Tenth Plate, Second Side 170 polamēra nirnna(rça)yamu | I(I)śāny-ādi Kanumūri voddum-jēruvu daksha(kshi)ņapu-tū 171 munan=umddi(di) daksha(kshi)ņapu-mukhamai põyi avurun-gödu dāmţi 172 inchika-mēra pāyi padumati-mukhamai põyi dakshakshi)napu-mu173 khamai pöyi appaţimnni(ni) padumati-mukha mai põgi daksha(kshi)ņa174 mukhamai põyi nallam-buttan=umời tūrppu-mu175 khamai põyi prāmta-puttan=umddi dakshakshi)ņa-mukhamni 176 põyi Doddapanēni-vāri-tomta padamați Poturāju vam177 kka-tādi-puttan=umdi tūrppu-mukhamai poyi Mum”lap[u]178 mdi mamchi-nila-kumta padamați-chauta-nūítan=uṁddi(di) daksha(kshi)ņa 179 mukhamai põyi Mirti-pedda-puttan=uṁdi tūrpu-mukhamai põyi ās
1 The letter ra is engraved above the line. * The Telugu numerals 1 and 2 are written vertically at the side of the ring hole. . The writing stops here abruptly.

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[VOL. XXXIII Eleventh Plate, First Side
[Oriya) 180 Mēdura-thala-madhyē Vēlagāliņi Koshța(shtha)-kari(ra)ņa-nāmā khandē āti181 to Bhögyama-daņdapāța mūla-kotha-desarū phēdi Sriharsta(sta)182 santake Gautami-nadi-gara[bha]-bhista *Jrē Singa Vrēhala(pa)ti Purņa183 kāli(la)-smaē Śrthastē pāņi chhāļīlā bhūmi-dāna nānā-göta Vrā(Brā)184 hmaṇanku Vira-sri-Gajapta(pati)-Gaudēsara rņa(na)va-koti-Karppăta185 Kalavarag-ösara Pratāpa-Kapilēsaradēva-mahārāja186 ikara data Jägēsarapura-sāsana Vēlamapura-säsana Pratäpa-Ka187 pilēsarapura-sāsana ē tini sāsanaku bhā[ga*) 40 lēkhāē bhāga 120 [l*] [@l] 188 vāļi-tőlā-jala-bhūmi madhikari dēi hõilā [l*]ē gaara bhūmi189 pāa aihmē sarva-māirņņa chhatisī āvadānā madhikari chhādi bhākē(ga)-[bho)
Eleventh Plate, Second Side 190 ga karāivā [1 ***
[Sanskrit 191 Kalyāṇam=ākalayatām Kamalādhinātha) Kõlākritir-jala-nidho192 s=samuduhyamānā || (I) damtēna yasya kanak-achala-karnikā 193 bhūr=vyāköcha-kökanada-koraka-kämtir=āsīt ||Sri[h*1 | 194 Avēdanāni shatttrimsat=tyaktvā éri-Kapilēsvaraḥ [l*) grāma195 gräs-ānvitam grāmaṁ sarva-mānyam sad=ākarot 1(1) Sã196 māny-foya dha]rma-sētur=nsipāņam kālē kālē pāla197 nisyyölyö)] bhavadbhiḥ | ittham sarvān bhāvinaḥ pā198 rtthi[vēmdrā]n bhūyo bhūyo yāschaltē [Ra*]ma199 cham(dra] [11*]
- A floral design is engraved near the ring hole. * The various designs engraved aftor this have already been discussed above, p. 276. * Metro: Vasantatilaka.
• The following six lines, apparently belonging to the original charter, have to be read from the bottom side of the plate. They exhibit marks of being partially beaten in and appear to have been engraved by a different hand. These lines were probably not completely beaten in because they are not unsuitable to the context of the new record.
Metro: Anuxhubh. • Motre Salint.

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No. 53-BANDORA PLATES OF MAURYA ANIRJITAVARMAN, YEAR 29.
(1 Plate) G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 13.11.1958) This copper-plate inscription is edited here, with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, from a set of photographs obtained in his office during the year 1949-50.The plates are reported to have been found at a place called Bandora in the Goa territory, along with the two grants of Bhoja Pțithivimallavarman and another two of the Kadamba kings Tribhuvanamalladēva and Shashthadēva II respectively.
The set consists of two plates, each measuring about 6-6" by 2.6'. In the left margin of each plate, there is a hole about .25" in diameter, through which passed a ring. A small piece of copper is chipped off in the right-hand corner of the first plate ; but only three or four letters have been lost thereby, which, however, can be restored without difficulty. Otherwise, the writing is wellpreserved.
The characters of the record closely resemble those of the two grants of the Bhöja king Prithivimallavarman referred to above though they are box-headed (of a peculiar type) in our inscription instead of what has been called hook-headed in the other records. So on grounds of palaeography, the present inscription may be referred to about the 6th or 7th century A.D. Each plate is engraved on the inner side only and there are eleven lines of writing, the first plate containing five lines while the second plate six. The orthography of the record does not call for any special remarks. The language is Sanskrit and the entire text is in prose. In point of style also the record bears close similarity to the two Bhöja grants mentioned above.
The inscription opens with the word dittham. The charter is issued from the victorious Kumāra-dvipa and refers itself to the reign of the Maurya Mahārāja Anirjitavarman (line 1). It is addressed, in the words of the king, to the inhabitants of the Twelve-village deša as well as the present and future officials such as the bhõjakas, āyuktakas and sthāyins (lmes 2-3). The object of the record in lines 3-8 seems to register the king's grant of one hala of khajjana land as well as a piece of land, including a house-site, a garden and a tank belonging to an unnamed Rashtrakūta. In addition to this, some land to be reclaimed by clearing the forest (aranya-karshana) by employing four batches of workers (préshya-kula) was also granted. The gift was made for securing the welfare and final beatitude of the king as well as of Nāgapadda, Malladatta and Achala. The donee was Hastyarya of the Harita götra, who is called ukta-niyoga and grihita-sāhasra. The expression mkta niyoga seems to have been used in the sense of a specified or appointed person. while grihita-sähasra appears to denote '& person learned in the Sama-Vēda (which is supposed to have a thousand branches]'. The gift was exempted from all taxes (panga).
1 It is registered in A.R. Ep., 1949-60, App. A, No, 9. Cf. also above, Vol. XXVI, PP. 339-40. . Abovo, pp. 61 ff. • Ibid., Vol., XXX, pp. 71 ff. . Below, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 105 f. . For panga meaning a kind of tax, 100 above, pp. 64 ff.
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[VOL. XXXIII
Lines 8-9 state that the Brahmana, i.e. the donee Hastyarya, who would enjoy the produce of the land by putting up a bund to prevent the salt water [from entering the field on the sea-shore] should not be disturbed in his enjoyment by anybody. This is followed by another imprecatory sentence in lines 9-11.
The executor (ajñapti) of the grant was the king himself (line 11). The charter ends with the date (line 11) which is given as the tenth day of the seventh fortnight of Hema, i.e. Hemanta, in the twentyninth year apparently of the king's reign. This year 29 is expressed by the numerical symbols for 20 and 9.
The inscription is important as it introduces a hitherto unknown king of the Maurya dynasty, viz. Anirjitavarman who seems to have held sway somewhere in the western coast about the Goa territory about the 6th or 7th century A.D. Though it is difficult to identify Kumara-dvipa whence the charter was issued, it appears to have been located somewhere in this region. In this connection, we may notice another copper-plate inscription which is also reported to have been discovered in Goa and which belongs to the reign of a king named Chandravarman. It is dated in the second regnal year of the king, Chaitra (?) ba-di 10. On palaeographical grounds, this record may be referred to a date slightly earlier than that of the inscription under study. Its object is to record the donation of some land to the Maha-vihāra at Sivapura which is identified with the modern village of the same name near Chandor in Goa. This shows that Chandravarman was ruling over some part of the Goa territory. Unfortunately the first line of the record which apparently contained the name of the dynasty to which Chandravarman belonged is very badly damaged and effaced. Dr. M.G. Dikshit read two letters in this line as maryya and suggested that the king might have belonged to the early Kadamba dynasty. In a note on this inscription, Dr. D. C. Sircar suggested the reading of the word Mauryya as an alternative to m-aryya and observed that Chandravarman of Goa might have had some relations with the Mauryas of the Konkan. A close examination of the printed facsimile of the record would show that the reading of the word Mauryya in line 1 is almost certain and this no doubt refers to the dynasty to which Chandravarman belonged. Thus we get one Chandravarman of the Maurya dynasty who was also ruling somewhere in the west coast in the Goa territory near about the period of the inscription under study. Except Chandravarman and Anirjitavarman, no other king of this dynasty ruling in the said region at this period is known. But from the Siroda plates of Devaraja and from the recent discovery of a few copper-plate grants of the kings of the Bhoja dynasty, we learn that these Bhoja Lings also held sway somewhere in the Goa territory on the west coast from the fourth to the sixth century A.D. The relations between the two Maurya kings Anirjitavarman and Chandravarman with the Bhōja kings cannot be determined without further light on the subject. It may, however, be noted that, in the celebrated Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II dated in 634 A.D., the king's father Kirtivarman I is described as a night of death to the Mauryas, Nalas and Kadambas of whom the Mauryas were ruling in the Konkan as stated later in the record. Mangalesa and Pulakesin II also are credited with success against these Mauryas. The events took place during the latter half of the sixth century and the first half of the seventh century A.D. It is not impossible that the Mauryas defeated by the early Chalukyan kings belonged to the same branch as that of Anirjita varman and Chandravarman. Since the early Western Chalukyan records do not refer to the defeat of the Bhojas but
1 New Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, pp. 181-84 and Plate.
An. Bh. Or. Res. Inst., Vol. XXIII (Silver Jubilee Volume), pp. 510-13.
Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 143 ff.; Vol. XXVI, pp. 337 ff.
Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 4 ff., text line 4.
This event is also referred to in the later records like the Kauthem grant (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 15 ff.) Above, Vol. VI, pp. 4 ff., text lines 6 and 10.

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Page #409

BANDORA PLATES OF MAURYA ANIRJITAVARMAN, YEAR 29
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No. 53]
BANDORA PLATES OF MAURYA ANIRJITAVARMAN, YEAR 29
295
only to that of the Mauryas, it appears that the latter ousted the Bhoja kings in the west coast about the sixth century A.D. and that they, in their turn, were defeated by the early Chālukyas of Bādāmi.
As stated before, the gift was made for the merit of the king as well as that of three other perBons named Nagapadda, Malladatta and Achala. The relationship of these three persons with the king is not mentioned. It is possible that they were the real donors of the gift," and the land, including the house-sito, garden and tank belonging to the Räshfrakūta, appears to have been purchased by them for the purpose of the gift. The expression khajjana occurs in some other records of this regiou and it has been shown to be the same word as the modern Marathi (and also Konkani) khājan meaning 'a rice-field created out of the nullah on a sea-shore by putting embankments after the ebb-tide. It is interesting to note that this meaning is supported by our inscription which states that the donee would cultivate the land by putting up an embankment to prevent the salt water (lavana-jalan sētună nivārya kshetram=utpădya cha).
Kumāra-dvipa is the only geographical name mentioned in the record and it has been discussed above.
TEXTS
First Plate
1 [Di]ttham (Dfishtam) [*] Vijaya-Kumāradvipān-Mauryya-maharajasya Srimad
Anirjjitavarmmand vacha[nāt]" dēsē Dvadasagrāmgās grāmõ(ma)-paurakāḥ varttamāna-bhavishyad-bhõjak-āyuktaka-sthā
[yy-a]-* 3 dayaś=cha vaktavyāḥ yath=ātra grāma-sīmē=smābhiḥ Nägapadda-Malladatt-Achalānātinām) 4 ātmanas=cha ih-āmatrika-ni[h*]ørēyas-ārttham khajjanam(na)-halam=ērākám -ēkataḥ
@katas-cha 8 rấshtrakūta-taţāka-vātaka-griha-sthāna-bhu(bhū)miḥ chatu[r*]bbig=cha prēshya-kulairyyad-stra simē
. Second Plate 6 Brāhmaṇaḥ aranya-karshanam(pam) kārāpayati tēns sārddha[m](rddham) uktárkta):
niyogāya gribista]7 sāhā(ha)sraya Hārita-sagötrāya Hastyäryyāya sarvva-panga-parihțita-pari(ri)hāram 8 udakēna sampradattam [l*) jñātv=aivam Brāhmaṇaḥ lavana-jala[m] sētuna niväryya kshet
ram 9 atpădya ch=opabhumjamānaḥ na kēnachid=vyamsayitavya) [I*) yo=smat-kul-ābhyantaro
nyo vā rågaSee above, pp. 50 ff.
Ibid., pp. 53-54 and 63. • Prom photographs • The portion in brackets has been chipped off. . Read grámya.
Read thom. Read karayati.

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296 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII 10 dvösha-lobha-mada-matsaryy-idibhir-ddoshair=abhibhutah vyamsanān-kuryyat sa pañcbus
mahāpatak-o11 papātaka-samyukta[h] syād=iti (l) atr=ājāaptiḥ svaya mahārājaḥ || sävva(sarhva) 20
9 || Héma 7 diva 10 [1]

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No. 54-CHANDIL STONE INSCRIPTION
(1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 23.3.1958) In November 1957 I received an impression of a stone inscription for examination from Mr. A. C. Banerji of the Mid-Eastern Circle of the Department of Archaeology, Patna. The inscribed stone was found by the Circle officers at the village of Chandil in the Singhbhum District of Bihar. The stone slab was originally the lintel in the doorway of an old temple destroyed long ago. A new temple was later constructed on the foundation of the old one.
The inscription is written in three lines; but the third line is very small. The beginning of the second line is ahead of the first whilė line 3 begins ahead of line 2. The incision of the letters is deep and most of them can be seen clearly from the back of the impression. But the impression itself suffers from indifferent in king. The space covered by the writing is about 251 inches in length and about 34 inches in height.
The characters of the record resemble those in the epigraphs of the age of the early Palas and may be assigned to a date in the eighth or ninth century A.D. on palaeographical grounds. Both the Dēvanāgari and Bengali types of the anusvāra are used in the epigraph.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit ; but it is very corrupt there being a number of grammatical and orthographical errors. An interesting orthographical feature is the indiscrimje nate use of 6 and 8 in the words Satata (Sanskrit satata), futa (Sanskrit suta) and sira (either Sanskrit firas or a mistake for Siva).
The inscription, written in three sentences, bears neither any date nor the name of the ruler of the country. Its object is to record the construction of a dēvakula or temple, apparently at Chandil in the Singhbhum District where the inscribed stone has been found, by a person named Dāmappa who was the son of Bhögulla. This is indicated by the last sentence of the record which reads: Bhögullasya futa-Dāmappēna dēva kula sthäpitan (i.e. Bhögullasya sutēna Dāmappena dēvakulan sthāpitam). The name Dāmappa seems to be of Kannada origin and the original home of the family to which the person belonged may have been in the southern part of India. The name of the deity for whom Dāmappa built the shrine is not clear from the context. But the person is introduced in the first sentence o sthe record as a devotee of a deity called Bhagavati Trailokyavijayā and it is apparently this goddess whose shrine was built. This sentence reads : fri-bhagavatyān Trailokyavijayāṁ Dāmappa satatar bhaktibhāvë tīshthati (i.e. tri-bhagavatyāṁ Trailokyavijayāyām Dāmappah satatam bhakti-bhāvēna tishthati).
The second sentence of the inscription is very much corrupt. It reads : nä[ma)-daranan pra[tyeksha) jit-anjalim=ashthanga sirasā yojyä pata[m] pranamāmi. It will be seen that, while the first sentence uses the name of the individual responsible for the construction of the shrine in the Third Person, the second is apparently represented as his speech in the First Person. Moreover the too many grammatical errors in the sentence make it very difficult to understand its real import. But we may possibly suggest that the main part of the sentence in correct Sanskrit should be näma-smaranāt pratyakshan krit-anjalin 8-asht-angan firasa yojyä patan pranamāmi. In that case, firasā yojya, 'one worthy of being placed on the head', together with namasmaranāt pratyaksha, 'one who becomes visible to a person as soon as the latter remembers her name', has to be regarded as an epithet of the goddess Trailokyavijaya. The sentence would then mean : "I bow down, with all my eight limbs and with folded palms, to the goddess who becomes visible to & person as soon as he remembers her name and who is worthy of being placed on the head, after having fallen flat on the ground."
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII Or, should we think that ti intended word is Siva-syujyāya ? Siva-sayujya is of course 'communion with the god Siva', or a brorption into Siva'. Sayujya is the last of the four grades or states of mukti or beatitude, the three others being sālokya (being in the same world as the god to whom one is devoted), sāmipya (nearness to the object of devotion), and sārūpya (assimilation to or conformity with the deity), to which some authorities add sārshți (equality in rank or condition or power with the deity). If this emendation is accepted, Dāmappa no doubt believed that his devotion to the goddess Trailökya vijaya would lead to his communion with Siva. The association of Trailökyavijaya and Siva again would suggest that the goddess was conceived as the Sakti of the god.
There is no goddess named Trailokyavijaya in the Hindu or Buddhist pantheon. In the lexicons, the expression trailokyavijayā in the feminine is recognised only in the sense of a sort of hemp from which an intoxicating infusion is prepared'. But the name of the goddess reminds us of the Buddhist god Trailökya vijaya whose conception is associated with the Buddhist attempt to humiliate the Hindu deities Siva and Parvati. This god is represented as blue-coloured, fourfaced and eight-armed and as exhibiting the Vajrahuňkära-mudra (i.e. with the wrists of the principal hands crossing at the breast, an attitude indicating intensity) with the hands holding the bell and thunderbolt, as carrying in the three other right hands the khafänga (a staff with a skull at the top), goad and arrow and in the three other left hands the bow, noose and thunderbolt, as standing in the pratyālidha attitude (ie. with the left foot advanced and the right drawn back) with garments of various colours, and as trampling on the head of Siva with his left foot and the breasts of Gauri or Pärvati with the right. Trailökyavijaya was probably conceived by the Buddhists as the Sakti of the god Trailokya vijaya even though she may not have enjoyed wide popularity. But our inscription may also suggest that in the early medieval period the goddess was already identified with Gauri or Pärvati, the consort of Siva. The case may thus be similar to such other Buddhist deities as Tārā. The inscription would then, along with others like the Nārāyanpur Vinayaka image inscription of the fourth regnal year of the Pāla king Mahipāla (probably Mahipala I, c. 992-1040 A.D.), give an indication as to how the Buddhist masses were gradually absorbed into the Brahmanical society. The Nārāyanpur inscription records the installation of a Brahmanical deity by a follower of the Buddhist faith. Whether the nature of our inscription is Buddhist, or semi-Bud lhist, the region around Chandil appears to have come once under the influence of Buddhism.
TEXT 1 Sri-bhagavatya[m] Ttrailökyavijayan Dāmappa[h*] ba(sa)tata[m] bhakti-bhāvētisti)shţhati
[[*] nā[ma]-saranai? > pra[työkshal' jit-āñjalim=ashthanga sira sã yõjyä pata[m] praņamāni 1Bhögullasya
su(su)ta 13-Dāmappēna 3 dēvakula[m*) sthāpitaṁ(tam ||
Cf. Sabdakalpadruma, S. v. sayujyan.
Soe Sadhanamala, 0.0.8., p. 511, No. 202; B. Bhattacharya, Indian Doldhist Iconography, pp. 146-47; A. Cotty, Gods of Northern Buddhism, pp. 114.16.
Ind. C'HU., Vol. IX, pp. 121 ff. Fron an impression. Read ovijayāyām.
Detter read bharona. ? Bettor read smaranál.
Read pratyakshan. The akshara oh tha is written below the line. Read krit-anjali s-doh tangan. 1. The intended reading may be sirası yõjyüm (or sa inyoya) or Siva-sayujyaya. 11 Read patan. 1. Tho punctuation mark is indicated by a risarya-like sign.
1Better Bhögulla-suta or Bhögullaaya sutēna; but såpēksha-samadas aro quito common in the epigraphio litora. lure of India. Sec Select Inscriptions, pp. 175, note 6; p. 179; p. 278, note 3, etc.

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CANDIL STONE INSCRIPTION
Scale: One-third
2

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Page #416

No. 55-INSCRIPTION FROM BANTVALA B. R. GOPAL, OOTACAMUND, AND R. SATHYANARAYANA, MYSORE
(Received on 6.3.1958) The inscription, edited here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, is engraved on a stone tablet fixed into a platform in front of the Venkataramanasvāmin temple at Bangvāla in the Mangalore Taluk of the South Kanara District.
The epigraph is engraved in Kannada script excepting the last two lines which are in Nagari characters. Its language, however, is Kannada all through. As regards the palaeography of this late record, it is interesting to note that it uses the sign for indicating the length for è and 0, which is placed to the right side of the letter.
The record registers the death of Svāmi Bhuvanēndra-tirtha Sripada of the Kasi matha and the erection of a lamp-post by Srinivasa Bāliga, the fifth son of Venkatēsa Bāļiga of Bantvāļa, in commemoration of the event. The inscription contains two dates, one relating to the death of the Svāmi and the other to the erection of the lamp-post. The first date is Śaka 1808, Vyaya, Märgasīrsha-bu. 1, Friday, corresponding to the 26th November 1886 A.D. The same date is referred to in the concluding section in Nägari characters (lines 20-21), where reference is made to Friday the twelfth day of the month of Vrischika in the year Vyaya. The details agree with the 26th November 1886 A.D. The date of the erection of the lamp-post is given as Magha fu. 18, Tuesday, regularly corresponding the 8th February 1887 A.D., and this English date also is specified in the record in line 19.
Srinivasa Bāļiga, the donor of the lamp-post, was a Brāhmaṇa of the Gauda-Särasvate community belonging to the Kāsi matha. It is said that the Sārasvatas originally belonged to the Punjab where they dwelt on the banks of the river Sarasvati. Some of them are believed to have migrated to Bihar and settled in Tirhut, whence they moved westwards and settled in Goa in the South Konkan.' About 1554 A.D. when the Portuguese, who were by then masters of Goa, began their religious persecution, the Sārasvatas fled from Goa and settled in the neighbouring Sonda State, the North and South Kanara Districts and the Cochin and Travancore States. In the earliest Kadatas (old account books) and palm-leaf documents available in the South Kanara District, they are known as Konkanastha or, as we find in our inscription, Konkana-dësiya-GaudaSārasvata.
Till the advent of Madhvachārya, the founder of the dualistic philosophy, the Sārasvatas belonged to the Kavale matha (Kaivalyapura or Quela in Goa). But later many of them became followers of Madhvacharya and set up their own spiritual heads. Thus there are two other mathas of the Gauda-Särasvata community besides the Kavale matha, viz., the Kāsi matha and the Gökarna matha, both being Vaishnava institutions of the dualistic school of philosophy. A matha at Bantvāla was established by Svāmi Dēvēndra-tirtha of the Kāki matha about the middle of the 18th century. Svāmi Bhuvanēndra-tīrtha, whose death our record registers, was the disciple of Syami Suyatindra-tirtha and is said to have possessed mantra-sakti as well as vaidya-kakti. He attained samadhi at Basrür in 1886 A.D. on the date given above.
1 A.R.E-p., 1956-57, No.B 223.
According to a noto received by us from the authorities of the Kasi matha, Srinivisa Baliga was the socond son of Venkatesa Baliga. But, according to the genealogical chart received from Shri B. Vaikunta Baliga, the former was the fifth son of the latter and this is supported by the record under study. For further details about the Gauda-Sarasvatas, see Chavan, Vaishnava Dharma of the Gauda-Sarasvatas. :
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300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII The donor of our record was a member of the Bäļiga family that was among those that fled from Goa and after various vicissitudes at last settled at Baộtvāla and had a temple constructed there. A celebrated member of this family is the late Bāb Bāļiga, in whose memory a peepal tree was planted and a high stone platform was built for its protection. Our inscription is engraved on one of the stones fixed into this platform. In the present inscription, Bantvāla, described as the abode of the guru, is referred to as Vațapura.
The main interest in the record lies in the fact that it contains & song in praise of the guru. The song is, as the record itself mentions, in the Kāpi-rāga and ata-tāļa (ashta-tāla). Kāpi is a dedya (imported) rāga, borrowed from Hindustani music and assimilated into the Karnataka system. It is a bhashānga-janya-rāga belonging to the Kharaharapriya mēļa, omitting ga and dha in the ascent, with curvature about dha in the descent, and employing Kakali nishāda as an accidental in the ascent. It bears & general structural resemblance with its North Indian namesake and is in wide usage in South India, especially since the advent of the Trinity of Karnataka music, viz. Tyägarāja, Dikshitar and Sama Sastri. Ata-tāla is one of the seven suļādi talas of ancient origin popular in Karņātaka, especially in the devotional songs of the Haridāsas.
The song in our record consists of a pallavi, an anupallavi and two charanas, and is in the literary style of the Haridāsas. The pallavi and anupallavi are of equal length, each consisting of two lines of eleven and thirteen syllables respectively. Each of the two charaṇas is of approximately the same size and consists of four lines. Inasmuch as the anupallavi of the present composition is of the same size as the pallavi, the general rule in musical composition that the anupallavi should be twice the length (i.e. twice the number of lines of the same size as in the pallavi) is not observed. It may, however, be noted that it is one of the numerous exceptions where this rule is not followed. The composition conforms, in any case, to the rule so far as the charana is concerned as it is twice in length of the anupallavi. The two charanas are also in general agreement with the compositional style of the Haridāsas in the simple, almost prosaic, form of the language, the subject matter, the length of each line and the mention of the author in the last line of the last charaya.
The metre of the composition cannot be classified under måtrā-gana or ansa-gana. The accent and caesura are nowhere uniform. At best, it is an approximate Anāvartans-vritta and as such suits melodic rendering. The approximately uniform syllabic quantity in the lines of the verse is an advantage to the composition which is nibaddha (i.e., set to time) in view of the possibility of equitable syllabic distribution over the tāla cycle. The syllabic quantity in the lines is suited to the atta-tāla cycle of fourteen mätras, as there would be the minimum crowding or gap. Moreover there is abundance of the metrical units tribrach, dactyl and anapaest in the composition. The absence of complex consonantal combinations is a feature of the song. Despite all these, the composition lacks force of expression and elegance.
The literary theme of the song is consistent with Mādhva philosophy which places considerable importance on the status of the guru and marks out a gradation of the jivas in the cosmic world in which the guru-traya head the list. The theme of the song is suitable since Bhuvanēndra-tirtha was probably the guru of the author.
The song may be translated freely as follows:
Pallavi : There is no god greater than the Preceptor. Emancipation cannot be obtained without [the guidance of] a good Preceptor.
* We are indebted to the manager of the Kasi matha for giving us information about the Gauda-Karnevatn community and the Kasi maha and some other details.

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No. 55)
INSCRIPTION FROM BANTVALA
301
Anupallavi : The foot of the lord, the Preceptor, which has created the world, is without beginning, middle or end. It is beyond nāda and śruti. It is to be seen and understood through sādhana.
Charanas : The mortals made of the three gunas (viz., sattva, rajas and tamas) contemplate the foot of the Preceptor which is free from these constant attributes. Countless great saints contemplate the foot of the Preceptor in their hearts. All the living world as represented by the celestial, human, teptilian, aerial and animal beings as well as the movable and immovable (i.e., animate and inanimate) are but the light (reflected] from the dust on the Preceptor's foot. The. noble Vatapura is the abode of the Preceptor.
The name of the composer of the song occurs in line 7 as Srivasa kțishna. Enquiries reveal that the donor was a pious man who was an ardent lover of poetry and music. It may be surmised that he himself composed the song. The text, however, refers to the composer as hailing from Sirivala which we are unable to identify.
TEXT
1 Om [1] Räga kāpi ashtatāļa (varasa] [*) Guruviind-adhika daivavilla sad-guru vinah. 2 mukti doregombud-illa i pallavi || Adi-madhy-anta-rabitavu | jagad-adi3 nirmita gurunāthana padavu | näd-ādi-frutig-agocharavu | bhalba)lu sādhisi ti4 lidu-no(nő)diro guru-padavu | Guņa[tri]ti(ti)y-âtma mūrtiyaru nitya-guna-virahi6 ta guru-pāda-dhyāniparu gananey=illada yogi[svara]ru | hriday-āmgañadali guru-pa6 da-dhyāniparu | Sa(Su)ra-nar-õraga-khaga-mrigavu char-achara jagat guru-pada-ront
tēja7 [sa]vu | Vara-Vațapura guru-yiravu | Sirivalada Sri(Sri)vāsakrishnana sald-gu]öruvu ||
yama-niya8 m-adya-ashtāmga-yoga-sampannar-āda Komkaņa-dēsi(si)ya Gauda-Sārasvata Brāhmana
(jñā)9 tists)ya' guru-parāmparyaKäsi-mata(tha)da Suyatimdratirtha Sripădamgaļevara kara-Ica10 mala-samjāta Srimad Bhuvanēndra-tirtha Sripādamgaļavaru asht-amga-yoga ba11 ladim sahaj-anamda samādhiyam padedu sthita-prajñar=āgi prārabdh-anusára bhoga12 vam tirisi adya Śalivāhana Saka varusha 1808 nē Vyaya samo rada Mārgi(rga)
birsha su13 kla pratipade Bhrigu-vāra māsma)dhyānna(hna) abhija(ji)n-muhūrttakke iha
prakra(ksi)t-anusāra dēhavam tore14 du atm-ānamda chidābhā nāma aikya nirupādhika punarāvartti-rahita sāśvi(sva)ta māksh
änamdava15 min-aidid-ā ériguruvarar-āmghriya (ē]kāmta bhakt-ānubhaktar-ādha(da)vara pāda-kamala.
rēņugaļimda
1 From impressions. • The reading is doubtful and the meaning not clear. . The reading is doubtful.
Could the reading be jā° in the sense of caste ! * Read püramparya. The akshara san is the abbreviated form of samratara the last letter (ra) of which, however, is also inscribed.

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302 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII 16 alamkru(kri)tam=āda sira(8-sarā] -chä(ja)[ta Il] Supravara Käsya(bya)pa-gotraja ghana
vamai(ta)athar-āda Bamtavāla 17 Venkatēsa Bāļigara aidane maga Srinivāsa Bāliganu Srimad Bhuvanāṁdra-tirtha Sripa18 damgaļavara yasassu chirakāla uliyuvaste i di(di)pa-stambhavu sthāpisidd-ag-iruttade [l*] 19 Māgha sukla paurpami Kuja-vāra ta' 8 nē Phebravari 1887 nē isavi [l*] 20 Srimad Bhuvanēmdra-tīrtha Srīpādamgaļavaru Vyaya nama samvatsarada Vrbichi21 ka-māsa dina 12 nē Bhrigu-vāra dēha vam tõra(re)du mākshavan-aidida(ru) l*]
* The letter rd looks like la. # The letter id is the abbreviated form of Idrikhu meaning date. . This and the next line are engraved in Nagart characters.

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No. 56-TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GUPTA AGE
(1 Plute) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 9.5.1959) 1. Kalāchhala Fragmentary Grant of Isvararăta The inscription was discovered by Prof. A. V. Pandya of Sardar Vallabhbhai University at the village of Kalāchhalā near Karāli, about 10 miles to the west of Chhota Udaipur in Kathiawar. It is stated to have been lying with one Gambhirasingh Adesingh Parmar of the said village. Prof. Pandya deciphered the text of the inscription with the help of Prof. V. V. Mirashi and Dr. M. G. Dikshit and has published his transcript in the Vallabh Vidyanagar Research Bulletin, Vol. I, No. 2, International Language Section, pp. 2 and 28, with a photograph (Plate II A facing p. 4) and an eye-copy (p. 28). Prof. V.y. Mirashi has also edited the inscription in CII, Vol. IV, pp.603-04, Plate XCVII.
This is the first plate of a set, which is inscribed only on the inner side. The concluding part of the record, probably engraved on two other plates (i.e. on both sides of the second and the inner side of the third), is lost. There is a hole in the lower margin of the writing. But the ring which must have passed through it to hold the plates together and the seal of the donor of the charter which may have been affixed to it are both lost. The plate measures about 8 inches in length and about 3 inches in height. Its weight has not been recorded.
There are only four lines of writing on the plate. The characters belong to the West Indian variety of the South Indian alphabet of about the second half of the 4th century A.D. Letters like n and medial u exhibit an angle at the lower end. The intial vowel i occurs in - line 1. The language of the record is Sanskrit. Of orthographical interest is the fact that. consonants are rarely reduplicated in conjunction with .
Prof. Pandya assigns the record approximately to the fourth century A.D.' and further says, "Shri Miraghi supports the writer's dating of this plate (4th century A.D.), for its characters and wording bear close resemblance to those of the grants of the Mahārājas Svāmidāsa, Bhulunda and Rudradása. He suggests further that Isvararāta's suzerain was some king of the Abhira dynasty." In his own work referred to above, Prof. Mirashi says that Isvararāta ruled in the 4th century A.D. over a fairly extensive territory including Central Gujarăt and parts of the Khandesh District as a feudatory of the Abhiras and that his family continued to hold Central Gujarāt until it was ousted by Sarva-bhattāraka who rose to power about 400 A.D. as indicated by his coins imitated from those of the Western Kshatrapas.. We are sorry that it is not possible to agree with these views entirely. About the period in question, Kathiawar and the adjoining regions formed a part of the dominions first of the Sakas of Western India and then of the Imperial Guptas. No Abhira emperor is known to have ruled in the 4th century over wide areas of Western India.
The palaeography of the epigraph closely resembles that of the Sanchi inscription of Chandragupta II (376-413 A.D.), which is dated in the Gupta year 93 (412 A.D.). It is considerably earlier
1 An inaccurate transcript and a faulty interpretation of the record were originally published by Prof. Pandya in a brochure entitled New Dynasties of Gujarat History, 1950, p. 12, together with the same photograph and eye.
*Ibid., p. 2. 3 Ibid., p. 28.
• Op. cit., p. xxxvi. Prof. Mirashi's views that the records of Svămidăsa, Bhulunda and Rudradása (Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1259, 1266 and 1861) are dated in the Traikutaka-Kalachuri-Chidi era and that they were feudatories of an unknown Abhira ruler (of. ABORI, Vol. XXV. pp. 159 ff.; OII, Vol. IV, pp. 5 ff.) are absolutely untenable. See IHQ, Vol. XXII, pp. 84-85; Vol. XXIV, pp. 75-77. * Cf. CII, Vot. II, No. 5, Plate III B; Bühler's Table VII.
( 303 )

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304
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
than the Mandasor inscription (473 A.D.) written in the same alphabet. Among the copperplate grante of Svämidāsa, Bhulunda and Rudradāsa, the palaeography of Svāmidasa's grant of the Gupta year 67 (386 A.D.) resembles that of our record while the characters of Bhulunda and Rudradāsu, dated respectively in the Gupta years 107 (426 A.D.) and 117 (436 A.D.), are decidedly later. The characters of our epigraph, however, appear to be slightly earlier than the inscriptions of Chandragupta II and Svāmidāsa, referred to above. A date in the second half or about the last quarter of the fourth century A.D. appears therefore to suit the inscription under study.
The charter begins with a symbol for Siddham which is followed by a single sentence forming the introductory part of the grant. It introduces & subordinate ruler named Isvararāta who is described as paramabhattāraka-pädänudhyata, i.e. meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of & Paramahhatļārka who was an imperial ruler and apparently Isvararāta's overlord. The order of the chief Isvararāta, in regard to the grant to be recorded in the document, was issued from Prachakābā to the Brāhmaṇas and other villagers of Vēdhyakúpikā-grāma situated in Vanlikpatta and to all his officers such as the Ayuktas and Viniyuktas as well as the Kumārāmātyas, Uparikas, Dāndikas, Dāndapāśikas, Hastyasvajanavyāpritas, Chātas and Bhaças who were associated with the said village. This shows that Isvararāta granted either the village called Vēdhyakūpika-grāma or a portion of it to some donee whose name must have occurred in the latter part of the document engraved on the other plates of the set, which are now lost. The word patta in the name Vankikā-patta reminds us of its use in the sense of a district in records like a copper-plate grant of king Hastin of the Parivrājaka family. Ayukta seems to have been an administrative officer appointed by the king and Viniyukta & subordinate officer under the Ayukta, who was probably appointed by the latter. Kumārāmātya was an administrative officer enjoying the status of a prince and Uparika a viceroy. Dandika, and Dandapātika, generally occurring in the list of royal officials in the copper-plate grants, are often understood in the sense of a judge of criminal cases and a police officer respectively. Hastyasvajanavyäpritas were apparently military officers in charge of the elephant force, cavalry and infantry. The Chātas and Bha tas appearing in numerous records seem to have been policemen and Päiks.
The title Paramabhattāraka, applied to Isvararāta's overlord who is not mentioned' by name, was not assumed by Indian monarchs before the rise of the Guptas in the fourth century A.D. The official designations Kumārämätya," Uparika and Viniyukta? are similarly unknown in the records of the pre-Gupta 'age. There also appears to be Gupta influence on the official designation Hastyasvajanavyäprita. Under the circumstances, it is impossible to believe that Isvararāta flourished before the Gupta occupation of Western India.
It is well known that the imperial style Paramabhattāraka, together with Mahārājadhiraja and Paramesward, was popularised by the Gupta emperors whose feudatories enjoyed the title Mahāraja. This is clearly indicated by epigraphic records like the Udayagiri inscription of 401 A.D. mentioning a Sanakānika Mahārāja as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of
* cn, Vol. In, No. 18, Plate XI. * Above, Vol. XV, Plato facing p. 289; CII. Vol. IV, Plate II, A-C. • For namos ending in rata, see CII, Vol. III, pp. 33, 904 ; IHO. Vol. XXIII, pp. 221 f. «CII, Vol. III, p. 102, text line 15. *This first occurs in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (Select Inscriptions, p. 260).
• One of the earliest occurrences of this designation is found in the Damodarpur inscription of 444 A.D. (ibid., p. 284).
* This seems to be the same as Viniyuktaka, T'advinimuktaka and Tadáyuktaka. Seo ibid., pp. 284, 351, 360, etc.; CII, Vol. III, p. 169 and pote.
The expression hanty-asrajana ocoure in the Damodarpur plates of 543 A.D. and mohd now.hanty-abus in the spurious Nalanda and Gays plates of Samudragupta (Select Inscriptions, PP. 263, 265, 338). CL. Hastyasinhrubalavyäprita of some epigraphs.
Ibid., p. 271. Cf. also the evidence of the Damodarpur plates (ibid., Pp. 324-26, 328-30)) mentioning the Mahardja, Brahmadatta and Jayadatta as favoured by Paramabhaffaraka Maharajalineju Budharupta.

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No. 56) TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GUPTA AGE
305 Paramabhattāraka Chandragupta II. That the Gupta suzerain was sometimes mentioned only as Bhafçāraka or Paramabhaffäraka without specifying the name is clearly indicated by inscriptions like the Baigram platel of 448 A.D., and the Paharpur plate of 479 A.D. There is little doubt that, about the beginning of the 6th century A.D., king Narēndra of Sarabhapura mentions & Gupta emperor in his Kurud plates: merely as the Paramabhattāraka and that Mahārāja Satrudamana (first half of the 5th century A.D.) in his Peddadugam platest and Maitraka Dronasimba in his Bhamodra Mohota plates (502 A.D.) call themselves respectively Bhattāraka-padanudhyāta and Paramabhattāraka-pad-änudhyāta with reference to a Gupta emperor. There can also be no reasonable doubt that the Mahārājas Svāmidāsa, Bhulunda and Rudradāsa issued their charters in the Gupta years 67 (386 A.D.), 107 (426 A.D.) and 117 (436 A.D.) respectively and called themselves Paramabhattaraka-păd-ānudhyāta with reference to their Gupta suzerains.
The Gupta emperor Samudragupta (c. 335-76 A.D.) claims to have defeated the Aryāvarta ruler Rudradēva who seems to be none other than the Saka Mahākshatrapa Rudrasēna III ruling over the Malwa-Rajasthan-Kathiawar region in the period between 348 and 378 A.D. The absence of Rudra sēna's coins for the period between 351 and 364 A.D. was rightly regarded by Rapson as 'marked by some political disturbance during which the coinage ceased'. As we have suggested elsewhere, this was probably due to his defeat at the hands of Samudragupta and acceptance of the latter's allegiance. But Rudrasēna III appears to have assumed independence about fifteen years after his subjugation by the Gupta monarch. This necessitated the reconquest of the Saka dominions by Samudragupta's son Chandragupta II (376-413 A.D.). The latest date on the coins of the Saka Mahakshatrapa Rudrasimha III falls between 388 and 397 A.D. while the presence of Chandragupta in East Malwa, in connection with a military expedition, is indicated by his Udayagiri inscriptions, one of which is dated in the Gupta year 82 (401 A.D.). The Saka dominions in Western India thus appear to have been permanently annexed to the Gupta empire about the close of the 4th century A.D. Isvararāta of Kathiawar, acknowledging the supermacy of a Gupta emperor, may thus have issued his grant either about 360 A.D. when Kathiawar appears to have formed a part of the Samudragupta's empire or shortly after the overthrow of Saka Rudrasimha III by Chandragupta II. It may be questioned whether he would have been allowed to issue a charter in his own name in the above fashion when Gupta power was fully established in the erstwhile Saka kingdom. But, as already indicated above, we have instances of some other feudatories of the Gupta emperors issuing similar grants apparently with the permission or acquiescence of their overlords.
The importance of the inscription under study lies in the fact that it is the earliest extant copper-plate charter of the usual type so far discovered in the northern part of India. It appears to be earlier than the Dbanaidaha platele (dated the Gupta year 113-432 A.D.) of the time of Kumāragupta I, which was so long regarded as the earliest such genuine record. i I am not sure about the location of Prachakāśā nor of the district called Vankka-patta and the village called Vödhyakapika-grāma. But Vankikä-patta may be modern Wankaner in Kathiawar. Prachakābā cannot be indetified with Prakasha in the West Khandesh District, since the chiefdom of Isvararāta does not appear to have extended beyond Kathiawar.
1 Ibid., pp. 342 ff. (cf. Bhatfaraka-pad-anudhyata in line 1 and Bhaffaraka-padanam in line 13).
Ibid., pp. 346 ff. (cf. Paramabhaffaraka-padanam in line 16). * Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 267-68.
Ibid., pp. 89 ff. * Select Inscriptions, pp. 403 ff. • Rapeon, ('a'alogue of Coins, p. 145. Proc. IAC, 1944, pp. 78 ff.
Select Inscriptions, pp. 271, 272 and noto 5. ... Rapain, Catalogue, pp. cxlix ff.; Alin, Catalogue (Gupta). pp. Xxxvii f., lxxxvi f. 10 Select Inscriptions, pp. 280 ff.

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306
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
TEXT1
1 Siddham2 [*] svasti [*] Prachakāśāyāḥ paramabhaṭā(ṭṭā)raka-pad-änudhyāta Isvararata[b] kusali
2 Vankika-paṭṭē Vēdhyakupika-grāma-samupāgatātsa (n=sa)rvvän-ev-asmad-ayukta
vini
[VOL. XXXIII
3 yuktin-kumārāmāty-öparika-dāpḍika-dapdapātika-hastyasvajanavy[prita]-cha4 bhat-ādīdbra(n=Bra)hman-ottarams-cha
grama-prativāsi[na]h
kusalam-anuvarnya.
bodhaya
No. 2. Supia Pillar Inscription of the time of Skandagupta, Gupta Year 141.
The stone pillar bearing the old inscription under study was discovered in the village of Supia in the former Rewa State now merged in Madhya Pradesh. The pillar was utilised at a much later date to incise another inscription recording a performance of the Sati rite. This second epigraph on the back side of the pillar is much damaged ; but its purport is clear from the sculptural representation above the lines of writing. The older inscription recording the purpose for which the pillar was orginally raised is written in seventeen lines covering an area about 8 inches in breadth and about 22 inches in height.
Impressions of the inscription and photographs of the pillar were received in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India for examination about fifteen years ago. A small paper on the inscription was read at the Archaeological Section of the Banaras Session of the All-India Oriental Conference, 1943-44. It was published in the Proceedings of the Session, Vol. III, 1948, pp. 587-89. Unfortunately, the note was based on an inaccurate transcript of the epigraph. It is stated that "the object of the inscription is to record the consecration of an image of the goddess Shashthi by one Chhandaka.' But what was read as Shash thi is clearly yashthi(shti) meaning 'a pillar' and undoubtedly referring to the stone pillar on which the inscription is engraved. It was moreover not Chhandaka but his brother Varga whose pious activity is described in the record. About ten years ago, I received an impression of the inscription from the late Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar through Dr. R. C. Majumdar and noticed it briefly in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol. XV, 1949, p. 6.
The characters are the same as in the contemporary inscriptions of the central part of India such as the earlier records of the kings of the Parivrajaka and Uchchakalpa dynasties. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, although there are some errors of graminar and orthography. As regards orthography, it may be noted that, like many contemporary inscriptions, our epigraph exhibits the reduplication of some consonants preceding or following r. A point of orthographical interest is offered by the words vansa (for vam sa) and chatvärinsa (for chatvārim sa).
The date of the record is quoted in lines 8-9 in words as the year 141 of the reign of Skandagupta. The year has of course not to be referred to the regnal reckoning of the monarch, as the language may literally suggest, but to the Gupta era. Thus our inseription was engraved in the year 460-61 A.D. The specific day of the year, when the epigraph was incised, is indicated at the end of the record in lines 16-17, although the passage asyam divasa-pürvvāyām follows the mention of the year in lines 9-10 as if the day has been already indicated in the preceding section. The exact date of the record is given as the second tithi of the bright half of the month of Jyeshtha.
1 From the photograph published in the Vallabh Vidyanagar Research Bulletin, Vol. I, No. 2, International Language Section, Plato facing p. 4.
Expressed by symbol.
The last letter of the expression bodhayatt was apparently engraved on another plate which is now lost. Of. CII, Vol. IV, p. 607 and note, to which my attention was drawn when this paper was going through the press. Cf. ibid., Vol. III, pp. 93 ff., Nos. 21 ff.

Page #424

TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GUPTA AGE 1. KALACHHALA FRAGMENTARY GRANT OF ISVARARATA
-
:33 Au r % ਪੰਨੇ ਪਲਕਨ ਨੂੰ 3:
104 ਵਾਹ ਖੂਨ ੧੯ ਜੋਨ no ਤੀ ਤਾਂ
(from a Photograph)

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2. SUPIA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SKANDAGUPTA, GUPTA YEAR 141
2
TENT:
ha
14
ப
AADE 14
வா
Scale : One-Third

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No. 56)
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GUPTA AGE
307
Linos 1-8 introduce the reigning monarch, during whose rule the pillar was raised by one of his subjects. Mention is first made of Ghatotkacha, and Maharaja Samudragupta is the stated to have belonged to the former's family. Samudragupta was actusiy tale sou oi Chandragut I and the grandson of Ghatotkacha. The inscription then' mentions Vikramaditya, the son of Samudragupta, and Vikramaditya's son Mahārāja Mahēndraditya. There is no reference to the qualities or achievements of any of these rulers, and Ghatotkacha and Vikramaditya are mentioned even without the epithet Mahārāja. It may be mentioned in this connection taat the genealogy of the Guptas in the records of the family generally begins with Mahārija Gupta, father of Maharäja Ghatotkacha. But the mention of Ghatotkacha as the head of the Gupta gouealogy is found in the copper-plate grants of the Vākāțaka queen Prabhāvatiguptă, daughter of Chandragupta II Vikramāditya, which represent Ghatotkacha as the first king of the Gupta family. Another interesting feature of this part of the record under study is that Chandragupta II, son of Samudragupta, and the former's son Kumāragupta I have been mentioned in it by their titles as Vikramaditya and Mahendräditya respectively. These titles are found in the legends of some of the coins issued by these monarchs and not in the inscriptions of the family. We have also to note that the Gupta records generally mention Gupta and his son Ghatotkacha with the title Mahārāja, while Ghatotkacha's son Chandragupta I and the latter's successors are endowed with the more dignified title Mahārājādhirāja. But inaccuracy in such details is not unexpected in a private record like the one under study.'
Lines 4-8 describe the reigning monarch Skandagupta, also called a Maharaja rather inaoourately. He is stated to have been equal to the Chakravarlins: in prowess and valour, to Rāma (probably meaning Rāma, son of Dabaratha) in righteousness and to Yudhishthira in the matter of speaking the truth as well as of good conduct and modesty. These are of course vague praises which do not offer any historical information.
The next three lines (lines 10-12) introduce the person who was responsible for erecting the pillar. First is mentioned a freshthin or banker named Kaivarti-brēshthin. Kaivarti-grēshthin's son is stated to have been Hari-brēshthin whose son was Sridatta. This Sridatta seems to be described as a kutumbika, i.e. a husbandman, residing at the locality called Avadara. The language of the section may also be taken to mean that it was Kaivarti-arēshthin who was a kutum bika of Avadara. But it is doubtful whether the same person should have been called both a frēsh thin and a kutumnbika.
Next Varga is introduced as the brother of Sridatta and Chandaka as the brother of Varga. Thus Hari-śrēshthin had three sons, viz. Sridatta, Varga and Chhandaka, of whom Sridatta seems to have been the eldest and Chhandaka the youngest. It is interesting to note that, while the father and grandfather were freshthins or bankers by profession, none of the three brothers is called
freshthin. On the other hand, as already indicated above, the elder brother appears to be described as a kutumbika or husbandman while the second brother Varga is called a grāmika or village headman in the latter part of the document. This probably suggests that the cognomen was not yet stereotyped in the family.
Lines 13-15, recording the object of the inscription, state that Varga-grāmika, for the purpose of acquiring merit for himself, erected the bala-yashi which was a götra-sailikā meant for the
1 Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 412, note 3.
See, e.g., the Mankuwar image inscription mentioning Kumăragupta I a . Maharaja (ibid., p. 288, noto 2).
• Twelve ancient imperial rulers of Indian tradition, beginning with Bharata, are specially called Cakravartins. Cf. Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v:
The words breah thin and kufumbilu as found in inscriptions have been generally understood in the abovo
. Seo Liders' List, Nos. 976, atc. Nos. 24, sto. Cf. R. Fick, The Social Organisation in North-East India. Eng. trans.. pp. 256-57.

