Epigraphia Indica Vol 02

Author(s): Jas Burgess
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032556/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume II (1894)
6
2
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावणु
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1984

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ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
(NEW IMPERIAL SERIES.)
VOLUME XIV.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME II.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME II.
त्वमासमनावश
PUBLISHED BY
THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH. NEW DELHI-IM0011

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Reprinted 1983
C
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price Rs. 110.00
Printed by Pearl Offset Press, 5/33, Kirti Nagar Industrial Area, New Delhi-110015.

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ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA:
A COLLECTION OF INSCRIPTIONS
SUPPLEMENTARY TO THE CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM
OF THE
•
ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY,
TRANSLATED BY ORIENTAL SCHOLARS.
EDITED BY JAS. BURGESS, C.I.E., LL.D., F.R.S.E.
BON.A.R.I.B.A.; X.R.G..; X.B.A.S.; X. BOC.AS. PARIS; HOS. COR MEX. BERLIN SOC. OF ANTHROPOLOGY, ETC.; AND OP BATAVIAN 800. OF ARTS AND SCIENCES; TELLOW OF UNIVERSITY OF BOMBAT, UTC.,
LATE DIRECTOR-GENERAL OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SUBVAT OF INDIA
ASSISTED BY
A. FÜHRER, PH.D., ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVETOR, NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDE,
VOLUME II.
CALCUTTA: PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING INDIA,
CALCUTTA-THAOKER, PINK & Co. BOMBAY-THACKER & Co., LD. LONDON-KESAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co., LUXAC & Co. LEIPZIG-O. HARRASSOWITS.
1894,
an Rights Reserved.

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CONTENTS.
PAGE. Preface 1. Jabalpur copper-plate inscription of Yasahkar adeva (A.D. 1122]; by Prof. F. Kielhorn, Ph.D., C.I.E., Göttingen . . . . . . .
. 1 2. Bhera-Ghat stone inscription of queen Alhañadevi, the Chedi year 907; by the same . . 7 3. Tewar stone inscription of the reign of Jayasinhadeva, the Chedi year 928; by the same . 17 4. Three land grants from Sankheda (with facsimiles); by H. H. Dhruva, B.A., LL.B. . . 19 5. Inscriptions from Northern Gujarat; by J. Kirste, Ph.D. . . . . . . 6. The Jains inscriptions of Satramjaya; by Prof. G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E., Vienna 34 7. Votive inscriptions from the Stapaa at Sañchi (I); by the same. . . 8. Harsha stone inscription of the Chahamâna Vigraharaja, the Vikrama year 1030 (with
facsimile); by Prof. F. Kielhorn, Ph.D., C.I.E. . . . . . . . . 116 9. Muhammadan inscriptions from the Saba of Dihli, No. I, (with facsimiles); by Paul Horn,
Ph.D., Strassburg . . . . 10. Badal Pillar inscription of the time of Narayanapáls (with facrimile); by Prof. F. Kielhorn,
Ph.D., C.I.E. . . 11. Atakör inscription of the time of Krishna III, dated Šaka-Sarh. 872; by J. F. Fleet, Ph.D.,
C.I.E., C.S. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 12. Káritalai stone inscription of the reign of the Chedi Lakshmaparkja; by Prof. F. Kielhorn,
Ph.D., C.I.E., Göttingen . . . . . . . . . . . . 13. Nagpur stone inscription of the rulers of Malaya, San. 1161; by the same. 14. Further Jaida inscriptions from Mathura (with facsimiles); by Prof. G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D.,
C.I.E. . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 15. Sangamner copper-plate inscription of the Yådaya Bhillama II, the saka year 922; by
Prof. F. Kielhorn, Ph.D., C.I.E. . . . . . . . . . 16. Stone inscription at Vaghli in Khandes, the sake year 991; by the same . . 17. Khaldri stone inscription of the reign of Haribrahmadeva, the Vikrama year 1478; by the same 228 18. Dubkund stone inscription of the Kachchhapaghâta Vikramasinha, Sarh. 1145; by the same 232 19. Pabhoss inscriptions (with facsimilos) by A. Führer, Ph.D. . . . 20 The Pillar Ediots of Asoka ; by Prof. G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E. . 21. The Mahaban Prasasti of Sarn. 1207 (with facsimila); by the same . . . . 22. Muhammadan inscriptions from Bengal (with facsimiles); by Paul Horn, Ph.D. 23. Benares copper-plate inscription of Karnadeva, the Chedi year 793 (with facrimile); by Prof.
F. Kielhorn, Ph.D., C.I.E. . . 24. Specimens of Jaina sonlptures from Mathuri (with sllustrations); by Prof. G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., O.I.E. . . . . . . . .
. . . . .311 25. The Battiprolu Buddhist inscriptions (with facsimiles and alphabet); by the same. . . 323 26. Govindpur stone inscription of the Poet Gangadhara, the Saka year 1059; by Prof. F. Kielhorn, Ph.D., C.I.E.
. . . . . . . . . . . 330 27. Dadhpani rock inscription of Udayamana; by the same . . . . . . . 28. Copper-plate inscription of Vaidyadeva of Kåmarûpa (with facsimiles); by Prof. A. Venis, M.A., Benares . . . . . . . .
.
. i . . .
10 29. Beper copper.phtant of Govindahind
the same
. . 358 30. Copper-plato grant of Maharaja Lakshmans, (Gupta) Sarh. 158 (with facsimilos); by A.
Führer, Ph.D. . . . . . . . . 31. Further votivo inscriptions from the Stopas at Sanchi (II), (with facsimiles); by Prof. G.
Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E. . . . . . . . . . . . 32. Chitorgadh stone inscription of Mokala of Mewad, the Vikrama year 1485; by Prof. F. Kiel
horn, Ph.D., C.I.E. 33. Chitorgadh stone inscription of the Chaulukya Kamarapala, Sach. 1207; by the same. 121

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CONTENTS
PAGE 34. Persian and Arabic Muhammadan inscriptions from the Saba of Dihlt, No. II.; by Paul Horn, Ph.D. . . . . . . . . . . .
424 35. Sridhara's Devapatana Prasasti of Samn. 1273 ; by Prof. G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.L.E. 437 36. Asoka's Rock edicts, according to the Girnar, Shahbâzgarhi, Kalsi and Mansehra Versions
(with facsimiles); by the same . . . . . . . . . . . 37. A Collection of Sanads of Moghul Emperors; by Paul Horn, Ph.D., Strassburg . 38. Further Pabhosa inscriptions; by Prof. G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.L.E. . 39. An Additional note on the Baijnath Prasastis; by G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.L.E. . 40. Notes on the Prakrit grant of the Pallava King Sivaskandavarma (Vol. I, pp. 2-10) by Profa.
Ernst Leumann, Ph.D., Strassbarg, and G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E. . . 483 Tables for calculating Hindu datos in true local time; by Hermann Jacobi, Ph.D., Sanskrit Professor, Bonn . .
. . . . 487 INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409 Corrigends . . . . . . . . .
. .
. . . . . 518
PAPERS ARRANGED UNDER AUTHORS' NAMES. BY PRUFESSOR G. BUHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.L.E., VIENNA
Votive inscriptions from the Stapas at Sanchi . . . . . Further votive inscriptions from the Sanchi Stapas . . Further Jaina inscriptions from Mathura . . . . Specimens of Jains sculptures from Mathuri The Bhattiprolu Stúpa Buddhist casket inscriptions . The Pillar edicts of Asoka . . . . Asoka's Rock edicts, according to the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, Kalal, and Mansehra ve The Jaina inscriptions of Satrumjaya . The Mahaban Prasasti of Sam. 1207 . . . . . . Sridhara's Devapatana Prasasti of San. 1273 . . . Further Pabhosa Inscriptions . . Additional note on the Baijnath Prasastis .
Note on the Prakrit grant of the Pallava King Sivaskandavarma. . BY H. H. DHRUVA, B.A., LL.B.:Three land-grants from Sankhedå in Gujarat .
. . . . . BY J. F. FLEET, PH.D., C.I.E., Bo. C. 8.:
Âtakar inscription of the time of Krishna III, dated Saks-Satavat 872 . . BY A. FÜHRER, PR.D., ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY, NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES Pabhosa inscriptions . . .
. . Copper-plate grant of Maharaja Lakshmana, (Grapta) Sam. 150 . . . . BY PAUL HORN, PH.D., STRASSBURG - Muhammadan inscriptions from the Saba of Dihlt (No. 1) . . . . . Ditto ditto
(No. II) . . . . . A Collection of Sanads of Moghal Emperors . . . . . . . BY PROFESSOR HERMANN JACOBI, PH.D., BONN:
Tables for calculating Hindu dates in true local time . . . . . BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, P=.D., C.I.E., GOTTINGEN :
Harsha stone inscription of the Chahamâna Vigraharaja [Sarh. 1030] . . . Badál pillar inscription of the time of Narayanapala . . . . . . Sangamner inscription of the Yadaya Bhillama IL, Sake, 922 . . . .
.
.
.
.
940
. .
. .
.
. .
472
.
487
. . .
116 . 160 . 213
-

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CONTENTS.
vii
PAQE.
297
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.LE., GOTTINGEN--contd.
Bendros copper-plate inscription of Karpadeva, the Chedi year 793. . . . Jabalpur copper-plate inscriptions of Yabahkarnadeva (A. D. 1122] . , . Bheraghat stone inscription of the queen Alhenadevt, the Chedi year 907 . . Towar stono inscription of the reign of Jayasimhadeve, the Chedi year 928 Stone inscription of Våghlt in Khandes, Sake 991 . Khalari stone inscription of the reign of Haribrahmaders . . . . Dubkund stone inscription of the Kachchhapaghata Vikramasitha, Sam. 1145 Karitalaf stone inscription of the reign of Lakshmanaraja . Nagpur stone inscription of the rulers of Malaya, Sam 1161 Govindpur stone inscription of the Poet Gangadhara, 6. 1059 . . Dudhpani rock inscription of Udayamana . Chitorgadh inscription of Mokala of Mew&d . .
Chitorgadh inscription of the Chanlukya Kumarapala, Sam. 1207 . BY PROFESSOR J. KIRSTE, PH.D., GRAZ:
Inscriptions from Northern Gujarat . . . BY PROFESSOR ERNST LEUMANN, PH.D., STRASSBURG:
Note on the Prakrit grant of the Pallava King Sivas kandavarman (in vol. I, pp. 2-10) BY PROFESSOR A. VENIS, M.A., BENARES - Copper-plate inscription of Vaidyadeva of Kamardpa .
. . Benares copper-plate grant of Govindachandra . . . . . . . .
.
488
. .
. 348 . 858
.
92
• 18€
FACSIMILES, ETC. 1. Sankhedå copper-plate grant of Dadda III, Ch. Sam. 346; by H. H. Dhruva, B.A., LL.B.
facing p. 30 2. Ditto ditto of Dadda IV, Ch. Sam, 391;
v 21 3. Ditto ditto of BalAdhikrita Santilla; 4. Harsha inscription of Chahamâna Vigraharaja, Sam. 1030, from impression by Lala Råm Bakhsh, Jaypur . . . . . . .
. . . 120 5. Three Muhammadan inscriptions from the Suba of Dili. 6. 7. Inscription of Hamayan, of A.H. 937; and Inscription of Akbar from Khokrakot, from impressions by Ghulam Husain . . . .
. . . 148-149 8. Badal Pillar inscription; impressed by H. B. W. Garrick . . . . . . 160 9. Mathura inscriptions (New Series) Nos. I-XV; by Dr. A. Führer . . . . 202 10. Ditto ditto Nos. XVI-XXVI;
. . . . 204 11. Ditto ditto XXVII-XLII;
. . 208 12. Pabhosa inscriptions: (1) outside, and (2) inside the cave; by A. Führer, Ph.D. . 242-248 13. Ditto
(3) at the modern Dharmaskli; by the same. . . . . 244 14, 15. Asoka Pillar inscription of Radhia; impressed by H. B. W. Garrick, Esq. . . . 248-249 16, 17. Ditto ditto at Mathiê; by the same . . . . . . 250-251 18. Ditto ditto at Rampurwa (fragment); by the same
252 19. Bhagalpur Muhammadan inscription of A.H. 850, and Mahdipur Muhammadan inscription of A.H. 891; impressed by J. D. Beglar, Esq. .
. . .280 20. Bihar Muhammadan inscription of A.H. 732; impressed by J. Bargess, LL.D., C.L.E.. 292 21, 22. Benares copper-plate grant of Karnadeva
. . . . 306-307 23. Mathura Jaina sculptures, Plate I. (from photograph), . . . . . 311 24. Ditto
ditto, Plate II. . . . . . . . . . . 25. Ditto ditto, Plate III. . . . . . . . . . .
26. Ditto ditto, Plate IV. . . . . . . . . . . 321 27, 28. Bhattiprolu Buddhist inscriptions, impressed by A. Rea, M.R.A.S. . . . . 324-326
Plate TY

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CONTENTS.
PAGE. 29, 30. Bhattiproln Buddhist inscriptions, by A. Res, Esq.; and Alphabet, by J. Bargess, LL.D. 324-325 31, 32. Copper-plato grant of Vaidyadevs of Kâmarupa-(1) Sealand (2) Plate I. , 352—353 33, 34. Ditto ditto
(3) Plate 1IA; (4) Plate IIB . 354–355 35, 36. Ditto
ditto
(5) Plate ILIA; (6) Plate IIIB. 356357 37. Copper-plate grant of Maharaja Lakshmana, (Gupta) Sam. 158,- two sides with seal, 364 38, 39. Sanchi inscriptions--two pages; by J. Burgess, LL.D., and A. Führer, Ph.D. , 368-369 40. Girnar Aboka edicts, No. I; from impressions by J. Burgess, LL.D. .
. 41. Ditto ditto, Nos. II and III; from the same . . . . . . . 42. KAlsi Agoks inscription : Edicts I-VI; from the same . . . 48. Girnar Asoka edicts, Nos. IV and V; from the same . 44. Ditto ditto, No. VI; from the same . . 45. Kalsi Aboka inscription, Edicts VII to XIII; from the asme.
. . . 456 46. Girnar Asoka edicts, Nos. VII, VIII and IX ; from the same 47. Ditto ditto, Nos. X, XI and XII; from the same
458 48, 49. Kalsi Asoka inscription, Edicts XIII (2nd part), and XIV, and Elephant; from the same 460-461 50. Girnar Aboka inscription, Nos. XIII and XIV; from the same.
463 51, 52. Pabbora inscriptions from the Hermit's Cave; by A. Führer, Ph.D. . . . 480-481
450
456

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PREFACE.
AS remarked in the Preface to the former volume, this is properly to be A regarded as one of the series of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, and practically may stand as the fifth volume of that publication : indeed, but that I had hoped the series of the Corpus would be resumed at an early date, these two "supplementary " volumes would also have borne the title chosen by the late General Sir A. Cunningham.
This volume completes what I had undertaken and closes my work in connexion with Indian Epigraphy. Among other papers, it contains a new and corrected edition of the Harsha inscription, first published by the Rev. Dr. Mill nearly sixty years ago, now edited by Professor Kielhorn from excellent impressions obtained for me by Colonel S. S. Jacob, C.I.E. The Badal pillar inscription first published by Sir Charles Wilkins in 1788 has also been anew translated by the same scholar, from Mr. H. B. W. Garrick's fresh impressions. The Pillar and Rock Edicts of Asoka have been finally revised by Professor Bühler, who has also continued the very important series of short epigraphs discovered by Dr. Führer at Mathura, along with the extensive collection of votive inscriptions made by the same scholar at Sânchi.
The very early Bauddha inscriptions discovered by Alex, Rea, Esq., of the Madras Archæological Survey, in the brick remains of a Stûpa at Bhattiprolu in the Kộishņâ district, have also been edited by the same abie scholar. This important discovery was reported to the Madras Government by Mr. Rea on 22nd February, 1892, and his letter was printed in G. O. of 22nd April 1892, No. 270. It will be interesting in connexion with the epigraphs to give some details of the discovery here. Mr. R. Sewell (Lists of Antiquarian Remains in Madras Presidency, p. 77) states that this Stapa “was greatly demolished a few years ago " (i.e. before 1882) for the "purpose of making a road; and some of the marble sculptures were utilized in building a sluice on the Krishņà canal close by, where the road to Vellatūru crosses the canal. I have it direct from the officer chiefly concerned in the demolition that the mound was between 30 and 40 feet high, of a circular shape like a dome, but ruined at the top; that there was a marble pillar standing erect, and sculpture here and there in marble ... He found inside the dome a casket made of six small slabs of stone dove-tailed into one another measuring about 2 feet by 14 feet by 1 foot. Inside this was a common clay chatti, and inside the chátti a neat casket made of soap-stone,' which contained a crystal phial. In the phial was a pearl, a few bits of gold-leaf and some ashes. Wishing to remove his discoveries, the stone casket was accidentally broken and the remains were left at Bhattiprolu. The chátti was also broken. The

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PREFACE.
et. Frand the stapa. Prick A
* the
closing Tictive repons portis
soap-stone' casket was smashed during a voyage to England and the fragments thrown away. The crystal phial was presented to Dr. Burnell."
... “ The villagers of Bhattiprolu told me that they remember some railing or wall, which they described as about four feet high, surrounding the tope."*
Mr. Rea found that the building had been of solid brick work throughout, and that a portion of the base of the dome and the wall of the processionpath at the south-east quadrant, were intact. From these he made out that the dome must have had a diameter of 132 feet and the base of 148 feet, - being thus about ten feet larger than the Amarâvati stúpa. Outside the basement, and 8 feet below the present surface, he found a brick floor about 12 feet broad, at the outer edge of which were fragments of marble,-probably of the great enclosing rail.
"I learned," he says, in his very instructive report," that the casket had been found just above the summit of the remaining portion of the brick dome. I ascertained this point to be 15 feet above the level of the floor of the procession-path which surrounds the building. Although this casket had been found, I considered that, as the principal deposit is usually placed down in the centre near the foundation, or at the level of the procession-path, there was a great probability of there being another. After having found the centre of the circular brick-work, which, through the demolition, is not now in the middle of the mound but considerably towards the north, I saw that the bricks there had not been touched. In the centre was a narrow well, 94 inches in diameter, filled with earth. This hole, it appears, was open when the top of the stūpa was removed, and was then sounded with a rope to a depth of about 15 feet from the present surface. Around it were courses of eight bricks radiating from the centre to a diameter of 3 feet. These bricks I removed to a depth of 14 feet 6 inches.
"At that depth I came on a large, irregular, triangular slab of black stone laid on the outside of the excavated shaft. The two inner sides of the stone radiated from the centre, its outer side was curved concentric with the brick-work, and extended a foot into the wall of the shaft. It would have lain clear, had another ring of brick-work been removed, making the shaft 5 feet in diameter, but I did not expect to find more than one casket, in the centre On removing it, I found a rectangular cutting on the under surface of the stone measuring 11 inches by 8 inches and $ inch deep: the length was placed east and west. Below it was another similar but thicker stone with a raised rectangular rim on its upper surface cut to fit into the hollow in the upper stone. The inner sides of this rectangle slope down into a circular cavity 5 inches deep. The
* Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. I, pp. 153,374; vol. III, p. 124; Madras G. O. Ist Nov. 1878, No. 1620, pp. 33, 34.

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PREFACE.
xi
upper surface of the lower stone is smooth, and cut on it, round the four sides of the casket chamber, are two lines of an inscription in characters similar to those of the Asoka inscriptions" (see Nos. i and ii, pp. 326, 327)
In the cavity, was a small globular black stone relic-casket. Around the casket, and mixed with some earth which filled the cavity, were the following objects:-2 small hemispherical hollow copper or bell-metal (1) cups, 1 inches in diameter: they fit into each other, and one bears traces of some sort of resin having been inside; on the apex of one is a gold bead,
inch in diameter; the other has had a gold bead also, which was found in the earth alongside; 1 copper finger ring and several bits of copper; 1 small bead; 2 double pearls; and the following articles in gold, weighing collectively tola and 13 grains (ie., 148 grains) viz., 1 single and 1 double gold bead; 7 small triangular pieces; 4 lotus flowers in thin sheets with eight bent petals, each 1 inches across; 2 trisûlas in thin plates each 1 inches by 1 inch; 1 hexagonal crystal with slightly convex sides, 2 inches by inch, pierced with a hole through its axis. On each of the sides of the prism is lightly traced an inscription in the same character as that on the stone (see No. x, p. 329).
"The two hemispherical vessels lay on the west side of the casket; the crystal prism, gold flowers and other articles on the east. The reliccasket is 4 inches in diameter by 4 inches in height. The lid fits by a groove into the lower portion. Inside was a cylindrical crystal phial 24 inches in diameter by 14 inches in height. It is moulded on the sides, flat on the top and bottom, and has its lid fitted in the same manner as the stone receptacle. Inside is a flat piece of bone, half an inch across, smooth on the one side and celled on the other: it seems to be a piece of a skull bone.
"In the stone casket, below the phial were,-9 small lotus flowers in gold-leaf; 6 gold beads over an eighth of an inch in diameter, and 8 smaller; 4 small lotus flowers in thin copper; 19 small pierced pearls; 1 slightly blue coloured amethyst beard; and 24 small coins or tokens of a light coloured metal, somewhat resembling bell-metal. They are plain on the reverse: and on the obverse have lotus flowers, trisúlas, feet with a snake coiled round, and other emblems more or less legible. They were laid on the bottom of the casket with the smooth sides down-in the form of a svastika, and had become fixed to the stone by oxidation. In the svastika, nine of the coins were in the central rectangle; three on each of the four arms, and the other three over the centre. The flowers and beads seem also to have been originally arranged symmetrically. An example of this symbo lical use of the svastika was found in the centre of the stupa at Pedda Ganjam.

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PREFACE.
"At a depth of 17 feet, was another black stone, on the north side of the well, and, like the first, sunk a foot into the wall. It is roughly triangular in form, with rounded corners, and measures about 2 feet across, by 10 inches thick. On the top is a circle, 7 inches in diameter, raised half an inch. The under-side is smooth with a circular hollow 12 inches in diameter and half an inch deep. The circle is filled in with an inscription in 18 lines (No. iji, p. 327), while around it, are two others in two lines (Nos. iv and v, p. 328). All had the letters filled in with white. Below it was a stone, roughly rectangular, with rounded corners. In it is a circular cavity 61 inches deep, 7 inches in diameter at the top and 4 at the bottom. Round the top is a raised rim 14 inches broad; and on the upper surface, round the hole, are inscriptions in two lines (Nos. vi and vii, p 328). The characters are the same as those of the inscription first described. The letters were filled with chunam, evidently that they might show distinctly in the black stone. The cavity was nearly filled with earth and had no inner stone casket. In it was a crystal phial 18 inches in diameter by 24 inches high. Its lid is moulded like a dágaba. The top and bottom were lying separate and filled with earth. There was no sign of a relic inside. Mixed with the earth in the stone cavity were,-164 lotus leaves and buds, 2 circular flowers, a triśúla, and a three-armed figure like a svastika,--all in gold leaf; 2 gold stems for the lotus flowers-one of them attached ; 6 gold beads; and 1 small coiled gold ring. The lotus leaves (or petals) are of different sizes, having been fitted inside each other as in the flower itself. The beads represent the opening buds. These articles weigh collectively close on 1% tolas (315 grs.). Also, two pearls ; 1 garnet ; six coral beads and one bit of the same material; 1 slightly blue, flat, oval, crystal bead ; one pointed, oval, white crystal bead; and two green tinged, flat, hexagonal beryl drops : one is is and the other inch in length; a number of bits of corroded copper leaf, including lotus flowers, stems, a miniature umbrella, and one or more thin sheets of silver folded flat into about eight thicknesses. The metal of the latter is much corroded and extremely brittle: it will be impossible to unfold the sheets. One side is broken but the fragments remain. The largest piece measures 2 inches by 14 inches, and shows some letters or symbols pricked on with a metal point.
“At a depth of 18 feet another black stone lay sunk a foot into the wall on the east side of the shaft. It is an irregular circular stone measuring about 2 feet 3 inches across, by 10 inches thick. On its under surface is a circular space sunk half an inch with an inscription in eight lines (No. viii, p. 328). The letters were whitened. This stone lay on the top of another, roughly square in shape, and measuring 2 feet 5 inches by 2 feet 3 inches by 11 inches thick. On the upper side is a circular cavity 5 inches deep

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PREFACE.
xiii
71 inches broad at the top and 5 inches at the bottom. On the top is a rim 24 inches broad which fits into the hollow in the upper stone. On the upper surface of the stone, round the rim, is an inscription in one line, with letters whitened (No. ix, p. 329).
"The cavity was nearly filled with earth. In it were : 1 crystal phial of the shape of that found inside the second stone receptacle but slightly larger. It measures 24inches in diameter by 3 inches high. The two pieces were filled with earth and lay apart.
"Close to the phial, was found the actual relic casket with the relics inside. It is made of a large beryl measuring to inch in length, by 4 inch, by inch. A cylindrical hole, 4 inch in diameter, is drilled in its axis, in which are the relics,-three small pieces of bone. The hole is closed by a small white crystal stopper with hexagonal bulbous top. The necking is covered with gold leaf, and another sheet of the same material is fixed outside on the bottom. This unique casket had been originally placed inside the crystal phial, but had been displaced probably by shaking of the stone when it was laid. There was also in the cavity :-1 amethyst bead & inch long; another smaller; and l yellow coloured crystal bead ; 1 small hexagonal crystal drop of a slightly yellowish colour, and another flat one of white crystal; 1 bone bead ; 6 pearls, and 32 seed pearls, all pierced : 30 lotus flowers, a bent two-armed figure, and a quatre-foil in gold leaf; a piece of seemingly decomposed quartz having the appearance of salt but insoluble in water ; a few bits of copper, and an iron (?) cinder.
“The inscriptions are of importance, as, being found in connection with the relics, they must be contemporaneous with the foundation of the stúpa, and shew it to have been an early one."
This report by Mr. Rea is a model of accurate and careful detail such as is seldom met with in such papers, and throws all the light possible in the circumstances on the discovery of these early Bauddha inscriptions. The whole of the objects found have been delivered by Mr. Rea to the Central Museum at Madras.
The volume concludes with a paper supplementary to that given in the previous one by Professor H. Jacobi of Bonn University, completing his ingenious method of computing accurately Hindu dates found in ancient documents. The table of contents will show the list of other papers and the names of the respective contributors: to all of them my best thanks are tendered. To Dr. A. Führer, Ph.D., as assistant editor, I am deeply indebted for much valuable assistance in many ways, ever readily rendered.
JAS. BURGESS. 22, Seron PLACE, EDINBURGH:
August, 1894.

Page #17


Page #18

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
I.-JABALPUR COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF YASAHKARNADEVA.
[A. D. 1122.] BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN. This inscription, of which I am unable to say where' or by whom it was discovered, was engraved on two plates. Both plates were deposited in the Nagpur Museum, where a Devanagari transcript of the whole inscription was made which seems to exist still and which will be referred to below. Subsequently the second of the two plates was either lost or stolen. But the first plate is still in the Museum; and, since the inscription even in its fragmentary state is of some importance, being the only one of the Chedi king Yaśaḥkarnadeva hitherto discovered, I edit it now from five rubbings and impressions which during the last two or three years have been kindly supplied to me by Dr. Burgess, Mr. Fleet, and Colonel J. A. Temple.
The plate is inscribed on one side only, and measures about 1' 63' broad by 1 high. At the bottom it has a round hole, about 5" in diameter, for a ring which has probably disappeared together with the missing plate. The writing has suffered a good deal from corrosion, and there are in consequence several aksharas which cannot be read with absolute certainty. But, fortunately, everything of historical importance is clear and distinct, and there is no doubt about the purport of any part of the inscription. The size of the letters is between and ". The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. Excepting the introductory om om namo Vrahmane and a few words at the end, the inscription is in verse. The total number of verses is 24, of which 16 occur also in the Kumbhi copper-plate inscription of Gosaladevi. As regards orthography, the letter b
"I call the plate the Jabalpur plate, because it is so called by Sir A. Cunningham. The district of Javalipattana or Jáuli-patan' was apparently mentioned in the lost portion of the inscription. See the references in note 2, below.
* See Grant's Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, 2nd edition, Introduction, pp. li and lii; and Sir A. Cunningham's Archeological Survey of India, Vol. IX, pp. 87 and 88. Several of the statements which have been made regarding this inscription, on the basis of the Nagpur Museum transcript, are very incorrect. Thus, according to one account, the inscription is one of Karnadeva, according to another it belongs to Gayakarna, and the transcript is said to read Sri-mahesa-Karna: but there can be no doubt that the inscription belongs to Yasah karna and that, what the copyist bad before him in the now lost plate, was Srimad-Yafahkarna. Karnadeva is said to have built a fort named Karna Meru from which flowed the river Karpavati; in reality Karns built a temple at Banaras, which the poet describes as Karna's Meru, and he founded the town of Karnavati. The same Karna is said to have conquered Bhimegvara, king of Andhra, who is identified with Bhima II, one of the eastern Chalukyan. What the insoription really says is, that Yasahkarna defeated the king of Andhra, and that he subscquently presented the holy Bhime vara (or Biva) with many ornaments. [See page 7, note 48.-E. H.
Edited and translated in the Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. VIII, pp. 483-495 ; and re-edited by Dr. F. E. Hall, ib., vol. XXXI, pp. 116-128. It will be seen that the present inscription, in verses 3, 5, 8, 12, 14, and 20, furnisbes decidedly better readings than those given by Dr. Hall, and that in verse 21 it supplies certain words which have been either omitted or given quite wrongly in the published versions of the Kumbhi inscription.

Page #19

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
is throughout denoted by the sign for v, and the dental sibilant is frequently employed instead of the palatal; besides, é is used for in the word sárddhan, in line 21, and ; for y in trijámá, in line 15.
The metrical portion of the inscription, after mentioning, like the Kumbhi and other Chedi inscriptions, a number of divine and semi-divine beings, gives the usual genealogy of the Kalachuri (or Chedi) kings of Tripuri, from Yuvarajade va down to the reigning king Yasah karnadeva (Yuvarajadeva; Kokalla; Gangeya deva, also called Vikramaditya; Karnadeva, who married the Hûna princess Âvalladevi; and Yasah karnadeva). And, in addition to the well-known facts that Gangeya deva with his hundred wives obtained final salvation at Prayaga, and that Karņadeva founded the town of Karnavati, it only records in verse 13) that Karna also built a magnificent temple at Käsi or Benares, where evidently verse 13 was composed ; and (in verse 23) that Yasaḥkarna defeated the ruler of Andhra, in the vicinity of the river Godavari.
Of the prose portion of the inscription only a few words remain. But from these words—and this... Paramabhattáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Paramešvara, who [meditates on the feet of the illustrious Våmadeva," - it is clear that the inscription must have recorded a grant made by, or during the reign of, the king who in the metrical portion is mentioned last, i.e., Yaśaḥ karņadeva. And it is fortunate that the Nagpur Museum transcript, inaccurate as it is in other respects, enables us to ascer. tain the time when this grant was made, in my opinion, with certainty. We know that Yaśaḥkarņa was succeeded by his son Gayakarņadeva, and we possess an inscription of this Gaya karna which must have been put up towards the end of his reign and which bears a date corresponding to the 17th June, A. D. 1151. Yasah karna would therefore have ceased to reign some time before, and probably at such a distance from, A. D. 1151, as would suit the relation to each other of father and son. Now according to the Någpur Museum transcript of the present inscription the grant recorded in it was made at the time of the Makara-samkranti, on Monday, the 10th of the waning moon of Magha.' And during the sixty years preceding A. D. 1151, the only year which fulfils these conditions is A. D. 1122. For in that year the 10th of the dark half of Mâgha fell by the púrnimánta scheme on Monday, the 25th December, when the 10th tithi of the dark half ended 8 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise; and in the same year the Makara-samkranti took place 15 minutes before mean sunrise of, or for religious purposes on, the same Monday. And I have no doubt that Monday, the 25th December A.D. 1122, corresponding, with my epoch of the Chedi era, to Mágha. badi 10 of Chedi-samvat 874, is the true date of the grant, and that this is a reliable date for Yaśaḥ karņadeva, whose reign probably ended shortly afterwards.
Compare Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 225. • See ib., vol. XVIII, p. 210. . See Sir A. Cunningham's Archeological Survey of India, vol. IX, p. 88.
7 See Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 218. After I had made the necorary calculations regarding the above date for my paper on the epoch of the Chedi era and found the above result, I learnt from Mr. Fleet that, according to Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's calculations, in the century Saka-samvat 1000 to 1100 (A. D. 1078-1178) the only year in which the Makarasarnkranti occurred on Monday, which was the 10th lunar or solar day of the month Magha, was Saka-samvat 1044 expired (A. D. 1122-23).

Page #20

JABALPUR COPPER-PLATE OF YASAHKARNADEVA.
L. 1.
TEXT.
ओं [*] ओं नमी व्र(ब) ह्मणे ॥ जयति जलजनाभस्तस्य नाभीसरोजं जयति जयति तस्माज्जातवाना(म)सूतिः ॥(1) अथ जयति स तस्यापत्यमविस्तदक्षास्तदनु जयति जन्म प्राप्तवा
नधिवन्धुः।"-[1]. अथ वो(बो)धनमादिराजपुचं एहजामातरमअवान्धवस्य । तनयं जनयांव(ब)भूव राजा गगनाभोगतडागराजहंसः ॥ -[2]. पुत्रं पुरूरवसमौरसमाप सू
नुर्देवस्य सप्तजलरासि(शि)रसायनस्य । आसीदनन्यसमभाग्यशतोपभोग्या यस्योर्बसी(शी) च सुकलनमिहोबरा च ॥ -[3]. अत्रान्वये किल शताधिकसप्तिमेधयूपोपरुदयमुनो
क्लविविक्तकीर्तिः ॥) सप्ताधि(ब्धि)रबरस(श)नाभरणाभिरामविखं (ख)भ[रा]सु(श)भरतो भरतो व(ब)भूव ॥-[4]. हेलाग्रहीतपुनरुक्तसमस्तस(स) स्त्रो गोत्रे जयत्यधिकमस्य स कार्तवीर्यः ॥(1)
3.
b. वैव हैहयनृपान्वयपूर्वपुंसि राजेति नाम स(श)शलक्ष्मणि चक्षमे यः ॥ -[6].
स हिमाचल इव कलचुरिवंस(श)मसूत क्षमाभृतां भर्ता [*]. मुक्तामणिभिरिवामलहत्तैः पूतं महीप
तिभिः ॥ -[6]. तत्रान्वये नयवतां प्रवरी नरेन्द्रः पौरन्दरीमिव पुरीं त्रिपुरी पुनानः ॥() पासीन्मदान्धवृपगन्धगजाधि[राज]निर्माथकेसरियुवा युवराजदेवः ॥"-[7]. सिंहासने नृप7.
तिसिंहममुष्य सूनुमारूरुपनवनिभर्तुरमात्यमुख्याः ॥(1) कोकल्लमपर्णवचतुष्टयवीचिसंघसंघहरुडचतुरङ्गचमूप्रचारं ॥ -[8].
इन्दुप्रभां निंदति हारगुच्छं जुगुप्सते 8.
चंदनमाक्षिपन्ती [] यत्र प्रभो दूरतरं प्रयाते वियोगिनीष प्रतिभाति कीर्तिः ॥"-[9]. मरकतमणिपग्रौढवक्षाः स्मिताक्षी नगरपरिघदैवी (ध्य) लंघय[न्दो]ईयेन । [भिर]सि 9. कुलिस(श)पातो वैरिणां वीरलक्ष्मीपतिरभवदपत्यं यस्य गाङ्गेयदेवः ॥"-[10].
सवीरसिंहासनमौलिर[4] स विक्रमादित्य इति प्रसिद्धः ।
य[स्माद]कस्मादप[वर्मा ?]. From impressions supplied to me by the Editor and by 16 Metre, Arya. Mr. Fleet.
30 Metre of verses 7 and 8, Vasantatilaka. As the noun • Expressed by a symbol.
nirmatha does not seem to occur anywhere else, I suspect it • Read भविबन्धुः
to have been pat wrongly for nirmathi (nirndthin). 1 Metre, MAlini.
17 Metre, Upajati. n Read "भगवान्धवस्थ.
18 This word is quite clear in the rubbings. 13 Metre, Aupachchhandasika.
19 Metre, Malini. "Metroot verses 3-5, Vasantatilake

Page #21

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
12.
L. 10.
मिच्छबकुच्छ ल[:][क स्वजितां व(ब)भार (1) -[11]. प्राप्ते प्रयागवटमूलनिवेस(श)व(ब)न्धौ साई शतेन गृहिणीभिरमुत्र मुक्तिं ।
पुत्रोऽस्य खगदलि[तारिकरीन्द्रकुम्भमुक्ताफलैः 11.
स्म ककुभोर्चति करर्णदेव: ॥ -[12]. कनकसि(शि)खरवेल्लदैजयन्तीसमीरग्लपितग[ग]नखेलखेचरीचक्रखे द]: ॥() किमपरमिह कास्यां (श्यां) य[स्य] दुग्धाब्धि(ब्धि)वीचीवल[यव(ब)?]
हल कीर्त] कीर्तनं करर्णमेरुः ॥ -[13]. अग्र धाम (थे)यसो वेदविद्यावल्लीकंदः स्वःस्रवन्त्याः किरीट [*]
व्र(ब) मस्तंभो येन करर्णावतीति प्रत्य[ष्ठापि] मातलब (ब्रह्मलो[क:] 18.
॥-[14]. अजनि कलचुरीणां स्वामिना तेन हणान्वयजलनिधिलक्ष्मयां श्रीमदावनदेव्यां ॥(1) शशभूदुदयस(श)झाक्षुब्ध(ब) दुग्धाश्चि(वि)वेलासहचरितयस(श):थी: श्रीयस(ग):करण
देवः ॥ -[15]. [चंद्रार्कदीपवति पर्वतराजपूपर्णकुम्भावभासिनि महा[श्चि(ब्धि)]चतुष्कमध्ये[*] चक्रे पुरोहितपुर स्क]तिपूत[कर्मा] धर्मात्मनोऽस्य हि पितैव महाभिषेकं ॥ -[16].
14.
15. खलु समदगोष्ठीपक्षपातस्य पात्रं । न खलु कलुषचर्याकज्जलोद्भावकच?] (1)
कलयवि कलिनामन्युगमं यस्त्रिजा(या)मातमसि जयति जम्बू(म्बूहीपरत्नप्रदीपः ॥ -[17].
चिन्ता16. मणि[कृष्ण?] सु(अ)क्तियुग्म] क्रोडे स्याद्यदि कामधेनुदुग्धं [1]
दस्ये (ग्ये)त दशोस्तस्य दातुः सादस्य (ज्यं) [ध]वलारुणक्षणस्य । (1)"-[18].
यः ककुष्कुञ्जरालानस्तंभसव(ब्रह्मचारिणः ।। 17. [आसा(शा)न्तेषु जयस्तम्भानुदस्तंभयदुच्चकैः ॥ -[19].
यो व्र(ब) ह्मणां पाणिषु पंचषाणि दाता"निधत्ते पयसः पृषन्ति [*]
तैरेव तृष्णामवधय ते च रत्नाकरपि प्रथयन्त्यव[ज्ञां ॥] -[20]. 18. महीभर्ती महादानस्तैस्तुलापुरुषादिभिः []
गरिम्णा [मेरुरत्यर्थ कृतार्थयति योर्थिनः । (1)-[21]. खगराजगजदन्तरुचीनि क्षीरनीरनिधिसं(शं)ख सु(शु)चीनि । सा(शा)ङ्गि
वेष?] फणिकंचुकभांसि स्फोततां दधति यस्य यसा(शा)सि ॥"-[22]. अन्धाधीस (प्रा)मरन्दोविलसित स्वच्छन्दमुच्छिन्दता येनाभ्यच्चात भूरिभिः स भगवान्भीमेख (श्व)रो
19.
"Metre, Upajati.
This word is quite clear in the rubbings. 22 Metre, Vasantatilakh. a Metre, Malini.
Metre, Salini. "Metre, Malini. 2 Metre, Vasantatilaka. * This sign of punctuation is superfluous. 2 Metre, Malini.
Metre, Bhadraviraj. The third Pada wants one short syllable, between drifos and tasya. I would suggest reading tadasya.
30 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh). 21 This is quite clear in the rubbings. 33 Metre, Indravajra. » Metre, śloka (Anushţubh). * Metre, Sragata.

Page #22

JABALPUR COPPER-PLATE OF YASAHKARNADEVA.
L. 20.
[a] #: n(1) यस्था[व]रण[यदात्ता]नृत्यलहरीद्रवलिगोदावरी
[aufg7]HTETICHÈ: Riaal: wafa: (n)* — [23]. कुर्खयहीं वा(बा) णसा
fruafara(a)tu: [*] T(ET) (T)TÅTT: wutafuttefa - [24]. स च परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेख(ख)रथीवामदेवपा
21.
bie (2.) Nopriuus is the frithe god) bor
TRANSLATION.
Om !
Oṁ! Adoration to Brahman! (Verse 1.) Glorious is (the god) whose navel is a lotus, glorious is the lotus which is his navel, (and) glorious is (the god) born from that lotus! Glorious also is his offspring Atri, and glorious is the friend of the ocean who took his birth from Atri's eye! 37
(2.) Now the king who is the swan in the lake of the expanse of heaven begat as his offspring Bodhana, the son of (that) primeval king (and) son-in-law in the house of the friend of lotuses.
(.) This son of the god who is the elixir produced from the seven seas obtained, as the son of his own body, Purûravas, who had both Urvast and the earth here for his faithful wives, to be enjoyed by him with their hundreds of unrivalled blessings.
(4.) In this family forsooth was born Bharata, whose pure fame is proclaimed by the Yamuna, hemmed in by more than hundred posts of horse-sacrifices offered by hims),-Bharata, who delighted in the welfare of the earth, made lovely, as by a pearl-ornament, by the girdle of the seven seas.
(5.) Highly glorious is in his family that Kartavirya who, though he had no need of them, wielded with ease every weapon, (and) who allowed the title of king only to the Moon, the ancestor of the family of these Haihaya princes.
(6.) Resembling the Himalaya, the lord of mountains, that lord of princes begat the Kalachuri race which is purified by rulers of spotless conduct, as with pure round pearls.
(7.) In this family was a prince, foremost of the prudent, who purified the town of Tripuri so that it was like Indra's city,-Yuvarajadeva, who destroyed the lords of princes blinded by passion, as a young lion does powerful infuriated elephants.
(8.) The chief ministers of that ruler of the earth placed on the throne his son Kokalla, a lion-like prince, the progress of whose armies, comprising elephants, chariots, horsemen and soldiers on foot," was checked (only) by their encountering the masses of waves of the four oceans.
» Metre, Sardalavikridita. » Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh).
*This first verse glorifies the god Vishnu, bio navel, the god Brahman, Atri, and the Moon. Further on we are told that the Moon's son Bodhana (or Badba, ie., Mercury) married (Ilå or IDA) a daughter of the Sun (or Mitra-Varupa), and that their son was Purtrava. The friend of the ocean' is the moon; "the friend of lotuses,' the sun.
..., the moon. » 1.o., again the moon, under the name of Soma confounded with the Soma plant.
• For the same idon, compare ante, vol. I, p. 313, verse 16. Dr. F. E. Hall's reading chakrame in the Kumbbi copper-plate (instead of chakshame) yields no sense.
The original bas only the word chaturanga.

Page #23

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(V. 9.) That lord having gone far away, his fame shows like a forsaken woman; deriding white sandal, it reproves the lustre of the moon, and is a reproach to a string of pearls.
(10.) His son was Gangeyadeva, a thunderbolt falling on the heads of enemies (and) the lord of the fortune of heroes, with a chest broad like an emerald tablet, (and) with smiling eyes, (and) with his two arms surpassing the length of a city bar.
(11.) The crest-jewel of crowned heads, he has become famous under the name of Vikramaditya; for, striving after final beatitude (and) free from wicked deceit, he ruled the earth which he had himself conquered all of a sudden.
(12.) When, fond of residing at the foot of the holy fig tree of Prayaga, he had found salvation there together with his hundred wives, his son Karnadeva honoured the quarters with the pearls from the frontal globes of the majestic elephants of his enemies, cleft by his sword.
(13.) Of him whose great fame is like the circle of waves of the milky ocean, need we say more than that here, at Kaši, there is a temple (erected by him), Karna's Meru, (80 lofty) that the wind of the flags which wave from its golden spires lessens the fatigue of the damsels of heaven, when playing in the sky ?
(14.) He set up the pillar of piety, called Karnavati, the foremost abode of bliss, the root of the creeping plant-knowledge of the Vedas, the diadem of the stream of heaven, the world of Brahman on the surface of the earth.
(15.) That lord of the Kalachuris begat on the illustrious Âvalladevi, (another) goddess of fortune produced from the ocean of the Huņa family, the illustrious Yabah. karnadeva, the glory of whose fame is co-extensive with the billows of the milky ocean which rose (when he arose), mistaking him to be the rising moon.
(16.) of this law-abiding (son) the father, whose aets were purified by the respect which he paid to the family priests, performed himself the great inauguration ceremony in the midst of the four great oceans, made resplendent, as by a full jar, by the king of mountains, and illumined by the moon and the sun.“
(17.) Glorious is that jewel-lamp" of Jambadvipa which sends forth its rays in the darkness of night of the Kali age, never filled with partiality for the assemblies of the arrogant, and never displaying the lampblack-base conduct.
(18.) If the milk of the cow of plenty were (put) within the two black shells of the gem which grants every desire, then there would be seen a likeness with the eyes of that bountiful (king) whose eyes are both white and red."
(19.) He erected high pillars of victory near the confines of the regions, as companions of the posts to which the elephants of the quarters are fastened.
(20.) This bountiful (lord) puts five or six drops of water into the hands of the
• Meru denotes a particular kind of temple (hexagonal, with twelve stories, variegated windows, and four entrances; Brihatrahita, Ivi, 20), and the word is chosen here because it is also the name of the well-known fabulous mountain of Anormoun height, the summit of which is the residence of Brahman. A similar temple is said to have been built by Gångeyadeva; see v. 9 of the next inscription.
• At an ordinary abhisheka water from all the oceans, golden jars, etc., should be used. To show the magnificence of Yasahkarna's abhisheka, the poet says that the ceremony here was performed in the midst of the four oceans, and that the Himalaya took the place of the ordinary golden jars, etc.; and ho implies that Y. was inaugurated in the sovereiguty of the whole eartb, bounded by the oceans.
4 1.e., a lamp in which jewels give out light. Jambůdvipa is the central division of the world, including India.
The general meaning of this verse is that the king possesses the properties of both the fabulous cow of plenty and the gem which grants every desire.

Page #24

BHERA-GHAT INSCRIPTION OF ALHANADEVI.
Brahmanss; and they with these already quench their thirst, and afterwards show their contempt even for the ocean.7
(V. 21.) In weight (like the mountain) Meru, this ruler of the earth exceedingly gratifies suppliants by bestowing on them (gold) equal to his own weight and by other great gifts.
(22.) Bright like the tusks of the elephant of the king of heaven, pure like the shells of the ocean of milk, (and) lustrous like the snake's skin in which Vishnu is clad, his fame has become superabundant.
(23.) Extirpating with ease the ruler of Andhra (even though) the play of (that king's) arms disclosed no flaw, he reverenced the holy Bhimesvara" with many ornaments. The Godavari, with her waves, trees and creeping plants dancing, has sung his deeds of valour with the seven notes of her stream, sweet like the cries of the intoxicated flamingo. . (24.) Crushing the power of his enemies and making over the earth to the Brahmans, he engages in a course of rivalry with Parasurama.
And this .. . the Paramabhattáraka, Maharájádhiraja, and Paramesvara, who meditates on the feet of the illustrious Vamadeva . . . . . . . .
II.-BHERA-GHAT STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE QUEEN ALHANADEVI.
THE (CHEDI] YEAR 907. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN. The stone which bears this inscription was procured by Dr. F. E. Hall, in 1857, at Bhera.Gbát on the Narmada, in the Jabalpur district of the Central Provinces, and subsequently presented by him to the American Oriental Society in whose Cabinet, at New Haven, it is now deposited. It is a plain block of greenstone, of a soft texture and easily cut, 29!" broad by 1' 10%" high. The inscription was first edited, with an English translation and notes, by Dr. Hall in the Journal Am. Or. Soc., vol. VI, pp. 499-532; and Dr. Hall's text was afterwards reprinted in Roman characters, with a photozincograph of the inscription, in Dr. Burgess' Memoranda, Archæol. Survey of Western India, No. 10, pp. 107-9; and his translation in Sir A. Cunningham's Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. IX, pp. 91-94. I now re-edit the inscription from two excellent impressions and a rubbing kindly prepared for me, at Professor Lanman's request, by Mr. Herbert C. Tohwan, of Yale University, New Haven.'
The inscription contains 29 lines of writing which cover a space of about 2 73" broad by 1' 9' high. With the exception of two aksharas each at the end of lines 11 and 12, which are almost entirely broken away, and about half a dozen other damaged aksharas,
"vis, at the time when he is making donations to them. 47 The word translated by ocean' means originally a mine of precious stones.' * i.e., the god Biva. (I take this to refer to the Blimesvara temple at Drakebårâma in the Goddvari district.-E. H.) 1 See the Journal An. Or. Soc., vol. VI, pp. 499 and 534; and C. Grant's Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, 2nd
ed., p. 73
* It is hardly necessary to say that Dr. Hall's text and translation were prepared with his usual care and scholarship. Nevertheless, few slight errors of his were pointed out already by the Committee of Pablication of the Amerion Oriental Society while his paper was passing through the press; and I have bad occasion to differ still further from Dr. Hall, as regards both the text and the translation.

Page #25

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
the writing is well preserved and may be read with certainty throughout. The size of the letters is between 16 and 18". The characters are Nagari, carefully drawn and engraved ; and they include the sign of the jihvámiliya in mahipalah-Karnnah, in line 9, and that of the upadhmániya in Hinah-praharsham, in line 10. The language is Sanskrit, and excepting the introductory on om namah Sivaya and the date at the end, the inscription is in verse. The language is not quite free from mistakes. For, in line 10, we find the perfect form chakape, instead of chakampe (which would not have suited the metre), and, in line 25, the imperative dyadhattám, possibly an error of the writer or engraver, instead of vidhattam which would suit the metre equally well. Besides we have, in line 9, the wrong abstract noun chandimata, and, in line 2, the adjective valgu, used in the sense of the participle valgat. And the rules of sandhi have not been observed in kim=vá, line 2, and in yushmán=fariraiḥ, line 3. As regards orthography, the consonant bis seven times denoted by its own proper sign, but just as often by the sign for o. Thus, in lines 7 and 10 we read bibhrat, but in line 6 ribhrat; in line 16 buddher, but in line 1 ouddhim, &c. The sibilants are generally employed each in its proper place; but in line 14 we have saţála, instead of sațála as the word is correctly written in line 27. Instead of the sign of anusvára the dental n has been wrongly employed in the word sinha (in the proper names Vairisinka, Vijayasinha, &c., in lines 16, 17, 21-23, and 29), in banka, line 20, and in sudhansuh, line 18 (properly written sudhamsu in line 4); and even at the end of a word before an initial sibilant, in sansatsu, line 6, and etán=súrih, line 28. And, generally, it may be noted that out of about 60 cases where the use of the anusvára would have been optional, at the end of a word before a following initial consonant, and where it would now be usually employed throughout, it has been actually employed only about 25 times, while in the rest of the cases the nasal of the class to which the following consonant belongs has been used instead; and that the sign of anusvára never occurs, instead of the sign for m, at the end of a verse or half-verse.
The inscription was composed by Sasidhara, a younger son of Dharanidhara and grandson of Mahesvara, of the Mauna gotra ; written on the stone by his elder brother Prithvid hara; and engraved by Mahid hara, a son of the artizan Balasimha (verses 32-35 and 37). And its object is, to record that the queen Alhaņadevi, the wife (or rather, widow) of the king Gaya karnadeva, and mother of the reigning king Narasim hadeva and his younger brother Jayasiṁhadeva, founded a Siva temple, with a matha or cloister, a hall of study, and gardens attached to it; that, probably for the maintenance of these buildings and their occupants, she assigned the income from the two villages of Namaüņdi, in the Jå uli pattala, and of Makara påţaka, on the right bank of the Narmada in the land adjoining the hills, and that the management of the whole establishment, thus founded by the queen, was entrusted in the first instance to a Påbupata ascetic, named Rudrarasi, of Lata lineage (vv. 27-31). The inscription also records (in verse 36) that all the buildings, etc., aforesaid, at one of which the inscription may be supposed to have been put up, were designed or executed by the architect Pithe.
The second half of verse 20 grossly offends against a well-known metrical rule.
Similar mistakes are found in other Chedi inscriptions of the same period.
• Dharapidhara, Prithvid bara and Mahidbars are mentioned also in the Tewar stone inscription of Gayákarnadera, of the Chedi year 902. Compare Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, p. 210, note 2

Page #26

BHERA-GHAT INSCRIPTION OF ALHANADEVI. By way of introduction the inscription, after the words “om om, adoration to Siva !", and six verses invoking the blessings of Siva, Gaņeśa, and Sarasvati, furnishes the following meagre account of the royal family into which Alhanadevi bad married, and of her own descent:
From a prince of the lunar family, named Arjuna (or Sahasrarjena, v. 7), was descended the king Kokalladeva (v. 8). From him sprang Gangeyadeva (vv. 9-10); and his son was king Karna who is represented as having held in check the Pandyas, Muralas, Kungas, Vangas, Kalingas, Kiras, and Häņas (vv. 11-13). Karna's son was Yafahkarņa, said to have become famous by devastating Champaranya (v. 14); and his son again was Gayakarņa (vv. 15-16). Gayakarņa married Alhañadevi, a daughter of the king Vijayasimha (a son of Vairisimha who was a son of the prince Hamsapala, a descendant of the son of Gobhila or Gobhilaputra,) and his wife Syamaladevi, a daughter of the king Udayaditya of Malava (vv. 17-23). And Alhaņadevi bore to Gayakarna two sons, Narasimhadeva, who in the inscription is represented as the reigning king, and his younger brother Jayasim hadeva (vv. 2426). Nearly all this is stated also in the Karanbel stone inscription of Jayasimhadeva, and I may therefore, for the present, refer the reader to my remarks on that inscription, in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, p. 215.
Our inscription is dated, at the end of the last line, in the year 907, on Sunday, the 11th of the bright half of Margasirsha,-a date which must of course be referred to the Kalachuri or Chedi era. When writing on the epoch of that era, in the Indian 4..tiqu. ary, vol. XVII, p. 216, I felt inclined to accept Mr. Fleet's suggestion, based on an examination of the photozincograph of this inscription in No. 10 of the Archaol. Survey of Western India which alone was then available, that the figures for the day of this date were intended to be 10 (and not 11). But now my excellent impressions have shown me that the figures after all are 11, and that they are quite distinct and cannot be read in any other way. And accordingly the probabilities regarding the corresponding European date are as follows. With my epoch of the Kalachuri era, as to the general correctness of which there can now be hardly any doubt, and according to the way in which the other Kalachuri dates yield satisfactory results, our date should fall in A.D. 1155. But in A.D. 1155 the 11th tithi of the bright half of Margasirsha commenced 2 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 6th November, and ended 0 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 7th November, apparently causing sudi 11 to correspond, civilly, to the Monday. In the following year, A.D. 1156, on the other hand, the same 11th tithi of the bright half of Mårgasirsha ended 1 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 25th November, and consequently, in that year, sudi 11 was, civilly, really a Sunday. Now, that the day intended by the original date is either Sunday, the 6th November A.D. 1155, or Sunday, the 25th November A.D. 1156, appears to me certain; but I am not at present prepared to say confidently which of these two Bundays is the true date. Supposing all the other Kalachuri dates to cite current years, the present date might be taken to quote, exceptionally, an expired year, and in that case its equivalent would be Sunday, the 25th November A.D. 1156. But a nuore careful examination of the practice of other eras has shown that it is rather the current years which are quoted exceptionally. And assuming that, what is true of other eras, must hold good also of the Kalachuri era, one would rather be inclined to look upon Sunday, the 6th November A.D. 1155, as the proper equivalent of the date, and to assume that the tithi, in this instance,

Page #27

10
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
was joined with the weekday on which it commenced, and which was almost entirely filled by it.
The two villages Namaüṇḍi and Makara pâṭaka, mentioned in the inscription, I am unable to identify. The Jâuli pattala, which apparently was mentioned also in the lost portion of Yaśahkarna's copper plate, must have been the country around Jabalpur.
L. 1.
TEXT.'
[*] ओं नमः शिवाय ॥
कल्याणितामविकलां भवतां तनोतु भाले कलानिधिकला शशिशेखरस्य ॥ (i)
एकैव या प्रमयसार्थगतां दितीया (५) चिम्प्रदोषविरपि करोति नित्यम् - (1).
2. किं माला: कुमुदस्य किं शशिकलाः किन्धक कुरा :
किम्वा कथुकिक थुंका: किमयवा मूल्युहमा भाग्यमी । इत्याकिविसर्जिताः विधिरः सचारिनाकापगारिङ्गद्दतरङ्गभङ्गिततयः पुण्यप्र
3.
पाः पान्तु वः ॥ [2]. भूतं सदिक्षु यद्दिभाति भुवनं दिवमाद्यबेवानन्दकरं धराचयरसाद्यन्यत्वहेतुव यत् । यहधीहुरधाम यच यजते शीतं यदेकान्तत:
पर्य यदरूपमेभिरवतायुधान्य (म)रे
5.
शिवः ॥ - [3].
शक्तिहेतिपरप्रीतिहेतुश्चन्द्रकचर्चितः । तावाडंव (ब) र कुर्याबीलकण्ठः प्रियाणि वः [4]. विप्रोवसन्तमसमंचरचाय मतं कलंककला प्रकलं सुधांयोः । कुन्दावदाततरदन्तमिषाद्दधा
नः श्रेयः परन्दिशतु वः सदयं डिपास्यः ॥" - [5]. रूपैरनेकैव्वग्वहारजातमातन्बती पातु सरस्वती वः । यज्ञेशलालित्यलवादपि स्यात्सन्सत्सु पुंसाङ्गरिमा गरीयान् [॥*]"8 –[6]. गोवे रात्रिकरस्य भूपति
6.
भूद्दि (fr) सहस्रं करा
प्रत्येकन्तिजगन्मनोविनयने रात्रिन्दिवं जाग्टविः । तेजोभिर्व्वगतीभृताम्परिभवी नाबा
र्यस्याद्याप्यधिगम्यते वसु गतन्रीतं च चौरेश्विरम् ॥” – [7].
तस्या
7. न्वये समभवत्प्रथितः पृथिव्या नाथः कथाद्भुततमापि वृथा न यस्य । कोकनदेव इति विभवदु[दार] रूपबाम बिलोकसुखसंजननेकधाम । " [8]. निविंतगपर्व्वततः प्रत्यपुत्री
• See Sir A. Cunningham's Archool. Survey of India,
vol. II, p. 88.
7 From the impressions.
s Expressed by a symbol.
' Metre, Vasantatilaka.
10 The sign of anusvára in the last word is very faint,
but it is there.
11 Read fai T.
12. Metre of verses 2 and 3, Bardalavikridita.
13 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubb).
14 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
15 Read स्वाससु.
16 Metre, Indravajra.
17 Metre, Sardalavikridita.
18 Metre, Vasantatilaka.

Page #28

BHERA-GHAT INSCRIPTION OF ALHANADEVI.
L.8.
भुजः प्राप्तानन्तयथा बभूव नृपतिङ्गेयदेवस्ततः । पृथी येन विधाय मेरुमतुलं कल्पद्रुमेण[]र्थना
स्वर्गादूईमधःस्थितापि विबुधाधार [स]मापादिता -[9]. पुण्यामृतेन संसिला शहसवप्रवहि
[] यत्कीर्तिव्रततिः सर्व व्याप व्र(ब)ग्राहमण्डपम(म) - [10]. तेनाजनि महीपालकरण: स्वरणेन कुर्वता । पूर्णतृष्णाएगवानर्थिसार्थानथितकीर्तिना ॥ -[11].
पाडावहिमताम्मुमोच मुरलस्तत्याज ग[य] 10. []: सहतिमाजगाम चकवतः कलिङ्गः सह । कीर: कीरवदास पचररहे इणप्रहर्ष जही
यमिनाजनि शौर्यविचमभर बिश्चत्यपूर्वप्रम । -[12]. अस्मद्भर्तृपराभवेन सकला
भुंक्त [भुवं] यामसौ तामेतान्तनवामहे तनुतराकारामितीव स्त्रियः । यत्प्रत्यर्थिमहीभुजाबयनजैव्वाष्पैः पयोधीन्वाधुः स्कारानबमहोम्मिभिः पुनरमी संवई या]-"
क्रिरे ।-[13]. चम्पारण्यविदारणोहतयशःशुचाशना भासय
बाशाचक्रमवक्रभावहृदयः झापालचूडामणिः । तस्माजन्म समाससाद विशदं श्रीमान्यश:करणं त्यौदार्यानिकी]
चकार विबुधान्य: प्रेक्ष्य सर्वानपि । -[14]. तस्मादशेषगुणरत्ननिधेरगाधावल्लभः समभवद्यकएणंदेवः ।
यस्य प्रतापतपनोप्यरिसुन्दरीणां शोकारर्णवोदयनिदानपदं प्रपदे ॥"-[15]. 14. द्युतिजितहरिताल: श्रीलताकल्पशाल: पृथुतरगुणमाल: शत्रुवर्मोककाल: ।
विमलितरणभालः कान्तकीया श(स)टाल: शिततरकरवालः सोभवद्भुमिपाल: 18-[16]. अस्ति
11.
12.
13.
WMetre,Sardalavikridita. The akshara pat in bracketss Thia reading is absolutely oertain. चकप is gramma. in the last line of this verse is almost entirely broken away. Itically incorrect, for चकम्प. . 20 Metre of verses 10 and 11, Sloks (Anushţubb).
___+Metre of verses 12-14, Sardalavikridita. * Of the akshara in brackets only the consonant is the word of this line is quite certain. Of the absolately certain. What the author meant to say, was prob-akaharas in brackets only the first is partly visible. ably गर्वायई.
* Of the akshara, in these brackets only the vowel i of * The akshara in brackets is so much damaged that only the first remains; the rest had been already supplied by part of the letter ke remains. Compare Indian Antiquary, Dr. Hall. rol. xviii, p. 217, line 10.
17 Metre, Vasantatilaka. >> Aletre, Målini.

Page #29

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
16.
20.
L. 16. प्रसिबमिह गोभिलपुत्रगोवन्तवाजनिष्ट नृपतिः किल सपाल: ।
मौर्यावसज्जितनिरर्गलसैन्धसंघनमीकताखिलमिलद्रिपुचक्रवालः ॥ -[17]. तस्याभवत्तनुभव: प्र
णमत्समस्तसामन्तशेखरशिरोमविरचिताई। श्रीवैरिसिन्हवसुधाधिपतिविशाबुरबिंधि परमर्थिजनस्य चोचैः । -[18].
स"वैरिसिव्होप्यनयद्रिपूर्ण कुलानि गभीरगुहाट17.
स्वयच तेषामधिशय्य चक्र पुराणि दूरावजितालकानि -[19]. तस्मादजायत समस्तजनाभिवन्धसौन्दर्यशौर्यभरभकरिताहितश्रीः ।
पृथ्वीपतिबिंजयसिह इति 18.
प्रवईमान: सदा जगति यस्य यश:सुधान्य: -[20], तस्याभवमालवमण्डलाधिनाथोदयादित्वसुता सुरूपा ।
मारिणी श्यामलदेव्युदारचरित्नचिन्तामविरचितश्री: -[21]. 19. मेनायामिव शंकरप्रणयिनी होगीताबायका
हीरियामिव रानभानुवनिता दक्षाबजाना मृजः । तस्मादहणदेव्यजायत जगद्रवाचमापते. रतस्याबिज
दीर्घवन्यविशदखत्यताकाजति: ॥ -[22]. विवाहविधिमाधाय गयकर्णनरीश्वरः । चक्र प्रीतिम्परामस्थां शिवायामिव शंकरः ॥ -[23].
मारथाला कलशी कलाना लावण्यमाला गु21.
पणभूमिः। अस्त पुवायकरणभूपादसौ नरेशवरसिम्हदेवम् ॥"-[24]. अस्य श्रीनरसिनदेवनृपतेः प्रोद्यन्यचन्द्रमा
दिम्भित्तीबिंदधातु व(ब)न्धुरसुधासभारगर्भाव।। भूभारम22. वाप्य चैनमुचितं प्रीतिन्तथा प्राप्नुया
त्पूर्वेषाव यथा मनागपि महाबोणीभूतां ध्यायति ।"-[26]. पस्थानुजो विजयता जयसिहदेवः सौमित्रिवप्रथमजेनुतरूपसेवः ।
यो मेघनादव(ब)23.
मायमहातिकायसैन्य विषामभिभवन[१] प्रहस्तः ॥ -[20]. पकारयमन्दिरमिन्दुमौलेरिदम्मठेनाजुतभूमिकेन । » Motre of verses 17 and 18, Vasantatilake.
W Read दौर्षया. -Originally fr: or नि:, but altered to it. At the] * Metre, Bardalsvikridita. commencement of the next line read affer
- Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh), Bend वैरिसिंही.
- Read सिंहदवम्. * Metre, Upendravajra.
" Metre, Upajati. - Read सिंह
- Read श्रीनरसिंह • Read सांप
• Metre, Serdalavikridita.
4 Read जयसिं. * Metre, Upajati.
* Metre, Vasantatilaki.
# Metre, Vasantatilaka.

Page #30

BHERA-GHAT INSCRIPTION OF ALHANADEVI.
13
.
.24.
सहामुना श्रीनरसिन्हदेवप्रसूरसावल्हणदेव्युदारा""-[27]. व्याख्यानशा
लामुद्यानमालामविकलाममूम(म्) । पकारयत्सुयं अनुप्रासादालीदयविजैः ॥ -[28]. देवायास्मै वैद्यनाथाभिधाय प्रादाहेवी जाउलीपत्तलायाम् । ग्रामवाना नामउण्डीति सर्बादायः"मा
ईचारुचर्चाप्रसिधा -[29]. नर्मदादक्षिण कूले पर्वतोपत्यकाश्रये । तथापरमदाह्रामबाबा मकरपाटकम् ॥ -[30]. लाटान्वयः पाशुपतस्तपस्वी श्रीरुद्रराशिबिधिषाधत्ताम् ।
स्थानस्य रक्षावि26.
धिमस्य तावद्यावनिमीते भुवनानि शाः ॥1980-[31]. मौन्या(ना)न्वये भामांववैतहव्यसावेतसतिप्रवरत्नयाब्धे । महखराख्याधरणीधरोभूवाना गरिम्णा यशसा श्रिया च ॥ -[32].
कोमल27. कान्तिसटालेनोःखेहातिभारभरितेन ।
दीर्घमनोजदशेन त्रिभुवनदीपायिते येन -[33]. पृथ्वीधरस्तस्य सुतः समस्तगभीरशास्त्रापर्णवपारदृश्खा ।
प्रशस्तिमेतामलिखद्यदीयहि28.
मण्डली शिवगणैर्विजिग्ये ।"-[34]. एतस्थावरजस्तकनिष्णातोडतनैपुणः । प्रशस्तिमकरोदेतान्मूरि: शशिधराभिधः ॥-[35]. "प्रसूबयदिदं सर्व विश्वकर्मविधानवित् ।
पीधसमभिधः सूत्र29.
धारः पृथ्वीम्पृथुर्यथा । -[38]. सूत्रधारापणीवा(बा)लसिहसूनुमहीधरः ।। पिलान्तथाकरोद्दरणेबंभस्तारकितं यथा । -[37]. संवत् ८०७ मासुदि ११"
खौ888. - Read श्रीनरसिंह
* Metre, Upajati. 4 Metre, Upendravajre.
* Metre, Arya. • Metre, Bloka (Anushtubb).
Metre, Upajati. * This sign of visarga is superfluous.
* Of the akshara at the superscript line which turns & 50 Metre, Balint.
into o is rather faint, but it undoubtedly is there. 51 Metro, Sloka (Anushtabh).
#9 Read out * The correct form would of course be fama.
Metre of verses 35-37, Sloka (Anushţubb). # Metre, Indravajri.
NOriginally पासू', altered to पसू. - The correction may have been made already in the # Read refer original.
• There is no doubt whatever about these figures.

Page #31

14
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TRANSLATION. Om!
Om! Adoration to Siva!
(Verse 1) May the moon's digit on the forehead of the Moon-crested (god) provide for you unstinted bliss,-(that digit) which, only one (and the first), ever makes the troop of Śiva's attendants, even in the absence of the evening-twilight, think it to be (joined by) the second (digit)!
(2.) May those founts of holiness, the lines of the creeping and leaping tortuous waves of the river of heaven, meandering on Siva's head, guard you,-(those waves) about which the celestials are doubting whether they be lotus-garlands, or lunar digits, or sprouts of righteous deeds, or serpents' skins, or (the god's) majesty bursting into view!
(3.) (That body) which, being a gross element, is all-pervading: (that) by whose revolution the world comes to light; (that) which gladdens the eyes of the creatures; and (that) which causes the diversity of savour and other (qualities) residing in earth; (that) which is the vast substratum of odour; (that) which sacrifices; (that) which is characterized by cold; (and that) which, colourless, is sensible to the feel;-may Śiva with these (eight) bodies (of his) protect you!
(4.) May Nilakantha, who fills with delight men eager to wield spear and missile, when decorated with the young moon he exults in his dance, grant whatever is dear to you !67
(5.) May the Elephant-faced (god) in his mercy bestow on you supreme felicity,who, under the guise of a tusk whiter than jasmine, bears the piece of the moon which is freed from the dark digit, able to dispel the profound darkness of crowds of obstacles! (6.) May Sarasvati guard you,-who by manifold forms (of speech) brings about all intercourse (of men, and) by partaking of even a small portion of whose elegance in trifles (even), men may secure greater weight in assemblies!
(7.) In the Moon's family was a prince with thousand hands, day and night watching to guide one by one the minds of (the dwellers in) the three worlds, (and) by his splendour eclipsing the rulers of the world,-(a prince) named Arjuna, by the (were) remembrance of whom is recovered even now what has been lost and carried off by thieves long ago.
(8.) In his lineage was born a renowned ruler of the earth of whom even the most marvellous tale is not untrue, bearing the name Kokalladeva, an illustrious name, eminently fit to give pleasure to the three worlds.
(9.) From him sprang the prince Gångeyadeva who, by vanquishing hostile rulers
Viz., because the first lunar digit, by itself, is altogether invisible. The noun kalyanità is not given by the
dictionaries.
6 Valgu, ordinarily 'handsome, beautiful', is here used in the sense of the participle valgat, opposed to ringat. 66 These eight bodies of Siva are the ether, the sun, the moon, fire, the earth, the sacrificing priest, water, and air. It will be sufficient to refer the reader to the opening verse of Kalidasa's Sakuntala.
67 The two compounds of the first half of the verse would be applicable also to the dancing peacock (nilakantha) which causes great delight to him whose weapon is a spear (ie., to the god Karttikeya or Skanda, also called Saktidhara 'the spearbearer', to whom the peacock is sacred), and the tail of which is covered with spots similar to the moon. Compare the very similar verse No. 1737 of Vallabhadeva's Subhashitávali, which will show that the translation of the word chandraka by the young (or small) moon' is correct.
Dr. Hall quotes a verse found by him in an extract from the Brahmandapurana, which expresses the same idea.

Page #32

BHERA-GHAT INSCRIPTION OF ALHANADEVI.
15
supporting huge mountains of pride, secured endless fame; a tree of paradise to suppliants, who made the earth, though resting below, rise beyond the heavens up to the abode of the gods, by raising (on it) a Meru without equal.
(V. 10.) The creeping-plant of his fame, sprinkled with the nectar of his religious merit and made to grow by his stainless character, overspread the whole bower of the universe.
(11.) He who, seeking good renown, so behaved to the crowds of suppliants that the ocean of their desires became replenished with gold, begat the prince Karņa.
(12.) While this king, of unprecedented lustre, gave full play to his heroism, the Pandya relinquished violence, the Murala gave up his arrogant bearing,” the Kunga entered the path of the good, the Vanga trembled with the Kalinga, the Kira staid at home like a parrot in the cage, (and) the Huņa left off being merry.
(13.) When the wives of hostile princes enlarged the seas with the tears streaming from their eyes, intending as it were to reduce the size of the earth, because he had it all subjected to his rule by the defeat of their husbands, those same seas again did homage to him with large waves of precious stones.
(14.) From him took his spotless birth the illustrious Yaśaḥkarņa, a crest-jewel of rulers, with a heart free from guile, who illuminated the circle of the regions with the moon of his fame which had risen from the devastation of Champaranya, (and) who in his generosity enriched all the learned without exception, as soon as he set eyes on them.
(15.) From him, an unfathomable ocean of all excellencies, was born the favourite of the earth, Gayakarnadeva. In his case even the sun,--the sun of his prowess, took upon itself the function" of causing the rising of the sea, -the sea of sorrow of the wives of his adversaries.
(16.) That prince surpassed by his lustre yellow orpiment,19 was a tree of paradise for the creeping-plant fortune, wore a broad garland of noble qualities, was the one god of death to the host of the enemies, adorned the van of battle, abounded in pleasing renown, (and) wielded indeed a sharp sword.
(17.) Well known on the earth is the family of the son of Gobhila. Therein was born forsooth the prince Haṁsapala, who with the host of his valorous irresistible troops humbled the circle of all his foes combined.
(18.) He, whose feet were irradiated by the crest_jewels of the diadems of all the tributary chiefs prostrating themselves (before him), had a son, the lord of the earth, the illustrious Vairisimha, a treasure-house not merely of purified understanding, but also, eminently, (one) for suppliants.
(19.) That Vairisiṁha, too, drove the clans of his foes to seek the shelter of deep caverns, while he himself, occupying their towns, made these far surpass the residence of Kuvera."
" See note 42 of the preceding inscription. 70 The abstract noun chandimatd of the original is incorrect; the correct form of the word is chandiman, 71 Properly 'his inclination to arrogance." 72 This function belongs properly to the moon.
73 This is described as the seed or seminal energy of Vishna, Harer-viryam, (see M. Williams' Dictionary); and the poet, who immediately afterwards has the word Sri, undoubtedly was thinking of the god Hari or Vishnu. A proper rendering of this verse in which everything depends on the sound of the words employed is impossible, at least, to myself.
* Literally Alaka' (the residence of Kuvera, the god of riches).

Page #33

16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(V. 20.) From him was born the lord of the earth Vijayasimha, whose beauty was justly celebrated by all men, who by the vigour of his heroism made his adversaries' fortunes totter, (and) the moon of whose fame (accordingly) was always waxing in the world.
(21.) His loving wife was the handsome daughter of Udayaditya, the ruler of the realm of Málava-Syåmaladevi, a gem granting the desires of the nobly.conducted, (and herself) a votary of Fortune.
(22.) As Menå bore to the chief of mountains the beloved of Samkara, (and) Viriņi to Daksha, the creator of beings, the wife of the Moon, so she bore to that prince, able to protect the world, Alhaņadevi, in appearance the unsullied fluttering pennon of her long pedigree.75
(23.) Having wedded her with due rites, the king Gaya karna bestowed on her the most ardent affection, as Samkara did on Siva.
(24.) And she, a mansion of amorous passion, a beaker (brimful) of accomplishments, a garland of the graces, & store house of excellent qualities, bore to king Gayakarna a son, the prince Narasimhadeva.
(25.) May the rising moon of the fame of this illustrious king Narasimhadeva richly saturate as it were the walls of the quarters with a pleasing whitewash; and may the earth, having secured in him a suitable lord, experience such delight-as never to think, however little, of its former great rulers!
(26.) May victory attend his younger brother Jayasim hadeva, who in marvellous ways serves the first-born as Sumitra's son" (did Ráma); who, behold I, when he lifts his hand, overpowers the enemies' most gigantic host, though it roars like thunderclouds" and practises many wiles ! -
(27) That noble Alhanadevi, the mother of the illustrious Narasimhadeva, ordered this temple of the Moon-crested (god) to be built, together with that cloister with wonderful floors.
(28.) She too made her people construct that hall of study, (and) lay out that long line of gardens, in two ranges (adjoining) Sambhu's temple.
(29.) To make known her good report, the queen gave to this god, styled Vaidyanatha, the village named Nama üņdi together with every income (thereof), in the Jauli pattalá.
(30.) And on the right bank of the Narmada, in the land adjoining the hills, she gave to him another village, named Makarapataka.
(31.) May the Pasupata ascetic, the holy Rudraśiva of Lâţa lineage, arrange conformably to rule for the management of this place, so long as Siva pervades" the worlds -
(32.) In the Mauna lineage, possessed of the triple pravara Bhargava, Vaitahavya, and Savetasa," there was born from one named Maheśvara Dharanidhara, (a moun. tain) by name, by weight, by fame, and by fortune.
7* Or, of a lofty flag-staff (vamsa)'. 76 Le, Laksbmana.
17 Meghanada and Atikaya are also the names of two sons of the demon R&Fana; and Praharta was one of Råvana's generals.
7 Or rather, 'is coextensive with'. 7" Compare the Asvaldyana-frautasitra, Calcutta ed., p. 872. # The word dharanidhara bus this mouning.

Page #34

TEWAR INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHADEVA.
17
(V. 33.) Who, shedding a pleasing lustre, filled to overflowing with kindness, long enjoying a gratifying position, acted the part of a lamp to the three worlds.
(34.) His son Prithvidhara, who has seen the further shores of all the deep oceans of learning, (and) by whose crowds of disciples the circle of the regions has been conquered, wrote this eulogy.
(35.) Of him the younger brother, the sage named Sasidhara, well versed in logic and wondrously clever, composed this ealogy.
(36.) The architect named Pithe, who knows the rules of Visva karman, planned all this, as Prithu did the earth.
(37.) Mahidhara, a son of the chief of artizans Balasimha, so wrought this stone with letters that it is like the star-covered sky.
The year 907, on Sunday the 11th of the bright half of Margaśirsha.
III.-TEWAR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF JAYASIMHADEVA.
THE CHEDI] YEAR 928. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN. The stone which bears this short inscription was procured by Dr. F. E. Hall at Tewar, a village about six miles to the west of Jabalpur, in the Central Provinces, and presented by him to the American Oriental Society in whose Cabinet, at New Haven, it is now deposited. It is said to be of like character with that of Alhaņadevi's inscription. Dr. Hall also first edited the inscription, with a translation, in the Journal Am. Or. Soc., vol. VI, pp. 512-13; and his text was subsequently reprinted in Roman characters, with a photozincograph of the inscription, in Dr. Burgess' Memoranda, Archæol. Survey of Western India, No. 10, p. 110, and his translation in Sir A. Cunningham's Archæol. Survey of India, vol. IX, pp. 95-96. I now re-edit the inscription from an impression and a rubbing, kindly prepared for me by Mr. Herbert C. Tohwan, of Yale University, New Haven.
The inscription contains 9 lines of writing, the last of which is engraved along the proper left margin, and which together cover a space of 11' broad by 7' high. The writing is on the whole well preserved, but it is somewhat roughly and irregularly cut, and there are several aksharas in line 5 and one at the end of line 8, the true reading of which cannot be made out with absolute certainty. The size of the letters is between d and *". The characters are Någart, and the language is Sanskrit. Excepting the symbol for om at the commencement of line 1, lines 1-6 are in verse; the rest of the inscription is in prose. As regards orthography, 6 is denoted by the sign for v in drahma Brahmádi-(the only words in which b would occur), in line 1; and the dental sibilant is
# The adjectives of this verse would of course be also applicable to a lamp; sneka also means oil', and dad the wick of a lamp
• The architect of the gods. The adjective would also mean who knows how to execute every kind of work'.
800 Journal 4m. Or. Sve., vol. VI, pp. 499 and 636; and C. Grant's Gesetteer or the Central Provinces, 2nd ed.,
P. 487.
Ante, No. II. I merely have had to verify Dr. Hall's text, which, so far as one may speak with confidence, is substantially correct

Page #35

18
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
used instead of the palatal in naresvaraḥ, line 3, Kesavaḥ and aisvaram, line 6, and Kesavasya, line 8; and n instead of anusvára in Jayasinha-, line 4, (but not in Narasimha-, line 3). Besides, the text twice offends against the rules of samdhi.
The inscription, which opens with a verse in honour of Mahadeva (Siva), records the erection of a Siva temple by the nayaka Kesava (the son of the Brahman Âladeva, named Astaka (?)), a member of the Katyayana gotra and resident of the village 8tkha in Mala] vaka; during the reign of the king Jayasimhadeva, a younger brother of the king Narasimhadeva whom he had succeeded, and son of the king Gayakarna. And it is dated in the year 928, on Sunday the 6th of the bright half of Sravana, while the moon was in the nakshatra Hasta. Referring this date, again, to the Kalachuri or Chedi era, the corresponding European date would be expected to fall in A.D. 1177. In that year, the month Śrâvana was intercalary, for the solar Śrâvana lasted from the 26th June, 12 h. 3-2 m., to the 27th July, 23 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise, and there were new moons on the 27th June, 18 h. 30 m., and on the 27th July, 2 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise. Now, the 6th of the bright half of the first lunar Śrâvana corresponded to Sunday the 3rd July, when the 6th tithi ended 7 h. 35 m. and the moon was in the nakshatra Hasta up to 16 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise; and the 6th of the bright half of the second Sravana corresponded to Monday the 1st August, when the 6th tithi ended 18 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise and the moon entered the nakshatra Svati about sunrise. And, accordingly, there can be no doubt that the true equivalent of the date is Sunday the 3rd July, A.D. 1177, and that the bright half of Śrâvana, put down in the date, belonged to the first (or intercalated) Sravana.
The village Sikh å which, if the adopted reading is correct, was situated in Malavaka or Målava, I am unable to identify.
TEXT.'
I. 1.
[1] ज्ञानानंद' परं ब्रह्म) व (म) आादिरसेवितं । वंदेम 2. हि महादेवं देवदेवं जगहुरुम् ॥ श्रीमायाक
3. वर्णनृपस्य सूनुर्व्ररेख (ख) र: श्रीनरसिंहदेवो' । जिम्ये धरि
4. बोमनुजख सम्राट" जीवाचिरं चीजयसिहदेवः " ।
5. वि[प्रोयोस्त] "कना [माभू ] दालदेवस्तदाभवः ।
6. केस (घ) व कारयामास प्रासादममुमेख (ख) रम् ॥ 7. सम्वत् * ९२८ श्रावणसुदि ६ रवौ हस्ते ॥
8. नायककेस (घ) वस्य गोवं कात्यायनं स्थानं मा[ल?]-" बजे सीखायामः ।"
9.
For two similar dates compare the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, p. 212, and vol. XIX, p. 36, No. 62.
From the impressions.
Expressed by a symbol.
7 Metre, Sloka (Anushțubh).
• Metre, Upajati.
• Read :.
10 Read सम्राड्.
11 Read fe:.
n Metre, Sloka (Anushtubb).
13 The reading of the aksharas in these and the following brackets is not quite certain, because some of them look as if they had been partly erased and recut. The intended reading may possibly be fauererurizer.
14 Read संवत्.
15 The akshara in these brackets is so peculiarly shaped that it is impossible to say what it is meant to represent. I adopt Dr. Hall's reading of it, but am not certain of its being correct.
16
1 This line is on the proper left margin.

Page #36

THREE LAND-GRANTS FROM SANKHEDA.
TRANSLATION,
Om! (Line 1.) Let us adore (him who is) knowledge and bliss, the supreme Brahma, waited upon by Brahma and the other gods, -Mahadeva, the god of gods, the parent of the world!
The son of the illustrious king Gayakarņa, the illustrious lord of men Narasiń. hadeva, conquered the earth : may his younger brother, the sovereign lord, the illustrious Jayasim hadeva, long be victorious!
(5.) Keśava, the son of the late Brahman Âladeva, named Astaka (?), caused that temple of Isvara to be built.
The year 928, on Sunday the 6th of the bright half of Sravana, (the moon being) in (the nakshatra) Hasta.
(S.) The nayaka Kesava's gotra is that of Katyayana, his place of residence the village of Sikhả in MA[la ?]vaka.
IV.-THREE LAND-GRANTS FROM SANKHEDA.
By H. H. DARUVA, B.A., LL.B. The Suba of the Baroda or Central Division of the Gaikavad's State has sent me for decipherment three detached copper-plates, two of which belong to the Gurjaras of Bharoch, and one to an unknown line of kings. The two former are only second plates of the grants, and therefore do not contain genealogical and other personal details, while the last is a first plate and contains no information as to the date, donee, obiect of the grant, officers, &c.
No. I.- A Gurjara grant of Samoat 346. This document is written on a plate, measuring about 8 inches by 3, and is well preserved. It contains ten lines giving the usual injunctions and quotations from the Smriti regarding the inviolability of grants. The plate does not contain tbe name of the king or of the donee, nor a description of the object granted. But we have sufficient materials to identify the donor. The writer is the sámdhidigrahika dityaBhogika. Bhogika, Dr. Bühler informs me, is "a small man not more than a Thakur of one or a few villages; for bhogika occurs frequently in the list of the persons to whom commands are addressed, e. g. in the Kavi grant of Jayabhata (Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 110). In the Defikosha its Pråkpit equivalent bhoio is explained by gráma-pradhana.
11 I.o., Mahadeva or Siva to whom all these epithets are applied. 18 Or possibly: The Bråhman, named Astaka, had (a son) Aladeva ; his son Kebava. See note 13, above.
1 Dr. Bühler's Pdiyalachchhindmamala, v. 104 (gamani bhoio ya gamavai, p. 32). Dr. Bühler translates it in the glossary as headman or lord of a village," and quotes bhogika from inscriptions. The Gujarati for bhogika or bhoio is ohiyo, and grdmapati or gamavai is gametd. The word bhoga, from which bhogika is derived, means pdland or "protection," - Amara, III, 23, and Mabelvara's commentary on it, also Vifva kosha, v. 268; Mediníkosha, v. 16 of words ending in ga; and Trikandafeshakosha, III, 120 (CaSWEET for youfuatia @ :
O g Thus far mocording to these authorities would be an equivalent of n ur "protector;" as an official term it may have subsequently acquired a technical meaning.

Page #37

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Of course such a man cannot be a great ruler." If there were nothing else to connect this grant with the Gurjaras, the title bhogika of the minister for war and peace Aditya would be sufficient; for this appellation of an officer is not known to have been employed by any other line of kings. Again, the characters of this grant so closely resemble those of No. II, an admitted Gurjara grant, and other published grants of the family, that there can be no doubt about it.
The date is given in words as well as figures. It is "three hundred years exceeded by forty-six" and 346. The figures are not written in the usual manner, with the symbols for three hundred, forty, and six, but as they would be now, i.e. with the symbols for three, four and six. As the later Gurjara kings used the Chedi era, Samvat 346 probably corresponds with A.D. 595-96. This date exactly agrees with that of Dadda III., circiter 580 A.D., as given by Dr. Bübler. Hitherto we had no copper-plate grant or any other inscription of that monarch, which renders this plate an interesting find.
TRANSCRIPT. L. 1. पाचन्द्रार्कार्णवक्षितिस्थितिसमकालीन पुत्रपौत्रान्वयभोज्यमुदकातिसर्माण 2. प्रतिपादितं मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिहये पतोस्य ब्रह्मदेयस्थित्या क्रिषत x करि3. षापयतो वा न कैश्विगाषेधे वर्तितव्यमागामिराजभिरस्मदीर्वा सामान्य भूमि- . 4. दानफलमवेत्यायमस्महायोनुमन्तव्यः पालयितव्यश्चेत्युक्त च भगवता व्या5. सेन ॥ बहुभिर्वसुधा भला राबभिः सागरादिभिः यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य 6. तदा फलं ॥ षष्टिवर्षसहमाथि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्थे7. व नरके वर्स' ॥ विध्याटवीष्वतोयामु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः कृष्णसर्पा भिजायन्ते 8. अनदेयापहारका[:] ॥ यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रनानि धर्थियशस्कराणि निर्मा9. स्थवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधु x पुनराददीत ॥ लिखित चाच सान्धिविग्रहिकेना10. दित्यभोगिकेन संवत्सरशतनयं षट्चत्वारिशोत्तरके ॥ ३४६
No. II.-Agrant of Ramagraha, dated Sam. 391. The plate measures 94 inches by 41 and contains ten lines of well preserved Gurjara characters, resembling those of the Umeta, Ilao and Bagumra grants. There are two holes at the top, showing where the rings originally were. The language of the grant is faulty Sanskřit.
The donee of the grant (I. 1) is the Brahmana Adityasarma (sic), the dataka (1.9the bhogika Palakatujinana, and the writer (1. 10) the samdhivigrahādhikrita
Matribhata. According to 11.9-10 the donor appears to be a son of Vitaraga, called Raņagraha, who is characterised as a worshipper of the sun (Dinakarakiranábhyar. chanarata) and as "the close relative of the illustrious Dadda" (éri-Dadda-pádántar. jnáti); for it is his sign-manual which was attached to the grant. The date is (1. 8) San. 391, Vaisakha bahula 15, i.e. the new moon of Vaisakha.
- Ind. Ant. vol. XVII, p. 191.
Read कृषत:. • Correctly वर्षयती. - Read श्रन्यैर्वा. - Read सगरादिभिः
- Read पसेत. • Read हिनायन्ते. . Read नये. 10 Read रिजदुसरव.

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No. 1. SANKHEDA COPPERPLATE GRANT OF DADDA III. Ch. Sam. 346. (2nd plate).

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No. 2. SANKHEDA COPPERPLATE GRANT OF DADDA IV. Ch. Sam. 391 (2nd plate).

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THREE LAND-GRANTS FROM SANKHEDA.
21
Though the details about the family of the donor have been lost, the last two state. ments permit us to recognise that the document was issued during the reign of Dadda IV.-Prasantarága II." and that the donor was the brother of the latter; for, as the two Kheda grants of Dadda IV. were issued in Sam. 380 and 385," it follows from the new date, Sam. 391, that the same person must be meant here by the expression "the illustrious Dadda." Further, as Raņagraha is called both a son of Vitaråga and a relative of Dadda, and as the latter was a son of Jayabhata II.-Vitaraga II., Ranagraha must have been Dadda's brother or cousin. Our grant shows, therefore, that the reign of Dadda IV. lasted at least until Sam. 391, or, as the Gurjaras used the Chedi era of A.D. 249, until A.D. 640.
TRANSCRIPT. L. 1. ब्राह्मणादित्यशाया" उदकातिसर्गेणाच्छिष्टं यतोस्यास्महशैरन्यैर्बागामिभोगपतिभि अय-15 2. "मस्मादायोनुमन्तव्य" पालयितव्यश्च यो वाज्ञानतिमिरपटला"व्रितराच्छिन्द्यादाच्छिन्द्यमान वा3. नुमोदेत स पञ्चभिर्महापातक[:] संयुक्त[:] स्या इत्युक्तच्च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन षष्टिवरिष. 4. सहस्राणि खर्गे मोदति भुमिदा" पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसे विध्याटवीष्व
तोयासु शुष्क 5. कोटरवासिन[:] "क्रिष्णाहयो हि जायन्ते भूमिदानापहारका[:] यानीह दत्तानि पुरा
. नरेन्द्रनानि 6. धर्थियशस्कराणि निर्भुक्तमात्यप्रतिमानि तानि को णाम साधु:] पुनरादधीति खदत्ता
परदत्ता वा 7. यबादक्ष युधिष्टिरमही महिमता श्रेष्ठ दातातुच्छेयोनुपालनमिति" . संवत्सरशतबये एकनवत्ये वैशाखबहुलपञ्चदश्यां सं ३९१ वैशाख ब १५ 9. दूतकोत्र भोगिकपालकट ज्ञान[:*] दिनकरकिरणाभ्यर्चनरतस्य स्वहस्तोयं श्रीवीतरागसूनी 10. रणग्रहस्य श्रीदद्दपादान्त ति लिखितमिदं संधिविगहाधिक्रित'माचिभटेन
No. III.-- A grant of Santilla, general of Nirihullaka. The plate measures 8 inches by 3 inches, and contains 12 lines in characters closely resembling those of the early Chalukya plates and of the Mahakūta pillar inscription edited by Mr. Fleet, Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, pp. 7 ff. The plate is slightly damaged at the top and on both sides at the bottom. Two holes on the lower side show where the rings were originally placed. The language of the grant is slightly incorrect Sanskrit. " Ind. ant. vol. XVII, p. 191.
Read भूमिदः. 1 Jour. Bang. As. Soc. vol. VII, pp. 908 ff.; Jour. Roy. Read वसेत्. 4.Soc. N. S. vol. I, pp. 247 ff. Ind. Ant. rol. XIII, - Read चा. pp. 81 ff.
0 Read नाम. - Read शमशे.
* Read दधीत. " Read °णीमष्टः.
+ Read "दत्ता. 1s Read "पतिभिरय.
a Read युधिष्ठिर. - Read मनहायो.
>> Read #st. - Read मन्तव्यः.
• Read महीमता. B Read वृतमतिरा.
" Read दानाच्छयो. • Read 'दाछियमानं.
n Read एकमवत्यां. - Read खादि'.
- Read ति:n Read षष्टिः
* Read °विद्यहाधिवत

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22
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Its contents are as follows. Writing from the victorious camp (vijayakaṭaka), located at Nirgundipadraka (1. 1), Santilla, the general (baládbikrita, 1. 5) of the bhogikapála and mahápalupati (mahápallapati) Niri hullaka (1.4), who meditated on the feet of the illustrious Samkarana (Sankaragana, 1. 3), son of the illustrious Krishnaraja (whose feet were worshipped by the whole circle of the earth, 11. 1-2), grants to Bhajikanantasvami (Bhajika Anantasvámin, 1. 7), an inhabitant of Pâshâṇihrada (1. 6), a member of the Kautsa gotra and a student of the Vajasaneya (Samhita), a field requiring for seed-corn one piṭaka of rice (1. 10), and situated in the western sim of SriParnak, which belonged to (the district of) Tandulapadraka (11. 8-9). The purpose for which the grant was made is the usual one, the provision for the expenses of the five maháyajñas. It is added that the donation was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun "for the increase of the spiritual merit and fame of the Paramabhattáraka's feet, i.e. probably of Samkara[ga]na.
As regards the persons named in the document, Sântilla's position is sufficiently clear. His master Nirihullaka must have been a Bhil chieftain; for the title mahapallapati means "the great lord of a settlement or of settlements of an aboriginal tribe." " It agrees with this that his name is not Sanskrit, but a barbarous Desi word. The phrase "who meditates on the feet of the illustrious Sam kara[ga]na" means, therefore, here merely that he was a vassal or servant of the latter, not that he was his successor. Pádánudhyata is frequently used in the former sense." With respect to the question to which dynasty the two kings Krishnaraja and Samkara[ga]o a belonged, it is possible only to offer a conjecture. Dr. Bühler has suggested to me that, assuming the correction Samkaragana for Samkarana to be certain, the two kings may be Haihayas or Kalachuris of Chedi. I am inclined to accept this, as the Chedi era was used by the Gurjaras, which is a certain sign of their power having extended to the province. Moreover, the Chalukya inscriptions mention a Kalachuri king, Buddharaja, the son of Samkaragana, from whom Mangalisa took his wealth. And it is not at all improbable that the Samkaragana of the Chalukya inscriptions is identical with that of our plate; for, as has been pointed out already, its characters closely agree with those of the earlier Chalukya inscriptions, and show also some affinity with those of Dadda's Kheda plates. They may well belong to the period of Mangalisa's reign, which, as the latest researches of Mr. Fleet show, fell between Saka Samvat 519 and 531, or A.D. 597-98 and 610-11. There is also another detail in our grant which, I think, may be adduced in favour of this view.
Professor R. G. Bhandarkar, in his Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Bombay Presidency, 1883-84, remarks (pp. 31-32) that "it is a remarkable circumstance that the names of most of the famous writers on the sacrificial rites should have the title Srámin attached to them. No writer later than the thirteenth century seems to have it. We have Bhaṭṭas, Achâryas, Yajvans, Dikshitas and Yajñikas during the last six centuries, but no Svâmin. The title appears to have been in use at a
36 Bhajika might be bhajaka, "a worshipper, votary, devotee;" V. S. Apte's Sanskrit. English Dictionary, p. 807. Compare a similar use of the word bhatta in Bhatta Kumarila, Bhattotpala, Bhattodbhata, etc.
36 See Dr. Röhtlingk's Abridged Sanskrit Dictionary, s. v. palla. Mr. V. S. Apte (Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 687) assigns to the same word the meaning "a large granary." On a local enquiry I find that the country about Sankheda goes by the name of Palle. (Gujarati Pala). Thus, mahapallapati would mean "the lord of the great Palls or Påla."
See e. g. 1. 33 of Mr. Fleet's No. 1, Corp. Inscr. Ind. vol. 111, pp. 10 and 17, note 2. See Ind. Ant. vol. XIX, p. 16.

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No. 3. SANKHEDA GRANT OF BALADHIKRITA SANTILLA. (plate 1).
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THREE LAND-GRANTS FROM SANKHEDA.
certain period and been given to Mimâmsakas or men conversant with the sacrificial lore." Then he cites the instances of Sabarag våmin, the author of the Bhashya on Jaimini's Mímánsá Sútra; of Agnisvåmin, the commentator on Jatyayana's Srauta Sutra; of Bhavagvåmin, the author of a Bhashya on Baudhayana; of Keśavasvamin, the writer of an introduction to the Baudhayana-prayoga-sástra; Devasvåmin, quoted in the Trikándamandana and author of a comprehensive Bhashya on Asvalayana; Dhartasvamin, Kapardisvâmin and others. Kumarila is both a Svámin and a Bhatta. The title Svámin was used in some of the early Chalukya inscriptions and one of the Valabhi inscriptions, up to the seventh century. An updated grant of Vikramaditya I., who ceased to reign before A.D. 680, gives as donees Nandisvâmin, Lohas våmin, and Bhallasvamin (Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 771). Another grant, dated 700 A.D., gives Dasasvamin, son of Janasvamin and grandson of Revåsvåmin Dikshita, and one of 705 A.D. gives Devasvamin, Karkasvåmin, Yajñasvamin, Rudras våmin and others (Ind. Ant., vol. VII, pp. 128 and 136), while a Valabhi grant, dated Samvat 326 (A.D. 645), has got Mankasvamin (Ind. Ant.. vol. I, p. 16). Dr. Bhåndarkar assigns the seventh century to Agnisvåmin, Devasvåmin and Bhavasvamin, and places Sabarasvåmin two or three centuries earlier (vide p. 32 of his Report). The general inclination is towards the seventh century for the age of names bearing such titles. The records above noted were of rulers or families that were perhaps close neighbours of the recorders of the present grant. The grant mentions Bhajikanantasvamin, and with the conclusion arrived at by Dr. Bhandarkar, it cannot be later than the seventh century.
With respect to the geographical names occurring in our grant, it may be noted that Nirgundipadraka, the place from which it is dated, would be in modern Gujarati Någaravådd or something like it. And the Dehezáda of Gaikatadt Villages (published at the Hitechchhu Press, Ahmadabad) does give a Nagara vada, 6 kos from Dabhof. Further, the native place or home of the donee is P&shanih rada, which would be Saniddari, 14 kos from Dabhoi (given in the Deherdda, p. 5). Hrada would be masculine dharo and feminine dhart, changeable to dari in Gujarati, and Pásháni would drop its initial Pá, as Bagumra has done with its Ba in having Gumra, and give Saņia, and thus we get Saņiadari. From the same Påshåņibrada we would get Sankheda if hrada were replaced by kheda for khetaka, meaning 'town,' and Pá were dropt as in the other case. Taņdula padraka is obviously Tandalaja, also 14 kos from Dabhof (as given in the Dehezáda); and Sri-Parņaka is Paniu, now desolate (as noted in the same authority), 5 kos from Dabhol. The map of the Baroda territory does give Tan. dalja and Saņiadari quite close to each other.
TRANSCRIPT. L. 1. it afer fadfcugarafanfarer42AT7 # -- [fufar] --- 2. ffaecuma: itfam ucrar:* Prote[n]tfarper ---" 3. freferencana
Page #45

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
1.5. कस्तबलाधिक्रितशान्तिम" सर्वानेव परमपादीयास्वांबावेदयति'
6. यथा पाषाणिद"वास्तव्यकौत्मसगोत्रवाजिसनेयसब्रमचारिणो" 7. भजिकनन्तस्वामिने पञ्चमहायजधम्मक्रियोत्पर्पणाय" परमभट्टा8. रकपादानां पुण्ययघोभिविष्य" तलपद्रकान्तर्भकत श्रीपनाका9. यां पश्चिमसीमनि अचाटभटप्रावश्यं "पत्रपौवान्वयभोज्यं पादि10. - परागकालमुदकातिसर्मोण व्रीहिपिटकवापक्षेत्र पाञ्चाहि
--वक्षिति[स्थितिसमकालीनं प्रतिपादित पतस्था -" --ररानुद्याथा भतृनिपतिभिः
V.-INSCRIPTIONS FROM NORTHERN GUJARAT.
By J. KIRSTE, Ph.D., VIENNA. The subjoined inscriptions collected by Mr. H. Cousens, in Gujarat, were entrusted to me for decipherment by Professor Büh ler, who assisted me with his advice. They were found in the following places :1. Bhilri (Nos. i-iii),
6. Roho (xii-xvi), 2. Dilmal (iv-vii),
7. Sarotra (xvii-xxvi), 3. Mandal (viii),
8. Sonak (xxvii, xxviii), 4. Munjpur (ix),
9. Taranga (xxix). 5. Palanpur (x, xi), All are written in Devanagari characters, with the exception of No. viii, where the first six lines are in Arabic and the last in Gujarati. They are mostly injured and defaced. The language is a crude mixture of Sanskrit and Gujarati. Hence the readings are not always certain, and I am not sure that I have succeeded in fully making out the sense of all.
The generally interesting information which they furnish may be arranged under the following heads:
1.-They yield some notice of the political history of Gujaråt. No. viii furnishes a date from the reign of Sultan Ahmad and the names of his father Sultan Muhammad, and of his grandfather Sultan Muzaffar Shah. It also mentions a Malik Kamachanda, who seems to have been the Musalman governor or minister in charge of Mamdali (the modern Mandal) in the Viramagam Taluka, and that of a local chief called Ranaka (?). No. xi records the death of a Rajput, possibly a local chief Vanaraja, of the Gedia family, in Samvat 1282. Nos. xvii-xix speak of two local " Read °धिकृतशान्तिनः
I Read पुत्र. • Read यान्मा.
- Restore यीपराग.. - Read हुद
- Restore 'पाचन्द्राकार्यव. - Read वाजसनेयि, 'चारिणे.
- Read प्रतिपादितं. The remaining words I am unable to - Read शार्पश्चाय.
restore. • Read भिड्य.
" This line too is unintelligible. [Restore पतीखीचितया• Can 'तर्भवत' be for "न्तर्भक्ति,
यहारस्थिन्या भद्रनपतिभिः?-E. H.]

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM NORTHERN GUJARAT.
chiefs of Sarotra (1) Arajunaji, who ruled in Samvat 1678, and (2) his son Haradaaji, who ruled in Samvat 1685 and 1689. No. xxvii makes us acquainted with a Maharana Khetala (?) who held the village of Sunaka, the modern Sonak, in Samvat 1356.
2.- We obtain the following information regarding the spiritual heads of the Tapâgachchha:-No. xxix tells us that Hiravijaya was Bhaṭṭâraka in Samvat 1642. This inscription mentions also Vijayasena, who succeeded him (see Klatt, Ind. Ant., vol. XI, p. 256). Vijayadeva, the successor of the latter, is alluded to six times in the inscriptions Nos. xx-xxiii, xxv, and xxvi, which are all dated in the year Samvat 1689; while his appointed successor Vijayasimha is mentioned once (inscription xx). Inscription No. ii makes us acquainted with a Guru of the Mahideś variya Matha called Jiraja, ie. probably Jerája or Jayaraja.
No. I.'
11. [च] १२५ [८] वर्ष [च] पिन [द] १५ सोमे
2. ॥ [व] ज्ञातीय श्रे [ष्ठ] - - [] सुत
3. समयवेन मूर्ति कारापित]
TRANSLATION.
In the year Sam. 1358, on the 15th (day) of the dark half of Âśvina, a Monday, a figure was caused to be made by the Śreshthin Samayaka, son of . . . of the Pragvata gotra.
L. 1. [ श्री] महिदेश्वरीयमठाधिप2. जिराजगुरु श्रीध्यान] गणाचार्य
3. स्य ॥
No. II.3
25
TRANSLATION.
(The image) of the venerable Dhyânaganacharya, the guru Jirâja, the lord of the Mahideśvariya monastery.
No. III.*
L. 1. ओं ॥ श्रावण सुदि १५ चवण ज्येष्ट वदि
८ जन्मा । फागुण [श्रा]
2. सुदि १२ दिक्खा । फागुण वदि १३ नाणं । we afegit enfa
TRANSLATION.
Hail! The conception (chyavana) on the 15th (day) of the bright half of Sravana; birth on the 8th (day) of the dark half of Jyeshtha; consecration (diksha) on the 12th
At Bhilri: on the base of an image in the Jaina temple. Read af: arfar.
At Bhilri: on the base of an image in Mahadeva's temple. At Bhilri: in an old well outside the village.