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increase of yasah and kirti. It will be seen that Varga, who was the elder brother of Chhandaka, younger brother of Sridatta, son of Hari-Srështhin and grandson uf Kaivarti-árēshțhin, has been meritioned here as Varga-gramika. The word grāmika affixed to Varga's name suggests that he was the headman of a village which seems to be no other than Avadars. The synonymous words yasah and kirti, when used together, are often understood in the sense of glory in this life and fame after death.1
There is no doubt that the stone pillar, which bears the inscription and was erected by Varga, is called a bala-yashti. The use of the word yashti in the sense of a pillar raised in memory of the dead is known from the Sui-Vihär and Andhau inscriptions. It therefore appears that Varga raised the pillar bearing the inscription in memory of his grandfather Kaivarti-brēshțhin, his father Hari-brēshthin, his elder brother Sridatta and his younger brother Chhandaka who were apparently all dead. The memorial pillar is also called a götra-sailikā or 'family (pillar of] stone' apparently because it was raised in the memory of several members of the family. We know that the word gätra, apparently a mistake for götra which is a contraction of gotra-sailika, was used to indicate a memorial pillar in the region in question even in the medieval period.
The word bala in the expression bala-yashți seems to have been used in the sense of strong or stout'. Otherwise we have probably to suggest that, somehow in some regions, such memorial pillars were called 'Bala's (ie. Balarama's) Club' just as the pillars bearing Aboka's incriptions are known in certain places as 'Bhimasēna's Club'. But this is less likely.
The only geographical name mentioned in the inscription is Avadara which appears to have been a locality near modern Supiā, the findspot of the epigraph.
TEXT 1 [Srij-Gha[40]tkachash [*] tad-vansēc prava ... 2 [nöj? mahāra(rā)ja-sri-Samu[dragu]pta[1*] ta[t-pu)3 [tra][b] sri-Vikkramā[ditya[*] ta[tputra][b] mahārā(ja)4 (śr]-Mah@[ndrāditya)[1*tasya (pa]tra[b] Chakkra[va) 5 [rtti]-tuslyö] [mahā]-bala-vikkra[mē]pa R[āma)6 [tu]lyo dharmma)-pa[ra]tayā Yudhishtira sa[tyė)7 nacharavi[naya] mahārāja-sri-Ska[nda)8 guptasyal. rājya-(samvaltsara-sato ēka9 chatvāri[nsótta)rakēt [1] [asyām) divasa-pa10 rv våyam(yām) Avadara-vāstavya-kuţumbi[kaḥ "] 11 Kaivartti-śrēshthi-naptri(ptā) Hari-brēshthi-pu[tra][h*] Brida12 [tta][b 1*) tad-bhrātri(tä) Vargga[h *) ta[d-bhrā]ta(tā) Chohha(Chha)ndaka 1 11 13 sva-puny-āpyāyan-ārtham yasah-ki14 [rtti)-pravardha[ya*]māna-göttra-failika bala-ya15 shthi(shţih) pratishthăpitā Vargga-gråmikēna 16 Jõ(Jyē)shtha-māsā sukla-pakshasya dviti17 (yayam] tisthau] [lk]
1 Cf. CII, Vol. I, p. 18, note 7.
See Select Inscriptions, pp. 135-36, 167-69. . Cf. above, p. 172. • From an impression. . Road tad-vanée. • The two lost aksharas may be restored as rtland or rddhamd. * The damaged letter looks more like ndr. • Road Yudhishthira-tulyah. • Road nedchára-vinayaib or better saty.dchara-vinayoit. 10 Road guplab tasya. 11 Read Orithead-uttarake. 18 The lost lotters may be restored as shetti
11 Read warhutanara.

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No. 57-NOTE ON DIDGUR INSCRIPTION OF KATTIYARA
G. S. Går, OOTACAMUND (Received on 26-11-1958)
The inscription which comes from Didgur in the Haveri Taluk of the Dharwar District, Mysore State, was published by Fleet in the pages of this journal, Vol. VI, pp. 251-53. It refers itself to the reign of a king named Kattiyara under whom a certain Dosi was governing the Banavāsi twelve-thousand province. The record is not dated but Fleet assigned it, on palaeographical grounds, to about 800 A.D. As regards the king and the governor, he wrote, "The names of the king and of the local governor are not known as yet froin any other records. It seems impossible to explain the existence of this record in the Rashtrakūta territory and in the period to which it must be referred, except on the supposition that Kattiyara was one of the twelve confederate kings and princes, headed by Stambha-Kambayya, who shortly after A.D. 794 sought to dispute the sovereignty of the Rashtrakūta king Govinda III. And, in my opinion, that is certainly the explanation of the matter."! Further, from the emblem of boar found at the top of the record, he suggested that Kattiyara was a Chalukya, descended from the Chalukya house of Bädämi, and that he might be the same Kattiyaradēva mentioned as an ancestor of the later Chalukyas of Kalyana in the Managoli inscription of 1161 A.D. Thus, according to Fleet, Kattiyara of the Didgur inscription was a Chalukya chief of the Bādāmi house, who flourished about 800 A.D. during the time of the Imperial Rashtrakūtas.
Now palaeography is only an approximate test and, as will be shown below, we shall not be wrong even if we refer the Didgur inscription to about the middle of the 8th century A.D. Tben the question arises whether there was any king named Kattiyara at this time and in this region who. as stated in the record, was 'ruling the earth' indicating tñereby his sovereign status. And the only supreme king about this period was Kirtivarman II (744-45 to 757 A.D.), the last ruler of the Chālukva dynasty of Badami. One is therefore led to identify the Kattiyara of the Didgur inscription with Kirtivarman II and it is not difficult to see that the name Kattiyara is only a colloquial form of Kirtivarman. This identification is supported by the fact that Kirtiv: eman I (566-96 A.D.) who was the sixth king in ascent from Kirtivarman II was also called Katt-ara sa as revealed by his Godachi plates. Just as the imperial Răshtrakūta kings Dhruva, Krislığa and Govinda were also called Dhöra or Dhörapparas., Kannara and Gojjiga or Gojjigadēva respectively, Kirtivarman I as well as Kirtivarman II were called Katti-arasa or Kattiyara. The palaeography of the Didgur inscription does not militate against this identification. The characters of the record resemble those of the Adur and Pattadakal' stone inscriptions as well as the Vakkaleri?ard Kendur plates of Kirtivarman II. We may, for example, compare the letters n, d, y, 1, 6, etc.
1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 252.
Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 15 ff. . Ibid., Vol. XXVIIT, PP. 59 ff.
The name Kattiyara is only the shortened form of Kattiyarimit
Ind. Ant, Vol. XI, p. 68. . Above, Vol. III, pp. 1 ff. * Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 200 ff. • Ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 202 f.

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Now Kattiyaradēva mentioned in the Managoli inscription referred to above as an ancestor of the later Chalukyas of Kalyana is, in my opinion, none other than the same Kirtivarman II, though Fleet was not inclined to accept this identification. The record expressly states that this Kattiyaradēva was of the Chalukya family and that his hereditary capital was at Kisuvolal, i.e. modern Pattadakal. It is not clear why Fleet says that Kirtivarman II did not stand in the relationship with Ayyana I of the later Chalukyas as asserted in the Managoli record. For, the inscription clearly states (text lines 5-6) that Ayyana belonged to the Chalukya lineage descended froin the younger brother of Kirtivarman's father, i.e. Bhima I who was the younger brother of Vikramaditya II and uncle of Kirtivarman II. And exactly this is the relationship which is mentioned in the Kauthem plates of Vikramaditya V and the Nilgund plates' of Vilaramaditya VI and is accepted by Fleet.
In view of the identification of Kattiyars of the Didgur inscription suggested above, let us now see whether Dosi who is mentioned therein as the governor of Banavāsi-12000 could also be identified. From the Vakkalēri plates of Kirtivarman II, we learn that certain villages included in Panungal-vishaya were granted by the king at the request of one D3sirāja. This would suggest that Dösirāja was a subordinate of the king, probably in charge of the Pānungal-v ishaya which was included in the larger territorial division of Banavāsi-12000 and comprised the area round about modern Hangal in the Dharwar District. As the provenance of the Didgur inscription is not far from Hangal, it is tempting to identify D35i of the Didzar record with Dõsirāja of the Vakkalēri plates. Incidentally, it may be observed that the Didgur inscription provides the earliest reference krown so far to the Banavasi province as a twelve-thousand division in the records of the Chalukyas of Bādāmi.
Ahuve, Vol. V. p. 20, note 4. * [id. n., Vol. XVI, pp. 15 ff. : Above, Vol. XII, pp. 142 ff.
Bomb. Gnz., Vol. 1, Part ii, p. 379.

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No. 58-MAYALUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 622
(2 Plates) G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 13.11.1958) During the year 1941-42, a set of copper-plates was obtained in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India from one Shri Venkata Reddi who was then a Branch Post Master at Nossam in the Koilkuntla Taluk of the Kurnool District, through Shri M. Somasekhara Sarma. The plates are reported to have been found at Māyalur, & village in the same Taluk. The inscription is edited below with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India from a set of impressions preserved in his office.
This is a set of three rectangular plates with slightly raised rims all round to protect the writing. Each plate measures 9-12" by 4.25" approximately and has a hole (about -6' in diameter) at the left margin, through which passes a ring with a diameter of about 4.5'. The ends of the ring are soldered to the brackets at the base of a circular seal about 1.36' in diameter, which contains on its counter-sunk surface the figure of a standing boar facing the proper right. The plates, with the ring and the seal, weigh 132 tolas.
The plates have suffered some damage, specially the second and the third, and hence the writing is not in a good state of preservation. Moreover, the engraving on the third 'plate is rather careless. The first plate is engraved on one side (inner) only while the remaining two plates bear writing on both the sides, the second side of the third plate having only four lines of writing. There are altogether 43 lines of writing, the first plate and the two sides of the second plate having 10 lines each and first side of the third plate 9 lines and its second side 4 lines.
The characters are early Kannada-Telugu and closely resemble those of the other grants of the same king. The palaeography and orthography do not call for special remarks. The language is Sanskrit and except the invocatory and imprecatory verses, the text of the entire record is in prose.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Vijayāditya who ruled from 696 to 733 A.D. The introductory portion (lines 1-31) giving the genealogy of the family from Pulakēsin I to the ruling king Vijayāditya is identical with that found in the other known grants of this king.
The record is dated in Saka 622 (expressed in words) and the fourth regnal year, Vaisakha Paurnamāsi. Since Srävana of the Saka year 618 expired was the first month of the first year of this king : Vaisakha of Saka 622 expired would fall in his fourth year as stated in the record. The date is not verifiable in the absence of further details. However, according to S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vaišākha Paurpami of Saka 622 expired corresponded to Thursday, the 8th April 700 A.D.
The inscription records that on the above-mentioned date, when the king was camping at Pottalikinagara in the Bāvihāra district, he made a grant of the village of Yukrðmba to the west of Vifohihichodi in the Pe[de]kal district as an ēka-bhoga gift to a person named Marafarman of the Vatsa götra and to other Brāhmaṇas well-versed in the Vedas.
18. A. R. Bp., 1938-40 to 1942-43, p. 232 (No. A 6 of 1941-42). *Cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 317 ff. C. Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, Part ii, p. 370 and note 5.
(311)

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The record is important in that it is one of the few inscriptions belonging to the early part of the king's reign and is the earliest copper plate grant of the king discovered so far in the Telugu country. We have two more records dated in the fourth regnal year of this king. One is the Koţtūru stone inscription' which does not supply any more details of the date except the mention of the regnal year. The other is the Nerur copper-plate inscription dated in Saka 622 (exķired), Ashādha Paurnima. In this year, the month of Ashādha was intercalary so that the date of the inscription under study is two or three months earlier than that of the Nerur plates. The Nerur plates were issued from Rāsēnanagara which is identified with modern Räsin in the Ahmednagar District of the Bombay State. And Pottalikanagara in Bāvibāra-vishaya from where the present plates are issued may be the same as Pottalakere or Pottalakese which was the capital of the Western Chalukya king Jagadēkamalla Jayasimha II (1018-42 A.D.) and is also spelt 28 Hottalakere in the Kannada records, the change of p to h being a regular feature in that language. If this identification is accepted, then our inscription provides the earliest reference to the place known so far. Pottalakere was identified by Fleet with modern Dannāyakankere in the Bellary District on insufficient grounds; but later researches have shown that the place can be identified with modern Patañcheru which is situated at a distance of about 18 miles north-west of Hyderabad. And so Bavihāra-vishaya seems to have comprised the area round about this place. As shown above, the Nerur plates were issued two or three months later than our grant and, during this intervening period, the royal camp was shifted from Patañcheru to Räsin which is about 250 miles north-west of Patañcheru.
The writer of the grant was Mahäsāndhivigrahika (minister for peace and war) Rāma Punyavallabha. He lived almost conterminously with Vinayaditya and wrote almost all his grants while the same position was enjoyed by Niravadya Punyavallabha, who was possibly his son, during the reign of Vijayāditya. Rāma Punyavallabha was last mentioned as the composer of the Harihar plates of Vinayāditya dated Saka 616, and Niravadya Punyavallabha appears for the first time in the Rayagad plates of Vijayaditya dated Saka 625. Therefore, the inscription under study is interesting in that it shows that Rama Punyavallabha lived also for some time during the reign of Vijayāditya and seems to have died sometime between Saka 622 and Saka 625. Punyavallabha was possibly the name of the family.?
Besides Pottalikānagara and Bavihära-vishaya discussed above, other geographical names mentioned in the record are: Pedekal-visbaya, the gift village Yukrombe included in it and Viñchihichēļi to the west of which the gift village was situated. Pedekal-vishaya is mentioned in an earlier copper-plate inscription of the king's father and predecessor Vinayāditya also secured from the same village Mayalur. It also figures as Pedekalli-vishaya in the Togarchēdu plates of the same king Vinayaditya.' This tract is identified with the Pedakanți-simă of the later Vijayanagara records, which comprised a part of the modern Kurnool District. I am not sure about the identification of Yukrõmbe and Viñichihichēdi.
1 Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 69 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 125 ff. * Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 437 and note 8. • Sarana Sahitya (Kannada), Vol. IX, pp. 456-57 and 521-25. . Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 300 ff.
. Abovo, Vol. X, pp. 14 ff. The last two or three lines of the Nerur plates of Vijayadity dated in Saka 622 and referred to above, which are lost, possibly contained the name of the writer of that grant.
*Above, Vol. X, p. 15; Vol. XXVI, p. 323. •JOR, Vol. X, pp. 27 ff.
JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, pp. 231. Cf. 4.B.Ep. for 1939-40 to 1942-43, p. 232.

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Page #433

MAYALUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 622-PLATE 1
மாந்து
பை
255 மாரது மது கனலைக் 13- 222சார், இலேசாக
s, a
VOLTA
அதிகரிக்கத்தார்
Poora
Scale: Two-thirds

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No. 58]
MAYALUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 622
313
TEXT
First Plate
1 Svasti [l*] Jayaty=āvishkțitam Vishņor=v vårába[m] kshobhit-ārņpava[m](vam) [l*) dakshin
Önnata-da[ru]shtr-āgra-vibrānta2 bhuvana[m] vapuḥ [II * Srimatām sa kala-bhuvana-samstūyamāna-Mänavya-sagotrāņām Ha3 riti-putrāņām sapta-loka-mātsibhis=sapta-mātfibhir-abhivarddhitānā Kārttikėya-pari
raksha4 pa-prāpta-kalyā[na-param]parāņām Bhagavan-Nārāyana-prasāda-samāsādita-Varaha-la6 fichhan-ēkshaņa-kshana-vasiksit-āsēsha-mahibhfitām Chalikyänām, kulam=alankariB shņõr=aśvamēdh-āvabhsitha-snāna-pavitrikçita-gätrasya 6-Pulakēśivallabha-mahā7 rājasya sūnuh parākrain-akrānta-Vanavāsy-di-para-nțipati-mandala-praņibaddha
vifuddha8 kirttiḥ sri-Kirttivarmma-Prithivivallabha-mahārā[jas-ta]sy=ātmajas=samara-samsa[kta
saka]'l-Ottara9 pathēsvara-sri-Harshavarddhana-parāja[y-õpalabdha)-Paramēśvara-sabdasya (Satya}"
braya-Sripri10 thivivallabha-mahārājādbirāja-paramāśvarasya (priya]s-tanayasya prajñāta-naya
Second Plate, First Side
11 sya khadga-māțri(tra)-sahāyasya Chitrakaộth-abhidhāna-pravara-turamgamēņ=aikēn=ēv=7
[tsā)12 rit-asēsha-vijigishor=avanipati-tritay-antaritāsti) sva-gurő[h*) ściyam-atmasātkritya 13 prabhāva-kulisa-dalita-Pāņdya-Chöļa-Kē[ra]ļa-Kalabhra-prabhriti-bhūbhri[d-a]dabhra
vi[bhra). 14 masy=ānany-āvanata-Kāñchipati-makuța-chumbita-pādāmvu(ibu)jasya Vikramaditya
Satyāśraya16 Sriprithivivallabha-mahārājādhirāja-paramiśvara-blattīrakasya priya-sūnūl, 16 pitur=ājñayā Bāli(lē)ndusēkharasya Tārakarātir=iva daitya-balam=atisamuddhatari trai17 rājya-Kāñchispati]-balam=avashtabhyu karadikțita-Kamēra-Pārasika-Simhal-ādi
dvip-ādhipasya 18 sakal-Ottarāpatha-nātha-mathan-õpārijit-õrjjita-Pāļi-dhvaj-ādi-samasta-päramaiśvaryya19 chihnasya Vinayāditya-Satyäsraya-Sriprithivivallabha-mahārājādhirāja-paramēśra20 ra-bhattāra kasya priy-ātmajas-kaisava ēv=ādhigat-üsësh-astra-śāstro dakshin-asa-vijayini
1 From impressions.
The portion in brackets is lost due to a hole in the plate. * The portion in brackets is indistinct.

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(Val. XXXI Second Plate, Seconil Side 21 pitāma[hi] sa munmūlita-nikhila-kantaka-samhatir=Uttarapathā(tha)-vijigisho[r=gu]ro22 r=agrata ēv=āhava-vyāpāram=icharann=arāti-gaja-[gha]tā-pātana-visiryyamaņa-kți23 pāņa-dhāras=samagra-vigrah-agrēsaras=s&n=sā[hasa)-rasikah=parāmmu(rāňmu)khikṣita
(satru-manda]24 [lo] Gamgā-Yamunā-pāļi-dhvaja-pa[da]-dhakka-mahāśabda-chihnaka-māņikya-matagaj
adi[n=pi)25 tộisātkurvvan=paraih=palāyamănair=āsādya katham=api vidhivasād=apanītõ=pi pra26 tāpād=ēva visha[ya)-prakopam=arājakam=utsărayan=Vatsarāja iv=ānapēkshit-ā27 para-sāhāyaka[s=tad-a]vagrahān=nirggatya sva-bhúj-āvashtambha-prasādhit-āšēsha-vi28 svambharah-prabhur-akhandtta-sakti-trayatvātchha(ch=chha)tru-mada-bhañjanatvā[d=
udāra]tván=niravadyatvā 29 [d=yas=sama]sta-bhuvan-āšrayas=sa kala-pāramaišvaryya-vyakti-hētu-spāļi-dhvaj-ady-u]jva
Gjva)la30 prājya-räjyő Vijayāditya-Satyāśraya-Sripsithivivallabha-maħārājādhirāja-pa
Third Plate, First Side 31 ramēśvara-bhattārakas-sarvvān=ēvam=ājñāpayati [l*) viditam=astu võ=smā. 32 bhit-dvāvinsaty-uttara-shachchha(t-chha)tēshu Saka-[varshējshv=atītēshu
pravarddhami33 na-vi[ja]ya-rajya-samvatsarē chaturtthē vartta mānē Bāvihāra-visha34 [ye] Pottalikā-nagaram=adhivasati vijaya-skandhävārė Vaisa35 [kha)-Paurņņamāsyām Agnikārya-nimittam Pe[de]kal-vishaye Viñchishi)36 [cheldi-văruna-disa-Yukrombe-nāmā grāmax(mah) Vatsa-götrāya 37 Mārasarmmāņām(rmmaņē) ēka-bhogam Brāhmaņēbhyo vēda-pārā(ra)gēbhyas=sa-bho38 gas-sarvva-būdhā-paribār-õpēto dattam(ttaḥ 1) Yasya yasya yadā-bhūmi39 [s-tasya ta]sya tadā phalam [ll*]Svām(Svam) [dātum) sumabatsa(ch=chha)kya[m] duḥkha[m]
Third Plate, Second Side 40 m=anyatcha(sya) pālana[m1"] dānam vă pălana[m") v=ēti dānāšri(ch=chhrē)yo-nupă
lana[m '1 *) 41 Svadatta(ttaṁ) paradatta(ttam) vā yyõ(yo) harētista) vasundhā(ndha)rä[m ] shasti[m]
varsha-sā(sa)hā(ha)srā42 ņi vishța(shţā)yā[m*] jāyatē krima(miḥ | ) Mabāsandhivigrahika-sri-Rāma-punya[va * - 43 llabhä(bhē)na likhitam=idam sāsā(sa)na[m] !
1 This is the second half of a well-known stanza.
This finalm is unnecessary.

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MAYALUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 622-PLATE II
தோல்
21.3
கரகராக
M
தே
வான்
,
SERTT E
Scale : Two-thirds

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TRAS * ப
MY

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No. 59--MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA
(2. Plates..) D. C. SIRCAR, QOTACAMUND
(Received on 30.3.1959)
The inscription was first published by N. N. Vasu in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXV, 1896, Part I, pp. 6-15 and Plates. He recorded its discovery as follows: "In the village of Madanapada, Post Office Piñjari, Pargana Kotalipada of the Faridpur District, a peasant whilst digging his field found a copper plate and made it over to the land-holder who kept it in his house. This plate was made over to me by Pandita Lakshmi Chandra Sankhyatirtha in 1892." The inscription was subsequently acquired by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, though later it could not be traced in the Society's collection. N. G. Majumdar re-edited the inscription in his Inscrip tions of Bengal, Vol. III, 1929, pp. 133-39; from the facsimile published by Vasu, which was, however, not quite satisfactory and reliable. Neither Vasu nor Majumdar could read and interpret the grant portion of the record correctly and the latter remarked, "This portion of the text being extremely corrupt and full of scribal mistakes, it is difficult to say what is actually intended."
In 1952, I had an opportunity of examining the plate in the Dacca Museum where it is now preserved and was also allowed by the authorities of the Museum to take impressions of the inscription. On an examination of the epigraph, it was found that the said grant portion of the charter is fairly free from scribal errors while its meaning is quite clear. Consequently I published my reading and interpretation of parts of the record in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol. XX, 1954, pp. 209-17 and Plates. Since the inscription throws considerable new light on the history of the Sēnas of Bengal, some of the readers of my paper have requested me to re-edit the Madanapaḍā plate in the Epigraphia Indica with a full-size illustration.
The inscription is engraved on both sides of a single plate measuring 12 inches in length and 10 inches in height. The Sena seal representing the god Sadasiva is affixed at the top of the plate and it is referred to as the Sadasiva-mudrā in line 50 of the inscription. As regrads palaeography and orthography, the inscription closely resembles other Bengal epigraphs of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and nothing calls for remarks in these respects. The language of the record is Sanskrit and it is written in both prose and verse. After the Siddham symbol followed by the mangala O nam5 Nārāyaṇāya at the beginning, there are 20 stanzas in lines 1-31. All these verses are also found in the Idilpur plates often ascribed to Kesavasena who is supposed to have been a brother of Viśvarupasēna. The Idilpur plate, however, contains four additional stanzas which are also found in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate of Viśvarüpasēna. The versified introduction referred to above is followed by the grant portion in prose in lines 31-53. Then come seven of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas and a verse mentioning the dula in lines 53-59. Lines 59-60 contain certain endorsements in prose and the date of the charter in the regnal year 14.
The most interesting feature of the inscription is that a large number of passages in it are re-engraved on erasures. As will be seen from our discussion below and the notes on the text of the inscription, the original donor of the charter was another king of the Sena family, whose name was erased to re-engrave the name Viśvarupa at a later date.
1 Op. cit., p. 6.
Op. cit., p. 138, note 4.
See N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 118 ff.
Ibid., pp, 140 ff, and Plates.
(315)

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316
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII
Verse 1 contains an adoration to the Sun-god, to whom the Paramasaura donor of the charter was specially devoted, while verse 2 introduces the Moon-god whom the Sena kings claimed as the progenitor of their family. The next stanza (verse 3) refers to the kings of the lunar race and Verse 4 introduces king Vijayasēna (c. 1095-1158 A.D.) as one of them. The following two stanzas (verses 5-6) describe Vijayasēna's might in vague terms. Verse 7 speaks of Ballälasēna (c. 115879 A.D.), son of Vijayasõna, while Lakshmanasēna (o. 1179-1206 A.D.), son of Ballälasēna, is introduced in the following stanza (verse 8). Verses 9-10 continue the description of king Lakshmanasēna. The second of these two stanzas may be translated as follows: "In hundreds of previous births, that king (i.e. Lakshmanasēna), leaving aside all care for his liberation, surely propitiated Hara (i.e. the god Siva), on the banks of the Suradhuni (i.e. the Ganges), being desirous of having & son. For this reason] (ētasmāt), the illustrious Visvarüpa, who was the head of (i.e. the foremost among) the celebrated kings and was determined to cause the widowhood of his enemies' wives, was born to him). Otherwise how could it be possible] ?" If the word ētasmät used in the stanza is taken to mean from this [king, i.e. Lakshmanasēna]', we may have the following in place of the last two sentences of our translation : "Otherwise, how could be born to this [king] the illustrious Visvarūpa who was the head of the celebrated kings and was determined to cause the widowhood of his enemies' wives ?" Thus king Visvarūpasõna is introduced in this stanza as the son of Lakshmanasēns and the verses immediately following must naturally be regarded as describing his achievements and not of his father Lakshmanasēna.
The second of the two verses 11-12 in the following description of Vibyarūpasēna state that the king planted sacrificial posts as well as pillars of his victories in battles at the following places (1) the coast of the Southern Ocean where there is the altar on which Musaladhara (BalarāmaSankarshana) and Gadāpāni (Vishņu-Kộishna) dwell ; (2) the site of Visvēsvara near the junction of the Asi, Varan, and Ganges; and (3) the banks of the Trivēņi. The three places referred to are no doubt Puri in Orissa, Vārāṇasi (Banāras) and Prayaga (Allahābād). Verse 13 mentions the queen of the same Visvarūpasēna. But the original name in three aksharas (uu-) following éri was erased and a new name in four aksharas was re-engraved in the space, the re-engraving also affecting the medial i sign of fri. The third and fourth of the four aksharas read devi; but the first and second of them cannot be deciphered because neither the original writing was fully erased nor were the re-engraved aksharas clearly incised and properly shaped. There is no doubt that originally the name of Visvarūpasēna's queen was engraved in the verse. But whose name was re-engraved after having erased the original writing? The answer to this question is clearly supplied by the next stanza (verse 14) in which the donor of the charter is introduced as born of the king and his queen mentioned in the previous stanza It is interesting to note that the aksharas visvarüpa are quite obviously re-engraved before sēnadevah in this verse in the space where originally only two aksharas were engraved. It is also to be noticed that the second of these two aksharas of the original name had a superscript r above it and that this sign was not erased apparently through oversight. Owing to the incision of four aksharas in the space of only two and to the presence of the superscript r above the second of the two aksharas originally engraved, the donor's name looks more like Visvarra than Visvarūpa. The two corrections in the names of the donor and his mother in the original writing of the introductory part of the Madanapādā plate show beyond doubt that the grant was originally made by the son of Visvarūpasēna and that Viśvarūpasēna's name was subsequently inserted in the place of his son's. As & result of these corrections arbitrarily made at a later date in the original composition, the reader is compelled to regard verses 11-12 as describing Lakshmanasēna even though this is quite against the trend of the composition and its original and real meaning. As we shall see below, there is further evidence in the grant
1 The son's name was in two aksharas and the metre of the stanza was originally Aryd. With the introduction of the bigger name of the father, the metre became Giti,

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No. 591
MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA
317
portion of the document to show that the original charter was issued by the son of king Viśvarūpasina.
Verses 15-20 describe the donor of the original grant, i.e. the son of Visvarupasēna, although the corrections in verses 13-14 lead to the description being referred to Viśvarüpasēna himself. Verse 15 states that the king in question had a thirst for military pursuits ever since his youth. Verse 16 refers to his liberality vaguely while the next stanza (verse 17) represents him as the death to the Garga-Yavanas no doubt meaning the Turkish Muhammadans, whatever the significance of the word garga in this context may be. Of verses 18-20, the first and second speak of his scholar. ship and physical charm respectively and the third states that he granted many villages in favour of the Brahmanas.
Lines 31 ff. introduce the donor as having issued the charter from his victorious camp at Phasphagrama, the name of which has been wrongly read as Phalgugrama. In this section, śrīmatViśvarūpasēnadēva, supposed to be described as Ariraja-vrishabhänka-sankara, is mentioned as the son of Ariraja-madana-sankara-srimal-Lakshmanasenadeva, the grandson of Ariraja-niḥsankasankara-śrimad-Ballälasenadeva and the great-grandson of Ariraja-vrishabha-sankara śrimadVijayasenadeva. It is, however, interesting to note that, as in verse 14 in the introductory part discussed above, the four aksharas visvarupa in the king's name (line 38) have been re-engraved on an erasure offering space only for two aksharas which were originally engraved and the second of which had a superscript r above it. In this case also, the sign of superscript r was not erased apparently through oversight. Equally interesting is the fact that, in his title written as Arirajavrishabhanka-sankara, the aksharas vrishabha appear to have been re-engraved after having erased the aksharas nihsa, so that the title of the original donor of the grant was Ariraja-nih sanka-sankara. But more interesting is another fact. It is that, in the names and titles of the donor's father, grandfather and great-grandfather, the aksharas between śrima (or śrimat) and senadeva in the former and between ariraja and sankara in the latter are re-engraved on erasures. In many of these cases, the traces of the original writing are clear and these show beyond doubt that the original donor was represented as the son of Visvarupasēna, the grandson of Lakshmaņasēna and the great-grandson of Ballälasena. That such was the case is also suggested by the description of the father of the donor of the charter, i.e. Lakshmanasena after the correction but Viśvarupasēna in the original writing, as Paramasaura. In his own records, Lakshmanasēna is called either Paramavaishnava or Paramanarasimha1 while his son Viśvarupasēna was the first Paramasaura in the Sena family. This shows that the person, who was responsible for the erasure and reengraving and changed the name of Viśvarupasena to that of Lakshmanasēna, forgot to correct the former's epithet Paramasaura to the latter's Paramavaishnava or Paramanarasimha. It has also to be noticed that the final t in srimat has been joined in sandhi with the first letter of the kings' names in this section in all the cases excepting that of Viśvarupasēna. This fact suggests that the first letter of the original royal name in the stanza did not require any modification of t in Sandhi It may have thus been a letter like s.
All the five kings including the donor are called Gaudesvara. But the donor and his father are endowed with certain additional epithets such as those indicating their descent from the Sēna family and the lunar race. They have also the imperial titles Paramesvara, Paramabhaṭṭāraka and Mahārājādhiraja. Their title Saraṇāgata-vajra-panjara was originally used by the subordinate rulers of the Kannada-speaking area which was the original home of the Senas. The title Asvapatigajapati-narapati-rāja-tray-ādhipati appears to have been assumed by the later Sēnas after a
1 N. G. Mujumdar, op. cit., pp. 86, 95, 101, 111.
In their own records, Vijayasena and Ballälasena claim to have been Paramamähesvara (ibid., pp. 62, 73). Ballälasena seems to have become a Vaishnava in the later years of his life since he is described as Paramavaishnava in one of his son's records (ibid., p. 95).

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318 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI successful encounter with the GAhadavālas of U. P., who are known to have enjoyed the title. It has to be pointed out that verse 12 of our inscription refers to the victories of Visvarūpasēna (Lakshmanasēns after the correction) at Banāras and Allahabad which formed parts of the dominions of the Gahadavālas before their overthrow by the Turkish Muhammadans. Since Visvarūpasēns's reign of about fourteen years has to be assigned to o. 1206-20 A. D., i.e. after the Turkish conquest of Eastern India, his exploits at Banaras and Allahābād have to be assigned to the period when his father Lakshmanasēna was ruling. The Mädhāinagar plate represents Lakshmanasēna as having conquered the king of Kābi (Banāras), i.e. the Gähadavāla king, and having obtained success in Kalinga and otber countries. Visvarūpasēna must bave commanded the Sēna forces against the Gähadavālas as his father's general.
The list of subordinates and officers, whom the donor addressed in respect of the grant, is quoted in lines 38-41. This is similar to auch lists quoted in other Sëna charters. The said list of addressees is followed in lines 41 ff. by the declaration regarding the grant. Lines 41-43 state that the gift land was situated in a village in the Vikramapura bhāga (division) of Vanga forming & part of the bhukti (province of Pundravardhana and that it was bounded in the east by an embankment and a plot of land belonging to the village of Athayāga-grāma (or Athapāga-grāma), in the south by a piece of land belonging to Vārayipada-grāma, in the west by a plot of land belonging to Uñchokāțţi-grāms and in the north by an embankment belonging to the locality called Virakāțţi. The expression vārayi-paļā in the name of one of the boundary villages is interesting as it means the habitation of the Bărayis (betelvine-growers)'..
The actual description of the gift land in lines 43-46 is entirely written on an erasure, clear traces of the original writing being visible under many of the aksharas. The gift land is stated to have been situated in the village called Piñjākāshthi or Piñjöthiya which is the modern Piñjāri near Madanapada, the findspot of the record. A portion of the village yielding an annual income of 132 Puranas or Chūrnis was excluded and the remainder yielding 500 [Puranas or Chūrnis) per annum was made the subject of the grant. In this connection, the contraction sāṁ stands for sāṁwatsarika 'annual', and sāṁ-bhu-hi for sāmvatsarika-bhūmi-hiranya, 'annual revenue of the land in cash', while bahih has been used to indicate 'excluded'. The smaller part of the village, yielding 132 Purāņas per year, was called Padāti-Sāpāmārka apparently after a Pāik named Sāpāmärka, and belonged to the asrama of Kandarpasankara probably a deity named after Arirāja-mailanakankara Lakshmanasēna, the expressions kandarpa-sankara and madana-sarikara being synonymous. It is further stated that the donee also received another plot of land yielding 127 Puranas or Chūrnis annually (sä-hiasāmvatsarika-hiranya) and situated in the village of Närandapa-grāma belonging to the share of the said asrama of Kandarpašarkara. It was the property of a dependant of the king (svakiya-pálya-sva), that is to say, it formed part of a jāgir in the possession of one of the king's dependants. The two plots of gift land is now mentioned as Piñjothiya-grāma. It appears that, in the original grant, the whole village of Piñjākāshthi was granted in favour of the donee of the charter and that, sometime later when it was brought to the notice of the authorities that a part of the village belonged to the Kandarpasankara asrama, the necessity of making & readjustment was felt. The donee's loss of 132 Puranas or Chürnis per year was then compensated by the gift of another piece of land yielding 127 Puranas or Chürnis. The two plots of the gift land were situated in the villages of Piñjökāshthi and Närandapa, apparently abutting on each other; but they were now made one unit under the name Piñjothiya which appears to be a modified form of Piñjokáshthi. The dopee's privileges enumerated in lines 45-46 are similar to those found in the other charters of the Sēnas.
1 Ibid., p. 111.

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No. 59) MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA
319 Lines 46 ff. describe the donee who was the Brāhmaṇa Visvarūpadēvašarman of the Vatan götra and the Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnuvat, Aurva and Jämadagnya pravaras. He was the son of Vanamālin, grandson of Garbhēśvara and great-grandson of Parāśara. The donee is called , śruti-pathaka, i.e. a reciter of the Vedic texts, and the grant is stated to have been made according to the principle of bhūmr-chchhidra for acquiring the merits as described in the Siva Purāna. An interesting passage in this section states that the grant was made in the month of Bhadra (probably on the 8th day) in the year 14. But, in the expression chaturdasayāvdū(bdi)ya, chaturda sa is clearly re-engraved after having erased the aksharas dviti, so that the passage read dvitiy-ävli(bdi)ya in the original writing. Thus the original grant was made by the son of Visvarūpasēna in his second regnal year while the corrections were carried out in the charter in the 14th year of Visvarupasena's reign.
The above section is followed in lines 52 ff. by the donor's request to future kings for the prouection of the grant, seven imprecatory and benedictory verses being quoted in this connection. The concluding section contains & verse (lines 58-59) stating that Kõpivishņu, the Mahāsāndhivigrahika (minister of foreign affairs) of Gauda, was the duta or executor of the grant This is followed by three endorsements: (1) briman-mahāsāṁ-karana-ni (i.e. friman-mahasandhwigrahika-karananirikshita),' 'examined and approved by the office or clerk of the minister of foreign affairs '; (2) tri-mahāmahattaka-karana-ni, 1.e. examined and approved by the office or clerk of the Mahamahattaka (probably the head of the group of villages including the gift land); and (3) érimatkarana-m, i.e. examined by the king's personal office or by his personal clerk. The date of the issue of the charter, viz. the 1st of Asvina in the year 14, comes at the end. It is interesting to note that this date is not re-engraved on an erasure, although it certainly refers to the reign of Visvarūpasēna and not of the original donor of the charter. This is clear from the fact that while the original grant was made in the second year of the reign of Visvarūpasöna's son, the corrections were inserted in the 14th regnal year of Visvarūpasēns himself. It seems that this space was blank in the original grant, the date of which in the donor's second regnal year was quoted in line 51.
What has been stated above regarding the nature of the grant, viz. its original 18sue by the son of Vigvarūpasēna and the later insertion of Visvarūpasõna's name in the place of that of the original donor, seems to admit of no doubt. But it involves a number of problems most of which cannot be settled without further light being thrown on the subject by new discoveries. We have seen that the name of the original donor of the Madanapada plate, who was the son of king Visvarūpasēna and whose name was erased in verse 14 and line 28, was written in two aksharas before sena, that the second of these two aksharas was endowed with a sign of superscript and that the first of them was a letter like s which did not necessitate the change of the preceding t in Sandhi. The word in two aksharas that suggests itself to us for filling up this lacuna is suryya since Kumāra Suryasõna is known from the Vanglys Sähitya Parishad plate of Visvarūpasēna and he is generally regarded as a son of the latter. But the name of his mother who was the queen of Visvarüpasēna, that was erased in verse 13, cannot be restored. Even the re-engraved name of Vibvarūpasēna's mother, who was the queen of Lakshmanasēna, cannot be read in our inscription. It has been read as Tadadevi or Tändradevi. But they do not suit the metre. In this connection, it may be pointed out that the Idilpur plate, ascribed to Kāda vasons, exhibits the erasure of the old writing of the name of the donor's mother in verse 14 (verse 13 of our record) and that of the donor in verse 15 (verse 14 of our record) as well as in line 43 (just as in line 38 of our record). The queen-mother's name in this case has been read as Chandrädevi which also violates the metre.
The contraction ni may also stand for nibaddha or registered (of. abovo, Vol. XIX, p. 18, text lin. 16). We have drishta, which is the same as nurikakita, seen', on the oopper plates of such dynasties us The Vakatakas and the Pallavas. See Select Inscriptions, pp. 406, 412, 419, 183, 437.
1 Sve Hisl. Beng., Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 227.

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320
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII The aksharas read as dēvi svasta?)sya in this record are, however, clearly 'dēvy-amushya which is also the reading in the same verso as found in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate. In the Madanapada plate, the intention of the person responsible for the corrections was probably to correct tad-asya after dēvi to tasya in socordance with the requirement of the metre, though he forgot to effect the change. The Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate of Visvarūpasēns quotes the name of his mother, in our opinion, as Ahvapadēvi. It thus appears that the intended correction in the Madanapādā plate was bry-Ahvanadēvia tasya and in the Idilpur plate fry-Ahvanadevy= amushya, even though the aksharas huana are not recognisable in either of the cases. I do not think it possible that the queen's name was quoted differently in the three inscriptions.
Another problem relates to the name of the donor of the Idilpur plate which exhibits similar re-engravings on erasures as the Madanapādā plate and was issued from Phasphagrāma whence the Madanapādā plate was also issued. In our opinion, the reading kēšava in verse 15 and line 43 of this inscription is a mistake for visvarüpa engraved after having erased sūryya exactly as in the Madanapāņā plate. Indeed the suggestion that kēšava is a wrong reading for visvarūpa in the Idilpur plate was already offered by some scholars, although it has been generally ignored by writers on the history of the Sēnas.' It is, however, difficult to ignore it since it appears to be supported not only by the re-engraved names but also by the fact that the so-called Kēšavasēna's title in the Idilpur plate, which was wrongly read as Arirāja-asahya-sankara by previous writers, reads Arirāja-nāshabha-sankara, in which shabha is clearly written on an erasure. It appears that what now looks like näshabha is the result of an attempt to re-engrave vrishabha after having erased nihsarka just as in the Madanapadā plate. Vi varūpasēna's title appears really to have been Arirāja-vrishabha-gankara as in the case of his great-grandfather Vijayasēna just as his son assumed the title Ariraja-nihtanka-sankara in imitation of his own great-grandfather Ballālasēna. We have seen how, in the Madanapādā plate, vrishabha is re-engraved after having erased nissa so that the epithet reads there as Arirāja-opishabharka-sarkara which is meaningless.
Now we come to the most important of the problem relating to this enquiry. It is that the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate, which does not exhibit clear signs of re-engraving the names of Visvarūpasēna and his mother on erasures, has all the stanzas of the Madanapādā plate in the B&me order with a few additional stanzas that are also found in the Idilpur plate and that Viúvarüpasēna's title there reads Ariräja-vrishabhanka-sarkara. In our analysis of the introductory stanzas of the Madanapaļā plate, we have seen that verses 11 ff. should have to be regarded as referring to Visvarūpasēna and verses 14 ff. to his son and that, by the arbitrary insertion of Vibyarūpasēna's name in the place of his son's, we have not only Visvarūpasēna twice introduced in this part, the second introduction being quite unnecessary and even unnatural, but have also to regard verses 11 ff. as continuing the description of Lakshmaņasēna and verses 14 ff. as describing Visvarūpapēna, even though this is plainly against the trend of the composition. How then could this modified composition be quoted in a genuine charter of Visvarūpasēna himself? The only answer to this question that suggests itself to us is that the introductory part of the Vangiya Sāhitya Parishad plate of Visvarūpasēna is merely a copy of the modified draft of the introductory section of his son's records and is not a fresh and independent composition. This seems to be snpported by his title Arirāja-Vrishabharka-ankara as found in Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate. Vrishabharka in this expression is quite meaningless and the emendation usishabh-anka does
1 Cf. JAS. Letters, Vol. XX, pp. 201-02. *Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 149 and note 3. : See Bhandarkar's List, No. 1693 and notes; JA8. Lotters, Vol. XX, p. 211. • The explanation I suggested in JAS. Letters, Vol. XX, p. 212, seems to be wrong.