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26
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(day) of the bright half of Phålguna; enlightenment (jana) on the 18th (day) of the dark half of Phalguna; liberation (mokeha) on the 9th (day) of the dark half of Jyeshtha . .
The stone bearing this must have been taken from a Jaina temple, and the inscription refers to the career of one of the Tirtham karas.
No. IV. L. 1. संवत् [२]८५ वर्षे पौषे वदि ८ गुरौ गाभलाग्रामे डीलविक
2. भंगानंतर श्रीपालनाथबिंब' मातृपितृमूर्तिच कारिता श्रे: ____3. सोहडसुतकुमरभदेन'
TRANSLATION. In the year Sam. 1295 (2) on the 8th (day) of the dark half of Pausha, a Thursday, an image of the venerable Parsvanatha and a figure of his parents were made by the Sreshthin Kumarabhadra (e), son of Sohada, in the village of Gabhala, in the district () of Dilavika.
NO. V.: L. 1. [ौं] सिधिः । -- । सज - समु
2. द्रो । याव []--[त डि[स]ी मेकः] । 3. यावत्त ----णे । ताव4. हि -- --- -॥ख5. ॥ स्ति [संवत् १५१२]वर्षे . 6. पाष शदि १० उगौकेला 7. ॥ उत दा[गा]सुत वादाकेन हि 8. जयकः करापितः ॥ नुत [भरव] 9. अस्मिन -[2]लके कते सति उ10. भय कुला नद्ये [भवत] मूटप दृ11. षद प्रतिसूत्र सागा त [2]क ४..
12. कशप [डा खो वशव
Nothing can be made out of this with certainty except the words : -"on the 10th (day) of the bright half of Vaisakha . . . . was caused to be made . . . . ."
No. VI. L. 1. संवत १५३२ वैसाष वदि ११
2. रवी के लषासुतदेवा3. केन स्थापितो नारायणः ।
TRANSLATION. In (the year) Sam. 1532, on the 11th (day) of the dark half of Vaisakha,a Sunday, (an image) of Narayana was placed by Ke. Devaka. son of Lakha.
• At Dilmal: on the base of an image of Paravan&tha. • Rend बि. 1 May also be 'पदन. • At Dilmal: on a pillar of the Kirtintambha to the west of the large temple of Limbu MATA. • At Dilmal: on the soat of an image in a small temple on the west of the large temple of Limbu MALA.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM NORTHERN GUJARAT.
No. VII.10 L. 1. स्वस्ति संवत १५३२ वर्षे वैसाष वदि ११
2. रवी के रा[]सुत मा सादाझांटा 3. [यए]तयी भाया ठा नरसिंग4. तनया बाइ रूपाइ मा सादास[४] 5. तथा ठा गोपालतनया बाई माई 6. मा झांटासह अहर्निशि श्रीलक्ष्मी7. नारायणाभ्यां प्रणमतः ॥ प्रति8. मा पिंडी [तत]: कारापिता शिव9. मस्तु ॥ कल्याणमस्तु शुभं भवतु ॥
TRANSLATION. Hail! In the year Sam. 1532, on the 11th (day) of the dark half of Vaisakha, a Sunday, Bal Rupai, daughter of Tha(kura) Narasing (Narasimha), wife of Ma(nda - lika) Sadajhamta, son of Ke. Ragha(2) (and) mother of Sadasaha (e)-likewise Bài Màmi, daughter of Țhà (kura) Gopala and mother of Jhâmţåsaha, bow day and night to Lakshmi and Narayana. An image (and) then a base (for it) was caused to be made.
No. VIII. L.1.
بتاریخ پانزده ی ماه ذی القعده سنة عشرين وثمانمئه در عهد سلطان سلاطين احمد بن محمد بن مظفر شاه
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सं
7. [स्व स्ति संवत् १४७४ वर्षे पौष वदि 8. - क्र अद्येह मंडल्यां मलिक थी [का]9. मचंदप्रतिपत्तौ राण श्रीरण[क]10. विजयराज्ये समस्तमांडलिनि[वा]11. [सी]त्योकविद्यमान मांडवी [हद] खप 12. [त] निश्चल कीधी ते पूर्वम[दनी] "को 13. ल[खद]निहरदिपू[छ] याहिजेपा 14. पवर्त्तदाननिलाविलाय [दपं तप]
10 At Dilmal : on the base of the image of Lakshmi Narayana in a small shrine, 11 At Mandal: on a stone in the Chauki. 12 The transcription of the Persian text I owe to the kindness of Prof. Karabacek at Vienna. Lines 4 to 6 are illegible. WL.8. Probably शुक्र is to be read.
WCorrected below the line to पुर्व (मह-मो. The third letter may be tand the fifth seems to have been intentionally effaced.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TRANSLATION. Persian Test.-At the date on the 15th day of the month Dhu-l-Qa'de, in the year eight hundred and twenty (of the Hijra, i.e. the 24th December of 1417A.D.), during the reign of the Sultan of Sultans Ahmad, son of the Sultan Muhammad, son of the Sultan Muzaffar Shah . . . business(?) of Kamajand . . . . this writing
Sanskrit Text.-Hail! In the year Sam. 1474, in the dark half of Pausha, on a Friday (Friday, 24th December 1417 A. D.), to-day, here in Mamdali, during the administration of Malik, the illustrious Kamachanda, in the victorious reign of Råna the illustrious Ranaka (R),--the business of the limits of the custom-house was settled in the presence of all the inhabitants of Mamdali . . . . . .
No. IX. L. 1. । संवत् १२११ वर्षे वैशाख शुदि ५ वर
2. हडा [थानभ]मा - तथा माय -- [थरि]सी [क]स
3. मताल सा--धव - श्रीवि[पुर सदेव कारापित . . . Much defaced and probably mutilated on the right side. Nothing can be made out except the date Samvat 1211, Vaisakha sudib.
No. X.16 L. 1. संवत् १२१७ वर्षे कार्तिक शुदि १०
2. के" खीवाणास्थाने श्रीमहावीर 3. त्ये योसा पेदिकायां [स]ाविका प
4. [2]ी स्थंजमेकं कारापितं ॥ [ये]चि
This inscription seems to refer to a donation in the temple of Mahavira at Khimvana, made in Samvat 1217, on the tenth day of the bright half of Karttika, a Friday. Hence this stone, too, must have been removed from its original site.
No. XI. L. 1. । संवत् १२८२ वर्षे पौष शुदि ४ शुक्र गेडीया
2. राउत्त [मे]घां [सुत्त वणरां । [धारातीर्थे पतितः ।
ABSTRACT. In the year Sam. 1282, on the fourth (day) of the bright half of Pausha, a Friday, fell the Gedia Rautta (Rajaputra) Vanaram (Vanarāja), the son of Megham. The stone must be a so-called Palia.
No. XII L.1. संवत् १२५८
2. र्षे कार्तिक सुदि १
3. शुक्र । [जसदेवसुत 15 At Munjpur: in the Jami Masjid, on a beam. - Read चैत्ये. * At Palanpur: on the side of a well.
"At Palanpur: on a loose stone lying near the railway. F Read धके.
*At Roho: on a pillar of the Chhattri of Parivanatha%3B | much defaced.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM NORTHERN GUJARAT.
29 L. 4. [तो]जो गा---
5. यं - ---कुं 6. --कारापिता ॥
TRANSLATION. . . . . . caused to be made by . . . . son of Jasadeva in Samvat 12b9, Karttika sudi 1, a Friday.
No. XIII. L. 1. संवत् १२६[९] - ती
---- वदि १४ --- देव -र्य सि
हा--व-ता 5. ---प्रदत्ता॥
___No. XIV. L. 1. संवत् १२८८ वर्षे वैशाख शुदि १३ सोमे ऋषभदेवीचेत्ये निवृतिगच्छे गौरदेविसुते[न वाला] केन मातानिमित्तं नेमिनाथबिंब कारा[पित] शुभं भवतु ॥
TRANSLATION. In the year Sam. 1299, on the 13th (day) of the bright half of Vaisakha, a Monday, an image of Neminatha was caused to be made, for his mother's sake, by Valaka (?), son of Gauradevi of the Nirvșiti-Gotra in the temple of Rishabhadevi (?).
No. XV.** L. 1. ॥ भो ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः । संवत् १६[७४]
2. वर्षे । पोसमास । कृष्णपक्षे । पंचम्या ति3. थौ । गुरुवासरे । [डाभी]वंशे । भट्टेसरी [-] 4. भाषायां । रात श्रीमांडणजी । भाया बार b. श्रीचांपा वापी करापिता । प्र[T]साद दौ सहि6. ता प्रतिष्टा करापिता । बाई पुत्री श्रीसज्ज7. बाई सहितेना पीरोजी ५१... एकावन 8. सहस्रव्ययो कता । पा चंद्रार्क नंद्यात् 9. मासं ११ कार्य वी प्रासाद ह सहिता कता । 10. वंशो विस्तरंबायातु । यातु पुण्यं मह11. यश । प्रायुविपुलतां यातु । यस्यषा वा12. पिका कता ॥ ॥ - [धरनेना] ढाला कृतं । 13. पं°------श्रीरस्तु ॥ कल्याणमस्तु ।
" At Roho : on a pillar in the third storey of an old well,-mela defaoed. WAt Roho : on the arch over the old well,-first storey. 13 At Robo: on a pillar in the third storey of the old well. * L 3: Probably (oft). " L. 10. Read °तरमा । महद्यश, WL. 1. Read fपु । यसैषा.

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30
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TRANSLATION.
In the year Sam. 1674 ( ? ), on the 5th lunar day of the dark half of Pausha, a Thursday, a well was caused to be made by Ramta Mamdanaji, (whose) wife (wa8) Châmpâ, and together with two temples it was consecrated. He, together with his daughter Sajja Bai, spent 51,000 Pirojt (Rupees) (for this purpose). May it rejoice as long as sun and moon endure! In 11 months the work (i.e. the well), together with the two temples, was completed. May the race extend! May great merit and fame come (to him)! May the life of him be lengthened who built this well! The Dhâlâ was made by Pam(dita)
No. XVI.27
28
L. 1. श्री संवत १६७६ वर्षे पौष शुदि ४ दने [वारगरु आ] 2
2. • मानचत्र रात श्रीमडणजी भारय श्रीचप बाइ पूत्रो सज्जनजे - पू - [प] ल
-
• श्रीगणेश न
3. सूत्र ना[ बा] स
4. म श्रीनराअ [न] The same persons seem to be mentioned as in the preceding inscription.
-
No. XVII.29
11. संवत १७८ वर्षे फागसमासे शू पचे नवम्यां तयो मनिवसरे से [४]
2. ॥ णीनक्षत्त्रे । धंन्या अयोध्यादसरथनृपा साप माताप धांन्या
3. ॥ धन्या वाणी कविवरमुखे रांमनांमपृष्टता । ध्यन्या देसो ऋघ
4. पतिभवान्" जन रामावतारा धन्धो लोको नोचातमगुणा राम
5. ॥ वाच्यं गचोति ॥ १ ॥ रात श्रीचरणजीः । वाई श्रीपदमां बाई बाई"
6. ॥ बीचमरी ॥ पुत्र श्रीहरदासजी वेजयराज्ये" इवी कारापिता
1
ABSTRACT.
In the year Sam. 1678, on the 9th lunar day of the bright half of Phalguna, a Satur day, under the Rohini Nakshatra, during the reign of Arajunaji, whose wives were Padamâm and Amari, and whose son was Haradasaji, a Chhatri was caused to be erected.
No. XVIII. 34
11. सं १६८५ वर्षे श्रवण सुदि ११ दने [हरदास लषना]
27 At Roho: on the base of an image in a ruined shrine near the old well.
29 Perhaps वारगुरु.
29 At Sarotra : in the Bhavan Dhvaja temple.
30 L. 1. Read शु (क्रे) तिथी रोहिणी
31 Bhaván is meant for bhagavan.
ॐ The metre of the verse in 11. 2-5 seems to be Mandakrānta. It may be restored as follows:
Dhanyoyodhyadasarathanripah såpi mâtapi dhanya, Dhanya vání kavivaramukhe râmanâmapraritta, Dhanyo deso raghupatibhavan yatra râmávatáro, Dhanyo loko nijatamagunâm rámavacham spinoti.
35 L. 6. Read विजयराज्ये.
34 At Sarotra: in the Bhavan Dhvaja temple. L. 1. Read श्रावण.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM NORTHERN GUJARAT.
TRANSLATION. In the year Samvat 1685, Sravana Sudi 11, Haradasa . .
.
.
.
No. XIX. L. 1. संवत १६[८] वर्षे आषाढमा[स] [ब]हुलप[] एकादीसी ११ तथ[1]" रविवासरे--
2. ॥ धान्या अयोध्यादसरथनप सा माताप धान्या धान्या वाणी कविवरमुख 3. ॥ रामनामप्रवृत्ताः । धन्या देसो [ऋघुपतिभवान् जिन रोमाअवतारा धन्या 4. ॥ [लो] का नीपतमगुणा रामवाच्य शृणोतीः ॥ १॥ रात श्रीहरदासजी । बा5. ई श्रीजिवंती ॥ बाई राजू ॥ सबक । वषद्म नाम संवत्सरो । पूर्व बीतोग[बी] व6. ॥ जयराजे ॥ छत्री करापित: ॥ २॥
ABSTRACT. In the year Sam. 1689, on the 11th lunar day of the dark half of Ashadha, a Sunday, during the reign of Harada sajt whose wives were Jivanti and Rajů and whose son was Togabi (?), a Chhatri was caused to be erected. (Regarding the verse see inscription No. xvii.)
No. xx.9 L. 1. ॥ भो ॥ भट्टारकरीविजयदेवसूरीखरगुरुभ्यो नमः प्राचार्य श्रीविजयसिंह
2. सूरीखरगुरूभ्यो नमः ॥ सं० १६८९ वर्षे श्रावण २०११ दिने देहरीनीपजतई सं [घप] 3. लाडण भाया नाथी सुत सं० हरदास । सं० सांपा । सं० तेजा। सं० देवकरणई रूपय [--]" । पाप्या छई [1]
___ABSTRACT. In the year Sam. 1689, on the 11th day of the dark half of Sravana Sam . . Ladana, whose wife was Nathi and his son Sam. Haradasa, Sam. Sampa, Sam. Teja, Sam. Devakaranat, gave silver Thapas (e) on the completion of the temple, while Bhattaraka Vijayadevasůri and Vijayasim hasûri were [living).
No. XXI. L. 1. ॥ों भट्टारकरीविजयदेवसूरीखरगुरुभ्यो नमः ॥ संवत १६८८ वर्षे [वदि]
2. [ना] सं० लाडण भाया ना[य]सुत सं० हरदास सं० सांपा सं० तेजा सं० [देवकरण 3. ---- [सुत याब] -क---स्वपति[वुका] - दि[सर्वेषा] श्रेयो4. थे। श्रीमहावीरप्रासाद - ॥ देवकुलिका - रूप्येः [कारिता] ॥:
ABSTRACT. In the year Sam. 1689, in the dark half of . . . Sam. Ladana, whose wife
NAtha (P), and his son Sam. Haradasa, Sam. sampa, Sam. Teia. Sam. Deva. karana, erected a chapel in connection with the temple of Mahavira.
MAt Sarotra: in an old chhattri.
L. 1. Read एकादशीनिथी.
L.6. Read विजयराज्ये । कारापिता. * At Sarotra: in the Bharan Dhvaja temple. " Read गुरुभ्यी.
al Looks like थप.
At Sarotra: in the Bhayan Dhvaja temple. tion bad and most letters indistinct.
a Read गुरुभ्यी.
Preserra

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. XXII. L. 1. ॥ भो । “भटारकश्रीविजयदेवसूरीखरगुरुभ्यो नमः ॥
2. सं०१६८८व० सं लाडण [भा. वा.] "नाथी [त्य पूग] सं. हर3. दास सं. तेजादिकुटंब पार्खदेहरी कारापिता ॥
ABSTRACT. In the year Sam. 1689, in the dark half of . . . a temple of Parsva was caused to be made by Sam. Ladana, whose wife was Natht, and his son (2) Sam. Haradasa, and by the family of Sam. Teja.
No. XXIII. L.1. ॥ भों'। तपागच्छाधिराजभट्टारकचीविजयदेवसूरिगुरुभ्यो न
2. सं० १६८८ वर्षे फागु शुदि १३ दिने ए देहरीनीपजतर वुः हरदास3. बु[प]नावु माडण तथा भोज-देभइ रूपए [--] पाप्या छ
ABSTRACT. In the year Sam. 1689, on the 13th day of the bright half of Phalguna, on the completion of this temple, silver Thapas (2) were given by Haradasa, whose father (2) was Madana (Ladana ?)
No. XXIV.. L. 1. ॥ ओं । सं० १६८८ वर्षे फागुण शुदि १० दिने [प] - करणइ ए देहरी [नीपजतर]
2. रूपा [--] "बाप्या छह ॥ इति मंगलम् ॥ श्री। श्री। श्री।
ABSTRACT. In the year Sam. 1689, on the 10th day of the bright half of Phālguna, on the com- , pletion of this temple, silver . . were given by Karana (2).
No. XxV." L.1. ॥ ओं ॥ श्रीविजयदेवरिगुर[]भ्यो नमः ॥ सं १८८८ वर्षे फागुण शु
2. दि १० दिने वुहरा-[वस्ता] छोकरे ए देहरीनीपजतह रूपईया--पाप्या छ----: 3. . ...
ABSTRACT. In the year Sam. 1689, on the 10th day of the bright half of Phalguna, on the completion of this temple, silver . . were given by the son of . . . . .
* At Sarotra: in the Bhavan Dhvaja temple. - Read भट्टार', 'गुरु'. * Possibly for भाया बाई.
• At Sarotra : over a shrine door in the Bhavan Dhvaja temple. . Looks like 49. "At Barotra : over a sbrine door in the Bhavan Dhvaja temple. " Looks like पप. # At Sarotrs: over a shrine door in the Bhavan Dbvaja temple.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM NORTHERN GUJARAT.
33
No. XXVI. L. 1. ॥ भो ॥ भट्टारकथीविजयदेवरिगुरु
2. भ्यो नमः सं० १५८८ वर्षे फा वदि ११ दिने ए 8. देहरीनीपजतब व माता] ताना [रा]ज पालि रूप [य थव] 4. पाप्या छह ॥
ABSTRACT. In the year Sam. 1689, on the 11th day of the dark half of Phalguna), on the completion of this temple, silver Thapas (2) were given by . .
No. XXVII.S L. 1. । संवत् १३५६ वर्षे चैत्र व ११
2. गन । यद्येह सूणकग्राम म3. हाराण श्री[खे]तलप्रतिपत्ती 4. लीष महिपाकेन देवीधी5. शिवलीयावायां नाट [पूजाय] 6. प्रदत्त पा[द] सं दिन] पूमि7. [य]नं --ना माता [वियो]8. पीलक [ब्रह्मपुरी] सहित [सक] 9. लमपि प्रा[मं] ॥ श्रीः ।
ABSTRACT The inscription refers to some gift made by one Lisha (e) Mahipaka in Sam. 1856, on the 11th day of the dark half of Chaitra, during the administration of the Maharana, the illustrious Khetala (P) in the village of Sunaka, on the occasion of the Yatra of Devi Sribivali.
No. XXVIII.“ L. 1. । संवत् १५८६ वर्षे
2. श्रावण वदि १३ सोमे---
TRANSLATION. In the year Sam. 1596, Sravana vadi 13, a Monday
.
.
.
No. XXIX. ___L. 1. ॥ संवत् १६४२ वरषे पासाङ शुदि १. ... 2. दने पातसा बीचकबर गहि
3. गढीमा महेस गढी सजा
4. पगी श्री गोवंद पगी श्रीराम a At Sarotra: over a shrine door in the Bhavan Dhvaja Temple.
At Sonak: on a pillar in an old temple. * At Sonak : on the base of an image in the same temple. * At Taranga : on the side of the great temple.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 5. जईननु पातया जंगंमतीर
6. य श्रीहीरविजयसूरिः । 7. श्रीवजयसे । नसूरिः । 8. तेहना धरम साचा जांणी ...... 9. श्रीवीसलनगरि संधिमूषि 10. साहा गणांपति आदर 11. करी गुरथ ठामठामथक 12. गरथ पाणीनि प्रासादनु 13. नवो पाघार कीथो छिः ॥ 14. सो सवसी कूरीत्रा 15. उपरि रही कबाड़ करा छ 16. सूर्व गोवाल वडनगर 17. सूत्र भूपा वीसलनगर 18. कबाड़करः ॥ सू गो [पा]
19. रात साहरुपासरठा Seems to refer to the restoration of the temple in Samvat 1642.
VI.-THE JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
By G. BÜHLER, P#.D., LL.D., C.I.E. The subjoined editions and abstracts of 118 inscriptions, found in the Jaina temples on the hill of Satrum jaya near Palitâņâ, have been prepared according to the impressions, taken by Mr. Cousens during the working season of 1888-89, and made over to me by the Editor. They consist of twogreat series, the first comprising Nos. i-xxxii which range between Samvat 1587 and 1710, and the second, Nos. xxxiii-exv, which run from Sanvat 1783 to 1943 or 1887A.D. As the latter series of course possesses in general little historical interest, I have thought it inadvisable to publish them in extenso, and I believe the abstracts given below will satisfy all requirements. I have, however, made an exception with No. cv, because it contains a tolerably complete account of the heads of the Añchala gachchha, regarding which hitherto very little has become known. Moreover, it furnishes a good sample of the Sanskrit, written by the Yatis of our days, and it may be useful for settling the controversy regarding the origin of the “mixed” dialects found in older books and inscriptions, as well as that regarding the advisability of bringing. by conjectural emendations, the language of somewhat older Jaina authors such as Merutunga, Rajasekhara and Jinamandana, into harmony with the rules of Sanskrit grammar. The transcript of this document as well as those of Nos. i.xxxiji and No. cxviii have been prepared by Dr. J. Kirste, Privat-Docent in the Vienna University. and to him belong also the footnotes appended to the same.
As regards the historical information contained in the 118 inscriptions, it falls under the following heads:-(1) notes regarding the political history of Western India;
The dates of Nos. cxvi-cxvii are not certain. No. cxviii ought properly to stand after No. xii.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
38
(2) notes regarding the schools of the Jaina monks ; (3) notes regarding the subdivisions of the Jaina laymen.
As regards the first point, No. I is the most important document: for it names (1.1) three Sultans of Gujarat: (1) Mahimůda, (2) Madâ phara, and (3) Bahadara, and states that the latter was alive in Vikrama Samvat 1587, and (1.2) that his minister was Shåna (Khân) Majhâdashána or Majhadaka (1. 26). It further enumerates (11. 8-10) four rulers of Chitrakuta—(1) Kumbharaja, (2) Rajamalla, (8) Samgrå. masiṁha, (4) Ratnasiṁha, which latter ruled in Samvat 1687, and adds (1. 23) that Karmasiṁha or Karmaraja, who made (1. 27) the seventh restoration (saptama uddhára) and re-built the temple of Pundarika, was his prime minister. We are further told (1. 26) that he did so with the express permission of Sultan Bahadara, and obtained from him a sphuranmána, i.e. a fermán, for this purpose. The negotiations were conducted by a mantri Rava (ravakhya) Narasimhaka, probably also a Jaina, who was in the employ of Sultân Bahadara's prime minister.
With respect to the list of the sovereigns of Gujarat, it deserves to be noticed that Sultans Sikandar and Mahmud, the two brothers of Sultan Bahadur, who reigned each for a short period after Sultan Muzaffar II., have been left out. I am unable to identify Khán Majhad or Majhada ka, who, according to our inscription, was Bahadur's vazir in Samvat 1587. According to the Mirát-i-Sikandart,' that dignity was bestowed on Taj Khan in A.D. 1526; nor is Karmaraja or Karmasimha mentioned in Tod's account of the history of Mevaď. But there is no reason for doubting the veracity of the document. The list of the four Rånås agrees with Tod's. The statements of the Mirat-i-Sikandart (op. cit., p. 350) prove that Ratnasimha really ruled in Samvat 1587, and that his relations with the Sultan of Gujarat were of a friendly nature.
Next come the dates from the reigns of the third and fourth Mughal Emperors
1. Jahangir is mentioned as Núradina J. Savai in Nos. XV, Xvii-XX, xxiii, xxiv, which are all dated in Samvat 1675, as well as in No. xxvii of Samvat 1683. Nos. xvii. XX mention also prince Khosra (Sháhijádá Suratána Shosada) and the governor (sobat) of Ahmadabad (Rájanagara), Sultan Khurme (Sahiyana suratána Shurame).
2. Shah Jihan (Sáhajyáhám) occurs once in No. xxx, which is dated in Vikrama Samvat 1686 and Saka Samvat 1551. The two dates agree perfectly with the facts. And it is also correct that Surațâņa Khurme, i.e. Sultân Khurram or Shah Jiban, was viceroy of Gujarat in Samvat 1675. For the Muhammadan historians inform us that the latter province was added to the other governments held by him in A.D. 1617. of interest, too, is the mention of Shahijâda Surațâna Shosada, i.e. prince Khosra, (Nos. xvii-xx), who no doubt was alive in Vikrama Samvat 1675, but had been a prisoner ever since the second year of his father's reign.
Among the local chiefs of Kathiâvad, the inscriptions mention
(1) Jam (Yama) Satrusalya and his son, Jasavanta, which latter, according to No. xxi (1. 4) ruled at Navinapura, i.e. Navânagar, in Hállára, i.e. the Halår Prânt, in Vikrama Samvat 1675; (2) Some of the Gohel chieftains of Palitàņa, riz.,(a) Khâmdhuji and his son, Sivaji, in No. xxvii, 11. 38-9, of Vikrama Samvat
1683;
The Local Muhammadan Dynastia of Gujard), by Sir E.C. Bayers, p. 334.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(6) Unadaji in No. li, of V. 8. 1861; (c) Khamdhaji; his son, Nogbaņaji, and his grandson, Pratâ pasimghajt, in
Nos. lxviii and lxix, dated V.8. 1891 and 1892; (d) Noghanaji and his son, Pratápasimghaji, in No. xevi, of V.8. 1910; and (e) Prata pasingaji, V.8. 1916 (No. ciii).
(f) Sarasimghaji, in No. cxi, of V.S. 1940. The information of the inscriptions agrees perfectly with the notes on the history of Navânagar and Pálitânå, given in the Bombay Gazetteer (vol. viii, p. 559). According to the latter work, Jam Jasoji, the son of Jam Sataji, ruled from A.D. 1608 to 1624. It is not difficult to recognise Jasavanta in Jasoji. Sataji is a very considerable abbreviation of Batrsål, the more usual form for the Sanskpit Satrusalya, "an arrow for his enemies." As regards the Gohels, we read (op. cit. pp. 604f.) that Khandoji II. was succeeded by Shavaji II. This is no doubt the pair of the inscription, as Shavaji is placed five generations before A.D. 1766. The other chiefs mentioned in the inscriptions are called in the Gazetteer, U nadji, A.D. 1766—1820, Khandoji IV., 1820-1840, Noghanaji IV., A.D. 1840—1860, Pratåpsinghji, 1860, Sûrsinghji, since 1860. It is amusing to note that in No.xcvi, Noghaņaji receives the proud titles rájarájeśvara and maharajadhiraja, though the PAlitan State pays tribute to several masters and ranks among the second class states of Kathiåvåd. Besides, Thakur Noghanaji was, according to the Bombay Gazetteer, by no means as well off as his successors, who have a gross revenue of five lakhs of rupees; for his state was held under Government guaran. tee in farm by Vakhateband, the Nagarsheth of Ahmadabad, from A.D. 1821-1831, when prince Pratápsinghji managed to get it out of the hands of the banker. None of the numerous donors from Ahmadabad, Bombay, and other towns in the British territory, has thought it necessary to mention the British Government. But Harashachanda, óe. Harakhchand of Damaņa-bandira or Daman, gratefully mentions, in No. xlv of V.S. 1860, that he was honoured by the Phirangijáti Puratakála pátasáki, i.e. by the king of Portugal. Compared with this, the forgetfulness of the family of the Nagarsbeth of Ahmadabad is, to say the least, remarkable.
The next point which claims attention is the copious information which the inscriptions furnish regarding several schools of Jaina monks, the Kharatara, Tapa, Aichala, and Sågara gachchhas. Lists of the spiritual heads of the former two sects have been published by Dr. Klatt in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XI, p. 245 ff, and a Kharatara pattávali from the Prasasti of the temple of Vadipura Pårávanátha has been given, ante, vol. I, p. 319. The other two pattávalis have not, as far as I know, been made know.n before :
1.- Pattávali of the Kharatara gachchha. The following list is given in No. xvii1. Ud(d)yotanasuri,
Narangi vritti, and discoverer of the Parýva. 2. Vardhamanasuri, tasatimárgapra- nátha of Stambhana, kábaka,
6. Jinavallabhasůri, 3. Jinesvarasůri I.,
7. Jinadattasari, to whom a devata 4. Jinachandrasari I.,
gave the title yugapradhana, . Abhayadevasari, composer of the 8. Jinachandrasuri II,
• The first seven Sûris are mentioned alo in No. xviii.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
9. Jinapattisuri,
16. Jinachandrasuri IV., 10. Jineśvarasûri II.,
17. Jinodayasuri, 11. Jinaprabodhasûri,
18. Jinarajasuri, 12. Jinachandrasûri III.,
19. Jina bhadra sûri,5 13. Jinakusalasuri,
20. Jinachandrasûri V., 14. Jina padmasûri,
21. Jinasamudrasuri, 15. Jinalabdhisuri,
22. Jina has sasûri,
23. Jinamaņikyasuri, 24. Jinachandrasûri VI;* who awakened the Patisâhi of Delhi, Akabara, received from him the title yugapradhana, and obtained an edict not to kill during 8 days in all countries, who appeased the angry Jahâmgira and protected the Sådhus banished by him.
25. Jinasiṁ hasûri, who caused the mantrin Karamachandra to institute' a rúpanandi festival at an expense of 12,500,000 (sapádakoți), wandered through Kathina, Kasmir and other countries, pleased Akabara-Sâhi, stopped for a year the slaying of aquatic animals, caused an edict of not killing to be proclaimed in Sripura, Golakumda (Golkonda), Gajjaņa (Ghazni), and other countries, and received the title of yugapradhana from Jahâmgira-Naradi-Maham mada.
26. Jinaraja,' whose parents were så Dharmasi and Dharalade, who belonged to the Bohittha race, received a boon from the goddess Ambikå, and in consequence deciphered the prasasti on an ancient image at Ghamghanipura. In No. xxvi there is a second date, Samvat 1682 for him.
The later inscriptions mention:
Jinachandrasûri, Saṁvat 1794,19 (No. xxxix); Jinaharshasari,' Saṁvat 1887 (No. lx), Samvat 1888, Samvat 1891 (No. lxviii), Samvat 1892 (No. lxix); Jinamahendrasuri, successor of the preceding, Samvat 1893 (No. lxxx), stated to belong to the Pippaliya branch (Nos. Ixxxii-v).2 Sarvat 1903 (No. lxxxviii).
Jinasaubhagyasuri, successor of Jinaharsha, Samvat 1910 (No. xvi).
Jinamuktisuri, Saṁvat 1922 (No. cvi). The statements of the latest inscriptions show that there were several heads of the Kharatara gachchha, which fact is known to everybody personally acquainted with the sect. I met Jinamuktisūri at Jesalmir in 1874, and at Bikanir another head of the Kharataras called Hemasûri. The pupils of a third Yugapradhana of the same community visited me in 1876 at Surat, when he passed through the town.
II.--Pattávali of the Tapá gachchha. No. xii mentions first Vardhamana (verse 2), Sudharma (verse 3), Susthita and Supratibuddha, the founders of the Koţikagaņa (verse 4), Vajra, the founder
• This form, which is found also in the Patan Prasasti, ante, vol. I, p. 319, seems to be preferable to Dr. Klatt's Jinapati, Ind. Ant., vol. XI, pp. 245ff.
- Mentioned also in No. xviii. • Mentioned also in Nos. xviii-Ix, xxiii, xxxiv. * Nos. xviii-IX, xii-xiv, add "before Akabarashi." . According to No. xviii Srikastipura, according to No. xis SrikAra-Sripura, according to No. xxiii Sripara. . Mentioned in the same way in Nos. xiv-IX, xxii-xxiv, xxvi. 10 Klatt has a Jinachandra (No. 69) in 8. 1834. 1. This is the last on Klatt's list, Ind. Ans., vol. xi, pp. 246ff.
» Nos. Ixxxii-xxxv have a note speaking of a Jinachamdasári, successor of Jinadeve, being alive. Regarding the Pippallya Kharatara gachchhe; see Klatt, ut sup., under No. 66.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
of the Vajra bakha (verse 5), Vajrasena and his pupils Naga, Indra, Chandra, Nirvșiti and Vidhyadhara, the third of whom founded the Chåndra kula (verses 6-7), Jagachchandra, who obtained in Sarvat 1285 the Tapabiruda (verse 9), and then begins the enumeration with
(1) Anandavimala (Klatt No. 56), who reformed the conduct of the Yatis in Samvat 1582 (verses 10-11).
(2) Vijayadana (Klatt No. 57), verses 12-13.3
(3) Hiravijaya (Klatt No. 58), verses 14-24, who was called by Sahi Akabbara to Mevata, and persuaded the emperor in Samvat 1639 to issue an edict forbidding the slaughter of animals for six months, to abolish the confiscation of the property of deceased persons, the Sujijia-tax, and a bulka," to set free many captives, snared birds and animals, to present Satruńjaya to the Jainas, to establish a Jaina library (paustakam bhárdágáram), and to become a saint-like king Sreņika, who converted the head of the Lumpákas, Meghajî,18 made many people adherents of the Tapå gachchha, caused many temples to be built in Gujarat and other countries, and made many natives of that country, of Malava and so forth, undertake pilgrimages to Satrumjaya. No. cxviii commemorates one of these pilgrimages, which was undertaken by Vimalaharsha and 200 others. The same inscription states that Hiravijaya belonged to the Sápha race. He died, according to No. xiii, by starvation, at Unnatadurga, in Saṁvat 1652, Bhadrapada sukla 10, and his pádukds were erected in the same year, on Márga vadi 9, Monday, by Udayakarana of Stambhatirtha (Cambay) and consecrated by Vijayasena.
(4) Vijayasena (Klatt No. 59), (verses 25—34), who was called by Akabbara to Labhapura (Lahor), received from him great honours, and a phuramána, forbidding the slaughter of cows, bulls and buffalo-cows, to confiscate the property of deceased persons and to make captives in war, who, honoured by the king, the son of Choli-begam (Choli Vegama), adorned Gujarat. Latest date Samvat 1650.
(6) Vijayadeva (Klatt No. 60) is mentioned in No. xxv, Samvat 1676, No. xxxi of Samvat 1696, Nos. xxxii and xxxiii of Samvat 1710. According to the same he received from Patisahi Jihamgira the title mahátápa. His appointed successor, Vijaya. simhasari, who, according to Klatt (op. cit.) died before him (Samvat 1709), occurs in No. xxxii, which is dated Samvat 1710. It is stated there that the Sahasra kata tirtha had been dedicated at his request.
(6) Vijayaprabha (Klatt No. 61) is mentioned in No. xxxiii, dated Samvat 1710. He receives the titles acharya and súri, and seems, therefore, not yet to have been the actual head. Vijayadeva, on the other hand, is there called bhattáraka. This goes against Klatt's Pattávali, which places Vijayadeva's death in Samvat 1709.
In the later inscriptions are namedVijayakshama sûri, No. xxxviii. Vijayadayasuri, No. xxxvii, bhattáraka, in Samvat 1788 (Sumatisagara, ibid.,
also bhattáraka), and in No. xxxviii, Samvat 1791. Vijayajinendrasuri, No. xliv, Samvat 1843, Nos. xlvi-xlix, Samvat 1860. Vijayad hanesvaras ùri, No. lxxviii, Samvat 1893.
* Mentioned as head of the gachchha in Nos. iv, vi-, all dated in Samvat 1620.
Possibly tax on Jaina pilgrims, visiting their holy places, may be meant-se also Elphinstone's History of India, p. 389 (8th edition). The Switia tas is, of course, the jiaya, or capitation tax on infidels.
15 Regarding the LumpAkas 1oo Bhandarkar, Report on Sanskrit M88. for 1883-84, p. 163.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
39
Vijayadevendrasuri, No. lxxxvi, Samvat 1897, No. lxxxix, Saṁvat 1905,
No. xlii, Samvat 1908, No. xcvii, Saivat 1911, No. civ, Samyat 1916, No. cvii,
Samvat 1926. Vidyanandasari, successor of Dhanešvara, No. ciii, Samvat 1916.
A Samvijñayamàrgiya Tapå gachchha, belonging to the line of Vijayasitasari, is mentioned in No. lxxvi of Samvat 1893 and in No. cxiii of Samvat 1940. III.- Pattávali of the Anchala or Vidhipaksha gachchha.?
ha 12 The first seventeen teachers are named in Nos. xxi of Samvat 1675 and xxvii of Samvat 1683, the remainder mostly in No. cv of Samvat 1921 : (1) Aryarakshita,
(16) Dharmamurti, (2) Jayasimha,
(17) Kalyåņasågara or Kalyaņasa(3) Dharmaghosha,
mudra, Samvat 1675 and 1683, (4) Mahendrasimha,
(18) Amarodadhi, (6) Simhaprabba,
(19) Vidyasûri (Vidyabdhi), (6) Devendra or Devendrasimha, (20) Udayarnava, or Udayasa. (7) Dharmaprabha,
gara, (8) Simhatilaka,
(21) Kirtisindhu or Kirtisagara, No. (9) Mahendra,
li, Samvat 1861, (10) Merutunga,
(22) Punyodadhi or Punyasagara, (11) Jayakirti,
(No. li, of S. 1861), (12) Jayakesari,
(23) Muktisagara, Samvat 1905, * (13) Siddhantasamudra or Siddhan. (24) Ratnodadhi, Samvat 1921; t'asågara,
(25) Vivekasågara, Saṁvat 1940, (14) Bhavasagara,
No. cxi. (15) Gunanidhana or Sugunasevadhi,
IV.-Pattávali of the Ságara-gachchha. This list is given chiefly in No. xci, where the latest date is Saṁvat 1905 : (1) Rajasågara,
(7) Ananda sågara, (2) Vșiddhisågara,
(8) Santisagara, Saṁvat 1886, No. (3) Lakshmisågara,
lv, No. lix; Saṁvat 1889, No. (4) Kalyaņasågara,
lxii, No. lxv; Samvat 1893, (5) Punyasågara,
No. lxx, No. lxxi, No. lxxii, No. (6) Udayasågara,
lxxix. Teachers of two other gachchhas are named:(1) Rajasamasuri of the Lagh uposala gachchha in No. xlii, dated Samvat
1815. (2) Pandit Anandakusala of the Payachanda gachchha in No. xcv, dated
Samvat 1908. One is tempted to conjecture that Pdyachanda is a * Spelt also Vijayadeviņdra and Vijayadevidrs. Afichara-gachcina, and in the main agrees with the earlier 1 .1 The name Vidhipaksha gachchha occurs in No. xxvii, part of the above text. Verse 6, and in No. ov.
This form is required aocording to the metro. Regarding this Aryarakshita, see Bhåndárkar, Report 30 No. li. on Sanskrit M88. of 1883-84, p. 162. The Pattdvali described No. o. Before him appeare Rajendralgara, San by Dr. Bhandarkar (op. cit., pp. 14, and 3198.) is that of the vat 1886, in No. Ivi.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
mistake for Pasachanda or Palachanda, regarding which sest see Bhân. darkar's "Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1883-84, p. 185".
1.-Digambara Pattávali. No. Xxx, dated Samvat 1686, gives (11.2 et seq.) the list of the spiritual heads in the line of Kumdakunda (read Kunda kunda) Acharya in the Balatkâragana, the Saras. vati gachchha and the Malasamgha, i.e. the community of the Digambaras, as follows: (1) Sakalakirti,
(7) Gunakirti, (2) Bhuvana kirti,
(8) Vadibhushana, (3) Jñanabhashana,
(9) Ramakirti, (4) Vijayakirti,
(10) Padmanandi, the actual head of (6) Subhachandra,
the sect in Samvat 1686. (6) Sumatikirti,
The list is, of course, a mere fragment of the Pattávali of the Kundakundanvaya, which dates from much earlier times.
Next to the subdivisions of the Jaina monks, those of the laymen deserve notice, and it is interesting that our inscriptions furnish a good deal of valuable information on this point, regarding which hitherto little has become known. Among the various tribal names of the laymen which are mentioned in the great majority of the documents, that of the Osvals occurs most frequently, as might be expected from the fact that this section of the Jaina community is not only generally considered the most noble, but possesses also the greatest wealth. The name appears in various forms, (1) U pakeša jñáli, No. xxi; paṁsa, No. xxvi; (2) Okeśa or Ukeśa, Nos. xxxiii and lx; (3) Oisa Damsa, No. xxxix; (4) Ośa or Osa, mostly with the addition of the termination rála in a great many inscriptions; and (5) Usa, Nos. i-iii, or Usa, No. cii.
It is not in the least doubtful that Upakeśa is the original Sanskrit word from which the other forms have been derived." The processes by which the forms Ukesa,
Ukeba, Usa and Usa were obtained, will be clear to everybody. With respect to Oiša, Ośa and Osa, it may be noted that, according to the rules of the Jaina and Maharashtri Prakrits, the preposition upa may be represented by o (see Hemachandra, Prakrita oydkarana, i, 173).
In addition to the correct form of the name of this famous tribe, the Pålitàņa in. scriptions furnish also a traditional account of its origin. We read in No. i
(Verse 8). "Further-on the hill called Gopa, there was born a most worshipful (ruler) called the illustrious Amaraja, whom glorious Bappabhatti awakened. His wife was some daughter of a trader."
(Verse 9). "In her womb were born the following men belonging to the Rajakoshthågåra family, the sole vessel of plety, and the pure illustrious Usa race."
The meaning seems to be that both the Usa tribe and the Rajakoshțhågåra family, which latter is evidently a subdivision of the former, owe their origin to the king Ama and his consort of the Vaiśya caste. According to the Pattadalis and the Prabandhas, Ama, whose existence is not proved by really historical documents, is said to have lived about Vikrama Samvat 800." I may add that the genealogy of Karmaraja, which is * See Ind. Ant., vol. XIX, pp. 2334.
See S. P. Pandit, Gaudavako, pp. cxxxviiff.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
41
given in verses 10—20, cannot be complete. It names only ten ancestors who cannot possibly fill the seven centuries and a half which intervene between the traditional date of king Ama and that of the inscription, Vikrama Samvat 1587.
The inscriptions mention also a good many other subdivisions of the Osval tribe, viz.
I.-A Vșiddhasa kha, which is subdivided into the following gotras or families, -(1) Obada, No. xxxiii; (2) Ch&jeđa, No. cvi; (3) Nadala, Nos. xxxviii, xxxix; (4) NAhata, No. lxxx; (5) Mummiya, No. xcvi; (6) Rajakoshthagara, Nos. i, ii, iïi; (7) Yadugada, No. lxviii; (8) Lalaņa, No. xxi; (9) Luņiya, No. lx; (10) Lodhá, No. xvi.
II.-A Laghusakha, to which belongs (1) the Nagada golra, No. xc; (2) the Shota gotra, No. xi.
III.-An Addaisakha, to which belongs the Kumkumalola gotra, Nos. xci, xcviii.xcix. The members of this kákhd and gotra, as represented by the family of the Nagarsheth of Ahmadabad, besides claim kinship with the Sisodia Rajputs of Mevad. - see No. xci. Visa Osavalas are mentioned in No. cxv.
The tribe next in importance is that of the Srimalis, called after the town of Srimala or Bhillamala, the modern Bhinmal in the extreme south of Marvad. It includes
I.-A Vșiddhasakha, Nos. xxxvii, cxii, of which no subdivisions are given ; II.-A Laghusakha, Nos. xxix, xxxiv, lxxvi, to which belongs, according to
No. xliv, the Kasyapa gotra, the members of which claim kinship with the
Paramara Rajputs. A Visa Srimali occurs in No. xcv.
About the same importance belongs to the Pragvåța tribe, called also Praga. casa. Nos. iv, vi and viii, or by its modern name Poravada or Poravala. (pronounce Porvad and Porvål). It seems, too, to have an elder and a junior branch, as No. xv. xvii, xxv, and xli mention its Laghu Akha. Visa Poravadas or Poraválas are named in Nos. 1 and xcvii; Dasa-Porvadas in cvii. A few other tribes occur each in single inscriptions, viz. Gurjara jñáli, No. X; Disavala jñati, No. vii; Dagada gotra, No. liv; Nimma jñáti, No. ciii; Mohota gotra, No. cV; Samghavala gotra, and Kachara samtána, No. xiv. The native places of the donors are :
(1) Ajamera, i.e. Ajmir in Rajputâna, (2) Anahillapura, also called Pattana, (3) Antara pura in Vágvaradesa or Dungarpur, (4) Ahmadabad, called eleven times by its Sanskrit name, Rajanagara, the
capital,' (5) Ugrasenapura, (6) Kapadavaņaja in the Kheda Collectorate, (7) Kasi, or Benares, (8) Kothara in Kachh, (9) Khambanayara, s.e. probably Cambay, (10) Ghand hâra in the Bharoch Collectorate, (11) Chitrakuța, or Chiţor in Mevád,

Page #63

42
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(12) Cheula, probably Chaul, anar Bombay. (18) Jessismers, is. Jesalmtr in Marvid. (14) Damana bandira, i.e. Daman in Gujara (15) Divabamdira or Diu in Kathiávad,
(16) Devagiri or Daulatâbâd in the Dekhan, ( 17 ) Dhanapura,
(18 ) Nabhinpurn, in Kachh,
(19) Nalinapurs, in Kachh,
(20) Navanagara, in KathiAvad,
(21) Palanapura, in Northern Gujarat,
(22) Baluchars,
(28) Bhavanagara, in Kathikvad.
(24) Makasudavada - Baluchara or Makśudavada,
(23) Mumbai, or Bombay.
(26) Meaáps, in Gujarat,
(27) Radhanapura in Northern Gujarit,
(28) Vikapers, or Bikaner, in Northern Rajputana,
(29) Visalanagara, in Northern Gujarat,
(30) Sirohi in Southern Rajputana,
(31) Surata bandirn, in Gujarit.
The name of Ahmadâbâd or Rajanagara occurs most frequently.
For those who care to verify Hindu dates the Pâlitânâ inscriptions will be a perfect mine; for every single date can be calculated, as the weekdays are invariably mentioned.
No. I.
थीं। खस्ति वीरचरिच पातमा योमहमूदपप्रभाकरपातचा चीमदारसाचपट्टोद्योतकारक # 2. पातसा श्रीश्रीश्रीश्रीश्रीबाहदरसाह विजयराज्ये ॥ संवत् १५८७ वर्षे राज्यव्यापारधुरंधरणानश्रीमभादवाना
3. पार श्रीमजयगिरी श्रीनिवास्तव्य दी० करमात सप्तमोचारसका प्रतिि खोसोय
L. 1.
4.
दो जीयात युगादिजिननायकः । केवलज्ञानविमलो विमलाचलमंडनः ॥ १४ श्रीमदपाटे प्रगटप्रभावे [1]
भावेन भ
5.
ये भुवनप्रसिद्धे ।
श्रीचित्रकूटी कुटोपमानो []
विराजमानोस्ति समस्तलागः ॥ २०
In the porch of the east or main entrance of the great temple of Adiévara Bhagavan;-see Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, &c. (Bombay, 1885) p. 188.-J. B.
* Motre of verse 1, Anushtubh Rend जोबा, A good me vy of my corrections have been given between bracketin the text.-J. K.
" Metre of verses 2-4, Upajati. Read IT.

Page #64

JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
सबंदनी दातृसुरद्रुमश्च [1]
L. 6. गः सुवापि विहारसारः ।
जिनेश्वरनात्रपवित्रभूमि: [] श्रीचित्रकूटः सुरशैलतुल्यः ॥ ३ विशालसालक्षिति
लोचनाभो [0]] रम्यो नृणां लोचनचित्रकारी [0] विचित्रकूटो गिरिचित्रकूटो [] लोकस्तु यत्राखिलकूटमुक्ताः ॥ ४ तत्र श्रीकुं8. भराजो ऽभूत् कुंभोद्भवनिभो नृपः ।
वैरिवर्ग: समुद्रो हि येन पीत: क्षणात् चितौ ॥" [त] त्पुत्रो राजमलोभूदाज्ञां म9.
ल इवोत्कटः । सुतः संग्रामसिंहो ऽस्य संग्रामविजयी नृपः ॥ तत्पभूषणमणि: सिंहेंद्रवत्पराक्रमी।
रत्नसिंहा 10.
धुना राजा राजलक्ष्ममा विराजते ॥ ७ इतश्च गोपाहगिरी गरिष्ट: [1] श्रीबप्पभट्टिप्रतिबोधितश्च । श्रीआमराजो ऽजनि तस्य
पनी [] काचिहभूव व्यवहारिपुत्री ॥ ८० तत्कुक्षिजाता[:]किल राजकोष्टा [] गाराहगोत्रे मुक्कतैकपात्रे ।
श्रीउशवंशे विशदे 12.
विशाल [] तस्यान्वये ऽमी पुरुषा प्रसिद्धाः ॥ ८॥ श्रीसरणदेवनामा तत्पुत्री रामदेवनामाभूत् । लक्ष्मीसिंहः पुत्रोवस्त ]तत्यु
वो भुवनपालाख्यः ॥ १०॥ श्रीभोजराजपुत्रो- - रसिंहाख्य एव तत्पुषः । षेताकस्तत्पुत्रो नरसिंहः तत्सु
11.
13.
Metre of verses 5-7, Anushtubh. » Read 15 • Metre : Upajati. Read गरिहः.
Metre : Indravajra. Read 'कोष्ठा । श्रीपों पक्षपा.. * Metre of versex 10-19, Argå. » Looks like T

Page #65

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
17.
L.14.
[---] ॥ ११ तत्पुषस्तोलाख्यः पनी तस्याः[व]प्रभूतकुलजाता । तारादे परनाबी सील पुस्खप्रभापूर्ण । १२ तत्वृधिसमुहताः प[]
पुषा* कल्पपादपाकारा: 0] [धर्मानुष्ठानपरा: श्रीवंत: श्रीकृतोऽन्येषां । १२
प्रथमो रबा ख्यसुतः सम्योद्योतकारकः कामं । 16. श्रीचित्रकूटनगर प्रासादः [कारितोयेन ॥ १४
तस्याऽस्ति कोमला पाल्पवनीव विशदात्सदा । भायी रजमलदेवी पुष[:]श्रीरंगना
मासौ । १५ भाता ऽन्यः पोमाः पतिभक्ता दानशीलगुणयुक्ता । पनापाटमदेव्यी पुत्री माणिक्यहीराखौ ॥ १५
बंधुर्गणस्तृ18.
तीयभार्या"गुणरबराशिविख्याता [1] गडरागारतदेव्यौ पुचो देवाभिधो प्रेयः ॥ १७
तुर्यो दशरथनामा। भार्या तस्यास्ति देवगु19.
रुभता। देवल[दूरमदेव्यौ पुत्रः केल्हाभिधो सेयः ॥ १८
भाता न्यो भोजाख्यः भाया तस्थाति सकलगुवयुता । 20. भावलार्षमदेव्यो पुषः बीमंडणो जीयात् ॥ १८
सदा सदाचारविचारचारचातुर्यधैर्याद्रिगुणैः प्रयुक्तः श्रीकर्मराजो
भगिनी च तेषां जीयालदा सहविनामधे या] ॥ २०॥ कर्मास्थमाया प्रथमा कपूर []देवी पुनः कामलदे दितीया।
बीभीषजी22. कस्खकुलोदयादि
सूर्यप्रभः कामलदेविपुषः ॥ २१ बीतीर्थयावाजिनबिंबपूजापदप्रतिष्टादिकवर्मधुर्याः ।
सुपाचदानेन प23.
वित्रमाचा: सर्वेदृशाः सत्पुरुषाः प्रसिद्धाः ॥ २२० बोरवसिंहराज्ये राज्यव्यापारभारधौरयः ।
श्रीकमसिंहदचो मुख्यो - Read 'ती नाव:
7 Read तौमी. * Read yr..
* Metre: Upajati. * Read पपडीव. Abore पा there is a mark.
-Metre: Indravajra. Rand 'नौक:. Rasd विधदा सदा.
• Metre: Upajatt. Read "वि । सर्वे° stands for rts.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
L.24.
___व्यवहारिणां मध्ये ॥ २३॥ बीगढुंजयमाहात्म्यं ऋत्विासहरसंनिधौ। तस्योहारलते भावः कर्मराजस्य - अभूत् । २४
पाग25. त्य गौर्जरे देशे विवेकन नरायणे ।
वसंति विबुधा लोकाः पुथलोका वा जुताः । २५
तपास्ति श्रीधराधीशबीमत् 555 26.
बाहदरो नृपः । तख प्राप्य अरमान पुंडरीकी समाथयो । २० राज्यव्यापारधीरेयः षानः श्रीमान् मझादकः ।
तख गैहे म. 27.
हामंत्री रवास्थो नरसिंहकः ॥ २७ तस्स सबानमुखाप्य बहुवित्तव्ययेन च ।
उहारः सप्तमस्तेन चक्र गर्बुजये गिरौ 28.
श्रीपादखिप्तललनासरगनदेशे सहायमंगलमनोहरगीतना[:] । श्रीकर्मराजमुधिया जलया[वि]कार्या चक्र महोत्स
ववरः सुगुरूपदेयात् ॥ २८ चंचञ्चंगमदंगरंगरचनाभरीनफेरीरवा
वीणा[वंश] विशनालविभवासाधमिवासन] 30.
वघालंवतिहमतुंगतुरगादीनां च म[१]पंचमेवं विस्तरपूर्वकं गिरवर बिंबप्रतिष्टापन । ३.५ बिक्रमसमयातीते ति
थिमितसंवत्सरेबवसुवर्वे । १५८७। पाके वगचिवाणे ५३ वैशाषे चाषच्यां च । ११
मिलिताः सूरयः संघा मार्गणमु32.
निपुंगवाः। वहमान धनुर्लग्ने प्रतिष्ठा कारिता वराः ॥ ३२ मावस्यसमयाख्येन पंडितेन महामना ।
स[स]मोबारसता 33.
च प्रशस्तिः प्रकटीलता । ३१ श्रीमहा[हदर]क्षितीशवचनादागत्व गचुंजये [1]
प्रासादं विदधाप्य येन-1-विमा4 Metre: Aryk.
Netre: Sard dlavikrlạita. Tend faft, TT. The con• Metre of vernes 26-88, Anushtubb.
text is not clear. Metry: Veuantatilaka
• Metre: Årgt. Read art. * Metre of verw 32, 33, Anushtubh. Bend TI T.
29.
31.

Page #67

46
L. 34.
35.
37.
उच्चारः किल सप्तमः कलियुगे चक्रेथ ना जीवादेव सदोम कुटः श्रीकर्मराजविरं ॥ १४
य
कर्मराजेन कृतं सुकार्य
मन्येन येनापि तं हि तो ।
36. स
38.
यमेशराज्ये[पि नृपा]ज्ञयैवो
हारः कृतः सप्तम एष येन ॥ ३५ "चि बहन संचे
कुर्वति भव्याः परम[५] कारी ।
39.
40.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
रोप्य च ।
कर्माभिधानव्यवहारियोचारः कृतः श्रीवि
41.
———
42.
श्रीचित्रकुटीलगे । कर्माख्यभानोरुदयान्वितस्य । शत्रुंजये बिंबविहारकृत्य - [कमी
मलाद्रिशृंगे । १५०
———
व]लीयं स्फुरतीति चित्रं ॥ ३७ श्रीमदपाटे विषये निवासिनः श्रीकर्मराजच च कीर्त्ति[] । देशेयमेकेष्वपि [संचरव्य]
हो
चंद्र नमविहारिणः । १८ दत्तं येन पुरा धनं बहु सुरत्राणाय तमानतो यात्रा येन []
-
यांच संघपतिना शत्रुंजये कारिता । साधूनां ममेव सा च विचिता के प्रतिष्ठाता
दही श्रीकर्मराज ॥ २८०
येनोवार भवति भने कारितः पुंडरीके । स्वामीवारी विमदमतिमा दुर्ग
तमोन चक्रे । येनाकारि प्रवरविधिना तीर्थनाथप्रतिष्ठा प्राप्ता नविन सर्वदेवप्रतिष्ठा
सौम्यले
Metre: Sardalavikriḍita. Metre: Indravajra.
• Perhaps सत्पुखकार्याचि. Metre: Indravajok.
1 Metre: Indravajra.
Metre: Indravam.
as Metre: E&rdQlavikridita. Rend ST.
* Metre: Mandakranta Read ठा, तेन, ठा.

Page #68

L. 43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
न निशामपिर्दिनमणिस्तोत्रप्रतापेन च वंशोद्दीपनकारणात् ग्टहमणिचिंतामणिदानतः । धर्मात् श्राद्दशिरोम
निर्मदविषयस्तमणिर्भोगिनः
एकानेकमयो गुवनवः श्रीकर्मराजः सुधीः ॥ ४१" तोलासुतः सुतन [यो]
विनयोज्वलच
वीकृचिनलिनीचिराजहंसः । सन्मानदानविदुरो मुनिपुंगवाना बांधवतो
कमराजः ॥ ४२०
कर्मी श्रीकर्मराजोयं कर्मणा केन निर्ममे । तेषां शमानि कर्मणि यैः पुष्यवानसी ॥ ४३"
यधीशः पुंडरीकस्तु मरुदेवा [व] कपर्दिराट् ।" श्राश्रीकर्मराजस्य सुप्रसवा भवत्वमी ॥ ४४ ॥
श्रीशत्रुंजयतीर्थोद्दार ।
47
48. कमठा[य] सनिध्यकारक सा जस्ता भा बाई चांपू पुत्र नाथा भ्रातृ कीता || अहमदा वादवास्तव्य सूत्रधार कोला 40. पुत्र सूत्रधार विक[पा] भोमा उ बेला है वहा । श्रीचित्रकूटादागत स् टीला पोमा सू गांगा गोरा ढाला 50. सूत्र देवा | सूत्र नाकर सू नाईचा सू गोविंद विषायग स् टीला स् वा सू भाषा सू० का [हा] सूत्र 51. देवदास सू° टीका सू° ठाकर - पं काला वा० विषायग ठा° काम ठा' हीरा स् दमोदर वा० हराज सू० थान 52. ॥ मंगलं आदिदेवस्य मंगलं विमलाचले । मंगलं "सर्कलसंघस्य मंगलं लेखकस्य च । पं° विवेकधोरमचिना तिथि 53. [ता प्र]मस्ति । पूज्य पं समदरमथिष्य पं लावसमयविसंध्ये श्रीचादिदेवस्य प्रथमतीति भद्रं ॥ श्रीः
——
54.
- 'हरपति । ठा' हांसाठ' मूलाठा' कृष्णा ठा का [हा] ठा' हवा सू माधव सूबा ॥
सहज
No. II.
1.1.
"[[] १५८० वर्षे १४५२ वर्तमाने (वैमा यदि 4 रखी ॥ श्रीचिष [फूट] 2. वास्तव्यवीउमा [स] प्रातीयवादा" दो नरसिंह सुत दो [सेला भावी बाई लोल
पुत्र 4 दो
as Motre: Sardalavikridita. Read साम
se Metre: Vasantatilaka.
37 Metre of verses 43-44, Anushṭubb.
as Read
30 Read सर्वस
50 Rend ति:.
61 On the base of the image of Adinâtba in the great temple.-J. B.
sa Looks like एड.
63 Bead T.
64 Read शाच्चायो

Page #69

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
L. 3. रत्ना भाया रजमलदे पुत्र श्रीरंग दो पोमा भा पंयादे हि पटमादे पुत्र माणिकहीर दो गणा
भा गुराद [हि] गारवदे पु दवा 4. दो दशरथ भा देवलदे हिटरमदे पुत्र केहला दो. सोसा भा भावलदे हि [स] षम[दे पु]
--- भगिनी [सुह] विदे[-वं] धव श्रीमद्राजसभाशृंगारहारधीशचुंजयसप्तमोहार5. कारक दो करमा भा कपूरादे हि कामलदे पुत्र भीषजी पुत्री बाई सोभा वा सोना वा
मन वा प्रता प्रमुषसमस्तकुटवयो) शचुंजयमुख्यप्रासादो [चा रे श्रीपादिनाथबिंबं प्रतिष्टापितं । म रवी मं मरसिंगसानिध्यात् । प्रतिष्टितं" श्रीसूरिभिः ॥ श्रीः ॥
No. III .
.. L. 1. भों। संवत [व] १५८७ वर्षे वैशाष दि
१. श्रीउशवं पचाषायां दो तोला भा बाई लील सुत दो रखा दो पीमा 3. दो गणा दो दशरथ दो भोजा दो करमा भा कपूरादे । कामलदे पु भीषजी सहि
तेन श्रीपुंडरीकबिंब कारितं श्रीः ॥ ___No. IV.. L. 1. नी । भौं नमः ॥ संवत् [१८]२० वर्षे आषाढ शुदि २ रखो।
2. गंधारवास्तव्य । प्राग[वंश]दोसी । श्रीगोईत्रा सुत दी। 3. नेजपाल भाया बोई" [भोड]की सुत दौ। पंचारण। 4. भातृ दौ। भीम दौ । नने दौ । देवराजप्रमुख । b. [ख]कुटंबन युतः । श्रीमहावीरदेवकुलिका। 6. कारापिता हर्षेण । तपागकेविबुशिमणि "श्री7. विजयदानसूरिधीहीरविजयसूरिप्रसादा[] 8. शुभं भवतु ॥ श्रीः । श्रीः ॥ श्रीः ।
No. V." L. 1. ॥"पों । संवत् १६२० वरर्षे कार्तग शुदि २ दने
१. गंधारवास्तवं श्रीश्रीमालजातीय सा । श्री [पा]म[वीर] । 8. भार्या बाई []तल शत सा । श्रीवर्धमान भाया बाई 4. वमलादे पमरादे सत सा । श्रीरामजी भाई सा । श्री5. लहुजी सा । सरा]ज सा । मनजी प्रमुषस्वकुट. 6. बेन युतः श्रीसचंजयोपरि श्रीशांतिनाथप्रासा7. दं चोमष कारापित । श्रीतपागकेविबुधशरो [शिरो-] 8. मणिधीहीरविजयसूरिप्रसादात् शुभं भ9. वतु॥]
- Read मुर.
At the beginning of each liue stands a symbol looking - Read 'हा.
like ए. * Read fr.
71 Read बाई. On the base of the image of Pupdarika in the temple ___ Read बुधशिरोमणि. facing Adisvara Bhagavao's temple: Lists, #. #. p. 196, 7 In the Gandbåria Chaumukh temple, in the north-east No. 88.-J.B.
of the enclosure of the great Adisvara temple. Liota, In a temple on the south of the enclosure round the p. 195, No. 73.-J. B. temple of Adlerans : conf. Lista, p. 194, Nos. 38-43.-J. B. Looks like .
* The middle bar of the is wanting.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
No. VI.78
L, 1. ॥ ओं ॥ उं नमः ॥ संवत् १६२० वर्षे वैशाष शदि ५
2. गुरौ । योगंधारवास्तव्प्रागवंशजातीय । संघ
॥
3. ॥ वी श्रीजावडा सुत सं° श्री [सीपा] भाया बाई ॥
4. ॥ गिर [सुनाना सुत । सं ।] जिवंत भ्रातृ । सं । काउ
5. जी [[[[[]जी प्रमुख [ख][वेन युतः ॥
11
।
6. श्रीपानादेवकुलिका कारापिता ॥
॥
7. ॥ श्रीतपागच्छे । श्रीविजयदानसूरि[:] श्रीरविरिप्रसादात [त्] ॥ शुभं भवतु
8.
No. VII."
L. 1. ॥ ओं ॥ संवत् १६२० वर्षे वैशाष शुदि ५ गुरु 2. ॥ श्रीमद्मदावादवास्तव्यदीसावाला
3. ॥ तीय महं श्रीवणाइग सुत महं । श्रीगला 4. ॥ भायी बाई मंगाई सुत | महं । वीरदास 5. ॥ कुवेन युतः। श्रीजयोपरि श्री. 6. ॥ आदिनाथदेवकुलिका कारापिता । श्री7. ॥ तपागच्छेयीविजयदानरियोीरवि.
I
8. ॥ जयसूरिप्रसादात् ॥ शुभं भवतु ॥
No. VIII.79
L. 1. ॥ ओं ॥ संवत् १६२० वर्षे वैशाष शुदि 2. ॥ २दिने गंधारवास्तव्यप्रायाम] [ यांग ] व्यो। यो
3. ॥ परबत सुतव्यों फोका सु° व्यो । व[-] 4. ॥ भा खकुटंबेन युतः श्रीसेजयो5. परि देवकुलिका कारापिता । योत6. ॥ पागच्छेविबुधशिरोमथिवीविजय7. ॥ दानसूरिप्रसादात् ॥ ॥ श्रीः ॥
No. IX.9
L. 1. ॥ च ॥ उँ नमः ॥ संवत् १६२० वर्षे वैशा शु2. ॥ दि ५ दिने गंधारवास्तव्यप्रागवांशज्ञातोय । 3. ॥ व्यो समरीआ भार्याी बाई । भोलु पुत्री बा
4. ॥ ई वेरथाई । बाई । कीबाई खकुटंबेन यु
5. ॥ तः । श्रीशांतिनाथदेवकुलिका कारा
6. ॥ पिता । श्रीतपागच्छेविबुधसरोमणि
49
* In a coll against the wall of the Adisvara temple, at the north-east corner.
77 In a cell to the right of that containing the preceding.-J. B.
7 In a small shrine, or cell, to the left of the north entrance to, and against the wall of, the Adiévara temple.-J. B.
7" In the cell to the right, or went of the north door of the Adlsvara temple.—J. B.
90 Read शिरोमणि.
॥

Page #71

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
L.7. ॥ श्रोविजयदानसूरि । श्रीहीरविजय । ____8. ॥ सूरिप्रसादात् ॥ शुभं भवतु ॥ श्री
No. x.st L. 1. ॥ त्रों । उँ नम: ॥ संवत् १६२० वर्षे वैशा2. । ष शुदि ५ गुरुदिने श्रीगंधारवास्तव्य3. ॥ श्रीश्रीमालीयज्ञातीय परी। देवा भा4. ॥ या बाई कमलाई सुत परी । मंथी । तथा 5. ॥ गूजरजातीय दोसी । श्रीकर्ण भा बा 6. ॥ अमरी सुत । दोसी। हंसराज उभयो । 7. ॥ मीलने श्रीसेवंजयोपरि श्रीआदिना8. ॥ थदेवकुलिका कारापिता श्रीतपागछे9. ॥ श्रीविजयदानसूरिप्रसादात []n
No. XI.2 L. 1. संवत् १५४० वर्षे फागुण" शुदि १३ दने"
2. ठाकर करमसी भार्जा बाई मली ठाकर 3. दामा भार्जा बाई चडी ठाकर माहव ठा4. कर जसू ठाकर षोम ठाकर जसूजी भा6. र्जा बाई जीवादे ठाकर माहव सूत ते6. जपाल भार्जा बाई तेजलदे संघवी 7. जसू सूत तेजपाल प्रसाद करा8. पितं सुभ भवतू" ॥ दो नाकर सेठ नावाणे 9.७४ ॥बडी सावाल ।
No. XII. . L. 1. ॥ 'ओं ॥ उँ नमः ॥
श्रेयस्वी प्रथमः प्रभुः प्रथिमभाग नैपुण्यपुण्यात्मना । मस्त स्वस्तिकरः सुखाधिमकर: श्री--
In the left end of the verandah to some small chapels or cells on the west of the preceding, and against the north wall of the great temple.-J. B.
On the Simhâsans of the image in a temple to the south-east of the great Adlsvars templo.-J. B. B Read फालगुच. WRead दिने. - Read प्रासा. M Read शुभं भवतु.
In the porch of the east, or front, entrance of the Adigvara temple, on the south or left hand, facing No. 1. A transcript is given in the Lists, pp. 188. After this inscription No. cxviij should follow.-J. B.
MMetre of verses 1-3: BArdalavikridita. Read श्रीपादिदेवः

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L. 4.
5.
7.
8.
9.
धत्ते
6. संततिरुपतिं भगवतो वीरमभोगरिय श्रीसुस्थितः सुप्रतिबुद्द एतौ । सूरी चभूता तदनुक्रमेण । याभ्या गणोऽभू
10.
JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
11.
पायाद्दः परमप्रभावभवनं श्रीवर्धमानः प्रभुः । उत्पत्तिस्थिति[सं-]
प्रतिप्रकृतिवाग् यद् गोर्जगत्पावनी ।
स्वर्वापीव महाव्रतिप्रणयभूरासीद रसोल्लासिनो ॥ २ आसीदासवदवंदितपदबंध
पद सपदां ।
तत्पबुधिचंद्रमा गणधरः श्रीमान सुधग्राभिषः । वौदार्ययुता मना अद्यापि विद्यावती ॥
॥
दिह कोटिका |चंद्रायमभ्यामिव सुप्रकाशः 1810 तथाभूदशियां वंद्यः श्रीवयगिणाधिपः । मूलं श्रीवजमाखाया। गं
।
गाया हिमवानिव । ५
तत्पट्टांबरदिनमणि । रुदितः श्रीवव्यसेनगुरुरासीत् । नागेंद्रचंद्रनिर्वृति । विद्याधरसंज्ञकाच तच्छिया:
वस्वनामसमानानि । येभ्यचत्वारि वजिरे । कुलानि काममेतेषु कुलं चांद्र तु दिद्युते ॥ ७ [1] भास्करा द्रव तिमिरं । हरंतः ख्याति
भाजनं । भूरयः सूरयस्तत्र । जज्ञिरे जगतां मताः । ८ । बभूवुः कमतस्तच योजगचंद्रसूरयः ।
तपाविरुदं लेभे । बायसिका
१२८५ वत्सरे ॥ ८
1
क्रमेणास्मिन् गये प्रेम विमलाः सुरयोभवन् । तत्पट्टे सूरयोभूव । चानंदविमलाभिधाः | १० [0] साध्वाचारविधिः प
12.
थः शिथिलतः सम्यक् श्रियां धाम यै ।or स्तनसिद्धिसायकसुधारोचिर्निमे १५८२ नेहसि । जोमूतेरिव यैर्जगत्पुनरिदं तापं
Read इंचः पदं संपदां.
90 Metre : Indravajra. Read अभूतां याम्यां. 9) Metre: Anushtubh.
Metre: Giti.
98 Metre of verses 7-10: Anushtabh.-Road arfat.
51

Page #73

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 13.
हरनिभृशं । सबीकं विदधे गवां शचितमैः स्तोमै रसोझासिभिः ॥ ११ ॥ ... पश्चात्रयैरखमलकियते स्म तेषां ।
प्रीणमना-. . 14 नि जगतां कमलोदयेन ।
पहः प्रवाह व निर्जरनिरिण्याः । शुहात्मभिर्विजयदानमुनीशहंसः ॥ १२
सौभाग्यहरिसर्व[प]15.
वहरणं रूपं च रंभापति ।श्रो शतपत्रमित्रमहसां चौर प्रतापं पुनः । येषां वीच सनातनं मधुरिपुखःस्वामिघमांशवो। जाताः
काममपत्रपाभरभृतो गोपत्वमाप्तात्रयः ॥ १३॥" तत्पः प्रकटः प्रकामकसितोद्योतस्तथा सौधव[स] ।
सखेहर्या [त] राज11.
हीरविजयहप्रियैर्निभमे । सौभाग्यं महसां भरेण महतामत्यर्थमुनासिनां । विधायः स यथाजनिष्ट सुदृशां कामप्र
मोदास्पदं । १४ देशाद गूर्जरतोष रिषभा पाकारिताः सादर[२] । श्रीमत्साहिपकबरण विषय मेवातसंचं शुभम् ।
18.
18. ---जपाणयोवतमसं सर्व हरतो गवां ।
स्तोमैः सूचितविश्वविश्वकमसोझामनभोको इव ॥ १५ ॥ चक्रुः फतेपुरम
---- [न]भौम । दुग युग्मकोककुलमाप्तसुखं सृजंतः । भब्दकपावकनृपप्रमिते १६३८ खगोभिः ।
सोना21. ------बुनकाननम् ये। १६
दामेवाखिलभूपमईस निजामाज्ञां सदा धारयञ् । श्रीमान् भाहिकब्बरो नरवरीदिशेष्व]
शेषेष्वपि । षण्मासाभयदानपुष्टपटहोरोषानधध्वसिनः । कामं कारयति स्मादयो यहाबलारजितः ।
22.
* Metro: Sard dlavikridita.---Read Ofiaft. # Metre: Vasentatilaka.-Bead for fra: - Read डीमाम्ब.
Metre of verses 19–16: Serd dlarikridite.
9 Read विषयं. "Metre : Vassntatilaka • Metre : Bardlavikridita-Rand'र्षिक: । सचिव

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
24.
L.23.
॥१७ [] यपुपदेशवशेन मुदं दधनिखिलमण्डलवासिजने निजे। मृतधनं च करं च सुजीजिआभिधमकब्बरभूपतिरत्यजत्
॥१८ [a] यहाचा कतकाभया विमलितखांतांबुपूरः कपा ।पूर्णः शाहिरनिंद्यनीतिवनिताको [डीवतात्मा] त्यजत् ।
शुल्क त्य [तु] 26. [म] शक्यमन्यधरणीराजा जनप्रीतये ।
तहाबीडजपुंजपूरुषपशंश्चामूमुचरिश: ॥ १८ ॥
यहाचा निचयैर्मुधाक्कतसुधास्वा [दे] 26.
[र] मंदैः कृता ।___ल्हादः श्रीमदकब्बरः क्षितिपतिः संतुष्टिपुष्टाशयः ।
त्यता तत्करमर्थसार्थमतुलं येषां मन:प्रीतये ।
जैनेभ्य27. प्रददौ च तीर्यतिलकं शबंजयोर्वीधरं । २०[1
यहाभिर्मुदितश्चकार करुणास्फर्जमनाः पौस्तकं ।
भांडागारमपारवाङ्मय28.
मयं वेश्मेव वाग्दैवतं । यत्संवेगभरण भावितमतिः शाहिः पुनः प्रत्यहं ।
पूतात्मा बहु मन्यते भगवतां सद्दर्शनो दर्शनम् ॥ २१[] 29. यहाचा तरणित्विषेव कलितोलासं मनः पंकजं । बिनच्छाहिकब्बरो व्यसनधीपाथोजिनी चंद्रमाः ।
जन्ने थाहजनोचितैश्च मुक्तते30.
सर्वेषु देशेष्वपि । ख्यातोहतभक्तिभावितमति: श्रीश्रेणिकच्यापंवत् ॥ २२ ॥ लंपाकाधिपमेघजीऋषिमुखा हित्वा कुमत्याग्रह।
भेजुर्यच्च31. रणद्दयीमनुदिनं गा इवांभोजिनीं ।
उन्नासं ममिता यदीयवचनैर्वैराग्यरंगोन्मुखै ।जाताः स्वस्वमतं विहाय बहवो लोकास्तपासंघका
॥२३[1] पासीच्चत्यविधापनादिमुक्तक्षेत्रेषु वित्तव्ययो । भूयान् यहचनेन गूर्जरधरामुख्येषु देशेष्व ऽलं ।
याचां गूजरमालवादिकमहादेशो33.
अवैभरिभिः । संधैः साईमषीसरा विदधिर शत्रुजये ये गिरौ ॥ २४[1] 1 Read यदुपर्द. Metre: Drutavilambita.
- Read पिया * Metre of vv. 19-24: Sardalavikridita.
- Read 'य. Read बाचा.
32.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
तत्पष्टविमिव रम्यतमं सजतः । स्तोमैगवां सकलसंतमसं हरंत: []
37.
38.
L. 34. मीजसकुवलयप्रणया जयंति []
स्फर्जकला विजयसेनमुनींद्रचंद्राः । २५[u]° यत्रतापस्थ माहात्म्यं वय॑ते किमतः परं ।
प्रखपाश्चक्रिरे येन जीवं[तो]35.
पि हि वादिनः । २५[] सौभाग्यं विषमायुधाकमलिनीकांताच तेजखिना ।मैश्वर्य गिरिजापते: कुमुदिनीकांताकलामालिना।
माहात्मा ध36.
रणीधरामखभुजां गांभीर्यमभीनिधे ।रादायांबुजभूः प्रभुः प्रविदधे यन्मुर्तिमेतन्मयी । २७[1]° ये च श्रीमदकब्बरेण विनयादाकारिता:
सादरं। श्रीमहाभपुरं पुरंदरपुर व्यक्तं सुपर्वोत्करैः। भूयोभिर्वतिभिर्बुधैः परितो [7]वेगादलंचक्रिरे । सामोदं सरसं सरोरुहवन लीलामराला
इव । २८[]] पईत परमेश्वरत्वकलितं संस्थाप्य विश्वोत्तमं । साक्षात्साहिकब्बरस्य सदसि स्तोमैगवामुद्यतः । यैः संमीलिवलोचना विदधिरे
इत्वचशूरैः श्रिया । वादोन्मादभृतो हिजातिपतयो भट्टा निशाटा इव ॥ २८[n] श्रीमत्साहिकब्बरस्य सदसि प्रोत्सर्पिभिभूरिभि- []
वादेवादि40. वरान् विजित्य समदासिंहईिपेंद्रानिव ।
सर्वज्ञाशयतुष्टिहेतुरनधो दिश्युत्तरस्यां स्फुरन् ।
यैः कैलास इवोज्वलो निजयश:स्तंभी 41.
निचले महान् । ३."[] दत्तसाहसधीरहीरविजयश्रीसूरिराजा पुरा । यच्छ्रीशाहिअकबरेण धरणीशक्रेण तप्रीतये ।
तच्चक्रखिलमप्यबालम42.
तिना यत्माज्जगत्माक्षिकं [1] तत्याचं फुरमाणसंज्ञमनघसा" दिशो व्यानशे ॥ ३१॥]
89.
• Vasantatilaka. 7 Anushtabh.
Metre of w.27-31, Sardalavikridita
• Read "खिसी . 10 Perhaps meant for प्रथम ॥ Read दत्त, मर्च सं.

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L. 43.
44.
46.
47.
48.
चोलीवे गमनंदनेन वसुधाधीथेन सन्मानिता । गुर्व्वी गूर्जरमेदिनीमनुदिनं खर्लोकबिब्बोकिनी । सदृत्ता महसां भरेण सुभगा गाढं गुणोझासिनो । ये हारा व कंठमंजयां कुर्वति ग्रोभासदं । २४ ॥ '
45.
49.
50.
JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
51.
किं च गोवृषभकासरकांता ।कासरा यमग्टहं न हि नेयाः ।
मोच्च
मेव मृतवित्तमशेषं [1]
बंदिनोपि हि न च ग्रहणीयाः ॥ ३२ ॥ यत्कलासलिलवाहविलासप्रीतचित्ततरुणाजनतुथ्ये । स्वीकृतं स्वयमकब्बरभ्रात्रीस्वामि
इतय ॥
चाभूरान्यय[प]
ना सकलमेतदपीह ॥ २३ ॥
द्मपद्मसवया उकेशवंशेभव । -
फ्रेष्टी" श्रीशिवराज इत्यभिध्या सोयर्थिकः पुस्रधीः । तत्पुत्रोजनि सीधरच तनयस्तस्याभवत्पर्वतः । [क]
लोजनितसुत तनुजस्तस्यापि वाघाभिः १५ [४] तस्याभूद्दचिचाभिधय तनुजः स्वातो रजाईभव :
स्तस्याभूच्च सुहासिणी [ति]
यी पद्मेव पद्मापतेः ।
इंद्रापरराजयोरिव जयः पुत्रस्तयोयाभय :तेजःपाल इति प्रहृष्टसुमनाः पित्रोर्मनः प्रीतिकृत् । ३५ [ ॥] [का]
मस्देव रतिचैरिव रमा गौरव गौरीपते । राम्रो पति प्रियतमा तस्वाक्षतिः [ ---]। भोगवीभगो गरी प्रचयिनी मर्याद
पौली
मीचिदम्बराविय सुती दंपती मेजतुः ॥ २७ ॥ वैराग्यवारिनिधिपूर्णनिशाकराणां ।
तेषां च हरविजयप्रतिसिंघुरायां । सौभाग्य [भ]
ग्यपरभागविभासुराणां । तेषां पुनर्विजयसेनमुनीश्वराणां १८ याम्भिर्मुधाकृतसुभाभिरुचिचेताः ।
श्राचः स शोभनमना भज
"Metre of vv. 32 and 33, Svågatå. 13 Metre of vv. 34-36, Sarddlavikridita.
14 Rend
डौ.
1 Metre of vv. 38, 39: Vasantatilaka.
55

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56
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L.52.
ति स्म भावं [0] श्रीसं[भ]तिघनदानजिनंद्रचैत्यो-[] चारादिकर्मसु भृश मुक्ततिप्रियेषु ॥३९॥" विशेषकं ।
ग्रहै: प्रशस्तेन्हि सुपार्श्वभत्तु58. नंतभ च शुभां प्रतिष्ठा । सोचीकरत्षड्युगभूप १६४६ वर्षे । हर्षेण सौवर्मिकतेजपाल: । ४० [1]"
आदावार्षभिरत्र तीर्थतिलके श[ज]54.
ये चोकर। मैत्यं चैत्यकरं दशोर्मणिगणस्वादिभिर्भासुरं। अचान्येपि भुजार्जितां फलवतीमुच्चैः सृजंतः श्रियं ।
[प्रा55, सादतदनुक्रमेण बहवश्वाकारयन् भूभुजः ॥ ४२[1]"
तीर्थत्र साधुकरमाभिधो धनी सिविसिहितिथि १५८८ संख्थे । चैत्यम[ची]
करदुक्तरानंदविमलमुनिराजां ॥४३० तं वीक्ष्य जीर्म भगवविहारं । - स तेजपालः स्वहृदीति दध्यौ । भावी कदा सो ऽवस
रो वरीयान् । यत्रा ऽत्र चैत्यं भविता नवीनं ॥ ४४ ॥ अन्येद्युः स्वगुरूपदेशशरदा कामं वलक्षीकत ।
खांतांभाः स वणिग् व[२] पु58.
रवर श्रीस्तंभतीर्थे वसन् । तीर्थे श्रीमति तुंगतीर्थतिलके शत्रुजयेहदहो [1]
हारं कत्तुमना अजायततमां साफल्यमिच्छञ् श्रियः । ४५[0] ४७. अत्र स्यात् मुक्कतं कृतं तनुमा श्रेयः श्रियां कारणं ।
मत्ववं निजपूर्वजव्रजमहानंदप्रमीदाप्तये ।
तीर्थे श्रीविमलाचलेतिविमले [] 60.
मौलेहतो मंदिर। जीर्णोद्धारमकारयत्स सुक्कती कुंतीतनूजन्मवत् ॥ ४६॥ शृंगण भिवगगनांगणमतदुच्चै ।चैत्वं चकास्ति शि
57.
- Read जिनेंद्र, भृशं. * Metre: Upajậti. " Read चौकरचत्यं.
bardalavikridita. The figure 89 is missing : Read प्रासाद
20 Metre: Arya.-Read नंद. 11 Metre: Upajati. 12 Metre of vv. 45, 46: Sardalavikrla ita

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
57
62.
L.61.
खरस्थितहेमकुंभं । हस्तेषु ५२ हस्तमितमुच्चमुपैति नाक ।लक्ष्मी विजेतुमिव काममखर्वगर्वा । ४७[1] यत्राहदोकसि जितागरकुम्
भिकुंभाः । कुंभा विभांति शरवेदकरेंदु १२४५ संख्याः । किं सेवितुं प्रभुमयु: प्रचुरप्रताप ।
पूर्जिता दिनकराः कतनैकरूपाः । ४८[] 63. उन्मलितप्रमदभूमिरूहानशेषान् ।
विश्वेषु विघ्रकरिणो युगपवितुं । सन्नाः स्म इत्थमभिधातुमिवेंदुनेत्राः २१ ।
सिंहा विभांत्युप64.
गता जिनधानि यत्र ॥ ४॥ योगिन्यो यत्र शोभंते चतम्रो जिनवेश्मनि । निषेवितुमिवाक्रांता: प्रतापैरागता दिशः । ५.[a]s
राजते च दि65. शां पाला [-1] यत्रा ऽहंदालये ।
मूर्तिमंत - किमायाता धमासंयमिनाममी । ५१०] हासप्ततिः श्रियमयंति जिनेंद्रचंद्र । बिंबानि देवकुलि
कासु च तावतीषु । हासप्ततः श्रितजनालिकलालतानां । किं कुटमला परिमलैर्भुवनं भरतः । ५२ ॥
राजते यत्र चत्वारो गवाक्षा जिनवे67.
मनि। विरचेरिव वत्राणि विश्वाकारणहेतवे ॥ ५३॥" यत्र चैत्ये विराजते। चत्वारश्च तपोधनाः ।
प्रमी धमाः किमाया68.
ताः। प्रभूपास्यै वपुर्भूतः ॥ ५४॥ पंचालिकाः श्रियमयंति जिनेंद्रधानि । हाविंशदिंद्ररमणीभरजैवरूपाः ।
जावा पतीनि69.
ह जिने किमु लक्षणमा । राजा प्रिया निजनिजशनिभालनोखाः ॥ ५५ ॥ हाचिंगदुत्तमतमानि च तोरणानि । राजंति य
66.
* Metre of vs. 47-49: Vasantatilska. » : visible on the reverso. * Metro of vs. 60: 51: Anushubh.
* Metre: Vasantatilaka. 97 Metre of va. 53, 54: Apustubh.
Metre of yo. 55, 56: Vasantatiláka.
1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L.70.
जिनधावि मनोहराणि । किं तीर्थक्वदशनलमिसरीक्षणाना ।मंदोलनानि सरलानि मुखासनानि ॥६॥
गजाचतु71. विशतिर द्रितुगा ।
विभांति शस्ता जिनधानि यत्र । देवाश्चतुर्विशतिरीशभक्त्यै । किमागताः कुञ्चररूपभाजः ॥ ५७॥
72. भाचतुरसप्ततिर दिराजो।
सुंगा विभांतीह जिनेंद्रचैत्ये । दिशाम 5 धीशैः सह सर्व इंद्रा ।४ किमाप्तभक्त्यै समुपेयिवांसः ॥ छ
73.
16.
रम्यं नंदपयोधिभूपति १६४८ मिते वर्षे सुखोत्कर्षवत् । साहाय्याद जसुठक्कुरस्य मुक्ततारामैकपाथोमुचः ॥
प्रासा (1)74. दं वछिपासुतेन सुधिया शत्रजये कारितं ।
दृष्टा टापदतीर्थचैत्यतुलितं केषां न चित्ते रतिः ॥ ५८ चैत्यं चतुमिव धर्म
मेदिनीभुजां गृहं प्रोणितविश्वविष्टपम् ॥ शत्रुजयोर्बीभृति नदिं वहना। ऽभिधं सदा यच्छतु वांछितानि वः ॥ १० ॥
[-] 76. यः प्रभाभरविनिर्मितनेत्रशैत्ये ।
चैत्ये ऽत्र भूरिर ऽभवद विभवव्ययो यः । ज्ञात्वा वदंति मनुजा इति तेजपालं ॥
77. पद्रुमत्ययमनेन धनव्ययेन । ११॥
शत्रुजये गगनबाणकला १६५० मिते दे।
यात्रां चकार मुक्ताय स तेजपा ।78.
चैत्यस्य तस्य मुदिने गुरुभिः प्रतिष्ठा ॥ चक्रे च हीरविजया ऽभिधसूरिसिंहः ॥ ६ ॥ मार्तण्डमंडलमिवांबुरहां
• Metre of v. 57, 68: Upajati. W Metre: Bardalarikridita.
Metre: Upajati of Indravami and Vamastha. aMetre of ve.61,63 : Vasantatilaki.
|

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS PROM SATRUMJAYA.
80.
82.
L.79.
समूहः॥ पीयूषरश्मिमिव नीरनिधे: प्रवाहः । केकिवजः सलिलवाहमिवा तितुंगं । चैत्वं निरीय मुदमति जनः
समस्तः ॥६३ ॥ छ चैत्यं चार चतुर्मुखं वतसुखं श्रीरामजीकारितं । प्रोत्तंग जमुठकुरण विहितं चैत्यं द्वितीयं समं ।
रम्यं कुंभ81. रजीविनिर्मितम ॥ भूश्चैत्यं तृतीयं पुन ।
मलयेष्टिकतं निकामसुभग चैत्यं चतुर्थं तथा ।।४।" एभिर्विश्वविसारिभिर्युतिभरैर
त्यर्थसंसूत्रितोद । द्योती दिख ऽखिलासु निर्जरपतिः खर्लोकपालरिव ।
श्रीशत्रुजयशैलमौलिमुकुटं चैत्यैश्चतुर्भिर्य83.
प्रासादी गिमनोविनोदकमलाचैत्वं चिरं नंदतु ॥५॥ वस्ताभिधस्य वरसूत्रधरस्य शिल्पं ॥
चैत्वं चिरादिदमुदीच 84..
निरीक्षणीयं । शिष्यत्वमिच्छति ॥ कलाकलितोपि विश्व ।कम्मास्य शिल्पिपटले भवितुं प्रसिद्धः । सदाचाराधीनां कमलविज
याहानसुधियां । पदहाभोजभ्रमरसदशो हेमविजयः । अलंकारराव्यां खियमिव शुभा यां विहितवान् ।
प्रशस्तिः [स्तै-] 86.
षा जगति चिरकालं विजयतां ॥१७॥" इति सौवर्मिकसाहबीतेजःपालोवृतविमलाचल
[प] नवीादीशमूलप्रासादप्रशस्तिः [व]य-38 87. बुधसहजसागराणां । विनेयजयसागरोऽ लिखहर्णैः ।
शिल्पिभ्यामुत्कीसी । माधवनांनाभिधानाभ्यां ॥1॥"
85.
No. XIII. L. 1. ॥ भो । स्वस्ति श्रीसंवत् १६५२ वर्षे मार्गे वदि २ सोमवासरे पुष्षनचचे निष्पतिमसं
वेगवेरा2. निःस्पृहतादिगुणरंजितेन सहिचीचकबरनरेंद्रेण प्रतिवर्ष पाण्मासिकसकसनंतनाताm Matre of v. 84,85 : Sardalarikridita. Read 'वेष्ठि. | Metre: Arya beginning with jध'. Metre : Vasantatilaka.
* Round a pair of Padukas in a small tomple to the west » Metre: Sikhariņi.
of Adlavara Bhagavina temple:-Listeofant. Bem.,p.198, * Read T
| No. 119.-J.B.
12

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
3. भयदानप्रवर्तनसर्वकालीनगवादिवधनिवर्तनजीजियादिकरमोचनमुंडका4. भिधानकरमोचनपूर्वकवीशर्बुजयतीर्थसमर्पणादिपुरस्मरं प्रदत्तबहु २ मानानां नानादे5. शीयसंघसमुदायेन सह श्रीशत्रुजये कृतयात्राणां जगद्विख्यातमहिमपात्राणां सं १६५२ व. 6. र्षे भाद्र सिकादश्यां उबतदुर्गे अनशनपूर्वक महोत्सवेन साधितोत्तमार्थानां तपागछा
धिराजभश 7. श्रीहीरविजयसूरीणां पादुकाः कारि स्तंभतीर्थीय सं° उदयकरणेन प्रभ' 8. श्रीविजयसेनसूरिभिः ॥ महोपाध्याय श्रीकल्याणविजयगणयः पं धनविजय9. - णिभ्यां स[6]प्रणमंति ॥ एताश्च भ[वा] 10. [--रा] राध्यमानाचिरं 11. [नंदं ] तु ॥ ॥ श्रीः ॥
No. XIV." L.1. १६७५ वैशाख सुदि १३ शुक्रे संघवालगो
2. चो काचरसंताने सा केल्हा पुत्र साथबा 8. पुनरसिंघ पु कुंभरा पु नच्छा भाया नव4. रंगदे पु सुरताण भाया सैंदूरदे पुत्र श्रीशचंb. यतीर्थयात्राविधानसंप्राप्तसंघपतितिलक"6. सप्तक्षेचोप्तस्ववित्त साषेतसी भा सोभागदे 7. पु पदमसी भाया प्रेमलदे पु इंद्रजी भार्या [पा] 8. ° वीरमदे द्वितीयपुत्र सोमसी स्खलघुपुत्र सा' 9. विमलसी भायी लाडिमदे पुत्र पोमसी द्वितीय10. भाया विमलादे पुत्र दूजणसी पोमसी भाया 11. केसरदे पुत्र वि डूंगरसी प्रमुखपुत्रपौत्रप्र12. पौत्रपरिवारसहितेन चतुर्मुखविहारपूर्वा13. भिमुखस्थाने ---- देवरहिका कुटुब14. श्रेयोर्थ कारिता श्रीवहत्खरतरगछाधिराज15. युगप्रधानश्रीजिनसिंहरिपट्टालंकारक[१] 16. चुंजयाष्टमोचारप्रतिष्ठाकारकचीजिनराज17. सूरिसूरि[समाजराजाथि राजैः "[1]
No. XV. L.1 ॥सं १५७५ वैशाख सुदि १३ तिथौ शुक्रवार सुरताणनदीनजहांगीरसवाईविजयिराज्थे । थोः 2. पहम्मदावास्तव्यप्राग्य टजातीयलघुशाखाप्रदीपक सं मापा भाया नाकू पुत्र संजोगी भाया
वसमादे 3. पुचरख सकलसुचवककर्तव्यताकरणविहितयन सं° सोमजी भाया राजलदे पुत्र संघपति
रूपनीकेन भाया On the shrine door of the temple of Pundarlka in front Read Cranfv. of the Chaumukha temple in the Kharataravasi Tuk; Liata,
"Round pddukas in a small temple in the north-west P-906, No. 319.-J. B.
of the Kharataraval Tubk; Lines 1, 2 and 3, are on the south, Band 'बीचे
west and north sides respectively, and 4-6 on the ent. Lista,
P-208, No. 320.-J. B. - Radटप.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
61
L. 4. जेठी पुच चि° उदयवंत बाई कोडिकुंअरिप्रमुखसारपरिवारसहितेन स्वयंकारितसप्राकारथी5. विमलाचलोपरि मलोहारमारचतुर्मुखविहारशंगारकधीयुगादिदेवप्रतिष्ठायां श्रीपादिनाथ
पादुके परमप्रमोदाय 6. कारित प्रतिष्ठिते च श्रीबहत्खरतरगछाधिराजश्रीजिनराजसूरिसूरिशिरस्तिलकैः ॥ प्रणमति
भुवनकीर्तिगणि: ॥ No. XVI." L. 1. संवत् १६७५ वैशाख सुदि १३ शुक्र ॥ ओसवालज्ञातीयलोढागोत्रीय सा रायमन भाया 2. रंगादे पुत्र सा जयवंत भाया जयवंतदे पुत्र विविधपुण्यकर्मकारकधीशत्रुजययात्रा 3. विधानसंप्राप्तसंघपतितिलक सं राजसीकेन भाया कसुभदेव तुरंगदे पु अषयराज भाया पह4. कारदे 5. पु अजयराज स्वभ्रातृ सं° अमीपाल भाया गूजरदे पु वीरधवल भा [जगतादे स्खलघुमा6. तसं वीरपाल भाया लीलादे प्रमुखपरिवारसहितेन श्रीआदिनाथपादुके कारित प्रतिष्ठिते
युगप्रधानश्रीजि[न] 7. सिंहसूरिपट्टोद्योतकश्रीजिनराजसूरिभिः श्रीशत्रुजयोहारप्रतिष्ठाय[1] श्रीबहल्खरतरगछाधि
राजे [] No. XVII. L. 1. स. १६७५ मिते सुरताणनरदीजहांगीरसवाईविजयिराज्ये साहिजादासुरताणषोस[ड] प्रवरे
श्रीराजी 2. नगरे सोबदसाहियानसुरताणपुरमे वैशाख सित १२ शुक्र श्रीमहम्मदावास्तव्यलघुशाखाप्रकट
प्राग्वाटजातीय से देवराज भाया 3. [5]डी पुत्र से गोपाल भाया राज पुत्र से राजा पुत्र सं साईा भाया नाकू पुत्र संजोग
भार्या जसमादे पुत्ररत्न श्रीशत्रुजयतीर्थयात्राविधानसंप्राप्तथीसंघपतितिलकनवीनजिनभ
वनबिंबप्रतिष्ठासाधर्मिकवात्सल्यादिधर्मक्षेत्री4. प्तस्ववित्त स सोमजी भार्या राजलदे कुक्षिरत्न राजसभाशगार सं[डपजीकेन पितृव्य संशिवा स्व भ्रातृ रत्नजी पुत्र मुंदर[दास सषर लघुभ्रातू षीमजी पुत्र रविजी स्वभायी जेठी पु° उदय
संत पितामह भ्रातृ सं नाथा पुत्र सं सूरजी प्रमुखसारपरिवारसहितेन 5. स्वयंसमुडारितसप्राकारश्रीविमलाचलोपरि मूलोद्वारसारचतुर्मुखविहारशृंगारहारश्रीआदिना
यबिंब कारितं प्रतिष्ठितं च श्रीमहावीरदेवपट्टानुपट्टाविच्छिवपरंपरायातबीउद्योतनसूरि
श्रीवईमानसूरि वसतिमार्ग प्रकाशकश्रीजिनेश्वरसूरि श्रीजिनचंद्र6. [सू ] रि नवांगतिकारकश्रीस्तंभनकपार्श्वनाथप्रकटक श्रीमभयदेवसूरि श्रीजिनवल्लभसूरि देव
ताप्रदत्तयुगप्रधानपदधीजिनदत्तसूरि श्रीजिनचंद्रसूरि श्रीजिनपत्तिसूरि श्रीजिनेश्वरमूरि
श्रीजिनप्रबोधसूरि श्रीजिनचंद्रसूरि श्रीजिनकुशलसूरि श्रीजिनपद्मसूरि श्री7. जिनलब्धिसूरि श्रीजिनचंद्रसूरि श्रीजिनोदयसूरि श्रीजिनराजसूरि श्रीजिनभद्रसूरि श्रीजिन
चंद्रसूरि श्रीजिनसमुद्रसूरि श्रीजिनहंससूरि श्रीजिनमाणिक्यसूरि दिल्लीपतिपातसाहि
श्रीअकबरप्रतिबोधकतत्प्रदत्तयुगप्रधानबिरुदधारकसकलदेशाष्टाह्निका* Round a second pair of feet in the same temple ; Lide 1 on the south, 2 on the west, 3 and 4 on the south, and 5-7 on the east. ___- In the Gaumukha shrine, at the entrance of the great temple in the Kharataravasi Tuik,-Lists, p. 206, No. 310.
-J.B.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L.8. मारिप्रवत्तावककुंयित" जहांगीरसाहिरंवकतत्समंडलबहिःचतसाधुरक्षकयुगप्रधानश्रीजिनचंद्रसूरि मंत्रिकर्मचंद्रकारितसपादकोटिवित्तव्ययरूपनंदिमहोत्सवप्रकारकठिनकाश्मीरादिदेशविहारकारकबीचकबरसाहिमनःकमलभ्रमरानुकारकवर्षावधिजल
9. जलजंतुजातपातनिर्वर्तक* श्रीपुरगोलकुंडागजणाप्रमुखदेयामारिप्रवर्तकसकलविद्याप्रधानजहांगीरनरदीमहम्मदपातिसाहिप्रदत्तयुगप्रधानपदबीजिनसिंहसूरि पट्टालंकारकशीअंबिकावरधारकतहलवाचितधंधाणिपुरप्रकटितचिरंतनप्रतिमाप्रयस्ति [-]___10. तरबोहित्यवंशीय सा धर्मसीधारलदेदारकचतुःशास्त्रपारीणधुरीणगारकभट्टारकवंदारकरीजिनराजसूरिसूरिशिरो[मुकुटः] । प्राचार्य श्रीजिनसागरसूरि श्रीजयसोम महोपाध्याय श्रीगुणविनयोपाध्याय श्रोधर्मनिधानोपाध्याय पंपानंदकीर्ति खलघुसहोदर वा [भद्र] ____11. [सेनादिसत्यरिकरः।]
No. XVIII. L. 1. ॥ संवत् १५७५ प्रमित सुरताणनदीजहांगीरसवाईविजयिराज्ये
2. साहिनादासुरताणषोस[]प्रवरे राजनगरे सोबइसाहियानसुरताणपुरमे । वैशाख सित१३शुक्र। श्री
3. महम्मदावादवास्तव्यप्राग्वाटजातीय से° देवराज भाया [रू]डी पुत्र से गोपाल भा राजू पु से राजा पु साईभाभा नाकू पु संजोगी भाया जसमादे पुत्ररत्न श्रीशचुंजयतीर्थयात्राविधानसंप्राप्तसंघपतितिल
4. कनवीनजिनभवनबिंबप्रतिष्ठासाधर्मिकवात्मत्यादिधर्मक्षेत्रोप्तस्ववित्त सं° सोमजी भायी राजलदे कुचिरत संघपति [क]पजीकेन पितृव्य सं° शिवा खचातृ रखजी सुत सुंदरदास सषर लघुभ्रातृ षीमजी पुष रविजी पितामहचातृ सं नाथा पुत्र सू.
b. रजी सपुष उदयवंत प्रमुखपरिहतेन खयंसमुदृतसप्राकारत्रीविमलाचलोपरि मूलोहारसार. चतर्मखविहारगारचीपादिनाथबिंब कारित प्रतिष्ठितं च श्रीमहावीरदेवाविच्छिनपरंपरायातबीउयोसमसूरि श्रीवईमानसूरि वसतिमार्गप्रकाशकबीजिनेखर.
6. सूरि श्रीजिनचंद्रसूरि नांगहत्तिकारकश्वीस्तंभनकपार्श्वप्रकटकवीअभयदेवसूरि श्रीविनवनभरि युगप्रधानश्रीजिनदत्तसूरिया[पाद श्रीविनभद्रसूरिया[पाद श्रीअकबरप्रतिवोधकतबदत्तयुगप्रधानपदधारकसकलदेयाष्टाझिकामारिपालकषारमासिकाभय
7. दानदायकयुप्रधानश्रीजिनचंद्रसूरि मंत्रिकर्मचंद्रकारितबीअकबरसाहिसमक्षसपादशतलक्षवित्तव्ययरुपनंदिमहोत्सववि [स्तार] विहितकठिनकाश्मीरादिदेशविहारमधुरतरातिथायिखवचनचातुरीरंजिनाने" कहिंदूकतुरष्काधिपतिथीअकबरसाहिबीका
8. स्तीपुरगोलकुंडागजणाप्रमुखदेशामारिप्रवर्तीवकवर्षावधिजलधिजलजंतुजातघातनिवतावकसुरतानरदीजहांगीरसाहिप्रदत्तयुगप्रधानविरुदप्रधानश्रीजिनसिंहसूरि पप्रभाकरसमुपलबधीचंबिकावरबोहित्ययशीय सा धर्मसीधारलदेनंदनभट्टारकचक्र
9. चक्रवर्तिभट्टारकशिरस्स्तिलकत्रीजिनराजसूरिसूरिराजैः श्रीबहत्खरतरगछाधिराजः । पाचार्य श्रीजिनसागरसूरि पं. आनंदकीर्ति खलघुभ्रातृ वा भद्रसेनादिसत्परिकरः [a]
4 Probably कृयित.
Read अवधि. .Resd "निव.
-Inthe shrine of the great Chaumukha temple (No. 31001 on the south image.-J. B.
- Read रजिवा. - Read बंशोब WDele चक्र