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No. 59]
MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA not improve the position since the title would not still offer any satisfactory sense. The copy must have been made from a modified draft like that of the Madanapădă plate which, as we have seen, reads vrishabhan ka since vrishabha was re-engraved on nih sa of mihsanka without erasing nika. That nka was left out through oversight is suggested by the correction effected in the same title in the Idilpur plate in which shabha is re-engraved after having erased sanka.
The circumstances under which Visvarūpasēna's son ruled during the lifetime of his father cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. The case does not look like that of Pangu Nirjitavarman succeeding his son Pārtha on the throne of Kashmir. It appears that the 14th regnal year of Viévarūpasēna, when the corrections were offected in the Madanapādā plate, fell not long after the 2nd regnal year of his son when it was originally issued. Thus it looks as if the son was raised to the throne when the father was already a king for several years. Whether this was the result of the son's revolt and temporary success against the father or the father being temporarily incapacitated by the attack of some disease from which his recovery was not expected or by his captivity for a few years in the hands of his enemies is more than what we can say at present. In the Idilpur plate, originally issued by Visvarüpa's son like the Madanapada plate. the son seems to refer to his father reverentially as brihan-nrépati-charanāhi while the son, if he is identical with Süryasēns as he seems to us to be, is mentioned in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate as having created a jāgir which was ratified by Visvarūpasēna. These facts probably suggest that the second of the two alternatives, viz. the son ascending the throne during & period when the father was somehow incapable of holding the reins of government, is preferable. Whether the issue of Süryasēna's grants from Phaspha-grāma suggests the temporary loss of Vikramapura to some enemy is more than what we can say at present. He ruled at least for about three years since the Idilpur plate was issued in his 3rd regnal year. The period of the son's rule seems to have corresponded roughly to the years 11-13 of the father's reign.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, we have already spoken of the reference to Puri, Banāras and Allahābād. The gift village was situated in the province of Pundravardhana which included wide areas of Northern and South-Eastern Bengal in the age in question. Its division called Vanga must have comprised the Dacca-Faridpur region while the Sub-Division of Vikramapura no doubt included the Munshiganj Sub-Division of the Dacca District and the Madaripur Sub-Division of the Faridpur District. The Madaripur region, now separated from the Pargana of Vikramapura in Munshiganj by the river Padmā, is still called Dakshiņa-Vikramapura, 'South Vikramapura', and it seems that the old Vikramapura division was divided into two halves by the changing course of the Padmā at a date later than the Sēna age. As already indicated above, the gift village called Piñjökāshthi or Piñjöthiya is the modern Piñjāri in the Kotālipādā Pargana of the Faridpur District. The other localities mentioned in the inscription including the description of the boundaries of the gift village have not been identified.
TEXTS Metres: verse 1 Vasantatilaka ; verses 2-3, 5, 7-10, 13, 15-16, 20 Sārdülavikridita ; verses 4, 17
Prithvi : verses 6, 12 Sragdharā; verses 11, 26 Pushpitägrā; verse 14 Giti; verses 18, 21-25 Anushțubh ; verse 19 Mandā krāntā; verse 27 Arya.]
Obverse 1 Siddham o namo Nārāyanāya || Vandē='ravinda-vana-va(bä)ndhavam=andhakāra-kärā-niva
(ba)ddha-bhuvana-traya-mukti-hētum paryāya-vistrita-si1 Ariraja-vrishabha-lankara means the god Siva to the bull that was the enemy kings, the bull being Siva' vahana. The expression vrishabh-anka has no senso suitable to the context.
* See Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, pp. 124-25.
N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 126, text line 49. • Ibid., p. 147, text line 54; p. 148, text line 86.
From impressions. • Expressed by symbol,

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[VOL. XX11
2 -sita-paksha-[yugmamadya)ntam-adbhuta-khagath nigama-drumasys || [1] Paryasta-pha tik-achalam vasumatim visva(shva)g-vimudribhavan-mukta-kutmalam-avdhi(bdhi)m-s
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
3 mva(mba)ra-nadi-vany-avanaddham nabhah | udbhinna-amita-mañjarī-parichita dik-kāminth kalpayan pestyunmilatu Pushpasiyaka-yaáo janm-äntar
4 Chandramaḥ || [2] Etasmat kshiti-bhara-nihsaha-airo-dam (da)rvvikara-grāmaņi-visrām-ötsavadana-dikshita-bhujās tē bhübhujo jajñirë | yosham-apra
5 timalla-vikrama-kath-aravdha (bdha)-prava (ba)ndh-adbhuta-vyakhy-ananda-vinidra-sandrapulakair-vyäptaḥ sadasyair-ddiśaḥ || [3] Avatárad-ath-änvaye mahati tatra devaḥ
6 avayam Sudhakiragadékhard Vijayasana ityäkhyaya | yad-amghri-nakna-dhdengi-ephuritamaulayaḥ kshmābhujo Dasasya-nati-vibhramam vida
7 dhire kil-aikaikasaḥ(sah) | [4] Nil-ambhōruha-sodaro-pi dala yan-marmmāņi kādamvi(mbi)nikäntö-pi jvalayan-manäshai madhupa-anigdha-pi taavan bha
8 yam() nirņņikt-añjana-sannibho-pi janayan-notra-klamam vairiņām yasy-asha-janadbhutaya samare kaukshēyakaḥ khelati || [5] Ishan-nistrimsa-ni
9 dra-viraha-vilasitair-vvairi-bhūpala-vaméyan-uchchhidy-ochchhidya mul-ävadhi bhuvam akhilām jāsatō yasya rajñaḥ | āsīt tējō-jiglahā saha diva
10 sakarep-aiva dōshņas-tul-abhud-bharttr-aiv-ääfvishapām-ajani dig-adhipair-va simvividab [6] Khilat-khadga-lat-āpamärjana-hrita-pratyarthi
il darppa-vara-tasmid-apratimalla-kirttirabhavad-Va(d-Ballasno nzicab yaayay dhana-etmni 65pita-aarid-duhsañcharayath britäḥ sathaakta-dvipa
12 dante-dagda-divikām-äröpys vairi-áriyab || [7] Set-käntö-pi na mayays Va(Ba)-jay! Väg Ivard-pyaksharath vakturh n-ty-apatah kala-nidhir-api
13 pramukta-dahigrahah | Bhog-Indrë-pi na jihmagaib parivitas-trailokys-rth-bhuta tasmal-Lakshmapasina-bhüpatir-abhüd-bhlíðks-kalpa-drumah || [9]
14 [Pestyshanigada-evanair-nniyamita-pratyarthi-bã¤mbhujām maddhykhna jala-pana
mukta-kara-prókhóla1-ghapṭā-ravaib
ayath via-vilásini-ja
15 na-man-majtra-mañju-evanair-yên-äkäri vibhinna-davda(bda)-ghatan-ivandhyash tri-sandhyam nabhah || [9] Purvvam janma-sateshu bhumipatina santyajya mukti-gra16 ham nunam tēna sut-arthina Suradhuni-tire Harah pripitaḥ, atasmat-katham-anyathi ripuvadhraidhavya-va(ba)ddha-vratë vikhyāta-kahitipala-mau
17 lir-abhavat éri-Visvarapo nripaḥ || [10] Na gagana-tala eva sita-rasmir-nna Kanaka-bhudhara eva kalpa-sakhi | na vivu(bu)dha-pura eva Devarajo
18 vilasati yatra dhar-avatara-bhaji || [11*] Välāyāṁ Dakshin-avdhë(bdhë)r-MmusaladharaGadāpāņi-samvasa-vedyam kshetre Visvesvarasya sphurad-Asi-Vara
19 p-Alosha-Gang-örmmi-bhaji | tfr-otsange Trivanyah Kamalabhava-makh-tambhanirvvyāja-pätä y-dohchair-yajfa-yüpaiḥ saha samara-jaya-eta
20 mbha-mālā nyadhyayi || [12] Yam nirmmaya pavitra-papir-abhavad-Vädhäḥ satinath fikhäratnamh ya kim-api sva-rupa-charitair-vviávath yay-Alankritam |
1 This has been worngly read as prödgala here and in the Idilpur and Sahitya Parishad plates.
Sandi has not been observed here.
This has been read as rasmiana,

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7.
বিadia।বননারেকােপ্তা হাসান
MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA-PLATE I
* *: - - - ২১-৬৩৪, ৯. ১২ ss
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গণব্যানানানাগিরা বাণillallানাভাক্তাদি৷াগর, ||77il:15||লগন্যানjalain্যা878ৱবপ্নাযাননীয়র।
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Scale : One-Half

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No. 59] MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA
323 21 Lakshmir-Bhūr=api váñchhitāni vidadhē yasyāḥ sapatnyaul mahārājñi r[... dēvi] tada
asya mahishi s=ābhūt=tri-vargg-ochită || [13*] Etabhyam Sasisakha22 ra-Girijābhyām=iva va(ba)bhiva Saktidharaḥ | Sri-[Visvarüpa]'sēnadāvan pratibhata
bhūpāla-mukuta-mapiḥ || [148] A-kaumäram=&pāra-sangara-bhara-vyapa23 ra-tộishņā-vasa-sv-antasy=āsya nišamya vira-parishad-vandyasya dor-vvikramam n=edam
n=ēdam=idan=cha n=ēti chakitair-durggam pravibya drutan nirggachchhs. 24 dbhir=arāti-bhūpa-nivahair-bhrāmyadbhir-ev=āsyatē !| [15*] Kalpa-kshmáruha-kānanani
Kanaka-kshmäbbsid-vibhāgān=nidhim ratnānāṁ pulin-antarani cha pari25 bhramya prayas-ālasāḥ | tat-pada-payodhara-pranayini chichhấyä-vitân-añobald vibra
myanti satām=anidra-vidas-õdbhrāntā mano-vfittaya) || [16*) 26 Kim=ētad=iti vismay-akulita-lokapāl-āvali-vilokita-vissiinkhala-pradhana-jaitra-jā(yā)tra
bharaḥi ka sāsa prithivim=imām prathita-vira-va27 rgg-āgranīḥ sa Gargga-Yavan-invaya-pralaya-kāla-Rudro nfipaḥ || [17*] Padm-alay=dti
ya khyātir=Lakshmyi ēva jagat-traye Sarasvaty=api tām lēbhē yad-anana28 křít-ālaya || [18*] Aruby=ābhramliha-griha-sikhām=asya saundaryya-rēkhám pabyantibhiḥ
puri viharataḥ paura-simantinibhiḥ | vānt-ākūtai'r=naya29 na-valitair=vibhramaṁ darśayantyo drishtāḥ sakhyaḥ kshapa-vighatita-prēma-rukshaiḥ kata
kshaiḥ || [19*] Etēn=onnata-vēsma-señkata-bhuvaḥ srotasvati30 saikata-kridā-lola-marāla-kõmala-kala[t*]-kvāņa-praņīt-otsavāḥ viprēbhyo dadirê mahi
magha[va]tā nāka-pratishthā-bhritaḥ pāka-pra
Reverse 31 kramaśāli-sāli-savala-kshētr-otkatāḥ karvvat.h || [20*] iha khalu Phasphagrima-sama
väsita-srimaj-jayaskandhāvarāt sama32 stasu'prašastyupēta -Arirāja[vfishabha]"lankara-Gaudzsvara-brima[d*-[Vijaya)-10
sēnadēva-pad-anudhyāta-samastasu prasastyupēta -Ariraja
For sapatnyau mahao, better road sapatni-dvayan or sapatnyorudvayan as in the Vangitya Sahitya Parishad plate. The language of the stanza as found in the Madanapadi and Idilpur plates is faulty because the use of sapatnyau in the dual renders the verb vidadht in the singular unsuitable.
* The four aksharas giving the name of the queen are written on the erasure which originally accommodated only three aksharas after brf. The sign of bri has been affected by the erasure and it looks like Srd. Of the two damaged letters before devi, neither can be satisfactorily read because the original aksharas were not carefully and fully erased and the new aksharas clearly shaped. The name has been read as Sri-Tandradevi or frt-Tadadevi both of which violate the metre and could not have been the intended reading. See above, pp. 319-20.
Here the four aksharas vibvarūpa have been re-engraved in the space for only two akaharas that had been originally incised. The name vidvarüpa cannot be easily recognised and looks somewhat like vidvarrd. The superscript r above the second of the two akaharas in which the original name was written has not been affected by the erasure. The two original aksharas may have been süryya. See line 38 below.
• The reading is bharah and not bhaval. . This has been wrongly read as vārti-abitai. . The name of the locality has been read by previous writers as Phalgurdma.
The akshara looks more like sra, though in the Gaudiya alphabet often there is no difference between the medial sign for u and subscript 5. In any case, the intended reading is pl.
• Sandhi has not been observed here.
• These three akaharas were re-engraved after having erased the aksharas mabanka. The original n was changed to e by re-touching its loop. The visarga and medial i signs of the original nich are still visible.
10 Although the traces are not clear, these were no doubt re-engraved after having erased d.Falldla.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
33 [niḥsanka] sankara-Gaudēsvara-śrima[d*]-Va(Ba)llāla] sēnadēva-pād-ānudhyāta.
samastasu'prasastyupēta -aśvapatigajapatinarapatirājatrayādhi34 pati-Sõnakulakamalavikāsa bhāskara-Somavamapradipa-pratipanna-Karņņa-satyavrata
Gangēya-saranāgatavajrapanjara-paramēšva35 Ta-paramabhatýāraka-paramasaura-mahārājādbirāja -Arirājasmadana]*sankara
Gaudāśvara-srima[l-Lakshmana]"sēnadēva-pád-anudhya36 ta'-asvapatigajapatinarapatirājatrayādhipati-Sēnakulakamalavikāsabhāskara-Sõmavamsapra
dipa-pratipanna-Karņņa-satyavra37 ta-Gängēya-saraņāgatavajrapa ñjara-paramēśvara-paramabhațțāraka-para masaura-mahārājā
dhiraja -Arirāja[vrishabha]*nkabankara38 Gaudēávara-śrīmat-[Visvarüpa]"sēnadēva-pādā vijayinah | samupāgat-āśēsha-rāja
rājanyaka-rājñi-rāņaka-rājaputra-rājāmātya-ma39 hāpurõhita-mahādharmmādhyaksha-mabāsāndhivigrahika-mahāsēnāpati-dauhsādhika
chaurõddharanika-nauva(ba)lahastyasvagoma40 hishājāvikādivyāpřita-gaulmika-dandapātika-dandanāyaka-vishayapaty-ādin=anyāms-cha
Rakala-rāja-pad-õpajivino-'dhyaksha41 pravarân chatta-bhatta10-jātiyān Brāhmaṇān Brāhmaṇ-õttarāms=cha yathārham mānayanti
võ(bo)dhayanti samādisanti cha [l*] viditam=astu bhavatām ya42 thá Paandravardhana-bhukty-antahpäti-Vang Vikramapura-bhāge pūrvē Athayāga
grāma'1-janghāla-bhūḥ sīmā dakshiņē Vārayipada-grāma-bhūḥ si43 m paschimē. Uñchokātti-grāma-bhūh simā uttarë Virakätt112-janghāla[h*] sīvā ittham
chatuh-sim-āvachchhinnah(nna)-Piñjökāshth113-grāma-madhyāt Kandarppasankar-ā
These three aksharas are clearly re-engraved on an erasure. Originally madana must have been engraved at this place.
* These aksharas are re-engraved on an erasure. Originally l- Lakshmana must have been engraved. The first akshara still looks more like lla.
* See above, p. 323, note 7.
Sandhi has not been observed here.
* The person responsible for the erasure and re-engraving forgot to change this epithet of Visvarūpasena to Paramavaishnava or Paramanārasimha which was the correct epithet of Lakshmanasēna.
• These three aksharas must have been re-engraved after having erased the aksharas vrishabha, although the traces are not clear.
? Thene aksharas are clearly re-engraved on an erasure. That originally d-Visvarūpa was engraved is proved by the traces of pa underneath na and of the medial i sign of dvi. The space also suggests that four aksharas and not three were originally engraved here.
. These three aksharas were apparently re-engraved after having orased nihda of nihdanka, the last akshara of the original word in three aksharas being left out through oversight. The intended reading seems to be arirajavrishabha-Sankara and not arirāja-vrishabhänka-sankara.
. These four aksharas were clearly re-engraved after having erased a name in two aksharas. The second akshara of this original name had a superscript which was not erased. The re-engraved name looks more like Visvarra than Vidvarūpa. Note that t of brimat has not been modified in sandhi as in the other cases in this section. The original name engraved here seems to have been Süryya. See line 22 above.
16 This is the same as chăța-bhata of early inscriptions. 1 The name may also be read as Afhapäga-grāma. 11 The name has been read as Virakashti.
1 The name has been read as Piñjakashi. From this word down to Piñjöthiya in line 46, the letters are all reengraved on erasures. From the beginning of this re-engraved section down to trinay at the end of line 45, the aksharas are small in shape and pressed against each other. This was due to the fear that all the aksharas might not find space enough to be accommodated in the blank created by the erasure. But when the work of re-engraving had reached the beginning of line 46, it was found that the remaining aksharas were not enough to fill up the available space in that live. Thus the aksharas re-engraved on the orasure in line 46 are bigger in size, and have more space between any two of them than even in the original part of the writing.

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এরপর তার
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597 ान
सिज
520 5
निष्पादन
MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA-PLATE II
a
লাগ্রাময় বিপর সমাপনী
18 গাজী
1998:
বাবা মা বাগালি ঘরগ গত
সপ মহারাজাধিরা
MEG বর্ষণ
02
1527
সিরি
গালিব গান 27
Scale: One-Half
বাপ
গান
17370 বাধি
বা
Sala
সানবানি স৯ আপিনদিনি
ক
ान
:
जतातत পা সবের
32
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No. 59)
MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA
325
44 sramiya -padāti-Sāpāmärka-sām"-vadvā)trimsat-purāp-öttara-chūrngi-sat-aika: 132 va(ba)
hiḥ sāṁ-bhū-hi* 500 tathā Kandarppasankar-āmsa-bhūmau Nārapdapa-grāmē svakiya
pálya-svam sā[1n*]-6 45 hi [1]27 dvābhyām sapta[v]imšati-purāṇ-adhika-sām-chūrạpā(rņņi)-shat-satik-õtpattika
Piñjökāshthis-grāmaḥ sa-jala-sthalaḥ sa-jhāța-vitapaḥ s-ösharaḥ sa-guvāka-nārikēlasa
triņa-yū10. 46 ti-paryyanta upari-likhita-chatuh-si(si)m-āvachchhinnaḥ Piñjothiyall-grāmõ=yam Siva
purāṇ-okta-bhūmi-dāna-pha47 la-prāpti-kāmanayā Vatsa-sagotrasya Bhärggava-Chyavana-Appuvata-Aurvva-12 Jāmadagnya
pravarasya Parāsa (sa)radēvašarmmanaḥ prapautrāya Ve48 tsa-sagotrasya Bhārggava-Chyavana-Apnuvata-Aurvval-Jāmadagnya-pravarasya Garvbhe
(rbbhē)svaradēvasarmmaṇaḥ pautrāya Vatsa-sagotrasya Bhārggava49 Chyavana-Apnuvata-Aurvva12-Jāmadagnya-pravarasya Vanamālidēvasarmmaņaḥ putrāya
Vatsa-sagotrāya Bhārggava-Chyavana-Apnuvata50 Aurvva 12-Jāmadagnya-pravaráya śruti-pāthakāya1: sri-VišvarūpadēvašarmmaņBrāhmaṇā
ya vidhivad=utspijya Sadāsiva-mudrayā mu31 drayitvā bhū-chcbhidra-nyāyöna chaturdasaly-avdibdi)ya"-Bhadra-dinās tāmraśā.
seniksitya pradatto='smābhiḥ yatra chatuḥ-sim-āvachchhi62 nna-sāṁ-sāsana-bhū-hit. 627 tad-bhavadbhiḥ sarvvair=ēv=anumantavya bhāvibhir=api
n fipatibhir=apaharaņē naraka-pāta-bha53 yāt pālanē dharmma-gauravāt pālaniyam | bhavanti ch=ātra dharmm-ānusamsinaḥ slökāḥ |
Asphoțayanti pitaro valgaya54 nti pitämahāḥ | bhūmidõ='smat-kulē jātaḥ sa nas=trātā bhavishyati || [21*] Bhūmim yaḥ
pratigțihņāti' yag=cha bhūmim, prayachchhati ubhau 55 tau punya-karmmāņau niyatam svargga-gāminau || [22*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā dattā
rājabhiḥ Sagar-adibhiḥ | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya
i
1 This was read as Kandarpäsankara-grämiya. 1 This was read as byadhämärkyan. Sam is a contraction of säthvataarika. • This was read as tribatika
. This was read as sahih ai bhahi. Bahih (Bengali bai) is the same as bahirbhdla (.. excluded) As found in somo records (cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 190, text line 185, etc.). Samh-bhu-hi stands for särvatsarika-bhümi-hiranya.
This was read as "aćao. • The last seven akaharas were not read. 7 This was read as eachchhitta. * The akshara was read as shfi. • The visarga was omitted. 10 This akshara may also be read AS pa. 11 The re-incision on erasure in this part ends with the akshara ya 12 Read Chyavan-Apnuvad-Auruva. 10 This was read as thätipa fakāya.
14 The intended reading is chaturdas-abdiya. The four aksharas 'chaturdasa are re-engraved after having erasod two aksharas. The medial i and signs attached respectively to the first and second of the letters are still visible. There is no doubt that the expression dvitiy-abdiya was originally engraved and that chaturdasa was re-engraved after having erased dviti.
15 The intended reading may have beon dinē 8.
1. Samh-säsana-bhu-hi (sāmvatsariba-Sänana-bhūmi-hiranya), 'the annual revenue of the gift and in cash', is the same as bäsana-sär-bha mi deana-adinhvataarika-bhumi-hiranya) of line 68 of the Yangiya Sahitya Parishad plate (N. G. Majumdar, Ins. Beng., Vol. III, p. 148).
17 Read valganti cha or pravalganti.

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326 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII 56 tasya tadā phalam || [23] Shashți-varsha-sahasrāpi svarggő tishthati bhūmidaḥ | akshēptā
ch=anumantă cha tany=ēva narakē vasēt || [24] Sva-da57 ttām para-dattām vā yo barēta vasundharām sa vishthāyām krimir-bhūtvā pit;ibhiḥ
saha pachyatē || [25*] Iti kamala-dal-āmvu(mbu)-vindu-lo58 lâm sriyam-anuchintya manushya-jsvitañ=cha | sakalam=idam-udahfita fi=chs vu(bu)ddhvi
na bi purushaiḥ para-kirttayo vilõpyāḥ |[26] Sachiva59 sata-mauli-lälita-pad-amvu(mbu)jasyānubāsanē dūtaḥ | Sri-Kõpivishnur-abhavad-Gauda
mahāsāndhivigrahikaḥ || [27*] Sriman-maha60 sän-karaņa-ni || Sri-mahāmahattaka-karapa-ni || Srimat-karaña-ni | sam 14 Abvina-dino

Page #452

No. 60-BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDA II, SAKA 726
G. 8. Gai, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 31.7.1959) The inscription was published by Fleet in Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, pp. 125—27 and Plates. The findspot of the plates is unknown. They appear to have been deposited in the British Museum along with the other epigraphical collections bequeathed by Fleet.
The set consists of three plates, each measuring about 5.75" long and 2.5' broad. The ring attached to the plates is .25" in thickness and 2.5" in diameter. The circular seal fixed to the ing is about 1.5' in diameter and has, in relief on a counter sunk surface, a much worn representation of Garuda, sitting cross-legged on a lotus and facing full front. The first and the last plate are engraved on one side only while the second plate has writing on both sides. Though the plates are corroded here and there, the writing is very well preserved. The first plate and the second side of the second plate have each 6 lines of writing whereas the first side of the second plate and the third plate have 4 and 3 lines respectively. Thus there are 19 lines altogether.
The characters are early Kannada Telugu and are regular for the period to which the record belongs. Of the initial vowels a occurs in line 16, i in lines 12 and 13 and e in lines 2, 9 and 11. Dravidian is found in lines 1, 10 and 18 and I in lines 1. 7 and 9. Final n is met with in line 15 and final ? in lines 5 and 6. L is written either with a curve inside the letter as in lines 4, 8, 10, etc., or with a curve outside as in lines 9 and 19. Bis of the box type (cf. lines 3, 5, 8, 9, etc.) and kh of the cursive variety of lines 2 and 19). There is no distinction between medial e and è or o and 0. As regards orthography, the consonant following r is generally doubled (cf. lines 1, 6, 9, etc.). There are certain orthographical errors like s used for 6 (line 2), bh for b (line 2), b for v (line 14), etc.
The language is Kannada prose except the imprecatory verses and a sentence at the end referring to the composition of the record, which are in Sanskrit.
The inscription is interesting in more than one respects. It is the shortest of the copperplate inscriptions of Govinda III discovered so far. Besides being the only copper-plate grant of the Rāshtrakūta dynasty which is written in the Kannada language, it is one of the earliest copper plate inscriptions in that language. The form of the record resembles rather that of the stone inscriptions of the dynasty than that of the copper-plate grants. There is no invocatory verse at the beginning and the inscription straightway begins with the date-portion as in the case of the stone inscriptions. Neither the genealogical account of the ruling king is given noi is the grant addressed to the feudatory officials as is generally found in the case of the copper-plate grants. The present inscription is the only record mentioning the name of the Pallava adversary of Govinda III as Dantiga, i.e., Dantivarman (761-812 A.D.):
Prof. V. V. Mirashi's view (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 206 and note 4) that the absence of the genealogical section in these plates is due to the fact that they were not issued from the capital of the king is not cons incing. There are numerous instances of copper-plate grants which were issued from places other than the capitals and yet contaic the genealogical section. Cf. the copper plate grants issued by Chalukya Vijayāditya (696-733 A.D.) from the following places away from his capital at Bidāmi: Rāsēnanagara (Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 125 ff.), Karahatnagara (above, Vol. X, pp. 146 ff.), Eläpura (Ind. Hint. Quart., Vol. IV, pp. 425 ff.) and Kuhundinagara (A. R. Ep. 1934-36, App. A. No. 22). The Rashtrakuta king Govinda III himself was encamped at a place called Süguturu at the time of issuing the Nesarikå grant (below, Vol. XXXIV, Part III.)
( 327 )

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328
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI
The nscription commences with the word svasti and proceeds to give, as indicated above, the data which is expressed in words as Saka 726 (expired), Subhanu, Valtakha vadi 5, Taursday. According to the Southern cycle, the expired Saka year 726 corresponded to Tārana and Subhānu fell in the previous year, viz , Saka 725 expired. In the latter year, the given tithi was not Thursday 88 mentioned in the record while, in the Saka year 726 expired, it regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 4th April 804 A.D. This, therefore, appears to be the intended date of the record.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Goyindara, the Kannada form of the name Gövinda, who, from his distinguishing epithet Prabhutavarsha as well as the date of the record, is none else than Govinda III. He also bears the usual epithets Prithvivallabha-mahārājadhirajavaramëśvara-bhatāra. We are informed in lines 5-6 that his queen (mahädēvi) was Gāmundabbe who is not known from any other source. It is not clear in what connection she is mentioned in the record. It may, however, be suggested that the king made the grant specified in the sequel at the request of his queen, though it is not so stated
Lines 7-12, refer to the conflict of the king with the Pallava ruler and the object of the record. They have been translated by Fleet as follows: "when the king), having conquered Dantiga who ruled over Kanchi, had come to levy tribute, and when his encampments were on the bank of the river Tungabhadrā, and when having at (his) first (visit) approved of the tirtha called Rāmāśvara, he came (there again) to spear the boars that had been preserved (for his sport) having seen that the tirtha was an excellent one, he allotted to the Gorava named Sivadhāri,....the grant of king Kirttivarmā to (the god) Paramēbvara."
Fleet read the words in line 7 as Dantiganame geldu and translated them as having conquered Dantiga.' But the word geļdu does not give any sense in Kannada unless one assumes that it is a mistake for geldu, the verb gel meaning to conquer'. Moreover, the emphatic e in Dantiganame does not suit the context. We propose to read the two words as Dantigana mēg=eļdu which means 'having marched against Dantiga.' Thus the sentence has to be understood in the sense that the king was on his march to Kāñchi against the Pallava king Dantiga in order to levy tribute from him and that on his way he had fixed his encampments on the bank of the river Tungabhadrā. This shows that the conquest of the Pallava king by Govinda III was not complete on the date of this record but was subsequent to it. In view of this conclusion, it would be necessary to modify the opinion of the scholars who have written on the chronology of the conquests of Govinda III and who following Fleet's translation, have understood that the conquest of the Pallava king was complete when the present plates were issued in 804 A.D.
Fleet translated the sentence Rāmēsvara emba tirtthadā modalolamepp=ikki (lines 9-10) as having at (his) first visit) approved of the tirtha 'called Rămēsvara'. He understood modalo! in the sense of at first and thought that it referred to the first visit of the king to the place. This led him to suppose that the king came there again to spear the boars referred to in the next sentence (line 10) porada pandigalan=iriyal=bandalli. He also took mepp=ikki in the sense of having approved'. Now the word meppu is not found in Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary and the meaning given by Fleet does not suit the context. We feel that meppu may be connected with mēpu meaning grazing, pasturage" derived from the root mē or mēy 'to graze and mepp=ikki has to be taken as qualifying the following words porada pandigalan. The word modalo! in the sence of first or first visit' does not suit the preceding word tīrtthadā which is in the genitive case.
Altekar (The Rashtraku fas and their Times, p. 63) thought that Govinda III was returning from his expedition against the Pallava king when the present plates were issued. Cf. also above, Vol. XXIII, p. 215; Vol. XXXII, p. 159.
- Mēpu is used in this sense in the Kannada work Pampa-Bharata (Chapt. V, section in prose after verse 43) n the description of the hunting expedition of Arjuna.

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No. 60]
BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 726
329
So it has to be understood in the sense of' in front of' or' opposite to'. The whole sentence appears to mean that there was a sort of a game-sanctuary located on the opposite side of Rāmēśvaratirtha (i.e. on the other side of the river) where boars were grazed and preserved for hunting purposes. Thus the words modalol and bandalli do not support the view that the king had visited the same place on two occasions, as supposed by Fleet. But this does not preclude the possibility of an earlier invasion of the Pallava capital by Govinda III. The fact that the king was on his march in order to levy tribute from the Pallava king may possibly suggest that the latter had failed to pay the tribute levied on a previous occasion. This view may gain support from the statement, that from Sribhavana, Govinda III went to the banks of Tungabhadra with his forces and captured the fortune of the Pallavas, though it was already in his hands."
The object of the inscription (lines 11-12) is to register the renewal of a grant, by the king, to the priest (gorava) Šivadhari. It is stated that the former grant was made by Kirtivarmarāja-paramēśvara who was most probably Kirtivarman II (744-45-757), the last imperial Chalukya ruler of Bādāmi. The meaning of the expression mudumbeyaman untu used in this connection is not clear but it appears to refer to the name of a locality or to the former privileges attached to the grant which was renewed by Govinda III.
Thus lines 7-12 of the inscription may be rendered as: "When (Govinda III) was on his march, in order to levy tribute, against Dantiga who was ruling over Kañchi, and when he had fixed his encampments on the bank of the river Tungabhadra, and when he had come to spear the boars that had been grazed and preserved (for his sport) on the opposite side of the tirtha called Rāmēsvara (i.c. on the other side of the river), seeing the beauty of the tirtha, he (i.e. the king) gave to the priest named Sivadhari the grant of Mudumbeyam which was (formerly) given by Kirtivarmaraja-parameśvara." Lines 13-17 contain the imprecatory portion and a sentence in lines 17-18 refers to a stream called Kunda or Kundu as lying on the boundary of the gift land. This is followed in lines 18-19 by the mention of Mahasandhivigrahin Sridhara as the writer of the grant. This officer is not known from the other grants of Govinda III.
The chronoglogy of the campaigns of Rashtrakuta Govinda III has been discussed by many scholars. As pointed out by Prof. Mirashi, the copper-plate charters of Govinda III fall into two groups. The first one gives the draft of the introductory part which mostly follows that of the earlier charters of the Rashtrakuta family. To this group belong the Paithan plates (Šaka 716), Añjanavati plates (Saka 722) and the Jharika grant (Saka 725). To the second group, which gives a new draft describing the victories of Govinda III, belong all his other charters including the Manne plates (first set) of Saka 724 and the Badaneguppe plates of Saka 730 which were issued by the king's brother Stambha. Prof. Mirashi has tried to show that all the important victories of Govinda III (including the submission of Dharmapala and Chakrayudha) were attained before
1 It may, however, be pointed out that though Fleet seems to have rectified this mistake later (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, p. 397; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 159 and note 5), other scholars have followed it. Cf. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 216 and note 7.
Cf. above, Vol. VI, p. 244, verse 18: sva-kara-sthitam-api punar-niséeshamakrishṭavän...... Pallavǎnām ériyam. Cf. also, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 216 and K.V.8. Aiyar, Three Lectures, p. 82.
* Fleet takes Paramesvara as the name of the god to whom Kirtivarman made the grant previously. But it seems better to take it as an epithet of Kirtivarmaraja.
For other meanings suggested by Fleet, see Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 127 and note 20.
s Above, Vol. III, pp. 103 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 8 ff.
'Ibid., Vol. XXXII, pp. 157 ff. Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, N1. 61. Mys. Arch. Rep., 1927, pp. 112 ff.

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330
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
Saka 724, the date of the Manne plates (first set). But from the recent discovery of the Jharikā grant of Saka 725 using the earlier draft, it has been shown that the Manne plates which are dated one year earlier i.e. Saka 724) and in which the later draft is used should be regarded as spurious. Therefore, the earliest record to use this new draft is the Nēsarikā grant of Saka 727. It follows that Govinda finished his campaigns in the north as well as south before Saka 727, the date of the Nēsarka grant, if we follow the usual criterion of ascertaining the chronology of his campaigns by the appearance of the earlier and later drafts. From the wellknown verse nītvā Sribhavanē, etc., found in this later draft, we learn that, from Sribhavana (identified with modern Sarbhon in Broach District) where he had spent the rainy season, Govinda III marched with his forces to the banks of the Tungabhadrā and, staying there, captured the fortune of the Pallavas. This shows that Govinda conducted his southern campaign from the banks of the Tungabhadrā. This is corroborated by the fact that when the Jharikā grant was issued, the royal camp was on the bank of the river Tungabhadrā near Alampur, and that the inscription under review also states that the king had fixed his encampment on the bank of the same river. Evidently all the abovementioned three references to the royal encampment on the bank of the river Tungabhadrā point to the same event in Govinda's southern campaign. It appears that this expedition commenced from the date of the Jharikā grant (November 803 A.D.) and was not yet complete on the date of the present inscription (April, 804 A.D.). However, it must have been completed soon after the date of the present record, since the Nēsarikā grant, dated 21st December 805 A.D., was issued when the king was apparently on his way back to his capital.
The chronology of the southern campaign detailed above would show that Govinda's northern conquests were completed before November 803 A.D., the date of the Jharikā grant. As indicated above, Govinda III marched quickly from Sribhavana to the banks of the Tungabhadrā as if to suppress some sort of revolt from the south. In this connection, it is interesting to note that the Añjanavati plates, dated in June 800 A.D. (Saka 722), were issued from Govinda's capital at Mayūrakhandi and, as already indicated, use the earlier draft. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the northern campaign of the king must have been conducted between June 800 A.D., the date of the Añjanavati plates, and November 803, the date of the Jharikā grant. One may, however, ask why this northern expedition is not referred to in the Jharikā grant. But, as already stated, the king was still engaged in his southern expedition on the date of this grant and even some time thereafter as proved by the inscription under study and he could only prepare the new draft incorporating his exploits in the north as well as in the south sometime before issuing the NēBarikā grant in December 805 A.D.
The village or locality called Mudumbe cannot be identified.
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 297. In his latest contribution on the subject, Altekar also adopts the same view. Cf. The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 8.
Ibid., Vol. XXXII, p. 169. [The reason cited cannot be regarded as enough for characterising the Manpo plates as spurious. For & CBBB of this kind among the records of the Eastern Ganga monarch Anantavarman Chodaganga, see above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 239, where I suggested an unnecessary correction. Ed.]
Below, Vol. XXXIV, Part III. [The Nēsarika grant or any other record of Govinda III does not mention Chakrāyudba, though according to the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I he surrendered to Govinda III along with his ally Dharmapala. Some of the conclusions of Mirashi and others thue appear to be based on argumentum ex silentio.-Ed.]
Cf. above, Vol. VI, p. 244, verse 18.
[The absence of reference to the northern campaign in the Jhariki grant of 803 A.D., before which it must have been completed as indicated by the issue of the charters of the period between 802 and 805 A.D. from the southern camps, makes Dr. Gai's explanation rather doubtful. Govinda III was not actually fighting with the Pallaves on the Tungabhadra and the officers with him could have drawn up the new draft in any of his camps if he so desired. -Ed.]

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No. 60]
BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 726
331
TEXT:
First Plate
1 Svasti [ 1 ] Saka-nfipa-kal-ātīta samvatsaramgal=ēlnůri(r=i)rppatārane
2 ya Subhānu embhā(mba) varshadā Vainā(sa)kha-masa-kfishpa-pa3 ksha-pafchame(mi)-Brihaspati(ti)vāram=ägi [l*) Svasti(sti) Prabhu
4 tavarsha-sri-Prithuvi(thvi)vallabha-mahārājādbirāja pasra*]mē
. 3 svara Göyindara-bhatārarā Gāmundabbegal' mahādē
6 viyār=āgi*(gi) rājyā(jya)-pra[va]rddhamāna kālado!
Second Plate, First Side
7 Kanchiyan=ă vă(va) Dantigana mēg=eldu' kappam-gola
8 l=bandalli Turgabhadreyā tadiyol=täna-biduga
9 l-ildu Rāmēsvara emba tirtthadā modalol=mepp=i
10 kki porada pandigaļan-iriyal-bandalli(lli) tirtthad-o?pa
11 n=kandu. Sivadhari emba goravargge Mudumbeya
12 man=untu Kitthi(rtti)vammo(rmma)rāja -paramāsvara-dattamān=vitta[1]'[l*) i
Second Plate, Second Side
18 idam
keçisidarola(1=ā)r=appode int-appāt(ppār) [l*]
14 Sva-dattā[m*] para-dattambao yo harēti(ta) vasu
18 ndharān(rām ) shashțhi(shți)-varsha-sahasrani(ni) vishtha18yam jāyatē krimi[h 1*] Api varsha-sahasrapi
From the Plates in Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, between pp. 126 and 127. * The two letters gal were first omitted and then inserted below the following letter ma. * The akshara ra is written below the line between ya and gi. Fleet reads Dantiganame geldt.
Fleet reads tirttham-olpan=kandu. . These two letters were first omitted and then inserted below the line between mmo and the following letter
pa.
Fleet roads-vittä[r*). .This akshara is redundant. .Read paradattárhage

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332
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Third Plate
17 tena mě nanyato bhayam(yam ) pūrvva-sthiti Ku18 nd-emba tore mere [*] Mahāsandbivigrā(gra)hā❜dhi19 kärn(-)dhi(dhi)pat[b] Sridharasya likhitah sya[ ||* ]*
1 This is only a half verse.
* This letter ha is written below the following letter dhi.
Read likhitam.
[VOL. XXXIII
This letter is unnecessary.
While this article was going through the press, I visited Alampur in the Mahbubnagar District, Andhra Pradesh. It was at this place, situated on the bank of the Tungabhadra, that Govinda III was camping as shown above. About a mile to the north of Alampur, there is, on the river-bank, a locality called Rämöévara which is evidently the same as Raméévara-tirtha mentioned in our record. I noticed here the remains of one or two old temples. But what is more interesting is that; on the other bank of the river opposite Rämöévara, there is still a small jungle and I was informed that it is infested with boars even today. I was also told that a stone inscription of the reign of Govinda III, which is now kept in the museum at Alampur, was originally found at this Rämöévara. These facts go to confirm the interpretation of the text (lines 9-10) offered at pp: 328-29.above.

Page #458

No. 61–NOTE ON SHAR-I-KUNA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 21.7.1959) A rock inscription of the Maurya emperor Asoka (c. 269-232 B.C.) was recently discovered in a locality called Shar-i-Kuna near Kandahar in Southern Afghanistan, that is to say, in the vicinity of the site of the ancient city of Alexandria founded by Alexander the Great in Arachosia. It is a bilingual record, one of its two versions being in Greek and the other in Aramaic. Both the versions of the inscription have been published in Italian by U. Scerrato, G. Tucci, G. P. Carratelli and G. L. della Vida in a small book entitled Un editto bilingue greco-aramaico di Asoka-La prima isorizione greca scoperta in Afghanistan, Rome, 1958, and in French by D. Schlumberger, L. Robert, A. Dupont-Sommer and E. Benveniste in the Journal Asiatique, 1958, No. 1, pp. 1 ff. A paper on the same inscription received by us from Prof. J. Filliozat is appearing in the pages of this journal, below, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 1 ff.
The Shar-i-Kuna inscription is an edict referring to the results of Asoka's propagation of what he called his Dharma and we know that such results are referred to in some of his other edicts, especially in Minor Rock Edicts I-II and Rock Edict IV. The two versions of the Shar-i-Kana inscription are really independent free translations of an edict (or two versions of an edict) that may have been drawn up in Prakrit at Akoka's Record Office at Pāțaliputra and sent to his Viceroy and the Mahāmātras at Alexandria in Arachosia for being translated into Greek and Aramaio no doubt for respectively the local Greek (Yavana) and Kamboja subjects of the Maurya emperor, who are referred to in Rock Edicts V and XIII. The Aramaic text refers to & fact recorded in Rock Edict I that formerly numerous birds and animals used to be killed daily at Asoka's kitchen for the preparation of curries, but that, at the time of the issue of Rock Edict I, only three living beings were being killed for the same purpose. The Aramaic version also mentions the Maurya king clearly as the lord of the people and officers of the Kandahar region where the edict was engraved. No clear allusion to these is found in the Greek text. Likewise there is mention of the king's hunters only in the Greek text and not in the Aramaic vereion. We may regard the Shar-i-Kuna inscription as Minor Rock Edict IV.
The Greek version of the Shar-i-Kuna edict has been satisfactorily deciphered and interpreted. though there are some doubtful passages in the Aramaic version. The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it not only proves the inclusion of Afghanistan, apparently the home of the Yavanas and Kambojas, in Asöka's empire but also quotes the date when the emperor became a zealous propagator of Dharma.
The Greek version of the Shar-i-Kuna edict has been translated into French as follows: (A) Dix ans étant révolus, le roi Piodassés a montré aux hommes la Pieté. (Ten
years having passod [since his coronation), king Priyadarsin has shown Piety
to the people.) (B) Et depuis lors il a rendu les hommes plus pieux, et tout prospère sur toute la terre.
(And, since then, he has rendered the people more pious, and all prosper on the
whole earth.) 1 Asöka could not have issued such an edict to the subjects of a foreign ruler.
The Bairic-Bhabr1 inscription may be regarded as Minor Rock Edict Ill. See my Inscriptions of Asoka, Delhi, 1957, pp. 27, 38-39.
There is some difference between the views of the Italian and French scholars. We have followed the latter. A study of the Aramio version by F. Altheim and R. Stiebl has since appeared in East and West, September 1958, pp. 192 ff.
The use of Past Tense is required here since the following sentence nakes it clear that the reference is to an earlier event.
( 333 )

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334 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. Xxxtu (C) Et le rois s'abstient des êtres vivants, et les autres hommes et tous les chasseurs et
pêcheurs du roi ont cessé de chasser. (And the king abstains from the eating or slaughter of] living beings, and other people and all the king's hunters and fishermen
have given up hunting.) (D) Et ceux qui n'étaient pas maîtres d'eux-mêmes ont cessé, dans la mesure de leurs
forces, de ne pas se maîtriser. (And those who could not control themselves havo
ceased not to control themselves as far as they could.) (E) Et ils sont devenus obéissants à père et mère et aux gens âgés, à l'inverse de ce qui
était le cas précédemment. (And they have become obedient to (their) father and
mother and to the old people contrary to what was the case previously.) (F) Et désormais, en agissant ainsi, ils vivront de façon meilleure et plus profitable en
tout. (And henceforth, by so acting, they will live in an altogether better and more
profitable way.) It may be translated roughly into Prakrit, as used in Abāka's inscriptions in general and, in particular, his edicts at Shāhbāzgarhi in the Peshawar District (as also Mansehra in the Hazara District) of West Pakistan, as follows: (A) dasa-vash-abhisitena raña Priyadrabina janaspi dhram-anusasti pravatita
(daśa-varsh-abhishiktēna rajñā Priyadarbinājano dharm-anusastih
pravartita ) (B) tata chu tena munisa badhataram dhra ma-yuta kata prana cha vadhita hita-sukhena
savra-puthaviyam tataḥ cha tu tēna manushyah bädhataram dharma-yutāḥ
kpitāḥ prāņāḥ cha vardhitāḥ hita-sukhēna sarva-prithivyām ) (C) raña chu pran-arambho paritijita savrehi cha manusehi ludakehi cha savrehi kevatehi
cha raño paritijita vihimsa bhutanam | (rājñā cha tu prāņ-alambhaḥ parityaktaḥ sarvaiḥ cha manushyaiḥ lubdhakaiḥ cha servaiḥ kaivartaiḥ cha räjñaḥ parityakta
vihimsă bhūtānām 11 (D) yesham chu n=asi samyamo te pi cha samyata bhuta yatha tena tona sakam (vēsham
cha tu na ässt samya mah tē api cha samyataḥ bhūtāḥ yathā tēna tēna sakyam ) (E) te pi cha mata-pitushu vudheshu cha subrusharti yadibam no bhuta-pruvam (tē
api cha mātā-pitfishu vriddhëshu cha susrüshanti yādfisam no bhūta-pūrvam ) (F) evam cha karamina to pacha hita-sukhena vadhisanti badham chu vadhisanti || (ēvam
cha kurvāṇāḥ të paschat hita-sukhēna vardhishyantē bādham cha vardhishyantë II) The Aramaic text has been translated into French as follows: (A) Dix ans étant révolus (?), il advint (?) que notre seigneur Priyadarsi le roi se fit
l'instaurateur de la Vérité. Ten years having passed (?), it so happened
(?) that our lord, king Priyadarsin, became the institutor of Truth.) (B) Depuis lors le mal a diminué pour tous les hommes, et toutes les infortunes (), il les a
fait disparaître ; et sur toute la terre (il y a] paix [et] joie. (Since then, evil became diminished among all men and all misfortunes (?) he caused to disappear; and
[there are) peace [and] joy on the whole earth.) (C) Et, en outre, [il y a) ceci en ce qui concerne la nourriture : pour notre seigneur le
roi on [ne] tue (que) peu [d'animaux); en voyant cela, tous les hommes ont cessé [de ture des animaux] : même(?) ceux qui prennent les poissons (=les pêcheurs), ces hommes-là sont l'objet d'une interdiction. (And, moreover, [there is this in regard to food : for our lord, the king (only) a few (animals) are killed ; having seen this, all men have given up [the slaughter of animals] : even (?) those men who catch fish (i.e. fishermen) are subject to prohibition.)

Page #460

836
No. 61] NOTE ON SHAR-I-KUNA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA (D) Pareillement, ceux qui étaient sans frein, coux-là ont cessé d'être sans frein. (Simi
larly, those who were without restraint have ceased to be without restraint.) - (E) Et [regne) l'obéissance à sa mère et à son père et aux gens &gés eonformément kun
obligations qu'a imposées à chacun le sort. (And obedience to mother and to father and to old men (reign) in conformity with the obligations imposed by fato
on each [person).) (F) Et il n'y a pas de Jugement pour tous les hommes pieux. (And there is no Judgement
for all the pious men.) (G) Cela (=la pratique de la Loi) a été profitable pour tous les hommes et sera encore profit
able. (This [i.e. the practice of Law] has been profitable to all men and will be more profitable (in future].)
The text may be rougaly translated into the same Prakrit as follows: (A) daba-vash-abhishitena raña Priyadrabina spamikena no tada dhram-anusasti
pravatite | (dasa-varsh-abhishiktāna rajña Priyadarsinā svāmikēna naḥ
tadă dharm-anusastiḥ pravartita ) (B) tata apayasa hini jata savraspi cha janaspi tena dupratibhaga nivaţita | asti pi samti
cha priti cha savra-puthaviyam tataḥ apāyasya hāniḥ jätā sarvasmin cha janë tēna dushpratibhāgāḥ nivartitāḥ | asti api sāntiḥ cha prītiḥ cha sarva-prithivyām
(C) eta che pi bhutam | sup-athaya chu raño no spamikasa lahukam arabhiyati tasa
cha drasana savra manusa na arabhamtievam pi ye cha kevata te pi cha niyamena samyata (état cha api bhūtam sūp-arthāya cha räjñaḥ naḥ svārikasya laghukam=ālabhyatē | tasya cha darsanāt sarvē manushyāḥ na ālabhantē ēvam=
api yē cha kaivartāḥ tē api cha niyamēna samyatāḥ). (D) evam pi yesham cha n=asi samyamo te pi cha samyata bhuta | (evam-api yễsham
cha na āsīt samyamaḥ tē api cha samyatāḥ bhūtā)) (E) savre cha mata-pitushu suárushamti vadhesba cha subrushamti yadibam tasa tasa
katavam aropitam (sarvē cha mātā-pitfishu susrüshanti vidhëshu cha busrūshanti
yādsisam tasya tasya kartavyan áropitam ) (F) Dharma-yutanam chu kho paratra n=asti vicharana | (dharma-yutānām cha tu
khalu paratra na asti vichāraņā ) (G) save cha manusa dhrama-charaṇena abhumnata cha abhumnamishati cheeva |
(sarvē cha manushyah dharma-charaņēna abhyunnatah cha abhyunnamishyanti
cha ēva II) The first sentence in both the versions suggests that Aboka boca me & zealous propagator of Dharma ten years after his coronation, 1.e., in the eleventh year of his reign. The same date is also suggested by the evidence of some of his other records.
It is usually believed that Aboka's coronation took place about 269 B.C. and that he became a Buddhist after he had been greatly moved by the horrors of the campaigns in Kalinga which was conquered by him, according to Rook Edict XIII, eight years after his coronation, i.e., in his ninth regnal year.

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336
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
Akoka's Minor Rock Edicts I-II were issued earlier than his Fourteen Rock Edicts. They were promulgated when Asöka had passed the 256th night of a long tour undertaken for the propagation of Dharma.Minor Rock Edict I states that, at the time of its issue, Asoka had already been an upăsaka (i.e., a lay follower of the Buddha) for a little over two years and a half and that, out of this period of a little over two years and a half, he had not been zealous in respect of Dharma for one year at the beginning, but that, as a result of his close contact with the Sangha or Buddhist church, he became a zealous propagator of Dharma thereafter for a little over one year. To this period of zealous activity must be assigned the emperor's pilgrimage to Sambodhi (i.e., Mahābodhi or Bodhgayā) undertaken, according to Rock Edict VIII, in the tenth year after his coronation (i.e., in the eleventh regnal year), and the creation of the posts of the Dharma-Mahämätras in the thirteenth year after coronation (i.e., in the fourteenth regnal year), which is referred to in Rock Edict V. The pilgrimage to Sambodhi, the holiest of the Buddhist tirthas where the Buddha attained enlightenment, may be regarded as one of the earliest acts of the active period of Ašāka's religious life, to which Minor Rock Edict I pointedly refers. Pillar Edict VI, issued in the twentysixth year after Asöka's coronation (i.e., in the twentyseventh regnal year), states that he issued (i.e., first issued or began to issue) Dharma-lipis, i.e., edicts relating to the Dharma he preached, in the twelfth year after his coronation (i.e., in the thirteenth regnal year). Rock Edict III contains an order of Asoka asking certain classes of his officers to set out on tour once in every five years for the propagation of his Dharma in addition to their normal duties, and this order was promulgated in the twelfth year after coronation, i.e., in the thirteenth regnal year. Rock Edict VI is stated to have been caused to be written down in the same year. These activities of the thirteenth regnal year of Asöka must likewise be attributed to the period when he was a zealous propagator of Dharma.
On the basis of these facts, we suggested elsewhere (1) that Asöka became a Buddhist in the second half of his tenth regnal year (i.e., nine years after his coronation, c. 260-259 B.C.), (2) that he came into close contact with the Buddhist Church, became a zealous worker in the cause of Dharma and undertook a pilgrimage to Sambodhi, in the second half of the eleventh regnal year (i.e., ten years after coronation, c. 259-258 B.C.), (3) that he set out on a tour for the propagation of Dharma about the middle of his twelfth regnal year (i.e., eleven years after coronation, c. 258-257 B.C.), and (4) that Minor Rock Edicts I-II were issued in the course of that tour in the first half of his thirteenth regnal year (i.e., twelve years after coronation, c. 257-256 B.C.).
The Shar-i-Kuna edict now coroborates the suggestion that Asoka became an active propagator of Dharma ten years after his coronation, i.e., in his eleventh regnal year, and sets at rest certain unwarranted speculations about the duration of Asoka's upāsakatua when Minor Rock Edict I was issued. The nature of the Shar-i-Kuna edict is similar to that of Minor Rock Edicts I-II and both the former and the latter appear to have been issued in the same year and may be counted among the earliest edicts issued by Abāka.
As indicated above, the imperial order contained in Rock Edict III was issued and Rock Edict IV was caused to be written down in the thirteenth regnal year of Asoka. But Rock Edict V, belonging to the set of the Fourteen Rock Edicts including Rock Edicts III and IV, contains & reference to the creation of the posts of Dharma-Mahāmätras in the following year.
1 Cf. Ancient India, No. 4, pp. 18-19; my Maski Inscription of Addka, p. 25, notel; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 3. *Cf. Maski Inscription of Asoka, pp. 29-30.
. For the meaning of the words upēla, upayāta and upagati used in indicating Asoka's relation with the Sangha, seo ibid., p. 24 ; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 9, note 1.
. This is quite obvious from the language of the different versions of Minor Rock Edict I (see Marki Inscription of Asöka, pp. 23-25) and is now corroborated by the evidence of the Shar-i-Kuna edict.
Ibid., p. 25. Ibid., pp. 23 ff., 29-30.