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS TROM SATRUMJAYA.
No. XIX. L. 1. संवत् १५७५ मिते सुरताचनरदीवहांगीरसवाविवविराज्य सारिवादासरतासषोस[]प्र.
2. वर राजनगरे सोबइसाहियानसुरताणपुरमे वैशाख सित १२ शुक्र श्रीमहादावादवाखबमाबारजातीय में देवराज मा ____8. []डी पुत्र से गोपाल भार्या राज पुत्र में राजा पुत्र सं सारंचा मार्या नातू पुत्र में बोनों भार्या जसमादे पु श्रीशवजयतीर्थयावाविधानसंप्राप्तसंघपतितिलकनवीनजिनभवनबिंबसाधार्मिकवालस्यादिधर्मक्षेत्रो
4. तखवित्त सं सोमजी भार्या राजलदे पुत्ररत्न संघपति []पजीतेन [केन] पितृव्य भिवालालजी स्वभ्रातृरत्न रत्नजी सं [दरदास] स्खलधुभ्रातृ षीमजी सुत रविजी पितामहमातृ मैं नाथा पुत्र सूरज खपुष उदयवंत प्रमुखपरिवारसहितेन स्वयंसमुचारित
5. सप्राकारथीविमलाचलोपरि मूलोहारसारचतुर्मुखविहारगारहारधीपादिनाथबिंब कारितं प्रति. ष्ठितं च श्रीमहावीरदेवाविच्छिवपरंपरायातवीहरुखरतरगच्छाधिराजबीचकबरसाहितिबोधकतबदत्तयुगप्रधानबिरुदधारकषाण्मासिकाभय____6. दानदायकसकलदेशाष्टालिकामारिप्रवत्तीवकयुगप्रधानश्रीजिनचंद्रसूरि मंचिमुख्यकर्मचंद्रकारितथीअकबरसाहिसमक्षमपादशतलक्षवित्तव्ययरूपनंदिपदमहोत्सवविस्तारविहितकठिनकाश्मीरादिदेशविहारमधुरतरातिशायिस्खवचनचातुरीरंजिताने
7. कहिंदूकतुरष्कराधिपश्रीअकबरसाहिबीकारथीपुरगोलकुंडागजणाप्रमुखदेशामारिप्रवत्तावकवषावधिजलधिजलजंतुजातघातनि तीवकसुरतापनरदीजहांगीरसवाईप्रदत्तयुगप्रधानपदधारकसकलविद्याप्रधानयुगप्रधानश्रीजिनसिंहसूरि पट्टप्रभाक
8. श्रीअंबिकावरप्रवाचितघंघाणीपुरप्रकटितचिरंतनप्रतिमाप्रशस्तिवहीतरबोहित्य[व]शीय सा' धर्मसीधारलदेनंदनभट्टारकशिरोमणिश्रीजिनराजसूरिसूरिपुरंदरैः । आचार्य श्रीजिनसागरसूरि श्रीजयसोममहोपाध्याय श्रीगुणविनयोपाध्याय श्रीधर्मनिधानोपाध्याय पं° पानंद
9. कीर्ति स्खलघुभात वा भद्रसेन पं राजधीर पं भुवनराजादिसत्परिकरः []
No. XX. L. 1. संवत् १६७५ प्रमिते ॥ सुरताणनरदीजहांगीरसवाईविजयिराज्ये साहिजादा
2. सुरताणषोस[रू] प्रवर श्रीराजनगरे सोबइसाहियानसुरताणषुरमे वैशाख सित १३ शुक्र श्रीग्रह
3. म्पदावादवास्तव्यप्राग्वाटजातीय से देवराज भार्या [डडी पुत्र से गोपाल भार्या राज पुत्र सेराजा पु म साईआ भायी नाकू ____4. पुत्र सं जोगी भार्या जसमादे पुत्र श्रीशवंजयतीर्थयात्राविधानसंप्राप्तसंघपतिपदवीकनवीनजिनभवनबिंबप्रतिष्ठासाधर्मिवात्सल्यादिसत्कर्मधर्मकारक सं° सोमजी भार्या राजलदे पुषरत संघपति [ड]पवीकेन भाया जेठी पुत्र ।
5. उदयवंत पितृव्य सं शिवा स्वबभ्रातृ रबजी पुत्र सुंदरदास सषर स्खलघुभ्रातृ षीमजी सुत रविणी पितामहमात म नाथा पुत्र [मं] सूरजी प्रमुखपरिवारसहितन स्वयंकारितसप्राकारचीविमसाचलोपरि मूलोहारसारचतुर्मुखविहारशृंगारकश्रीआदिIn the same on the west image.-J. B. on the image _J.B.
Read TTC - Read निर.
* In the same, on the north image.-J. B

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EPIGRAPHTA INDICA.
6. नायबिंब कारितं प्रतिष्ठितं च श्रीवीरतीर्थंकराविच्छित्रपरंपरायातत्रीबहत्तरतरगच्छाधिपबीचकबरसाहिप्रतिबोधकतबदत्तयुगप्रधानविरुदधारकसकलदेयाष्टालिकामारिप्रवीवकयुगप्रधानत्रोजिनचंद्रसूरि श्रीपकबर
7. साहिरंजकविविधजीवदयालाभग्राहकसुरतापनरदीजहांगीरसवाईप्रदत्तयुगप्रधानबिनदधारकयुगप्रधानत्रीजिनसिंहसूरि पविभूषणबोहित्यवंसीय सा धर्मसीधारलदेनंदनभहारकचक्रचडामणियोजिनराजसूरिसूरिदिनमषिभिः । पा
8. चार्य श्रीजिनसागरसूरि पंपानंदकीर्ति खलघुसहोदर वा भद्रसेनादिसत्परिकरैः ।
No. XXI. L. 1. भौं । खस्ति श्रीवासभत्तापि न विष्णुचतुराननः ।
नवना यो हषांकोपि न रुद्रः स जिनः श्रिये ॥१॥
संवत् 2. १५७५ वर्षे शाके १५४१ प्रवर्तमाने ।
समग्रदेशगार । हाज्ञारतिलकोपमम् । अनेकेभ्यरहाकीच। नवीनपुरमु
तमं ॥२॥ पनलिहविहाराण। ध्वजांशकहतातपम् । कप्यखसमणिव्याप्त । चतुष्पथविराजितम् । ३ । युग्मन् सब राजा
[प्र शास्ति श्रीजसवंताभिधो नृपः । यामन्त्रीशनुशवाजकुलाबरनभोमणिः । ४ । बनतापानिसंतापसंतप्त व ताप
निम्माति जलधौ नित्यमुभब्जननिमज्जने ।। युग्मं । बभूवुः श्रीमहावीरपद्यानुक्रमभूषणाः । श्रीमंचलगणा6.
तीथा पार्थरचितसूरयः । ।। तत्यापंकजादित्याः सूरिधीजयसिंहकाः । बोधर्मघोषसूरींद्रा महेंद्रासिंहसूरयः।
श्रीसिंहप्रभसूरीशाः सूरयो जितसिंहकाः । श्रीमहेवेंद्रसूरीमाः श्रीधर्माप्रभसूरयः । ८ । बीसिंहतिलवानाच श्रीम
[]प्रभाभिधाः । श्रीमंतो मेक्तुंगास्था बमूवुः सूरयस्ततः ।।
8.
- Read भौब.
"On the north wall of a temple near the Hathipola, in the Vimalarul Tank: Liste, p. 201, No. 234-J.B.
OMetre: Anushtubh.
Probably wtsfd.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
11.
समग्रगुणसंपूसाः सूरिवीजयकीर्तयः ।
तत्पदेय सुसाधुश्रीL.9.
जयकेशरिसूरयः । १० । श्रीसिद्धांतसमुद्राख्यसूरयो भूरिकीर्तयः । भावसागरसूरींद्रास्ततोऽभूवन् गणाधिपाः ॥ ११ [0]
श्री10. महुणनिधानाख्यसूरयस्तत्पदेभवन् ।
युगप्रधानाः श्रीमंतः सूरिश्रीधर्ममूर्तयः । १२ । तत्पद्रोदयशैलाप्रोद्यत्तरणिसं
निभाः । जयंति सूरिराज: श्री। युजः कल्याणसागराः । १३ । श्रीनव्यनगरे वास्यु । पकेशन्नातिभूषणः । .
इभ्यः श्रीह12. रपालावासीलालणगोत्रकः । १४ ।
हरीयाख्यो ऽथ तत्पुत्रः सिंहनामा तदंगजः ।
उदेसीत्यथ तत्पुत्रः पर्वताजस्त13.
तो ऽभवत् । १५ । वच्छनामा ऽथ तत्पनी चाभूदाछलदेविका।। तत्कुक्षिमानसे हंसतुस्यो ऽथा ऽमरसंज्ञकः । १५ ।
लिंग14. देवीति तत्पनो तदौरस्यास्त्रयो वराः ।
जयंति श्रीवईमानचापसीप सिंहकाः । १७ ।
अतः परं विशेषतः साहिवईमान15. साहिपद्मसिंहयोवर्सनम् ।
गांभीर्येण समुद्राभौ दानेन धनदोपमौ। " श्रद्धालुगुणसंपूसरों बोधिना श्रेणिको
पमौ । १८ । प्राप्तश्रीयामभूपालसमाजबहुलादरौ । ___ मंत्रिश्रीवईमानश्रीपद्मसिंही सहोदरौ । १८ ।
महेला वई17.
मानस्य । वबादेवीति विश्रुता । तदंगजावुभौ ख्यातौ । वीराख्यविजपालको । २० ।
वर्सिनी पद्मसिंहस्य । रबगभी । 18.
सुजाणदे। श्रीपालकुंरपालाहरणमजास्तदंगजाः । २१ । एवं स्वतंत्रयुक्ताभ्या। मनयोत्सवपूर्वकम् । साहित्रों वमाछनत्री
16.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 19.
पद्मसीभ्यां प्रथादरात् । २२ प्रागुतावत्सरे रम्ये । माधवार्जुनपक्षक ।
रोहिणीभतृतीयायां बुधवासरसंयुजि 20.
।२३। श्रीशांतिनाथमुख्यानां। जिनानां चतुरुत्तरा । दिशती प्रतिमा उद्या । भारिताच प्रतिष्ठिताः । २४ ।
युग्मम् । 21. पुनर्निजबहुद्रव्य । सफलीकरणक्वते ।
श्रीनव्यनगरे ऽकारि। प्रासादः शैलसंनिभः । २५ ।
हासप्ततिजिनौ22.
कोभि । वेष्टितच चतुर्मुखैः । कैलाशपर्वतोत्तुंगेर। टाभिः शोभितो ऽभितः । २६ । युग्मम् ॥
साहित्री23. पद्ममिहेना कारि शत्रुजयोपरि ।
उत्तंगतोरणः श्रीमान् । प्रासादः शिखरोवतः । २७ । यं दृष्ट्वा भविका: स
। चिंतयंति स्वचेतसि । उच्चैर्भूतः किमेषोद्रि । दृश्यते ऽभंलिहो यतः । २८ ।
येन श्रीतीर्थराजीयं राजते सा25.
वतंसकः । प्रतिमाः स्थापितास्तत्र श्रीश्रेयांसमुखा ऽहंताम् । २८ ॥
तथा च । संवत् १६७६ वर्षे फालन सित हि26. तीयायां तिथौ दैत्यगुरुवासरे रेवतीनक्षत्रे श्रीमतो नव्यनगरात् साहित्रीपद्मसोकेन श्रोभरतचक्र27. वर्तिनिर्मितसंघसदशं महासंघ कत्वा श्रीअंचलगणाधीखरभहारकपुरंदरयुगप्रधानपूज्यराज28. श्री ५ श्रीकल्याणसागरसूरीखरैः साई श्रीविमलगिरितीर्थवर समेत्य स्वयंकारितधीशचुंजय
गिरिशि29. र:प्रासादे समहोत्सवं श्रीश्रेयांसप्रमुखजिनेश्वराणां संति बिंबानि स्थापितानि ।
सद्धिः पूज्यमानानि 30. चिरं नंदंतु ।
यावदिभाकरनिशाकरभूधराय॑रनाकर वधराः किल जाघ्रतीह । श्रेयांसनाथजिनमंदिरमत्र ता
वबंदत्वनेकभविकौघनिषेव्यमानम्म् [म्] । । वाचकत्रीविनयचंदगणीनां शिष्यम् देव सागरेण विहिता प्रशस्तिः [३] .
24.
31.
. Metre : Vasantatilaka.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
No. XXII. L1. ॥ संवत् १५७५ वर्षे वैशाख मुदि
2. १३ तिथौ शुक्रवार श्रीमदंचलग3. च्छाधिराजपूज्यश्रीधर्ममतिसूरि4. तत्पट्टालंकारसूरिप्रधाने युगप्र5. धानपूज्यश्रीकल्याणसागरसू6. रिविजयिराज्ये थोषीमालोज्ञा ।7. तीयमहमदावादवास्तव्य साह 8. भवान भार्या राजलदे पुत्र साह । 9. षोमजी सूपजी हाभ्यामका देह ।10. री कारापिता विमलाचले चतुर्मुखे [1]
No. XXIII.S L. 1. [सं]° १६७५ वैशाख सित १३ शुक्रे सुरताणनरदीजहांगीरसवाई विजयिराज्ये ॥ बोराजनगर • वास्तव्यप्राग्वाटन्जा
2. तीय में देवराज भार्या []डी पुत्र से गोपाल भार्या राजू सुत राजा पुत्र सं साईचा भार्या नाकू पुत्र सं नाथा भार्या ना
3. रिंगदे पुत्ररत्न सं सूरजीकेन भार्या सुषमादे पुत्रायित इंद्रजी सहितेन श्रीयांतिनावबिंब कारितं प्रतिष्ठितं च श्रीहहत्खरतर[ग]
4. छाधिराजश्रीअकबरपातसाहिभूपालप्रदत्तषाण्मासिकाभयदानतबदत्तयुगप्रधानविरुदधारकसकलदेशाष्टाह्निकामा-ि-----
5. युगप्रधानश्रीजिनचंद्रसूरि पट्टोहीपककठिनकाश्मीरादिदेशविहारकारकश्रीअकबरसाहिचित्तरंजनप्रपालितश्रीपुरगे ----- ____6. प्रमुखदेशामारिजहांगीरसाहिप्रदत्तयुगप्रधानपदधारित्रीजिनसिंहसूरि पट्टोदयकारकभट्टारकशिरोरखश्रीजिनरा[जसूरि]---
No. XXIV. L. 1. संवत् १६७५ वैशाख सित १३ शुक्र सुरताणनरदीजहांगीरसवाईविजयिराज्ये वीराजनगरवास्तब्ध
१. प्राग्वाटजातीय सं साईमा भार्या नाकू पुत्र जोगी भार्या जसमादे पुत्र विविधपुण्यकर्मोपाजक सं सोमजी।
3. भार्या राजलदे पु सं° रतनजी भार्या सूजाणदे पुत्र र सुंदरदाससषराभ्यां पितृनाना श्रीशांति - नाथबिंब कारितं प्रतिष्ठितं च श्री
____4. वृहत्खरतरगछे युगप्रधानश्रीजिनचंद्रसूरि जहांगीरसाहिप्रदत्तयुगप्रधानविरुदधारकबीपकबरसाहिचित्तरंजककठिनक[7]
__b. [v]मीरादिदेश्यविहारकारकयुगप्रधानश्रीजिनसिंहसूरि पट्टालंकारकबोहित्यवंशशृंगारकभधारकइंदारकरीजिनराजसूरिसूरिमृगराजे: [0]
* In a cell or chapel attached to the north-east corner of the great Adikvara temple, close to that in which are Nos. vi and vii.-J.B.
In the Khartaravasi Tuik, immediately to the north-east of the great Chaumukha temple,on the base of the image 3 Lists p. 206, No. 333.-J. B.
Probably °मारि. ** In the Khartaravasi Tunk in a temple fronting that containing No. xxiii, to the south-east of the great Chaumukha on the base of the image ; Lists, p. 206, No. 316.-J. B.
x2

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No. XXV.67
L. 1. ॥ ॥ संवत् १५०५ वर्षे याखासित 4 के लघुशालीययो ।2. श्रीमालिशातीय मंचिजीवा भार्या बाई रंगाई त मंचिल[4]3. [स]वाछाकेन भार्या बाई गंगाई प्रमुखकुटुंबयुतेन श्रे[ष्ठ ] । 4. [भ] सालीमिवजीप्रसादात् सर्वप्रतिष्ठापितमिलना 5. यदेवकुलं कारितं ॥ श्रीमत्तपागचगगनांगणगगनमणि[स]6. [मा] नभट्टारकश्रीविजयसेन सूरीश्वरपट्टालंकारभट्टारक । 7. [श्री] विजयदेवसूरीश्वरविजयिराज्ये ॥
8.
9.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
यावद्देवगिरिर्भात
॥ यावत् शत्रुंजयाचलः ॥
4.
तावईवकुलं जीवात् श्रीवा
कारितं ॥ १ ॥ श्री ॥
No. XXVI.88
I. 1. श्रीं ॥ नमः श्रीमारुदेवादिवर्डमानांततीकराणां श्रीपुंडरीकायगीतम2. स्वामिभ्यगणभरभ्यः सम्यजनेः पूज्यमानेभ्यः सेव्यमानेभ्यय संवत् ३. १८२ व्येष्ठ यदि १० मुळे वीजेसलमेर वास्तव्योपमवंशीय भांडालिके 4. सुयावककर्त्तव्यतामवीचधुरीय सा श्रीमज्ञ भार्या चापलदे पुत्र पवित्र चरित्र । 5. लोद्रवापत्तनकारितजीर्णोद्दारविहारमंडनश्रीचिंतामणिनामपार्श्वनाथाभिराम6. प्रतिष्ठाविधायक प्रतिष्ठा समयाईसुवर्णलंभनिकाप्रदायकसंघनयककरणीय7. देवगुरुसाधात्स व्यविधानप्रभासितसित सम्यक्कयु डिप्रसिद्ध स [दृधि] व्ययविधि8. श्रीशत्रुंजयसंघलब्धसंघाधिपतिलक सं° याद [डूनामको] द्विपंचाशदुत्तरचतुर्दश9. शत १४५२ मितगणधराणां श्रीपुंडरीकादिगौतमानानां पादुकास्थानमजातपूर्वम10. चीकरत् स्वपुत्रहरराजमेघराजसहितः समेधमानपुण्योदयाय प्रतिष्ठितं च श्रीवृह11. खरतरगाधिराजवीजिनराज रिरिराजेः पूज्यमानं चिरं मंदमात् ॥
No. XXVII.
L. 1. संवत् १३८३ वर्षे ॥ पातिसाहजिहांगीरश्रीसलेमसाहभूमंडलाखंडलविजयरा[व्ये] ॥ 2. श्रीचक्रेश्वरी नमः ॥ श्रीं महोपाध्यायची वीममूर्तिगविस हुम्यो नमः ॥ श्रो
॥
५
3. ॥ ॥ ॐ नमः ॥
स्वस्ति श्री शिवशंकरोषि गणमान् सर्वमपुंजयः []
शः मधुरधीवर भगवा]
न् गौरो दृषांको मृडः ।
गंगोमापतिरक्तकामविज्ञति सिचेः काऽतिस्तुती (1)
रुद्रो यो न परं श्रियै स
67 In a temple in the Vimalavasi Tubk, near Adlsvara's..B.
6s Round the margin of padukas or foot-prints, No. 3, north side, in temple in the west of the Khartaravasi Turk
ip. 205 No. 317. J. B
In a niche in a temple in the Vimalavasi Tunk, on the left hand between the Vaghana-pola and Hathi-pola; Lists, p. 204, No. 138.-J. B.

Page #90

JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA. L. 5.
जिनपः श्रीनाभिभूरस्तु मे ॥ १ ॥ उद्यछोरजङ: कलंकरहितः संतापदोषा ऽपहः [] सौम्यः प्राप्तम[-].
या ऽमितकल: सुचीसंगांकोऽव्ययः । गौरानोमतसूरपास्तकलुषो जैवातकः प्राणिनां । चंद्रः [कर्म]
जयत्यहो जिनपतिः श्रीवैखसेनिर्महान् । २॥ त्यमा राजीमती यः स्वनिहितहदयानेकपत्नी:--
पां। सिवित्री भूरिरतामपि बहु चकमेऽनेकपनीमपीयः। लोके ख्यातस्तथापि स्फुरदतिशय[वान्]
ब्रह्मचारीति नाबा [1] स धोनमिजिनेंद्रो दिशतु शिवमुखं सात्वतां योगिनाथः ॥३।"
चंचच्छारं चंद्रचा [रु.] 10.
दनश्रेयोविनियंहच: [0]पेयषौघनिषेकतो विषधरणापि प्रपेदे द्रुतं ।
देवत्वं मुक्कतैकलभ्य[म]11.
तुलं यस्यानुकंपानिधेः । सोपार्वजिनेशितास्तु सततं विच्छिदे सात्वता । ४."
यस्य श्रीवरशास[] 12.
क्षितितले मातंडबिंबायते [] यहाक्यं भवसिंधुतारणविधौ पोतायते देहिनां ।
यद्ध्यानं [भ-] 13.
विपापपंकदलने गंगाबुधारायते । श्रीसिद्धार्थनरेंद्रनंदनजिनः सोऽस्तु श्रिये सर्वदा ॥ ५ [1] 14. पथ पहावली॥
श्रीवईमानजिनराजपदक्रमेण । श्रीपायंरचितमुनीखरसूरिराजाः।
वि15. बापगाजलधयो विधिपक्षगच्छ ।
संस्थापका यतिवरा गुरुवो बभूवुः । । ।
सच्चारपटकमला[ज]-16.
लराजहंसा ।चारिचमंजुकमलावणावतंसाः [0] गच्छाधिपा बुधवरा जयसिंहमूरि।नामा[न]
Metre of verses 1-2 : Sarddlavikridita. 71 Metre : Sragdhari. 7 Read चारदचंद्रचार
-
73 Metre of verses 4-5: Sardůlavikridita.
Read गंगा Metre of verses 6-7: Vasantatilaka. Rend grit
T

Page #91

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
20.
_L. 17. []घदमलोरगुणावदाताः । ७ ॥
श्रोध घोषगुरवो वरकीर्तिभाज: [0]
सूरोखरास्तदनु पूज्यमहें 18.
द्रसिंहाः। भासंस्ततः सकलसूरिशिरोवतंसा: [1] सिंहप्रभाभिधसुसाधुगुणप्रसिहाः ॥ ८॥"
तेभ्यः क19. मेण गुरुवो जिनसिहसूरि ।
गोचा बभूवुरथ पूज्यतमा गणेथाः [0] देवेंद्रसिंहगुरुवोऽखिललो.
कमान्धा [] धर्मप्रभा सुनिवरा विधिपक्षनाथाः ॥८॥ पूज्याच सिंहतिलकास्तदनु प्रभूत [0]
भाग्या 21. महेंद्रविभवो गुरुवो बभूवुः []
वक्रम्बरीभगवतीविहितप्रसादा: [0]80
योमरुतुंगसूरुवो नरदेववं[य]22.
____ १०॥ तेभ्योऽभवन् गणधरा जयकीर्तिरि [0]मुख्यास्ततब जयकसरिसूराजः । सिद्धांतसाग
रगणाधिभुवस्ततोऽनु [] शोभावसागरगुरुरुगुणा अभूवन् ॥ ११ ॥
तहंशपुष्करविभासन् "भा24.
नुरुपा: सूरोखराः सुगुण[]वधयो बभूवुः । षट्पदो।
तत्पद्रोदयशैलशृंगकिरणा: 25.
शाखांबुधैः पारगा [0] भव्यखांतचकोरलासनसलपसाभचंद्रानना: [0]
श्रीमंतो विधिपक्षगछच्छ]26.
तिलका वादींद्रपंचानना । पासन् श्रीगुरुधर्ममूर्तिगुरुवः सूरींद्रवंद्याइयः ॥ १२ ॥
stando above the line. 7 Metre of verses 8-11: Vasantatilaka. 7 Read गुरखो। सिंह 7 Read गुरपी. xu Read . - Read री.
* Rund ufor:. stands above the line. o Read गुरुक. 4 Read °भासम. ww Read 'कपा:.
Read °समलसत्पू. N Metre of verses 12.13 : Sardilavikridita. Read 'गुरवः

Page #92

JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA. L27. त्योऽध जयंति मन्मथभटाहंकारर्वोपमाः। श्रीकल्याणसमुद्रसूरिगुरवः कल्याण
कंदांबुदाः। भव्यांभोजविबोधनककिरणाः सदनानपाथोधियः ।। श्रीमंतोष जयंति सूरिवि
भुभि । सेव्याः प्रभावोद्यताः । १३॥ श्रीश्रीमालजातीयमंत्रीश्वरश्रीभंडारी तत्पुत्र महं श्रीप
मरसी सुत महं धोकरण तत्पुत्र सा श्रीधना तत्पत्र साह श्रीसोपा तत्पुत्र सा श्रीवंत त31. जार्या उभयकुलानंददायिनी बाई श्रीसोभागदे तत्कुचिसरोराजहंस साह श्रीरुप32. तद्भगिनी उभयकुलानंददायिनी परमश्राविका हीरबाई पुत्र पारीच श्रीसोमर्च 33. प्रभृतिपरिकरयुतया । संवत् १६८३ वर्षे । माघ सुदि चयोदशी तिथौ सोमवासर श्रो]34. चंद्रप्रभखामिजिनमंदिरजीयोहारः कारितः। श्रीराजनगरवास्तव्य" महं भडारी प्र35. साद कराविउ हुतु तेहन वठी पेढी [५] बाई श्रीहीर बाई हुई तेणीर प---उद्दार
___कराविउ॥
संघसहित ९९ वा38. रयाचा कीधी। खसुरपक्षे पारिष श्रीगंगदास भार्या बाई गुरदे पुत्र पारिष बीकयरखी भार्या बाई कमल्यदे
___37. कुक्षिसरोराजहंसोपमो पारिषबीवीरजीपारिषधीरहीयाभिधानी। पारिष वीरजी भार्या बाई होरादे पुत्र प
38. सोमचंदस्तबाबा श्रीचंद्रप्रभखामिजिनबिंब कारितं प्रतिष्टतं "च ॥ देशाधीखरस्वभापतपनप्रभीद्वासिताखि
39. लभूमंडल ------- श्रीकांधुजी तत्पुत्र राज्य श्रीसिवाजी - - - - वाविका थीहोर बाई पुत्री बाई कीई बा
___40. ई कल्याणी भ्राता पारिष रूपजी तत्पुत्र पारिष गुडीदासयुतेन ॥ संवत् १६८२ वर्षे माह शुदि त्रयोदसी [शी सोमव__41. सिर श्रीचंद्रप्रभखामिप्रतिष्टा कारिता॥ भट्टारकत्रीकल्याणसागरसूरिभिः प्रतिष्टत । वाचकश्रीदेवसागरग[7] - ___42. [णी]नां कृतिरियं । पंडितश्रीविजयमर्तिगणीनालखि ॥ पं° श्रीविनयशेषरगणीनां शिष्य मु योरविशेषरगणीना लि
48. खितिरियं ॥ श्रीशेजय नम: यावत् चंद्रार्क चिर नंदतात् श्रीकवडयक्षप्रसादात् ॥ गजधररामजो लघुभार्ता कुष
44. - - - णेजरतनकल्यणकतायां पत्र भद्रं। - Read °पाधोधयः
n Rend प्रतिष्ठितं. * Read भुभिः .
* Probably for ufarum » Read चद्र.
- Read प्रतिष्ठा. A Read वासव्य.
- Read 'प्रतिष्ठितं.

Page #93

72
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. XXVIII. L. 1. भी। सं . [4]८४ माघ वदि ५ शुक्र श्रीमत्यत्तनवास्तव्यचीमालज्ञातीय जसपालपौत्रण पि१. तु राणा मातृ ठ सी [बुधयो इर्थ] ठ धाधाकेन श्रीपादिनाथविवं खत्तकसहितं कारितं ॥
___No. XXIX. L.1.1ों । संवत् ११८६ वर्षे चैत्र शुदि १५ दिने दक्षणदेशे देवगीरीनगर
2. वास्तव्यत्रीमालीजातीयलघुभाषीय साहा तुकजी भार्या बा तेजलदे 3. सूत साहासुजी भार्या बार हासलदे लघुचाता सा बहुजी सा देवजी 4. भार्या बार चछादे देराणी बार देवलदे पू[पु] व सा धर्मदास भगी[गि]नो बा b. कुपरि प्रमुखसमस्तकुटंब श्रीविमलाचलनी यात्रा करीनि 8. श्रीपदबुद पा---[या] सादनो मंडमनो की ३ सहीत फे7. री उदार कराव्यु-----हारक [वो] ------- [रा ज्ये 8. तत्यालंकार [श्री] ----------[बी]-----[भ्य] । 9. पंडितोत्तम श्रीह----मुपदेशात् शुभं भवतु ॥
No. XXX. L. 1. संवत् ११८५ वर्षे वैशाख शुदि ५ बुध शाके १५५१ प्रवर्तमाने श्रीमलसंधे सरस्वतीगछे ____2. बलात्कारगणे श्रीकुंडकुंदाचार्यान्वये भट्टारक बीसकलकीर्तिदेवास्तत्पडेभ श्रीभुवनकीर्तिदेवा. स्तत्व में बीजानभूषणदेवा
3. सत्य भी श्रीविजयकीर्तिदेवास्तपट्टे में श्रीशुभचंद्रदेवास्तत्प भ श्रीसमतिकीर्तिदेवास्तत्व म श्रीगुरकीर्तिदेवास्तत्व में श्रीवादिभूषणदेवास्तत्पडे में श्रीरामकीर्तिदेवास्तत्पम श्रीपझनंदिगुरूपदेशात् पातसाहबीयाहा
4. व्याहाविजयराज्ये बीगूर्वरदेथे श्रीपदावादवास्तव्यदुंबडजातीयवृहकाखीयवाम्बरदेशखांतरीयनगरनौतनभद्रप्रासादोवरणधार जाडा सं° भीजा भा सं° लकु सु संवस्ता भा” सँ रबादे तयोः
5. सुत ब्रह्मचर्यव्रतप्रतिपालनेन पवित्रीकतनिजांगसप्तक्षेत्रारोपितस्वकीयवित्त सं लटकण भा सं° समतादे तयोः सुत निजकुलकमलविकाशनकसूर्यावतारः दानगुणेन नृपतियांससमः श्रीजिनबिंबप्रति
6. हातीर्थयाचादिधर्मकर्मकरणोत्सुकचित्तसंघपति श्रीरबसी भा सं° रूपादे हितीयभा में मोपदे तृतीयभा सं° [थ रंगदे हितोयसुत मंधवी श्रीरामजी भा सं° केशरदे तयोः सुत संघवी
7. डुगरसी भार्या सं°डाडमदे द्वितीयसुत संघवी [रायव]जी भा सं° गमतादे [एते सर्वे] महासिघोष योग[जयनाबि गिरौ श्रीजिनप्रासादे श्रीशांतिनाथबिंब कारयित्वा नित्यं प्रणमंति । शुभं भवतु [0]
No. XXXI. L. 1. । घा॥ भहारकपुरंदरभष्टारकत्रीहीर2. । विजयसूरीखरगुरुभ्यो तमो नमः तत्3. । पहप्रभाकरभट्टारकत्रीविजयसेन
On the base of a Chaumukha image in a small temple, west of the great Adlivan Bhagavan; Lista, p. 198, No.114-N.B.
WInthenbrine of " Bhimadeva,"-the great rock-eut image,-on the wall beside the doorway.-J.B. '
in the Digambara temple, in a small court to the north-east of the great Adlivara temple; Liste, p. 202, No.997..B.
Beside the doorway of the Beshakota temple, facing the south door of the great Âdiivara temple.; Lists, p. 137, No.97.-J.B. .

Page #94

JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
L4. । सूरिगुरुभ्यो नमः संवत [] १५९६ वर्षे वे
5. । भाष सुदि ५ रवी बीदीवबंदिरवास्तव्य सं6. । धवी सचा भार्या बार तेज बाइ तयो सुपुत्र 7. ॥ संघवी गोविंदवी भार्या बाइ वयज बार 8. । प्रमुखकुंटबयुतेन' खत्रेयसे श्रीयनुज' 9. । ये उतंग प्रासाद [] कारापित ] श्रीपार्श्वनाथ10. । विवं स्थापितं प्रतिष्टितं च श्रीतपागछनाय11. । कभधारकत्रीविजयदेवसूरिभिः तत्प12. । हालंकारयुवराजश्रीविजयसिंहसूरि चिरंजीय'
No. XXXII-(610). L. 1. ॥ ओं ॥ ॐ नमः
2. प्रत्यतिष्ठिपदि-दं खलु तीर्थ । 4. रायसिंह रह वईमानभूः । 6. शासनाहिज-यदेवगुरीः स8. हाचकेन वि-नयाहिजये-न ॥१॥ . श्रीविजयसिंहसू-रिः । स जयतु तपगच्छमौलिमाणिक्यं । 15. पजनिष्ट यदु । पदेशात् । स-हस्रकूटाभि-धं तीर्थम् ॥ २॥ 19. दिशशिज-लधिमितेब्दे १७१० सित ष-व्या ज्येष्टमासि तीर्थेस्मिन् । 24. पहबिंबसह-मं । स्थापितम-टोत्तरं वंदे ॥ ३ 27. यावज्जयति सुमक । स्ताव-जीयाबवष्ट-सौभाग्यः ।
श्री शचुंजयमूई-नि । सहस्र-कूटः किरी-टोयम् ॥ ४ ॥
L. 1. पहम्
2. ॥ श्री ॥ स्वस्ति श्रीसं3. वत् १७१० वर्षे ज्येष्ट 4. शुक्ल षष्टी तिथौ गु5. रुवार श्रीउग्रसेनपु6. रवास्तव्यऊकेशज्ञा7. तीयवृद्धशाखीयकु8. हाडगोत्र सा । वईमा
No. XXXIII.1
9. न भा। वाल्हादे पु । स 10. मानसिंहथानसिंह11. रायसिंहकनकसिंह12. उग्रसेनऋषभदासैः 13. सा । जगत्सिंहजीवण14. दासप्रमुखपरिवार15. युतैः स्वपितृवचनात्त16. त्पुण्यार्थं श्रीसहस्रकू
10 Read सबी:.
7 Metre : Svågat. The penultima of the second pada Read 'कुटुंब
ought to be long. - Read चंज
• Metre of verses 9-4: Arya. + Read ग.
. Read ज्येष्ठमासि. • Read हितं.
WRead सावनौ. • Read more
HOnacolumn in the Seshakota temple, in the Vimalarasi • In the temple of Seshakota, on the left band column. ITahk.-J. B. -Lista, p.147, No. 97.-J. B.
" Read ज्येष्ठ
Read 481.

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L. 17. टतीयं कारितं खप्रति18. ष्ठायां प्रतिष्टापितं । त19. पागच्छे भ । श्रीहीरवि
20. जयसूरिपप्रभाकर 21. म श्रीविजयसेनसूरि22. पहालंकारपातिशा
23. वांगीरप्रदत्त
24. महातपाविरुदधारि
25. अनेकराजाधिराजप्र
26. तिबोधकारिभट्टारक
27. यी ७ श्रीविजयदेवस्28. रोखरचाचार्यश्रीविज
29. यप्रभसूरिनिर्द्देशात्
L. 1.
2.
5.
6.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
7.
30. पीचीरविजयसूरि31. शिवरत्नमहोपाध्या32. य श्री ५ कीर्त्तिविज
॥ श्री ॥
॥ श्रीं नमः ॥
बभूवुः श्रीमहावीरः पट्टानुक्रमभूषणा: [1] श्रीपंचगपाधीमाः चायरिचितस्रयः [1] [0] 3. तत्पवादिल्या रियोजयसिंहका [0] श्रीधर्मगोषसूरींद्रा महिंद्रसिंहसूरयः" [0] [0] श्री ।
4.
33. य ग । शिष्योपाध्या
34. वचोविनयविष
35. यगणिभिः प्रतिष्ठि36. तं वीरस्तु । श्रीमच37. यमहातीर्थकार्यक
38. रपंडित श्री ५ शांति
39. विजय ग । देवविजय
40. ग । मेघविजय ग । सा
41. हाय्यतः सिचमिदम् 42. स्वधार मनवीः ॥
No. CV..
सिंहप्रभसूरीश:" सूरयो जिनसिंहका : [] श्रीमदेवेंद्रसूरीमाः श्रीधर्मप्रभसूरयः [i] [0] डोडितिलकाडाच
14 Read प्रतिष्ठापितं.
14 In the Khartaravand Tunk, on the south wall in the hall outside the shrine door of Narsi Kelavji's temple. Liste, p. 206, No. 342.-J. B,
14 Road 'बौराः । भार्यरचि
श्रीमद्रप्रभाभिधाः [0]
श्रीमंती याच्या" बभ्रुवुः सूरयस्ततः [0] [] समग्रमुपसंपूर्णाः परियीजयकी
[1] तत्पदेय सुसाधुश्रीजयकेशरसूरयः [] ५ [] श्रीसिद्धांतसमुद्राख्यः सूरया" भूरिकीर्त्तयः [1] भावसागरस्
रीद्रा ततोभूवन् गयाधिपाः [3] 4[i] श्रीमदनिधानाच्यः सूरयापदेभव [] युगप्रधाना" श्रीमंतः सूरिबी
17 Read I. 3: दिव्याः । 'चीब' महेंद्र'. 1s Read °रीमा:
19 Read L. 5. 'तुंगा । बभूवुः
30 Read L. 6 : देय। "स्थाः सुबी.
Read L. 7 रोंडाल' | "च" ":"

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
75
L.8.
11.
धर्ममर्त्तय []] [0] तत्पद्रोदयशैलानः प्रोद्यत्तरणिसबिभा" [] अभवन्सुरिराजश्रीयुजः कल्याणसागराः
[1] 0 0 श्रीअमरोदधिसूरींद्रा ततो विद्यासूरयः [] उदयार्णवसूरिख कीर्तिसिंधुमुनिपति: [0] 2 [0]
ततो पु10. न्योदधिसूरिराजेंद्रार्णवसूरयः []
मुक्तिसागरसूरीद्रा बभूवुः गुणशालिनः [0] १. [] तत रखो.
दधिसूरिजयंति विचरवि [] शातदातक्षयायुक्त भव्यान् धर्मोपदेशक: [0] ११ [1]
इति प12. हावलि ।
अथ कच्छमुराष्ट्रे च कोठारानगर वर [1]
बभूवु लघशाखायामणसी13.
ति गुणोच्चल [] १२ [1] तत्युचो नायकी बन्ने हीरबाई च तप्रिया [1]
पुत्रों" केसवजी तस्व 14.
रुपवान्न्य मूर्तय[1] १३ [0] मातुलेन समं मूवैबंदरे तिलकोपमे [0]
अगात्पुंन्यप्रभावेन 15.
बहु ख समुपार्जितं [1] १४ ॥ देवभक्तिगुरुरागी धर्मश्रद्धाविवेकिन: []
दाता भीक्षा यशः 16. कीर्ति स्ववर्ग विस्तो वहु [0] १५ [0]
पाबति तस्य पनी च नरसिंहसुतोजनि" [1]
रनबाई त17. स्व भाया पतिभक्तिसुशीलवान् [0] १५ [0
केशवजीकस्व भाया हितिया"मांकबाई च: [1] 18. नाम्ना वीकमजी तस्य पुत्रोभुत् खल्पजीवोन: [0] १७ []
नरसिंहस्थ पुनोभुत् रुपवान् | * Read L.8.: यः। 'चा:प्रो.
• Read L. 14 रूपवान्पुर्ण । मुं। यु " Read दात। ततः.
- Read "खं । गुर • Read L. 10: 'यो । द्रा । ववी.
* Read L. 16: frat Perhape for. * Read L. 11: जयति विचरबुषि मौतदांव। युती भवान्. A Read पिवीया। » Read °लिः । बंधु
• Rand 'भूत् । भूत - Read 'बखः। पुवः,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L. 19.
सुंदराति [] चिरंजय सदा ऋषि हरिभवतु धर्मत [0] १८ []]:
इति वंशावलिः ॥ 20. गांधी मोहोतागीने सा केसवजी निवभूजोपार्जितवित्तेन धर्मकार्याषिकुरते 21. सबथा निजपरिकरखुतो संघसा विमलाव्दितीर्थे समय कच्चसौराष्ट्रगुज्जरम22. धरमवाडकुकुणादिदेवादागताः बासंघलोकाः मिलिताः पंचमयशाका28. प्रतिष्टा दिमहोत्सवाय विधानमंडपं कारयति मतमध्ये नवीनविनविंबा4. नां कप्यपाषाघातूना बहुसहसंस्थानां सुसह सुसने पीठीपरि संखा-" 26. प्य तख विधिना क्रयाकरणार्य श्रीरबसागरसूरिविधिपचगच्छपतेरादे28. अतः सुनिश्रीदेवचद्गापना तथा क्रियाकुशलयाः सह पाखोतरित्या 27. शुचक्रीया कुर्वन् श्रीवीरविक्रमार्कतः संवत् १९२१ ना वर्षे तस्मिन बीमा28. सीवाहनभूपालकतथाके १७८६ प्रवर्तमान्छे मासोतम" श्रीमाषमासे शुजा29. पर तिथि सप्तम्याः गुरुवासर मासँडोदयवेसायां समुत्ते सुलग्ने वर्षधि30. लाकया जिनमुद्राको बीगुरुभित्र साधुभिरंजनक्रियाम्कुरुते सः सघलोका81. न सुवेसधारीन् बाऋध्या गीतगांनवाजिनपूर्वक समेत्य बिनपुजनसीह.. 82. नादिक्रियायाचकानादानादिसघवालवादिभतिहर्षतपणे पुनः धर्मया38. सायां पारासोपलनिर्मित साखतऋषभादिजिनानां चतुर्मुखं चैत्वं पुनः गिरि34. शिखरोपरि श्रीपभिनंदनविनख विशालमंदिरं तस्व प्रतिष्ठा" माघ सित ब36. योदश्यां बुधवासरे गांखोतविधिना क्रिया क्रता" बोरबसागरसूरिणामुप38. देशंत: श्रीसंघपति निजपरिवारेण सह श्रीपभिनंदनादिजिनबिंब था7. पिता ततः गुरुभक्तिसंघभनियत्यानुशारण क्रतः गोहिलवंयविभुषण88. ठाकोरबीसूरसंघजीराज्ये पादखिप्तपुर: मदनोत्सवमभूत् श्रीसंघस्थ भद 89. भूयात[:] कल्याणमस्तु सभं भवतु[:].
माणिकसिंधुवर मुख्यमुनिवरः । 40. तत्विषवाचकवरविनयावेन []
एषा प्रशस्ति श्रवणाबततुस्वरुपा"
संघ 41. सथाशनसमुबतिकारलेखि १॥
वाचकविनयसागरणयं प्रशस्ति
- Rnd L. 19. 'अतिः। भयः । दि. WRandमुनी * Rnd L21: 'वादि। चरम, , * Read four. • Bad L. 4
. » Rand first • Rand L8: सनि । च राया. - Read LTE क्रियाः । वचिन्..
Band-L81 '। भारी।पी. • Rand L9. विधी साना जला: • BLO
.
• Read L. 31 दिवपूर्वकं । पूषन, - Read L.32संध। पुनः. * Read '. - Read L. 36: माथीहता. - Read L. 36: देशतः। वि . • Read L. 37 : "पित। बाइसाबः । वर्ष - Read पुरे. I Read पु. - Read L.40: कि 'पा. 4 Rndar'। 'वाचित

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
L. 42. fefeat: 1
यावत् मेक महिधर यावत् चद्रदिवाकरौ" [] 43. arenital foraerat[:] A147 TT Hfer:"en
ice (o]
ABSTRACTS. No. Xxxiv." Samvat 1788, MAha sudi 5; Siddhachakra, dedicated by Anandabat, wife of Shetå (Kheta) of the Srimali laghulákhá, inhabitant of Dhanapura; consecrated by panditavara Devachandra, pupil of upádhyaya Dipachandra, papil of mahopadhyaya Jñanadharmaji, pupil of mahopadhyaya Rajasarajt in the bákhá of Jinachandra Sari, yugapradhana of the Bțihat-Kharatara gachchha, who awak. ened Pâtisåhi Akabbara.
No. xxxv. Samvat 1788, Magha sudi 6, Friday; an image of Bhimamuni dedi. cated by Dulichand, son of SA (hu) Kikå of the Kharatara gachchha; consecrated by wpadhyaya Dipachandragaại.
No. xxxvi. (Date as above); an image of Sri-Yudhishţira (shthira) muni (remain. der as above).
No. xxxvii. Vikrama Samvat 1788, Saka 1653, Magha sudi 6, Friday; an image of Chandraprabha, dedicated by Premaji (surnamed Cheuli, from his residence in Cheula), of the Srimali oriddhasákchá, at the request of bhattáraka Vijaya-Dayasari, and of the Tapå gachchha; consecrated by bhattáraka Sumatisågara of the same gachchha.
No. xxxviii. Samvat 1791, Vaisakha sudi 8, pushyárke; an image of Parávanátha, dedicated by bhandari Ratnasimha, a mahámantri, who caused an edict of amáry to be proclaimed in Gujarat, son of Udayakarana (and Udayavantadevi), son of Shetasihajl, son of bhandari Dipaji, of the Osavåla vșiddhasakhả and the Nadalagotra; consecrated in the victorious reign of Vijaya-Dayasuri, successor of Vijai. Kshamasuri, of the Tapå gachchha.
No. xxxix. Samvat 1794, Saka 1659, Asadha sudi 10, Sunday; an image of Pårsvanatha, dedicated, and restoration of a temple made by bhandárt Harashachanda son of bhandari Sivachanda, son of bhandari Rapachanda, son of bhandárt Tarachanda, son of bhandari Narayanaji, son of bhandari Bhânâjt of the Oibavamsa vșiddhasakha, Nadula-gotra, dedicated in the victorious reign of Jinachandrasûri of the Bțihat-Kharatara gachchha, by pandita Devachandra, pupil of upadhyaya Dipachandajt, papil of upadhyaya Jñanadharmaji, pupil of mahopadhyaya Rajasarajt.
Rond L. 42: TI I , * Read Teig #fet.
On Siddhachakra slab in the south corridor of the Ebarataravasl Tunk.-Lists, p. 206, No. 337.-J. B.
On the base of the image, on the right side of principal one in the Pafichs Pandava temple.--Ziele, p. 307, No. 350.-J. B.
- In Pafcha Pandava temple, on the base of the principal image.--Lists, ib.
Outside the door of a square temple opposite the south-west corner of the great Adidvara.-Liste, p. 197, perhaps No. 100.
- In the Vimalaya Tunk, on right hand when going towards the Hathtpola, about halfway up-Liels, p. 90%, No. 347.
In the south wall outside the shrine door of a temple in the Chhipávaal Tutk-Liste, p. 307, No 367

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. xl." Sarvat 1810, Maba sudi 13, Tuesday; an image of Sumatinátha, dedicated by the whole Sangha, Sanghavi Kachara Kikâ and the rest; dedicated by SarVasari.
No. xli. Samvat 1814, Magha vadi 5, Monday; a temple with a bikhara, dedi. cated by Vo. Kasarisangha, son of Vo. Ladha, (and Praṇakunara,) son of Vo. Dipachand, son of Vo. Sakalachanda of the Prågvâța-vaṁya, laghuśákhá, inhabitant of Rajanagara; consecrated by Udayasûri.
No. xlii." Samvat 1815, Vaisakha sudi 6, Wednesday; an image of Pårávanátha dedicated by masa Kuyaraji Ladha of Bhavanugara; consecrated by Rajasamasuri, of the Laghuposàla gachchha.
No. xliii." Samvat 1822, Phalguna sudi 5, Thursday; two images in the Visa, Deshavála-Tapå gachchha's deri, dedicated by gándhi Parasottama Sadaraji and by his nephew Amaidåsa and his brothers Natha and Kumbera, all of Meśåņa. The inscription was incised by Kubera, in Samvat 1863, Chaitra sudi 2, Friday..
No. xliv. Samvat 1843, Saka 1708, Mågha sudi 11, Monday; an image of Adi. nátha, dedicated by Premachanda, of Rajanagara, a Srimali of the laghuśákhá of the Kasya pa gotra and Para mara race, consecrated by Vijay a-Jinendrasuri of the Ta på gachchha.
No. xlv. Vikrama Samvat 1860, Saka 1726, Vaisakha sudi 5, Monday; an image of Santinátha, dedicated by Harashacha da, son of Hirachanda (and Kumarabai), son of Så Rayakarana, a Srimalt of the triddha bákhá, a native of Damaņa-bandira (Daman), honoured by the Phiramgijati Puratakåla påtasâhi (the king of Portugal).
No. xlvi. (Date as in the preceding); a new image in the new temple of VijjalardParsvanátha, dedicated by Savaichanda, son of Premachanda Jhaverachamda and Joyati, a Jhaveri (jeweller) of the Usavāla race in Surat, in the name of Premachanda and others, during the victorious reign of Vijaya-Daivachandrasuri, of the gachchha Vijaya-Anandasuri, consecrated by Vijaya-Jinendrasûri of the Tapå gachchha.
No. xlvii. (Date as in No. xlv); a new image in the new temple of Asrahura (Vijjahara ?) Parsvanath, dedicated by Jhaveri Premachanda, . . . . . an Usavala of Surat, belonging to the gachchha of Vijaya-Anandasûri, in the victorious reign of Vijaya.Devachandrasuri, consecrated by Vijaya-Jinendrasuri, bhattáraka of the Tapà gachchha.
No. xlviii." (Date as in No. xlv); an image of Sahasakuțaji (Sahasrakáta), dedicated by Dåhåbhai, son of Sa Lalabhái, grandson of Sa Bhaisaji, a Srimali, at the request of Punyasagarasuri of the Amchala gachchha, consecrated by Vijaya-Jinendra. sûri of the Ta på gachchha.
No. xlix." Date and contents as of the preceding.
6? In temple on the south of the way to the Hathipoli, in Vimalaval Tunk. - Lists, p. 204, No. 285.-J. B. « On south side corner of a temple in the outer compound of the Adidvara temple. "On the base of an image in a temple on the south side of the way to the Hathipola. -Lists, p. 204, No. 291. 6 In Modi Preinachand's temple No. 84 P * In Vimalavasi Tunk, in a small temple on the routh of the Vaghann-pola-Lists, p. 204, No. 304.-J. B.
In Modi Premachand's Tunk, on an image in the principal temple.-Liste, p. 207, No. 362.
" On the base of an image in the temple on the right upon entering the Tunk of Modi Premachand. - Lists, p. 208, • No. 367. J. B.
In Modi Premachand's Tunk, on the base of the image in the temple facing the preceding.-Tists, p. 208, No. 364. 7 On a column in the Sewhakota in the Puñcba Pandara's terople.--Lists, p. 207, No. 351. 7) In the same temple.-J. B.

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79
No. 1.72 Sarnvat 1860, Mâhâ sudya 13; a temple was begun and finished Samvat 1861, Phaguna vadi 6, Wednesday, by Virachanda, son of Pitàmara, grandson of Harashachamda, a Parekh of Ahmadábåd, of the Visa-Poravala gachchha, and of the gachchha of Vijaya-Ananda sûri.
No. li." Vikrama Saṁvat 1861 and salivahana Śaka 1726, Dhâtå samvatsara Margaśirsha sudi 3, Wednesday, Parvashadha nakshatra, Vșiddha Yoga, Gira Karana, in the victorious reign of Punyasagarasûri, successor of Kirtisagarasuri, successor of Udayasagarasuri of the Amchala gachchha, a kunda, called Icbhakumda, was dedicated by Ichchhabhài, son of Nihalachandabbâi, a Srimali of Surat; while the Gohil chief Unnadaji ruled over Palitânà.
No. lii." Samvat 1867, Chaitra süda 15; an agreement in Gujarati not to allow anybody to build temples in the Hathi Poļa.
No. liii." Samvat 1875, Magha vadi 4, Sunday; an image of Suvadhinatha (?), dedicated by Sosaji, son of Mulaji and Maṁnakumara, of Rådhanapura; an image of Chandraprabha, dedicated by Sedugarasi, son of Mulaji and (?); an image of Mallinâtha, and a little temple (dehari) dedicated by Kaṁtiya Hemaji, son of Tokarksi.
No. liv." Samvat 1885, Vaisakha sukla akshayatritiya, Thursday; a temple of Chandraprabha, built, at the request of the Sråvikå Gulâ va beni, by Babu Harshachaṁdaji and Visa nachamdaji, sons of Jethamallajt, Buranachamdaji and Keśava. dåsajt, sons of Saba Bohitthajs, of the Dugada gotra, inhabitant of Bâlûchara; consecrated by Jinaharshasuri of the Kharatara gachchha.
No. lv." Samvat 1886, Saka 1751, Magha, buklapaksha 5, Friday: an image of Pundarika gañadhara, dedicated for the welfare of his father by Lallubhài, son of Seth Påndbhai and his wife Mughivahu, daughter of Seth Vakhatachaṁda Khusydlachamda of the Vșiddhaśâkha of the Ośa race, inhabitant of Rajanagara; consecrated during the reign of Sàntisagarasuri of the Sågara gachchha.
No. lvi.(Date as above); a temple built and an image of Parávanátha, dedicated for the welfare of Bai Rama kum yara, wife of Saha Harakhachamda, son of Saha Malachanda, of the Vsiddha akhå of the Osa race, inhabitant of Rajanagara, and for the welfare of her daughter Jhaverabâi, wife of Dosi Kusalachanda, in the reign of bhattáraka Rajendrasagarasuri of the Amchala gachchha.
No. lvii." (Date as above); a chaturvimsatitirthakarapatta with hrinkára, dedicated by Motichamda, son of Saha Malukachamda, and Kusalabat, of the VriddhaśAkbå of the Osa race, inhabitant of Rajanagara; consecrated by the bhattáraka of the Khardtara gachchha.
No. lviii. (Date as above); a parameshți[shthi]pada, with Omkára, dedicated by the donor of No. lvii; consecrated as above.
In Vimalavai Tunk, to the south-east of the Chaumukh of a hundred pillara. Lista, p. 202, No. 245.-J. B.
On a tank by the roadside part of the way down the hill.
24 On the wall, beside the Hatbipola, or the gateway separating the enclosure of the Adlávara Bhagavan and the eastern section of the Vimalsvasi Tunk.-J.B.
7* In Modi Premacband's Tunk, in a cell or ebapel in the north corridor. 76 In a small temple to the south of Pundarka's.--Liats, p. 207, No. 345. 77 In Hemabbai's Tunk, at the entrance.-Lints, p. 209, No. 408. 1 On the seat of an image south of Pundartka's in the entrance to Hemabhai Vakbatchand's Tank. 1 In Hemabhai's Tank, on the north wall of the Mandapa of the principal temple. -Life, p. 209, No. 407. * Iu the same temple, on the south wall.-J. B.

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80
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. lix." (Date as above); a temple and an image of Chandraprabha, dedicated for her husband's welfare by Ich håvahu, wife of Naginadasa, son of Seth Himabhái, son of Seth Vakhatachamda Khusy&lachanda, of the Vriddhasakhå, of the Osa race, inhabitant of Rajanagara; consecrated in the reign of Santisagarasari of the Sagara gachchha.
No. lx." Samvat 1887, Vaisakha sudi 13, jñarásara, in the reign of Gohel Kamdhaji, kumbara Noghaņaji, of På daliptanagara, a temple (vihára) built, and an image of Kumthanatha by Gajamalaji Parakh, son of Himatarama, son of Saha Tilokachamda of the Luņiya gotra, Ukesa jnatiya Vriddhasákhå, inhabitant of Ajam. eranagara; consecrated by Devachamda, in the reign of bhatt. Jinaharshasari, of the Brihat-Kharatara gachchha.
No. lxi. Samvat 1888, Vaisakha vadi -- koritásare (!), three images of Chandraprabha, etc., dedicated by Khemakuvarabài, wife of Nihalachamda, son of Såha Påmnachamda, Ośavala of Ahmadábad; consecrated by Devachandra, in the reign of Jinhars hasûri of the Kharatara gachchha.
No. lxii. Samvat 1889, Saka 1755, Vaisasha sukla 13, Wednesday; an image of Dharmanátha, dedicated by Ujamabai, daughter of Vakhatachamda, an Osavala of the VriddhasAkba, inhabitant of Rajanagara; consecrated in the reign of Saṁtisaga. rasûri of the Sagara gachchha. A small temple in the Moti tunk near Punchabhai's temple by the same.
No. lxii. (Date as above); an image of Rishabhadeva, dedicated by Paradhinavau, wife of Suryamala, son of Sreshti Vakhatachamda, of the Vriddhasakha of the Ukesa race, inhabitant of Rajanagara; consecrated in the Sagara gachchha ().
No. lxiv. (Date as above); an image of Chandraprabha, dedicated by Kapurachandaji, inhabitant of Sirohi, son of Pubachamda Jasarupají, younger brother of Jasarupaji, son of Patåji Parakh; consecrated in the Tapå gachchha.
No. lxv. (Date as above), chaturmukha bimba, dedicated for the welfare of Hemabhai by his whole family, diz. Naginadása, his wife Ichhavahu, his younger brother Premabhai, his wife Sámkalivahu and his sisters Rukhamani, Prasana, Motikuțara-Hemabhai's wife Kamkuvahu, parents Seth Vakhatachanda and Jadávabát, grandfather Khusalachamda, Osavalas of the V. 8., inhabitants of Ahmadábåd; consecrated by Samtisagara of the Sågara-gachchha.
No. lxvi. Date as above, but sukra 12, Wednesday (?); & pañchaparameshti. [shthi]-patta, containing an Omkára, dedicated by Ujamabai (see No. lxii); consecrated in the Ta på gachchha (?).
No. lxvii." Samvat 1889, Saka 1754 Vaisasha, buklapaksha 12, Wednesday, a chaturvimsatitirthamkarapatta, containing a Hrínkára, dedicated by Ujamabai (see No. lxvi), consecrated in the Ta på gachchha (?).
* In a shrine in Hemabbat'. Tvök. - Lists, p. 209, No. 413.-J. B.
Outside Kharataravas Tutk, in storaple at the north-east corner.-Liat, p. 207, No. 347.-J. B. # In one of the shrines round the court of Hemabbai's Tunk, on the north side.
In a small shrine on the south corridor of the same.
In Hemabhai's Tank in a shrine in the south corridor room No. 4 * In Hemabhai's Tusk, north corridor, room No. 2. * In the shrine of the temple in the north-east of the court-Liste, p. 209, No. 412.
In the principal temple in Hemabbát. Tutk, on the south wall, see No. lviii. In Hemabhat's temple, in the Mandapa north wall, east corner, so No. lvii.-J. B.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
No. lxviii. Samvat 1891, Magha, sita 5, Monday, during the reign of Gohel Khamdhaji, his son being Noghaņaji and his son Pratâpasinghji, of PalitanA, an image of Rishabha, dedicated by Iṁdraji, son of Nihalachanda, of the Yadugada-gotra, Oba våla race, Brihat-sakhA, inhabitant of Makasudavad.Baluchara; consecrated by Pan. Devachandra, papil of Pam. Jayavamtaji, in the reign of Jinaharsha of the BțihatKharatara gachchha.
No. lxix." Saṁvat 1892, Vaisakha, sita 3, Friday, in the reign of Gohal Khamdáji (etc., see No. lxviii), images of Sambhavanatha, Parsvanatha and Sitalanatha, dedicated by Mahetabakumara, wife of Babu Prata pasiṁghaji, brother of BAbu Bahadarasimghaji, son of Babu Rådhåsimghajt, of the Yadugada-gotra, Ukesa race), Bșihat-sakha, of Maksudávåd-Baluchara; consecrated in the reign of Jinaharsha of the Bțihat-Kharatara gachchha by P. Devachandra, pupil of P. Jayabhadra, pupil of P. Kanaka Sekharaji.
No. lxx." Samvat 1893, Saka 1768, Mágba vadi 2, Wednesday; a temple built and image of Adinatha dedicated by Phulakumyara, daughter of Anopabhai and Mana. chht, Anopabhai being son of Vakhatachamda (see above, No. xlv); consecrated by Samtisagara of the Sagara gachchha.
No. lxxi." (Date as above), temple built and image of Samtinåtha dedicated by Ujalivahu, wife of Phatebhái, son of Mottchamda ,Vșiddha-Sakha, Osavala, inhabitant of Rajanagara, consecrated by Saṁtisa gara of the Sag. ga.
No. lxxii. (Date as above), temple built and image of Samtinatha dedicated by Bhagubhài, son of Phatebhài (wife Acharatavahu), son of Motichanda (see No. lxxi); consecrated by Saṁtisagara of the Sagara-gotra.
No. lxxiii. (Date as above), a temple built in HemAbhai's tunk and image of Ajitanatha dedicated by S8 Lashamichamda, (wife Paravati), son of Så Jesamgha, son of SÅ Hirâchamda, of the Vriddha-Sakha, Usavala, inhabitant of Khambhanayara.
No. lxxiv.es Sarvat 1893, Jyeshţha sudi 3, Wednesday; an image of Gomukha Yaksha, dedicated by Baphaņa Gumaṁnachamdaji Bahadaramallaji of Jesalameru, consecrated by Jinamahemdrasuri of the Kharatara gachchha.
No. lxxv. Samvat 1893, Saka 1758, Magha sukla 10; an image of Pårsvanatha dedicated by Premachanda, etc. (see next inscription), consecrated by Padmavijaya, etc. (see next inscription).
No. lxxvi. Samvat 1893, Saka 1758, Magha sukla 10, Wednesday; an image of Parávanátha dedicated by Ajab and Manakumara, the first and second mothers of Så Pitamara, son of Så sakalachamda, son of Sa Premachamda, son of Sa Damodaradása of the Laghu Sakha of the Srimala race, inhabitants of Ahammadà våd, consecrated by
90 In temple outside the gate of Pundarika temple of the Kharataravasi Tunk and next to that containing inscription No. ls. Lists, p. 206, No. 341.-J. B.
"Outside the enclosure of the great Chanmukha on the east, next to preceding on the base of an image.- Lists, p. 206, No. 339.
* In Hemabhai Tunk, west corridor, rooun No. 1. 9 In the same Tunk in a shrine in the west corridor. * In Hemabhai's Tunk, west corridor, room No. 5. % In the Hemábhái Tunk, north corridor, first room. * In the shrine of Gaumukha, at the entrance to the Chaumukba temple. -Lists, p. 205 No. 311.
» Såkalachand Premachand's Tunk, on the seat below the image (Chintamaņi Pårsvanatha), in a cell in the west corridor of the principal temple.-Lists, p. 212, No. 494.
* In Sakalchand Premachand's Tutk, on the seat of Pundarfka, facing the principal temple.-J.B.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Rapavijayagaņi, pupil of Padmavijayagaņi, a Saṁvijñamärgi, of the line of Vijayasibasuri, in the Samvijñayamargiya-Tapa gachchha.
No. lxxvii. (Date as above), an image of Padmanatha, dedicated by Sa Malachada, son of Så Karmachamda, son of Sa Premachaṁda (etc., see above) consecrated by Rapavijayagaņi (etc., see No. lxxvi).
No. lxxviii.100 (Date as above), an image of Dharmmapatha, dedicated by Amara. chamda (and family), son of Ratnakhimachamda and Devakuara Bat, son of Premachanda and Ich hAbat of the Osa race, Laghu Sakha, inhabitant of Mumbai, consecrated in the reign of Vijaya-Dhanesvarasdri of the gachchha of Vijaya-Âņamdasari, called the Tapà gachchha.
No. lxxix. (Date as above), an image of Dharmanátha, dedicated by Sa Sahavi. simgha, son of Så Kesirisimgha, son of Sa Khusalachaṁda, son of Så Nahálachanda, an Osavala of the Vșiddhaśâkhâ, inhabitant of Ahamadavad, consecrated by Samtisågarasari of the Sågara gachchha.
No. lxxx. (Date as above), an image of Ādinátha, dedicated by Khemachanda (and family), son of Seth Motichamda and Divali Bal, son of Seth Amichanda and Rupa Bai; an Osavala of the Vriddhasakhả and Nahațå gotra, inhabitant of Mumbai. bindara (Bombay), consecrated by Jinamahendrasari, successor of Jinaharshashri of the Bșihat-Kharatara gachchha (Kharatara Pippaliya), during the reign of Gohel Pratåpasiṁghaji.
No. lxxxi. (Date as above), image of Seth Mo[ticham]da and his wife Ichhavalt set up by Seth Khemachamda, in the Kharatara-Ghinaliya (Pippaltya ?) gachchha.
No. lxxxii. (Date as above), image of Samtinátha, dedicated by Seth Amichamda (etc., see No. lxxx); consecrated by Jinamahemdra, (Kharatara-Pippaltya-gachche tha-ja-yu Sri-Jinadevasúri tatpatte bha-érl-Jinachamdastiri vidyamáne saparikarasanyute).
No. lxxxiii. (Date as above), an image of Suparávanátha, dedicated by Ropa Bar, wife of Seth Amichamda (etc., see No. lxxx); consecrated by Jinamahiṁdrasůri, etc., (see the preceding No. lxxxii).
No. lxxxiv. (Date as above), an image in the temple of Srivat-Kesaridevi (Amba), dedicated by Mumgivahu, wife of Khemachamda (etc., see No. lxxx); consecrated by Jinamahendrasuri, etc., (see No. lxxxii).
No. lxxxv.? (Date as above), an image of Puņdarika, dedicated by Khema. chamda (and family, etc., see No. lxxx); consecrated by Jinamaheṁdrasuri, etc. (see No.lxxxii).
No. lxxxvi. Saṁvat 1897, Saka 1763, Vaisaka, sukla 18, Monday; an image
* In the temple in the north-east corner of SAkalachand Premachand's Tank-Liste, p. 218, No. 498.-J. B. 100 In Motish's Tunk, in the temple on the south side of the principal one.-- Lists, p. 210, No. 420. 1 In Motifah'Tunk, on the base of image in a temple on the north of the principal one.-Liste, p. 810, No. 433.
In Motish's Tunk, on the base of the principal image in the temple next to the preceding.
* Near the door below the image of the Seth and his wife, in the principal temple in Motish's Tunk.-Liste, p. 209, No. 417.
On the base of an image to the right of the principal image in temple No. 420.-Lists, p. 210. . On the base of an image to the left of the principal image in a temple to the north-east of the central one.
. On the base of image of AmbA MATA (Chakre vari) to the right of the principal temple in Motifah Amichand's Tunk.
* On the base of Pundarika, in the temple at the entrance of Motićih's Tunk; the temple of Pundarika always faces the principal shrine of Adinatha.-- Lists, p. 209, No. 418.-J. B.
* On the base of image in a temple behind the principal one in Motifah's Tutk.-Lists, p. 210, No. 421.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
of Adinatha, dedicated by Phulachamda, son of Kapurachanda and Kasali, son of Parekh Jibogha (R) and Lashami, Srimali of the Vriddha Sakha, inhabitant of Mumbaibidar (Bombay), consecrated in the reign of Vijaya Devidrasari of the Tapa gachchha.
No. lxxxvii. Samvat 1900, Saka 1765, Magha Sukla 7, Friday; a temple built by Kshemachamda.
No. lxxxviii.10 Samvat 1903, Saka 1768, Magha, krishna 5, Friday; an image of Rapabai (etc., see No. lxxxiii), dedicated by Kshemachaṁda; in the reign of Jinamahiṁdrasuri of the Brihat-Kharatara Pipaliya gachchha.
No. lxxxix." Samvat 1905, Vaisisha, sukla 1, Monday; an image of Âdinátha, dedicated by mehetá Moticharda, son of m. Khetasi, Ośavala of the Vriddha-Sakha, inhabitant of Palanapara; two other images of Adinatha, dedicated by his wives Ramakuyara and Indara, two more images of Âdinátha, dedicated by Margall, son of metá fóvara and Jñânavahu, son of Ramakuyar and Motichamda, as well as by Dilubaj, wife of Khetast, son of Malachamda, in the reign of Deviņdrasuri of the Tapâ gachchha.
No. xc." Samvat 1905, Saka 1770, Magha, sukla 5, Monday; a temple built, thirtytwo images of Chamdraprabhu and other Jinas dedicated, a dharmaśálá 120 gaja long and 40 gaja broad, built in Pålitana, south side, an upásar in Palitana for the Amchala gachchha restored, (all) by SA Hiraji and SA Viraji with their wives Purabat and LAIA Bải, they being sons of Så Narasi and Kuarabái, son of Bharamalla, and Mamka Båt Osavalas of the Laghu-såsba, and Nagada-gotra, members of the Amchala gachchha, inhabitants of Nabhanpura in Kachha, the pious works being made by the advice (upadesát) of Muktisagarasuri of the Amchala gachchha.
No. xci. Pedigree and record of the benefactions of Seth Vakhatachanda, his son Hem Abhai and his grandson, the late Nagarseth Premabhai of Ahmadabad. He belonged to the OsavAlajñati, the Addai Sakhả, the Sisodia-vanía, the Kumkumalolagotra, worshipped the gotra-devi Åsåpuri, the Kshetrapala Barada. The pedigree includes (1) Kulautapatirajá Samantasamgha ramno, (2) his son Kuara påla, converted to Jainism by Acháraja Dharmagoshastri, (3) his son Så Harapati, (4) his son Så Vachchha, (5) his son SA Sehasa karana, (6) his son Seth (Salm tid åsa of Rajanagara, a courtier (rájasabhásragára) in the time (pravartte) of Dalipatipätasaha-Sahajaṁgaji, his son Seth Lakhamichamda; (8) his son ShusAlachaṁda (Khushålchand), wife Jhamaku ; (9) their son Seth Vashatachanda (Vakhatchand). Then follow the names of the latter's wives, children and grand-children, an enumeration of his, and his family's benefactions with dates, from V. S. 1864 to 1905 and a pattávali of the Sågaragachchha; (1) Rajasågaraśūri; (2) Vriddhisagarasuri; (3) Lakshmisågaraśūri; (4) Kalyâņaśdgarasuri; (5) Punyasagaraśūri; (6) Udayaśågaraśůri ; (7) Âņandaśågaraśūri; (8) Śåmtisågarasuri, V. 8. 1905.
No. xcii. Samvat 1908, Chaitra vada 10, Wednesday; a temple built in the Muhata
• In Sakalachand Premachand's Tunik, on the left side wall, near the shrine door of the temple on the south-east. - Lists, p. 213, No. 499.
On the base of a feinale image near the door of the principal temple in Motish's Tunk. * In Motifùh's Tunk, routh corridor, first monu.
In the Kharataravasi Tutik in a temple outside the Chaumukla enclosure and behind that of Narsi Kelavji.
1 To Hemabhai Vakhatachand'. Tutk, on the front wall. ut the south corner, outside the principal temple of Ajitaustb, built by Prernabhài. - Lists, p. 209, No. 407.-J. 1.
" In Motisäh's Tunk, in a room in the south corridor.
-
2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Moti-vasi (Motiánah's sunk), by Vriddhishamdaji, son of Mubatá Patchåņa and Punyakuara, of the O sa race, inhabitants of Vikanera; consecrated by Path. Devemdrakusala, brother of Aņamdakusala of the Tapa gachchha.
No. xcii." Samvat 1908, Vaisåsha kțishņa 7, Monday; an image of Dharmanatbaji, dedicated by Khusalabhài, son of Dipachamda, a Srimali, inhabitant of Bajanagara
No. xciv.16 (Date as above), an image of Sumatinátha, dedicated by Jethabhai, another son of Dipachamda (see No. xciii).
No. Xov." (Date as above), an image of Rishabha, dedicated in the reign of Harkka chardasari by Jethabhai (&c., see No. xciv) of the Payachanda (?) gachchha, consecrated by Pam. Aņamdakusala.
No. xcvi.18 Samvat 1910, Chetra, sukla 15, Thursday; in the reign of Rajarajesvara Maharajadhiraja (II) Gohil Sri Noghaņa, his son being Prata pasimghaji, of Palitåņa, a new temple built and eight images of Adijina, Suvrata, Âdinátha, Nami. nátha, Adinatha, Sruvrata, Santinátha and Pårsvanátha, dedicated by Seth Vagbamal. aji, son of Agarakuvarabát and Dhanarupamalla, Osavala of the Vsiddha Sakha and SriMummiga gotra, inhabitants of Ajamera, consecrated in the reign of Jinasaubhagyasari, successor of Jina harsha of the Khar. ga. by Hemachaṁdra, younger papil (laghusikshya) of Marnasumdarají, of Harshakirtti, pupil of Dayavilásaji, pupil of Jayabhadraji, pupil of Pań. Kanakasesbaraji.
No. xcvii. Samvat 1911, Phålguņa, krishņa 2 Monday," an image of Abhinandanasvamimdlanayaka, dedicated in the Motivasițuňka by Sa Kalidasa, son of Bal-Deva and Bhagavana, son of så Harashachamda, a Visa Poravada, inhabitant of Rajanagara; consecrated by Pam. Anamdakusala in the reign of Deviņdrasari of the Ta på gachchha.
No. xcviii." Samvat 1913, Magasara, budi 6; Naváxare, an image of Sartin&tha, dedicated by Seth PhattebhAi, son of Sa Motibhai and Rupakumvarabái, of the Sisodia Bâsh and Kumkamalola-gotra, in babitant of AmmadA våd.
No. xcix." (Date as above), an image of Dharmanatba, dedicated by Seth Chagababhai, son of Siradarakumvarabal and Så. Måna ushabhai, of the Sisodia seshå and the Kumkamalola-gotra, inhabitant of Ahamada våd.
No. c." (Date as above), an image of Abhinandana, dedicated by Samarathakua. rabai, daughter of Pradhanakuṁvarabài and Seth Surajamalabhái, Osavala of the Sisodia sasha and the Kumkamalola gotra, inhabitant of Ahammadavad. .
No. ci." Samvat 1914 (written 19014), Margasirsha, sudi 7, Monday; an image of Dattajina, dedicated by Bai Aimdra, wife of Såhå Velachanda Manyekachamda of Rajanagara.
No. cii. Samvat 1914 (written 19014), Margasirsha, vadi aikame, Wednesday (tárabuddhe); an image of Savrattajina, dedicated by Bai Harakuṁyyara, wife of Manikachaṁda Khimachamda, an Usa of Rajanagara.
# In Motish's Tunk, in a room in the south corridor, next the preceding.-J. B.
16 In the same room as the preceding. 17 In the same place as in No. xciii.
1 In the Chaumukh enclosure, on the east wall of a marble terople bebind the great one.- Lists, p. 206, No. 325.
In Motish's Tunk, in a room in the south corridor.J. B.
» Date on the image 903. " In Hemabhai's Tunk, south wing, room No. 33.-J. B. * Hemabhui's sunk, south wing, No. 32. u In the same corridor, No. 31. * In Motifah's Tunk, south corridor, No. 28; se No. cvi. » In Motibah's Tunk, south corridor, No. 22.-J. B. 16 Date on the image Samvat 1893.

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JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SATRUMJAYA.
85
No. ciii." Samvat 1916, Vaisakha, kļiśna 6, Thursday, (uttarásládhanakshatra sankranti mesha, súrjo udayat ghati 1, pala 45); a temple (Srioasupujyaprasáda) built, yátra and various benefactions made by an inhabitant of Kapadavaņaja, a Nemma by race, of the Vriddha-såsha and Maņiyåņa-gotra, called SA Hiraji, his son Gulabachamda and wife Manakuvara, their son Parekha Mithubhai and wife Benakumvara, their son Karamachamda and wives (1) BAI Jadáva, (2) Båt Siven, consecrated in the reign of Vidyanandasůri, successor of Dhanesarasûri of the Ânandasari gachchha by Gani Raṁgavijaya, pupil of Pam. Viravijaya, pupil of Pam. Dhiravijaya, a samvegapakshe, pupil of Pam. Khemâvijaya of the Tapà gachchha, during the reign of rájá. dhinája Pratå pasinghaji.
No. civ." Samvat 1916, Saka 1781, Phålguna, křishna 2, Friday; 'an image of Ajitanatla, dedicated in the new temple in the Vakhatachandavasi, by Seth Anopacham da, son of Vakhatachamda (etc., see No. xci), and by his wife Adhira and daughter BAL Ddhirya (Dhiraj), in the reign of Vijaya-Devendrasari of the Tapå gachchha.
No. cvi. Saṁvat 1922, Margasara, vadi 7, Thursday; an image of Aranátha, dedicated by Sivaprasada, son of Modi Namidasa, Obavala of the Vriddha Sakha and the ChhAjedå gotra, inhabitant of Kaśi, consecrated by Hirachaṁdra, pupil of Pain. Devachamda, by command of (?) Jinamuktisuri of the Bțihat-Kharatara gachchha.
No. cvii. Samvat 1924, Magha sukla 10, Monday"; an image of Sitalanathaji. dedicated by sa Amolakakasala, a Dasa-Poravada of the Laghu-Sakha, inhabitant of Vila nagara (Visalnagar P) in Gujara-desa; his sons were Malachamda, Mayachanda, Ravichanda, their sons Gokala, Dipachamda and Shimachamda; consecrated in the reign of Vijaya-Devendrasuri of the Tapà gochchha by Pam. Ratnavijaya.
No. cviii " Samvat 1928, Magha sukla 13, Thursday; an image of Parávajina, in their own temple (dehari) in the Tunk of Seth Motisa, dedicated by Prágaji and his father Galálachamda, the latter being the son of Bai Iratana, and Khimaji, son of Jhaveri Veláji of Navanagara.
No, cix." Samvat 1930, Chaitra vada 2; an image of Dbarmanátha, dedicated by SA Må mnakachamda Motichamda, of Amadavad.
No. cx. Vikrama-Samvat 1939, Mahamasa, krisna 12, Tuesday; an image of Sam. tinátha, dedicated by Nanapujá Så Pitambaradása, a Poravada of the Laghu Sakha inhabitant of Amadavad.
No. cxi. Samvat 1940, Saka 1805, Vaisakha sukla 3, Monday (ishța ghati 3 pala 10 suryodayát); during the reign of Goyala Sürasimghaji of Palitana, in the time of Vivekaså garasûri of the Amchala gachchha, an image of Adinatha dedicated in Sa Keśava Nayaka's Funk in the temple of Pumdarika, by Saha Trikama, who lives in Nalinapura, in Kachchha and in Mu[m] båibimdar (Bombay), an Osa våla of the Lagbu bakhA and Shota-gotra; consecrated by Muni Shetasi.
# In the BAIAbhai Tunk, near the sbrine door of the temple in the south-east.-Lists, p. 212, No. 493-J. B. » In Hamabhal's Tunk, in another room, No. 27 of the same Bhdmi, with No. c. » In Moth's Tunk, in a room in the south corridor, No. 28; in the same room as No. ci. * In Motish's Tunk, in the south corridor room No. 23.-J. B. # Date on the image-Samvat 1903. # In Motish's Tunk, in the south corridor room No. 30–J.B.
In Motish's Tunk, south corridor No. 35. * In Sakalchand Premachand's Tunk, west side corridor, small shrine No. 18. under an image.
In the sbrine of Punarika at Kebavji Nê vak's temple in Vimalavasi Tutik.-J. B.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
No. cxii. Samvat 1940, Magha sukla 6, Saturday; an image of Parávanátha, dedicated by Parasatamidhaya (P), son of Jayasimha Himachanda, a SrimAll of the Vriddha Sakha, inhabitant of Amatava ama (e), conseerated by Pamnyasa Gulabavijayagani, pupil of Pamnyasa Manivijaya.
No. exiiir Samvat 1940, Phalguna sukla 3, Friday; an image of Dharmanatha, dedicated by Ramachamda Phulachanda, a Vriddha Srimall, inhabitant of Anahillapura; consecrated by Pasnyása Gulabavijaya gaņi, pupil of Pamnyasa Manivijayagani of the Samvijna-paksha of the Tapå gachchha.
No. cxiv. Samvat 1943, Pausa, krisna astami, Monday; a Vásupujyajina, dedicated by Sa Kevala Lakhamicha (m)da, a Dasa-Saramali (Srimall) of Amadarad, his wife Kesarabái, his son Chunilala, with his wife Parasanabål, and their daughter Bena samkuna.
No. cxv. Samvat 1943, Magasukala10, Thursday, an image of Sa(m)tinath, dedicated by Sa Lalu Vak hatachamd (a), a Visa-Osavala of Amadarad, his wife Bat Adhir, his daughter Dhiraja, and his sons Vådilala and BholAbhAl.
No. exvi. No date; an image of Sreyamsa, dedicated at the request (upadeka) of Kalyanasagarastri" of the Amchalagachchha, conseerated on Vaisakha sudi 3, Wednesday.
No. cxvii." Samvat 15.. (??)... sudi 5; buddhe, an Ashțâpada, dedicated by Jhaverachaṁda (?), mentions also the name of Udayasagarasuri.
No. cxviii. L. 1. ॥ ओं । सं १६५० [प्र] चै पूर्णि- 12. सत्वद्रव्यग्रहण[स]लिका2. मायां सुविहितसाफचीर
18. यां प्रथमचैत्रीपूर्णिमायां [त-] 3. सागरप्रोल्लासशीतपादानां
14. च्छिष्यसकलवीचककोटि4. निजवचन जितसाहित्री
15. कोटीरशतकोटिथी। श्रीवि5. अकबरप्रदत्तत्रीसिदशै
16. मलहषगणिमि" || पं देव. 6. लानां भटारकत्रीविजयसे-"
17. हर्ष ग श्रीशत्रुजयक्रतक्रत्य 7. नसूरिप्रमुखसुविहित
18. पं° धनविजय गपं°जयवि8. भक्तिभरसेव्यमानपादा
19. जय ग जसविजयहसवि9. रविंदानां श्री श्रीहीरवि
20. जय ग मुनि []सलादिमुनि10. जयसूरिपादानां माहात्माग्री
21. शतदयपरिकरितैनिर्वि11. णितसीहिनिर्मितसकल
22. –ीकता यावा इति भद्रम् [0] Samvat 1850, Chaitra, full moon day; Vimalaharsha, pupil of bhattaraka Hira-. vijaya, of the Sapha gotra, which latter was honoured by Sahi Akabbara and received from him the Siddhasaila (Satrunjaya), made a pilgrimage, together with 200 other monks.
x In a cell of Kehavji Nayak's temple in the Vimalavasi| Ona bris plate in Modi Premachand's temple, see No. Tutk, east corridor.-J. B.
sliv.-J.B. » In some place as the preceding.
On the south wall of the temple of Âdievara Blingavan » In Sakalachand Premachand'. Tunk, on the seat below temple.-J. B. the image in the temple to the right of the principal one. * Read MERCE
» In Såkalachand Premachand, under an image, west side, * Rend °साहित corridor 17.
40 Read वाचक 41 On the base of an image in a temple outside the Hathi. 47 Read fufa: pola, north side.-List, p. 201, No. 934.
• Rend संजय । वलय This name shows that the inscription belongs to Samvat " Read # 16750r 1683,-1676 in the date of the temple.-J.E.
• Read 'टी

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SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
VII-VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE SANCHI STUPAS.
Br G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.
The subjoined transcripts of a large number of the votive inscriptions, found on the Sânchi, or more correctly Kâkanada,'Stupas Nos. I and II, have been prepared according to impressions by Drs. Burgess and Führer. The former took impressions of about twenty inscriptions in the beginning of 1889, and Dr. Führer, who visited Sânchi during the cold season of 1889-90, made copies of the whole collection. Compared with Sir A. Cunningham's collection, Bhilsa Topes, plates xvi-xix and xxi, the present ones show a hundred and ten inscriptions less for Stúpa I, and twenty-seven less for Stupa II. On the other hand, there are, counting the duplicates, forty-one inscriptions from Stúpa I and five from Stupa II which I cannot trace in Sir A. Cunningham's work. The missing inscriptions are probably incised on stones, which may have been lost in the repairs executed some years ago, or during the forty years which have elapsed since the preparation of Sir A. Cunningham's book. The most serious loss is that of Sir A. Cunningham's No. 177 (Bhilsa Topes, plate xix), see also Corpus Inscr. Ind., vol. I, Plate xx3, which, as I have already pointed out in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, p. 124, seems to contain a second version of Asoka's so-called Kosambi edict on the Allahâbâd Pillar. This much appears highly probable from a comparison of the middle portions of the two inscriptions:
Allahabad.
Sánchi.
..samgham (3) Bhokhati bhikhu [v*] a bhikhuni [vâ*] [] datâ (4) ni du[s] ni s[*]nam. [dh* A]p[*]yit [u] and [p]e (5) assi visapetaviye [] Ichha hi me så (6) ti samghasa mage chilathitîke siyà ti (7).
samgham [.] [Bho]khati bhikhu-va bhikhuni-vâ. [pi] chân [.] (2) da[tâ]ni [d]ushni • na dhâpayitu anapesa . v. s. y. y. [.]
87
Assuming a new sentence to begin with bhokhati L. 5, the remainder of the Sânchi version may be translated as follows:
"Monks and nuns will dine,' (and) causing white cloths to be put down for them, (you) will order it to be spread. For my wish is this, that the path of the Community (of Buddhist monks) may endure for a long time."
The order is evidently addressed to an official, probably to the mahámátra in charge of Målva, just as the edict on the Allahâbâd Pillar gives directions to the governor of
1 See J. F. Fleet: Corp. Inser. Ind. vol. III, p. 31.
Inscriptions found only in Sir A. Cunningham's collection will be referred to in the sequel, according to his numbers to which C is prefixed.
During the repairs under Major Keith, many loose stones were built into the dome, some of which may have borne short votive inscriptions. The Asoka edict was on a fragment of a large pillar, which still lies at the great stúpa. This and others may possibly have been overlooked by Dr. Führer in his hurried visit.-J. B.
Sir A. Cunningham's two facsimiles (4, Bhilea Topes, Plate xix; B, Corp. Inser. Ind., vol. I Plate xx) have the following readings, which I have corrected:
L. 4, ta bhikhu..i omdato (4) cha bhikhuni yi khudatâ (B.);
L. 5, dupáni (4), du [sa] pir (B); sanamh (A, B); .chhavam andte (4); pâyita and (B);
L. 6, vidhapetaviye (4).
L. 7, tim samghamhsa (4), tim (B); milathitikem (4).
I do not dare to propose a restoration of the first three lines of the Sanchi version. Mr. Prinsep's and Sir A. Cunning. ham's attempts (Bhilsa Topes, p. 260 f.) do not seem to me successful.
Or perhaps "(i) a monk or a nun will dine, (then) etc."

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Kosambi. According to Childers, Pali Dictionary (sub voce dussa), it was customary with the Buddhists to spread white cloths on the seats prepared for the reception of distinguished monks. It is this mark of honour which both versions order to be shown to the monks and nuns visiting the sacred places. The concluding sentence of the Sanchi version, which probably was omitted on the Allahabad Pillar, may mean either that the king wishes the tenets (mage) of the Buddhist monks to exist for a long time, or that he desires the visits of the faithful to the sacred places to continue for a long time. The wording of this inscription shows the peculiar breadth which the Beloved of the Gods affects in his edicts, and we have the phrases, familiar to every reader of the latter," for it is my wish" and "that ... may endure for a long time." Finally, it must be pointet out that chilathitika, instead of which the dialect of Malvå would have required chirat. 'ika, as well as the final e of the masculine nominative singular mage, is a Magadhism, and that (as already stated by Sir A. Cunningham) the letters of the Sànchi version show the type of Asoka's Rock and Pillar edicts. This inscription furnishes, therefore, the proof that the pillar at the South Gate, on which it has been found, dates from Asoka's times. It, further, permits us to infer that those inscriptions on the railings of the Stapa, which show the same characters, belong to an equally early period. The latter inference agrees with Sir A. Cunningham's views, who, besides, has assigned the inscriptions on the gateway to much later times. According to his opinion all the latter documents belong to the first century A.D., because their characters are of the same type as his No. 190, which records a donation of Vasithiputa Ânamda, avesani or foreman of the artisans of king Siri-Satakaại. Identifying this Såtakaņi with the third king of the Andhra dynasty, Sir A. Cunningham assigns to him, in accordance with Professor H. H. Wilson's calculations, the years 19-37 A.D., and thus places the date of Ânamda's inscription in the beginning of the first century of our era. Though I fully agree with Sir A. Cunningham in considering the Satakaņi of his No. 190 to be the third Andhra king of the Pauråņik lists, I must differ from him regarding the date. The characters of his inscription No. 190, as well of the others on the Sanchi gateway, are in my opinion much earlier than the first century of our era. They are almost identical with those of the Nanaghåț inscriptions, and differ only slightly from the type of the characters of Asoka's times. It deserves also to be noted that among the inscriptions of the Seth Någapiya two, our Nos. 85 (=C. 182) and C. 192, are in the later characters, while one, our No. 7 (= C. 13) on Stupa No. II, shows the same characters as Aboka's inscriptions. Such a vacillation is easily explicable, if Nagapiya lived in the second century B.C. But it is difficult to understand on the supposition that his donations were made two centuries later. Further, there is another important argument, which makes it probable that the first Siri-Satakani of the Andhra dynasty ruled, not after the beginning of our era, but about the middle of the second century B.C. I can only agree with Dr. Bhagvanlal' in identifying the first Andhra Satakaại with the Satakani, whom Khåravela, king of Kalinga, protected in the second year of his reign. The
• Bhilsa Topes, pp. 271 ff. Sir A. Canningham's assertion that the occurrence of the name Gotiputra (in our No. 48) possesses a great value for determining the age of the railing, is of course no longer tenable. Correctly interpreted, Gotiputra, in Sanskrit Gauptiputra, means only that the royal scribe Subahita was the son of a lady of the Gota or Gaupta race. It by no means follows that be was the same person as the Goti or Gauti who bore the famous Buddhist teacher of Aboka's times.
7 Actes du sixième Congrès int. des Orient., vol. III, 2, p. 146. Dr. Bhagvanlal, who assumes that the Maurya era began with Adoka's conquest of Kalinga, fixes the beginning of Satakani's reign in 98 B.C.

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SANCHI STOPA INSCRIPTIONS.
89
thirteenth year of Khåravela corresponds with the year 168 of the Maurya era (Bhagvanlai, op. cit. p. 149). Assuming, as I believe must be done, that the Maurya era begins with the coronation of Chandragupta, which fell between 322-312 B.C., Khåravela's second year lay between 169 and 169 B.O., and Siri-Satakaņi was on the throne about that time. For these reasons I must assign our Nos. 83-88 and Sir A. Cunningham's Nos. 178, 179, 183, 184, 186-192, 194-196 to the first half of the second century B.C. To the same, and partly even to a later, period belong also our Nos. 13 (0.25), 21 (C. 39), 51 (. 112), 96, 108, 111 and 123. Among these, Nos. 13, 51 and 98 particularly show the characteristics noticeable in the inscriptions of the first century A.D., diz. the inverted da, the square sa, the angular ma, and the anusvára above the line. All these inscriptions, with the exception of No. 21, are very badly engraved and not much better than mere scrawls. Their occurrence on the railings among much older documents may possibly be explained by the supposition that they record repairs of older broken vedikás.
With respect to the age of the inscriptions on Stupa II, it is important to note that one person, who contributed to the gateways of Stapa I, appears as donor of a piece of the railing. This is Seth Nagapiya, whose case has already been noticed. It is further remarkable that Balaka, the pupil of Arahaguta-Sasadaka, occurs in No. 19 (.) of Stupa II, while his teacher is named as donor in No. 18 (C. 35) of Stupa I. These two facts point to the conclusion that portions of, or perhaps the whole, railing were erected somewhat later than Asoka's times. But the interval cannot be very great, because, as Sir A. Cunningham has pointed out (Bhilsa Topes, p. 291), the letters of the inscriptions on Stapa II fully resemble those of Asoka's edicts. And it agrees with this estimate, as Sir A. Cunningham has likewise stated (loc. cit.)," that the Stapa II contained the relics of contemporaries of Asoka, of Moggaliputa, who, according to the Buddhist works, presided at the third Council of Pataliputra, and of Majhima who was sent as missionary to the districts in the Himalaya and is called in the inscription on the relic box savahemapatáchariya "the teacher of the whole Haimavata (district)."
The language of the inscriptions likewise agrees with the assumption that they belong to the third century B.C., and to the first half of the second. It differs very little from the literary Pali and still less from the dialects of Asoka's edicts, and it shares all the peculiarities of that of the Bharhut inscriptions, which latter, with the exception of the inscription over the gateway, on the evidence of their characters belong to the time of the Maurya dynasty.
The inflected forms show, like the Bharhut inscriptions, a mixture of the case terminations used in the eastern and western versions of Asoka's edicts. This is particularly noticeable in the genitives of the feminine stems in i and á, which sometimes end in ya or ya, and sometimes in ye. Not traceable in Pali and Asoka's edicts is the ablative in áto, which occurs three times in I, 51, 59, and 64. It is found once in the Bharhut inscription No. 116. It is very common in the Jaina Mathura inscriptions," and the
. It is also possible that Nagils, the pupil of Aya, mentioned in No. 1 of Stúpa II, may be identical with the venerable Nagila, whose relatives according to No. 84 (C. 181) made a portion of the gateway of Stúpa I.
I cannot agree with Sir A. Cunningham that there were relics of ten contemporaries of Asoka. There are only two names which agree with those mentioned in the Dipavansa and the Maldvana.
* See Dr. E. Hultzsch's excellent edition of these documents in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gerollschaft, vol. XL, p. 58 ff. The references in the sequel give his numbers and readings.
1 See ante, vol. I, p. 372.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
original from which the Sauraseni termination ado and the Mahashtri áo have been derived. Peculiar is also the nominative, instead of the crude form, at the end of the first part of & compound. It occurs once in I. 3, where kekatey akasa jamata-vijitasa is a negligent spelling for kekateyakasa jámátá-Dijitasa, and takes the place of the grammatically correct jámátu or jámáti-dijitasa. The some anomaly is repeatedly observable in the Bharhut inscriptions, see e.g. No. 10, isimigo-játaka, and it is very common in the Jaina Mathura inscriptions. Further, the use of the feminine affix á at the end of female names in derá, e.g. Sonado [de]oá, I, 8; Dhamadevá II, 3; which agrees with that of the Bharhut inscriptions e.g. in Chapadeva, No. 22, differs from the Pali. But it would be correct even in Sanskrit, if the compounds are taken as Bahuvrihis and in the sense of "she whose god is Sona, Dhama, or Chapa."13
The word-forms are in general of the type of the Pali and of Asoka's Girnar edicts. Even the ra, which is never changed to la, is occasionally preserved in groups of consonants. And it is worthy of note that in the name Prátithanasa, I. 12, even the spelling of the initial syllable agrees exactly with that used in the Girnår inscriptions for words like prána, priya and so forth. The á stroke is attached to ra, and both are placed above the pa, which thus shows at the top the well-known wavy line. Some of the words, which differ from those used in Pali and Aboka's edicts, are at least formed according to principles prevalent or traceable in the most ancient Prakrits. Bhichhu, which appears far more frequently than bhikhu, shows the change of ksha to chchha or chha observable in Pali achchhi, a variant for akkhi, and Asoka's chhudaka for khudaka and other words. The only remarkable point is that the form with chha does not occur in this particular case in Pali, nor in Asoka's edicts, but that it is found repeatedly in the Bharhut inscriptions see, e.g., Nog. 27, 31, 65, 120. Nhusá, I. 22, which clearly stands for Sanskrit mushá“ daughter-in-law" has been formed according to the principle applied in Pali to medial on. It is interesting, because neither the Pali nor Asoka's dialects admit the group nh in the beginning of this or any other word. The Pali forms for snusha are sunisá, sunha and husá.16 Nusá, a further corruption of nhusá, appears in our inscription, I. 73. The proper name Patithiya, I. 22, 23, no doubt represents the Sanskrit pratishthita, and thus shows an elision of a medial ta. Such elisions are rare in the most ancient Prakrits. Nevertheless, a number of similar forms has been collected in Professor Kuhn's Beiträge zur Palt Grammatik, p. 56.
A large number of other peculiarities which the Sanchi and Bharhut inscriptions exhibit are, I think, merely graphic and partly due to negligent spelling. Among these I would reckon :(1) The frequent omission of a medial long á, e.g. in danam for dánan, I. 6, 49, 82,
jamata for jámátá, I. 3, Achalaya for Achalaya, I. 6, Sonado[de]vaya for Sonadevaya, I. 8, upasikaye for upásikaye, I. 20, Asvadevaye for Advadeváye, 1. 80, Yasilaya for Yasilaya, I. 33, pojavatiya for pajávatiya, I. 48, bhatu for whátu, I. 63, Samidatasa for Sámidatasa, I, 65, Avisinaye for Avisinaye,
3/8ee ante, vol. I, p. 375.
W such compounds would fall under the general rule of Papini, IV; 1, 4 wbich teaches that nouns in a taked in the feminine
Soe E. Müller: Pali Grammar, p. 56;-Kuhn: Beitrage sur Pali-Grammatik, p. 62.
Another abnormal chha occurs in soch ha, Sanskrit faslaha and Pali sokha, Bharhut inscriptions, No. 16. * The latter probably stood in I, C. 58, where Sir A. Cunningham gives a meaningless pusa; see below, note 27.

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SANCHI STOPA INSCRITIONS.
I. 79, Arapána for Arápáná (ablative), I. 89 Jitamitaye for Jitámitáye, I. 101, Vedisakaya for Vedisakáya, I. 117, Dhamasenaya for Dhamasenaya,
II. 9, and Nagapalitaya for Nágapálitaya, II. 10." (2) The occasional omission of short i, e.g., in Dhamarakhatáye for Dhamarakhitáye,
I. 76, and bhich hunaya for bhichhuniyá, I. 119 (3) The almost invariable omission of medial anusváras, e. g. in Udubaraghara
and its derivatives (see Appendix, List V), in Nadinagara and its derivatives (see ibidem), Tubavana (ibidem), Upidadata (see Appendix, List III), in the proper names beginning with Dhamao (see Appendix, Lists I-V), and in
atenási for anterási I. 12, 66, 88, 112. It seems to me that the omission of the long á is due everywhere to carelessness, and has for its ultimate cause the custom, common even in late times among clerks and tradesmen, of omitting the vowel-marks altogether; for, the real existence of forms like jamata, jataka and jitamita, in the spoken language, has little probability. As regards the omission of i-strokes and of the Anusvåras, it is possible to conceive also of other explanations. The syllables in which the iis omitted stand, one and all, in thesi, i.e. immediately before or after the syllable which bears the stress-accent. A vowel which is placed in such a position is very indistinct, and it is not impossible that na and kha were sometimes actually pronounced instead of ni and khi in words like bhichhúnavá and Dhamarakhatáye. A good many vowel-changes in the literary Prakrits are due to this principle, and a still greater number in the modern vernaculars of India. It must also be noted that in Asoka's inscriptions aya appears occasionally instead of iya," and for the same reason.
With respect to the omission of the Anusvåra it must be borne in mind that the spelling dhamao instead of dhammao is perfectly admissible, because in these inscriptions a single consonant does duty for a double one, and hence dhama may be read dhamma, as the word is invariably spelt in Pali. Further, Upidadata and Tuhavana may stand for Upidadata and Túbavana, because long { and d are marked very rarely in these, as in other old inscriptions. But forms like Upidadatta and Tábavana are again admissible in Pali and other ancient Prakrits, where t and a may be put for in and un as in siha, pisati and so forth. And it must be noted that the form fda for Indra occurs repeatedly, e.g. in L. 1 of the large Nânåghat inscription, Archeological Rep. West Ind., Vol. V, p. 60. A form like Nadinagara may be a negligent spelling for Nádinagara, which actually occurs in our inscription I. 7; for the Pali and the other Prakrits show in a number of cases á for an, e.g., in datha for danshtrá, sandása for samdamba and so forth. It is no matter of surprise that the dialect of the inscrip. tions should show these changes more frequently than the literary language of the Buddhist canon. These explanations of the omission of the Anusvåra seem to me more probable than the assumption that it is simply in every case due to negligence.
Turning to the contents of the inscriptions, the latter offer, in spite of their extreme brevity, a good many points of interest. Among the two hundred and eighty-five in
17 Analogous cases are extremely common in the Bharhut inscriptions, and it will suffice to quote one sentence, No. 155, yan brdhmano anayesi jatakan, which, as Dr. Holtzsch has pointed out, is a quotation from Jatakas, vol. I. p. 293, verne 61 (Fausböll), where the text has yan brahmano avddesi.
* See M. Separt's collection of such forts in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 304; and my additions in der Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XLV, p. 164, to which instances chelaya for Sanskrit chai tye, Pali chetiya, bas to be added from the Bharbut inscription No. 11.
x 2

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scriptions, contained in Sir A. Cunningham's and the present collections, there are ten, recording donations by corporate bodies or families. The remainder give the names of individual donors. If a certain number of mutilated, or according to the facsimiles inexplicable, inscriptions are left out, and if the homonymous donors are considered to be the same persons, we find among them fifty-four monks and thirty-seven nung, as well as ninety-one males and forty-five or forty-seven females, who probably were lay members of the Buddhist sect.
On the other hand, it is not improbable that two persons, bearing slightly different names, may be identical. Thus the monk Jonaka, I, O. 152, may be the same as the monk Jonhaka, I, 75.
Among the corporate bodies making donations, there are, according to the explana. tions given below, two villages, Vejaja I, 17, and Padukulikà II, 1. Sir A. Cun. ningham (Bhilsa Topes, p. 240 and p. 280) takes in both cases gráma as a personal name or as a part of such. But gráma is not used in such a manner, and the translation of Vejajasa gámasa dánam by “Gift of Vejajjagrama," is grammatically inadmissible, as that could only be Vejajagámasa dánań. On the other hand, the form of the two names agrees well with the suggestion that they denote villages, for, PâdukulikA corresponds to Pandukulika, 'the little dwelling,' or the little sanctuary of Pandu, ie. the Naga Paņdu, and the word Vejaja closely agrees in its ending with the terminations aj, ej, and ij, which occur in hundreds of Indian village names as corruptions of the affixes aya, eya and iya". Its first part corresponds to Sanskrit vaidya, which possibly may be an abbreviation of Vaidyanátha, Pious donations, made by villages or towns, do not occur frequently in the inscriptions", and those recorded on the Sanchi Ståpas possess a particular interest for, though, perhaps, they do not prove that all the inhabitants of Vejaja and Padukulikå were Upåsakas of the Buddhist Sangha, they yet indicate that their most influential men, the members of the village Panch, belonged to the Bauddha sect, and that Buddhism had gained a footing among the agricultural population of Malvå. Of equal interest is the mention of a Bodhagothi, in I, 25, 26. The compound corresponds to Bauddhagosthi. A goshthi is a committee of trustees in charge of a temple or of a charitable foundation. The inscriptions teach us, therefore, that the village of Dharmavardhana possessed a Bauddha shrine, or perhaps a Vihara, which was managed by such a committee. The fact that Goshthis existed in the third century B.C. is of some importance. The term gotht occurs also in I, 51, where it is preceded by the word Barulamisáya or Barulamisána. I am unable to explain the latter term. The collective gift of the Vedisaká dámtakárá, or workers in ivory of Vedis a. I, O. 189, probably indicates that these artisans formed a guild, or frent, such as the Nasik inscriptions mention repeatedly.
Among the remaining inscriptions of this class, which mention the Vakiliyas of Ujjain, I, 27, O. 21, all the relatives of the venerable Nagila, I, 84, and the Upåsikas
# This is, of course, by no means certain, because in some cases persons bearing the same names are clearly distinct. Thus Asradera, the mother of Bahadata (1, 30), is certainly not the same person as Asyadeve, the mother of Bamiks (I, C. 88), nor the nun Isidata of Madhuvana (I, C. 132), the same as the nun Isidata of Kurana.
* The number of the Upsikâs is uncertain, because possibly the Odi, mentioned I, 82, may be identical with the nun OdI, II, 11, and because the interpretation of I, 21 is uncertain.
The map of Gujarat furnishes 6. g. Adalaj, Arnej, Kamlej, Kamrej, Pariyaj, Palej, Prantij, Sarkhej. Among these Kamrej (also Kamlej), east of Barat, was called in Sanskrit Karmaneya or Kamaniya (Indias Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 198).
# Vaidya Curi M the name of village in the Nepal inscriptions; Ind. Ant. vol. IX. p. 176. # The Bharhut inscription No. 16 mentions a gift of the town of Karahakata (Barbakata-nigames).

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SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
98
or female lay worshippers of Navagâma, I, C. 53, the first two are the most interesting. If, as I believe to be the case, the Vakală devi, the mother of Ahimita, mentioned in I, 0.8, belonged to this family, it must have been a royal, or at least a noble race. With this supposition, Vakiliya, further, must be considered to stand for Vákaliya. It would then correspond to Sanskrit Várkaliya and Vakalá to Várkald. Both forms might be somewhat irregular patronymics from Vrikala, which name is found in the mythological lists of the Puranas (see the Petersburg Dictionary, sub doce).
Proceeding to the inscriptions which mention donations made by monks and nans, the first point, which must strike every reader, is their great number, which i proportionally greater than that found on any other Stapa except at Bharhut or in the caves. As the Buddhist ascetics could not possess any property, they must have obtained by begging the money required for making the rails and pillars. This was no doubt permissible, as the purpose was a pious one. But it is interesting to note the different proceedings of the Jaina ascetics, who, according to the Mathura and other inscriptions, as a rule, were content to exhort the laymen to make donations and to take care that this fact was mentioned in the votive inscriptions. Another interesting point in which these inscriptions again agree with those of the Bharhut Stupa is the entire absence of all mention of the Buddhist sects, which are frequently named in the Nasik, Kårlé, Amaravati and other inscriptions. There are, on the other hand, a few specifications or titles given to certain monks and nuns, which are not without importance. Two terms of this kind, Sutátilini or salati. kini, I, 79, 80, "a female reciter of the Suttanta or the stras" and dhamakathiko, I, C. 191, "a reciter of the Dhamma," have been recognised by the earlier decipherers. But, a third very interesting one, pachanekayika, I. 66, has escaped detection. Pachanekayika is a negligent spelling for páchanekāyika or panchanekáyika, which former occurs in the Bharhut inscription No. 144, in Sanskrit páñchanaikáyika, and means, as Dr. Hultzsch has translated it, loc. cit., "one who knows the five Nikåyas." The five Nikayas are (see Childers, Pali Dictionary, sub voce) the five divisions of the Satta Pitaka, the Dighanikåyo, Majjhimanikâyo, Samyuttanikâyo, Anguttaranikdyo and Khaddakanikâyo. The title furnishes, therefore, a clear proof of the existence of these divisions of the Sutta Pitaka at the time wben the inscription was incised. And this time must be the third century B.C., as the letters of the inscription fully agree with those of Asoka's edicts." The discovery that the five great subdivisions of the Sutta Pitaka existed at so early a period lends some support to the view of those scholars who, like Professor Oldenberg, identify the titles of some of the treatises mentioned in Aboka's longer Bairat edict with portions of the Majjhimanikâyo and Anguttaranikâyo. Yugapajaka, I, 74, which I translate tentatively by "the path-(finder) of the age,” seems to be a new title.
Among the individual monks named in the inscriptions, there are none who can be identified with any of the great men in the Buddhist scriptures. But the names of some, e.g. Bhamduka and Tisaka, agree with such as are found in Dr. Wenzel's Index. Aya-Pasanaka, I, 5, must, however, have been a man of some importance, as two pupils of his are mentioned on a pillar of the Sonåri Tope No. I. Monks and nuns, who
* See sloo Dr. Haltzuch's remarks on this and other clerical titles in the Bharbut inscriptions, op. cit., p. 58, and on the quotation from the Jotaka, ibidem, p. 76.