Page #462

No. 61] NOTE ON SHAR-I-KUNA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA
337 The set of the Fourteen Rook Edicts could therefore have been engraved in Asöka's fourteenth regnal year at the earliest. Amongst the Six Pillar Edicts forming another set, it is known from Pillar Edicts I, IV, V and VI that the set was issued twentysix years after Asoka's coronation, i.e., in the twentyseventh regnal year. Pillar Edict VII added to the above set of six on the DelhiTopra pillar was caused to be written down in the following year and this particular set of Seven Pillar Edicts could not therefore have been engraved before Asoka's twentyeighth regnal year.
bere is a fairly long and rather inexplicable interval of more than a decade between the issue of Minor Rock Edicts I-II (thirteenth regnal year) and the set of the Rock Edicts (thirteenth and fourteenth regnal years) on the one hand and that of the Pillar Edicts (twentyseventh and twentyeighth regnal years) on the other. During this interval, Asoka may have been busy with his tours of pilgrimage and with the schism in the Buddhist Church, both referred to in some of his records.
The Shar-i-Kuna edict (very probably of the thirteenth regnal year) suggests that the hunters and fishermen in Asoka's service, who had originally been responsible for supplying animals and fish to the royal kitchen for the preparation of curries, gave up the practice of catching animals and fish under the king's orders. This reminds us of the fact that, according to Pillar Edict V, the emperor banned the slaughter of certain species of animals and fish totally and of all kinds of them on particular days of the month, in his twentyseventh regnal year (i..., twentysix years after coronation). The general prohibition therefore came after many years of intensive propaganda, even though Pillar Ediot VII says that, in the matter of the propagation of Dharma, Asöka consilered propaganda by far more effective than prohibition.

Page #463


Page #464

INDEX
By Shrinivas Ritti, M.A. The figures refer to pages, n. after a figure to foot-notes, and add. to additions. The following other abbrevia tions are also used :-au.=author; ca.=capital; ch.-chief; ci.=city; com country: com.composer; de deity; di. -distriot or division; do. - ditto; dy.dynasty; E.Eastern ; engr. engraver; ep.-opithet; fo=family; fe. female ; feud.-feudatory : gen.-general; gr.=grant, grants; ins. inscription, inscriptions ; k.king : 1. locality : 1.m. linear measure, land measure ; m.Emale; min.-minister; mo. mountain, myth. =mythological ; n.=name; N.=Northern ; off.=office, officer; peo.=people; pl.-plate, platea; pr.prince, princess ; q.-queen; ri.=river; 8.=Southern ; 8..=same as; te.=temple; 1.d.territorial division; Tel.=Telugu ; tit.title; in. town; tk. =taluk; vi. village; W.Western; wk.work; tot weight.]
PAGE
Paga
.
.
80
H49, 10
:
.
.
.
a, initial, . . 61, 150, 209, 215, 257, 327 a, initial, resembling modern Telugu k.,. 125 a, medial, . . .
-
209 a, initial, . . .
. 27, 79, 150 a, medial . . .
. 192, 209 Abbhuta-dhamma,
. . 249 Abbidēvi, fe., , .
220, 224, 227 Abhayadatta, off.,
. . . 207 Abhayanandin, mm,
260 and n, 262 Abhayapāla, k., .
. . 193 Abhimanyu, Somavathfi k., . . . 271 Abhinava-yayātinagara, 8.a. Yayātipura, ci., 272 n Abhira, dy., .
• 33 and n Achabbe, fe., Achala, m.,
• . 293, 295 Achalasirgha, Achalasimha, engr., 156, 15A Achantapura, vi,
• 170 Achan fapura-bhoga,
• 170 Achat fapura-bhõgika,
170 Achantaraj-achariya,.
248 n Achantarāja school, . .
248 n achari, artisan', . . . . achariya, s.&. acharya, . . . 248, 249 n Acharya, Buddhist teacher', . . 249 achchu, .
. • 159, 161-62 Achohuttaraya, 6.a. Achyutarāya, Vijaya
nagara k., . . . . . . 116 Achyuta, 8.a. Achyutaraya,
199-200 Achyuta, 8.a. Vishnu, de.. .
36, 39 Achyutariya, Vijayanagara k., 111, 113-14, 199 Achyutarāya-mahārāya, do.,
. .. 114 Achyutēndra-mahārāja, do., . . . 202 Adam's peak, mo., . . adatta, tax, . . . . . . 264, adaya, 'impost', . . . .. 216
adbhuta, 3.c. utpåta. .
. . . . 187 adbhuta-santi, ceremony, . 137 and n, 140 AddĀda, ., . . . . . 281-82, 288 Addanki, fort, . . Adhikari-mukhya, chief min., .. . 82, 85 Adhyaksha, off.,.
. . 86 Adi-Bhafija, f .
. 83, 88 and a Adigal, . .
. 162 Adinagara, 6.a. Yayatinagara, ci., .
271 Aditya, m., ..
. 8. 18 Aditya, do.. .
. ,16 Aditya, do.. .
9, 17 aditya, name ending, Aditya I, Chola k..
la k.. . . , 23, 24 and n, 78 Aditya-bhatlu, donee, . . 282, 287 Aditya-bhatla, do,
283, 288 Aditya-bhatta, do., .
9,16 Adityagēna, k., . . . . . 209, 260 Aditya-sröshthin, m.,. . . .
. 54 Adityabr Eshthi-pulekolli, . Adityabrēshthi-pukkoli-khajjana, . . Adityavardhana, Aulikara k., . . 205-08 Ador, vi., . . .
• 309 Aduviļa Nrisimha, com., .
11, 19 Afghanistan, co., .
• 333 Agasti-yajvan, donce,
. 222, 230 Agastya, sage, . .
. 2, 279 Aghorasiv-acharys, ascetic,
. . 112 Agni, de... . .
. . 149 Agnihotrin, til.. . .
178, 180 Agnikárya, . .
. . 314 Agnimitra, k., .
. 164 agrahara, rent-free-holding', . 8, 10, 61, 83,
142 and n, 143 agrahara-pradeyamba, tax, . . . . 168 Agrahāra-Raghudēvapura, vi., . . . 18 Ahamada, 4.a. Khoja Ahamada, off. . . 72 Ahamada Jandamalantara, tit... Ahavamalla, 1., . . . . 241, 243, 245
•
80
do.
( 339 )

Page #465

340
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII
•
320
.
59
.
12
119
PAGE Ahavamalla, 8.a. Irivabedanga Satya raya, W. Chalukya k. .
131-33, 194 and n Ahavamalla, 8.a. Tailapa II, do., . 131-32 Ahavamalladēva, do. . . . . . 131 Ahavamalla-Satyäéraya, do..
. 194 n Ahichchhatrā, 8.a., Ramnagar, vi, 95-97, 100 ahi-danda, tax, .
• 264, 267 Ahmedabad, di.,
. 192, 196 Ahmednagar, do.. .
. . 312 Ahobala, n.,
.
15n Ahumala, I., . .
241, 243-44 Ahvanadēvi, Sena q.. ai, affix, . .
42 ai, initial,. . . ai, medial, . . . Aihole, vi., Aihole ins. of Pulakesin II, .
294 Airāvata, 8. a. Elāpatra, Na aidvaryy-ashtaka, privilege,
• 10n Aja, myth. k., . .
121, 220, 226 Aja, o.a. Brahman, de. . Ajanta, I., . .
. 259-61 Ajātasatru, Magadha k.,
170 Ajátasattu, 16., . . .
. 170n Ajayadēva, ch., . .
36-38, 40 Ajayapāla, Charilukya k., Ajitachandra, preceptor,
117, 120 Ajjampur, vi., . . . . . . 87 Ajmer, ci., . . . .
. . 37, 238 Ajmer ing., . .
. : 65 Akara, 8.a. Dasarna, co., .
. 95 Akába, Akasa-rashtra, di.,.
210-12 Ak sika-grāma, vi.,
235-36 chi-amman, fe.
• 200 hapatalika, off. . . Akumūri, f., . .
. 281, 287 Akumuri, vi., .
• 281 Alagiyamanavala-Pperumal, de
. 162 Alagum ins., .
. 184 Alampur, vi., .
. 106, 330 Alampfiru, do... Alamūri, f., .
285, 290 Alauddin Abmad, Bahmani Sultan, Alāuddin Ahmad Shāh, do.. Alauddin Khalji, k., . . Alexander the Great, do. . . . . 333 Alexandria, ci.,. . . . . Alhana, s.a. Alhana, Chahamanu k.,
243 Alhapa, Alhapadēva, do.. . 238-39, 241-43.
246 Allvin Kallarasi, s.a. Sombiyap Bhuvana
gangaraiyar, ch.. . . . . . 24 Alkkondavilli-battan, . . . . . 161
PAGE Allada, Reldi ch.. . . . . . Allādi, donee, . . .
223, 231 Allahabad, ci., . . 57, 67, 97, 121, 178, 316,
318, 321 Allahabad Museum pl. of Govindachandra, . 176 Allahabad pillar ins. of Samudragupta, 96n, 304n Allasāni-Peddana, poel, . . . . 112 Alvān, m., . . .
. . 161-62 Amanigangaraiyar, ch.,
. .
23n Amantamaraka, 8.a. Mantamaraka, l... 211 Amarapuri, myth. ci... . . . . 13 Amarasani, fe. . . . .
• 272n Amaravati ins., . . .
250 Amarāvati, myth. ci... . . . 104, 107 Amaravati, vi... . . . 189n, 190, 247 Ambaraya, 8.a. Hambira, Gajapati k.,
280 Ambbfradēva, 8.a. Hambira, do.,. . In Amblöda, l., . .
. . 167, 170 Andhra, co., . .
228 Anduvilla, f.. . . . . 284, 289 Amitagati, au...
. 132 Ammagrāma, ca., .
. . 208 Amnaka, . .
194, 198 Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakūta k.. . 330n anda-gana, . . -
. . . 300 Amuklamalyada, wk.,. . . 114 and n Apahilapātaka, ca., . . 117, 194, 196 Anahillapura, do., .
117, 119 Anniyamman, 8.a. Paramandaládittan. Lata ch., . .
24-25 Anandula, f., . . . . 283, 289 Anandi, n.,
166n Anangabhima III, E. Ganga k., 43, 44 n, 45n,
126-28 Ananta-bhatta, donee, . . .
8, 15 Ananta-bhatta, do.. . . . . 222, 230 Ananta-ghatabāsin, do.. . . . 222, 230 Anantanārāyanan, m., . . . . 162 Ananta-Ojhalu, donee, . .
. 283, 299 Anantapur, di.,. . . 77-78, 118, 132 Anantapur, tk., .
. . . 78 Anant-arya, m., . .
. 9, 17 Anantavaram pl., .
280 and n Anantavaram pl. of Pratāparudra, . 8n Anantavarman, E. Ganga k., . . . 170 Anantavarman, n., . . . . 44 and n Anantavarman, a.a. Narasimha I, E. Ganga
43, 46 Anantavarman Chodaganga, do., 43, 181 and n,
182-84, 265, 271, 380n Anantavarman, Vajrahasta III, do. . 141 Anantavarman Vajrahastadēva, 8.a. Vajra. hasta III, do. .
. 142, 145 Anargharaghava, wk.. . . . . 184n
•
179
.
. 111
280 280
•

Page #466

PART VIII]
PAGE
Anăvartani-vritta, Anayasimha, ch.,
andhärua, tax,
300 37, 39 263-64, 267 Andhau ins., 171, 308 Andhavaram pl. of Ganga Indravarman III, 51-52, 101 and n, 102
2, 7, 127-28, 220, 224,
279 70
Andhra, co.,
Andhra, peo.,
Andhra, Andhra Pradesh, state,
Andhra-desa, co.,
Anga, peo..
Anhilwada, tn., Api-aranga-Piprammārāyaṇ,
Anigopa, ch.,
Anigovan, n.,
Anigovan Orriyür-pirățți, fe.,
Anihillapura, ci.,
Apikki, gen.,
Anikōņā, vi., Animala, do.,
Animeņți, n,
Anirjitavarman, Maurya k.,. Aniyankabhhima, k.,
5 and n, 7,
10-11, 77, 79, 104, 106, 111, 118, 125, 141, 143, 147, 152-53 129
152, 154
240n
162
25
25
25
Anjaneya, te.,
Añjanvati pl. of Saka 722,
Annadeva, Choda ch.,
Annam-arya, donee,
Annam-Arya, do.,
Annam-bhatlu, do.,
Annangeri, f.,
Annaya, donee,
Annemämba, 8.a. Anyama, f., Anniga, Nolamba-Pallava ch., Anniyür, I.,
anlahpurika, off.,
Antaranalaka, di.,
antarăvaddi, tax,
Anumakonda, ca.,
anunäsika,.
anupallavi,
anusvāra,
.
anusrara, wrongly changed to *, anvaya, Jain sect
•
.
INDEX
118n 148-49
265n 27 257-58
293-95
144 27 329-30
219-20, 225
9, 15 9, 15
283, 288
283, 288
222, 230
224 77
.
.
112
179 155-57
263-64, 267
125 150 300-01
27, 87, 110, 134, 210, 215
297 297
anusvara, Bengali type, anusvāra, Devanagari type, anusvära, indicated by circle, anusvara, substituted by class nasal, 121, 150, 176,
27
210 anusvära, used for class nasa, 3, 31, 36, 103, 276 3, 31, 103, anuevara, used in place of final m, 150, 210, 276 210 118m
1
·
Anyama, fe., Anyamamba, s.a. Anyama, Apamna, 8.a. Apanna, n., Apanna, n.,
Aparajita, Pallava k., Aparanta, co.,
Aphsad ins. of Adityasena, Appal-ārya, donee, Appale-bhatla, f., Appalebhaṭlu, donee, Appale-bhatta, m., Appana-ghatasasin, donee,
appättar, father's grandfather,' Appa-Vineti, fe.,. Appaya-dvivědula, f., Arabian sea,
Arab Muslims, peo.,
Arachhupada, l.,. Arachosia,
Arang, vi.,.
Arang pl. of Bhimasēna II, Arang pl. of Jayaraja,. Arasakka, fe., äräṭṭukkanam, tax, Aravali, mo.,
Arcot, North, di., Arcot, South, du.,
Arddhashtama-mandala, t.d.,
Argi pl. of Käpälivarman,
Aring, 8.a. Arang, vi., Ariñjaya-Pirantakadevar, ch., Ariraja-asahya-sankara, tit., Ariraja-madana-sankara, do...
Ariraja-nih sanka-sankara, do.,
Ariraja-vrishabha-bankara, do.,
Ariraya-gaja-gandabhërunda, do., Ariraya-gandabherunda, do., ariyavaméa-paveni-dhara, ep.. Arjuna; epic hero, Arnorāja, Vaghela k., Arror, s.a. Pratabgarh, tn., Arupattumüvay, Aruresa-pattala, t.d.,
PAGE
220, 224, 227-28
220 227
110
109
25n
249
209
9, 16
284, 289 285, 290 9, 17
223, 231
·
Aradakkamalla, Gahadavala, k.,
araghatta, machine for drawing water',
Aranapada, I.,
•
160 258
285, 290
207
152
83 333 122-24 241, 244
83, 85 and n 252-56 256 155-56 131, 133
173 207
24-25, 200
24, 78, 112, 200
193, 19
.
341
.
•
97 53-54, 61 and n, 63 213 and n . 23n 320 317-18, 324 317, 320, 324 and n
320, 321 n,
323-24 .220
229 248
286n, 328n
117 176
204
176

Page #467

342
Aruvēla, sect., Aryavarta, co.,
Abadevi, fe.,
Asadhara, aut.,
Asaicha, m.,
Asala, Asalla, 8.a. Asalladeva, Yajvapäla k..
Asalladeva, do.,
Asamdi, Asandi, Asandi, vi.,
Asandi-nādu, t.d.,
Asankita, 8.a, Asankitavarman, Bhoja k., Adankitavarman, do., .
Adäräja, Chähamâna k., ashtabhoga, privilege,
ash fabhuti, do.,
Ashta-diggaja, eight poets', Ashthähnika, Ash tähnika-parva, festival, Askjalnikapadi, s.a. Ashfähnika, do., ashta-tala,.
Asi, ri.,
Aboka, Maurya k.,
nymic, Atakuru, vi.,
Aśvāka, k.,
tit.,
Aévarōmula, f., Aévavätäyaniputa, Aévavätäyaniputra, metro
112
96n, 305 241, 244 118 243, 245 32, 33 and n, 34, 36, 65, 66 and n, 67-68, 69 and n 32, 35-36, 39, 65 87, 89, 91 87 61 54, 61 239, 241-45 10 and n,
14
10 and 14 112 47-48 47 301 316, 322
171-72, 308, 333
Abvapati-gajapati-narapati-raja-tray-adhipati,
Atithi, myth. k., Aṭṭamüla, I.,
affatala, 8.a. ashta-tala, Atthävisa-khanda, di., Atvivarman, ch., Atyandi, do.,
su, medial,.
Aubhala, 8.a. Ahobala, n., Aubhala-bhatlu, donee,
Aubala-bhatlu, do.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Atastati-khanda, di.,
Athapaga-gräma, Athayaga-grama, vi.,
Aubhal-arya, do.,
Aubhal-arya, do.,
Aubhal-Arya, do.,
Aubhal-arya, m.,
Aubhal-arya, do., Aubhal-ojhalu, do.,
and n, 334-35, 336 and n,
337
46
"Aulikara, f.,
Aurangabad, di.,
avadana, s.a. avadāna, tax',
317
285, 290
99-100
80 273 318,
325 and n 220, 227
.
•
PAGE
105-51, 153 and n
300
273
24n
181n
220
15n
283, 288
285, 290
9, 15
9, 16
9, 17
9, 16
9, 16
284, 290
205 and n, 206-08
259 278
.
•
.
.
Avadara, I., avagraha, Avanti, co.,
Avanti-bhūpāla, k.,
Avantika, 8.a. Dravyavardhana, do., Avaraka-bhöga, t.d., Avaramta, co.,
Avinita, Ganga k.,
Awadh, 8.a. Ayodhya, ca.,
aya, 'tax',
Ayaka pillar ins.,
aya-bulka, tax, Ayodhya, ci., ayukta, off., ayuktaka, do.,
.
Ayyakkutti-adigal, fe., Ayyana I, W. Chalukya k., Ayyappa, Nolamba-Pallava ch.,
B
b, archaic,.
b, box type,
b, developed open form of b, distinguished from v,
b, indicated by the sign for v,
b, later form of
b, used for v,
ba and bha, written alike, Bab, "., Bachaya, m., Bādāmi, tn.,
[VOL. XXXIII
Bahauddin Gurshasp, do., Bahlul Lodi, Sultan of Delhi, Bahmani, dy.,
Baigram pl. of 448 A.D., Baihaqi, au.,
307-308
36, 134, 215
206 and n, 208
206n
206
169
248
118n
123
Badaneguppe pl. of Saka 730,
Badaun ins. of the time of Lakhanapāla, Badērā, vi.,
Badhauli, di., Bādi-poddi, fe., Badugiltigamunda, m.,
Bainākatika, 8.a., Benākaṭaka, I., Bairat-Bhābra ins.,
Bala, 8.a. Balarama, epic hero,
.
56
. 249n 55-56 123, 177 304, 306
62 and n, 63-64,
207n, 293, 295
23-25
310
.
·
PAGE
27 46
31, 66, 71, 134, 150, 186, 192, 210, 215, 276 27 113, 168, 176
3 299 111
272, 295, 309-10, 327n, 329 329 .122
•
272
275 and n, 258 136
Baghäura ins. of Mahipala I, Bahabadinu, Bähävadinu, s.a. Bahauddin, off., 72, -74 and n 71, 73 281 126-28, 278, 280 305 177 59
.
77
27, 79
327
•
176
178
333n
308

Page #468

PART VIII]
Balangir Museum pl. of Mahasivagupta Yayati I,
Bälaputradeva, k., Balarama, epic hero, Balarama, Gajapati ch..
Bälärjuna, 8.a. Mahāáivagupta,
varkai k., .
Balasore, di.,
Balasore ins. of Purushottama, bala-yashti,
Bali, myth. k.,
Bali, ci.,
Bali, di.,
Ball ins. of Advāka,
Băliga, f...
Balijhari pl. of Udyōtakesarin, Ballaha, 8.a. Krishna III, Rashtrakuta k., Ballälasena, Sena k.,
Bamdu-pukküli, Bamdupukkuli-kshetra,
Bāpa, f.,
Banadavva, 8.a. Banasankari, de., Banaras, ci.,
Banasankari, de.,
Banavăsi, ca.,
Banavasi, Banaväsi-nādu, t.d.,
Banavasi-12000, do.,
Banda, di.,
Ballibhüpalaka, 8.a. Ballichōda-mahārāja, Balli-choḍamahārāja, Tel.-Choda ch., Balliya-chöda, Balliya-chōla, do., Baluka, ri.,
Bardu, n.,
bandha-danda, tax,
Bandhuvarman, Aulikara k.,
Bandora, vi.,
Bandora pl. of Anirjitavarman, Bandora pl. of Prithivimallavarman,
Bangaon pl. of Vigrahapala III, Bangla ins.,
Banswara, 1.,
Banswara pl. of Bhöja,
Bantavāļa, vi.,
52 50
172, 316
4, 6, 12, 278 Pându
Bapatla, 7.,
Barasaru, s.a. Barsur, ca.,
Baraudi, vi.,
Baraud! ins..
Bareily, di.,
169 265, 273 3n
168, 171-72,
307-08 286n, 322
47n
47
46
299 and n, 300, 302
264, 269, 273 77 316, 317 and n, 320, 322, 324
28n
28
PAGE
•
54
28, 78 131
105 and n, 107, 111, 123, 176-77, 316, 318, 321 131 87, 127, 133, 250 131-33, 258 and n, 310 257-58, 309-10
96-97 264, 267 205 and n, 206, 208
293
.
27 and n, 78
37
•
INDEX
54
293
53 and n,
54n 51
37-38, 164
•
215-17
195, 215-16 299-300, 302
275
208
31. 33
36. 38
95
Barhut, vi., Barhut ins., Barhut sculptures, Baripada, I., Baroda, ci.,
Barsur, vi.,
Bartů, s.a. Prithu, k.,
Barua, stream,
Basahi pl., Basarür, vi.,
Basava-bhüpala, gen.,
Bastar, di.,
Bävihara-vishaya, do.,
Béjavāda, f., Bējavāḍa, l., Bēlamā, f.,
Bělamapura, 8.a. Vēlamapura, vi.,. Belgaum, di.,
Belkhārā pillar ins.,
Bellary, di.,
Beņā, ri., Benakataka, I.,
Benakatikā, 8.a. Benakataka, do., .
Bengal,
Bengal, N.,
Bengal, S.-E.,
Bengal, S.-W., Bengal, W., Bennäkata, I., Bēņi, s.a. Beņā, ri., Beta II. Kakatiya ch... Betana-bhatla, f., Bētana-bhatļu, do., Bētan-arya, m.. Betma pl. of Bhoja,
bh, archaic,
bh, mark distinguishing from b, bh, reduplicated when following r, bh, written in different forms,
bh and ch, written alike,
Bhabha, merchant, Bhabhala, do.,
Bhadra, 8.a. Durga, de., Bhadrak, t.d.,
Bhadraya-ghatasasin, donee,
bhaga, share,
Bhagalapallika, vi., Bhagavatula, f.. Bhagiratha, myth.
PAGE
57-58, 171 57-60 60 82-83 192
208
123
343
37
177 and n
299 7 n 208, 264 311-12, 314 284, 290
281 7 7 54, 61 123 115, 132, 312 59 and n
59 59 134-35, 150-53, 314 135, 137-38, 151, 321 134-35, 152,
321 152
216, 217n 251n 59 n 105n
282, 288 284, 289
9, 15 192, 195, 215-17
27
3
215
276
276
194, 198
236-37
....
32 265 222, 231
156, 216, 218, 237,
269 62
281, 283, 289 228
.

Page #469

344
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXIII
PAGE
.
238
PAGE Bhagwanpura, vi.. ? Bhairava, de., . . Bhairava-bhatlu, donee, .
283, 289 Bhairava-gady&paka, coir, . .
55 Bhairavakonda, hill, Bhairavakonda ins. of Vikramaditya,. . 79 Bhäkamisra, min., .. . 186 and n Bhakta, Bhakti, Bhaktfrāja, Choda ch., 220,-21,
228-29, 233-34 Bhaktikumára, 8.2. Bhaktiraja, do. . .228 Bhaktiraja, do.,. .
219-21, 224-25 Bhalari, de.. . . . .
131, 133 Bhandāru, J.,
. . . 281, 287 Bhamina, m., . .
172 and n Bhâmiéra, a.a. Bhakamisra, min.,
186, 188 Bhamodra Mohota pl. of Drönasimha, .259 n, 305 Bhanaka, 'reciter',
. . . 58 bhandägārika, off.
. . 179 Bhandak, vi., . . .
262-56 Bhandak ins.. . .
255-56 Bhafija, f., . . .
83-84 Bhanu, m., . .
186 n Bhånu, 'sun', . .
220, 226 Bhanu 1, E. Ganga k., . . 4 n, 44 n, 181 Bhanu II, do.. . .
. . . 181 Bhanu III, do... .. . . 181-83 Bhanu IV, do... 2, 4 and 1, 6, 44 n, 127,
181-82, 278-79 Bhanudēva, k., . . Bhanu-vania, 'solar race', ... bhara, measure,. .
. . 199, 203 Bharādi, Bharādihu, I.,
83, 86 and n Bharadvāja, . .
. . . 200 Bharahadova, Rashtraküfa ch.. . . 122, 124 Bharata, myth. k.. . . . . 154, 228 Bharata, co.. . Bharata-kala, 'art of dancing'. . Bharatavarsha, co. . . . . 127, 129 Bhārati, doner, . . . . 223, 225, 234 Bharati, f., Bharatpur, di.. .
32 Bharaat, Bharhut, Barbut, vi...
57 Bharukachohha-vishaya, 1.d.,
169 Bhashanga-janya-raga, . .
. . 300 Bhaskara, donee,
9,16 Bhaskara, .. .
10,17 Bhaskararăju, do.. .
283, 288 Bhaskaravarman, k.,.
152 n Bhataürikā, vi., . . .
. 169 Bhatidēva, Ikahvaku g.. .
. . . 148 Bhattaraka, 'king'. . .
. . . 242 Bhäturiys, vi., . . . 150, 158 Bhăturiy ins. of Rajyapala, . . 150, 163
Bhauma, Bhaume-Kara, J., . 84, 152, 265, 271-72 Bhava, 8.a. Siva, de.,. . . 265 and n Bhavabhūti, poet, . . . . 67 n Bhavadēva, Déva k., . . . . . 135 Bhavadēva-Ranakēsarin, Parduvansi pr., 262,
253 and n, 254 and n Bhavanagar, ci.. . . . . . 235 Bhāvanārāyana-ojhalu, donee, . 284, 290 Bhavanfpati, 8.a. Siva, de... Bhavasvamin, do. . . . . Bhawan Bahadurnagar, vi., . . Βλέτνπδα, tit., . thichchhuni, bhikkhuni, 'Buddhist nun', . Bhikshu-sangha, 'Buddhist Church', 135, 138 Bhilla, tribe, .. Bhillame, Yadara fend., Bhillams, Yadava k... Bhilsa, ci., . . . . . . 93, 95-96 Bhilsa, di.. . . . .
. . . 94 Bhima, ch., . . . 220, 224, 227 Bhimi, de.
. . 82-83 Bhima, Kaivarta ch...
. . 265 Bhima, off
. . . 170 Bhimi, ri.
.
. . 285 Bhima I, E. Chalukya k., .
310 Bhima II, do., . . . . . 117, 119 Bhimadēva I, Chaulukya k., . . 236-37 Bhimadēvs, engr., . .
33, 36 Bhimadēva, n., . . . . 182-85 Bhima-nadi, 8.a. Bhima, ri..
. . 285 Bhima-cjbalu, donce,. .
284, 290 Bhimaratha, 8.a. Mahabhavagupta II, Soma
vanál k., . . . . . 270 Bhimarathi, 8.a. Bhima, ri,
285, 290-91 Bhimasēna, epic hero, . . . 172, 308 Bhimasina II, k., . . . . 254, 256 Bhimavara, L., . . . . . . 20 Bhimavaram, do., .
20-21 Bhimaya-ghataasin, donce, .
222, 230 Bhimaya-ghataśāsin, do.. . . 222, 230 Bhimayya, off... . . . . 131-33 Bhimēsvara-bhatlu, dones, . . 282, 287 Bhimédvart. 3.a. Bhima, de.) .
. 82 Bhingaka, scribe,
33. 36 Bhinmal ins. of V.S. 1330,
46, 49 n Bhintalavādā, vi., . . 240-41, 243-44 Rhintalavitaka, 8.a. Bhintalavada, do... 239, 241 Rhinaharaniya-játaka,. . . . . 60 Bhishma, epic hero, . . .
286 n Bhitalavataka, .a. Bhintalavăţaka, vi... 239 bhoga, 'jagir', . . . , 170, 182 n bhoga, periodical offerings', .156, 216, 218, 287, 267 bhoga, 'Yerritorial unit', . . . 169-70
• 202
221

Page #470

PART VIII)
INDEX
345
PAGE
209
•
231
bhõga-bandhaka, kind of mortgage, . .
. 169 Bhögāditya, off., . . . . 236-37 Bhögaiyadēva, 8.a. Bhögarāja, do., . . 201 Bhögaiyadēva-mahārāja, 8.a. Bhögarājo, Jo., . 200 bhoga-labha, 'usufruct in lieu of interest', . 169 Bhögapati, off., .
. . . 169 Bhögarāja, do...
. . 199-200, 202 Bhögāvali, wk., .
. 199, 201, 203-04 Bhögayadēva-mahārāja, 8.a.
Bhögarāja, off. . . , 199-200, 204 bhogijana, 'village headman', . . . 264, 267 Bhogika, off.. . . . . 80 n, 169 bhogika, 'jagirdar'. . . . . . 170 bhogika, 6.a. bhojaka, do. . . . . 62 n Bhogindra, myth. serpent., . . 153, 202, 322 bhopottara, grant of revenue for the enjoyment of
a person or deity', . . . . . 169 Bhögulla, m., . . . 297, 298 and n Bhoja I, Paramāra k., . 67, 69, 118 and n, 177,
192, 194-95, 196 and n, 197n,
206, 216 and n, 216-17, 271 Bhoja II, do.,
. 67 Bhojadēva, 8.a. Bhöja I, do.
193, 195 n,
197, 216-18 Bhojaka, off. . 62 and n, 63-64, 170 n, 293,
295 Bhojaprabandha, wk., . . . . 195 and n Bhojarāja, o.a. Bhoja I, Paramära k.,. 191 n Bhopal pl. of Harichandradēva, .
. 93 bhotkaramaharajaputra, . . . . 193 Bha, de., . . . . . Bhubaneswar, ci.. . . 83, 182, 271, 273 Bhubaneswar ins. of Anangabhima III,. . 126 Bhubaneswar ins. of Anantavarman Choda
ganga. . . . . . . 182-83 Bhubaneswar ins. of Narasimha IV, . 41-42 Bhubaneswar Parvati temple ins.,
182 Bhujā, l.,. . . . . . 83, 86 bhukti, 'subdivision',
. . . 169 bhukti, province', . . . 169, 318 Bhulunda, k., . .
303 and n, 304-05 Bhumară, vi., .
• 167-68, 171 Bhumara ins. of Hastin,
. 167, 168 and n,
169-71 Bhumara region, . .
. . . 172 Bhumigriha, I., . .
: 216 Bhomigpiha-paschima-dviparohāśat, di., 216-17 Bhimija, 'community',
• 151 Bhotabali, au.. . . . . . • 118 Bhatanāthani, f., . .
283, 289 Bhutēks, 4.a. Siva, de... . Bhuvanapăla, min., .
67, 69 Bhuvanastha, 4.a. Bhuvanasinha, m... 47-48 Rhuvanasitha, do., .
.
. 47
PAGE Bhuvanatriņētra, Faidumba k., . . . 27 Bhuvanondratirtha, saint, . . 299-302 bi and bhi, written alike, . Bihar State, . 111, 135, 150, 211, 260, 272,
297, 299 Bihar, South, . .
106, 109, 111, 114 Bihar, 8.a. Bihār-shariff, tn., .
. .
. 272 Bikiyanna, m.,. .
. .
. . . 77 Bilaspur, di. . . . . . 155, 209 Bilhari ins.. . . . . . 186-87 Bimbisära, Magadha k., . . Binaēti-Abbe, 8.a. Appa-Vineti, fe., . . 258 Bindumadhava, holy place, . .
105 n Bittagunta, f. . .. . .
284, 290 Bobbili, Räjis of
. . 7 Bodhgaya, tr., . . . .
· 336 Bodhgayā ins. of Mahānaman, Bodhi tree, Bodhisiri, 8.a. Bodhisri, fe., . Bodhiri, do.. . . Bödugumta, l., . Boggara, Muhammadan soldier,
. 225 Bögölu, vi. .
. . 79 Bogre, di.,
• 137 bõl, s.a. böya,
. 80 Bollan-arya, donee,
9,16 Bombay State,. . . 125, 192, 259, 312 Boppe, m., .
. . . 111 Boppūdi, vi.,
. . . 28 Botad, do.,
. 235-36 Bothpur, do.,
. . . 111 bõya, s.a. bhõgika, off., .
80 and n böyul, 8.8. böya,. Brahma, ch., . .
. . 220, 224, 227 Brahma, m., . .
. . . 9, 15 Brahmadatta, ch., .
207 n, 304 n Brahman, de.. . 4, 127-28, 220, 224, 226, 240 Brahmananda, m., . .
. 9, 16 Brahmapur, vi,
. . 265 Brahmēkvara te., .
271 and n Brahmo-Atthåvisakhanda, di.,
264, 265 and
n, 266 Bșihaddhattā, l., . . . . 151, 163 Brihannärikā, vi.. . . i
. .
. . 169 Brihaspati, sage, .
151 Brihatsanhita, wok.. . . 205-07, 208 and Brihattantrapati, s.a. Dharmadhikärin, judge', 151 British Museum ins. of the reign of Bhoja, 195 British Museum pl. of Govinda Ily,.. . 327 Britâ, 8.a. Prithu, k.,
. . . 123 Broach, di.. . . . . . 330 Bûchesvara to...
. 219 Buckergunge, di, . . . . • 186 Buckingham canal. . . . . . 189
.
.
.
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PAGE
PAGS
Budaun, ci. .
. . . 123 Buddha, 69, 88-89, 135-37, 189-90, 247-50,
253 and n, 254, 259-61, 336 Buddhadasa, scribe, . .
. . 63-64 Buddharāja, Kalachuri k.,. . . 169 Buddhism,
88, 135, 153, 298 Buddhist church,
. 88, 135, 336-37 Buddhist stūpa, .
. 57 Budhagupta, k.,.
304 n Budhamhnika, fe.,
. . 190-91 Budhera, vi.. . .
163-65 Budhera, Budhera, do.
37 n, 163 Budhera ins. of V. 8. 1351, . Bundela, 1- . .
. .
163 Bundelkhand, 1.d.,
. . . 211 Bundi, tn.. . . : Burhl Baraudi, 8.a. Baraudi, vi.. . 33 Borvugadda, f.,
. 284, 290 Batuga, W. Ganga k., . . 77, 78 and n
.
.
• .
10 183
•
289
.
.
.
36
Chandalesvara, de.. . .
• 244 Chandalēsvara-matha,
244 n Chamdana-vihara, 8.4. Chandana-vihara,
Jaina monastery, . . . . 46-48 Chandiranna, o.a. Chandirappa, m., . 108 Chandra, s.a. Chandra, ch., Chandradēvs, .a. Chandra, Gähadavala k.. . 179 Chandrika, 8.a. Chandrika, off. 198 and n Champi, fe., . .
32, 36 Champa l., . . .
184 D Chấmundā, de., . . . . . 32, 34 Chămundasvamidēva, do. . . . 93-94 Chimvodi, vi. . Chåndă, ci. .
204-86 Chanda, di.,. .
282, 254-88 Chandi region,
. 286 Chandala dēvi, Chahamdna g., . .
241-42 Chandalékvara, de., . . . Chandalesvara te., . . .
289, 241-42 Chandana, Paramara ch., . . Chandana-vihara, Jaina monastery, . 47, 48 Chandella, J., . .
37-38, 164, 184 Chanderi, I., . . . 87 and n, 168-65 Chanderi ins. of Jaitravarman, . . 164 Chapdı, 8.a. Părvati, de., . .
. 127 Chandihara s.a. Yayati Mahasivagupta III, Sõmavandi k.,
. . 271 Chandika, 8.a. Parvati, de., .
.
. 32 Chandil, vi., . .
297-98 Chandil stone ins.. . . Chandiranpa, .. .
108-09 Chandor, vi.. . .
61, 294 Chandra, dy.. . . 134-35, 136 and n, 138 Chandra, Gahadavala k., . 177 and n, 178 Chandra, gen., . . . . . . 66 Chandra, m., . . .
220, 224 Chandra, 8.a. Chandella, f..
37, 39 Chandrabindu, 8.8. Anunafika, . . 150 Chandridevi, q.,
. Chandråditya-mahārkja, Tel.-Choda ch., • 208 Chandräditya-sarovara, tank, .
• 208 Chandradityēsvara, 8.a. Siva, de., . . • 208 Chandradvipa, ca. . . . .
185-37 Chandragiri, 8.. Chandari,. . .
• 87 Chandragupta I, Gupta k.,. . . 97, 307 Chandragupta II, do., 96-97, 260, 303-06, 807 Chandrakala-nafika, sok. . . 182 and a Chandraprabha, Tirthan kara, 117, 118 and
n, 120 andraprabha to., . . 117-18 Chandrapura, c.a Chapdor, vi.. . 61, 164 Chandrasekhara, off., . . . . . 182 Chandratreya, 6.a. Chandello, ..
37 Chandravarman, .. . . . . .
•
Cape Comorin,. . Central Provinces and Berar,
• 252 Ceylon, co., . . . . 151, 247, 249-50 ch, subscript, . .
. . . 209 ch, written in different forms, . . 113 ch and bh, written alike. . . . . 3 ch and v, written alike, . .
. 36 Chaohigadēva, Chahamana k., 46, 47 and n. 48 Chahada, Yajvapala k., 32, 33 n, 34, 36-39,
66 and n, 67, 68 and n, 69 Chāhamans, f.,. 37-38, 46, 238 and n, 239, 241 Chahamana of Jalore (Songira), do.,
46 Chabamāna of Nadula, do., 193, 238-39, 241 Chahar-i-Ajar, 8.a. Chāhada, Yajrapala k.. . 37 chaitya, . . . .
. . 189 chaitya-griha, .
. . 247 Chakamuchuka, 4.a. Chakramöchika, fe., . 58 Chakramöohika, do...
• 58 Chakravāka, Näga k., chakravarti-kshatra, . . chakravartin, tit.,
• 307 and n Chakräyudha, k..
. 329, 330 Chalikya, ... Chalukya, dy.. .
313 Challe, 1.
. . . 283, 289 Chalukya, dy.,, 54, 71, 131-32, 169, 194-96,
200, 272, 294, 309-11, 327 Chalukya of Badāmi, do.. . 295, 309-10, 829 Chalukya of Kalyāna, do... 125, 309-10, 254 Chamana-ghatatīsin, donee, . , 223, 231 Chandaladēvi, 3.a. Chandaladēvi, Chahamann
que . . . . . . 244 and n
297
319

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INDEX
347
PAGE
PAGE
.
.
77
Chandrawar, 8.a. Chandwar, tn., . . . 123 Chandrika, off...
194, 198 Chandwar, in.. . . . . . . 123 Characters : Bengali, . .
. . . 297 Box-headed, . . .
61, 151, 293 Brahmi, .
. 57, 147, 189 Devanagari, . 31, 36, 66, 121, 164, 297 East Indian, 9.a. Gaudiya, . 83, 141, 150 Gaudiya, . 41, 141, 150, 181 and n,
182, 323 n Grantha, . . 23, 174 n, 175 n, 199 Kalinga,
. .
276 Kannada, . . 77, 108-09, 110 n, 131, 299 Mödi, . .
. . . 252 Någari,, . 46, 71, 93, 103 n, 110 n, 117, 186,
192, 215, 235, 238, 299, 302 and n Nandi-Nagari,
103 and n, 108 Oriya,
41, 181, 276 Siddhamätrikā, .
. 209 Southern, .
61, 303 Tamil, . . .
23, 159, 173, 199 Telugu, . . 3, 20, 79, 110, 125, 220, 276 Telugu-Kannada,
27, 257, 311, 327 Vatteluttu,
. . . 173 Charara,. .
, 300-01 Charanādistava, s.a. Ekamranāthastava, wk., 199,
201, 203 chari, chari-kshetra, 'pasture land', . 235 and
n, 236 Charukirti, preceptor, . . . 117, 119-20 Chishi-Kaivarta, community, . . 151-52 Chattayadēva, Kadamba k., . . .
• 132 Chattisgarh, . . . . .
211n chafu verse, . . . . . . 112 Chaturāśikā, 8.a. Chaurasi, t.d., . . . 176 Chaturjätaka, 'administrative board", i
· 193 Chaturjätakiya, 'a member of the chaturjataka', 193,
197 and n Chaturmukha, 8.2. Brahman, de., . : : 12 Chaturvēdin, ep., . .
. . . 222 Chatur-yuga, . . . Chaulukya, dy., . . 47 n, 117, 194, 196, 235 Chaurasi, 1.d., . . chaurõddharana, levy,. .
. 140 Chaurõddharanika, off.,
.
139, 324 Chauthia, 'administrative board",
. 193 Chēdi-mandala, co., .
1840 Chemgolani, . .
284, 289 Chennamā, 8.a. Chennamāmba, fe.,
. 224 Chennamāmbā, do.. .
. 220, 227 Chētakori, f. . .
286, 290 Chētasādēvi, Bhoja q., . . • 62 and n, 63 Chēvanapeddi, f. . . . 283, 288
chey, l.m.,. .
173, 174 n, 176 n Cheyarür, vi.. .
199, 201-02 chh, indication of aspiration, . . . 8 chh, written by the sign for kah, .
. 276 Chhadartiya-jataka, . . . . . Chhaddaka, scribe,
194, 198 Chhandaka, m., .
306-08 Chhatra type of coins, .
96-97 Chhaya-dipa,
182-84 Chhaya-sthambha,
171 Chhattisgarh, t.d.,
262, 264 Chhēndaparanga-vishaya, di.,
210-12 Chhindaka, J. . . . . . . 208 Chhindaka-Naga, do... Chhintalladēva, off.. .
• 264 Chhota Udaipur, l., .
303 Chhoti-Sādri, do..
206, 208 Chikkälavalasa, vi.,
141, 148 Chikkälavalasa pl. of Vajrahasta III, . 141 Chikka Tirumala, ... Pina Tirumala, m., 200 Chikkayya, do... . . Chikkērur, vi., . .
131, 194 Chikkerur ins. of Ahavamalla,
181, 194 Chilāta, co.,
.
. . . . 248 Chimgan-arye, donee,
. . . 18 Chimtalamma, 8.a. Chintalamma, de.. . .
. 18 Chimtalapati, .. . . . . . 284, 289 Chintalapuni, de.. . . . . . 229 Chimtapemta, ca., . .
220, 229 chittrini, tree, . .
. 17 China, co., . .
248-49 China, a.a. Sino-Tibetan, peo. . . 162, 164 Chingleput, di.,. . .
• 199 Chinnaganjam, vi.
. 189 Chintapéta, 8.a. Chinnampota, do., Chintalamma te. .
• 10 Chintalapallipädu ins. of Ganadáva, . 60 Chintalapudi, oi., .
. 226 Chintalpini, o.a. Chintalapudi, do.. . 220, 225 Chinnampota, do.. . .
.225 Chintamanisärarika, wk., . Chiruvroli, vi.. . .
. . 8 Chiruvroli gr. of Hambira,
3 n, 8 n, on, 8.
11 n, 280 Chitrakantha, . of horae, . . . . 313 Chitrakata, l., .
. . . 117-19 Chittagong pl. of Kantidēva, . . . 136 Chittajanman, 8.a. Kāma, .
. . 144 Chittalladēva, off.,
. . 268 Chitta-ojhalu, donee, . .
• 283, 888 chitola, privilege,
263-64, 267 Chittoor, di.. . .
24, 28, 112 Choda, ....
. . . . 11, 270, 219 Choda III, Kona . . . . . 285
.
127
•
176
6 DGA/60

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.
28
28
•
207
313
.
.
79.
PAGE Choda of Eruva, f., . . . . . 224 Chods of Konidēna, do.. . Chods of Nellore, do., .
. 28 Choda of Pottapi, do... Choda of Rēnāņdu, do.. . 28, 78 and n, 80 Chodaganga, Chodagangadēva, 8.. Anantavarman Chōdaganga, E. Ganga k... 181-84,
265 and n Chodagangana, ch., . . . . 181 n Chodavaram, 1.d., . . . Chodēsvars. 8.a. Raghudēva, Gajapati ch., . 7,
11, 18 Chola, dy., . 11, 23, 24 and n, 77, 78 and n.
132, 136, 169 and n, 160 and n, 161 Chofa co., Chola-kuulatriaka, tit.,
201 Chola-naharaja, do.. .
28 Cholarija te . . Chola-samudram, vi., .
78 n Chölő, m.,
172 and n Chronogram: bhūta-tarkk-arkka,
220, 229 dala-vibva-bhoji,
225 n dharmo nashtah,
162 n gagan-adri-rama-dharani,.
279 n kara-past-nidhi,
141, 145 lakshmi-bhogya, rama-ibha-loka-dvija pati,
. . 8n rasa-faila-rama-dadi,
. . 20, 22 ritu-rama-kh-endu, . lakshmi-bhogya, wrong for lakshmi-bhogya, 199
n, 202 Sadu-nidhi-vitva,
. : 3 waru-baila-vibva, viyad-fitte-nidhi,
. 145 vyom-ébha-vahn-Indu,
8n, 277,286 chürni, coin, . .
318, 326 class nasal, .
66, 87, 103 Comilla, I., . .
• 135 Cuddappah, di.,.. .
. 27-28, 112 Cumbum, tk.,
. .
. . . . . 79 Cuttack, ..., .
8,11 Cuttack, di.,
. 152, 263, 265
• 199
PAGE Dadhfohi, sage,. . . . .
286 n Dahala, co., . . . . .
265-66 Daityårdti, .a. Siva, de., .
. 32, 34 Daksha, off.. . . . . . Dakshina-Kapilēsvara, Gajapati pr., . 279 Dakshinapatha, . . . . . 196 n Dakshina-Vikramapura, l.. . . . 321 Dáma, ch., . . . . 220, 224, 227 Dåmamita, D&mamitra, Mitra k., 99, 100 and a Damanaka-Chaturdast,
. 124, 221-22 Dāmappa, m., . . . . . Dämärys, donee, . . . . . 63-64 Damera Tamma, Timma, gen., . .
• 7n Damils, co., .
248-49 Dammavānikini, n., . . . . 190 n Damodara, k.,. . . . . . 51 Damodara, off. . . . 32-35, 38, 40, 67-69 Damodarpur ins., . . . . 304 n Dantirāja, s.a. Dantiraja, . . . . 13 Damtiverman, 8.a. Dantivarman, m., . . 197 Dandabhukti, di., . .
. .
265 and a dandanayaka, of. : . 139, 212 n, 324 Dandapani, o.a. Lakutapāņi, divinity, . 80 dandapatika, B.. dandapafika, off. . . 324 dändapdáika, do.. . 139, 264, 266, 304, 306,
824 Dapdos, o.a. Dandapāņi, divinity
80 dandika, off., . . . 304, 306 Dandimahādēvi, Bhatma-Kara q.,. . . 271 Dandisvara, 8.a. Dapdapāņi or Lakutapāņi,
divinity . . . . . 79-81 Dantiga, 8.a. Dantivarman, Pallaua k., 327-29,
331 and n Dantivarman, M., . . . . . 194 Dantivarman, Pallava k., . . . .327 dapaka, 'one who causes another to give', 216,
218 darbana, levy, .
.
. . 68-56 Darsaparru, vi.,. . . 221, 225, 231-33 Darsi, tk., . . . . .
. 28 Dāsa, ., . . . . . . 151-53 Dāsa, cognomen, . . . 152 and n Daha bala, au., . . . . Dāšana-bhatta, donee, . . . 222, 230 datāparādha, fine,
. . 140 Dalapura, .a. Mandasõr, ca.
206 and n,
208-08 Dabaratha, epic k.,
164, 220, 226, 807 Dasárna, co., . . . . . . 96 Dasäivamēdha, holy place, . . . 106 n Dasavarman, Tel.-Chada k., . . . 28 and n Dāti, vi... . . . . . 83, 85 Datta, J., . . . . . 264 daubaddhanika, off. . . . . 170 , 324
.
. 182
d, roduplication after,
. . 36 d and d, written alike,
. 278 Dabaru-Khānu, Muhammadan soldier,... 225 Dacca, di., .
135-36, 138, 321 Dacon Museum, . .
134 ddabha jataka, . .
:
6

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349
PAGE 63-64, 71, 73-75, 93, 123,
131, 133, 178, 179, 194, 95, 216, 217, 220, 229, 299, 302, 311.12, 314
-87
Dark Half
. . . . 182 . . 115, 105, 241, 244 239, 243, 245-46, 328, 331
•
.
. 31, 36
14
PAGE dauhaadhasādhanika, s.a. daubsadhanika, do., 139 dauhsadhyasadhanika, s.a. duuhsadhanika, do., 170 n Davangere, di.,. . . . Davangere, tn.,
.
87 Davangere pl. of Revivarman, .
. 87 Days of the week : EnglishSunday,
. . 27, 123, 193, 195-96, 243 Monday, . .In, 42, 71, 73-74, 109, 141,
159, 176-77, 198, 239 Tuesday, . . . 10, 112 n, 123, 299 Wednesday . . . . . 172, 216 Thursday, . 5n, 36, 46, 178, 181 n, 215-16,
220, 239, 242, 277, 311, 328 Friday, . . 31, 114, 115 n, 132, 182, 199, 239,
243, 299 Saturday, . . I n, 93, 125 and n, 126-27,
131, 159 n, 194, 239, 243 Days of the week : Indian--
Adityavārs, . . . . . . 29 Angäravára,. . .
. . 214 Bhrigu, Bhriguvăra, . . 202, 301-02 Brihaspativara, .
277, 311 Bșihavira, Břihavasara, 8.a. Saturday, 125
and n, 129 Budha, Budhavāra, . . 124 n, 172 and n Chandravāra,. . Guru, Guruvasara,.
40, 46, 217, 229 Kujavára,
.
302 Ma, Mangalavára,
• 112 and n
. 196, 202 Sani, Sanivara,
133, 245 Salivara, .
. 279 n So, Somavára,
145, 179 Sukra, Sukradina, Sukravära, 36, 115 n,
. 246 Suryavara, ,
. . 145 Tingal. . . . . . . 161 Vaddavira, o.a. Saturday,
1 n, 126 Days of the month : Bright half
102, 193, 196, 241, 299, 301 2 . . . . . . . 306 3 . . . 141-42, 145, 176, 199, 202
. 161, 195-96, 216, 218, 239
Ravi,
. . 242 . 36, 40, 242, 245
225, 234 2, 172, 195
. . 243 15 or 30
101,108,14-15, 196 ddh, representation by dhdh, Deccan, co., . . . . . . 125 Deobi-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 282, 288 Déchi-bhatta, do. . . . . 9,17 Dēddäka, 8.a. Derdda, ds., . . 193, 197
and n Dodo, m., . . . . . . . 47-48 Dējā, Dējai, Dējē, off., . .
. 164 Delhi, ca., . . . 32-33, 37, 71, 111,
177, 280, 285 Delhi-Swalik pillar edict of Asoka, . . 172 Delhi-Topra pillar cdict of Asoka, . . 337 Der kanaditya, 8.a. Tenkaņāditya, ep. 28 n Deogarh, vi. . . .
164-65 Deogarh, 8.4. Kirtidurga, fort, . . . Deoli pl. of Krishna III, . . . . Depalpur pl. of Bhoja,
. .195, 215-16 Dördda, s.a. Dēddäks, donee, ... 193, 197
and n dibya, . . . . . . . 300 Dēu, 8.a. Douva, min., . . . . 164 Douva, do. . . .
. . .164-65 Dēva, ch., . . • 220, 224, 227 Dēva, dy.. .
135, 136 n Déva, acribe,
. 210, 213 dévadāsi, .
• 240, 272 Dévadhara, m., . . .
• 183, 185 Dövadhara, min., . . 32-33, 35, 68 Dévagiri, ca., . .
. . 125 Dévagupta, k., . .
. . . 260 Dévagupta, o.a. Chandragupta II, Gupta k., . 97 Devakshetra, field, . . . . . 233 Devamba, fe.,. . 220, 224, 227 Dévamöndi, m., . . . . 183, 183 Devamitrs, Mitra k., . . . . 99 Dovanardita-gråma, Dévanandita-grama, vi., 241,
243-44 Devanika, ch., . . . . 220, 224, 227
10
.
. .
27, 29, 126-27, 129 . 46, 48, 123, 148-49, 210, 214,
239 . . 3, 14, 181 n, 264, 268 . . . 42, 44, 62-63 . . . . 121, 195
12 13 14
. . .
. . .