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had one pupil, there are several. Peculiar and noteworthy are the names of monks and nuns, which like Kaboja, Pratithana, Chirati, and perhaps also Odi, consist of adjectives derived from the names of countries, towns and races. In these cases it would seem that the real name of the donors has been left out. Some similar names occur among the laymen-thus the name of Kekațeyaka, I. 1. 3, the father of Dhamaand father-in-law of Vijita, apparently stands for Sanskrit Kaikateyaka, and means he of the Kikata country or Magadha.'
As regards the persons who are not marked as monks, and presumably were laymen, the specifications of their social position, which are sometimes added, possess some interest. To the highest rank belongs the Våkaladevi, I, O. 8. Descending lower in the social scale, we have a gahapati, or village land holder, I, 22, 23. Next we find numerous persons bearing the title sethi, sheth, or alderman, II, 11, 35, 57, 85, 99, 115; C. 45, C. 46, C. 94, II, C. 8. Simple traders ránija or vánika are mentioned I, 47, 81, 91, 0.119. A royal scribe rájalipikara occurs I, 49, a professional writer, lekhaka, I, C. 48, & (royal) foreman of artisans, avesani, I, C. 190, & trooper, asavárika, I, 117, and a humble workman, kamika, I, 10. The prevalence of merchants and traders seems to indicate, what indeed may be gathered also from the sacred books of the Buddhists, that this class was the chief stronghold of Buddhism. The mention of professional writers is of some importance on account of the great age of the inscriptions. Among the epithets given to females the repeated occurrence of the old Pali title pajavati, literally a mother of children,' I, 8, 48, 95, 117; 0.45, C. 46, C. 62, is not without interest, and the fact that some females are named merely the mother of N. N., and, that others proudly associate the names of their sons with their own," is worthy of note. Very peculiar is the phrase I. 73, Tápasiyánam nusáya Mitaya of Mita, the daughterin-law of the Tapasiyas'. The inscriptions I. C. 58, 0.59 and O. 67, of which unfortunately no impressions are accessible, indicate that the Tapasiyas were a family or tribe residing in Ujjain. If Mita is called the daughter-in-law of this community, that looks very much like a confirmation or practical illustration of a view regarding the legal position of married women mentioned as existing, but combated as objectionable by Apastamba, Dharmasttra, II, 10, 27, 3. He says, "For, they declare that a bride is given to the family (of her husband, and not to the husband alone)." I must content myself for the present with pointing out the possibility of a connexion between the wording of our inscription and the passage of Åpastamba. In order to prove it, more inscriptions containing the same or similar statements, and further information regarding the Tapasiyas, are required.
* See Prof. Rhys Davids : Sacred Books of the East, vol. XI, p. 867, note. * Bee 1, 2, 59, 72, 108; I. C. 37; C. 66; C. 166. 1 See e.g. I, 30; C. 83. Similar canes occur frequently in other Buddhist, and also in the Jaina inscriptions.
* According to Sir A. Cunningham's copies the three inscriptions run as follows:-No. 58, Ujoniga Tapasaydna Pwanajaya ddnath; No. 59, Ujoya, Tapasdyand Irimdtasa ddeant; No. 67, Uenigd Tapasiyend Sihadataya darath, None of the texts can be quite correct. I suspect that the real readings are: (1) Ujeniya Tapasiydna kuad-Naddya ddnatt, "The gift of NadA (Nandd), daughter-in-law of the Tapasiyas, from Ujjain;" () Ujeniga Tapaniydnd Isimitasaddnarh. - The gift of loimita (Rishmitra) of the Tapasiyas, from Vijain; (3) Ujeniya Tdporydnd Sihadataya donant, "The gift of Sihadata (Sith hadatta) of the Tapasiyas from Ujjain." If we combine the information conveyed by these inscrip tions with the statement of our No. 73, it is evident that the Tapasiyas were a family or tribe, settled in Ujjain. I do not think it neomsary to anume, with Bir A. Cunningham (Bhilsa Topes, p. 366), that they were ascetics. We have also Parivrajaka RAJA, Corp. Insor. Ind., vol. III, pp. 97ff. I may add that Sir A. Cunningham identifies, loc. cit., the Tapasiya with the "Tabasi Magorum" and the "Tabasa geus" of the classical authors.

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SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
95
The names of various lay donors and, I may add, of a few monks furnish also some valuable information regarding the existence of the Paurâņik worship during the third and second centuries B.C. A very large proportion of the names, e.g. Araha, Arah aka, Arahadata, Arahadina, Arahadása, Arabadasi, Arahata pålita, Ara haguta, Dhamadata, Dhamaguta, Dhamarakhita, Dhamapalita, Budhila, Budhapålita, Bodhi, Sagba, Samghila, Sagbadina, Saghadeva, Saghamita and Sangharakhita, is decidedly Buddhist. Another considerable group of proper names, e.g. A sada, Mula (i.e. Múlá), Muladata, Phaguna, Pothaka, Pusa, Pusaka, Pusini, Pusagiri, Pusarakhita, Pothaka, Pothadeva, Rohiņi (Rohini), Sátila, Svatiguta, has been derived from the names of Nakshatras, and points to the conclusion that the rule of some Grihyasútras," which recommends the use of nakshatranámáni, was practically obeyed. The same inference may be drawn from almost all other collections of ancient inscriptions and from various ancient Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jaina works. There are further some names, such as A gisima (Agnisarma), A gido[de] vå, Bahadata (Brahmadatta), Mahida, Mita, Vesa manadata, Visvadeva, Yamarak hita, which are closely connected with the ancient Vedic worship; and some,
Någå, Nagila, Nagadatta, and so forth, bear witness for the existence of the snake• worship, which was common to the Brahmanists and the heterodox sects. Finally, the
names Vinhukå, an abbreviation for Vishnudattå or Vishnurakshita, Upidadata or Opedadata (Upendradatta), Balaka and Bala mitra (connected with one of the heroes of the legend of Krishna, Baladeva or Balarama, who is also called Bala), furnish evidence for the development of Vaishnavism, while Nadiguta (Nandigupta), Namdi. giri, Samidata (Svámi, i.e. Kumara-datta), Samika and Samika (Svámika, Svámiká), Sivanadi (Sivanandi) do the same service to Saivism. It is also possible that Isadata and Himadata are likewise Saiva names. If the former has been correctly read, it corresponds to Sanskrit Isadatta. The other two may be connected wth Hima, a name of Durga. They may, however, be also derived from Hima, "the moon."
The occurrence among the Buddhists of names connected with the ancient Vedic religion, as well as of such as are connected with Vaishṇavism and Saivism, in these early inscriptions, has no doubt to be explained by the assumption that their bearers or their ancestors adhered to these creeds before their conversion, and that they received their names in accordance with the established custom of their families. The rules regarding the giving of names were probably then as lax among the Buddhists as they are in the present day among the heterodox sects of India, which by no means restrict themselves to the lists of their particular saints or deities. Their historical value consists therein that they form a link in the chain of evidence which enables us to trace the existence, nay the prevalence of Vaishnavism and Saivism, not only during the third century B.C., but during much earlier times, and to give a firm support to the view now held by a number of Orientalists, according to which Vaishṇavism and Saivism are older than Buddhism and Jainism. By exactly the same method of analysis which has been here applied to the names on the Sànchi Stapa, it is possible
► See, e.g., Hir. Gri. S4. II, 4, 13.
* I would explain Nandigiri by "he whose mountain (i e. protection) is or may be Nandin," on the analogy of Dantidurga, for which Dame Dantivarman appears. Devagiri, Himagiri, Dhamagirika, Sibagiri may be explained similarly, though Dovagiri and Himagiri may also be considered as personal names derived from mountain Dames Vijba, i.e. Vindbya, furnishes a certain instance of the latter kind.
* Possibly the correct form may be leidata, i.e. Riskidutta, (compare Isiguta).

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to extract from those occurring in the canonical works of the Buddhists, the proof that the Pâurdņik religions flourished at the time when those works were composed. If, e.g., we learn from the Bhikkhupáchittiya, II, 1, that the ox of a Brahman in Takshasila was called Nandivisalo " as big as Nandi," it is not doubtful that the animal had received its name in honour of Siva's vehicle, and that Saivism was popular at the time when the Suttavivhanga was composed and probably earlier.
The last point which calls for remark is the identification of the numerous geographical names which the inscriptions offer. A small proportion of the latter causes no. great difficulty. Erakina, as must be read instead Dharakina, is without doubt the modern Erau in the Sågar district of the Central Provinces, which on the ancient copper coins is called Erakana or Erakaņa, and in Sanskrit Airikiņa." Mahisati is the ancient town of Mahishmati, identified with the modern Mandal," Pokhara, the ancient Pushkara and the modern Pokhar near Ajmir, Pratițhåna (the base of the male proper name. Pratithana) either Allahabad or Paithan on the Godavari, Ujent, the modern Ujjain, and Vedisa the modern Besnagar.
Further Kuraghara, which appears five times, I would identify with the village of Kuraraghara, which according to the Buddhist scriptures lay in Avanti or Eastern Malva, and was the residence of Mahakachchayana.* Kuraraghara is, of course, the etymologically correct form of the name, and Kura ghara, a corruption by a kind of haplophony, which occurs more frequently in geographical and other names. The Indian Atlas, Quarter Sheet, No. 53 N.E., shows in 23° 38' N. Lat., and 77° 5' E. Long.. an apparently not inconsiderable place, called “Kurawar,' which may be the modern representative of Kuraghara.
With respect to the remaining towns and villages it is difficult to offer more than more or less uncertain conjectures, because there is no indication to which part of India they belonged, and because many of the names occur scores of times on the map of India, and more than once even in the immediate neighbourhood of Sånchi-Kakanada. Thus it is possible to suggest that Tuba vana may be identical with the southern district of Tumbavana mentioned in the Brihat-Samhita, XIV, 15, or with its chief town; that Sonara, the etymon of the adjective Sonaraka, is the modern Sonåri close to Sanchi where some stupas exist; that the name of Påðåna, the etymon of the adiective Padaniya, is preserved in the modern Parana, Lat. 23° 86' N. and 76° 38' E. Long. (Ind. Atl. Q. Sh. No. 63 N. W.); and that Na(m) dinagara and Kapasigama correspond with the modern Nandner', Lat. 23° 4' N. and Long. 76° 6' E. (Ind. Atl. Q. Sh. No. 53 N.W.) and Kapasi Lat. 23° 28' N. and Long. 77° 54' E. But it must not be forgotten that there were, and are, several 'Nandinagaras' and Nandners, and that another Kapasi' is found at no great distance in Lat. 23° 55' N. and Long. 77o E. The same remarks apply with still greater force to such places as Madhuvana, Udubaragbara, the etymon of the adjective Udubaraghariya, and Aba, i.e. Amba, the etymon of Abeyaka; for the corresponding modern Madhuban, Mahu, Umra or Umrer and Ambagan are found over and over again in the neighbourhood of Sånchi and in more distant districts. For the present it is not advisable to do more
* Fleet: Corpus Inscr. Ind., vol. III, p. 18, note 2. » Cunningham: Ancient Geography, p. 488.
** Jhúsi, opposite to Allahabad, -see Führer: Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, p. 138. -Ed. E.I.
See Dr. Wenzel's Index: Jour. Pali Test Soc., 1888.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF SANCHI STUPA, NO. I.
than to note the names and to point out some of the possibilities which they suggest All of them may, hereafter, become important. Hence they have been given in alphabetical order, just as well as the personal names, in the Appendix to this paper.
TOPE I.
No. 1 = C. 1.
केकटेयकपुतस धमसिवस दानं [*] "
"The gift of Dhamasiva (Dharmativa), son of Kekateyaka (Kaikafeyaka).
No. 2 C. 4.
=
धमगिरिकस मातु दानं [1]
"The gift of Dhamagirika's (Dharmagirika's) mother,"
No. 3 C. 5.
कटेयकस जमत विजितस दानं [1] "
"The gift of Vijita, son-in-law" of Kekateyaka (Kaikafeyaka).
No. 4 C. 6.
anteer forget and [1]
"The gift of the monk Káda (Kanda)."
No. 5 C. 13.
अयपसनकस भिडुनी दानं [*]
"The gift of the monk Aya-Pasanaka (the venerable Prasannaka)."
No. 6 C. 14.
=
नदिनंगरा अचलय भिखुनिया दनं [14]
"The gift of the nun Achalà, from Nadinagara (Nandinagara)."
No. 7 = C. 15.
नादिनगरा काबोजस भिक्षुनो दानं [1]
"The gift of the monk Káboja (Kamboja) from Nadinagara (Nandinagara).
97
No. 8 = 0. 16.
सिहरस्थित पजावतिय सोषदोषय दानं [19]"
"The gift of Sonadeva (Suvarpadeva or Soyadevá), wife of Sibarakhita (Sinkarakshila)."
"Possibly, but see No. 3. Below this is a modern Devanagari inscription: raka wafa faat (1) The king (P), the illustrious Såvadeva, adores constantly."
An apparent e-stroke above the last is an accidental scratch.
seems to stand for, the nominative being used instead of the stem.
There are three impressions showing these words, and the differences in the shape of the letters seem to indicate that they have been derived from three different inscriptions.
चचचय stands for चचचाय and दनं for दानं.
* सोचदोवय is meant for सोचदेवाय.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No.9 = C. 19. धमरखितस भिछुनो दानं [*] "The gift of the monk Dhamarak hita (Dharmarakshita)."
No. 10 = C. 20. पठस कमिकस दानं [*] " "The gift of Atha (Artha), the labourer (2)...
No. 11 =C. 23. L. 1. सामनेरस
2. पबेयकस
3. सेठिनो दानं [1] " Thegift of Samanera, the Abeyaka sheth (i.e. the Sheth of atonon or village called Aba or Amba, in Sanskrit Ámra-gráma).
No. 12 = C. 24. प्रातिठानस भिकुनी हाटियस प्रतवासिनो दानं [] "The gift of the Pratithana monk (i.e. the monk from Pratishthana), pupil of Hatiya."
No. 13 = C. 25. उदुबरधरियस सीहरखितस दानं [*] The gift of Siharakhita (Simharakshita), inhabitant of Udubaraghara (Udum. baragriha)."
No. 16 = C. 30. धमरखिताय मधुवनिकाये दानं [*] " The gift of Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshita), inhabitant of Madhuvana."
No. 16 = C.33. L. 1. [गोतिपुतस L. 2. भंडुकस
L. 3. भिछुनो दान [1] "The gift of the monk Bhamduka. son of .Goth (i.e. of a mother of the Gaupta race).
No. 17 = 0.34. L.1. वेजजस गामस दा
L. 2. नं [1] "The gift of the Vejaja village." "
" The introke in expressed by a prolongation of the upper right limbof.म.
• With the proper name Samaners (Srdmanera), literally "anovic compare the name Sumand; Bharbut Inscr.. ed. Hultzacb, No. 29, and Samana; I, C. 179.
. The n in faint and blurred, the Annarkra distinct. Both stand aborstboline. 4 Regarding the correctness of Prinsep's interpretation, which the above translation follows, see the Introduetion.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF SANCHI STUPA, No. L.
No. 18 = 0. 35. Eye Terçam fugit er [1] "The gift of Arahaguta (Arhadgupta), inhabitant of Sasada."
No. 19 = C. 36. L. 1. THE
L. 2. Cata ca [*] “The gift of Subhaga, inhabitant of Kuraghara (Kuraragriha)." *
No. 20 = 0. 38. sfera sufuata fra [*]* "The gift of Vudina (Vyudirná), a female lay-disciple.
No. 21 = C. 39. #T[**] Hvarit varrafs [1*]" “The measuring-staff of the Divine one (Buddha, the gift) of Kakaņa" (i.e. probably kákini, 'the little crow').
* No. 22 = C. 40. तुववना गहपतिनो [प]तिठियन्हुसाय वेसमन[दत]येि दानं [*]" “The gift of Vesamanadatà (Vaisravanadattá), daughter-in-law of Patithiya (Pratishthita), a gahapati from Tubavana (Tumbavana).
No. 23 = 0. 41. gaat facit ufafoue erat [*] The gift of the gahapati Patițhiya (Pratishthita) from 'Tubavana (Tumbavana).
No. 24 = C. 43. Tigt fefercifer Era [l*] “The gift both of Nadávu (Nandáyu ?) and of Nadivirohi (Nandidirohin)."
No. 25 = 0. 73. बोधगोठिय धमवढनना दानं [*] “The gift of the Bauddha Committee of Trustees from Dhamavadhanana (Dharmavardhanana."
+ Regarding this name see the Introduction.
* The vowels of the first two syllables of the first word, and of the last two syllables of the second word, are not quite distinct.
4 Possibly Gurl is to be read.
Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji according to Mr. Fleet, Corp. Insc. Ind. vol. III, p. 91, took ove to stand for T T . 4. The fourth and fifth consonants of the last word but one are not certain. At first sight they look like TT.
Regarding the precise meaning of fa, see the Introduction.
+ Regarding the erplanation of Bodbagothi, see the Introduction. Though the term Dhamavadhanana occurs twice, it is probably a mistake for Dhamavadhana. Only the latter gives a sense, and its Sanskrit equivalent is mentioned as a village name in the Ramayana, I, 74, 10, see the Petersb. Dict.; .. v.
02

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 26. बोधागोठिया धमवढनना दान [*]s
No. 27 = 0.76.9 उजनिया वाकिलियाना दान [*] "The gift of the Vakiliyas, from Ujjain."
No. 28 = 0.78. चिरातिय भिछुनिया दन [1] "The gift of the nun Chirati (Kirát:)"
No. 29 = 0.79. सधनस भिछुनो दान [] “The gift of the monk Sadhana (ie. Sa-dhana or Sad-dhana").
No. 30 = C. 80. पखदेवये बहदतमातु दान [*] "The gift of Asvadeva (asvadevi), mother of Bahadata (Brahmadatta)".
No. 31 = 0.81. उगिरीयकस खतिगुतस दान [*] The gift of Svatiguta (Svátigupta), an inhabitant of Ugira.
No. 32 = 0.82. परहगुताय दान [1] The gift of Arahagutå (Arhadguptá)".
No. 38 = 0.84. यसिलय पविवसिनि संघरखिताय दान [[-] "The gift of Samgbarakhita (Samgharakskitá), pupil of YasilA (Yabild)".
No. 34 = 0.88. यसिताय दान [*] "The gift of Yasila (Yafild)".
No.' =C.87. सेठिनो पटिकमकारिकाना दान [1] "The gift of the sheth, the great executor of repairs"."
This is apparently a second inscription of the same import w No. 36, not a second impression of No. 86. For the time of most letters does not agree in the least and the termination of the first word ends in instead of in .
-BeealsoI,C.11.
The submaribed of afogag is not quita distinct. w Possibly fafect to be read.
I take forvifTet M pluralis majutatis, agreeing with the singular efavit, se sboro, vol. I, p. 573.

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101
No. 36 = 0. 90. इपिददतस दानं [1] "The gift of Upidadata (Upendradatta)."
___No. 37 = 0.92. पाषमता सधदिनाय भिकुनिय दान [*] “The gift of the nun Saghadina (Sanghadattá) from Våghumata."
No. 38 = 0.93. यचिय भिछुनिये वेदिसा दानं [] “The gift of the nun Yakhi (Yaksht) from Vedisa (Vidi&d)."
No.39 = 0.95. अररिये तापसिया मातु दान [*] “The gift of Kurari, the mother of Tapasi."
No. 40 = 0.99. कापासिगामा पररास दानं [*]°° "The gift of Araha (Arhat) from Kapasigama (Kārpāsigrāma)".
No. 41 = 0. 101. पटकबुवा भदकस दानं [*] " The gift of Bhadaka (Bhadraka) from Kataka iu."
__ No. 42 = 0. 102. चपथकस दानं [1] “The gift of Apathaka (Apārthaka)".1
___No. 43 = 0. 103. भोमवमवस पवितिगुतस [1] "(The gift) of Ajitiguta (4j(tigupta ?), inhabitant of Bhogavadhana (Bhogacardhana)."
No. 44 = C. 104. मीरसिधिवटि परदिनस दान [*] "The gift of Arahadina (Arhaddatta) in Morasihikata (Mayurasimhikata):
No. 45 = 0. 105. भोगवधन धमरथितय सिवनदिनो मातु [*] "(The gift) of Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshita), mother of Sivanadi (Sivanandiny trom Bhogavadhana (Bhogavardhana)." + Perhaps मानवी
Tdpool may be aither a proper or a family name, there w a T&pasiya family (ne the Introduction).
There are two impressions with these words. The differences of the characters show that they have been derived from two diferent inscriptions.
• The letters are much blurred.
I take the name to be formel from apdrtha, "who has renounced (the soquisition of) wealth." It may, of course, also compond with Banskrit alpdrthaka, 'poor.'
There are two impressione bearing these words. The differences of the charnoters show that they have been derived from two different ineeriptions.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 48 = C. 107. नवगमकसमिकाये उजेनि[१]रा दानं [*] "The gift of Samika (Svāmikā), inhabitant of Navagama (Navagrāma) from the district of Ujjain. No.47 = C. 108. .
. L.1. सिरिगुतस
L.2. वानिजस दानं [] “The gift of the merchant Siriguta (Srigupta)."
No. 48 = C. 109. सुबाहितस पजवतिया मझिमाया दानं [*] "The gift of Majhima (Madhyamā), wife of Subahita.
No. 49 = C. 110. L. 1. सुबाहितस गोतिपुतL. 2. स राजलिपिकरस
L. 3. दनं [*] "The gift of the scribe Subahita, son of a Goti (i. e. of a mother of the Gaupta race)."
___No. 50 = C. 111. तिरिडपदा नागाय उपासिकाय--85 " (The gift) of the female lay disciple Naga, from Tiridapada (Tiridapadra?)."
No. 51 = C. 112. बरलमि[साय] गोठिया दान [व]दिसातो [*]on "The gift of the Barulamisa Committee from Vedisa (Vidiść)."
___No. 52 = C. 113. L. 1. धमरखिताये भिखनिय काचुपये
L. 2. दान [*] "The gift of the nun Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshita) in Kachupatha."
No. 53 = C. 114. धमरखितस काचुपथस भि[]नो दान [*] . . “The gift of the monk Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshita), inhabitant of Kachu. . patha."
• Vijenihård may stand for Ujjeni dhárd (nee E. Müller: Puli Grammar, pp. 40-41). Xhara is the well-known ancient revenue term, corresponding to the moderu Collectorate.. It follows that Navadna ww situated in the neighbourboud of Ujjain.
There is a second copy, which bears only afte 479[a] ... The letters show that it has been taken from another inscription.
The last two syllables et and half the preceding 7 are wanting in the impression. " Possibly बालमिसान.
W Ponsibly भिकुनिये ; According to sir A. Canningham's copy the letter - has been lost after काचुपथे. I am, howerers unable to make any sense out of such a reading.
.

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103
No. 54 = C. 115. संधानस भिछ दानं [[*] " The gift of the monk Samdhana."
No. 65 = 0.116. पुसगिरिनो नावगामकस दानं [1] " The gift of Pusagiri (Pushyagiri), inhabitant of Navagama (Navagrāma)."
___No. 56 = C. 117. भिछुकस पाडानियस दान [1] "The gift of Bhichhuka (Bhileshuka), inhabitant of Padana."
___No. 67 = C. 124. L. 1. सामनेरस प्रबेय
L. 2. कस सेठिनो दान [*] "The gift of Samanera, the A beyaka Sheth."
__No. 58 = C. 125. नदिगुतस दाना भिछुनो [[*]°° “The gift of Nadiguta (Nandigupta), the monk."
__No. 59 = C. 127. परा[पानातो परहदिन ---- [*]n “(The gift) of Arahadina ('s mother) from Arapana."
No. 60 = 0. 128. तंबलमडा कुज - दानं [*]" "The gift of Kuja-(2) from Tambalamada."(e)
No. 61 = 0. 129. - धुवना धमगुतस भिछुनो दानं [[*]73 “The gift of the monk Dhamagata (Dharmagupta) from Madhuvana."
__No. 62 = 0. 131. महागिरिनो भिछुनो दानं [1] " The gift of the monk Mahagiri."
No. 63 = C. 135. उपसिझस फगुनस भतु भिकुनो [*] - Read भिड्नी. " See above, No. 11. *The apparent 4-stroke at the end of Eat may possibly be an anurvåra, run together with the nSir A.Cunningham completes स मातु दान. • Last sign of कुज-is not decipherable. I suspect that कुजर, i.. कुन्धर, is mesnt (see Bharhat Inser)-No.104. 71 Restore F UIT.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
"The gift of the monk Upasijha (Upasidhya), brother of Phaguna (Phálgana)."
No. 64 = C. 136. भोगवढनातो सिरखिताय [1] " (The gift) of Isirakhita (Rishirakshiti) from Bhogavadhana (Bhogavardhana)."
No. 65 = 0. 139. समिदतस भिछुनो दानं [1 • The gift of the monk Samidata (Svāmidatta)."
No. 66 = C. 140-141. L. 1. देवगिरिनो पचनेकयिकस
L2. भिकुनो स पतेवसि --यो [*] * " (The gift) of the monk Devagiri, who knows the five Nikayas," and of his
pupil.”
No. 67 = 0.142. पुसकस भिछुनो दान [*] " The gift of Pusaka (Pushyaka) the monk."
___No. 68 = 0. 143. चुडस च धमरखितस च भिकुनं दानं [*] · The gift both of Chuda (Kshudra) and Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakahita)."
No. 69 = 0. 144 उजनिये पगिसिमये दान [1] “The gift of Agisima (Agnisarmá) in Ujjain." 70
___No. 70 %=C. 145. L. 1. [प्रा] तिठानस भिकुनो दानं
L. 2. प[यतिस]कस अंतेवासिनो [] "The gift of the monk Pratithana", pupil of Aya-Tisaka (the venerable Tishyaka)."
No. 71 = C. 146. बुधरखितस भिछुनो दानं एकावतस [1] “The gift of the monk Budharakhita (Buddharakshita), the Ejavata.""
# Though the lat sign looks like , I suspect that the writer meant to give Sa-alovdrino dánart. 7See the Introduction.
Possibly fare is to be read. 17 Ponibly from or faume.-The other three bracketed syllables are very faint. " Bee above, No. 12.
* The dymological meaning of er would be "endowed with desire." This, of course, dow not suit here. the word to be an adjective, derived from the game of town.
I tako

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INSCRIPTIONS OF SANCHI STUPA, NO. I.
No. 72 C. 148.
=
परापाना असाडस मातु दानं [14] 0
"The gift of Asada's (Askáḍha's) mother, from Arapana."
L. 1. उजेनिया ताप
L. 2. सियानं नुसा
L. 3. मिताय
No. 73 C. 149.
=
L. 4. दानं [*]
"The gift of Mità (Mitra), daughter-in-law of the Tapasiyas, from Ujjain."
No. 74 C. 150.
[भ]डियस सपुरिसस युगपणकस दानं (1) "
19 83
"The gift of the Bharaḍiya, the holy man, the path-(finder) of the age."
No. 75 C. 153.
जोन्हकस भिडनी दान [*]
"The gift of the monk Jonhaka (Jyolenaka)."
No. 76 C. 154.
धमरखताये मघवनाकाये दानं [*]"
"The gift of Dhamarak hatá (Dharmarakshitá), inhabitant of Madhuvana."
No. 77 C. 155.
antefer fuefafcit erdi (1°)"
"The gift of Sihagiri (Simhagiri) from Mahamoragi.
No. 78 C. 160.
I. 1. धर्मा [सि] रिया भिकुनिये मडलछिकटिकाये
L. 2.
[*]
"The gift of the nun Dhamasiri (Dharmasri), inhabitant of Maḍalach hikata (Mandalákshikafa?)."
No. 79 C. 161.
105
I. 1. अविसिनये तातिििनया
I. 2. मडलछिकटिकाये दानं [*]
"The gift of Avisina (Avishanna), who is versed in the Sutta-Pitaka, an inhabitant of Maḍalachhikata."
Possibly is to be read. But the wavy line below the is probably accidental.
The left side of the initial w has been almost cut away in the impression.
Or, perhaps, the gift of the holy man of Bharada, etc.
Meant for धमरखिताये मधुवनिकाये.
"Possibly fa. Though there is a second inscription of this individual, I, C. 28, I suspect that we should read Mahdmoragirimhd, from the great Mayûragiri. Compare Bharbut Inser. Nos. 81, 94, 95, where Moragirimid occurs. "The third sign of fafter has been originally fe, which afterwards was altered to f.
"Compare Pali nisinna for nishanna, and the male name Avisana; Bhar. Insc. Nos. 141, 142.
P

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
___No. 80. L. 1. पविसिनाये सुतातिकिनिL. 2. मडलछिकटिकाय दानं [*]om
No. 81 = C. 162. L. 1. संघदेवस वेरोहकटस L.2. वाणिजस दानं [*] “The gift of Saghadeva (Samghadeva), a trader, inhabitant of Virohakata."
No. 82 = C. 167. L.1. पोडिय L.2. नदिनगL. 3. रिकय दन [*] “The gift of Odi, inhabitant of Nadinagara (Nandinagara)."
No.83 = C. 180. परहदिनस भिखुनो पोखरेयकस दानं [*] “The gift of the monk Arahadina (Arhaddalta), inhabitant of Pokhara (Pushkara)."
No. 84 = C. 181. L.1. भदतनागिलस L. 2. सवानं आतीनंL.. दानं थभो [*] "A pillar, the gift of all the relatives of the venerable Nagila."
No. 85 = C. 182. कोररस नागपियस पछावडे सेठिस दानं थभी [*] “A pillar, the gift of Nagapiya (Nágapriya), inhabitant of Kurara, a Sheth in Achhavada."
No. 86 = C. 184. बुधपालोताया भिखुने या दानं [1]an "The gift of the nun Budhapalita."
No. 87 = C. 185. पोठकस भिखुनो दानं [*] "The gift of the monk Pothaka (Proshthaka)."..
.
____No.88 = C. 193. पयचुडस पतवासिनी बलमिवस दान थभी [*] "A pillar, the gift of Balamitra, the pupil of the venerable Chuda (Kshudra)."
T Restore सुतातिकिनिया.
- There are two impressions. One shows in 1.2 सवान and the other पविन,a Sir A. Cunningham renda. The latter reading gives, however, no sense.
The proper form of the name is Kurdra; see No. 98. * This means probably that Nagapiga had his shop in Achhavada. " Meant for भिखुनिया.. * The apparent 4-stroke after it is in my opinion accidental.

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107
No. 89. परपान देवकस दानं [*] "The gift of Devaka from Arapana (Arāpāna)."
No. 90. अरहदिनस दानं रमोरज[हि] कडि -- "The gift of Arahadina (Arhaddatta) in Ramorajakaļi (?).
No. 91. अखवतिया इसिगुतस वणिजस दानं [1] “The gift of the merchant Isiguta (Rishigupta) from Asvavati (4svavatt)."
No. 92. इसिकस भिखुनो दानं [1] "The gift of the monk Isika (Rishika)."
No. 93. L. 3. इसिकस रोहाL. 2. शिपदियस दा
L. 1. नं [*] "The gift of Isika (Rishika), inhabitant of Rohinipada."
No. 94. इसिरखितस दानं [] “The gift of Isirakhita (Rishirakshita)."
No.95. L. 1. उजेनिया विखदेL. 2. वस पजावतिया
L. 3. मुलाय दानं [*] "The gift of Mula (Mala), wife of Visvadeva (Vifvadeva), from Ujjain."
No. 96. [उ]दुंबरघरिय [स] चमि[तस] दान।"] “The gift of Sachamita (Satyamitra), inhabitant of U dubaraghara (Udum. baragriha).
No. 97. L. 1. क[ट]क[अय]कस पयपतुडस
L. 2. भिकुनो दान[*] "The gift of the monk, the venerable Patuda (?), inhabitant of Kațakanu."
# The impression seems to be incomplete. The last word probably ended in T and designated Arahadios w inbabit. ant of Ramorajahikada (p).
9 The iuscription has to be read from below. Read Off. * This is a mere scrawl, and the bracketed letters are mostly uncertain. * Most of the letters of 1, 1 are very faint, and the first bracketed one is not certain.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 98. ਬਹੁ ਬਿਰਥ ਵਾ[+] "The gift of 8am valita from Kurara."
No. 99. L. 1. ਬੇਬਰ ਬੇਠਿn
1. 2. ਬੀਬ ਵਾਸੀ[+] "The gift of the Sheth Siha (Simha), inhabitant of Kuraghara."
No. 100. ਸਿਧ ਸਿਧਾ ਵਾਸੀ[i] “The gift of the nun Girigutà (Girigupta)."
| No. 101. जितमितये मिनिये वडिवहनिकाय दान[१] “The gift of the nun Jitamita (Jitámitrá), inhabitant of Vadivahana."
No. 102. ਬਸਧ ਵਾਸੇ ਧੁਕਧਸਿਧਾਤੇ []90 “The gift of Dhamata (Dharmadata), inhabitant of Puñavadhana (Punyavar. dhana)."
No. 103. धमदतस भिछुनो दानं प[य]भडुकिय[स।"]" "The gift of the monk Dhamadata (Dharmadatta), pupil of Aya-Bhaduka (AryaBhanduka, No. 16)."
No. 104. L. 1. [ਧਿਧ]ਬਸਾਧ L. 2. ਗੋਬਿਧ ਬ L, 8. ਕੀ(ਬਹਿਸ
L. 4. ਮਿਸਿਸ ਵਾਸ [1] "The gift of Piyadhama (Priyadharma) and Bodhi, the nuns of Kuraghara."
No. 105. पुसये मिनिये नदिनगरिकाय दान [] "The gift of the nun Pusa (Pushyd), inhabitant of Nadinagara (Nandinagara)."
No. 106. L. 1 ਧੀਰ ਸ
L, 2. ਗੇ ਵਾਸੇ [*] "The gift of Himagiri from Pokhara (Pushkara)."
No. 107. ਧੀਥਿਬ ਸਥਿਬ ਵn [♥] . "The gift of Dhammasiva (Dharmativa), inhabitant of Puravikh a(P)." * Probably tware is to be read. # myfur looks almost like yuwafat; bat so No. 192, where the reading, given above, is plain.

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109
No. 108. बेदकरा मंदिगि[रि]मातु द[]न [*] "The gift of Nandigiri's mother from Bedakara."
No. 109. [भोगवढ] नकस महिद]---98 "(The gift) of Mabida (Mahendra), inhabitant of Bhogavadhana (Bhogadurdhana)."
No. 110. L. 1. मधुवनिकाये बुधरस्तिये भिकुनिये
L. 2. दानं । "The gift of the nun Budharakhita (Buddharakshita), inhabitant of Madhu
vana."
___No. 111. महिसतिय देवभगस [दानं [1] "The gift of Devabhaga (Devabhága ?) from Mahisatt (Mahishmatt).”
___No. 112. L. 1. यशिसस भिछुनो पयदेवगिरिनो पते
L. 2. वासिनो दान [1] “The gift of the monk Yakhila (Yakshila), pupil of the venerable De vagiri."
No. 118. L. 1. रोहविपदियL. 2. स निगडिस दा
L. 8. नं [1] "The gift of Nigadi, inhabitant of Rohanipada (Bohinipada)."
No. 114 L. 1. रोहलिपदियL. 2. स बुलिकस
L. 3. दान [1] "The gift of Bulika, inbabitant of Rohaņipada."
No. 115. L.1. रोहणिपदियसि L. 2. सेठिनो नागदि
L. 3. नस दान [1] "The gift of Sheth Nagadina (Nagadatta), inhabitant of Rohanipada."
* Restore मशिदस दान. ** Compare the Buli tribe (Wenzel: Index, sub roce) of Allakappa.
Read पदिवस; the सि standir above the line, and is a correction.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 116. वाडिवहना डिकस भिछुनो दानं [*] "The gift of the monk Chhadika (Chhardika ?) from Vadivahana."
___No. 117. L.1. वेदिसकय []सरखितास असवारकस
L. 2. पजावति - नागदता[य] दान [*]' "The gift of Nagadata (Nagadatta), wife of the cavallerist Hamsarakhita (2) (Hamsarakshita), an inhabitant of Vedisa (Vidisi).
No. 118. समिकाये सधितिकार्य दान [*] "The gift of Samika (Svámiká) and of her daughter."
___No. 119. सिरिदिनाय भिछुनया नादिनागरिकाय दान [*] "The gift of the nun Siridina (Sredatta), inhabitant of Nadinagara (Nandinagara)."
No. 120. सोयसस दानं भादनकटियस [*] “The gift of Soyasa (Sauyabasa), inhabitant of Bhadanakata."
___No. 121. रि]वाये उजेनिकाय उपसिकाये दानं [1] “The gift of the female lay disciple Revå, inhabitant of Ujjain."
___No. 122. ---स भिछुनो दानं भयभंडुकियस [*] "The gift of the monk . . . . , pupil of the venerable Bhanduka." .
No. 123. L.1. ---- [ते] कन L. 2. [नो] रूहकस L.3. --[म] --त-स L.4.-रि--
TOPE II.
No. 1 =C. 3. पाडुकुलिकाय गामस दानं [*] “The gift of the village of Padukulikå (Pandukuliká)."
. The letters are mostly faint, and the bracketed one is very doubtful.
Possibly another n may have stood in the beginning+See above, Nos. 16 and 103

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INSCRIPTIONS OF SANCHI STUPA, NO. II.
111
No.2 = C.4. बुधिलस भोग[व]ढनकस दान [1] “The gift of Budhila (Buddhila), an inhabitant of Bhogavadhana (Bhogaour. dhana)."
No. 3 = 0.5. धमदेवय देनं मितसिरिय अंतेवासिनि[य] [*] "The gift of Dhamadevå (Dharmadevá), (who is) a pupil of Mitasiri (Mitrafrt)."
No.4 = 0.6. इसिलस भिखुनो दाना [*] "The gift of the monk Isila (Rishila)."
No.6 = 0.11. विझस भिखुनो दानं [१] "The gift of the monk Vijha (Vindhya)."
___No. 6 = C. 12. यखिलस भिछुनो दान [1] “The gift of the monk Yakhila (Yakshila)."
__No.7 = C. 13. L.1 नागपियस पछाव[]
L.2 स सेठिस दान [*] "The gift of Nagapiya (Nigapriya), a Sheth of Achhavada.""
No.8 = 0.14. L. 1. सपकाय कीररिय दान
L. 2. भिखुनिय [1] “ The gift of the nun Sapaka (Sarpakar), an inhabitant of Kurara"
No.9 = C. 16. L. 1. धमसेनय कोररिय दान भिखुनि
L. 2. य [*] “The gift of Dhamasena (Dharmasená), an inhabitant of Kurara, a nun."
__No. 10 = C. 17. नागपालितय दान थभो [] "A pillar, the gift of Nagapalita."
No. 11 = C.25. [पो]डिय भिखुनिय धभो दान [*] A pillar, the gift of the nun O 1."
* Read Tot; the third letter of faafefc was originally an fa, which was afterwards corrected to fe. • This inscription can be rentored in accordance with No. 85, and C. 192 of Tope I. ' Properly कुरार; see I, 98. •Possibly भीडाय.

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112
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 12 = C. 30. संघमितस सोनरकस दान [] "The gift of Saghamita (Sanghamitra), an inhabitant of Sonara (Sonári)."
No. 13 = 0.32. प[गि लस दान पधपोरिकस [*] "The gift of Agila (Agnila), inhabitant of Adhapura (Ardhapura)."
No. 14 = C. 33. यसोगिरिनो दानं भिकुनो [*] " The gift of Yasogiri (Yasogiri), a monk."
No. 15 = 0. 36. गडाय नादिनागरिकाय [1] "(The gift) of Gada, inhabitant of Nadinagara (Nandinagara)."
.
___No. 16 = C. 38. अयनादुकस भिखुनो दान [*] “The gift of Aya-Naduka (the venerable Nánduka), a monk."
No. 17. पुसरखितस दान [प]यस प्रतवासिनो [*] , “The gift of Pusarakhita (Pushyarakshita), the pupil of Aya (Árya, i.e. the venerable one).
No. 18. सिहाय दान [1] "The gift of siha (Simha).
No. 19. L. 1. सुमनस भिखुनो
L. 2. दान [*] "The gift of the monk Sumana (Sumanas)."
No. 20. धमगुतस पुसिनिया च दान [1] “The gift of Dhamaguta (Dharmagupta) and Pusiniya (Pushyanika)."
No. 21. विसाखस पाडा - यस [*] "The gift of Visakha (Visakha), an inhabitant of Pada[na].
Restore yrafs, according to I, 56.

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Arabadina I, 83, 90.
Arahaguta I, 18; II, C. 19. Arahaka II, C. 34.
Balaka II, C. 19.
Balamitra I, 88.
Dhamagiri I, C. 178.
Dhamaguta I, 61.
Dhamarakhita I, 9, 53, 68. Dhana I, C. 31.
Dhanaka (aya-) I, C. 151. Gotiputa-see Bhamḍuka. Hatiya I, 12.
Isika I, 92 (93?).
Isila II, 4.
Jonaka I, C. 152.
Jonhaka I, 75.
Kaboja I, 7.
Kada I, 4. Mahagiri 1, 62.
Nadiguta I, 58. Nagadina I, C. 10.
SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
Bhamduka (Gotiputa) I, 16; kiya, 103, 122.
Bharadiya I, 74.
Budharakhita I, 71.
Chhadika I, 116.
Chuda I, 68; (aya-) I, 88. Devagiri 1, 66, (aya-) 112.
Dhamadata I, 108.
Achalâ I, 6. Arahadâsî I, C. 175. Avisina I, 79, 80. Balika 1, C. 159. Bodhi I, 104. Budhapâlîta I, 86. Budharakhitâ I, 110.
Chirâtî I, 28.
Dhamadeva II, 3.
Dhamarakhita I, 52. Dhamasenâ II, 9.
Dhama [s]iri I, 78. Dapasâ (?) I, C. 170. Gada (II, 15 ?), C. 21, 36.
Girigutâ I, 100.
Hana (?) I, C. 2.
Isidasi I, C. 169; II, C. 22.
Isidatâ I, C. 132, 133.
Isidinâ I, C. 147.
APPENDIX.-LISTS OF NAMES.
I.-Monks.
Naduka (aya-) II, 16. Nagarakhita II, C. 89.
Nagila (bhadata-) I, 84; II, C. 1. Pasanaka (aya) I, 5.10
Patuda (?) I, 97. Pothaka I, 87. Prâtithâna I, 12, 70. Pusa I, C. 29, C, 158. Pusagiri I, C. 21. Pusaka 1, 67. Pusarakhita II, 17.
Rahila (aya-) I, C. 87. Sadhana I, 29.
Saghamita II, C. 7.
Sagharakhita II, C. 40.
Samdhana I, 54.
Samidata I, 65.
Sumana II, 19.
Tisaka (aya-) I, 70. Upasijha I, 63.
Vajuka (bhadata-) I, C. 122.
Vejha II, 5.
Visakha I, C. 123.
Vira I, C. 186.
Yakhada [di]na I, C. 50. Yakhila 1, 112; II. 6. Yasogiri II, 14.
II.-Nuns.
Jitamitâ I, 101. Kadi I, C. 65. Mitasiri II, 3. Mula II, C. 21. Odatika I, C. 26,11
Odi (I, 82?); II, 11.
Phagulâ II, C. 18.
Piyadhama I, 104. Pusâ I, 105.
Sagbadinâ I, 37. Sapaka II, 8.
Samgharakhit& I, 33. Sedi II, C. 43.
Siridinâ I, 119.
Vala II, C. 15.
Yakhi I, 38; (Yakha) C. 187. Yamarakhità II, C. 20.
Yasila I, 33 (342).
113
10 Pasanaka occurs as teacher of Dhamaguta and Sagharakhita in the inscription on a pillar of the Sonari Tope No. I, Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, plate xxiii.
11 This corresponds to Sanskrit avadátika, literally the pure one."

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114
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
III.-Male names, not marked as clerical. Agila II, 13.
Kujara 1. C. 94. Abimita I, C. 8.
Mabida I. 199. Ajitiguta I, 43.
Mulagiri (lekhaka) I. C. 48. Apathaka I, 42.
Nadáva I. 24. Araha I, 40.
Nadivirobi I. 24. Arahaks I, C. 165 (see also List I).
Nagadina I. C. 74. Arahadása 1, C. 100.
Nardigiri I. 108. Arahadins I, 44, 90.
Någadina I, 115. Arahatapálita 1, C. 184.
Någapiya (sethi) 1, 85; C. 192; II. 7. Asada I, 72.
Nigadi I, 113. Atba (kamika) I, 10.
Opedadata I; C. 62-64. Bahadata I, 30.
Patithiya (gahapati) 1, 22, 23. Bahuls II, C. 35.
Phaguna I, 68: Bhadaka I, 41,
Pusagin 1, 55. Bhichhuka I, 56.
[Sajcbami[ta) 1, 96. Budhapalita (sethi) II, C. 8.
Sadatba(?) I, C. 168. Budharakhita II, C. 10, 23.
Sagha I, C. 192. Budhila I, C. 82; II, 2.
Sagbadeva I, 81. Bulika 1, 114.
Saghamita II, 12. Chadaguta I, C. 97.
Samana I, C. 179. Chheta I, C. 66.
Samghila I, C. 168. Dadata (?) 1, C. 89.
Såmanera I, 11, 57. Damaka (?) I, C. 174.
Samika (vånika) I, C. 89, C. 119. Devaka I, 89.
Samvalita, I 98. Devabhaga 1, 111.
Satila I, C. 98. Dhamadata I, C; 178.
Sihagiri I, 77; C. 28 (?) (facsimile, Sapagarano). Dhamagiri I, C. 58.
Sibarakhita I, 18. Dhamagirika I, 2; C. 166.
Siriguts (våņija) I, 47. Dhamaguta II, 20.
Siripala I, C. 120. Dhamapala I, C. 184.
Sivanad: I, 45. Dbamarakhita II, C. 2.1
Siha (sethi) I, 99. Dhamasiva I, 1, 107.
Sîharakbita I, 13. Dhanagiri I, C. 157.
Sona I, C. 57. Disarakhita ) I, C. 42.13
Soyasa I, 120. Gobila I, C. 77.
Sabahita, Gotiputa (rajalipikara) I, 48, 49. Gopala 1, C. 12.
Subhaga I, 19. Gotiputa,-Sabahita.
Syatigata I, 81. [Hamsarakhita I, 117.
U pidadata 1, 86. Hinagiri I, 106.
Vada I, C. 172. Isadáta (?) I, C. 52.
Vadha I, C. 47. Isigara (våạija) 1, 91.
Vajagata 1, C. 3. Isiks I, 98 (?) (compare also List No. II). Vijita I, 3. Isipalita 1, c. 179.
Vimala I, C. 138. Isimita I, C. 59.
Visa I, C. 77. Isirak hita I, 94.
Viskkha II, 21 (see also List I). Kekateyaka I, 1, 8.
Visvadeva 1, 95. Kuja (%) 1, 60.
Yasopåla I, C. 87, 156.
If the following sojhasa standa for failtaharya, this person was an ascetio. 1 The name is probably wrong.

Page #136

SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
115
IV.-Females, not marked as nuns. Agido[de] & I, C. 17.
Oļi 1, 82 (compare also List II). Agis[i]mÀ I, 69.
Padona (?) I, C. 51. Arahagutå I, 32.
Patola () II, C. 28. Asvadeva 1, 80; C. 88.
Pothadeva, I, C. 44. Balaka I, C. 61.
Pusini II, 20. Budha I, C. 64.
Revå, I, 121. Dåse I, C. 46.
Robuni () I, C. 55. Dbamata (data) I, 102.
Sagharakbit II, C. 22. Dbamarak hita I, 15, 45, 76.
Sagha I, C. 106. Gada II, 15 (compare also List II).
Sâmidarå [ta] I, C. 176. Himadatâ I, C. 58.
Samika I, 46, 118. Isimità I, C. 54, 69.
Semaka (?) I, C. 91. Isirakhita I, 64.
Sihå II, 18. Ka[ka]nâ I, 21.
Sihadatá I, C. 67. Kapi I, C. 85.
Sonado [de]vå 1,8; C. 17. Kurari I, 39.
Subhaga I, C. 18. Majhima I, 48.
Tåpasî 1, 39. Mayadatà I, C. 62.
Vâkala devi I, C. 8. Mità (Tâpasiyanam nusa) I, 73.
Vasula I, C. 88. Mula 1, 95.
Vesamanadatâ I, 22. Muladata I, C. 60.
Vinhuka II, C. 24. Någadatà I, 117.
Vipulá I, C. 70. Nagamitá I, C. 72.
Vudina I, 20. Nagpalitâ II, 10.
Yakhadási I, c. 171. Någa I, 50; C. 45.
Yasilå I, 35 (see also List No. II).
Geographical names. Aleyaka (adj.) 1, 11, 57.
Kuraghara I, C. 69; C. 71-72; Koraghara (adj.) Achbâ vada I, 85; (adj.) I, C. 192; # II, 7. I, 19, 99, 104. Adhaporika (adj.) II, 13.
Kuråra I, 98; kurariya (adj.) I, C. 138; C. Aparmitaka (? adj.) II, C. 10.
192;17 kurari (adj.) I, C. 138; korara (adj.) Ar&pena 1, 59, 72, 89.
1, 85; II, 8, 9; C. 15. Asvavati 1, 91.
Madalachhikatika (adj.) I, 78, 79, 80; C. 159. Bedakara I, 108.
Madhuvana I, 61,18 C. 132 ; 'vanika (adj.). 1, 15, Bhasikada 1, C. 156.
76,19 110. Bhâdanakațiya (adj.) I, 120.
Mahamoragi, I, 77; Mahámoo I, C. 28. Bhogavadbanal 1, 45; nadhana, 1, 84; C. 137; Mahisati I, 111. padhanaka, (adj.) I, 43, 109; II, 2.
Morasibikata I, 44. Chahatiya (adj.) I, C. 158.
Nadinagara I, 8; C. 170; Nádio I, 7; NadinaDhamavadbanana (read Ovadhana) I, 25, 26. garika (adj.)” I, 82, 105; C. 147, 169; Ejâvata (adj.) I, 71.
Nádinagarika (adj.) I, 119; II, 15. Erakina 1, C. 98.
Navagamaka (adj.) I, 46; gámaka, I, 55; gá. Kåboja (proper name) I, 7.
mika, I, C. 53. Kâchupaths (adj.) 1, 52, 53.
PAdâniya (adj.) I, 56; II, 21.1 Kardadigâma 1, C. 47; ogámiya (adj.) I, C. Padukulika II, 1; Paduku lini[ki]ya (adj.) 45, 46.
II, C. 8. Kapasigama I, 40.
Pokhara I, 108; reyaka 1, 83;" C. 23, 39. Katakañu I, 41 ; kaninka (adj.) I, 97.
Poravikhika (adj) I, 107. Katakareyaka (adj.) I, C. 100.
Pråthithana (proper name) I, 12, 70. Kekateyaka (proper name) I, 1, 3.
Puñavedbaniya (adj.) I, 102. Ramorajahikadi (9) I, 90.
# Achhavada, on facsimile.
See also Bharhut Inscriptions, No. 95. # Dharakina, on facsimile.
"Kararaya, on facsimile.
First syllable obliterated. 19 Spelt oandka.
* See also Bharkut Inscriptions, No. 13. * Third syllable obliterated. * Pokbaareyakada [sa], on copy.
Q2

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116
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Rohanipadiya (adj.) I, 113, 114, 115; Rohário
I, 93. Såhakagamiya (adj.) I, C. 97. Såsådaka (adj.) I, 18; II, C. 19. Sonaraka (adj.) II, 12. Tambalamada I, 60. Tiridapada 1,50. Tubavana 1, 22, 23. Udubaraghariya (adj.) I, 13; II, C. 41;
C. 4% ; dự thi bara° I, 96.
Ugireyaks (adj.) I, 31. Ujeni I, 27, 69, 73, 95; C. 11, 12, 49, 55-68,
70,77 ; oka (adj.) I, 121. Vadivabana I, 116; Vadipakanita (adj.) I,
101; Vádyao (adj.)II, C. 24. Vâghumata I, 37; C. 118. Vedisa" 1, 38; Vedisaka (adj.) I, 117; C. 189;
Osika I, C. 26. Vejaja I, 17. Verohakata (adj.) I, 81.
VIII.-HARSHA STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE CHAHAMANA
VIGRAHARAJA.
THE ( VIKRAMA ] YEAR 1030. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. The stone which bears this inscription lies among the ruins of an ancient temple on the top of a hill, called Harsha or “Unchapahar," which is near the village of "Harasnath" in the Shaikhâwati province of the Jaypur state of Rajputana, about 7 miles south of Sikar and 60 miles north-west of Jaypur, Long. 75° 15, Lat. 27° 31', Indian Allas. quarter-sheet No. 33, N. E. There it was discovered, in 1884, by Dr. G. E. Rankin and Sergeant E. Dean, who both sent facsimiles of the inscription which it bears to the Asiatic Society of Bengal early in 1835. And, Dr. Rankin's copy having on the way become so much injured as to be totally illegible, the inscription was edited shortly afterwards from Mr. Dean's facsimile by the Rev. Dr. Mill, with a lithograph prepared by Lieutenant Kittoe, and an account of the ruins on the hill Harsha by Mr. Dean, in the Journal 48. Soc. Beng., vol. IV, pp. 361-400, In the course of last year Mr. Fleet kindly presented me with a pencil rubbing of the inscription, found among Sir A. Cunningham's papers, which, though it helped me to amend Dr. Mill's readings in many places, was yet not sufficiently clear to furnish a trustworthy text throughout. I therefore applied for assistance to Dr. Burgess, and owing to his interest and exertions in the matter I am now able to re-edit the inscription from two excellent impressions, obtained by Colonel S. S. Jacob for Dr. Burgess; they were prepared by Mr. Là la Ram Bakhsh of Jaypur.
According to Mr. Dean's account the inscription is on a slab of black stone, about 3 thick and 3' square. It consists of 40 lines of writing which cover a space of about 2' 11" broad by % 10" high. Small portions of the inscribed surface are broken away at the four corners, and the right and left margins are slightly damaged; besides, about a dozen aksharas have become illegible in the body of the inscription by the peeling off of the surface of the stone. The rest of the writing is well preserved, and may be read with certainty almost throughout. The size of the letters is between " and "; it is largest at the top and becomes gradually smaller towards the bottom. The characters
* See also Bharhut Inscriptions, Nos. 32, 82, 88, etc. See also Lussen's Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. III, pp. 932-937.