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Dėvapila, Pala k.. . Dövapala, Dévapaladeva, Paramāra k.,
PAGE 50, 136 . 93,
Dėvaparvata, oi.,
. . . 135 Dēvarija, Bhoja k.,. . Dövarāja, 6.a. Chandragupta II, Gupta k... 97 Dēvarakonda, fort, . . . . . 280 Devarakshita, min., . . 251, 252 and n, 254-55 Dēvarasa, m., . . . . . 110-11 Dēvaršys, II, Vijayanagara k.,. . 2, 279-80 Dēvard-bhaglu, donce,
283, 288 Dévard-bhatlu, do., .
283, 288 Dévari-bhatta, do. . .
• 9,16 Devard-bhatta, m., .
8, 15 Dévabarmm-acharya, scribe,
. 63 Dévadna, Vakafaka k., .
269-61 divavärika, off..
.
. . 212 Dévaya-ghatabasin, donee,
221, 229 Devendratirtha, saint, .
. 299 Dévendravarman, 8.a. Rajaraja I, E. Ganga k., 141 Dövl, de., . .
32, 84 Devimita, Dov!mitra, k.,
. 99-100
27, 276 dh, reduplication after r, .
• 36 dh, written like v, ..
. 176 dh and v, subsoript forms,
. 160 Dhamamnika, fe., .
190-91 dharma-dhara,. .
250 Dhammagiri, I., . . . . . . 248 Dhamme-vinikini, fe., . . . 190-91 Dhamakada, 6.c. Dharanikoța, I., .
• 190.
91 Dhansidaba pl. of the time of Kumāragupta I,' 305 Dhanakataka, a.a. Dharanikota, I., . . 190 Dhanesha, Dhanasimha, m., . . . 47-48 Dhanēsvara-sūri, preceptor, . . . 46-48 Dhaneswarkhora, l... . . . 97 Dhannakataka, s.a. Dharanikota, 1... . 190 Dhanyakataka, 6.a. Dharapikota, do., . . 190 Dhär, ci., . . . . . 216 n, 217 Dhari, a.a. Dhăr, ca., . n. 68.87, 94, 206,
216-17, 277, 280, 286 Dhäridhipa, Dhärådhisa, 8.. Bhoja I, Paramara k., .
. 69 Dharapikota, 1.. . . . . 190 Dhurma,. . . . . .333, 335-37 Dharma, fe. . .
. 67-69 Dharmadēva, 8.a. Lakshmapa, k., . 121-22,
· PAGE Dharmamahadevi, Bhaumakara g. . . 271 Dharma-mahamätra, off., . . . 336 Dharmamahārāja, tit., .
. Dharmapäls, Pala k.,
. . . 135, 329,
330 n Dbarmarija-Durgarāja, n., . . . 82-82 Dhurmaratha, 8.. Mahāśivsgupta II,
Sõmavam k., . . . . 270, 271n dharmafisana,. . .
111, 114-15 Dharmaśāstra,. . . . . 221-22 Dharmasthāna-goshthika, . . .118, 119 dharma-vijaya-sāsana,
. . . 111 Dharwar, di., , 131, 194 and n, 267-58, 309-10 Dhenkanal, ci., . . . Dhenkanal, di.. . Dhillt, .a. Delhi, ci., . . 6 n, 277, 280 and n,
281 and n, 286 Dhobabar, vi., . . . . . 209 Dhora, ..a. Dhruva, Rashtrakūta k. 258, 309 Dhörapparasa, 8.a. Dhruva, do., . . 309 Dhruva, do. . . 257 and n, 258 and n,
272, 309 Dhruvarāja, ch., . . . 82-84, 85 and n Dhruvisvaramuntávara, preceptor, . 105 D Dhälipala, J.. . . .
.: . . 282, 288 Dhulla, vi.. . . . . . . 134 Dhulla pl. of Srichandra, Dhurjati, 8.a. Siva, de.. .
122, 124 dhuaja-stambha, . . Dibalapalli, I., . . .
• 233 Didgür, ni. . .
. 309 Didgür ins. of Kattiyara,
309-10 Digambara, Jaina Sect,
118-19 Digha-Majjhima-nikāya-dhara, ep.. . 250 dilesha-guru, . . . . 105 n, 106 Dikshitar, com. . . . . . 300 Dilipa, epic k., . . . 135, 138, 220, 226 Dillparasa, Nolamba-Pallava ch., . 77 and n, 78 Divákara-bhatia, ...
283, 289 Divya, Kaivarta ch., . . . . 151 Dôchaya-ghataksin, donec, . 323, 231 Doddapanēni, n., . . . Dömmala-ghatabasin, donee,
223, 231 Dommarakadave, m., . . . . 257 Dommara Nandyala pl. of Punyakumara,. 80 Don Buzurg pl. of Govindachandra, Dongalasini, hamlel, . . . . Dongalasini ins. of Vankeys-chola. . 27 Dora, a.a. Dhruva, Rashtrakufa k., . Dörapparasa, o.a. Dhruys, do.
258 Dorspalo, .a. Dorapalem, i., . . . 22 Dorapalem, do... . . . . 20-22
.
171
Dharmadhikarin, judge', . Dharmadabs, nff., . . Dharmagiri, mo.. . . Dharma-lipi, . .
. .
. .
. .
151 207
.
.
.
336

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351
PAGE Dorapalem gr. of Raghudēva,
4-5, 7, 19,
128 Dorasamudra, 8.a. Halebid, ca., . . . 103 n,
108-09 Douhakumbha, off.,.
207 Dosi, do., . . . . .
• 310 Dosirāja, o.a. Dösi, do. . .
310 doyaraka, singer who repeats part of a song
after it has been once sung' . 239, 241, 244 dra", s.. dramma, coin, . . 46, 48-49, 245 Dräkahārāms, vi., . . .. Drākshārāma ins. of Anangabhima III, 126 Draksharam ins, of Dēvarāya II, :
2, 279 Draksharam ing. of Saka 1196, . . 4 n, 44 dramma, coin,
46-49, 238-39, 242, 245 n drangika, off., .
. 212 n Dravida, co., . . . . . Dravyavardhana, Aulikara k.,. . 206-08 droo, drona, measure, . . . 244 and n, 245 Dröna, epic hero, .
• 286 n drona, l.m., . . . 137, 139 and n drona, measure, : 288, 240-43, 244 and n,
246 and n dronagtka, off., . . . . . 212 Drönāka, engr.,
210, 213 dronavāpa, 8.a. dröna, I.m., . . 137, 235 n Dugáryigrāma, vi.. . .
216-17 Duggan-arya, donee, . . . . 9, 16 Durgå, de.. . 32, 43, 84-85, 86 and n,
113, 116 n, 116 n, 128-29 Durga-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 282, 287 Durgaputra, ep., . . 43, 45, 69, 127, 129 Durgarāja, pr., . . . . . . 53 Durgarāja, 8.a. Mānamātra, k.,. . . 156 Durgarāja, 8.a. Dharmarāja, do.,
82-83 Durgarakshita, min., .
. . . 251 Durga-varaputra, ep.,
• . 127 Durvapatra, vi., .
. 136 Darvasula, f.,. .
282, 288, 290 Darvãyi, fe.. . . . . .
and n Dubákhi, vi.. ..
83, 85 dushfasähäni, off.,
. 170 and a duta, dutaka, executor of a grant, 216, 236
37, 273, 319, 326 Dväpara, age,. . . . 44 and a
dronauradameer.
PAGE e and d, writuen alike, . . . 257, 276 Earth, de., Eclipses : Lunar . . 20, 22, 93, 156, 157, 198, 215-17, 220, 225 n, 229, 235,
235-36 Solar- . . . . . . 101, 196 Edavalli pl. of Këta III,. . 219 Edevolal-bhöga, t.d., . . . . . 189 Edevolal-vishaya, 8.a. Edevolal-bhoga, do... 169 Ehavala, Ehavaladri, Ikahvaku k., . . 148-49 Ehuvala, 1.a. Ehavaladri, do., .
148 Ehuvala Chantamäle, s.. Ehavalaári, do., 148 čka-bhoga, . . . . . 311, 314 Ekāmranátha, de., . . . . 199, 203 Ekämranathastava, wk., . . . 201 Ekāmranayaka, 8.a. Ekamranātha, de., . 203 Ekāmrëba, .a. Ekamranātha, do.. . 201-03 Ekāmrökälaya, te., . . . . . 203 Ekaväkya, tit... . . . . . 77 Eläpatra, myth k., . . . . . 59 Eläpura, ci., . . . 327 n Elevānābūr ins.. . . . . 201 eli, ali, s.a. vel, . . . . . : 148 elika, 'ruler', . . . . 418 n Elibri, off. . . . . . . 148-49 Ellaya, donee, . .
223, 231 Embarumānār, . . • 162 and n Emblems :
Chakra, . . . . . 103, 107 Elephant, standing, . .
275 Garuda, . . . . . 97, 216
Sankha, . . . . 103, 107 Enarlagodda, o.a. Yönarala pelle, vi.. 221,
225, 229 Eras:
A.H., . . . . . . . 123 Bhauma-Kara, . . .
84, 271 Ganga, . . . 51-52, 101, 102 and n Gupta, . 52, 167-68, 171 n, 172 n, 186 n,
254, 256, 303-06, 308 Harsha, . . . . . . 62 Kalachuri, . . . . 168, 186 Kali, .
11, 125, 127, 129 Kollam, . . 159 and n, 160 and n Krita. Krita, o.a. Soytlıo-Parthian, .' . 162
32, 43,
116 D82, 287
e, initial, . e, initial,. e, medial,
. .
. . . . . 79
150, 209 20, 184, 176, 192, 209, 276, 299

Page #477

352
Saka,
Salivahana, 8.a. Saka,"
Sam., 8.a. Vikrama, Samvat, 8.a. Vikrama,
Scytho-Parthian, Simha,
Vikrama,
Traikitaka-Kalachuri-Chědi,
Vikrama, Kärttikadi,
Eran, vi.,
Eran ins.,
PAGE
1 n, 2, 3, 14, 20, 22, 27, 53-55, 71, 73-75, 77, 95, 101-02, 104, 106 and n, 110-12, 114, 115 n, 133, 141-42, 145, 162 n, 163-65, 171, 181 n, 182-83, 194-96, 199 and n, 200, 202, 208 and n, 219-20, 225 and n, 229, 272 n, 275, 277, 279 and n, 286, 299, 311-12, 314, 327-28, 330-31 112, 114, 115 and n, 301 48, 118
36, 40, 46, 124,
134, 135 n, 140, 163, 165, 170, 172, 179, 184, 216, 218, 242 n, 244-45, 246 and n 152 236, 242 n 303n
31, 36, 46, 65-66,- 68, 93-94, 113, 114 and n, 115 n, 118, 121-23, 132, 152, 163-65, 176-78, 186 n, 192, 195-96, 205, 208, 215-17, 235-36, 238-39, 241, 242 and n, 243 193 96 n, 156, 171 n 59 142, 145 258 n
232
225
224
123
. 79-81
•
Ereyamarasa, ch.,
Ertumalli, I.,
Eruva, do., Eruva-Bhima,
Etawah, di., Eyuva-acharlu, m.,
·
Eräpata, s.a. Airavata or Eläpatra, myth. k.,
Erayapa, fe.,
:
Fardapur, vi.,
Faridpur, di.,
Fyzabad pl. of Jayachchandra,
1achchha,.
Jachchhas:
Desiga,
Meshapishana,
Nanakiya, Sandesara,
G
7, reduplicated when following r, 7 and p, written alike,
•
•
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
.
259
315, 321
176
215 267
47 and n
118 118
. 47-18 47 n
Gadadhara, m.,. Gadadhara te.,. Gadadhar-ghat, 7.,
Gadāpāņi, 8.a. Vishnu-Krishna, de.,
Gadayuddha, wk.,
Gadhipura, 8.a. Kanoj, ci.,. gadyanaka, coin, Gahadavala, dy.,
.
[VOL. XXXIII
132 and n 122, 177-79 55
37, 121-24, 176 and n, 177 and n, 198, 318
190 44 n 60 226 4 n 77 78
gahapati, s.a. grihapati,' householder", Gajaghatapati, s.a. Gajapati, tit., Gaja-jätaka,
Gajamukha, 8.a. Ganesa, de., Gajanivahapati, s.a. Gajapati, tit., Gajānkusa chōla, 8.a. Räjäditya, Chōla k., Gajankusa-chola, Rênandu Choda ch., Gajapati, dy.,
Gajapati, tit.,
Gajapati-Gaudesvara, do., Gajapti, s.a. Gajapati, do., Gajarāvu Tippa, gen., Gajasya, s.a. Ganesa, de.,
1 and n, 2 and n, 4-6, 7 and n, 8, 11, 21 n, 45 n, 105, 126, 128, 275 and n, 278-81, 292
. 2, 4 n, 43, 44 and n, 182, 279 and n
278 45 n
7 n, 280 4, 12 and n 42, 45
220
141
PAGE
.109-10
110
110 316, 322
Gajatti, s.a. Gajapati, tit., Gajaugha-gandabherunda, do., Galavalli pl. of Rajarāja I Devendravarman, Gamḍabherunda, s.a. Gandabherunda, tit.,
Gamdhara, 8.a. Gandhara, co.,
Gamga, 8.a. Ganga, dy.,
Gamga, 8.a. Ganga, ri., Gamgadeva, 8.a. Gangadeva, ch., Gamgadhara-bhațlu, donee,. Gangadhara-ghaṭasasin, s.a. Gangadharaghatasäsin, do., Gangadhara-ghatakäsin, s.a. Gangadharaghaṭasasin, do..
Gangadharapura, 8.a. Gangadharapura, vi.,
.
229,
233
250
227-29 227 40
283, 289
229
230 · 229, 232-34
Gamgama, 8.a. Gangama, fe., Gamganäryya, 8.a. Gangaṇārya, m.. Gamgeya, 8.a. Bhishma, epic hero, Gāmuṇḍabbe, Rashtrakuta q., Gāņṇadeva, ch., 5 and n, 279 Ganamangalachandi, s.a. Parvati, de.,. Ganapati, do.,.
227 16 34 328, 331
127-29 66, 63, 79-81 104, 105 n, 106,
Ganapati, Kakatiya k.,
285
Ganapati, m.,
80

Page #478

PART VIII]
INDEX
353
РАав
PAGE
•
104
38
ob
.
Ganapati, Yajvapāla k., . '37, 65, 67-68,
163-65 Ganapaya-ghatatāsin, donee, . , 223, 231 Ganapesvaram ins. of Ganapati, . . Gandabherunda, myth. bird, • 219 and n, 233 n Gandabherunda, tit.. . .
219-21 Gandakānayaka, off.,
. 212 Gandara-ganda, tit., . .
. . 221 Gandhāra, co.,. . . . . 248-50 Gandhibedha, 14. . .
273 Gandhibedha ins., .
• 273 Gandi, m.,
.148-49 Gapēsa, de.,
. . . 4, 79, 220 Gang, 8.a. Gängeya, Kalachuri k. . . 177 Ganga, m., . . . . . 220-21, 224 Ganga, E., dy., . 2, 4 and n, 6, 20, 42, 43, and
n, 44-45, 51-52, 102, 126-28, 141, 142 and n., 144-45, 152, 169, 181.
84, 265, 271, 278-79, 330 n Ganga, W., do., . . 77, 78 and n, 132 Gangā, ri., . . .
. 179, 322 Gangadēva, ch., . . Gangadhara, gen.,
• 104 Gangadhara-bhatlu, donee,
282, 288 Gangadhara-bhatlu, do., . Gangadhara-bhatlu, do., . .
284, 289 Gangadharadēva, off.,
. Gangadhara-ghataśāsin, donee, . . Gangadharapratāpavilāsamu, wk.,
280 Gangadharapura, 8.a. Pentapădu, vi., . . Gangadharafarman, donee, . . .
176 Gangamā, fe., . . .
. 220, 224 Ganga mā[r*]ttandar, 8.a. Sembiyan Prithi
vigangaraiyar, ch., . . . . . 23 Gangāmbika, E. Ganga q.,. .
. 183 Ganganárāyana Vēlāndi, .a. Chodaganga, . . 181 n Gangan-arya, m., . . . Gangavādi, t.d., .
• 132 Gangavamkānucharita, wk., . ,
6 Ganges, ri., . . . .
37, 177, 316 Gångeya, Kalachuri k., .. 118 and n, 177 GängĒya-vamsa, 8.a. E. Ganga dy., . . 51 gapikā, s.a. dévadāsi, . .
240, 244 Gannama-nāyaka, Sagi ch., . . . 219 Gäonri pl. of Muñja. . . .
169, 192 Garagaparti, vi.,
.
285, 291 Garbbhēśvaradēva, m., .
319, 325 Garga-yavana, 8.a. Turkish Muhammadans, peo.. . . .
.
. . . . 317, 323 garusu,' boundary', .
wowoty y or wo
. . . . . . 27 gätra, .a.gotra. . . . . 308 Gauda, coit . . 52, 106, 128, 184 n. 195 n. 216-18, 265-66, 278, 280 and n,
319, 326
Gauda, peo. . . . . .
186-87 Gauda, 8.a. Gollāka, min., . . . 186 Gaudaharā, de.
32, 34 Gaudahara, f...
32, 34 Gaudahara, s.a. Gaur-Rajput, do.. . Gaudahara-Kshatriya, community, . . 32, 68 Gauda-särasvata, do., . 299, 301 and n Gaudēsara, s.a. Gaudiérara, tit., • . . 292 Gaudēsvara, do.. . . . 128, 317, 323-24 Daulmika, off... . . . . 139, 324 Gauri, Mänavāyani k., . . . Gaurl, 8.a. Parvati, de., . . 34, 138, 239
42, 244, 298 Gauri, fe., . . 104 and n, 105 and n, 107 Gauri, do.,
. . . 220, 224, 227 Gaurinātha, 8.a. Siva, de., . . . . 28 n Gaur-Rajput, f., . . .
. .
. 32 Gautami, s.a. Gödāvart, ri.. . 10-11, 17-18,
104, 107, 292 Gautamiputra, metronymic, . . . . 206 Gavarapādu gr. of Ganapati, . . . 285 Gavudēsvara, s.a. Gaudēsvara, tit.. . . 129 Gaya, ci., . . 67-69, 103 and n, 104 and n,
106-11, 114 and n, Gayā ins.,
. . . 103, 106 Gaya ins. of Pratāparudra's time, Gayā pl. of Samudragupta, . . 304 n Gaya-mukta,
. . 114, 116 Gaya-Srāddha, ceremony, . . · 103-04, 107 Ghadesäsi, s.a. Chataśāsin, ep., .
221 Ghadisāsi, do... . Ghadiyaśāsi, ., .
. . 221 Ghaisasa, do., . .
221 Ghaidāsi, do., . .
221 Ghaliśāsi, do.. . . Ghantaśāla, vi., .
. 189 n Ghanţisa, off... .
51 Ghafabāsin, ep.,
. 221 Ghatotkacha, Gupta, k.,
307-08 Ghatotkacha cave ins.,
. 259 Ghisuddin Balban, gen.,.
• 27 Ghutni, vi., . . . .
• 176 Girijā, 9.a. Parvati, de.. .
35, 323 Giripraja, 8.a. Girivraja, I., . . 5, 11, 14 Girisa, 8.a. Siva, de... . · · 32, 34-35 Girivraja, I., . Girivrajapura, ci., . .
. 50 Girnar, in., . .
. 117 Goa, t.d., . . . 53, 61, 64, 293-94,
299-300 Gos pl. of Satyāśraya Dhruvarāja Indra
Varman. . . . . . . 54-55 Gochchhiņi, fe., . . . . . 244 Gödä, 8.a. Godavari, ri.. . . . 10-11, 14
.
221
.
.
221
•
221

Page #479

354
Godachi pl. of Kirtivarman I, Godavari, ri.,
Godavari, East, di., Godavari, West, do., Godavartti, f., Goddumballi, I., Godiněni-tataka, lake,
.
Göggaka, m.,
Gojjiga, 8.a. Govinda, Rashtrakuta k.,
Gökarna, m.,
Gökarna-matha,
Gökarpasvamin, s.a. Siva, de..
Gollaka, 8.a. Gauda, min.,
.
Gopa, s.a. Gopala, Yajvapāla k., Gopachala, 8.a. Gwalior, ci., Göpäditya, m...
Göpädri, s.a. Gwalior, ci.,
Göpäls, m.,.
Göpäls, Rashtrakuta k.. Gopala, Yajvapäla k.,
Gopinatha, do.,
gorasu, 'boundary',
gorava, priest',
Görajja-bhöga, t.d.,
Gorti, J.,
Gōsa, n...
Gollapudi, f...
Gomţuri, Gomtūru, 8.a. Guntūru, ci., 220, 225, 229
Göndra, c.a. Govinda II or III, Rashtrakuta k.,
wk.,
Götras:
PAGE
309 6 and n, 10-11, 20-21, 59, 104, 107, 229, 277, 285-86 2, 10, 21 2, 21, 225
281, 287 231-32
. 10, 17
194, 197
.
Atreya,
Gopala-bhaṭlu, donee, Gopala-bhatlu, do., Gopala-bhaṭṭa, do., Gopal-Arya, m.,
paraja, k.,
Gopasaila, s.a. Gwalior, ci.,
Gopljanavallabha, s.a. Gopinatha, de...
.
götra, B.a. götrabailikā, Götrapravaranibandhakadamba,
Aupamanyava,
Abharadvasu,
Agastya,
Agnivědya,
Angirasa-Bharadvaja,
.
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
.
•
309
216, 218
299
144
.
·
gōshihika, member of the assembly', . 47 and n,
48 and n, 49
172
•
186 n
282,287
.
258
67, 70 33
193, 197 and n 33, 35, 38, 40, 67, 69 106 n 122
31-34, 36-39, 40 n, 65-68, 136, 164.
281, 287
284, 289
222, 230
9, 15 156
. 32, 35 105
.
105, 108 29 328-29, 331 169 281, 287
243, 246
•
•
178
8-9, 15-16, 143, 222-23, 230-31,
281-83, 295, 287-90
143, 146 n, 193, 197
222, 231
202
62-64
281, 283, 287, 288
Bharadvāja,
Danta, 8.a. Datta,
Datta,
Gárgya,
Gautama,
Härita,.
Kamboja,
Kapi,
Kärvatiya, Kasyapa,
Kaundinya,
Kausika,
Kutsa,.
Lauhita,.
Lõhita,
Maitreya,
Mathara, Maudgalya,
•
PAGE
8-9, 15-17, 62-64, 176, 199, 202, 222-23, 230-31, 281-85, 287-90 142 145
.
222, 230, 281-82, 287-88 8-9, 17, 202, 281-84, 287, 289 8-9, 15-17, 67, 69, 221-23, 229-31, 281-84, 287-90,
293, 295 63-64 178, 223, 231, 283, 289 260, 262 8-10, 15-17, 202, 222-23, 230-31, 264, 267, 272 and n, 278, 281-85, 287-90, 302
.
[VOL. XXXIII
8-9, 15-17, 221-23, 230-31,
234, 281-82, 283-85, 287-90 8-10, 15-16, 20-22, 112, 202, 222-23, 230-31, 281-82, 284-85, 287-90 8-10, 16-17, 155, 157, 282-83, 288 8-9, 16
223, 231
223, 231, 283-84, 288, 290 148
223, 231, 281, 283, 287,
289 289 222, 230 223 231
210, 212, 284-85, 289-90 178 178, 180 178, 180 n 284, 289 282, 288
Mudgala, 8.a. Maudgalya,. Parisara, Patimäsha,
Patimashana, Sandilya, Sārkava, 8.a. Sārkavasya,. Sārkavasya, Särngarava, Sathamarshana, Saunaka,
Srivatsa,
Vätsys, götra-bailika, family [pillar of] stone,'
Upamanya (Aupamanyava), Upanasya, .
Vädhūla, Varddhakausika, Vasishtha,
Vatsa,
+
8-9, 16-17, 222-23, 230-21, 281-82, 285, 287-88, 290 146 193, 197 281, 283, 287-88 137, 140 148 32, 34, 311, 314, 319,
325
218
172 307-08

Page #480

PART VIII]
INDEX
355
Pacz
Gwalior, ci.,
.
31-33, 38, 65,
67-68 Gwalior State, , . 31, 33, 36-37, 65, 93,
169 Gyeraspar ins. of Trailokyavarmadēva,
93
•
828, 381
Grahaverman, Haukhari '
R., ......
6
285
PAGE Govardhana, di, .. . . . . Govardhana, m., . . . . 194, 197 Govardhanabarman, donee,
178, 180 and n Govinda, m., . . . . . 241, 244 Govinda, 8. a. Govinda III, Rashtrakaja k., • 330 Govinda II, do., . . . . . 257-58 Govinda III, do.. . 258 and 1, 809, 327
and n, 328 and n, 329, 380
and n Govindachandra, Chandra k., . 136 and n Govindachandra, Ganadavila k. . . 176 and n,
177-79 Govindarasa, . a. Govinda III, Rashfrakufa
268 n Göyinda-poddi, fe., . .
. . 272 Goyindara, 6.a. Govinda III, Rashtrakufa
:
. . . 211 grāmakata, of... . .
. 210, 212 gråmika, 'headman of a village,' do., 167, 172, 307-08 Groek settlement,
250 grihta dhamra,. . . . . . 2 Gudar, vi., . . . . . . . Gudarikataka, vi.,
. Gudivada, tk., . . . Gadhayati, m.,. . . . .
194, 198 Guduhula, l., .
. . . 236-36 Güdür, vi., . . . . . . . 200 Guhakvarapätaka, 8.a. Jājpur, ca., . 162 Gujarat, co., . . . 117, 119, 162, 192,
194, 240 n, 303 Gulagrimaka, vi., . . . . 210-12 Gulapundi, L., . .
. . . 225 Gulbarga, ci., .
• 128-28, 278, 280 Gulbarga, di., . Gulikumta, I., . Guna, di.,. . Gupamahārņava, E. Ganga k.,
. . . 144 Gunaratnasimdhu, Lafa ch., . . . 25 Gunda, ch., . . .
. . . 104 Gundama, E. Ganga k., .
144 Gundamarkja, do. . . . . 144 Gantur, di., . . . . . 6 n,
11, 28, 147, 189, 200; 219,
272 n, 276 Guntur, tk.. . . . . . . 6n Guptoru, tr... . Gupta, dy.. . . . 96-98, 168, 172, 206,
211 and n, 260, 303-06, 307 Hapta, Gupta k., . . . . 807 Gurjara, peo. . . . . 162, 164, 188-87 Gurjara Pratthāra, dy. . i 186, 162,
177 Gutti fort, . . . .
. . . . 276 A, represented by hu, . . . .
. .
8 Radagalli, tk., ,
132 hala, l.m.,. . 137, 139, 198-94, 197, 236-86,
293 hala-danda, tax, . . . . . 284, 287 Halebid, ca.. . .
. . 108 Halsi pl. of Ravivarman,
47 9, 89 Hambira, Gajapati pr., . In, 2 n, 8 n, 8 n, 126,
279-81 Hammira, Turkish Musalman k., . , 32, 38 hammira, derived from Arabic amir, . . 32 Hampa, a.a. Vijayanagara, ca.,
6 n, 271,
280, 286 Hampi, do.. . . . . . Hathaa-jataka, . . . . . 69 Harvira, o.a. Hambira, Gajapati pr. . .8 Hamvirapura, 8.a. Chiruvrdli, vi.. . . 8n Hangal, tk.. . . . . . . Hangal, tn., , . . . 287, 810 Hanumakonda ins.. . . . . 104 Hara, 6.a. Siva, de.. . . . 138, 181, 316,
322 Hari, do. . . . . . 40, 90, 138 Hari, m.,.
. . . 281, 287 Hari, do.,
. 182-83, 184 and n, 185 Harichamda, 4.a. Harichandra, do.,
47-48 Harichandana, tit., . . . 4, 13, 20-21 Harlobandra, ., . .
. .4An Harichandra, do.. . Harichandradova, 4.a. Haribohandradova, Paramára k.. .
. . 93 Haridāsas, . . . . . Haridatta, donor, . . . . 89, 91 Hariguka-modori-afman, t.d., . , 277, 286-86 Harigupta, k.. . . . . . . 96-98 Harihar pl. of Vinayaditya. . 269, 312 Harikela, Harikala, Harikēli, co.,. . 135-38 Haririja, k., . . . . . 96-97 Haririje, m., . . . . . Hariraja, do.. . . . 189, 168, 166 and a Hariraja, 6.a. Harigupta, k., , . 97-98 Hartschandra, Gähadavala k.. . . . 123 Harikohapdrs. Partindra r. . . 93-94 Ilarishốns, Päkafaka k., . . 269-61
71
800

Page #481

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXXIII
Рдад
:
i, affix, .
: 27,103 n, 110, 150, 200,
215, 303, 327 i, medial, . . . . 79, 155, 191 n, 248 , medial, . . . . . 79, 156 i and I, medial, written alike, . 110, 276 Ichchhawar, vi., . . . . . 97 Idilpur pl. of Kekavasēna, 315, 319-21, 322 n, 323 n Idilpur pl. of Srichandra, . . . . 134 Ikháku, o.a. Ikshväku, dy., . . 190-91 Ikkadási-vishaya, di.,. . . . 137, 139 n Ikshvaku, dy.. . . . . . . 148, 248-49 Ikshvāku, epic k., . . . 154, 220, 226 1, locative suffix, . . . . 159 Ilädapperundēvi, Iládapperundēviyar, fe., 23, 25 IlAdapperundēvi, alias Pugalattunaiadigal,
•
309
do.
PAGB Harlartehthin,-.,. . . . . 307-08
an, k. of Vanga, . . 265 Harsauda ins. of Dévapăla,
• 196 Harsha, Harshavardhana, k., . . 211, 313 Harshapura, 6.a. Harsauda, vi., 93-94, 193, 196-97 Harshapura, 8.a. Harsola, do. . . . 196 Harsolá pl. of Siyaks, . . . . . Hassan, tr., hasti-danda, tax, . . .
. 264, 267 Hastimalla, ch., . . .
. 24 n Hastin, Parivräjaka k.. . . 167.71, 304 Hastinapura, ca., . .
37, 40 Hastyarya, donee, . .
293-95 hastyasvajanavyaprita, off...
304, 306 hastyabu shfrabalavyäprita, do.,
. 304 n Haveri, Ik.. . . Havirbhuk, 5.. Agni, de...
179 Hazara, di.. . .
334 Hômachandra, preceptor, Hema-suri, ascetic, . . Hémiyati ins. of Diliparass, Himagiri, ... Himálsys, mo.. Himalaya, do... . . . . 88, 187 Himavat, .a. Himalaya, do.. . . 154, 270 Hinayana, sect, .
. . . 261 Hindols-toran, . . .
. . . 93 Hindu, community. .. 32-33, 72 and n, 73,
88, 114, 123, 298 Hindu-rajya-sthapan-acharya, ep... . 114-15 Hindustan school of music, . . . . 300 Miranya, 'tax in cask', . Hirbohavuti, oi., . Hirogutti pl. of Asankita,
. . 61 Hirekerur, tk., . .
. 131, 258 Hirekorur, vi., . .
. . 131 Hitpahebbügilu pl. of Mrigēkavarman, . . 54-58 Huen-tang, Chiwe traveller, . 162 Hodds, 1..
64 Hodda-khajjaraka, . .
. 53-54 Moma, ceremony, . . Hombli, vi.,
257-58 Hosana, o.a. Hoysala, dy.,
. 108-09 Hoshangabad, di., .
. 196 Hottalakere, ca.. . Hoysala, dy.. . . 104 n. 108-09, 220 Hridaybea, 1h.. .
70 n Hrishikoda, do..
• 70 n Eumkyun Shah, Bahamant Sulfan, 127, 280-81 Hape, peo.. . . . 205, 284 n, 272 Lapadovi, . . . . . 164 and n, 267 Hana-mandala, f.d.. i .. . 169 Satavaha-tanaya, ..a. Karttikoya, de., . Eyderabad, oi. . . . . 312 Hyderabad State, . . 1,38, 71, 104, 126, 162
Ilādarayar, Lâfa ch., . . 24 and n, 25 Ilanguru Vaunnarufuginra, crown pr.,
169 Ilava, community. .
. , 173, 175 Illtutmish, Sulfan of Delhi, Ingo, . . . . .
282, 288 Indans, Indani, N., . . . . 167, 171 India, co.,. . 32, 88, 139, 161, 211, 297 India, Central, . . .
97, 167, 172 Indis, Eastern, . .85 , 160, 162-63, 318 India, Northern, . . .
. . . 118 India, South, , . 20, 80, 88, 109, 111 India, Western,. 95, 96 , 208, 303-05 Indrs IV, Rashfrakufa k., . . . . 132 Indrantlamani,. Indraprastha, 6.a. Delhi, . .
. 177 Indrarāja, ch., . .
210-12 Indraratha, a.a. Mahābhavagupta II, Somavathuk..
.
. . 271 Indrasthāns, ci., . .
. 177, 179 Indravarman, E. Ganga k., . . 61-62, 169 Indrevarman I, do., • •
. . 101 n Indraverman II, do., , , . . . 101n Indravarman III, do., . , 101 and n, 102 Indravarman, o.a. Satyä raya Dhruvarāja, k., 66 Indus valley, . .
.. . 162 Ipili, o.a. Ippēru, vi... .
77-78 Irapakinga-Mapavala,. . . . . 162 Iran, co., .
. . . . 162 Iravi, . . . . . . . 162 Iravivarma-chaturvodimangalam, vi.. . 160 Iriva-bodanga Satykaraya, W. Chalukya k... 131 IriveNolamba, tit., . . . . . 77 Iriva-Nolamba Nollipayya, Nolamba Pallava
ch.. . . . . . . . 77 IrugA, Irug&tba, Je.
220, 224, 227
•
137
•
312

Page #482

PART VIII]
Isanasiva, priest, Isimigo jataka, Islam,
Tévara, m., Lévara, Vijayanagara k., Iévara-Narasa, 8.a. Narasa-nayaka,
do., Iévararata, ch...
Jagannatha-bhatlu, donee, Jagannatha-bhatlu, do.,
Jagannatha-bhatlu, do.,
j.
Jabalpur, di.,
Jabar, tehsil,
Jagad kabhüshapa, Chhindaka k., Jagadõkamalla, 8.a. Jayasiraha, W. Chalukya
1..
Jagannatha te., Jagarlapāmḍi, f.,
Jagéévara, Gajapati k.,
Jägeévaradeva-mahārāya, s. a. Jägéévara,
do.,.
Jagéévarapura, vi.,
Jain, sect,
Jainism,
30
60
280
210, 213
111. 114
Jagannathadeva, 8.a. Purushottama-Jagannă
tha, de.,
Jagannathadeva labdha-varaprasada, ep.,
Jain monastery, .
Jairaja, 8.a. Jayaraja, m.,
•
Jaitravarman, Pratihāra k.,
Jaitugi, Paramāra k., Jaitugi, Yadava k.,
Jajapella, 8.a. Yajvapala, dy.,
111, 113 303-06
Jaggayapeta ins.,.
jāgir, 'fief',. jagirdar,
Jaichand, 8.a. Jayachchandra, Gähadavala k.,
27, 276 186
215
208
.
312 285, 290 285,290 284, 289
128-29
127
1
283-84, 289
4, 6-7, 12, 127-28,
227 n, 278 127, 129 7, 277-78, 281, 285, 287, 292 189 n, 190 and L . 50-51, 170
170 123
118 88, 119 235-36
165-66
PAGE
•
•
•
•
164
66
117
31, 36-37,
Jajpur, ci.,
38 and n, 39 152, 265 108
Jakamna, Jakanna, m., Jalambar, Jalambaru, s.a. Jalamüru, vi., 143, 146
Jalamūru, do.,
.
Jalepalle, Jalepalli, do.,
Jalhana, Jalhanaka, off.,
143 221, 225, 229 32, 35 46,47 and n
Jalore, ci.,.
Jamaraya, 8.a. Yamaraja, m.,
Jambhala, de.,
165, 166
and n 265
INDEX
Jambudvipa, myth, island, Jamdadasa, Jamḍamala, off., Jamdamalantara, surname, Jammigudda, L.,
Jamnasäni, Jannasäni, f., Janamejaya Mahabhavagupta Somavams k., janapada, Janardana-bhatlu, donee,
Jandamalantara, 8.a. Khōja Ahamada,
..
Jangla, vi.,
Jasarā, n...
Jāsata, donor,
Jasodhavala, 8.a. Yasodhavala, do., Jatavarman Kulasekhara, Pandya k., Jatuhatta, L.,
Jauhatta, s.a. Jatuhatta, do., Jääḍi, m.,.
Javälipura, 8.a. Jalore, ca.,
Jayachchandra, Gahadavala k., Jayadatta, k.,
Jayadeva, n., Jayaganga, m.,
Jayakësin I, Kadamba k., Jayanatha, Uchchakalpa k.,
Jayanta, 8.a. Göpäla, Yajvapala k., Jayapala, myth. hero, Jayaraja, k. of Sarabhapura, Jayaraja, m.,
•
Jējāhuti, 8.a. Jējābhukti, do., Jejuri pl. of Vinayaditya,
jh,
Jhaloni tank, Jhambaka, off.. Jhansi, di., jihvāmüliya, Jijjika-grāma, vi., Jina, 8.a. Buddha, Jinendra, divinity, Jirjingi pl. of Indravarman, Jivanta-éreshthin, m.,.
Jishnu, Jodhpur, di.,
jodi,
Janamējaya I,
PAGE
127, 129
72, 75 n
72, 74 234 281, 287
264-66, 269-71
.
Jayasimha, Dandabhukti ch., Jayasimha, Paramāra k., Jayasimha, poet,.
195 68 196, 220 . 312 66 136, 139 171 and n, 205 Jayavarman, 8.a. Jayasimha, Paramāra k., 66 Jējābhukti, co., 36-37, 39
Jayasimha II, W. Chalukya k., Jayasimha II Jagadekamalla, do., Jayasimha-Jayavarman, Paramāra k., jayaskandhāvāra, 'capital', jayastambha,
37
218 282, 288 71-72 259
241, 244 216, 218
244
•
. 160n 156 and n 165 194, 197 n 46, 48 123, 176
107 n, 304 n
137, 140
137, 140
53-54 168
.
38, 40 n 36, 39 155-57 165, 166 n
265 and n
•
357
•
169
192 168
•
194, 197
• 164 87, 148, 155 169 135, 138 .47 n 169 183, 185 138
46-47, 243
200
•
.
.

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868
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII
PAGE 131, 13
.
.
•
233
.
284, 289
• 123
•
117
Jogayya-kondavanigara, m.; Jolopalle, vi., . . . Jonnalagadda, .
. Jumna, ri., Junagadh, Jupiter's sixty-year cycle, . Jupiter's twelve-year cycle, . jyotisha, . jyotib-dastra, Jyotib-sästrin, . . Jyotirvid, . . . .
. . .
3, 20, 109 . 167 . . 221
222, 230 221-22, 230
17
.
PAGS Kalaohuri, dy... . 71, 118 n, 128, 169, 177,
188, 263 n, 286 Kalajara, L.,
. . . . . .
. . . 211
. kafariju, . . . . . . 162, 176 kalaba, .
. . . . . 41 kalasika, measure, . . . . 235n kalasikāvāpa, l. m., . .. .235 and n, 238 Kalasődbhava, .. Agastya. . . . 279 Kalavuraga, 5.a. Gulbarga, ci., 278, 280
and n Kalavaragėda, Kalavaragesvara, tit., 128, 202 Kalbariga, 8.a. Gulbarga, ci., . . 286 n Kalt-araikkal, l.m., . . .
175 and a Kali, de... . . . . . 32, 65 Kali age, . . .
. 42, 44 and a
. Kalidasa, poet, . .
. 67 Kali Hakkals, field, . . . . 257 Kalinga, co., . , 162, 164, 265 and n,
266, 318, 336 Kalingadibacharitra, wk., . 6n, 8 n Kalinganagara, ca., . . . 145, 102 Kalisindh, ri., . . .
. 37 Kalli, vi.. . . . . . . 80 Kalli-ből, m., . . . . . 79-81 Kalpa, 11., . . . . . . 53-54 Kalpakhya-Khajjana, .
. 63-64 Kalpasutra, wk., . . . Kalubarga, s.a. Gulbarga, ci., . 127, 129,
277, 280, 288 Kaluvacheru gr., . . . . . 223 Kaluvalapallo, vi.. . . . . 27 Kalvan pl. of Yalovarman, . . . . 196 Kalyana, ca., . . 71-73, 125, 309-10 Kalyanachandra, Chandra k., . . 138 n Kalyāṇanagara, 8.. Kalyana, ca., 73, 75 Kalyanapura, 6.a. Kalyana, do..... 71, 74 Kalyan ins. of Saka 1248, . . . . 71 Kalyani, o.a. Durga, de., . . . . 32 Kalya pala, of... . . . . 236 Kāma, m., . . . . . 220, 224, 227 Kims, .. Bhaktirkja, ch., . . 220, 224,
16
27, 104, 110, 276 , written alike, . .
276 Kabul valley, . . . . . . Kachavi ins.. . .
258 Kadali, f., . . .
. 283, 288 Kadamba, dy... 47 n. 52-54, 56, 61, 87-90,
127, 132-33, 171 , 293-94 Kadamba, tree,. . .
10, 18 Kadambapadra, I., . . . . 155 Kadambapadrullaka, vi.. .
155-57 Kadi pl. of Malarāja, ...
. . . 235 Kadur, di., . .
87, 89 Kadur, tk., . . . kai, Oriya dative sufit, . . Kaifiyat of Jagannatham, wok., . . 6 Ksilan (Kailsin) pl. of Sridharanarata, 142 Ksiläsa, l., . .
. 184 n Kailasa, myth. mo.. .
104, 107 Kailasa, 1., . . Kailasa, Kailasadeva, .a. Kailasasikharëkvara,
de. . . . . . . . 43-45 Ksiläsa paragrama, vi., . . .. 169 Kailasasikhardvara, de., . . . 42-44, 45
and n Kaivalyapura, 6.4. Quela, oi., . . Kaiverta, community, . . . . 151, 265 Kaiverttirishthin, ., . . . 307-08 Kaka!i-njo wa,. . . . . . 300 Kakati-Prõlarajadula-predamaa, wk., . . 106 n Kakatiya, dy., . . 55, 103-04, 106 and n, 106
and , 125, 223, 285 Kakustha, 8.. Käkutstha, Kadamba
88, 90 and n Kakuathavarman, do.. . . . . 171 n Kakutaths, myth. k., . . . . 220, 228 Kalabhra, I., . .
. .313 Kalkohhala fragmentary iba. of Itararile, .303
87
228
Kama, Tel.-Choda k., . . . . . 28 n Kima, fe., . . .
. 220, 224, 227 Kämä-bhatlu, donec, . .
284, 290 Kamadeva-bhatlu, do.. .
285, 290 Kimadina, 8.a. Malik Qivamuddin Quthugh
Khan, min... . . 72-74, 75 and n Kama ins.
. . . . . . 32 Kimikebl, de... . . . . 201, 203 Kaman-Arya, donde, . . . . 9, 18 Kaman-ary, do., . . . . . 9,16 Kimenyem.. . . . . 9, 10 Kamen-irya, do.. . . . 9, 16 and Kimandi, do. . . . . 184

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INDEX
359
PAGB Kimarnava, Kämärņavadėya, E. Ganga k... 144,
181 Kämärya-bhatta, donee, . . . Kamauli pl., . . . . 176 n, 177-78 Kāmaya-bhatta, donee, . . 223, 231 Kämaya-ghatasäsin, do. . . . 222, 230 Kambakāya, vi., - .
• 141 Kämbälu-pattana, ci., . . • 281 n Kambhammetta, Kambamumetta, tn., . 280 and n Kamboja, co., . .
. 383 Kámchana, 8.a. Käfichana, m., . . Kamchan-arya, do. . . . . . 9, 16 Kamdammati, I., . - . 106, 108 Kam davalli,.,
. • 283-84, 289 Kamdigumtaka, I., . . . . . 232 Kamdūri, f., . . . . 282, 288 Kamēra, co., . . . . . Kampadigal, Lafa ch., . . . 25 and n Kampavarman, Kampavikramavarman, k., 23, 24
and n, 25 and n Kamta.ma-nayaka, m., . . . . 146 Kamūru, l., .
. . . 291 Kanara, North, di., . . 54, C1, 87, 133, 250,
299 Kanara, South, do...
. . . 299 Kanauj, ci.,
62, 177 and n, 178 Kāñchana, m.,.
.
236 Karohani, o.a. Srikifichani, Chandra q., 136,138 KAfohl, o.a. Käfchipuram, ci., 184 n, 199-200,
202-03, 328-29 Kärchipati, ep., . . . . . . 313 Kärchipuram, ci. . 112n, 199, 200 n Kanchipuram ins. of Achyutarāya, . 199 Kanchipuram ins. of Anangabhima III, 43 and
n. 44 n. 45 n, 126 Kandådai, . . . . . . . 161 Kandahar, ci., . . . . . . 333 Kandammati, vi..
. 107 Kandan Iravi, m., . . . 160 and n, 162 Kandarpasankara, de.. . • 318, 324-25 Kandarpasankara-grēma, vi., . . 325 n Kandarpasankar-asrama, k., . . . . 824 Kane, . . . .
. . 56 Kunganideyvar, supervisors, . . . 159, 162 lanika, 'cumin seed', . .
• 194, 197 kanila. . . . .
55-56 kanike, lapike-kappa, .
. . 56 Kanishka I, Kushana k., . . . Kanna-dvivēdulu, donee,
281, 287 Kannara, .a. Krishna, Rashfrakufa k... 309 Kannara, 8 a. Krishna I, do. . . . 268 Kennaradeva, s.a. Krishna III, do.. . 24 n Kanoj, oi., . . . . . 122-23 Kanpar-böya Mandalarman, W., . . . 80
ΡΑΦΗ Kanpur, ci. . . .
99, 100 Kanpur, di.,
. ,
.. . 99 Kantidēva, Harikala k., . . . 136 Kanuka, s.a. Kanika,. . . . . 56 Kanumăru, vi., .
286, 291
283, 288 Kanyakubja, Kanyakubje, Känyakubja, 6.a.
Kanoj, ca.. . 122, 177 and n, 178-79, 217 Kanyakubja-dosa, co., . . . 123-24 Kanyakumari, di., . . . . 160 Kipālivarman, Bhoja k.. . 63, 61 and n, 63 Kapardisvāmin, donee,
. - 156, 157 Kapashti, m., .
.
194, 197-98 Kåpayandyaka, Musunuri ch., 220, 223, 226,
229 Kapila, 4.a. Kapilēévara, Gajapati k. . Kapilds, Kapilisa, hill, . .
41-43 Kapllas ins. of Narasimha 1, . . 126 Kapilöndra, o.a. Kapilëkvara, Gajapati k.,
277-78, 285-86 Kapilē vara, do.. 1 and 0, 2, 4-6, 6 and n,
7 and n, 8 and 2, 11-14 20-21, 126-28, 276, 277
and 2, 278-81, 286, 292 Kapildkvarapurs, vi... 6-7, 277-78, 284-88, 289,
292 Kapili, s.a. Kapilēsvara, Gajapati k., . . 6 Kapi-raga, . . . . . 299, 301 Kapoli pl. of Adankitavarman, 64, 61 and D Kapati-hajjana, . . . 63-64, 69-64 kappa, . . . .
. . 86 kara, . . . . . 153, 218, 237,267 Karahata-nagara, ci., . . . 327 n Karali, vi., . . . . . . . Karapika-Thakkura, off.. . . . 178, 180 karanka, measure, . . . . . 183 Karantama-näyaka, Karantama-näyake, m.,
146 karadasana, 'rent-paying grant',.' . 142, 153 Kargámunda, off.,
. .
. .
257-58 Karikala, Chola k., . .
. 29, 224 Karimnagar, di., .
38, 104, 240 D Karimnagar ins., .
. . 104, 240 n Kärltalai, vi., . . 186 and n, 187 Kari-turaga-pattan-akarasthana.gökul-adhikari,
off.. . . . . . . Karivichi-dima, t.d., . . . . 112 Karpa, epic hero, . . . . 286 Karpa, Kalachurik.... . . . 177 Karpa, Karpadova, Somapanil k. . 264-66,
209, 271-74 Karapakbarin, «a. Karna, do. . 265 and n, 271 Karparājadova, o.a. Karna, do..
308

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360
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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ΡΔΟΣ
PAGE
Karpáta, Karnataka, co., 71-73, 109, 162,
154, 280, 300 and n, 292 Karnate-nine orore, do. orore,do.,
. . . .
. 128 Karpātska school of musio,
. . 300 Karpsts-loks, peo.. . .
. .
: 74 and Karpura érl, ., . . . 264, 267, 272 Kärtavirya, myth. k.,
5,13, 20-21 Kartikēya, de...
34, 148, 149 and n Karttar, off. . . .
. . 199-200 Káru-tatāks, lake, . .
. . . 232 Karwar, di., . . .
. 63 Kasadi Suramadevi,
272 n Kasavan-arys, donee,. .
9,16 Kafëkumta, l.,. . .
. . . 234 Kashmir, co., . . . 112, 321 Kádt, 3.. Bandras, Vārāṇasi, ci... 67-69, 177,
179, 318 Kāsigáma, K&sgrāma, L., . 170 and n, 171 Kadi-matha, . . .
299 and n, 300 n,
.301 Käsinigama, Kadr-nigama, I., 170 and n, 171 Kisvara-bbatlu, dones, . . . 284, 289 Katmira, co., . . . . 187, 248-50 Kasmira-Gandhára-Yavana-Tambapannidipa.
pasadaka, ep., . . . . . . 248 Kasna, vi... . . . . . 178 Kasnabbhavana, Kasnabbhavana-pattalā, di., 178
Kávamaraiyam Mallan. They • .
• 174 Kiva-challan Pasal, do.. .
• 174 Kávért, ri.. . .
. . . . 29 K&vidi, . .
. . . . 175 Kavilion, 8.4. Keiliss, Kavunniyan, 17.,
. . 161 Kayastha, community, . . 36, 40, 47-48, 66,
67-68, 73, 76, 152, 236-37 Ködära, I., . ,
288 Kádárpur pl. of Srlobandra,. 134-35, 139 a Kéksys, co., . Kelidity, .. . .
. . . 194, 197 Kalgs pl., .
. . . 264, 271 Kalhanadova, Chahamana k.. . . • 193 Kendur pl. of Kirtivarman II, . Kerala, co., . . . . 174 n, 199, 202, 313 Keralavarman, 8.. Kodai, Venadu k., . 159 Kesarin, oft. . . . . . . . 288 Kötava, de,
. . . . 34 Kesava, holy place, . . . . Kebave, . . .
10, 18 Kalava, do.,
178, 180 Kelava-bhatlu, dones, . .
282, 288 Kēkaviditya, off., . .
194, 197 Kelava-ghatasäsin, donee, . . 223. 231 Kētavan Paradāyan, m., . . . . 181 Katavasóna, Sena k.,. . Kata III, Kota ch., .
. . . 219 Kētana-ghatasõsin, donec,
• 223, 231 Kétarija, Kota ch.. .
. . 272 Kdybravarsha, s.a. Yuvarăjadēva I, Kalachuri
.
. 186
105
79
k.,.
.
.
12 71. 79. 104, 327
khajan, khajar, 'a salt marsh or meadow', 63, 63, 295 khajjana, khajjara, khajjana, khajjanaka, ...
khajan,. . . 53-54, 63-64, 293, 296 Khalji, dy. . . Khandesh, 1.d., . . . . . . 303 Khandesh, West, di.. . . . . . Kharahara priya-mila, . . . . . 300
.
.
.
280
Khandesh.
kabu, coin, .
. .
. . . . 161-62 Kasuvā-ojhalu, donee, . . . . 284, 289 Kadyapa, sage,. . .
220, 226 Kabyapa lineage, 8.a. Solar lineage, . 220, 227 Kataka, 8.. Cuttack, ci., . . • 8, 11, 14 Katakarajavarkávali, wk.,. . Katanagadda, f., . . . 285, 290 Kätaparru, I., . . . . 221, 232 Kafapayadi eystem, . . . . 199 n Kathakosha, wok.. . . . . 118-19 Katharis aluva,. . Kathiswar, Co., ...
• 242 , 303, 306 Katni, tn., . . .
186 n Kattiarasa, Kattiyara, 3.a. Kirtivarman I, W. Chalukya k.. . .
. . . 309 Kattiyars, Kattiyaradēva, o.a. Kirtivarman II, do., .
. . . 309-10 Kattiyarasa, 11., .. .
309 Kattyars, ., .
258 Katudbva, Katukarāja, Chahamdna k., 241, 242
and n Kauntēya-Gang , 6.a. Godāvarl, ri.. . 20-22 Kausambl, .a. Kosam, ci.,
100, 170, 211 Kauthem pl. of Vikramaditya V. 294 n, 810 Kapadi-para, . . . . . 181 Kavalo-matha. . . . . . . 299
kha fudnga, . . . . . . . 298 Khediravillt, di., . . . . 137, 139 Khiching, vi.. . . . 83, 85 and a Khijjinga-kotta, 3.a. Khiching, ca.. . 83-86 Khoji Ahamada, 6.a. Khwaja Ahmad, off. 71-73,
74 and 2, 75 and n Khwaja Ahmad, do., .
.
71-72 Kikau, Kikiu, ., . . . 243, 246 Kma, Kula, m... .
. 194, 198 and a Kislimaptir ins., . . . . 160 Kishnara-jdtaba, tok . . . . . 80 Kinnaaf-l-Shergarh, ... Kanot, a.. . . 123 Kirite, co. . . . . . 249

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PART VIII)
INDEX
36]
PAGE
PAGS
.
162
Kiráta, 3.6. Himalayan people, kirtana, kirttana, kirli, 'a fame-producing woork', 170
and n Kirtidurga, 6.a Chanderi fort, . . 37 n,
163-65 Kirtigiri, 8.a. Deogarh, fort,
. 164 Kirtipāla, Pratihara k.,
· 164 Kirtipāledēva, ch., . .
• 193 lirti-stambha, . . . . . 171 and n Kirtivarman, Chandella k.,
164-65, 184 Kirtivarman I, W. Chalukya k... 294, 300, 313 Kirtivarman II, do.. . . . 309-10, 328,
Kondakunde, a.a. Konkondala, 1.. . 118 Kondamma, fe., . . . . . . 200 Kondavanigara Jogayya, m., . . 131, 133 Kondavidu, l., , . 2, 8 and n, 8, 11, 379 Kondavidu pl., . . . . 5n, 8, 10 n Konidena, vi.,
.
. . 27 n, 28 Köniyânäin, do., . .
. . 169 Konkan, Konkana, f.d., .
217, 294, 299 Konkanastha, community,
299 Konkordala, vi. .
• 118 Ko-Parakosarivarman, 6.a. Rajarajadēva, Chola
.
159
329
.
.
.
310
Kirtivarmarāja, .a. Kirtivarman II, do. 329 and
1, 331 Kiguvolal, o.a. Pattadakal, ca., . Kodabalisiri, 9... . .
148 Kodai Araiyan, 7., . . Ködai Iravipanman, 8.a. Kodai Ravivarman, Venadu k., . . .
. . 162 Kodai Keralavarman, do., . . . 159 Kodai Ravipanman, 8.a. Kodai Ravivarman, do.. . .
.
. . 159, 162 Kodai Ravivarman, .a. Vira Ravivarman
Tiruvadi, do., . . . . 169 and n, 160 Kõdrava, a species of grain!, . 194, 197 Kögali, vi., Kõhriņēsvara, de..
183-86 Koilkuntla, tk., Kökata-grāma, 8.a. Kokatam, vi.. . 112 n Kokatam, do. . .
. 112 Kollag, . . .
175 Kõluvartani-vishaya, di.. . . 142-43, 145 Kämadigal, ch., . . Komarara Bhima, ep... .
27, 29 kombu, paddy' or quality of paddy,
173, 174
and n Komdapalli, vi., . . 281-82, 284, 287,
.
.
.
132
•
311
•
24
Kopivishnu, min., . . . . 319, 326 Koppana, M., . . . . . . 232 Koppanātha-bhatta, donee, . . . 221, 230 KO-Pparakisariparman, tit., . . . Koramanga, Koramangals, vi., . 87, 91 , 219 n Koravēga l. . . . . . 87, 89, 91 Ko-Rinēkvara, de., . . . . 184 kéadhipa, off. , . .
33, 681 toadhyaksha, do. .
38, 67-69 Kösala, co.,. . . 170-71, 255, 266, 271 Kosala, Southern, 1.d.,
. . . 252 Kosala, peo.. . .
186-87 Kosaladevi, q.. . .
170 and no Konam, tn., .
89, 170 Kota, J., . . . .
219, 372 Kotālipāda, 1.d., . .
. 316, 321 Kötēlapumta, ., . .
. 10, 18 kofi-Moma, ceremony..
. . . 137 Kotma, vi.. .
. . 200 Koffapala, off... . . . . 189 Köttáru, l. .
. . 160 and a Kotthári-kahētra, do., . Kottaru ins. of Vijayaditya,
312 Kovisaiya Kampavikkirama, ..a. Kampavar.
mag, ch., . . . . . 23, 25 Köyir-kanakku, off..
188 krama, . . . . . . 222, 230 Kridděvt, Kriddēvi-khanda, Kriddövy-uttara
khanda, 3.g. Raghudēvapura, I., 10-11, 14 Krishna, di.. . . . . . . 285 Krishni, ri., . . and n, 8 n, 59, 147,
268, 277, 286-86 Krishna, Rashtraků ta k., . . . 309 Krishna I, do. . . . . . . 257 and a Krishna III, do.. . . . . 77, 78 Krishnabēnnā, 3.a. Krishna, ri.,,
286 Krishpa-bhatta, donee, . . . 9, 16 Krishnadeva, min. . . . 264, 268, 273 Krishpadova, Kpishpadēvariya, Vijayanagara
k., . . . . . . 110-14, 200 Krishna-gataliain, donce,. . : 222, 280 Krishnan-bhatla, h... . . 281, 287
233
289
.
Konkana, Konkana, t.d., . Konkana-grahana-vijaya-parvan,
vijaya-parvan, . . . Kommana, l., . . . Komman-ojhalu, donee, . Kommara, vi., . . Kommaya-ghatasäsin, donee, Köna, f. . . . . Köņā, Köņa-grāma, vi.. .
. .
. Komkana.
216-17 . 221, 233 . 282, 288 . .225 223, 231
285 264, 265 and n,
266, 273 282, 288
.
Konakamchi, f., . . . Könäköpa, 8.a. Konārak, 1., . Konamman, fe., . Köqamman, Periya, do. . Koplirak, l. . . .
. .
. .
. .
200 200 42

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PAGH Kapalkata, 6.a. Kupallkata-dőáa, di., 64 Kupallkata-döda, do. . . . . 62-84 Kupalapakatähära-dēsa, 3.. Kupalákata-döda, do.. . .. . .
62, 64 Kuppa, J.,. . . . . . 282, 288 Kuravaiféri, vi., . . . . . 161 Kurnool, di., . . 28, 79, 106, 219, 311-12 Kurram-kumta, ... . . . . . 233 Kurti, . . .
281, 287 Kuru, co.,. . Kurud pl. of Narendra, . . 156, 269 n, 306 Kuruguntapalle, vs., . . . . Kuruva-bhattärika, de.
28-29 Kuba, epic k., . . . . . 220, 227 Kulavan, . . . . . . . 176 Kushāna, dy., .
: 171, 191 Kukika, Kubikapura, 8.a. Känyakubja, ci., 177, 179 kufum, s... kufurbika, agriculturist house holder', . .
. . 243 bufumbika, do... .
307 and n, 308
.
37
.
27
PAGB Krishnamidra, at.. .
. . 184 Krishnaraya, ... Krishnadóvariya, Vijayana
gara k., . . . . . . 1120 Krishpavēnni, ..a. Krishna, ri., . . 985 Kita, peo. . . . . . 112, 184 Kshatrapa, W., dy. . . . . . 808 Kshatriya, community. . . 39-38, 68 Kahamadhanvan, myth. k.,. . 820, 824, 227 Kohomakirti, ascetic, . . . .. 117, 120 Kahitipati, ch., . . .
210-11 Kachna-ghata ikin, doncs,. . . 222, 231 Klohi, f., . . . . . 282 287 Kaohipoti, fe., .' . .
. . . 272 Kudavel-Sangamávaram ins., . . . 108 Kudde, Kuddam, Kuddámu, vi... 141-43, 145-46 Kuhundinagara, cl.. . . . 327 D Kulabokhara-Ppiramamarkyan. . . . 162 Kulottanga I, Choja . . . 160 Kamara, ch., . .
• 220, 224, 227 Kumkra, 8.4. Kärttikoya, de., 148, 149 and n,
228 Kumára, h., . . . . .
• 841 wmára, tit., . . Kumaradrona, measure, 238, 241-42, 244-45 Kumara-dvipa, I., . . • • 298-98 KumKragupta I, Gupta .. 206 and n, 806, 307 Kumara-mahapatra, off.,
. 6 n, 279 Kumdrämälya, do. . . . . 804, 808 Kumărăökuse, Renandu-Chola ch., . . 78 Kumarapala, Chaulukya k., . . . Kumarasambhavamu, tok., . . . 28 Kumarasyāmi-gumta, l., . . . 231 Kumkravarman, Kumäravarmarija, k., Kumāra-vihära, te.. . . Kumārikā, 8.a. Durga, de.,. . . Kamärivadað, vi., .
• 169 Kurdēti, f., .
284, 290 Kumuntiru-boya, Th..
80 Kinapalli, 1. i .
281, 287 Kunda, 3.a, Kundagiri, fortress, . . 89, 91 bunda, name ending, . . . 102 and n Kunda, Kunda, stream, . . 329,882 Kunda, tk., , . . . . 176 Kundagiri, L., . . .
. . 89 Kundakunde, Kundukund-Ioharya, prosp.
tor, . . . . 117, 118 and n, 119 Kundakunda-Padmanandi, do., .
. 118 Kandaya, dones, . . . . 222, 280 Kandins, ci., . . . . . . 184 Kundu, ... . . . . . . 162 Kaptagani pl. of Rsvivarman, Kuntala, co.. . . . . Kuntapäls, Chahamana ch., .
. 289 Kantt, epic q.. . . . . bipala, . .
. 63, 64 and D
. 47
1 and 1., distinguished, . . . 41, 276 1. final . . . . .
267, 327 1. rosembling Telugu k. . . . • 110
27, 327 Ladabachandra, Chandra k., . . 186 a Ladapperaraiyan, Lafa ch., . . . . 24 L&dariyar, 8.a. Lädappērsraiyar, do... 24 Lagna :
Dhanus, . Dhanus, .
. .
. .
. . . . 145
. Lähada, de.,
.
.
. 170 and a Lakhapadovi, fe., .
239 Lathapapāla, 1.a. Lakshmana-Dharmadēva,
. . . . . . 122 Lakkaráju, m., . . . . . . 200 Lakkundi, vi.. . . . . . . 182 Lakshmana, epic hero, . .
37, 39, 123 Lakshmana, 4.a. Dharmadēva, k., .
121-23 Lakshmana, do., . . . . . 37 Lakshmana, m., . . . . . 9,16 Lakshmana-Dharmadēva, k., . . 122 Lakshmana-ghatassin, donee, . , 223, 231 Lakshmapapala, k.. . . . . . 193 Lakshmanarija I, Kalachuri k., do.. . 186 n Lakshmanarija II, . . . . . 186 Lakshmanarājadēva, 8.a. Lakshmanarija
II, do. . . . . . . 187-88 Lakabmapasóna, Lakabmapasēnadëva, Sena
k.. . . . . 316-20, 322, 324 and n Lakshmana-Somayajula, donde,, . 284, 289

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363
PAGE
Lakshmanösvara, de., . . 239 Lakshmi, do. . . 39, 65, 68, 88, 90, 91 and
n, 177, 188-87, 273, 323 Lakahmt, fe., .
220, 224, 227-28 Lakshmivarman, Paramara k., .
93-94 Lakshmyamba, f., . . . 220, 224, 227 Lakulisa, de., . .
. . 80 Lakutapāņi, 6.a. Lakulisa, do., . . 80 Lalitakirti, preceptor, . . . . 117, 120 Lalitpur, t.d., .
164 Jalliks, ., .
194, 197
Lingi-ojhalu, doncs
PAGE Lāvanyadovt, Yajvapala g., . . 32 ,34, 67, 69 n Legends :
Chandra, Madanapaladevah,. . Maharaja-r-Chandraguptah, . Maharaja-bri-Hariguptasya, Rāmagula, Rāmaguptah,. . . Sri Indrarajah, Srimad-Govindachandradevah,. .
Sri Maharaja-Hariguptasya. . . . 96 Lhaudiya, Lhaudiyaka, m.,. . 238, 240, 244 Lilavaraha, boar incarnation, . . 4, 11 Ltlēšabhadra, de..
. 84 Linga, Sivalinga,
71 n, 152
284-89 Lingaya-ghata sisin, do.. . . . 223, 231 Lipikrit-kula, community of scribes,
38, 40 Löbha, 1., . . . . . .
243, 246 Lodi, dy...
- 281 Lõhadiya, coin, . . . .
238 Lõhate, off. . . 33 and n, 35, 38, 40, 68,
69 Loka-mahidēvi, .. . .
. . 272 Lokanatha, 3.a. Buddha, .
. 88 Lokanatha, ... Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa, Sailodbhava k.,
. 89 Lokarnava, Lökārnavadēva, ch., . . 61-62 Lökavibhaga, wok.. . . Lokësa, ... Brahman, de., . . . . 40 Lokēbvara, do...
• 268 Lolarks, I., . . .
. . 101 n Lolla, f. . . .
. . 282, 287 Lolla, vi.,. . . . . . 281 London, ci.. . . . . . . 252 Lõniyājödāprastara, I., . . 137, 139 n Lord, a.a. Buddha, . . . . 248-50 Lunar race, . . . 4, 6, 99, 220, 224
•
118
Prakrit, .
Languages : Apabhramsa,'. .
. . . 109 Arabic, . . .
. 122 Aramaio,
• 333 and n, 334 Bengali,
42, 44 n, 163 French,. . . • 333 and n. 334 Greek, . . .
. . 333 Hindi, . .
46, 163-64, 235 n Italian,. .
333 and n Kannada,
• 27, 55-56, 77, 108-09, 110 n, 131, 221, 257 and n, 272,
297, 299, 312, 317, 327, 328 and n Konkani, .
. . 63, 295 Malayalam, . .
. . 65 Marathi, . . . 46, 53, 55, 63, 256-56, 295 Oriya,
. 7 and n, 42, 44 n, 125-26, 181-83, 272, 276, 277 and n, 278,
292 Pili, .
. . 248-50
55-57, 96, 99-100, 118, 147, 189-90, 194, 239, 248-49, 272,
333-35 Sanskrit,
. 3, 5, 6, 20, 27, 31, 36, 42, 46, 55, 62, 66, 79 and n, 80, 83, 85 n, 88 n, 87, 93, 99, 100, 118, 121, 125, 131, 134, 141, 147-48, 150, 153, 165, 164, 181 and n, 182, 186, 192, 199, 204, 210, 220, 235 n, 239, 248-49, 253 and n, 254, 260-61, 263-84, 273, 275-76, 277 and n, 278 and n, 285, 292-93,
297, 303, 306, 311, 316, 327 Tamil, . . . . 8. 23, 56-56, 159,
199, 200 n, 201, 203 n Teluga,
6-8, 27, 64 n, 55-56, 79 and n, 104, 110-13, 128, 148 n,
181 n, 182, 272 n, 276-78, 281 Lar pl. of V.8. 1202,
176 n Lasāmika-tataka, lake,
. 233 Låta, co., . . . .
24 Tata, peo. . . .
162, 164 Latuva-jataka, wk., .
. 80 Lavanaprasáda, Vaghela k.. . . . . 117
.
M
. . . 131 7, final, .
62, 87, 103, 121, 160, 215 m, final, substituted by anusvara, . . 3, 36, 160,
276 m, final, used for anusvära,
. 66, 210 m and p, written alike, . . . 209 m, reduplicated when following
215 m, used for final m. . . . . . 264 ma, l. m., . . . . . . 174 1 Machhlfshahr pl. of Harischandra, . mäda, coin, . . . 55-56, 143, 146 Madkha-vishaya, di.,. . . . Madakasira, tk., . . . .
. 77 Madakasira, tn., . . . . . 77, 78 n
123

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.
53
• 318
.
.
12
PAGE Madaläpāriji, wk., . . 2 n, 6, 264, 272 n
. . . . . 65-56 Madama, Macamma, m., .
267-58 Madana, 6.a. Madanapala, Rashtraküfa ch., 122 Madanakirti, au, . .
118 Madanapădă pl. of Visvarūpasõna, 316-18, 319.
21, 323 n Madanapala, Gähadavala k., . . 176-77, 179, Madanapala, m., . . . . • 243, 246 Madanapala, Rashfraksta ch.. • 122 Madanpur pl. of Srichanda,
. 134-38 Madárda-vishaya, t.d., . . . . 84 Madaripur, do... . .
. 321 Maddali, f. . . .
. . 289 Midēvar, ch., . . .
• 24 madha, s.a. mäda, coin, .
143, 181 n Madhkinagar pl., . . Madha-ojhalu, donee, . . 284, 290 Madhariputa, metronymic, • 148, 190-91 Madhava, ch.
. . . 24n Madhava, de.,
. Madhava, donee, . . .
10, 17 Madhava, m., . .
• 142, 148 Módhavapura, I., . Madhavārya, donee,
. . . 62 Madhavavarman II, Sailodbhava k., . . 52 Madhukāmārņnava, E. Ganga k.,. . . 144 Madhukąávara, de., . 71 and n, 72-75, 76 and n Madhukēśvara, m., . . . . 76 and n Madhusrava, vi.. . . . . 162-84 Madhusudana, de, Madhvāchārya, philosopher, Madhva philosophy, . . . . 300 Madhvarya, .a. Madhavärya, donet, Madhya Pradesh, state, , 57, 93, 96 n, 121, 155, 163, 186, 196, 205, 208-09, 215 and n,
217, 306 Madras Museum pl. of Balliya-choda, . . 27 Madras Museum pl. of Bhaktiraja, 219-20,
224-26 Madras Museum pl. of Bhuvanatrinētra, . 27 Madras Museum pl. of Uttamachola, . 24 n Madras, state,
169.60 Maduguri, f.,
282, 287 Madurai, ca.. . . .
. . 152, 173 Madurai, di.. . .
. . 174 n Magadha, co., . . . , 95, 170-71, 280 magani, . . . . . . 173 Maghädēviya. ska, vk., . . . 60 Mahabharata, do. . . . . . 286n Mahabhavagupta, tit., . . . . . 265 Mahabhavagupta-Janamējaya I, Somavami A., . .
. . . 270-71
PAGE Mahabodhi, o.a. Bodhgaya,. . . 336 Mabãchim , ., .
•
267 n Mahadā pl., . . . Mahadeva, ch., . . .
23 and n, 24 Mahadēva, de.,. . . .
108, 113, 167 Mahadeva, m., . .
. 183, 185 Mahadēva, Kakatiya k.. .
. 106 Mahadeva-dvija, 6.a. Siva-dvija,
203 Mabidēvi, fe., dov, J., . .
.
. .
220, 224, 327 Mahadevi, . . . . . . 97 Mahadtvi, tit.,
. 148 mahadharmonádkyaksha, off.,
324 Mahkjayarāja, 8.0. Jayarāja, Sarabhapura k., 165-67 Mahakali-bhatlu, donee
. 282, 288 Mahakali-bhatlu, do.,
. 288 Mahäkosala, co..
254 n Mahakosala, Kosala k., . . 170-71 Mahakaha, s.a. Mahakshapatalika, off. 137, 140 Mahakshapa falika, do.
137, 139, 264 Mahakshapa falin, 6.a. Mahakshapatalika, do. 268 Mahakshatrapa, tit., . . . . . 306 Mahakumára, do.. . . . . 93-94 Mahikūtēsvars te. ins., . . 272 Mahalaya amavasya,. .
. . 103 Mahamada, ... Muhamad bin Tughlug Shāh,
Sulfan of Delhi, . . . 71, 73-74 Mahimada, do... . . . . Mahamahattaka, off... .
• 319 Mahamanda, Mahamandadēva, ch.,
122-24 Mahamandalesvara, tit. . . 131-32, 208 Mahamätra, off... Mahamayi te., . .
. .
286 Mahanadi, ri. . . Mahanastha, Mathanasinha, m., . 243, 246 Mahapatra, tit., . . . Mahapratihära, off.. . Maharaja, Maharaja, scribe, 33, 36, 38, 40, 172 Maharaja, tit., . 50, 97, 207 n, 208, 304-05,
307 and a Maharajadhiraja, do., . 43, 45, 71, 112, 116, 128,
136, 139, 142, 145, 177, 179, 193, 196-97, 206, 216-17, 235, 264, 266, 268
304 and n, 306 Maharajakula, do. . . . . 46, 48 Maharajapura, ep. . . . 197, 239, 244 Maharaja-Sarvanatha-bhoga, t.d.,. . 167-70 Maharashtra, co., . . . . . 184n Maharashtra-mandala, t.d., . . . 71, 74 mahari, mahari, mahari, mehari, dancing girl'. . . .
. . 245, 272 Maharima-Hänadovi, . . . . .204.67
Maharanda, de... . . . 36, 39 and n 1. Maldna, 4.a. Mahdsandhivigrahika, of... 137,146
.
. 299

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365
•
250
PAGE Mahdadmantadhipali, tit., . . . . 170 Mahasamantaraja, do.,' . . . 122, 124 Mahasandhivigrahika, Mahasandhivigrahika, ofl., 137, 139, 236-37, 312, 314, 319, 324,
328, 329. 332 Mahasenapati, do.. . . . . 139, 324 Mahasena, de., . . . . . . 88 Mahäsivagupta-Balárjuna, Panduvansi k., 169, 265 Mahasivagupta, 3.a. Karpadēva, Sõmavansi
. 264, 266, 274 Mahasivagupta-Yayati I, do.. . 52-53, 270-71 Mahadivagupta II, do.. . . . . 270 Mahasivagupta III, 8.a. Chandihara Yayāti III, do.,. . .
. . 271 Mahästhan, I., . . .
. . 137 Mahāsudēvarāja, Sarabhapura k.,. . . 156 Mahätalavara, off. . . . .148 and n Mahavamba, wk., .
248 n, 249 mahavihara, . .
. . . 264 Mahavihäraväsin, ep., .
247-48 mahavinayadhara, Mahavira, divinity, ,
46-49 Mahavyuhapati, off...
· 139 Mahāyāna, wect, , ,
260-61, 265 Mahbubnagar, di.,
. . 106, 111 Mahendra, 8.a. Rajamahēndra, ca., . . 2 Mahondrichala, mo., . . . . 143 Mahëndriditya, Gupta k. .
307-08 Mahôndrapala I, Gurjara-Pratthara k... 135 and n Mahesvara, 8.a. Siva, de., . . 43, 74, 75 and n,
128, 142, 266 MAhēkvara, sect, . . .
199, 202, 204 Mahesvaraputra, ep... . . . 127, 129 Mahichandra, Gahadavāla k.,
177-78 Mahidbara, min., . .
. . 164 Mahlmada, . a. Muhamad bin Tughluq, Sultan
of Delhi, . . . . . . 71, 73, 75 Mahimana-choda, Tel.-Choda k.. Mahindra, Mahendra, 8.a. Rajamahindra, co., 2 Mahindrapala, 8. a. Mahendrapala, Gurjara. Pratihara k., .
135 n Mahipala I, Pala k., .
. 136, 298 Mahipala II, do.. . . . . 181 Mahfpatiya, Mahfpatiyaka, 1., . , 241, 244 Mahishamardini, Mahishasuramardini, de., . 110,
112 Mahishmati, ci.,. .
. . 184 n Mahmud I, Khalji Sultan,
. . 280 Mahudi pl. of Bhoja,.
215, 217 n Mahanadēvt, fe... .
. . 272 Mailära-ghatakäsin, donee, . . 223, 231 Mailavarapu, f.
285 290 Mainamati, I.. . .
136 n Maitraka, do.. . . . . . 209, 805
eno..
.
.
ΡΑΟΥ Majhgawam pl. of Hastin,. .
1680 Male, Mala, 8.. Malla, off., . . 72-73, 78 and n Maladhars, ., .
. 32, 85 Malsinidu, t.d... Melapo, 8.a. Malla, off. . . 72, 76 n Malars, ti,
88-84 Malaya, Co.,
. 95-96, 280 Malayamárutakavi, m., .
112 Malēpádu pl. of Punyakumara,. . Malga, vi.. .
. . 200, 211 Malik, master', . . Malik Qivimuddin Qutlugh Khin, off., . Malhadāss, m., . . . . . 151, 153 Mälhana, do. . . . . . 178, 180 Matkapuram ins., Malkhed, tr., . .
. . 162 Malla, off... . . 72-74, 76 and n, 76 Malladatta, m., . . . . . 293, 295 Mallaks, ..a. Malla, off, Malla-kshetra, I.,
.
. 232 Mallamarāju, m., .
. . . 291 Mallana, donee, .
9, 17 Mallans, m., . . .
9, 17 Mallan-arya, do. .
· 8, 16, 17 Malla-ojhalu, donee, . 283-84, 289-90 Mall-avadhānulu, do...
• 282, 287 Mallaya, do.. . .
. 222, 230 Mallaye, m., . . . . . 9, 16 Mallaya-ghata sasin, donee, .
221-22, 280 Mallaya-rishthin, donor, . 142 and n, 143,
145-46 Mallar, vi., . . . . . . 155, 209 Mallar pl. of Jayaraja, . . . . 155 Mallar pl. of Mahākivagupta Balörjuna, 169, 262 Mallar pl. of Vyāghrarāja, . . . . 209 Malli-bhatta, donee, . . . . 222, 230 Mallika Kamadina, 8.a. Malik Qivamuddin
Qutlugh Khăn, of, . . . . 71, 74 Mallika, fe., . . . . . 5, 7, 13 Mallikarjuna, Vijayanagara k., . , .280 Mallikarjuna-matha, . . .
105n Mallikarjuna-panditārādhya, preceptor, . 104 and n,
105, 106 and n, 107 Mallinātha, Mallināthadeva, 8.a. Siva, de., 127-29 Mallu-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 281, 287 Mallu-bhatlu, do., . . . 282, 287-88 Mallu-bbatta, do..
• 8,16 Mellu-bhatta, m.,
. 9, 15 Mallu-somayajilu, do.. . . . 282, 287 Malowli, vi.. . .
. . 64 Malwa, co. . . 93 97, 192, 254, 280 Malwa, East, 1.d. . . . 95, 96 n, 300 Malwa, Wust, do.. Malyala, J., . . . . 281, 287
307

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.
Gala, CO.,
.
.
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207
• 304
PAGE Malyāla-Gauda, ch.. . . ... 111 Malyavanta, mo. .
. . 224 Mamohi-bhatla, J., . .
284, 290 Mamchi-bhatlu, donce, .
283, 288 Mam dadapu, S.,. . . 281, 284, 287, 290 Marjeti, do., . . . . 282, 287 Māna, do., .
. . 85 Managoļi ins. of 1161 A.D.,.
309-10 Mānamätra-Durgarāja, Sarabhapura k., Månavāyani, S...
204, 208 Mänavya-bakula, 'lunar race', . . 220, 227 Manbhum, tr., . . .
. 85 Mandaka, ca., . mandala, 'district,
. . 169 mandalacharya, tit.,
117, 120 mandalaganin, do..
117, 120 mandalapati, off.,
. . . 139 mandapika, 'customs office', . . . 243 Mandaśarman, N., .
. : 80 Mandasor, l.. . .
205 and n, 206 Mandasor ins... .
• 208 Mandasor ins. of Bandhuvarman,
• 206 Mandasor ins. of Gauri,
. . 205 Mandasor ins. of V.8. 598,. Mandasor ins. of Yasovarman,
171 n Mandasor ins. of 473 A.D., . Mandhata pl. of Jayasimha,
. . . 195 Mandhuk ins. of Gopāla II, .
136 Måndū, ca., - . . Mangake, engr.,. Mangalachandi, 8.a. Ganamangalachands, de.. . .
.
127-29 Mangalēša, W. Chalukya k., . . . 294 Mangalore, tk.,. .. . . . 299 Mānganti, Mängamti, f., . . . 284, 289 Mānighapura, 8.a. Mānikpur, I., . .
· 176 Manikarnika, Manikarpikā Ghāt, l., 106, 107-08 Manikganj, t.d., . . . . . . 138 Manikpur, vi., .
. . . 176 marijadi, wt., . . . . . 162 and n Mankuwar image ins., . . . 307 n Manne ins. . . . . . 118 n Mannēpalli ins., Manne pl. of Saka 724, . 324, 329, 330 and n Manrādi, . . . .
. 174-75 Mansehra, I., . . . . . . 334 Mantamaraka, do., , .
. . . 211 Mantenna, 8.a. Manthani, in.. . Manthani, do., . .
. 104, 106 n Manthani ins. of Saka 1121, . . . 106 n Manthanya-Gunda, 8.a. Gunda, ch. . 104 Mantrakata, Mantrakūtanagari, Mantrakatapura, 8.a. Manthani, tn.. . 104-06, 106 n,
107 Mantrakata-Gopljanavallabha, de., 105, 108
Manttona, 6.a. Manthani, tn., .
• 104 Manttena.Gunda, 3.a. Gunda, ch., . 104 Manucharitramu, wk., . . 112 n, 114 and n Manusmriti, do., . . . . . . 50 n Mänyakhota, 6.a. Malkhód, ca.,
125, 162 Māpaya-näyaka, feud.,
142 n, 143, 146 Mára, 8.a. Mārakka-arasa, do., . 268 Māra-bhatta, m., .
. 232 Māraka-arasa, Mārakka-arasa, feud., . Márakke-arasa, 6.a. Mārakka-arasa, do., 257-58 Marapachemga-kahētra, l., . . . 232 Mārabarman, m., , , , 311, 814 Mārasimha, Ganga k.. . . . 132 Märavarman Srivallabha, Pandya k., 160 and n Märavarman Sundara-pandya II, do., 160 and n Māraya, donee,. Māraya-ghatabāsin, do., Marichi, m., . . . . . . 220, 226 Märkandaśarman, donee, .
• 216, 218 Märkandēšvara, de.. . .
. 181-85 Märkande vara te., . . . 181 and n, 183-84 Märkandeya Purana, wk., . , .
206 Markara pl. of Avinita,
. . 118 n marri, 'banyan tree', . . . . 276 Marturu, l.m., .
. . 111 Māru-bhatlu, donee,
. . 283, 289 Marwar, i.d., . .
47 n, 238 mashaka, coin,
. . 143 Matangarāja, 8.a. Gajapati, Mathanasimha, ., . .
. . 243 Mathapati, 'superintendent of monastery,
or 'chief priest', . 47 and n, 48-49, 241, 244 Mathura, ca., . .
. . 32 Māthura, m., .
260-62 Mathura, Māthura-Kāyeatha, community, 31,
33, 35-36, 38, 40,
65, 67-69 matikadhara, ep., .
. 250 matra, mätra-gana, . . . , 300 Mātrikarman, done. . . . . . 170 Matsya Purana, wok., . . 106 n, 137n Maukhari, dy.. . . . . . . 211 Maurya, do.. . . . 171, 293-95, 333 Māvāli, vi.. . . . . . . 258n Māyalar, do.,
. . 311-12 Mayalur pl. of Chalukya Vijayaditya,. 311 Mayidavolu pl. of Pallava Sivaskandavarman,
190 Mayuragiri, l.. . . . . . .
59 Mayūrakhandi, ci.. . . . . .
330 Mayurbhanj, di., . . . . Médinikosha, wk.. . . . . 172 Mëdinimisaraganda, ep. . . . 114 Medūra-thala, o.a. Medori-elman, t.d., 286, 292
. .
86 273
•
28

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INDEX
367
PAGI
37
.
.
.
192
.
27€
PAGE Méduri-siman, do.. .
. . 6 n, 285 Mēduru, vi., .
. . . 285 Meerut, di., Mēbār pl. of Damodars, . MEhara, 'village headman', . . 194, 197 méhari, dancing girl,' 239-42, 244 and n, 245 Malachchēri, I., . . . 160 n Mellelutan,. . .
. . 175 Mélpādi, vi.,
. .. 112 Mēnă, fe.,. .
i 154 menti, 'chief' or 'headman',
257 n Mērutunga, au., . . . . . . 194 Metaku, J., . . . . . 285, 290 Metres : Anushfubh, 4, 11, 21, 33, 39, 68, 71, 84, 90,
103, 119, 123, 138, 143, 147, 149, 153, 156, 178, 187, 199,
217, 226, 266,286 n, 292 n, 321 Arya, 21, 39, 68, 119, 143, 187, 226, 266, 321 Aupachchhandasika, . . . . : 39 Drutavilambita, . . . . . 178 GTU, . . 11, 21, 68, 143, 226, 316, 321 Harint, . . . . . . 11, 153 Indravajra, 11, 39, 119, 138, 178, 217, 226,
266 Kanda,
. . . . . 111 Malabharini,. . .
. 11, 21 Matini, .
33, 39, 119, 143, 226 Mandakranta, . . 33, 39, 163, 321 Pankis, . . Praharshini,
. . . . 90 Prithvi,. . Pushpitägrå, . . .
138, 217, 226, 321 Rathoddhatā,. .
. 39, 226, 266 Salini, . 11, 21, 217, 226, 266, 292 n Sårdülavikridita, . 11, 21, 39, 71, 119, 123, 188, 143, 153, 178, 187, 211, 289,
285 n, 286 n, 321 Sragdharà, 11, 147, 149, 153, 187, 211, 321 Svăgată, . . . . . . 11 Udgiti, . . . . . . . 226 Upajäti, . 11, 21, 33, 39, 68, 138, 153, 187, 266 Vamiastha, . . . 39, 143, 266, 280 Vasantatilakā, . 11, 21, 33, 39, 68, 90, 123,
138, 143, 153, 178, 187, 217,
268, 269, 292 n, 321 meykkadu-ål. . .
. . 173 Midnapur, di.,. .
. 265 Miga-jätaka, wk., . Mihirakula, Hana k... Minavar, dy., . Minhajuddin, ax., . Mirti, vi.,. . Mirzapur, di., . . . .
Mitakshara, wk.. . .
213 Mitra, dy., . . .
. . . 100 Mlēcbcha, 4.a. Arab Muslim, peo., . 162, 164 Mléchchha, 8.a. Turkish Muhammadan, do., 37, 46 Modasa, tk., . . . . . Módásá, tn.,
. . 193 Mödu, Modu-kshtra, I., . . . . 232 Mohada-visaka, 8.2. Modāsā, do., .
193 Möhada-vásaka, Mohadavāsaka-vishaya, di, 193
198-97 Mohapasuta, n., . . . . . . 4€ Mohidinapuram, 1., . . . . . 7€ mõndugu, bastard teak', . . Months (Indian):
142 and Purpimanta,. . 31, 36, 47, 142 n, 210 Chaitra, . 27, 37, 88, 91, 102, 121, 195-96, 235-36,
241 Chitta, «.a. Chaitra, . . . . . 294 Vaisakha, 50, 60, 42, 44 and n, 123, 159,
176, 277, 286, 311, 314, 328, 331 Jyēshtha, .ln, 83 2-63, 172 and n, 193, 196, 210, 213 and n, 242,
306, 308 Ashādha, 3, 47, 110, 112, 141, 195, 239, 812 Srāvana, . 63-64, 101-02, 216-17, 239, 811 Bhadra, Bhadrapada, 8 n, 101-04, 108, 196,
217, 239, 243, 246, 319, 326 Assuja, Akvayuja, Asvina, 40-47, 48 and n,
103-04, 134, 140,
216, 218, 264, 268, 319, 320 Kärttika, 47 and n, 71, 73-75, 93, 102, 141,
142 and n, 145, 155-56, 158, 187, 176-77, 179, 220, 229
239, 241, 244-46 Märga, Märga sira, . 31, 36, 114-15, 142 n, 156,
182, 196, 225 n, 299, 321 Pausha, 36, 40, 123, 225, 234, 239, 242, 245 Mágha, 1 n, 125-27, 129, 148-49, 196-98, 216,
243, 299, 302 Phālguna, . 2, 47, 131, 133 and n, 194 Kumbha, . . . 199, 202 Madhu, s.a. Chaitra, .. . ... 88 Makara,. . . . . . . 200 Mirichchika, 8.a. Vrischika, . 169, 161 Suchi, . . . . . .
. 14 Sachi, 1.a. Ashādha. Suchi, s.c. Jyështha, Tapesya, . .
279 n Vrischika, . .
299, 302 Months (Fuglith) :
January, . . 1, 123, 143, 195-96, 218, 243 February, .In, 125, 131-32, 194, 199, 280, 299 Phebravari, 1.a. Febrtiary,
.
.
.
60
.
:
302

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIII
Pags
.
.
. 821
PAGs mundiri, ..., . . . . . 174 n Muñjs, Paramara k.. 132, 169, 192, 194-95 Munshiganj, t.d., . . mura, l.m., . . . . . . 148, 148 Murärimisra, au.. . . . . 184n Muaw 18, 1.d., . . . . 186 and h Musalman, Muslim, peo., 6, 32, 37, 72-73, 106,
117, 123, 223, 280 Musanagar ing., . . . . . 99-100 Musundri, .
. . . . 220 Musundru, ca., . .
. . . 223 Mysore State, 87, 89, 108, 110, 118, 125, 181,
133, 219 n, 257, 280, 309
March,
20, 37, 102, 121, 195-96, 241 April, 123, 159 n, 176, 235, 242, 277, 311,
328, 330 May. . . . . 20, 172, 193, 196 Juno, . . . 3, 110, 142, 195, 239, 330 July. . . . . . . . .239 August, . . . . . 101-02, 243 September, . 8 n, 46, 109, 181 n, 195, 216-17,
241, 243 October, .
31, 93, 142 and n, 143 November, 35-36, 71, 159, 182, 196, 226 n,
242, 299, 330 December, . . 46, 114, 132, 195, 330 Moragiri, 8.a. Mayuragiri, l.,
. . 59 Möramtādu, vi... . .
. 285, 291 Mother goddess, . . . 32, 36, 88, 101 Mrigēsa, Mrigētavarman, Kadamba k., 54, 68,
88, 90 Muchalinda, Muchilida, Naya k.,. . 59 Muohchênapalli, l., .
232 Madabidure ins. of Baka 1362, . . 2, 279 Muddali, f. . . .
. . . 283 Mudhaisiha, Mudhaisimha, m., . 165, 166 and n Mudikáva, rank or stream, . Mudiratha, s.a. Mudrähasta, off. Mudrahasta, do. . . . 183, 186 and n mudra-vyāpära,. . . . 164, 165 Mudumbe, I., . . . . 329, 330-31 Mudunüru, vi., . . 221, 225, 232 Mugapakiya-játaka, . . Mugdhatunga, Kalachuri k., .
186-87 Muggullu, vi.. . .
10, 11, 18 Muhammad, n., . .
122 Muhammad bin Tughluq Shih, Sultan of
801
.
60
Delhi,
m, archaic form, . . . . 23, 181, 248
. . . . 247, 278, 827 , reduplicated when following , . . 214 Nabhäga, myth. k., . . . 202 Nabhas, do.,
220, 227 näda, . . . . Nidari-pugalan-Tiruvalal, 8.. Stargavatal,
1., . . . . . . . 162 and Nadol, ci., . . .
... 298-42 nadu, 8.a. Pangala-nidu, i.d., '
. 23 Nadukuri-boya, 8., Sarvašarman, .,
80 Nädala, 8.a. Nādol, ci., . . 193, 248, 245 Näga, dragon',.
. Näga, dy... .. . 59. 252, 268, 266-68 Någa-bhatlu, donte, . . . . 281, 287 Någa-bhatlu, do..
. . 281, 287 Nagadēva, min., . . . . . 82, 84 Någadēva-kshētra,l.,. .
. 282 Nagadraha-paschima-pathaka, di.. . 216 Någå-dvivēdulu, dones, . . . 283, 289 Nagaja, 8.2 Pärtati, de.. . . . Naga-jataka, wk., , . . . Någamayya, n. . . . . . . 201 Någana, vi. . .
. 44 Nagani-Bhimapura, 8.a. Nägana, do.. 44, 45
and a Näganath&kvara te., . .
. . 44 Nāgan-arya, donce, . . . . 9, 16 Nägan-arya do., . .
9, 16 Nägapadda, 1., . . . . . 293, 296 Nagaraja,' king of dragons', , . . 59 Nägaršja, Nagal. . Nagarakhita, Nagarakshita, Buddhist monk, 68 nagarika,. . .' . . 67-58 Nagarjuna, Buddhist Siddha, . . . 89 Nagarjuna, off., . . . . 181-83
228
•
Muhammad Ghüri, Muslim k., Muhammadan, peo.. . 33, 111, 117, 122-23, 225,
272, 280 Muhura, l. . . . . 280 and n, 281
Mika pañchasati, wk., . . . Mukkolani, S., . . . 283-84, 288, 290 Mukku-Timmana, Mukku-Timmaya, 8.a.
Nandi-Timmana, au. . . . 111-13 Mukti-bhatlu, donee, . . . 281, 287 Malapatră, vi., . , .
139 n Malarāja I, Chaulukya k., . , 196, 235 Mülarāja II, do., . .
. 117, 118, n, 119 Mulákala, Mulkala, vi., - .
221, 225 Mülavasatikā, te., . .
117, 120 Mullapadi, do.,. . . . . 285 Mulukaluri, f., . .
284, 289 Murdlapurdi, vi,
285, 291 Muthnangi, Munnang, do...
281, 287 Munasanga, sculptor,. .
79-80
80
966

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INDEX
369
PAGE
PAGE
79-81
Nandaganga, 8.a. Nannaganga, m., 137, 140 n Nandagiri, R., . .
. . 58 Nandampundi pl. of Pratāparudra,
. . 278 n Nandana, o.a. Nānāņā, vi., . . 239, 240, 243 Nandapur, ca., .
. . . 278-79 Nandi-Kampēsvara, ch.,
. . . 23 n Nandikonda, l., . .
. 147 Nandin, . . .
. 80 Nandippottaraiyar, 8.a. Nandivarman III, Pallava k.. . . .
23 n Nandisangha-pataveli, wk., . . . 119 Nandi-Siragana, m., . . . . . 112 Nandigvara, do., . . Nandi Timmane, au., . . . . 111-12 Nandivarman III, Pallava k., . 23 n, 78 Náninga, Näninga, ch., . . . 33, 35 Nanji-nidu, 6.d., . . .
160 n Nanna, Nannaraja, Panduvamdi k., . . 265 Nannaganga, 8.a. Nandaganga, m., . 137, 140 Nannapayya, do.,
. . . Nannarāja, Panduvamsi k., 251, 252 n, 254 Nanne-choda, k., . . . .
- 28 Narabari-bhatlu, donee., . . . 282, 288 Narahari-bhatlu, do.,. . . . 283, 289 Narahari-bhatta, do.,. . . 223, 231 Närandapa, Nārandapa-grāma, vi . 318, 328 Narasa, Vijayanagara k., . . 199, 202 Narasanayaka, do., .
. . 111 Narasaraopet, tk., . . . 5n, 28 Narasimgadēva, 8.a. Narasimha III, Hoysala
. . . . 109 Narasimghadēva, 8.a. Narasimha I, E. Ganga
.
147-48, 171, 189, 190 n,
247-49 Nagarjunakonda ins. of Fhavalasri's time, 147 Nagarjunikonda ins., . 171, 248 n., 249 Någasammamnika, fe., .
190-91 Någasvamin, Nägasvimibarman, m., 210, 212 Nagaudh State,. .
- 67, 167 Någavarapu, S., .
• 282, 288 Naghusha (Nahusha), 8.a. Mahabhavagupta
MI, Sõmavan i k., . . . . 270-71 Nägila, fe., . . . . . . 59 Nägilarnaka, m., . . . . 190-91 Nagod State, . .
• 121 Nagpur, ci., . .
252-54, 256 Nagpur Museum pl. of Mahābhavagupta I Janamējaya,. . .
41 n Nahusha, myth. k., , .
202 Nahusha, o.a. Mahābhavagupta III, Sõmavamo.
k.. . . . . . . 270 n, 271 Naiņapāla, Nainasimha, off 72-74, 76 and n Nakkakumta, Nakkakunta 1.. . 221,232 Nakshatras; Mrigasira,
. 125, 127, 129 Rēvati,
. 199, 202 Rohini,..
73-75, 88, 91, 145 Tiruvānam, .
159, 161 and n Uttar., 8.a. Uttarabhadrapada, . . 131, 133
Uttarabhadrapada, . . . . 210, 214 Nala, f. . . . .
. . 294 Nals, myth. k., . . 66, 201-02, 220, 227 Nalagiri, 6.. Narwar, ca., . . 36, 39 NĀlandi ins. of the reign of Yasovarmadēva, . 190 n NÅlandā pl. of Dēvapāla, . . . 60 Nálandó pl. of Samudragupta, . . 304 n Nalapura, o.a. Narwar, ca... 31-32, 33 ind , 34,
36, 66, 163 Nalapura-dnega, 8.a. Narwar fort, . 164 nálgamunda, off . nálgamtsadu, do..
. . 133 Nili, f. . . . .
.. . 282, 288 nali, measure, . .
162 Nalla-Bhima, ch., .
220, 224, 227 Nallakampa-vithi, n. of street,
199, 203 Nallamalai, Eastern, hill range, . . 79 Naltr, vi.,
161 Nämävall, tok.. . . 201, 203 and n, 204 Namdāņā, 3.a. Nandāņā, vi.. . . 244-46 Nihvai, m.,
. .
. 47-49 NII, L., . . . Nån ins., . . . . N&ns, m., .
. . 183, 185 Nanaka, 8.a. Nāņa, I., . . Nänāņā, vi.. .
238 and n., 239-43 Nanana pl. of 1164 A.D., . . 239, 241-42
53
..
.
131-32
Narasimha, donee, . . . . 9, 17 Narasimha, m... . . . . 8, 15 Narasimha, do... .
. 9, 15 Narasimha I, E. Ganga k., . 42, 43, 44 and n,
126-28 Narasimha II, do.. Narasimha III, do.. . 4 n, 41-42, 44 n, 183 Narasimha IV, do. - 4 n, 42, 44 n, 182 and n Narasimha, I, Hoysala k., . . .
108-09 Narasimha II, do.. . . . .
108-09 Narasimha Ill, do. . . . . 108-09 Narasimha, Vijayanagara k., . . 114-18 Narasimha bhatlu, donee.,. . . 281-287 Narasimha-bhatlu, do.,
284, 289 Narasimhadeva, 3.a. Narasimha I, E. Ganga
k., . . . . . . . 42, 45 n. Narasimhbariya-nāyakkar, ch., . . . 200 Narasimh-arya, m., . . . . 9, 17 Narasimha somayājulu, do., . . 284, 289! Narasimh-avadhanalu, doner, . . 283, 289 Narasimh-ojhalu, do. . . . . 283, 288

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•
97
.
86
Narasinghadēva, 6.4. Narasithha I, E.
Ganga k., . . . . . 44-45 Narasinghpur (Balijhari) pl. of Udyota
kboarin, . . . . 264, 266 n Naravarman, 6.a. Ngivarman, Yajuapala k., 36, 39 Nkrávattaka, s. of a well, .
. 241, 244 Nariyana, doncs,
222, 230 Narayana, m.. .
199, 202 Nariyapa, off...
183, 186 Nåriyana-bhatlu, donec,
281, 287 Nårāyana-bhatta, do., .
9,16 Narayana-dvivēdin, do.,
.281 Nariyaņa-dvivēdula, f.,
284, 286 Narayana-dvivēdulu, donee, .
282, 288 Narayana-ghata sisin, do.,
. 221, 230 Narayanan, m... .
. . 162 Nirayanpur ins.
. 136, 298 Narėgal, vi.. . :
287-58 Narēndra, Sarabhapura k... 156, 250, 309 Naröndrasena, k.,
. . 260 Naroyatgal, o.a. Narëgal, vi.. . 257-58 drop duundu, off. . .
• 132 Narmadá, ri., . .
88-90 Narwar, Narwargarh, fort, 31-33, 36-37, 38, 66-86,
68, 163, 165 Narwar ins. of V.S. 1339,
. . . . 33, 36 Nasik cave ins... .
. . . 59 Nita, m., . . .
• 194, 197 Natta-kulya, l., .
• 232 Naubalahastyasuagomahishajåvikadivyäprita,
of.. . . . . . . 100, 033 Nava-Durgā, 6.a. Durgā, de.. . . . 32 Navakoti-Karnata-Kalavarg-isvara, tit., . 278, 292 Navakoti-Karpát-ésvara do., . . 128-29 Navangn-Sathu-Sasana-atha-uyajana-vinichha. ya-visarada, ep., . .
. . 248 navanga, . . . . . . . 247 Navasähasankacharila, wk., . . . 194-95 Navavidha-Dēvi, 8.a. Durga, de., . . 32 Naya-bhatta, Nägayabhatta, m.,. . 9, 15 Nayaka, 'royal off, or ruling ch.',. 4, 6-7, 12 Niyakapāla, m.,.
. 172 Noomuch, vi., . .
205 Nallika, n.,
62-63 Nellore, di..
28, 200 • Nellore, in.. .
. 78 Nēmi-grāma, vi.. . . . 83, 86 Nēmijinădhisa-tirtha, 8.a. Girnar, holy place, 119 Nënpal, Nēņapilo, 8.a. Nainapāla, off... 72, 75 n Nerur pl. of Vijayaditya, . . • 321 and n Nēsarikā gr. of Saka 727, . . 327 n, 330 and n Neulpur pl. of Subhakara,. . . . 265 ni, s.a. nibaddha or nirikshita, . . 137, 140 nibadilha, 'net to time,
.
300
ΡΑΟΣ Nichoh war, s.o. Ichobhawar, vi., . . Nidhana, 1.,
.
163, 164 n Nidhanpur pl. of Bhiskaravarman,
162 n Nidhivars, off... . . .
83-84 Nijābbe, fe., . .
131, 133 nibara, 'omall amount of rent on gift land", 152.54 NIJA, fo., . . .
38, 38 Nilakamanda, m., .
183, 185 nilakkanam, remittance,
173-74 Nilan-Kavap, ., .
• 174 Nilgund pl. of Vikramiditys VI,
• 310 Nimach, tn., .
• 38 Nimar, di.,
93-94 Niralo, Niralo-grama, vi.,
182-84 Nirajanaguru, Mh.,
.240 Niravadya-Punyavallabha, off.. .
• 312 Nirdoshs, do.. .
207-08 nirvana, . .
• 261 Nishadhs, peo.. . . nitya-fraddha, ceremony,
. 104 nivartana, L.97... . . . 87, 89, 91 and a Niyogi Brāhmapa, sect, Niyuktadhikarika, off., Nolamba-Pallava, S... Nolambavādi, i.d., Nollipayya, Nolamba-Pallava ch., . 77 and n Nollipaypa, 8.a. Diliparasa, do.. . . . 77 n Nondiyajo-Jayastara, I.,
137, 139 Nori, f., . . .
. . 283, 289 Noriya, Nõriyaka, 1... Nossam, vi., . .
. . 311 Nriga, myth k...
. 202 Nrisimha-suri, m.,
. 9, 16 Nrivarman, Yajvapala k., 32, 33, 34, 36, 38, 40, 86
and n, 69 Nalgéri, oi., . . . . . . 258 Numerals:
Telugu. Telugu-kannada. . 2, 275, 285 n, 286 n,
287 n, 288 n, 289, 291 n Namkana-ghata sisin, doncs, . . 222, 230 Nusratuddin Tayasii, gen., . . . . 37 Nyāya :
Bhumichchhidra-nyaya, . . 137, 140, 319 Nyayapadra-saptadakaka, di., .
218
o and , medial, written alike, . . 3, 276 0, modial, . . 20, 192, 209, 220, 276, 299 Obhala-ghata sasin, donee, . . 222, 231 Odali, . . . . . . . . 283, 288 Oddadi, vi.
.
. . 270 Odde, f. . . . . . 21, 183, 287-88 Odra. pen., . . . .
86, 152. 164

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ΡΑΟΣ
•
169
PAGE Ondana, Ondina-mandala, i.d.. . 199-200, 202 Ondarai-mandalikara-ganda, Ondane-mandalikara-ganda, ep. .
• 200 and n Ongole, tk., .
. . . 189 Orayür, ci.,
. . 28 n Orissa State,
. 1-4, 6-7, 41-42, 82, 84
85, 106, 126-28, 143, 152-53, 181, 253 n, 263, 273, 275-76, 278,
280, 316 Oriya, peo.. .
. . . 126 Oriya Brahmana,
Palliga, h..
•
291
Palanpur pl. of Bhimadēva I . . 285-86 PAlavida, 6.a. Paliad, vi.. . . . 286-37 Palayatthāna-vishaya, 1.d.,. . . Paliad, vi.. . . . . . . 236-86 pali-dhuaja, . . .
318-14 Pili ple of VS. 1189, , ,
176 n Pallava, dy.. .. 24, 78, 161, 190, 319, 327, 328
and n, 329 and n, 330 and Pallava-Rama, tit. . . . . . 77 pallavi, . . .
. . . 300-01
. 181, 183 pallippadai, tomb, . Palura, Co.,
248-49 Paldri, m., . . . Pāmasa-khēta, I., parga, s.8. panga, levy, panga-manya, . . pathga-suka, . . panga-lappu, . . panga-lappu-bulka, fax,
. 68 pangga, 8.8. panga, panga, . . . Pampa-Bharata, tok... . . . 328 n pana, coin, . . .
143, 181, 199, 203 panaska,. . . . . 239, 241, 244 Panchadharala pillar ins. of Choda III, 285 Panchakula, administrative board, . . 193 Parichasiddhantika, sok., . .
208n Panchavati, .. .
184n Panchayat, administrative board, . . , Ploda, off.
• 241 Papdava, J., . . .
. .
253 and n Pandita, ep.. .
. 119, 122, 178 Panditärådhya, 8.. Mallikarjuna, teacher, 106 Pandu, epic k.,..
. . . 164 Pandukesvar pl.,
. . . 9100 Panduvamál, dy. . . 189, 251-62, 254-56 Påndya, co., . .
199, 202, 813 Pandya, dy. . 152, 164, 160 and n, 173-74 panga, pånga or panga, levy, 54-56, 293 and n Pangala-nădu, .d., . , 23, 24 and n, 26 pangamu, taz, . . . . . . 65 panga-parihsita, privilege, . pānga-parihrita-pariharam, do., . 54n pånga phedančn, 'to discharge the debt, panga-bulka, s... panga-lappu-bulka, levy, panga-lappri, do.. . . . . . 68 panga-lappu-tulka, do.. . pangötkofa, do. . . . . .
55-56 pangu, 'share', .
. 68 Pangu Nirjitavarman, Kashmir k. . 331 Panjim pl. of Jayakatin I. . . .
69-86 Pañjirriyag, . . . .
• 174 panta, 'share', . .
. 68 pann . . . . . . 88.56
193
.
P, changed to b,. p and written alike, p and , written alike, p and y, written alike, pada, . . .
. 221-22, 230 pada, coin,. . .
238 pada, 'share', or quarter of the standard measure', . .
240, 244 Padadikesastava, wk.,.
201, 204 pada-krama, . . .
. . . 221 Padamati, 1., . . padatijiuya, levy, .
264, 267 Padšti-Bāpāmärks, I., .
318, 325 Padimarāja, 8.a. Paramarāja, tit., . 164-65 Padmi, ri, . .
321 Padmagupta, au.,
. 194 Padmalēsvara, de., .
243, 245 Padmalladēvi, Chahamanc q. Padmanabha, Padmanabha-bhattopadhyāya,
priest, . . . Padmaraja, k.,. .
37n, 163 Padmara-Vipparru, vi., . . . . 225 Padmivat, fe.,. .
240, 244 Pidonalakshe, Padonalaksha-vishaya, t.d., 38 and n,
40, 66, 68 and n, Paharpur pl. of 479 A.D. . . . 306 Pählya, m., . . . . . 194, 197 Paik, off., . . . . .. . 318 Paith dimukku, L., . . . 219 Paithan pl. of Saka 718,
. 329 Paiyalachchhi, tok.. . Pika-rishtra, co.. .
28 and n Pakistan, East, do.. .
135, 136 n, 150 Pakistan, West, do...
• 334 pala, wt., . . . . . . 143 Pile, dy... . 50-51, 106, 135, 136 and n, 137,
160-53, 297-98 Palakonda, tk.,
. . 278 Palampet ins. of Saks 1136, inc. of Saks 1135
5n, 104
243
109
195n

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
.
. 122 137, 139 • 324
PAGE Papriyür, vi, . . Papta-Reddi, S., . . . . . 223 Pinungal-vishaya, i.d.,
gaivinaya, Ed., . . . . . 310 Paraiys, community. . . . Parsiyan..
. . . 176 Parakēsarivarman, 8.a. Parantaka I, Chola
k., . . . . . . 24 and n Paramabhagavata, ep., . . . 166, 167 Paramabhaffäraka, do., 37, 43, 45, 136, 139, 142,
• 145, 164-65, 177, 179, 193, 196-97, 216-217, 264, 266,
268, 304 anin, 305 Paramaguru, do.. Paramamaheswara, do., 43, 45, 105, 145, 184, 177, 179, 264, 266, 268, 317 n,
324n, Paramandrasimha, do.,
. 317 Paramandalādittan, Lafa ch..
. 24 Paramira, dy... 47, 66-67, 93-94, 117, 118n,
132, 169, 192-93, 194 and n, 195, 196 and n, 208, 215
-17, 256, 271 Paramaraja, op.
. . 164, 165n, Paramadaugata, do.. . . . . 136, 139 Paramasaura, do.. . .
316- 17, 324 Paramavaishnava, do., . . 49, 45 n, 327 and n,
824n, Paramba, community. . . . . . 178 Papambap. . .. .
. . . 176 Paramēbvara, de.
328, 320n Paraméévara, ep., 43, 45, 136, 139, 164, 177, 179,
193, 216-17, 264, 266, 268 Parkakutanambi, off.. . . . . . 182 Parintaka I, Chola k., 24 and n, 77, 78 and n, Perådara, 7.. . . . . . . 319 Parādara, Paradaradēvašarmman, do., 310, 326 Pirasika, co., . . . . . . 318 Parafurama, Parafurāmadēva, Parasuramado. variya, Gajapati pr. 6, 7, 13, 20-21. 128-29,
130 n Parstar.mn Harichandana, o.a. Paraburima,
4, 20 parikrita-pang-ötköta, privilege, i . . 64 Parijatāpaharanamu, wk., 111, 112 and n, 113 and n Parita, gen., .
66, 69 Parivrājaka, dy.. . . · 167-68, 304,
306 Párlystra, ... Aravali, mo., .
207 Parkadimunda, vi.. . . Parrapallo, do... . . Parrumballi, do. . . Pirtranátha, divinity, . . Partabgarh, di., . Partabgarh, tn., . .
PAGE Partha, Kashmir k., .
. 321 Pirthivëndrădhipativarman, k.,. . . Parvata-bhatlu, donce, . . 281, 287 Parvati, de. .
32, 127, 182 n, 220, 298 Parvati te.. . . . . . 182 pasdita, a.s. Pasayita, off.. . pasapalaka, do.,
. . 183, 185 pasdyali, ... patayita, do... . . . 189 poudyita, do.. . . .
. .
183 Pasónadi, ., . . . . . 170 n Pabupati, o.a. Sivs, de. . 32, 36, 37, 39 Pataliputra, ca., . . . . . . 383 Patagohoru, vi., . . . . . . 312 Patal, off.. . . . . . . . 194 patra, tit... . .
. . . 20 Pattadakal, vi.
• 272, 809-10 paffakila, s.a. Patel, off..
194, 197, 218 pattala, 'district,
. 176, 178 Pattanayaka, tit., Paffa-rajit, do... Paandrabhukti, t.d. Paundravardhana, do.. Paurápika, Påvara, Th.,
. 64 Pavara-khajjana,
63-64 pavēnidhara, ep.
• 280 Pavisa, coin,
• 238 Podagadhi, I., . .
82-88 Poda-kimi-bhatlu, donce, . .
282, 288 Pedakanti-simi, .d., .
. 312 Podakonda, I., .
.225 Peddadugam pl. of Satrudamana, . . . 305 Peddapa, poet, . . .
112 Peddan-arya, m.,
9, 16 Pedda Tirumula, 8.a. Salaka Tirumala, off.. 200 Peddayadēvanētrarăju, m.,
. . 200 Peddi-bhatlu, donee, .
. . 282, 287 Peddi-bhatlu, do..
. 282, 288 Peddi-bhatlu., do..
283, 288 Peddi-bhatlu, do..
283, 288 Peddi-bhatlu, do..
283, 288 Peddi-bhatlu, do..
284, 289 Peddi-yajvan, m., .
9, 17 Pedd-ojhalu, donee,
284, 289 Podekal, 8.a. Pedekal vishaya, di.,
. 311 Podekal-vishaya, Pedokalli-vishaya, do., 312, 314 Pemohikalapádu, vi.. . . . . 285, 291 Perdlikumta, I., . . Penamakuru, vi..
. . . 285 Penamamguru, 8.a. Penamakuru, do.. . 285, 291 Pongonda, 8.a. Penugonda, do. . . Pentapidu, Poptapadu-agrahāram, do.. 219, 221,
225-26 Penugonde, do, . . . . .
2, 279

Page #498

PART VIII)
INDEX
373
Page
.
.
. .
200 161
. 291
184
it. Kösala k.
.
.
56
Рдан Periya Konamman, fo.. Periya-Köyil, . Periyapuränam, wk...
201 Perumadi, J., . .
283, 288 Perumbanti, do..
282, 288 Perunangai, 8.., Sami Akkap, ., .
25 n Peshawar, di.. .
. 334 Poyyala, f... . .
283, 289 ph, ropresented by P.. Phalgu, ri.,
. . 110 Phalgu-grāma, ca., .
317, 323 n Phapin, 8.a. Näga, dy. . . . 255 Phasphagrama, ca., . . 317. 320-21, 323 Phadi, M., . . .
. . 47-48 Pichhore, t.d., . .
. . 163 Pillibarman, m., . .
. 143, 146 Pimchchhavalli-grāma, Piñchchhavalli
gråma, vi.. . . . . 242-43, 245 Pina-Käma-bhatlu, donee, . . . 284, 289 Pina-Tirumala, 3.a. Chikka-Tirumala, m., 200 Piñjárt, vi.. . . . . . 315, 318 Piñjókáshthi, Pinjökāshthi-gråma, ...
Piñjari, do., . . 318, 321, 324 and n, 325 Pisijothiya, 4.a. Piðjāri, do. . . 318, 321,
324 n, 326 Pinneye, donee, . .
. 223, 231 Pipardula pl. of Narendra, . Narendra, . .
156, 259 Pibunavetrika, off.. . . . . 264, 268 Pitamaha, ... Buddha,
. . 89 Pitavāsa, Pitav sa-guptasarman, donee,
137 Pithana, m., . .
32, 35, 67-69 Pithapuram, I., . . Pochi-nayaka, 3.a. Prölaya, ch.. . 220, 225, 228 Puduvan Vattan, . . . Polur, tk., .
. . 25 pon, coin,
. . 200 pon, 'gold", Ponnayya, off... .
. 77, 78 n Ponpadunilam, variety of land,
. . 174 Por-pand drigal, te, administrative body, 159, 161 Portuguese, peo.. . Pota, fe., . .
220, 224, 227 Pota, n., . . .
220, 224, 227 Pöt-avadhânulu, donee,
• 282, 288 Potaya-ghataśāsin, do.,
. 222, 230 Potaya-ghatasåsin, do,
· 223, 231 Pöti-bhatta, do... .
9,16 Poti-ghatassin, do.. .
221, 230 Poti-gbatasasin, do.. .
222, 230 Poti-ghatatāsin, do..
222, 230 Potntru, vi.. .
. . . 279 Pottalakere, 0.a. Dannäyakanakere, do., 312 Pottalakere 8.a. Patanchera, do... Pottalikanagara, 8.a. Pottalakero, do., 311-12, 314
Pottapi, ca.. .
28 and a Pottapi Nanne-chöda, ch., .
28 and n Potu-bhatlu, donee, . .
283, 288 Potu-bhatlu, do.. . .
. 284, 289 Potu-bhatla, do.. . .
284, 289 Poturaju, 7., . . . Prabandhachintamani, wk.,
194 n, 195 and
n, 240n Prabhisa, Prabhas Patan, vi., .
117.1 Prabhavatiguptā, Vakafaka q., . , 260, 307 Prabhatavarsha, tit., . . 258 , 328, 331 Prabodhachandrðdaya, wk., . . . Prachakata, vi., . .
304-06 Prachinabarhi, myth. k., . . . . 164 Pragvata, community. . . . . . . 118 n Prakasha, vi., Prantij, tk.,
. . 192, 196 prdoada, "temple', Prasanna, Prasannamätra, Sarabhapura K., · 166
By . . . 170-71 Prabnavyäkara nasútra, wk., . . . , 66 Pratāpa Gangarāju, Silāvam feud.,. 278-79 Pratapa-Kapilēsvaradova, 1.a. Kapilēdvara,
Gajapati k., . . . . . 127, 129 Pratápa-Kapilēsvarapura, vi.,
278 Pratiparudra, n., Pratäparudra, Kakatiya k., 56, 104 and n, 106,
107-08 Pratāparudra I, do... 103-04, 105 and n, 106
and n, 240 Prataparudra II, do.,. . .
. 106
. . 201 Pratibala, ..
. . .
. . . . . 54 Pratibala-khajjana,
53-64 Pratihära, f., . .
. 164 Pratthara, off.. . .
. 179 pratyalidha, posture, .
. 298 pratyandharua, levy. .
• . 263, 267 Praudhadēvarāya, 6.a. Dēvaraya II, Vija. yanagra k., .
. . . 2 and n Pravaras :
Amahayya or Amahlyáva, . 178, 180 n Amahicha, . . . . . 178, 180 Amahiyava, . . . .
178, 180 n Angirasa,
178, 180 and n Apnavat,
319, 325 and n Aruksha,
. . 178, 180 Aurukshaya, . . . 178, 180 n Aurva, . . . . . 319, 325 and n Bhargava, . . . . . 319, 328 Chyavana, .
. 319, 325 and n Jámadagnya,. . . . . 310, 325 Pancha (Pancharshēya). . . . 218 Tryarsha. . .
. . . . . .
137, 140 Pravarakirti, con.. . .
.
.
.
174
66
• 299

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXm
S
.
PAGE
.
247
PAGE Pravarasina, rükitaku k., . . . . 260 Pravarasina I, do. . . . . 260 Pravarasēna II, do. . . . . 204. 200 Pravarasīna II, Vatsagulma k.. . , 260 Pravēni, ri.. . . . Prayaga, ... Allahabad, ci.. . 67, 184 n, 316 Prūmali, fe., . .
• 241, 244 prishya-kula, 'batch of worlero',
293, 296 prishtha-matra,. . .
. 192, 20g Prithvigangaraiyar, ch. . • 23, 24 Prithivigangaraiyar, tit.
. 23 Prithivimallavarman, 8.a. Prithviñallararman,
Bhoja k., . . . . . Prithiviparvata, . . . . 61, 63-64 Prithiyangaraiyar, ch., . . . . 24-25 Prithiyangaraiyar, lit., . . . . . 23 Prithu, k., . .
· . .
123 Prithvimahidēvt, 9.. . . . Prithvimallavarman, Bhöja k., 61, 62 and n, 03.
64, 293 Prithvipati II, Ganga k., . . 78 and n Prithvlshina I, Vakataka k., . . 200 Prithvishēna II, do.. . . . . . 260 Prithvishēņa, Vatragulma k.,
. . 260 Priyadarsin, Piyaclasi, 6.a. A kőka, Maurya k., 333-35 Priyamenti, m., . . . 267 and n, 258 Prola II, Kakatiya k.,.
. . 106 n Prolambika, fe., . . . .. . 227 n Prolan-&rya, donee,
.
9, 16 Prðlaya, Prolaya-näyaka, ch., 220, 223-25, 228,
276 n, Proli-bhatta, donee,
. . 222, 230 Proli-ghatabilsin, do.. . . . 221, 229 Prõlu-bhatlu, do..
282, 287 Prõlu-bhatlu, do..
283, 288 Prölu-bhatlu, do.. .
284, 280 Prõlu-bbatlu, do.
281, 290 pro, s.a. pūjya,. .
• . 46 pu", s.a. putra, . . .
46, 48 Pagalttunai-adiyar, fe. . . . päjäkäri, s.a. pūjäri,. . . . 183, 185 pājäri, 'priest', . . . . . . 188 Pukkoli, Pukkolli, Pukkoli, n., . Pukkoili-khajjana, Pukoli.khajjana,
53 and n,
Pundra bhukti, di. . . . . 137-38 Pundravardbana, 3.a. Mahästhan, ci., 137, 207n Pundhravardhana, di.. . . . 318, 821 Papdrayardhana-bhukti, .a. Paundravardhana
bhukti, do. . . . . 138 n, 207 n Punganûr ing., . .
. . 25 Punjab, . . . . . . . 299 Punyakumara, Tel. choda ch.,
. . 80 Punyamurti, donee, . . . Punyavallabha, f., . .
312 Purana, . . . . 137, 221-22, 230 Purāna, coin, . . . 153-54, 318, 325 Puranam, .. . . . . 281, 284, 290 Puranika,. . . . . . . . 20 Purajaya, Sömoramsi k., . . . 264-66 Puravari-chaturvēdimangalam, 1., 160 and n Puravari Vinnagar-altár, de., Puravasēri, vi... . .
160 and n Puri, tn., . 1, 42-43, 105, 126-28, 181, 183,
184 and n. 263, 316, 321 Puri ins. of Chōdaganga, . . . . 181 Puri ins. of Kapilēgvara, . . . In Pärimetta, 1., . . . 282-3, 287 Pārpachandra, Chandra k., . . 136, 138 pürnakumbha. . . . . . 96 and a Punõhita, . . . . . . . 179 Purushottama, Gajapati k., .
276. Purushottama, 8.2. Purushottama-Jagan
nátha, de.. . . . 128-29, 184 n Purushottama, 8.a. Vishnu, do.. . 43-44, 128,
182, 184 Purushottama-bhattan, n., . . . . 161 Purushottama-Jagannātba, de., 6, 43, 105, 126-28,
183-84 Purushottamapuri, 8.a. Purt, ci.,. . Purushottamaputra, ep. 43, 46 and n, 127, 129 Purushottamasēna, Sena pr., . . 61 n Pūrvagrima, vi.. . . . . . 106 Purvasiddhayatana, Buddhist te., Pusadata, 8.a. Pushyadattā, fe. ascetic, 57-58 Pushkara, L., Pushpadanta, at.. .
. 118 Pushpagiri ins... .
. . 112 Pushyadattā, nun, .
. , . 6T Pusi-illad-alman, ep...
, 27, 29 puti, putti,
.
. . 68-66 puffi-dosilfu, levy, . . . . . 66 Puvye, ... . . . . . 281, 287
.
68
.
311 294
Pukkoli-kshara,. . . . . Pukkoli, o.a. Pukkolli, Pukkoli, n., . Pulakēsin I, W. Chalukya k., . . Puiskēsin II, do.. . . Pulakēsi-valla bhe, 8.a. Pulskēdi Ido... Pullempet, tk.,. . . . . Pulya, f. . . . .
. .
. Palyo, do.. . . . . Pundartka, k., . . . . .
O
. 285, 282, 287
220
Qäzi, religious teacher, . . Quels, 8.. Kaivalyudura, I., Qutbuddin, Muslith l, .
. .
. . .
. 72 . 299 . 117

Page #500

PART VIII]
r, represented by r.
I,
r, causing reduplication of consonants, .
Radha, di.,
Raghava, E. Ganga k., Raghu, epic k.,
201 n, 210
27,
31, 36, 62, 66, 87, 148, 150, 155, 186, 257, 260, 303, 306, 327
79 27, 79, 327 106
181
Raghu, Kadamba k., Raghudeva, Gajapati ch.,
R
Raghudevapura, vi.,
Raghudevapura gr. of Saka 1378,.
Räjädityarasa, ch.,
Rajahmundry, ci.,
Rajadhiraja, ep...
Rajadhyaksha, off.,
Räjädittan Mahadevan, ch.,
Rajaditya, do.,
Rajaditya, Chola k.,
1 and n, 2, 4-5, 7-8, 10-11, 13-15, 19-22, 125-28, 130 and n, 275-76, 278-81
PAGE
·
Rajanyaka, tit.,.
Rajaparamisvara, ep.,. Rajaputra, tit.,
"
Raghuvamba, wk.,
67
Raghuvara, s.a. Raghudēva, Gajapati ch., 13 Rai of Banaras, 8.a. Jayachchandra, Gahadavala k., Raibareily, tn., Raigarh, do.. Raipur, di.,
Raipur pl. of Sudēvarāja,
Raivastha, 8.a. Raivasimha, m.,
Rajamahendrarajya,
Rajamahendravara-rajya, co.,
Rajamahendri-rajya, do.,
rajamalya, off.,
Rajamrigankakarana, wk.,
·
12,
220, 226 88-91
10-11, 14-15, 17-19
23 and n
23 n, 24 24, 77-78 258 n, 1-2, 5, 7-8, 10-11,
126, 128, 278-79
Rajahmundry Museum pl. of Annadeva-chōda, 220,
224-25, 227 n, 275
Rajahmundry pl. of Raghudēva, Rajak sarivarman, s.a. Aditya I, Chola k., 23, 24
and n 56
2, 7, 19-20,
21 n, 128
rajakula,. Rajamahendra, Rajamahendranagara, Rajamahendrapura, Rajamahendravaram, a.a. Rajahmundry, ci.,.. 1n, 2, 5, 8, 11,
14, 21, 128
123 176 155, 209
155, 255 156 47-48
111, 114
194, 197
2, 129
279
. 139
. 195
179 n
111-12, 114-15
6, 179 n, 210
INDEX
Rajaraja I, Chola k.,
Rajaraja I, E. Ganga k.,
Rajarajadeva, 8.a. Rajaraja II, Chola k., Rajasthan State, Rajasthaniya, off.. Rajavallabha, do., Rajavebyabhujanga, tit., Rajendra I, Chola k.,
Rājshahi, ci.,
Rajshahi, di., Rájukonda, f., Rajyapala, Pala k., Rakhita, n.,
Rama, epic k.,
Rama, Gajapati ch., Rama-bhatlu, donee, Rama-bhatlu, do., Rama-bhatlu, do., Rama-bhatlu, do., Rama-bhatlu, do., Ramachandra, do., Ramachandra, m., Ramachandrapuram, tk., Ramacharita, wk., Ramagupta, Gupta k., Ramakrishna-bhatla, J., Ramanathapuram, di., Ramanuja, saint, Ramapala, Pala k.,
Rāmāyaṇa, epic, Ráměsvara, I.,
Ramaparakrama, s.a. Rajyapala, do.,
Rama-punyavallabha, min., .
do...
Ranganatha, de.,
Rani, tit.,
Rapipukhuri, n. of a mound,
PAGE
132
141, 265 159, 161
32, 46, 193, 243 207 - 264 220 136, 179, 264, 271
150 150 281-82, 287 150-54 59
21, 161, 154, 202, 220, 227, 229, 286, 307-08
4, 20-21
281-287
Ranna, poet,
Ranpur, vi.,
Rasi:
Makara, Vrishabha,
.
•
.
375
Raměévara-pandita, preceptor, Raméévara-Setubandha, holy place,
Ramga, donee, Răm-Gaya ins.,
Ramnagar, vi.,
Rampal pl. of Srichandra, Ranaka, tit.,
Ranakachakravartin, do., Rapakēsarin, n... Raparanga-Bhima, 8.a. W. Chalukya k., Rapayasa-ári-Rama-Bhima, 8.a. Satyaáraya,
Satyaéraya,
281, 287
282, 288
282, 288
284, 289 9, 17 199, 202
2
264 and n
95-96 283, 288 173, 174 n 162 n 265 151, 154 312, 314
67 n, 199 n
328-31 105 n 111 223, 231 135 n 95
134-35, 137, 138 n 139, 194, 197, 264, 267
121-124 256
132
132
159
264
263
132
- 235
225, 234
145

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Pags
Paga
• 323
Ratant, fe.,
Ruda, ... Rudra, ...
182-84 Rudamana-bayālisi-pattalā, t.d. i . 176 n Rudra, de.. . Rudra, m., .
182, 184 n Rudra, do.,
. . . . 182, 184 Rudra, Kakatiya k., . . . . . 66 Rudra, 8.a. Prataparudra I, do... . . 105 Rudri-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 284, 289 Rudradāsa, k., .. . . 303 and n, 304-08 Rudradēva, 8.a. Prataparudra I, Kakatiya k., 106 n Rudradēva, 8.a. Rudramba, Kakatiya q., 105n Rudradēva, 8.a. Rudrasēna III, Saka k., 06 n, 305 Rudrimba, Kakatiya q.. . . . 105 n Rudrapada, m., . . . . . 109-10 Rudraputra, ep., . . . Rudrasēna I, Vākājaka k., ..
• 260 Rudrasena II, do.. .
. 260 Rudrasēns III, Saka k.,
96 n, 308 Rudrasimha III, do...
306 Rudraya, donee, . . . . 222, 230 Rudraya-bhatta, do., . . . 221, 229 Rumperu lake, . . . . . . 189
Risons-nagara, .a. Räsin, ca., . 312, 327 n Rashtra, 8.d. Rashtrakūta, dy.. . 122, 124 Rashtrakūta, do.. . . 24 n, 77-78, 125, . 132, 152, 177 n, 222, 224 n, 267-58,
272, 309, 327 and n, 329 richfralata, off., . . .
. 293, 295 Risin, vi., . . . . . 312 Ratanapila, ... Ratnapala, Chahamana k., 242, 245 Ratangarh Khiri, tn., .
36
. . 241, 244 Ratanpur, I.,
. . . 262 Rathod, - .
. 46 rati, wt., .
. 143 Ratnagiri, I.
. 263, 265 n. 269 Ratnagiri, 4.a. Ratangarh Khiri, en., , 38, 39 Ratnagiri pl. of Karna, . 263, 269, 271, 273 Ratnapāla, Chāhamana k.,. . 242-43 Ratnapura, ca.,. . . . . 263 n, Rauta, 8.a. Rajaputra, tit., . Ravi, o.a. Ravivarman, Kadamba k.. . 88-91 Ravije, m. .
165, 166 and n, Ravi-kula, aolar race, . . . . . 18 Ravivarman, Kadamba k.,. . 47 n, 54, 88-89 Ravivarman, s.a. Kodái Ravivarman, Vena
du k., . . . . . 160 and n, Ravivarman Tiruvadi, o.a. Kodái Ravivarman,
do. . . . . . 159, 160 and n, Rayagad pl. of Vijayadity, Rayagajagandabherunda, tit.,
. . . 210 Räyspāla, Chahamana k. . . . . 243 Rayl-grāma, vi.. . . . . . 44-46 Récherla, ., . Reddi of Kondavidu, do.. .
2,5 Reddi of Rajahmundry, do., . 2, 278-79 Rödhunu, 1.. .
. .. . 76 Rekapa, fe.
143, 146 Rékapallo, vi., . .
. .
. . 224 Rémalla, f.. . . . 284, 290 Renandu, co., . .
28, 78 and n, 80 Rovamañchal, fe., . . . ... 272 Rewa State, . . 172 and n, 211 and n, 306
. . 276 ri, medial, represented by ru, Richchana-yajvan, donee, . . 221, 229 rintakävaddi, tax, .. . . 263-64, 287 Risiya, Risiyika, 11., . . . . 241, 244 ran, written like rill, . . . . . 178 Rodam, vi. . . . . . . 132 Rodda, 5.a. Rodam, do., . . Rohana 8.. Adam's peak, mo., . Rõhitagiri, 8.a. Rohtasgarh, fort, . Rohipl, ... Durgl, de.. . . . . 32 Rohtangarh, fort, . .
. 136
.
.
312
27, 103 n, 192 , used for 4, , 27, 38, 79, 176, 264,
277 , used for sh, .
. . . . 263 • and , used for visarga, . . . . 148 # and 8, indiscriminately used,
192, 297 Sabarkantha, di.. . . 192, 194, 196 Sabarmati, Ti., . . . . . . 196 Sabdakal padruma, sok.. . . 137 n, 298 n sabha, 'assembly'. . . . . . 199 Babhän yska te.. . . . . . 199 Sachi, . .
. . . 188 Sachiva, 'minister, or counsellor', . . 38, 161 Sacrifices : Abvamedha, . . . .
52, 88, 100 Vájapēya. . . . . 199 and n, 202 Sada, 1... . . . . . 243, 246 Sådaka, merchant, . . . . 236-36 Sadasiva, .a. Siva, de.. . . . . 36 Sadasiva-mudrā, . . . . . 316, 325 Sadhanamala, wk.. . . . . 298 sadhu, ep., . .
. . Sådhu, ... . . . . . 282, 288 Sagar, tn., . . .
. . 93 Sagaramnika, fe., . . . 190-91 Bagara-viráta, f., . Bagi, do.. . . . . . . . 219 Sabadeva, . . . . . . 135 D
182

Page #502

PART VIII)
INDEX
377
.
300
PAGE Samähartri, off., . . .
264, 267 Samana, vi.. . .
. . 87, 91 n Samanta, tit.,
. . 123, 210 Sīmantasimha, Chahamāna k., . . . 46 Samarasiha, n., . . . .
• .
76 n Samasastri, com.. . Sämavēdin, . . . 178, 281-82, 288 Samayasamudra, 1.. .
233 Sambana-kunta, do., .
. . 291 Sambhavi, de., . .
32, 68 n Sambhu, 8.a. Siva, do.. . 32-34, 65-66, 71 n,
73-74, 75 and n, 150, 153-54 Sambodhi, 8.a. Bodhgayā, . . . . 336 Sargama, m., . . . . . 194, 198 n Samgēmā, 8.a. Samgama, do., . 194, 198 Sangha, s.a. Sangha,. . . 89, 91, 336 n Samghanika, fe.. . . . . . 190-91 Sarghile, m., . . . 190, 191 and n Sami Akkan, 8.a. Perunangai, n., . . 26 n samipya, .
. . .
. . 298 Sarkara, de., . . . . . . 18 Samkara, f., .
. . - 284, 289 Samkasaka, community, . . 194, 197 Samkshöbha, Parivrājaka k., . . Sanmanaka-bholtà,
. 193 n Sanmavaji, s.a. Somayajin,.
183, 185 Samudamnikā, fe.,
190-91 Samudragupta, Gupta k., .
96 and n,
171 n, 304 n, 305, 307 Samudrika-Sastra,
221 Samudrika-sästrin,
• 222
•
PAGE Sahadēva, do. : .
172 and n Sahadēva, off.,
. . 178, 180 Sahajapāla, Chāhamana k.,
. . 243 Sahajapālēsvara, de.,. . . 243, 245 Sahanapala, Sahanapăladēva, Chahamana
. 239, 243, 245 Sāhanapālēsvara, de., . . . Sáhant, off. . .
. 170 and n Sähasa-Bhima, 8.a. Satyasraya,
W. Chalukya k., . . . 132 n Sahasrakirti, preceptor, . . . . 119 Sahityadarpana, wk.,. . . 182 and n Sahitya Parishat pl., 8.a. Vangiya Sahitya Parishat pl., . . .
. . . 322 Sailapura, I., . . . . . . 58 Sailēndrarāja, 8.a. Himālaya, mo.,
. Sailodbhava, dy.. . . Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, Sailodbhava
. 52 sair, 'tax',. . Sair Malik, 'collector of taxes', .
. - 71 Saiva, sect, . . . 43, 72 n, 106, 112, 127 Saivasiddhanta,
. . 105 n Saivism, religion,
. . . 184 Säjä, vi.. . . .
. . . 176 Sajjana, m., . .
118 n. 119 Saka, dy...
95, 96 n, 303, 305 Sakā, Sakā, fe.,
. . . 58 Sakalavid yachakravartin, til., .
104 n Sakhas :
Bahvpicha, . . . • 143, 146 n, 223 Kanva,. . . . 137, 140, 223, 231,
282-84, 288, 290 Rigvēda,
221-23, 230-31 Sāmsvēda, . . . . . 221, 223 Vabhya, mistake for Bahvpicha, . 146 Vājasanoya, . . . . . . 218 Vājasaneya-Mädhyandina, . . 210, 212
Yajus, . . . . 15-17, 221-23, 230-31 Sākhambharf ca., . . 38 and n Saktidhara, de...
. . 323 Sālagrăma, ., .
3 211 Salagramamantamaraka, Sālagramimantamaraka,
do. . . . . • 210-11, 212 n Salaka Tirumala, Salakarāja Tirumala,
gen., . . . . . 199-200, 202 Salsyi, Sälayigrāma, vi., .
242-43, 245 Salonapura, 6.a. Sölampur, do., .264-68, 267, 272 Salonapur-Adhiväsa, .a. Salonapura, do.. Saldnapura-mahāvihara, . . sālókya. . . . . . . . 298 Sāļuva, dy.. . . . . . · 200 3ļuva Timmayan, off. . .
• 200 Saluva-Tirumalaidēva.mahārāja, ch., . . 114 samadhi, 'granary'. . . . . 89, 91
168
Sanakanika, f
.
Sānchi, l., . .
. 171 Sanchi ins. of Chandragupta II,
303 Sandēra, Sandēraka, .a. Sāndērāv, l.,. 47 n Sandhivigrahin, off.. . . . 264, 268, 273 Sandudēva, do... Sangamakhēta-mandala, 1.d., Sangamner pl. of 1000 A.D., Sangha, 'Buddhist Church', . Sanghadása, m., . . . . . 151, 153 Sanjan pl. of Amõghavarsha I, . . 330 n Sankara, de., .
. 10, 152, 154, 203 Sankaradevi, Chāhamana q.. . 239, 242 Sankhuka, engr.
. . 264, 268, 273 Sannidhari, off. . . . . 264, 266 Santabommali pl., . . . . . 52 Santi, propitiatory rite,
. . 137 Santivārika, 'performer of propitiatory rites'. . . . . . .
137, 140 Såntivarmma, Kadamba k., . . . 88, 90 Sapädalaksha, co., . . . . . 38 Sāpāmärka, n., . . . . . . 318 Saptamätrika, . . . . . . 79 Sarabha, k., . . . . . . 156

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378
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
PAGS
.
.
. 299
55-56
: 80
Sarabhapura, ca., . . .166-67, 269, 305 Saraladika,
. . . 276 Saranagatavajrapañjara, tit.
. 317 Sārasvata, community,
.- 299 Sarasvati, de., . . . . 146, 323 Sarasvati, fe., . . . . 151, 154 and n Sarasvati, ri., . . . Barbhon, vi.. . . . Barsavani pl. of Buddharāja,
169 sarahti, . .
. . 298
. sārūpya, .
- . . 298 Sarva, Sarva, Sarvadēva, 8.a. Siva, de., . 148 n, 149 Sarva-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 281, 387 Sarva.bbatlu, do. . . . . . 282, 288 Sarva-bhatlu, do. . . . . 284, 289 Sarva-bhattaraka, k..
303 Sarvajña, o.a. Buddha, .
88, 90 Sarvalókanátha, 8.a. Buddha,
88, 90 Sarvamanya, 'rent-free holding',
. . . 278 Sarvanandin, au., . .
118 Sarvanátha, Uchchakalpa k.,
167-71 Sarvapangaparihita, . . Sarva farman, .,
80 Sarvasēna, Valsagulma k...
· 260 Saba-jätaka, Ideana . . . . . . : 247 Sasanachatustrimbikä, wk.,.
. 118 Sabinka, k. of Gauda,.. Skatri, o.a. Buddha,
249-50 Sastrimallakshētra, I., Sasyakará, scribe,
. 122, 124 and n Satakuri,. . .
. . 284, 289 aff, rite, . . .
. 172, 308 Batimāla-bhoga, . .
. . 169 sati stone, . . .
. . . 171 Sathakopa-yati, asectic,
• 112 and n Sathu, s.a. Sastri,. .
249-50 Satrubbaßja, Bhanja ch..
. . 84 Satrudamana, Bhoja pr.,
. . . 62 Satrudamana, k., .
. 305 Sáttam Vattan... .
. 174 Sattenepalli, tk., . .
• • 272 Satya, age, .
42, 44 and 1 Satyaditya, Te.-Choda ch., . ... 80 Batyarada, ch., . . . . . .220 Satyashidha, f., . . . . 284, 289 Satyasraya, 6.. Pulakësin II, W. Chalukya k., 318 Satyadraya, do. . . . . . 132 and n, 194 Satyadraya Ahavamalla, do.. Batyakraya Dhruvarāja' Indravarman,
Omalukya k.,. . Saubhagyndovi, fe., . . . 37-38, 40 Baubhagyaršju, ch.. . . . 278-79
PAGI Baüdi, Saudi-risi, .a. Sauri, sage, . 1867 Saugor, di.. . . . . .
96 n Saullika, off.. . . . . . . 187 Saumitri-bhatlu, donee, . . 283, 288 Saurashtra, Eastern, co., . . . 286 Sayanapata, 6.a. Sinväda, vi.. . 192, 194, 196 sh, used for . .. . . . . . 263 Shaddarsanam, f. . . . 281-82, 288 Shahabad, di.. .
. . . . 185 Shahabuddin,
. . . . 72 Shahbazagashi, I., . . . Shahdol, di., . Shar-i-kuns ins. of Asoka, : 333, 336 and n, 387 Shasthadēva II, Kadamba k., . . 203 Shashethi, de., . . . . 306 Shaskhandagama, wk., . . . 118 and n shafirimbat, 'all', 'many', . . . . 278 Shehore, di.,
. 216 Shimoga, do., . .
182, 258 n Shivapuri, do., . . 31, 37 n, 65, 163 Shōdabarājaklya, section of the Mahabharata, 286 n Sibi, epic k., . . . . . 286 n Siddham symbol, 3-4, 11, 31, 33, 36, 39, 66, 68,
74, 86, 04, 123 n, 138, 143, 147, 150, 153, 177-78, 181. 82, 184, 191, 193, 210-11, 216-17, 260, 262, 273, 304,
306, 316, 821 Siddhavatam, tk., . . . . . .27 siddhayatana, . .
88-80, 91 Siddhi, .,. . . . . . 283, 288 Sidēnur ins.,
. . . . 289 Bikata, 8.a. Baluka, ri., .
88-40 Sikharēbvara, .a. Siva, de., :
41-43 Silapati, M., . . . . . 241 Simdi, N., : . .
. 246 Simdhurājs, Paramāra k., .
• 197 Simga-bhathu, donet, .
288, 289 Simgans, 8.. Singans, do..
17 Simgan-acharya, 4.a. Singap-acharya, m., Simgap-aryya, 8.a. Singanarya, do., Simgå-ojhala, donec, . . . . 284, 290 Singibetti-kshētra, . . . Simhachala, Simhachalam, tn., 2, 6, 11, 14, 279 Simhachalam ins. . . . 4 n, 6 n, 182 Simhachalam ins. of Telungariya, .. . 297 Simhädrinagari, I., . . 104, 108 n, 107 Simhagiripurs, o.a. Simhadrinagart, do. 106 n Simhala, co., . . . . . . 313 Sindrava-bhoktri, . . . . . 198 Sindh, 6.a. Kalisindh, ri.. . . . . 87 Sindhurija, Sindhurăjadova, Paramara k., 198-98,
216-17 Singa-bhatla, dones, . . . , 288, 289
•
233
16
.
.
282

Page #504

Part VIII)
INDEX
379
.
.
265
• •
200 161
85, 297
.
241, 244
Sithtaku-vamón, 6.a. Somaya
PAGE Singalar, 8.a. Chola, dy., . . : 161 Singatna, donee, . . . Singan-acharya, m., , Singan Arangan, do...
160 n kingap-arys, do., . Singan-arya, donee,
9, 15 Singarija, m., . . . Singeppiră nambi, n., . Singhbhum, di., . . Sino-Tibetans, peo., .
. 162 Sinväda, vi.,
. 192 SI-Råman, . .
. 162 Sirivala, vi.,
• 301 Sirods pl. of Dēvarăja, 61 and n, 62 n, 259 n, 294 siromatra,
. . 192, 209 Sironkhurd (Siyadoņi) ins.. . . . 239 Sirpur, tn., . .
. . . 165 Sirpur pl. of Sudēvarăja, . . . . Sirsi pl. of Ravivarman, . . . . Sita, . . . . . Sitābaldi ins. of Vikramaditya VI, . 254, 256 Sitadi, fe., . . . . . . 241, 244 Sitarosu-vamsa, 3.a. Sõmavamsa, dy.,. . 270 Sitārāma, m., . . . . . 199, 202 Siva, de... i 31-33, 36-37, 39, 42-43, 65-66,
74, 83, 103-04, 105 and n, 106, 121-22, 127-28, 142, 148 and n, 149-50, 152-53, 177, 199, 201, 203, 216, 219-20, 228, 240,
298, 316, 321 n Siva, do, . .
. . . 65, 68, 201 Sivi, f., . . .
281, 287 Siva te., . . . 2 43, 80, 104, 148, 163,
171 n, 181, 208, 261 Sivabhaktiviläsa, wk., . . 199. 201, 203-04 Siva-Brähmana, community, . . 199 Sivadāsa, M., . . . . . . 167 Sivadbāri, priest, . . . . 328-29, 331 Siva-dvija, 8.a. Siva-Brāhmana, . Sivagupta-Bälārjuna, Panduvansi k., 261-63, 270 Sivalinga, : . 71-72, 74, 127, 162, 184, 229 Sivamana, measure, . . • 199, 208 Sivanabhaka, com.. 31, 33, 36-36, 38, 40, 66-68 Sivapura, vi.. . .
. 294 Sivapuraka, do., . . Siva Purana, wk. .
. . 319 Sivarája, m., .
33, 35 Siva-sayujya, . . . . . 298 and n Sivaskandavarman, Pallava k., . . . 190 Sivaya, m., . . . . . Siyaçõni ins.. .
239 Siyaka, Styakadēva, Paramūra k., 193, 198, 316-17 Siwalik valley, I., . . Skanda, gen., . . . . .
PAGE Skandagupta, Gupta k., 172 , 211 n, 808-08 Skandavasu, m., . . . . 260 and n, 269 Smriti, . . . . . . . 137 Sobhikk, fe.,
. 241-42, 244 n, 245 tahiro, .,• • • • • . 23, 245 Solampar, vi., . . solanki, ... Chalukya, dy.
104 Solapuram ins.,
24 Solar raoo, . . 12, 4, 6, 11, 26, 190, 220, 224 Solasa, f.,. . . . . . 284, 289 Solavaram, vi, Solavaram ins... . . . 23-24 Soma, ch., .
. 220, 224, 227 Soms, dones,
. 9, 17 Soma, do. . . .
• 221, 280 Boma, fe., . .
. . 220, 224, 297 Som-bhatlu, doncs, . . . 281, 287 Somi-bhatlu, do.,
. . . 281, 28T Sömd-bhatlu, do. Soma-bhatlu, do.. . . . . 284, 289 Bomadēva, off... . . . . 33, 36 Somaka, m., . . . . 172,172 Soma-kula, dy. . . . . . 266, 273 Smakulatilaka, ep. . . . . 264, 266 Somana, Sõmana-rahthin, m.. . : 142, 146 som-Anvaya, lunar race, . . . . 13 Somarája, ., . . .
. 88, 40 Somasvåmin te., . . . . . . 187 Somasvämipura, ..a. Karitalai, vi.j . 186-88 8mavanda, dy... 41 n, 181, 227 262, 263-66, 269-70, 271 and 872-73,
884 Bomayı, doncs,
8, 18 8maya-ghatadiain, do.,
223, 231 Somaya-ghstabisin, do.,
223, 281 Somayajin, op. . . . . . 188, 185 R Somayajulu, doncs, . . . . 284, 289 Somoda, . . . . . . . 120 Somoda, de., . . .
297 Somēbvara, min., . . 186 and n, 187-88 Sömötvara I, Chhindaka-Nāga ch., . . 265 Somödvaradēvavarman II, k., . . 5 Sonda, ., . . . . . . . 999 Sonepur, I., . .
. 271 Sonopur ins. of Bhånudēva,. .
41 Sorab, tk.,. .
268 Borab pl. of Vinayadity, . . . Southern Ocean, .
. . : 316 Sraddha, ceremony, . 103 n, 104, 108, 114 ardhi, 'year', . . . . . . 1-46 Sravanabhadra, I., : 216, 217 and n, 318 Srivasti, ci., . .
. . 17 Sreshthin, . . . . . 194, 307 and Sríbhandara, "temg treasury'. . . 160, 163

Page #505

380
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
PAGB
136,
PAON Sögutūru. I.. . . . . .
327n Suhma, peo. . . . . . 162, 154 Suivihar ins.. .
171, 308 Sujatogauto.jalaka, . .
• 60 Sukhākara, com.. .
. 122, 124 Suladi-tala, . .
. 300 Sūlin, .a. Siva, de.. .
• 122, 124 suka, 'tar' .
. . . 58 Sultan, tit.
32-33, 37-38, 71, 111 n, 278, 280 Sumatra, co.. .
. . . 50 Sunäsira,. .
. 266, 273 Sunnahi,l..
. , 273 Supia, vi...
306, 308 Supia ins. of the reign of Skanda gupta. 172 n, 306 Süra, Sara, k., .
. 254, 256 Saradása, m.. . . . .
. 151, 158
. Suradhunt, 8.a. Ganges, ri., . . 316, 322 Suraditya, m., .
217 Süramă, fa, . . .
220, 224, 227 Sürap-arya, donee, .
. . 10, 17 Süresēna, co., . .
. 32, 34 Sārasēna, f. . .
. : 32 Suratana, Suratrana, s.a. Sulfan, tit., 71, 73-76,
127
Artbhandas 4 hariyan, administratire.body, 159 Srbhavana, o.a. Sarbhon, ci.. . 330, 339 Srichandra, qu., .
118-19 Śrichandra, Srichandradėva, Chandra
136 and n, 137, 139 Soldatta, m., . . . . . 307-08 Sridhara, ch., . . . . . . 170 Sridhara, off., .
. 183, 185 Sridhara, do.. .
. 329, 331 Sridhara-bhöga, . .
. . . 170 Sridharaparáta, k., .
. . . 142 Sridharapura, l., . . . . . 52 Srigiri, ., . . . .
. 9, 17 and n Srikakulam, di...
. 141, 152, 278 n SrikaBohani, o.a. Kanchan, Chandra q. 136,
138 and n Sribarana, off., .
. . 183, 185 Sutkirti, pontiff,. . . 117, 118 and n, 119 Brtkurmam ins...
44 n Srikarmam ins. of Saka 1975,
. . 4, 183 Srtkurmam te., . . . . . Brinidhana, engt.
153-54 Srinivasa, M., . . .
299 and n, 302 Srinivisa, 8.a. Sainyabhita Madhavavarman
II, Sailodbhava k., . . . . . 52 Srinivka, Srinivasa-dikshita, Srinivisayajvan,
W., . . . . . 199, 201, 203 Srpäls, m.,. .
• 241, 244 Sriparvata, hill, . , 30, 111, 248-49 Sripati, m., .
. . 216, 218 Sripati-bhatta, donet,
. .. 223, 231 Srirangam, tn., . . 159-61, 200, 219 Srirangam ins.. .
. . . . 114 Srirangam ins. of Rajaraja, . . . 169 Srirangaraya to. . . . . . In Srisaila, . . Srivasakrishna, com..
301 Srivaishnavavariyam, adm sistrative body. . 169,
101 Sriyadēvi, fe., . .
241, 244 Srungavarapukota pl. of Anantavarman, 170 Srutakirti, preceptor, . .
. 118
301 Atambha, Stambha-Kambhayya, Rashfraefa pr.. .
. 309, 329 8tMiniya, off.. . Bthanu, .a. Siva, de., . . . 148 Sthayin, off-, . . 62 and n, 63-64, 293 Siapa .
. . . . 171, 247 Subhakara, Bhaumakara k.,'.
, Dhamakara k... . . . 265 Subhashitaratnasandoha, wk... . . 132 Subhatavarman, Paramára k.. . : 117 Sadevarija, Sarabhapura k., . . Bugata, 8.a. Buddha,
1050
Suravāla, one who sets songs on musical
instruments to tune! . . 239, 241, 244 Surendranagarl, myth. ci., . . . . 90 Sari-bhatta, donce, .
221, 229 Sari-bhatta, m... .
20-21 Säru-bhatlu, donce, .
285,290 Sürys, do., ...
221,230 Būrys, k.,. . . .
• 254 Süryaghosha, do.
252, 253 and n, 254-56 Surya-kula, 'solar race,' .
. 28 n Stiryakunda, m., . . .
151-52, 164 Süryanarayana, de,
. . . . 240 n Süry-anvaya, solar race', . . . . 12 Süryasēna, Sena pr., .
51 n, 319, 321 Sürya-ramba, solar race'. . . 201-02 Haryavarda, a.a. Süryavamá Gajapati, dy. on,
127, 129, 278 Süryavathi Gajapati, do.. . 1, 3-4, 6-7, 105,
126-28, 275, 278 Sütrabhrit, s.a. Satradhära, off.. .
33, 36 Suvarnachandra, Chandra, k., . 135, 138 Suvarnadvipa, 8.a. Sumatra, co., . . Suvarna-vithi, I.,
278 Suyatındratirtha, saint, . . . 299, 301 Svabhivatunga, ... Yayati I, Mahäkivagupta I, Somavarhol k., .
63, 271 Svāmidåsa, k., . . . 303 and n, 304-05 Svannabi, a.a. Sunnahi, I., . . . . 273 Svargavikal, do.. . . . . 159, 162 n Svartavithi... Nuvarpavithi. .
273
Inuti,
.
50
.
.
126

Page #506

PART VIII)
• INDEX
381
Paca Svētämbara, Jaina sect, . . 119, 127-28 Syams, m.,
67, 69 Syima-vata, tres, . . , 67, 09 Syaramallika, 8.a. 'Sair Malik, collector of
taxes . . . . . 71-72, 74 and n Syara-Sihadārāja, off., . . . 74, 78 n Sylhet, di. . . . . 186 Symbols : Ankusa,.
. . . . . 247 Chakra, .
. . . . . 247 Näga,
. . 69, 247 Parnagλαβα, Sankha. Srivatea, Stambha, Svastika,
247 247
•
247
tarka,
Triratna,
176
, final, 4, reduplicated after the nasal, 1, reduplicated after 1, # and k, written alike,. . 1 and 1, written alike,
. Tabaqat-i-Nāgiri, wk., . Taobohan, n., . . Taqidēvi, do., . . Taddyrktaka, off. . . Tādēpalli, I., . . Tadepalligudem, tk.,.
. tādi, 'palm' , . . Tadigaippadi, t.d., . . Tädipindi... . . . Tadviniyuktaka, off.,. . Taila II, W. Chalukya k., .. Tailapa II, 3.a. Taila II, do.. Takkolam, vi... . . . tala,. . . tala, tree, . . . .
.
. Talagunda pillar ins... .
•
. Talavara, op. . . Talavaravara, do.. . Talla. l. . . . Tallareddikunta, vi., . Tall-bhatia, donee, . Tallu-bhatla, do.. . Tallu-bhatta, do.. . Tälparri, ... '. .
. Tambapana, 3.a. Tämraparna, co.. Tambaparhnaka, . .
. Tanma, gen., . .
.
. 160 82, 276
3, 156 . 36
. 113 . 148 . 37, 123
. 175 319, 323 n . 304 n . 283, 288 . . 225 . .. 276 . 132 283, 289
304 n 132, 194-95 . . 131 . . 77 . 300 10, 17-18
171 n 148 n, 149 . . 148 231, 233
226 284, 289 284, 290
9, 16 . . 175 . 249 n . . 249 . . 7n
PAGB Tamma, m.. . . . .
220, 224-25, 227 Timpålika, do... .. . 194, 197 Tāmraparna, 8.a. Ceylon, co., . . . Tamraparni, 3.a. Tämraparpa, do., 184 , 249 Timraparpl-dvipa, o.a. Ceylon, do.. . 248-50 Tändridēvi, ... . . . Tanjavur, in.. . . . . . . 114 tantradhikarin, off.. . . . 161-62, 154 tanträdhyaksha, 8.8. tantradhikarin, do., . Tantrapala, s.a. T'antradhikarin, do.. . . Tanuku, tk., . . . . . 2, 279 Tārā, Buddhist de..
. . . . 298 Taradamsaka-bhoga, di..
221, 222, 230 Tāta, m., . .
. . 194, 197 Tattalar, Lafa ch..
26 Tattan, ... . Tējapale, min.. .
· 117 Tekkali, L., . . . Telapróli, J.
. . . 284, 289 Telingane, 1.d.,
. . . 223 Telugu co., .
7, 219 n, 279, 312 Telugu-Choda, dy. . 28, 78, 80, 208, 271 Telungar, peo...
161 Telungaraya, Vijayanagara ch., Tolungari-bhatlu, donee. . . . 286, 290 Tenkanāditya, ep.. .
27-29 th, represented by dh, tha and dha, written aliko,
. 176 thao, 8.a. thakkura, off
· 46, 48-49 Thakkura, do.. . . 46, 48, 72-73, 76 and a Thakur, de.. . .
. 73 Thakura, Thakkura, off..
76 and n, 194,
197-98 Thakura, Thakur, s.a. T'hallura, do., . 72, 753 Thera, 'a monk' or 'an elder', . . 249 Theravada, doctrine, . . . . 249 Theravada-Vibhajjavada, do. . . Theravadin, community. . .
. 249 Theravadin-Vibhajjavadin, do.. . . 249 n Theriya, Theravadin, . .
248-60 Tilakwadá pl. of Yaböråja, . . 195, 217 Timmămbā, fe.,. . . Timmans, dones, .
. 16 Timmana, poet,. . . Timmanamna, Timmapanna, ., . 114-16 Timmana-Sastrin, do.. . . Timmarája, ch., . . . . . 199, 201-02 Timmaráju, m., . . . . . 200 Timmaya, 8.a, Tirumalaya, do., Timmaya, s.n. Tirumalaidēva, Tuluva k., 114-15 Timmayyar, Saluva ch., . . .
200 Tippa-bhatlu, donce, . . . . 282, 288 Tippalūru, I., . . . . . 112
.
.
113
112

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIII
•
251
.
117
Pacs Travancore, co., . . . . . Travancore and Cochin State, . . . 249 Trētá, age, . . . . .
42, 44 and Tribhuvana, k.,. . . Tribhuvanachakravartligal, tit., . 159, 161 Tribhuvanagiri, co., . . .
32-34 Tribhuvanamalla, Kadamba k.. . 53-54, 293 Tribhuvanapāla, Chaulukya k.. . Tribhuvanavid yachakravarti, til... 104 and ,
106, 107 Trikalinga, co... .. . .
142, 144-46 Trikalingadhipati, til., . . . 264-66, 278 Trimtrti, de.. .: . 32, 240 and a Trindtradevagarapilars, of... . . tripodaka, tax, . . . .
. . 163 Tripurahara, 4.a. Biva, de.. . . .187 Tripurantakam ins. of Annadova, Tripurl, ca.. . . .. Tripurusha, Tripurushadēva, de., 239, 240 and n,
241-46 Trivēni, ri.. . . . . . 316, 322 Trivikrama-bhatlu, donec, . . . 282, 287 Tulast, gen.,
44-45 Tulis, ., . .
. . 245 Tuluva, dy. .
111, 114, 199 Tumburu, J. . . . . 52, 101 Turnga-kunta, I.,
. 291 Tungabhadrs, ri. . 111, 328-29, 330 anda,
331 Turimella ina. of Vikramaditya I,. . Turk, peo.. . . . . . . . 37 Turkish Muhammadan, do., .
32, 317-18 Turushka, do.,. .
. 220, 228 turushka-danda, tax, . . . . 180 Tyagarāja, saint, . . . . . 300
•
177
.
78
.
160
•
PAGE Tippamman, fe., . .
. 200 Tippan-arya, m., .
9.16 Tippasamudram, 6.. Valivalakkamangalam,
, 23, 25 Tippayadēva-mahārāja, ch... . . . 200 Tippers, di., .
136, 136 and n Tirhut, I.d., . .
123, 299 Tirodi pl., . . . Tirthankara, , .
. . 118 Tiruchirappalli, di..
. . 159 Tirumala, a.a. Salaka Tirumala, ger.. . 199-200,
202 Tirumala, 6.a. Tirumalabhatta, doner, 20, 22 Tirumala-bhatlu, do., . . . . 283, 289 Tirumala-bhatlu, do. . . . 284, 290 Tirumala-bhatta, Tirumalaya, do.. . 20, 22 Tirumaladevi, Vijayanagara g., . 111, 113 Tirumalaidēva, Tuluva, ch., . . . . 114 Tirumalaidova-mahārāja, Tirumalayadēve
mahāraja, 8.a. Salaka Tirumala, gen., 200-01 Tirumunaippadi-nadu, di... Tirunāmanallar, vi.. .
. .
78 Tirunelveli, di.,. . .
174 Tirunelveli ins., . . . Tirupati, tn., , ,
1 and Tiruppadi, ... . . Tirappanangadu, vi...
• 200 Tiruppanangadu ins...
200-01 Tirupparankuņram, I., . Tirwilondarpuränam, wk..
201 Tiruvadi, til.,
.
159 and, 160 Tiruvadi Valavan. . .
• 161 Tiruvarangadisa, m.,. .
. 161-62 Tiruvarangadēvan, do.. .
161-62 Tiruvarangam, a.a. Srirangam, tn., . 161 Tiruvaranga Narayananambi, m., . . . 161 Tiruvaranga Vallalar, do.. .
• 161 Tiruvarangappiriyan, do.. .
• 162 Tiruvēngadadēvan Paradāyán, do.,
161-62 Tiruväykula, . . . .
161-62 Tina, Tishy., fe., . .
. 69 Tivaravilli, vi.. . .
137, 139 Tödhabbañja, Bhanja ch...
84, 86 Togarchēdu pl. of Vinayaditya,
· 312 tola, tol.. . . . .
. 143 Tolerpå, . . . .
83, 86 Topta-sõmayājula, f. . . . 284, 289 Topkhana, shed for artillery, . . . . 48 Tosall, co., . . . . . 248-49 Trallokya, Trailokyachandra, Trailökya
chandradöva, Chandra k., . . 135-36, 138-39 Trailokyavarian, Trailokyavarmmadova,
Para mara k... . . . . 93-94 Traitik ya vijaya, de... . . . 297.98
161
173
u, initial, . . . . . 27, 62, 909 u, modial, ...
209, 303, 323 n 4, medial, resembling subscript vi.. . 263 4, medial, . . . . . . -209 Uchohakalpa, ca.,
. . 167-69, 906 Udaisimha, 1. . . . . . . . 163 Uda-játaka, . .
. . 60 Udala, t.d.
. . . . . 82 Udala, tn, .
. . . 82 Udana, wk.. .
. . . 249 Udays, myth. mo..
13, 21, 90 Udayagiri ing. of 401 A.D., . . . . 304,00 Udayapstr. fe...
. . 264, 267 Udayana, Pandava k., . 253 and n, 254 and n Uddalladevi, ...
. 121-22, 124 and n

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INDEX
.382
PAQs Uttarapathanatha, U Harapathikuara, tit.. . 313 Uttararamacharita, wk.. . . . 67 a Uttara-Tonali, co. . . . 264-86, 273 Uttarēbvarapu, .. .
. . 284, 289 Uttar Pradesh, state, . 87, 67, 06-97, 99-100,
122-23, 164, 176, 178, 211, 260, 318
.
.
.
165
Pags Uddyötakoarin, Udyotakësarin, Somavand
k., . 264 and n, 266, 268 and n, 269 and n, 271 Udrs, co.. . . .
. . . 268 Ujjain, ci., .
. . 215-16 Ujjain pl. of Bhoja, . . • 195, 215-16 Ujjain pl. of Lakshmivarman, . . . 94 Ujjayinl, ci.. . . . • 184 n. 206-07 Ujjayinl-pabohima-pathaka, .d., Ujjayini symbol on coins, . • , 99 wkkoda, wkkoda, s.a. ulkota, levy.. utaniyoga, off. .
. 293 Ullaka, I., . . . ulliruppu, ofl. . . . . . Umā, de... . . . . . Umá, Umidovi, E. Ganga q. 181, 182 and n Umachal rock ins. .
S
210 n Umainsahā, ... Humayun Shāh, Bahmant
Sultan, . . . . . . 127, 129 Unchabra, vi.. . . .
121-22 Unohabra ins.. .
. . . 121 wichha, .
. . 89, 91 Uñchökätti-grāma, vi.
• 318, 324 Undirkja, f. '. .
. . 223 upadhmaniya . . . . 148, 166, 186 Upadrashta, J.. . .. . 281-82, 287 upakshiti, tax,
. . 55-56 wparika, off., ,
. . . 304, 306 wparitara, additional cess or tax on temporary
tenanta, . . . . . 216, 218 wpånaka, 'lay follower of the Buddha,' . 336 wpdeakatva,
. . . . 386 wpdsika, Jemale lay worshipper of the Buddha,' 248 upaydta, .
336 n upēta, . Uppala, 4.a. Väkpati Muñja, Paramara k.. . 13),
.
161
... . . . 80, 99 , used to indicato , . 86, 180, 210, 276 and dh, written alike. . . . 150, 176
reduplicated when following . . . . 216 0, subscript, .. . . . 209, 323. 0, substituted by b, .. . . 168, 176, 186 v and p, written alike, Vachcharāja, ... Vatearăja, ch., . 193-94, 198 Vida chaturabftipattala, di.,
1760 Vadamadursi, vi.. Vaddi, . . . .
282, 288 Vadhavali, vi.. . .
178-79 Vadiya, Vadiyaka, n.,
241, 244 Vedner pl. of Buddharāja, . . . .. 289 Vägbela, dy.. .
. 117 Váglévara, 3.a. Brahman, de., Vahavadinna, 6.0. Bahauddin Gurshásp. ch.. . .
71, 73-74 Vahéru, engr. . '
. . . 873 vahni,' thres', Vaidumba, S.. . .
27-28, 78, 146 Vaidys, community. .
. . . 162 Vaijāditya, m., . . . . 74, 78 and 1 Vaijayanti, 6.a. Bansväel, ca.. . 54, 87-90 Vaikunths, . . .. . . . 299 Vainapala, ... Nainepāla or Naipasimba,
m., . . . . . . 72, 78 D Vaipa päls, Vainasimha, of.. . 72,76 Vaira, .a. Vajra, merchant,. . . 190-91 Vairasirinska, m., . . . . 190-91 Vaishnava, seot, 43,72 n, 103, 106, 112, 299,
317 n Vaishnaviam, religion, . . 127, 160, 184 Vaibye, community, .
142 and a, 146 Vaidy-ägrahdra, . . . . . 10 n Vaitaranl, ri.. . . . . . 285 Vaivasvata, m., . . . . 194, 198 n Vaivasvata-kule, solar race',
129 Vaivasvata Manu, . . . . 220, 228 Vaivasvata-manvantara, .
127-129 Vajra, s.a. Vaira, merchant, . . • 190 and a Vajr., Koala pr.. . . . . . 170 Vajrahasta I, E. Gunga k.; . . . . 144
.
336
183
.
.
.
Uruvela, L.
Uppalari, f. . . . . . 282, 287 Upparapalli, vi.,
. . Uppagundür, do. ..
189 Uraiyürpuravaradhisvara, til, . . . 201 Urlám, si, . . . .
. .. 141 Uravels, 1, . . . . . . 19 Usyarasimha, M., . .. . 74, 76 Utkala, Utakala-dēla, co., . 126, 128-29, 264,
265 and n, 266-67, 271-72 utkofa, levy, Utpala, 2.4. Muñja, Paramara k... 131-32, 194
and a wpdla, unusual phenonenon'. . . . 137 Uttame-chola, Chola k..
. .
. . 24 n Uttamiditya, Tel.-Choda ch.. . . . 80 Uttanampani, Uttanapuni, I., . 225, 232, 234 Uttars-kosala, co., . . . . 177, 179 Uttaripatha, do... . . .314
10A

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PAGE
• 259
Vajrahasta II, do., . . Vajrahasta Anantavarman, 6.a. Vajrahasta
III, do. . . . . . 141-42, 145 Vajrahumkāra-mudra, . . . . . 298 Vajrasattva, Buddhist de., , . . . 265 Vajrin, 8.a. Indra, Vākātaka, dy., . 254-56, 259, 260 n, 261, 307,
319 Vákataka of Vatsagulma, do.. . Vakkalēri pl. of Kirtiverman II, . Vākpati Műfija, Paramāra k., 132, 169, 194 Vakpatirāja, Vākpatirājadēva, do., 47, 193, 196,
216-17 Vakula-mahädēvi, . . . . . . Välahāra, n., . . . . . 246 Vala-yashți, .
. . 168 valaya-yashti,' boundary staff or pillar, 167-68 Valivalakkamangalam, l.
23, 25 Valivilattimangalam, 8.a. Tippasamudram, do., 25 Vallabha, m., . .
9, 16 Vallabha-bhatta, donee, .
222, 230 Vallabha-ghata bäsin, do.,
222, 230 Vallabha-ghatasäsin, do..
222, 231 Vallabha-ghata sisin, do..
222, 231 Vallabha.ghatasāsin, do.,
223, 231 Vallabharāja, m., .
194, 197 Vallabh-arya, do., .
9, 15 Vallabh-arya, do.
9, 16 Vallabha-yajvan, donee,
221, 229 Valláladēva, k.,. .
· 172 Vallava-bhatlu, donee, .
281, 287 Vallava-bhatlu, do., .
., 282, 287 Vallava-bhatlu, do., . .
- 282, 288 Vallava-bhatlu, do. . .
• 282, 288 Vallava-bhatlu, do.. . .
283, 288 Vallimunda-mandala, di., . . 136, 139 n Vallotaka, community or l... • 193-94, 196-97 Vamga, c.a., . . .
. . . 324 Vamkeya-chola-mahārāja, Tel.-C'hoda k., 28, 29 Vandika, flute-player' . . . 238, 244 Vanagrama, 1., . . . . 83, 85 and n Vanamálidávašarman, m., .
. . 325 Vanamálin, do... . . . . 319 Vanavāsa, 8.a. Vanavāei, co., . . 248, 250 Vänavāsaka-mahárāja, k.,
. . . 148 Vanavāsi, co., . . .
248-49, 313 vandapanå, levy,. . . . . 264, 267 Vandau, m.,
. . 183, 185 Vanga, co.. , 136, 154, 248-49, 265-66, 318,
321 Vanga, peo.. . . .
152 Vangala-dēsa, co., . . . . . . 136 Vanglys Sāhitya Parishat pl. of Visvarūpasēns, • 51 n, 169, 232 n, 316, 319-21, 325 n
Vangippuram, vs., . . . . . 161 Vāņigan, . . . . . . • 176 Vaņikā-grama, vi.. . . . . • 169 vaniya, merchant',
· 190 Vankika-patta, s.a. Wankaner, di., . 304-06 Vannān, washerman, . . .
• 175 Varaballvarda, levy. . . . . 264,267 Varadā, ri. .
. 251-52, 256 Varadāmbā, fe., . . . . . . 200 Varad-arya, m... . . . . 8, 15 Varadaya-ghata sasin, donee, . 223, 231 Varäha, de., . . . . 226, 228, 278 Varāhamihira, au., ... 205-06, 208 and n Varangallu, 6.a. Warangal, ca.,. . 125-26 Varamore, Varanara, ch., . . . . 52 Varapā, ri, .
316, 322 Varanars, ch., . . . . . . 52 Varapāsi, .a. Banāras, ci.,. 111, 184 n, 316 Váránasl, 8.a. Văraņāsi or Banāras, do., 111, 177, 179 Vārsylpada, 'habitation of Barayis (vetel-vine growers)'. . . .
. . 318 Vārayipada-grāma, vi., . . . 318, 324 Varga, m., . . . . . 172, 306-08 Väriga, Värika, 'temple superintendent', 239-41, 244 Värum(ga* Jalli-kota, 6.a. Warangal fort, . In Varungallu, 8.a. Warangal, ci., . . 127 Vasala, n... . . . . . . . 245 vasavak, tax, . .
263-64, 267 Vāsethiputa, metronymic,
• 148 Vasishtha, sage, . .
6 n, 229, 286 Vastupala, min.. . .
. . . 117 Vāsu, m., . . . . . . . 167 Vāsu, off... . . . . 183, 186 and n Vasudeva, do.. .
67, 69 Våsudēva, 8.a. Vishnu de... . . 10, 14,179 Väsuki, myth. serpent, .
266 Vatanagara-bhöga, t.d. .
• 169 Vatapatra, 6.a. Baraudi, vi.,
33, 35 Vatapura, 8.. Baptavāla, do., . . 300-01 Vatēsvara, scribe. . . . . 236-37 Vatsagulma, ca., . . . . . Vatearāja, ch., . . 193-94, 197 and n, 198 n, 216 Väyada, 8.a. Botad, vi.. . . . 235-36 Vayiramēga Vanakövaraiyar, ch... 26 and n Vayiri-Adiyan, do.. . . . . . 24 n Vayu Purana, wk., . . . . 103 Veda, . . . . .
. 221 Vēdas :
Agravēda, 4.a. Rigvēda. Rigveda, . 8, 221-22, 229-30, 281, 288-85, 287-90 Sama, Sámavöda, 199, 203, 221, 229, 231, 281, 293 Yajurvēda, Yajus, 8-10, 15-17, 221, 229, 231,
281-85, 287, 288-90 Vēdagiri, donee,
. . . 9, 15
260

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Védagiri-dvědin, do.,
Vedalla,
Védanga,
Vedanta,
Vědántam, f.,
Vedantin,
Vedha, e.a. Brahman de., Vědhyaküpika-grāma, vi.,
Vědikōrda, I.,
Veivaku, m.,
vēl, 'spear',
Velagaliņi, 8.a. Veligalani, vi.,
Vēlama, caste,
Vēlamā, 8.a. Vellamām bā,
221
281, 283, 288 222, 229-30
322 304-06
87, 89, 91
194, 198
148 292 7, 128 7, 277 and n, 278 7,278 285, 292 174 n 3 n
vēli, l.m.,
Velicherla pl. of Prataparudra,
Veligalani, vi.,. 6 and n, 7 and n, 275, 277 and n,
278, 285-86
6-7, 8 n, 275
7,287
7,277 n, 278 7, 277-78,
282-83, 285, 288
23 162
272 n 25
78 278-79
227-29
228-29
Vēlamapura, 8.a. Vellamambapura, vi.,
Veligalani gr. of Kapilēávara, Veligalani-Kapiléévarapura, vi.,
Vellamamba, q.,
Vellamambapura, s.a. Vēlamapura, vi.,
Vellore, tk.,
Vēl-nādu, co.,
Vélpůru, vi.,
Völür, tk.,
Velurpalaiyam pl. of Nandivarman III,
Vēma, Reddi ch.,
Vērga, Vemgi, 8.a. Vengi, co.,
Vergi-vishaya, do.,
Verka, 8.a. Vamkeya-choda Tel.-Choda k.,
Vēmulurupadu ins. of Tirumala,
Vēņādu, co.,
Vēnāṭṭadigal,
Venga, n.,. Vöngi; t.d.,
Vengi, s.a. Peddavegi, vi., Vengi-vishaya, 8.a. Võngi, t. d.,
Venka, Tel.-Choda k.,
Venkatagiri, I.,
Venkataramanasvami, de.,
Venkatesa, n., Vēnņā, ri.,
Venna-ojhalu, donee,
Vennaya-bhatta, do.,
PAGE
8, 15
250
221
Veraval, 8.a. Prabhas Patan, I.,
Veraval ins. of Chaulukya Bhima II,
Visimikė, I.,
Võtikauta, do.,
Yeyyĕru, stream,
.
"
28
200 159-60
159
220, 224-25 220, 225 225 220-21 28 and n
7 299
299 and n, 302
6 and n, 277, 286
281, 287 222, 230
117 117 63-64 91 n 225, 232, 234
·
.
.
•
INDEX
Vibhajavada, s.a. Vibhajjavadin, ep., Vibhajjaväda school, Vibhuganga, m.,
Vichitravira, Somavami k., Vidalajatarakukufa-jātaka, Vidarbha, co.,
Vidēhaja, 8.a. Sită,
Vidhu-vama, lunar race,
Vidita, off.,
Vidyanagara, ci.,
Vighnöévara, de.,
Vigrahapala III, Pála k.,
Vigraharaja IV, Chahamana k., vihara, 'Buddhist monastery', Viharasvamin, 'owner of a monastery', Vijäditya, m., Vijala, fe.,
Vijayachandra, Gahadavala k., Vijayadeva, hero,
Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k.,
vilasini, s.a. dévadást, Villavar, dy.,. Vilupperaraiyan, channel, Vilupperaraiyan, tit., Vilupperaraiyar Ayyakkutti-aḍigal, fe.,.
385
199
51
37
248 260, 282 76 m 240, 244 and n 37 37, 39 272, 311-12, 314, 327 n, 128 .123 2, 7, 25, 108 n; 111, 239, 279-80, 312 112, 114-16,
Vijayakarna, ch., Vijayanagara, dy.,
Vijayanagara, 8.a. Hampi, ci.,
199, 278, 280,
Vijayapratapa-Kapilendra, s.a. Kapiléévara, Gajapati k., Vijayapratapakapiländramahädasana, vi., 6 and n, 7 Vijayapuri, I.,
vijaya-basana,
248-49 111, 113 316-17,
Vijayasena, Vijayasenadeva, Sena k.,
317 and n, 320, 327, 322
vijayavandăpană, levy, Vijitanavakotikarṇāķēšvara, tel., Vikrama, scribe, . Vikramabhupa, k., Vikramaditya, Tel.-Choda k.,. Vikramaditya, Chandragupta II, Gupta k., 307-08 Vikramaditya II, W. Chalukya k.,
264, 267 128-29 33, 36 118, 120 79-81
Vikramaditya V, do., Vikramaditya VI, do.,
. 310 310 254, 256, 310 313 136 and n, 137, 139 321 Vikramapura-bhöga, do., 318, 324 Vilasa gr. of Prölayanayaka, 127 n, 220, 224, 276 n,
Vikramaditya Satyaáraya, do., Vikramapura, ci., Vikramapura, di.,
285 n 240, 243 161 23, 24, 26 n 24 24
•
PAGR
248-50 249 137, 140 271
60
252
35
227
194, 197 280 n

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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ΡΔΟΙ
.. 107
PACJ Pishayapati, of. .
189, 160, 824 Vishnu, de, . . 4, 10,36, 48, 66-66, 73, 90, 103, 106 and n, 126-28, 144, 177, 184 n, 186
anda, 319-20, 240 and'n, 278 Vinhpu, m..
47-48 Vishpu-Krishna, de.. .
. . 316 Vishnupada, ,
109-10 Vishnupăds to... . . 103, 108, 110, 113 Vishnumriti, wt., . . . . 60 D Vishnuvardhana, Hoyvala, k., . . . 108 Viasana, donee . . . . . 10, 17 Visvalo, .4. Visala or Vigraharaja, Chdhamana
k.. . . . . . . 37, 40 Vidvantha-Kavirkja, au. . . . 182 Vitvardpa, *. . . . 76 and n Vitvartpe, 6.a. Vitvartpesëne, Sina k., 316, 321-22,
323
Vilvartpadēvadarman, dones, . . '319, 326 Vitvardpastos, Vitvartpesenadeva, Sina k., . 51 n,
189, 318-21, 323, 324 and a Visvökvara, dones, . . . . . . 16 Vilvovara, M., .
. . . . 9, 10 Vitrabrera, do. . . . . . . 113 Vibravara-bhatlu, dones, . . 282, 287 Vitvbdvarichiryalu, do. Visvökvara-purohita, Mh., .
10 Vilvovarssambhu, preceptor, . .
108 n, 100
Vindhyldri, mo.. . Vingada, Vingada, fe., . . 241, 244 Vinkpoti, do. . . . . . . vinaya-dhara, . . . . .
250 Vinayaditya, E. Ganga k.,
. 144 Vinayaditya, W. Chalukya k.. . 169, 312-13 Vinayamahidevi, E. Ganga . .
. . 145 Vihohihichēdi, vi.
. . 311-12, 314 Vindhya, mo. . 88, 104, 107, 121-24, 207, 261-62,
256 Vindhyabakti II, Vateagulma . . 260 Vindhyökvara, Vindhyödvaradëve, .a. sive, da., .
. . . 121-22, 124 Vinsyukta, of, . . . . . 304, 306 Viniyuktaka, do.. . . . . 304 Vinukonda, fort, . Vinakopda ins. of Bagi Gannaman yakı, 219 Vipabaida, wk., . Vipparru, L., . . . . 221, 232 Virabhadra, Reddik...
2, 278-79 Virabhadr, ... Raghudova, Gajapati ch. 10,
197-98, 180 Virachödékvars, chi . . . Vindharadēva Deva k..
. 136 Viradhavala, Vaghda k.,
. . 117 Virghattam, ca.. . 228-29, 378 and n, 279 Vira-grama, vi.. .
• • • 169 Virakkahthi, ... Virakatt, do . 394 Virakani, L., . . . . . 318, 824 Vire-Krishpadēva-mahiriya, ... Krishnadeva riya, Vijayanagara k., .
. 111 Vir-Narasimgadova, 6.4. Narasimha III,
Hoysala k.. . .. .. . . 108-09 Viru-Narasirahardyan yakkar, ch., . 200 Virapralapa, ep. . . 111-12, 114-15 Virapurisadata, ... Virapurushadatta, Ikohvaku k.. . .
148, 189-91, 248 Virarimadēva, oh.. .
. . 186 n Vira-Ravivarman Tiruvadi, 2.. Ködai Ravi
varmag, Venadu k.. . . 159, 160 Virštarije, Lajach., . .
24 and Viravarman, Chand alla k., Virtpaksha to., .
. . . 272 Viryachandra, preceptor,
. . 119 Vimkhapatnam, di., .
8,11 Vinkhapatnam, tk., . . Vals, Ohahamana k.. Viala, A., . . .
. 246 Vale, ... Vigraharaja IV, Chhamdna k.. . 38 visarga, .
. . 160 visarga, changed to ori, . . . , 148 vitorpolandii, . .
150, 215 viskaya, 'district,
187, 160 vishayatt, laito . . . . . 206, 207
Viturapunahiya-jaka,
. . . . 60 Voohi-nyaks, 1.4 Pochi-näyake, ch.,'. 220, 221,
226, 220 Vonkhira-bhoga, ... . . . . . 160 Vörungallu, Vörurgapti, ... Warangal, fort, . 126,
129-30 Vrinbabhadhuaja, ... Sive, de. . 162, 164 Vpishabhipi-khëta, I., . . . . 61-62 Vyaghrarja, k., . . . . . 209 vakarasa, . . . . . 222, 230 Vyha, au., . . . . 22, 166, 168 Vykanganga, Vyksagangatarman, dona, 137, 140 Vyanaharasdira, wk .
. . 66 pyöman, 'zero', . . . . . . Vymakoda, de.. . . . . .
.
.
.
188. 210
citarya, chand in
Wadhwan, tr.,. . . . . . 235 Wainganga, ri.. . . . . 60 Warangal, ci., , 12, 106, 126-27, 278, 281 Warangal, di., . . . . . . 1 Warangal fort . I and D, 125-26, 128, 380 Warangal ins. of Hambtrs,. . 11,8a Warangal ins. of Raghudēva, .1, , 126, 978

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PART VIII)
Wardha, ri.,
Wijason caves,
y,
y and p, written alike,
y, represented by yy,
Yadava, dy.,
Yadu, f.,
Yadu-kula-tilaka, ep., Yajñan-Arya, m.,
Yajñanna-bhatla, f.,.
Yajnavalkyo-smriti, wk.,
Yajñêévara-somayajulu, donee,
Yajurvēdin,
Yajushka,.
Yajvapala, dy.,
27, 209 150 3
117, 125, 265
114 114-15 9, 17 284, 289 213 n 281, 287 8, 281 229 31-32, 33 and n, 36, 37 n. 40 n, 65-68, 163, 165
10, 17 165, 166 n
Yallana, Yallanna, M.,
Yamaraja, do.,
Yambaraya, 8.a. Hambira, Gajapati pr.,.
Yamparela, f.,
Yanaralapalle, vi.,
Yaran-arya, donee,
Yarapota-bhatlu, do.,
Yarra-ojhalu, do.,
Yaru-bhatta, do.,
Yasabkarna, Kalachuri k.,
Yasabkirti, preceptor, Yasale, vi.,
yashti,
Yasodhavala, m.,
Yaśōrāja, ch.,
Yasovarmadeva, k. of Kanauj,
Yasōvarmadeva, Paramāra k.,
PAGE
252, 254
254
Yasōvarman, ch.,
Yasovigraha, Gahadavala ch.,
Yatu-bhatlu, donee,
Yasobhandägara, ep., Yasodasa, min.,.
151-53, 154 and n
Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, Aulikara k., 171 n,
205 and n, 206-08
241 53, 195 190n
93
196 177-78
281, 287
60
248-50
Yavamajhakigamgataka, Yavana, co.,
280n 284, 289
225
•
9, 17
284, 289
283, 289
9, 16
265
117-20
132
171
251, 255
.
.
INDEX
Yavana, a.a. Greek, peo.. Yavana, 8.a.Muhammadan, do.,
Yayati Mahasivagupta I, Somavami k.,
Yayati III, 8.a. Chandihara Mahasivagupta, do.,
Yayatinagara, s.a. Binks, ca, Yayatinagara, a.a. Jajpur do., Yayatipura, 8.a. Yayatinagara, do.,
Years: Anka,
Kärttikädi,
Mahamagha,
Years, cyclic :
Akahaya, 8.a. Kahaya,
Ananda,.
Bahudhanya,
Bhāva,
Dhātri,
Dhatu, s.a. Dhatri,
Jaya,
Khara,
Kilaka,
Kahaya,
Pingala,..
Plavanga,
Pramadi, 8.a. Pramathin, Pramathin,
Saumya, Subhānu,
Тагара, . Vibhava,
Vikärin,
Vikrama,
Vrisha,
Vyaya, Yuvan,
Years, Regnal:
1,
1 or 11,
2,
3,
4,
5,
220, 224-25,228,
280 and n 52-53, 269-71
•
387
PAGE 333
271-72 271 264-66, 272 271-72
.
42-44, 181-82
216
167
.
71, 73, 75
225, 234
1n, 6 n, 277, 286
5 n 3 14 131, 133
108-09, 199 and n, 200, 202 77 71, 73-74
2 2 129
1 n, 125-27
2 328, 331
328
2, 225 n, 279 and n
114 and n, 115
. 114 8 n, 110, 112
299, 301 5 n, 20, 22
62-63, 136, 214
210
23 n, 321 136, 181, 321
25 n, 136, 236, 298, 314 155-56, 158

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388
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIII
6,
.
PAGE
. . 264, 288 . . . . 23-24, 62
. . . . 42, 44, 336 24, 148-49, 159, 160, 171,214 n, 335-36
.
.
10.
.
41,
PAGE 87-88, 91
182-84
27-29 . 182 281, 287 . 281
. . . . .
11, 11 or 1, 11-13, 13,
. .
. . 321
1,336 37 1311, INI, 331, 3:6 and 11.
.
.
134
57, Yodavalle, J.. Yoluvalli, vi.. . . Yollingar, l.. Yollu bhulu, donee . . Yool, S. . . Yonimodra, du.. * Yötüri, S., . . . Yete-omnyüjulu, donee, . Yüli-mandula, di.. . . Yudhishthira, epic hero, Yukrümbé, vi.. . . . yupa, 'sacrificial pillar', . yüpaka, . . . Yuvarüjadiva I. Kalachuri k..
ul. 1991
. . 282, 288
281-82, 287-18 . . 281, 287 • 281-82, 287-88 . 283, 288 . . 137-39 • 307, 308 and n . 311-12, 314 . . . 171 n . 53, 63-64 . 186 and n, 187
.
63 64 3 34,336
3:37
3:17 293-94, 296

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