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HARSHA STONE INSCRIPTION.
117
are the ordinary northern alphabet of the period to which the inscription belongs, and they are skilfully formed and well engraved. The names of the writer and the engraver are not given. The language is Sanskrit, and by far the greater portion of the inscription, to nearly the end of line 33, is in verse. This poetical part is called a prasasti, and was composed by Dhiranâga, the son of the karanika Thiruka (verse 45).-In respect of orthography the text calls for few remarks. The letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v; before r, t is always doubled after a vowel, e.g., in vichittra, line 4, and súttradharo and dagdha-ltripura, line 6; and a single j is written instead of jj in jealab, line 16, and visphurajñána, line 22. The dental is employed instead of anusvára in dhvansa, line 22; the dental sibilant instead of the palatal in auttaresvaraḥ, line 22, and in Chamdasiva, line 29 (in a verse which offends against the metre); and the dental nasal has been incorrectly changed to the lingual in prasannak, line 15, and wrongly retained in nirnnásita, line 17.-Both the verses and the prose part of the inscription contain some words which are not given by the dictionaries or are employed in an unusual sense. To such words attention will be drawn in the notes on the translation."
The proper object of the poetical part of the inscription, which consists of 48 verses, is to record the erection of a temple of Siva, worshipped under the name of Harsha, on the hill Harsha, by the Saiva ascetic Allata, and the completion of other works of piety by Allata's disciple Bhavadyota. But more interesting is the account which is furnished, by way of introduction, of the princes to whose kingdom the hill Harsha belonged and by whom the ascetics were patronised, and of their wars with other princes who have not yet become known from other sources. And the value of the inscription is enhanced by the fact that it yields a considerable number of names of districts and places, and contains several dates, for one of which the corresponding European date may be given with absolute certainty.
The first twelve verses of the inscription are mainly devoted to the glorification of the god Siva or, as he is more particularly styled here, Harshadeva, of his place of residence, the mountain Harsha, and of the temple erected to the god on that hill. After that the poet, in verses 13-27, celebrates a line of princes belonging to the Châhamâna family, who are said to have become illustrious through their devotion to the god Harsha. The first prince mentioned is
1. Gavaka I., said to have been famous as a hero in the assemblies of the Nagas and other princes (v. 18). His son wa
2. Chandraraja (v. 14); his son
3. Guvaka II. (v. 14); and his son
4. Chandana, who defeated or slew in battle the Tomara prince Rudrena3 (v. 14). This prince was succeeded by his son
5. Vakpatirája, who put to flight Tantrapala, a neighbouring chief, by whom he had been attacked (vv. 15-16). And he again was succeeded by
his son
6. Simharaja. This prince, though he is said to have subdued, amongst others, a Tomara leader, who appears to have been allied with a certain Lavana, was evidently defeated by his opponents and probably slain in battle (vv. 17-19). He was succeeded by his son
2 See notes 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 77, 79, 81 & 85.
I take this name to be equivalent to Rudrapala.

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118
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
: 7. Vigraharaja, ruling at the time when the inscription was composed, who
restored the fortune of his family; but nothing specific that need be repeated here is mentioned regarding him, except that he had a younger brother, named Durlabharaja (vv. 20-26). It will appear below that, besides Vigraharåja, Simharaja had two other sons, Chandraraja and
Govindaraja, and that he also had a brother, named Vatsaraja. These seven princes are apparently mentioned in the same order in the inscription from Bijholi of which a rough reading is published in the Journal As. Soc. Beng., vol. LV, part I, p. 40. From verse 16 of the present inscription it appears that the country over which they held sway, and in which Harsha was situated, was called Ananta, a name which is repeated in verse 28. The princes with whom they are represented to have been at war I have not hitherto met with in any other inscription, but the fact that two of them are described as Tomaras leads me to suspect that at any rate some of them were ruling the country around Delhi, which we know to have passed from the Tomaras to the Chahamånas in later times.
The contents of the remaining verses of our inscription may be given in very few words. In the country Ananta there lived a sage Visvarūpa, a devotee of Siva. who followed the Pancharthala doctrine (v. 28). He had a disciple named Prasasta (v. 29); and his disciple again was Bhå varakta, also called Allaţa, who was born in a family of Brábmans of the Vargaţika tribe, and had come to Harsha from the neighbouring Ranapallika, a village where the Sámsárika doctrine was practised. Allata built the magnificent temple of Harshadeva at which the inscription was afterwards put up, but died before he could accomplish all be had intended to do (vv. 30-34). And the works begun by him were therefore completed at his request by his disciple Bhavadyota (vv. 35-42). The temple erected by Allata was built by the architect Chandasiva, a son of Virabhadra (v. 43), and completed on the 13th of the bright half of Ashâdha of the year 2013 (line 32). And the sage Allata is (in v. 48) reported to have died in the expired year 1027, when the sun had entered the sign of the Lion, on the third bright lunar day joined with the yoga Subha and the nakshatra Hasta, on Monday. Referring this date to the Vikrama era, I find that the corresponding European date is Monday the 8th August, A.D. 970; for in northern Vikrama 1027 expired the Simha-sankranti took place on the 26th July, A.D. 970, which was the 6th of the dark half of the purnimánta Bhadrapada, and the third of the following bright half of the same Bhadrapada) was Monday the 8th August, when the third tithi of the bright half ended 4 h. 15 m. and the nakshatra was Hasta up to 12 h. 29 m. and the yoga Subha up to 13 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise. The date is interesting, because it is the earliest Vikrama date known to me in which the writer has quoted a solar samleránti, instead of giving us the name of the lunar month.
To the poetical part of the inscription is appended, in lines 33-40, the following list of endowments of the temple of Harshadeva, which were received up to Åshadha budi 15 of the (Vikrama) year 1080, the date on which I take the inscription to have been composed :
The king Simharaja, after having bathed at Pushkaratirtha, had given the villages Simhagoshtha in the Tûnakapaka group of twelve, Traikalakaka and
• The practice in common enough in modern dates of Sanskrit M89. written in the Bengalf character.

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HARSHA STONE INSCRIPTION.
119
Isa nakapa' in the Pattabaddhaka vishaya, and Kanhapallikå in the Sarahkotta vishaya; his brother Vatsaraja the village Kardamakhata in the Jayapura vishaya; the king Vigraharaja the villages Ohhattrad hårå and Samkaránaka (verse 26); Simharaja's other sons Chandra'ra ja and Govindaraja two hamlets in the Pattabaddbaka and Darbhakaksha vishayas; Dhandhuka, an official of Simharaja's, the village Mayûra padra in the Khattaka pa vishaya; and a certain Jayanaråja the village Kolika paka. Besides, fields had been given by various pious people, at Madra. purika, Nimbadika, Marupallika, Harsha, and ... [ka]lavaṇapadra. And taxes on salt and on horses had been assigned for the benefit of the temple by the traders (R) of Sakambhari and by the horse-dealers from the north.
of the localities in this list, to which may be added the village of Raņapallika near Harsha, mentioned above, few have as yet been identified. Jayapura, Sakambhari and Pushkaratirtha near Ajmere are well known. Of the rest, Raņa pallika must be the village "Ranoli," about 7 miles east of "Harasnath " and one mile west of "Shishu ;" and Nimbadika, the village “ Nimara," 4 miles south of “ Harasnath," near a salt-lake which may have given its name to . . . . [ka]lâvaņapadra.
The inscription ends with the usual appeal to future kings to respect these endow. mente.
TEXT.
L. 1.
...... [U]' सर्वविघूयम[नं सुराञ्चितं] पूर्वमेव शिव यो स्तनावम् । yfarferychrifafie * THIfA [] U-vo 90-[1.]
.... []qfecutate: 1 KITAITO Hà: ura afayetaa: 11—(2.] पादन्यासावनुबा नमति वसुमती शेषभोगावलम्बा [(at)] : [Ar] - uuuuuu-cu
-- भिवावस्खं समस्तं भवति हि भुवनं यस्य वृत्त प्रहत्ते
iraffarantit orafa uvufafafanuargaa: "-[3.] Frau Tei fafu hui etfan [fa]/a[urer']
3.
[v]ort: fat teratai नेदृग्वेषत्रिनयन मया शापि दृष्टो विचित्र
. See note 79.
1 . The ahelaras in these brackets are slightly damaged at • Prom impressions obtained, at the Editor's request, from the top, but the reading is certain. Col. 8. 8. Jacob, C. I. E., and made by Lala Ram Bakhab of The word broken away here was probably THT214. Jaypar.
1. Metro: Rathoddhath The words broken away at the beginning were probably Metre : Bloks (Annabtubh). Ta fare.
# Metro: Bragdbarl..

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120
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
इत्थं गौर्या प्रहसितहरः सस्मितः पातु युभान् ॥ -[4.] वैगोतार्यमादिग्रहगगनतलं व्यनुवाना जलौधे
चकुर्वाणा म[स][द्रान्*] L.5.
चय[व]लितजलानर्मिमालासहः । देयादभ्यर्थितं वः शशधरधवला स्वर्जुनी चंद्रमौले- मौलौ लीला वहन्ती स्फुटविकटजटाव(ब)न्धने चोरिकायाः ॥"-[5.] चंचञ्चंद्रावतारं भुवननगनदीही[प]सिं[५]
[]पंचं विश्वं देवासुराहिप्रमथमुनिवरैर्यचमात्यः सनाथम् । यस्येच्छाशक्तिभावादसदपि सकलं जायते लीयते च
सोव्याहो हर्षदेवो भुवनविरचनासूत्रधारीप्रमेयः ॥ -[6.] नूनं वाणाग्निदधत्रिपुरसुररिपु
[र्जातहर्षः सहर्षेरिंद्राववृंदैः कतनुतिनतिभिः पूज्यमानीच शैले। योभूबानापि हर्षो गिरिशिखरभुवोर्भारतानुग्रहाय
सो"स्ताहो लिंगरूपो हिगुणितभवनश्चंद्रमौलि: शिवाय । -[7.] नियंबेचा ख]
[भा ]डानणदहनरुचि शोषसंधान्तसत्वं(च) प्रान्तज्वालावलीढद्रुमव(ब)हलमहाधूमधूमायिताशम् । संरंभारंभभीमखनमसमशरोच्छेदि यस्याशशंके
दृष्ट्वा देवैः [ख] रूपं किमिय[म]समये संहतिर्बो(ो)भुवे[य]-[8.] 9. देवः पुरधगध्यास्ते यमभंकषमुच्चकैः। हर्षख्याति: स हर्षाख्यो गिरिरष" पुनातु वः ॥ 18-[9.]
शूरस्येदं शोक । गांगं नो निरांभ]: प्रवहति न शुभा नंदनोद्यानलक्ष्मीः
सद्रबखपर्णभंगामलविविधरुचो नैव -- 10.
[स्त]थाच। अन्य धत्ते तथापि श्रियमतिशयिनीमेष शैलोद्वितीयां
साक्षाच्छंभुर्यदास्ते तदपि हि परमं कारणं रम्यतायाः ॥"-[10.] अष्टमूर्तिर्यमधास्ते सिद्यष्टकविभुः स्वयम् । महिमा भूधरस्यास्य परम: कोपि- "s-[11.]
13 Metre : MandAkrinta. 1 Metre of verses 5-8 : Sragdhard. 15 Read .
* Originally was engraved, but the initial to have been altered to ख.
"Originally tषा, altered to tष. WMetre : Bloka (Anushtubb).
seems
» Read शूरस्वैष शोकः
30 The two akaharas here broken away were perhaps सौधा.
* Metre : Sragdhark. * The word here broken away was perhaps fuga.
Metre: Sloka (Anushtubb).

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L. 11. [एत ]त्मपाण्डकांतिप्रवरतममहामण्डपाभोगभद्रं
प्रांतप्रासादमालाविरचितविकटापाण्डुपुच्चाभिरामम् । मेरोः शृंगोपमानं सुघटितषसत्तोरणहाररम्य
नानासहोगयुक्त जयति भगवतो हर्षदेवस्य [*]12.
[Hम्] 1 -[12.] पाद्यः श्रीगूषकाख्याप्रथितनरपतिचाहमानान्वयोभूत
"श्रीमबागा[य] लोकप्रवरनृपसभालब्ध(ब)वीरप्रतिष्ठः । यस्य श्रीहर्षदेवे वरभवनमयी भौतली कीर्तिमूर्ति
झेकेद्यापि स्थिरैषा प्रतपति परमैः13.
---[गै?]: ॥ -[13.] पुचः श्रीचंद्रराजोभवदमलयशास्तस्य तीव्रप्रतापः
सूनुस्तस्थाथ भूपः प्रथम इव पुनर्गवकाख्यः प्रतापो। तस्माच्छोचंदनोभूत्तितिपतिभयदस्तोमरेशं सदर्प हवा रुद्रेनभूपं समरभुवि]
[ब]लाये[न लब्धा ] जयश्रीः॥-[14.] ततः परमतेजस्वी सदा समरजित्वरः। श्रीमान्वाक्पतिराजाख्यो महाराजोभवत्सुतः ॥ -[16.] येनादैन्यं खसैन्यं कथमपि दधता वाजिवल्गा मुमुक्षु प्रागैव चासितेभः सरसिक[रि]रटडिंडिमैर्डि
-[?] 301 वन्धमान रानां समदमभि[व] हवागतोनंतपार्श्वमापालस्तंचपालो दिशि दिशि गमितो हीविषण्णः प्रसपण (ब):॥"-[16.]
शूरस्येदं । लोकों हि महीतले ननु हरिचंद्रोपमो गीयते
त्यागैख[य]जयेषु की[ति]16.
[]मला धर्मच यस्योज्व(ज्व)लः । येनादायि हराय मंदिरकते भक्त्या प्रभूतं वसु
श्रीमहाक्पतिराजसूनुरसमः श्रीसिंहराजोभवत् ॥ 3-[17.] हेममारोपितं येन शिवस्य भवनोपरि ।
पूर्णचंद्रोपमं स्वीयं मूर्त य[श] - [पिं]डक[म् ॥] -[18.] 17. -- तोमरनायकं सलवणं सैन्याधिपत्योहतं
युद्धे येन नरेखरा: प्रतिदिशं निर्वा(गणा)शिता जिष्णुना।
15.
* Metre of verses 12-14: Sragdbara.
। Metre : Bloka (Anushpnbh). • Read भूच्की '. The akshara यी, preceding भूत, may * This akshara might possibly be read fa. possibly have been altered to ये.
30 The lower portion of this akshara is not quite WOriginally undoubtedly श्रीमन्त्रागाव was engraved, but | distinct. the akshara 7 appears to have been altered subsequently, and
31 Metre : Sragdhara. the only akshara which would suit the context appears to me
WMetre: BArdhlavikridita. to be aa; I am not certain, however, that the adopted reading|
Metre: Sloka (Anushtubh).
» The word, here broken away, was probably either faat is correct.
W This word, for which Dr. Mill has read बडेन भयः.| or खा. is quite clear and distinct in the original.

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122
टका.
L. 18.
20.
21.
श्रीमा
कारावेश्मनि भूरयय वितस्तावधि यावडे तन्मुक्त्यर्थमुपागतो रघुकुले भूचक्रवर्त्ती खयम् ॥ [19.]
23.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
19.
39
येन दुष्टदमनेन सम्तः साधितालिमही खवा (मा) त्रुभिः । लीलयैव वशवर्त्तिनी कृता किंकरीव निजपादयोस्तले ॥ – [22] यस्य चार चरितं सतां सदा खतां जगति कीर्त्तितं जनः । इष्टिजातघनरोमकं
[म्बि^]ग्रहराजोभूत्तत्सुतो वासवीपमः ।
36
ते [20]
गली येते श्रीसिंहराजरहिता किल चिंतयंती भीतेव संप्रति विसुनंनु को ममेति । येनात्मवा (बा) हुयुगले चिरसत्रिवासं संधीरितेति ददता निज
सुताचारः सुतारे प्रतरलतुरमेधाश्वच मी कर्पूरैः पूगपूरैर्मूलयतरुवरैर्हेमभारैरपारैः । उद्यद्दानैः समानैश्चलकुलगिरिभिर्हन्तिवारैः सदारैविधीने प्रातिर-
जायते तनुरलंसुः [23.]
-[26.]
छचधारावरग्रामो द्वितीयः शंकराणकः [*] नमो हर्षनाथाय] [भया दत्ती समासनी ॥ " [25] श्रीमहुर्शभराजेन योनुजेन विभूषितः [*] नेवासो विद्युनेव हलायुधः 22. [महाराजावली चासो शंभुभक्तिगुणोदया । श्रीहर्षः कुलदेवोस्यास्तस्माद्दिव्यः कुलक्रमः ॥ - [27.] अनंतमीपर श्रीमान् पछित चौसर (ख): पंचालाकुलाचायेविवरूपी भवरुः ॥ [28] दीक्षाजातमलध्वन्सविस्फुरज्ञा- "
40. Metre : Sragdhar&.
[रा [21.]
भिरिति भृतैः प्राभृतैर्यः सिषेवे ॥ - [24.]
#
[ननि *]लः । प्रशस्तात्योभवच्छियस्ता पाचपतः खती [20.] भा[व] रक्तो भव शिथी दिनामतीट: वाटिकान्ययोतसहिमकुलसंभव: 1 (1) [30] हर्षस्यासव्रतो ग्रामः प्रसिद्धो राणपतिका ।
सांसारिककुलान्नायस्ततो यस्य विनि[र्गमः ॥ * ] – [31]
Metre: Sarddlavikridita.
as Metre Sloka (Anushtubh).
:
Metre: Vasantatilaka.
35 Metre of verses 23 and 23: Rathoddhata.
"The two aksharas here broken away, were probably
37
Metre of verses 25-32: Bloks (Anushtubh).
4s One would expect to read here पंचायंचकुलाबावी, and
I believe that the akshara T has been altered to already in the original.
' Read "सविद्युरा
4 Originally f, but apparently altered to ब

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25.
L. 24. पहाटच्छमना नंदी शिवासबस्थितिक्रमः ।
श्रीहर्षाराधने ननं स्वयं मर्यमवातरत्॥-[32.] पाजन्म ब्र(ब)मचारी दिगमलवसनः संयतामा तपस्वी
श्रीहर्षाराधनकव्यसनशुभमतिस्यतासंसारमोहः। पासीधी लब्ध(ब)जमा भवतरणधियां -
-[षी.] सुव(ब)न्धुस्तेनेदं धर्मिवित्तः सुघटितविकटं कारितं हर्षहम्म्यम् ॥ -[38.] अस्मिंश्चंद्रांकशैले गगनपथलिहोत्तुंगभंगेप्रमेयं
हर्म्य श्रीहर्षनामप्रथितपशपते: सहिमानो[प]मानम् ।
दृष्ट्वा सद्भोगयुक्तं व(ब) हुसुरभवनं कारितं येन 26.
नासाध्यं किंचिदस्ति स्फुटमिति तपसो निःसहाणां यतीनाम्।-[34.] भासीवैष्ठिकरूपो यो दीप्तपाशपतव्रतः । तीव्र वेगतपोजातपुण्यापुण्यमलक्षयः ॥ -[85.] सदा शिवसमाकारस्तस्येश्वरसमद्युतेः ।
भावद्योतोभवच्छिष्यः संदीपितगु27.
[रुक*]मः॥-[36.] गुरोरानामयं प्राप्य प्रतिष्ठासोः शिवालयम्। यथाप्रारब्ध(ख)कार्याणामंगीकृतभरोभवत् ।-[37.] पुरस्तात्पर्वतस्थाधस्त्रितयं येन कारितम् । सत्कपो वाटिका दिव्या गोप्रपा घटितोपरीः॥-[88.] सदैव वहमानेन कूपेन स्वादुवारिणा ।
वाटिकासेच28. . . . . . प्रपाभरणन्तथा।-[39.]
सत्पुष्परचनं शश्रोः पयःपानं गवामपि। कार्ययमिदं सारं दर्शितं पुण्यकांक्षिणाम् ॥ -[40.] दिगंव(ब)रं जटा भस्म" तयं च विपुलं मही। भिक्षावृत्तिः करः पात्रं यस्यैतानि परिग्रहः ॥ -[41.] शिवभवनपु
--[पाः]यदासीत्तदखिलमुपलौघेः पूरयित्वा गभीरम। समतलमुखगम्यं प्रांगणं तेन कांतं मसूणतरशिलाभिः कारित वं(ब)धयित्वा । -[42.] वीरभ[2]सतः ख्यातः सूचधारीच चंडसिव" । विश्वकर्मेव सर्वज्ञो वास्तुविद्या[म]
-~-[*] -[48.] | [ये]न निर्मितमिदं मनोहर शंकरस्य भवनं समंडपम् ।
29.
15 Metre of verges 33 and 34: Sragdhara.
#Metro of verses 35-41: Bloka (Anushpabh). • Originally we, altered to w. #Metre: Malint
This word is perfectly clear in the impressioni and cannot possibly be read in any other way. It offends against both the metre and grammar. Metre : Sloka (Anushtabh).
18

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124
31.
32.
33.
[स] [देवमयचारुतोरवं वर्गखंडमिय वेधसा स्वयम् " [44] गंगाधरवरभवने करपिकवीरकस्तेन भवेन
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
अक्रियतेयं सुगमा प्रशस्तिरिह धीरनागेन ॥" - [45] यावच्छंभो
3
नसुरनदीचंद्रलेखापतित्वं
यामीर्मुराररुरसि विलसति द्योतते कौस्तुभं च । गायत्री याव[दा]स्ते सततमुपनता प्रेयसी व (ब्रह्मणोन्ते कैलासाकारमेतत्प्रतपतु भवनं हर्षदेवस्य तावत् ॥ – [46.]
अ.
-
• [ह]तः शंभुः कथं कालस्य गोचरः ।
हर्म्मानिर्माणकालस्तु यथादृष्टो निव ( ब ) ध्यते ॥ " - [47.] संवत् १०१[२] आषाढशदि १३ शंभो: प्रासादसिद्धिः ॥ ॥ जादा दानां सहसे गुपनयसिंहरामी ग
कावासी [ती]
[या] मकरसहिता सोमवारच तथाम् । चादिष्टः शंभुनासो [व] ममलपदं दिसुना एवं (
लब्धा (वा) वैदेहभावं शिवभवनमभिप्रस्थितो नटोय ॥ 88 ।(1) - [48.] स्वस्ति। संवत् १०० भाषाठयदि १५ निवयं ययालय (ब) शासना [नां]
51 Metre: Rathoddhata.
12 Metre: Arya.
3 Metre: Sragdhara.
54 Metre: Sloka (Anushtubh).
34. . चैव लिख्यते । महाराजाधिराजश्रीसिंहराजः स्वभोगे तूनकूपकद्दादशके सिंहगोष्ठं ।" तथा पय(ब) चकविषये चैकलकको मानकूपी।" सरःकोहविषये कण्डपलिकामेवं ग्रामांबरचंद्रांकशिखरोपरि . [भ]
35. गवते श्रीदेवाय
पनि श्रीमत्पुष्करतीयें बाला अपनार्थनविलेपनोपचारधूपदीपप यात्रोत्सवार्थमा शशांकतपनार्णवस्थितेर्यावच्छासनत्वेन प्रददौ । तथैतनाता श्रीवत्सराज: स्वभोगावासजय][५][रविष"]
36. ये कईमखातग्राममदाच्छासनेन । तथा श्रीविग्रहराजेन शासनदत्तग्रामद्दयमुपरिलिखितमास्ते। तथा श्रीसिंहराजाजी श्रीचंद्रराजश्रीगोविंदराजी स्वभोगावातपव (ब) चकविषये " दर्भकच विष [a] ..
56
87. [षा]संख्येन स्वहस्तांकितयानो [][द] पाटकर पशिकायामोभया वितेरतुः । श्रीसिंहराजीयदुःसाध्यवीर्धकः पापविषये समुज्यमानमदूरप [इ] चामं स्वाम्यनुमतः प्रदत्तवान् ।
38. हिलामजः श्रीजयनराजः " स्वभुज्यमानकोलिकूपकग्रामं भक्त्या हर्षदेवाय शासनेन दत्तवान् । (in) तया समस्तचीभग्रह][३] वा माकभय लवचकूटणं प्रति विधोपकमेकं दत्तं । तयोत्तराप
थtयडाविकानां [स]
....
36 Metre : Sragdhara.
46. These signs of punctuation are superfluous
7 The sign of anusvára of the last akshara is doubtful.
# Originally श्रीजगनीराज:, altered to श्रीजयनराज..

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L. 39. [a] Tzaufa con varit **: 1() geimferrfa AYTATTUU TUT I [ET].
पुरिकायां पि[प्प] लवालिकाक्षेचं निम्ब(म्ब)डिका[पा]मे दर्भटिकाक्षेचं मरुपलिकायां [झा]
[*][] au ..... 40. . . . []atavus 8990 a forferatai[fe]eThe arrafafa
सर्वानेतान्भाविनो भूमिपालान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः । #TATTI equat ante ale urciteit Hafa [:#*] *-[49.]
TRANSLATION.
[Om !]
[Oṁ! Adoration to Siva !] (Verse 1.) I adore him who removes all obstacles, the first-born of Siva and his spouse, who is worshipped by the gods, [Gajanana,] the granter of boons, who gives enjoyment, salvation, and true perfection.
(2.) May the destroyer of Tripura guard you, who is 60 . . . . . with bewildered minds, but praised by the true gods!
(3.) Victorious is that Pasupatil, the bestower of compassion on all, who is named Harsha, the holy, at whose dancing the whole world verily changes its position; (for) the earth, resting on Sesha's hoods, bends low beneath the tread of his feet, while the sky) with the sun and moon (rises high) with the lifting up of his arms.
(4.) "A three-pointed spear is in thy left hand, in the other an alms-dish; the ornament . . . . . . ; & serpent serves as necklace for thy blue throat; nowhere have I seen, 0 three-eyed one, such wondrous vesture ;"-may Hara, smiling when thus jestingly addressed by Gauri, guard you !
(5.) May the river of heaven, who with her masses of water pervades the sky where the sun and the planets are shaken by her velocity, and who with the thousands of lines of her waves puts to shame the oceans with their decreasing water; who, white like the moon, appears like a graceful veil on the crest of the moon-crested (god), fast bound with huge uncouth tresses of hair;-may she grant your petitions !
(6.) May the god Harsha, that unfathomable architect for the construction of the world, preserve you,-he by whose will and power all that was not is produced and vanishes again, the universe with its moving moon and sun and stars, with its expanse of worlds, mountains, rivers, islands and oceans, and together with the gods, demons, serpents, his own attendants, excellent sages, Yakshas and mortals !
(7.) May the moon-crested (god), who in the form of the Linga has (here) a twofold dwelling, promote your happiness; he who-full of joy at having burnt Tripura, the enemy of the gods, with the fire of his arrow, (and) worshipped on this bill by the joy. ful divine hosts, Indra and the rest, who praised him and bowed down to him,-verily under the name of Harsha 6 stayed on these) two mountain peaks for the welfare of Bhårata63
(8.) When the gods saw how his own nature broke forth, like a mighty fire issuing from the hollow of his eye, frightening the creatures with its scorching rays, darkening 5 Metre: Sálini.
a i.e. siva. "The missing portion of the verse probably erpressed the i...joy.' idea that Siva is dreaded by the demons.
1 i.e. Bharatavarsha, or India.

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the quarters with thick volumes of smoke of the trees which were consumed by its flames all round, roaring terribly in its impetuous progress, (and) annihilating the god of love, they became afraid lest the destruction of the world had come, out of season.
(V. 9.) May this mountain Harsha, which grazes the clouds on high (and) on which the god Harsha, the destroyer of Pura, resides, purify you !
A hero speaks the following verse :
(10.) The water of the torrents which flows here is indeed not that of the Ganges; here there is not the charming beauty of the garden of paradise; nor are there (palaces ] here which glitter brightly all around with their jewelled and gilded pinnacles. Yet this hill possesses another, superior, unrivalled beauty; for that Sambhu dwells here in person is surely a paramount cause of loveliness.
(11.) Since the eight-formed (god), the lord of the eight perfections, himself dwells here, this mountain possesses supreme grandeur which baffles description.
(12.) Glorious is this mansion of the holy Harshadeva which is charming with the expanse of its spacious chapels, embellished with eggs of gold, (and) pleasing like the sons of Påņdu by reason of the court-yards 6+ which are formed by the flights of buildings along its sides. Surpassing in height the peak of Meru, it is beautified by an excellent porch at which a bullis skilfully carved, and is endowed with manifold objects of
enjoyment.
(13.) First came the lord of men known as the illustrious Gavaka, of the Chahamana family, who attained pre-eminence as a hero in the assemblies of the fore. most princes of the world, the illustrious Någas and the rest; whose fame, remaining on earth in visible form, as an excellent dwelling for the holy Harshadeva, even now endures here and illumines with great ........
(14.) His son was the illustrious Chandraraja, of spotless fame and fierce valour; and his son was the valorous prince who again, like the first, was named Gavaka. From him sprang, inspiring kings with fear, the illustrious Chandana, who, when he had slain on the battle-field the proud Tomara lord, prince Rudrena, by force secured the fortune of victory.
(15.) After bim came his son, the Maharaja named Vakpatiraja, the illustrious, endowed with supreme splendour, ever victorious in battle;
(16.) Who, managing to sustain the spirit of his army, eager to loosen the reins of their chargers, forced Tantrapala,- the ruler of the country adjacent to Ananta, who had come arrogantly defying () the command of the prince whom he should have honoured, -to wander, quieted, overwhelmed with shame, in every direction, after his elephants had before already been frightened... by drums ...... (?).
# The reading of the second line of this verse is quite clear in the impressions, but owing to the word vikard its mean. ing is not clear to me. Vikațd is apparently used here as a feminine substantive, and should, judging from the context, depote both a ball or court-yard and a female, related somehow to the Papdavas. In the former sense the word is evidently used also in verse 33, below; and as regards the other meaning, it may at any rate be noted that Vikata is the name of one of the hundred sons of Dhritarashtra
Seo note 26, above. I am doubtful about the correctness of my translation, but see no other way of explaining the original text.
"I do not properly understand the second line of this verse, which is damaged in the original. Trdsitebha might of course also mean who had frightened the elephants. The word abhivahan (supposing the reading to be correct) of the tbird line appears to be used in an altogether unusual sense. Dr. Mill's translation of the second line is : 'even be, having his elephant terrified and driven into a lake by the sounding cymbals of the hostile war elephants.

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A hero speaks :
(V. 17.) Vakpatiraja's peerless son was the illustrious Simharaja, who verily all the earth over is sung of by people as the equal of Harischandra, of spotless fame for his liberality, majesty, and victories, and of resplendent virtue. He piously gave abundant Wealth to Hara for a temple.
(18.) And on Siva's dwelling he set a golden dome (?), his own fanie in bodily form, resembling the full moon.
(19.) [After having defeated] the Tomara leader, proud of the command of armies, together with Lavaņa, the victorious one annihilated in war rulers of men in every direction. To him, who kept as many (princes) in his prison as he did in his house, the universal sovereign of the earth in Raghu's race came of his own accord to bring him final liberation.
(20.) His son was the illustrious Vigraharaja, resembling Indra, who rescued both the fortune of his family and the Fortune of victory from the distress which had thus befallen them.
(21.) By him the Fortune of his realm, deprived of the illustrious Simbaraja and as it were frightened at the idea who might now be her lord, was re-assured by offering her a lasting home in his two arms.
(22.) Having subdued with his arms the whole earth by overpowering the wicked on all sides, he easily made it obedient to his commands, so that it was like a servant bowing down at his feet.
(23.) When good men hear his noble conduct constantly celebrated by mankind throughout the world, their bodies again and again are closely covered all over with hairs erect through delight.
(24.) He has been served with many presents, offered without guile and exceedingly pleasing, with stringe of pure pearls, gay steeds, fine garments and weapons; with camphor, quantities of betel, first-rate sandal-wood and endless quantities of gold; and with spirited rutting elephants, huge like moving mountains, together with their mates.
(26.) Piously he has assigned by deeds two villages to the lord Harsha, the excellent village of Chhattradhârâ and Samkaranaka.
(26.) He is adorned by his younger brother, the illustrious Durlabharaja, as Rama was by Lakshmana, and as Halayudha is by Vishņu.
(27.) This row of great kings had the origin of their virtues in devotion to Sambhu. The holy Harsha is their family-deity; through him has the family become illustrious.
(28.) In the land of Ananta dwelt the blessed preceptor Visvarapa, learned and a devout worshipper of Uttareśvara, whose hereditary doctrine was that of the Pañchár. thalas.
(29.) His disciple was Prasasta, a true worshipper of (Siva) Pasupati, purified by knowledge which shone brightly because the rite of initiation had removed all stains from it.
The following verse shows more clearly that Simharaja had been unfortunate in war and was probably killed in battle. The universal sovereign in Ragbu's race, spoken of in this verse, I understand to be the divine Rama (or Vishnu).
"This verse contains the two words auttarefvaru and pañcharthala, which I have not met with elsewhere. The formet is derived from uttarefnara which we have in Uttarefvara-tirtha, the name of Tirtha, and Uttarefoardrama, the name of a Linga, and which apparently is a name of Siva. Pafcharthala is evidently equivalent to pdfickdrthika, which peoun in line 6 of the Tewar stone inscription of Gayákarnadeva (Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, p. 311), and the meaning of which is apparent from the Sarpudarfana-sangraha, translation by Cowell and Gough, p. 103.

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(10.30 and 31.) His disciple was Bhavarakta, also called Allața, sprung from a family of holy Brahmans belonging to the Vårgaţika tribe, who had migrated from the well-known village of Rånapallika, near Harsba, where the hereditary doctrine is that of the Sámsárikas."
(32.) In Allaţa surely Nandin" himself, whose place is ever near śiva, had de. scended to the state of mortality, to worship the holy Harsha.
(33.) He who from his birth was a religious student, with mere space for his pure covering, with the soul completely controlled, and practising austerities; whose excellent mind was solely bent on worshipping the holy Harsha, and who had forsaken the in. fatuation of the outer world; who as soon as he was born was a dear friend ...... of those eager to cross the sea of) life,-he caused to be built this mansion of Harsha with its well-constructed halls (?), with the wealth received from pious people.
(34.) When one sees how on this hill of the moon-decorated (god) which with its lofty peaks kisses the path of heaven he built this incomparable mansion of the holy Pasupati, celebrated under the name of Harsha,-this mansion which surpasses the palaces of the immortals and is a home for many gods, endowed with excellent objects of enjoyment, it becomes evident to one that there is nothing which the penance of sages who have renounced all desires would not accomplish.
(35 and 36.) Of him, resplendent like Isvara, the disciple was Bhavadyota, always like Siva himself in appearance, who shed light on the spiritual) lineage of his preceptor. A perpetual religious student and fervently practising the vows of a Pasupata ascetic, he by fierce austerities acquired holiness and got rid of the defilement of unholy deeds.
(37.) Having received the command of his preceptor about to depart for Siva's home, he took upon himself to complete the works as they had been commenced.
(38.) To the east of the mountain, at the foot of it, he had three works executed, an excellent well, a beautiful garden, and a cistern for watering cattle, built of stone.
(39.) Watering the garden by means of a well of sweet water which never dries up ....... and filling the cistern.
(40.) To worship Sambhu with beautiful flowers and to give water to cattle to drink, these two things have been declared to be the best for people desirous of religious merit to accomplish.
(41.) Raiment consisting of mere space, matted hair, ashes, a broad couch formed by the earth, food received as alms, and the hand used as a drinking-cup,-these repre. sented all his wants.
(42.) Having filled up with masses of stone all that immense .... which was sin front) of Siva's temple, he caused to be made a beautiful court which, laid out with very smooth stones, is level and pleasant for walking.
(43.) The architect in this (work) was Chaņdasiva, the famed son of Virabhadra, omniscient like Viśvakarman, in the art of building houses ....
(44.) He built this delightful house of Sankara with its chapels, the beautiful porch which contains all the gods, like a portion of heaven made by the creator himself.
• This apparently is the meaning of dvindmatah, which does not oocur elsewhere. 70 What the doctrines of this sect were I have not been able to find out. 71 An attendant of Biva, commonly the bull on which be rides
7: Io his account of the ruins of the temple, Mr. Dean speaks of a doorway relieved by an architrave of most elaborate sculpture, divided into twelve compartmeuts, iu each of which a group from the Hindu Pantheou occupies a place.

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aber
(V. 45.) Dhiranaga, the pious son of the karanika Thiruka, has composed this lucid eulogy here, at the excellent dwelling of Gangadhara.
(46.) As long as Sambhu owns ......the river of the gods and the moon's crescent, as long as Lakshmi sports and the Kaustubha glitters on the bosom of Mura's foe," as long as Gayatri abides near Brahman as his ever-devoted spouse, so long may this Kai. làsa-like dwelling of the god Harsha shine forth!
(47.) ...... how should Sambhu come within the range of time. But the time when this mansion was built is recorded here, as we have learnt it.
In the year 1013, on the 13th of the bright half of Åshadha, was the temple of Sambhu completed.
(48.) When a thousand and three times nine years had gone," and when the sun had entered the sign of the Lion, on the third bright lunar day joined with the yoga) Subha and (the nakshatra) Hasta, on a Monday,"e-then that Allața, commanded by Sambhu who desired to give him an eternal, undefiled, essentially bright home, departed for the abode of Siva, about to obtain freedom from bodily existence."
May it be well! • The following is a record of the endowments as they were severally received up to? the 15th of the bright balf of Ashadha of the year 2080 :
The Mahárájádhiraja, the illustrious Simharaja, having on an auspicious day bathed at the sacred Pushkaratirtha, made over by deed of gift to the holy Harshadeva on the hill of the moon-decorated (god Harsha), to be his as long as the moon, the sun and the sea endure, four villages in his possession, viz. Simhagoshtha in the Tunakupaka group of twelve, Traikalakaka and frånaka pa" in the Pattabaddhaka vishaya, and Kaņhapallika in the Saraḥkoţta vishaya, for the purpose of bathing, worshipping and anointing (the god), for oblations, incense and lamps, and for the celebration of processions on festive days.
Similarly his brother, the illustrious Vatsaraja, gave by deed the village of Kar. damakhta in the Jayapura vishaya which he had become possessed of.
Similarly two villages, already mentioned above, were given by deed by the illustrious Vigraharaja.
Similarly the sons of the illustrious Simbaraja, the illustrious Chandraraja and the illustrious Govindaraja, piously presented by deeds bearing their signatures : .. two hamlets .... in the Pattabaddhaka vishaya (and) the Darbhakaksha di. shaya which they had become possessed of.
7 Le a writer of legal documents. 71.. Vishņa. ** s.o. in the expired (Vikrama) year 1027.
** The name of the week-day is similarly put in the instrumental caso in other dates, where we should have a pooted the locative.
77 I take vaideha as an abstract noun, derived from videla 'bodiless." * The word of the original, so translated, is riruddham, which I have not met with in this sense elsewhere.
* The names of these two villages form in the original a Dvandva compound, which I cannot be sure of having rosolved correctly.
See above, verse 25.
• Owing to the mutilated state of the text I am unable to translate this contence properly. In particolar I do not se how the meaning of the word pdfaka here differs from that of palliks. On pdfaka soe the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, p. 135.

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The illustrious Simbaraja's duhsádhya, the illustrious Dhandhuka, with the permission of his master, gave the village of Mayurapadra which he possessed in the Khattakúpa vishaya.
The illustrious Jayanaraja, the son of ......hila, piously gave by a deed to Harshadeva the village of Kolikû paka, possessed by him.
Likewise one vimeopaka on every kutaka of salt was assigned by the most illustrious........ 83 at Sakambhari.
And one dramma on every horse was assigned by the ..... of horse-dealers" from the northern country.
The fields given by pious-minded people and now possessed by the god are as follows: at Madråpurikà a pippalaválikáss field, at the village of Nimbadika a darbhatiká field, at Marupallikà a jhata field, at Harsha a láța field, at.... [ka). la vanapadra a sekyaka field; likewise here at ...... a big plough of land.
(Verse 49.) Râmnbhadra again and again entreats all the kings to come: this common causeway of religion to princes must at all times be guarded by you !
IX.-MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE SUBA OF DIHLI.
" " BY PAUL HORN, PH.D., STRASSBURG. The papers relative to Muhammadan inscriptions already published by scholars in India, especially those of the late Professor Blochmann, are so valuable that they have laid a solid foundation for further advances; but the number of inscriptions still un. edited must be very large, and their collection and publication may be looked to with confidence for many additions to, and corrections of, our information.
The following inscriptions are from impressions taken by the Archæological Survey officers of the Panjab circle at diverse places in the former Saba of Dibli.
I.-JHAJHAR Grave; in inser. No. 5 ). Jhajhar is now the head-quarters of the tahsil of the same name in the Rohtak District. It is situated in the plain 35 miles west of Dihli. The town is said to have been founded at the time of the first Muhammadan conquest of Dihli, and is not seldom mentioned by the chroniclers. Many ruins testify its later importance. In 657 A.H. it is named among other cities which were conferred upon Nusrat Khan (Tab. Nás, p. 274); in 756 Firoz Shah dug a large canal from the river Satlaj and prolonged it to Jhajhar, a distance of 48 kr 6h (Firishta, lithographed edition, vol. I, p. 262). In the Ain-l-Akbari it is registered with 128,417 bighas, 1,422,451 dáms, Sayúrghal 306,461 dáms, 60 cavalry and 1,000 infantry: the castes were Afgháns and Jats. In A. H. 967, when Akbar made his encampment at Jhajhar, Abu'l Ma'ali, who was set free from his confinement at
* This word apparently denotes an office. In other inscriptions we find dubsadhyarddhanika.
The word bere left untranslated is bham waha-defyd about the reading of which there is no doubt. Desi apparently is used in the same sense which it ought to convey here in the Peheva inseription, ante, vol. I, p. 187, 1. 8, and probably denotes guild,' and in that case bhammala should denote a class of traders. For vishfopaka see virhaopaka, ante, vol. I, p. 166. Kdaka probably denotes a certain weight or measure (of salt).
The original han belarika instead of had donka, which occurs in the Mitakshard on Yajfavalkya 11, 30. $ The terins here left untranslated probably denote various kinds of grain. # Tbe words bere omitted I do not understand.

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Bayana by Khân Khånân, dared to present himself before the emperor; but the latter was so greatly offended by this that he ordered the rebel again into imprisonment.
The town was almost ruined by the great famine of 1783 A.D., but has since regained its prosperity. The following twelve inscriptions belong to seven mosques in it, and date from the tenth and eleventh centuries of the Hijrat.
1. A loose stone (20%' by 18") from the destroyed Kali Masjid, now in the house of Mardân 'Ali Shah Bhattiàn in the town of Jhajhar, bears the following inscription of four lines :
قال النبي عليه السلام من بنا مسجدا لله بنا الله له مثله في الجنة
عالي خان اعظم برگزیده رحمان مربی جهان بنا کرد این مسجد مجلس
میان افغان دارد خان بن مغفور مرحوم ملک الشرق علاء الدوله والدین ملک
سلمه الله عن الحذثات و تزج ترابه بتاج الرضوان الخامس والعشرين من رمضان سنة تسع و تسعين وسبعماية
“ The Prophet-may he be blessed I-says, 'He who builds a mosque for Allah, • will have built for him a house like it by Allâh in Paradise.'
“This mosque has been built by the high Majlis, the great Khân, the chosen of the Merciful, the educator of the world,
“Daud Khån, the pardoned deceased son of the Malik Ashsharq ('Aladdaula) Waddin Malik Miyan, the Afghån;
“May God preserve him from bad accidents and crown his reward with the crown of Paradise !-on the twenty-fifth Ramazan 799 [22nd June 1397]."
The date falls in the reign of Maḥmad Shah; an inscription of the same year has also been published by Blochmann in the Journal As. Soc. Beng., vol. XLII, p. 304.
2. Over the mihráb of the Bazarwalli mosque in the middle of the town, a sandstone slab, measuring 28" by 153", bears the following five lines :
..
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله في زمانه عمدة الخافت باسط العدل و رافت جلال الدين محمد اکبر بادشاہ غازی خلدالله ملکه ر سلطانه بناء مسجد ساخته مكرمه
سرکار خراج کتور رمحسنه بيکه لطباع نواب ردمیان فرمایش في التاريخ السابع والعشرين ۲۷ من شهر رجب رجب قدرة سنه سبعين تسعمائة ۹۷۰
,
"In the name of the merciful and compassionate God. There is no God, etc.
"In the time of the pillar of the Kalifat, spreading justice and clemency, Jalaladdin Muḥammad Akbar Badishah-e-Gházi-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his
1 Here, at Strassburg. I am unable to refer to the Tarikh- Badaoni, the Jaunpurnama, the Minah altarárikk, Stewart's History of Bengal and other works. I have retained in the transcriptions of the inscriptions the spelling of the originals, adding no wanting dots, hamzas or tashdids, the poetry excepted; but I have omitted the signs of the short vowel: and the jasmas which often occur arbitrarily. For the short accounts of the places where the inscriptions bave been found. I have consulted Hunter's Imperial Gazetteer of India. To Dr. S. Landauer I am obliged for his kiud assistance in the elucidation of some difficulties.
s2

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reign I the erection of the honoured
"And beautiful mosque', the lady over natures (P), has been made by the Nawab Rami Khan, governor of the sarkár Khwaj Kator (P),
"On the 27th of the month Rajab-may its honour increase 1--of the year 970 [22nd March 1663]."
This inscription is interesting because it gives now information about Rami Khan, who is not often mentioned in the histories. Blochmann has noted two services of his in his translation of the Ain (No. 111, p. 424), the one from A.H. 971-one year later than the present inscription-the other of A. H. 983 (No. 146, p. 441). His full name is not certain. Blochmann styles him Rami Khan Ustad Jalabi."
3. Over the northern outside arch of the mosque of Shah Bura in the north of the town, is a sandstone, measuring 22" by 19", bearing the six lines :
افتاد
عزم مسجد را بنا این
باد مقرن ار بکام ایام که محمد رست ابراهیم دلشاد که خاطرخستكان مي سازد اباد سر خدمت بجا مي آرد استان
باد
باردار خدایا عرار را
بنیان کرد آنرا
که شهر رمضان
رصلی الله على محمد
: ندايم جاه سجده نيض ده باد
داد
جون وحد انيق براه حق
اکبر الدین جلال شه بدور هر کس برسد بدین توان نرکشت يقين ار همدم است با راصان حق
انك با قطب زمانه بتخصيص پر مقصود جهانست بده شاه که نه صد برد فزون شصت و ده رپنج
اتمام تاریخ
خراستم
زهاتف
۹۷۹ Metre: Hazaj.
"When God the only one, put away (my) misfortune, the building of this mosque was designed.
"In the time of the king Jalal addin Akbar-may his days be equal to his desire ! -
"Everybody who comes to that mighty one, becomes a new one; Muḥammad Ibrahim (also) is happy through him.
"He is true and a companion of the followers of God, he exhilarates the afflicted. "To him especially the pole and time devote their service, the masters. "As the design of the world is for ten kings, 80, O God I may his glory be eternal !
* When nine hundred was increased by sixty and ten and five, it was in the month Ramazan that he laid the foundation. May the friendship of God be over Muhammad !
Lipibe' has been distinctly engraved, but perhaps atbd is to be read and Béga-ya (1.0. Bég-0) abd' aynonymous with daryd bhdalary-BAbar's Momoins, p. 480.
The reading Kator is somewhat doubtful; the word may be Ganaur or Kanaum, but even if rond thus, we got none of the well-known urhre of the Moghal empire. The same strange use of farmáyil occurs in Nos. 4 and 4
More famous was the homonymods mir atask of Humkyan (died 942), who effected in 942 the conquest of the fort of Chandp by the praction of old Zopyrus' stratagom, after having quitted the service of his former master Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat, which trobery bus given matter for the anedote of Saltan Bahadur's parrot in Khat Kho'Muntakhab allubdb. The Turks of Europe were onlebrated in Asis for their knowledge of artillery, which was always the most remarkable weapon of the Turks in their wars with the Persian Shahs, fact that Shah Tahmasp I. in rain attempts to deny in his Memoirs (ow my German translation of them, p. 120. Strasburg, Trübner).

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From the heavenly speaker I asked the date of completion, a voice gave me já (-y) sijda fayz da' (Bestow a place of adoration). 976.' (Ramazan 976 began on the 17th February 1569)."
The words of the tarikh give only 975. The poetry is very poor and difficult to understand. I do not pretend that my readings are absolutely correct.
4. Over the central arch of the ruined mosque of Miyan Raïb to the south of the Bazarwalli Masjid is a rectangular sandstone, measuring 19" by 15", bearing the following five lines. This mosque is in the last stage of ruin, the yard being filled with filth and sweepings; it is no more used for religious purposes.
اشهد ان لا اله الا الله وحده لا شريك له واشهد أن محمد عبده ورسوله کرد، بناء عمارت مسجد میان رائب بن پیاره في التاريخ عشر من شر (sic) ذي العم
میان دارد سنه ۹۸۹ فرمایش
"I testify that there is no God but God alone, who has no companion; "And I testify that Muhammad is His servant and His apostle.
"The edifice of this mosque has been built by Miyan Raïb, son of Piyara, on the tenth of the month Zi-l-Hajj,
“In the year 989 [5th January 1682]. His commander (toas) Miyan Dadd."
5. The graveyard of Miyên Raïb is situated half a mile east of Jhajhar, near the Buawalla tank. A red sandstone over the eastern gateway (27' by 13") bears the following inscription of four lines; the lettering is very poor :
را جهان
تاج
مبارکه اکبر از عدالت
شاه بدوري
پيارة
ابن رایب
میان ساختن [۶] چون دین بهتر محير
سلامت کیان [۶] همارا جبر نور
پر قصبه سنه الغه اتنه (sic) ماه رمضان محمد دولتیاره ارتاجی [۶] ......
"In the time of Shah Akbar, by whose justice came blessing upon the crown of the world
. * Miyan Raib, son of Piyara. “The town full of light, Jajar, is the repose of all nobles; “In the year 1002, in the month of Ramazan ( began the 21st May 1591) ....."
The marble gravestone itself measures 3' 8" by 104". It contains the Kalima and the words qabr-i-Miyán Ráïb; round the open middle space runs the Fátiņa. At
-Whatso، هرچه آمد برفت the foot of the stone the Persian sentence has been engraved
ever came has gone'.
6. Over the outside central arch of the mosque attached to the tomb of 'Abd as. Samad, half a mile east of the town near the Buawalla tank, is a red sandstone slab (21" by 17"), containing the following six lines :
نور الدين
خليفه در زمانه
استوار متین عدل و انصاف
خوش رراجيست دین اسلامی
هزار سال
بباد يا الهي
Cf the ford of Bava Piyars on the river Narmada, Iqbaln. Jah., p. 301.

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134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
ایره رایب که ارست طالب دین خردم رهنمون هزار رعشرين
عباسین ترم
که ابن مکن
برین
خلد دین داران بروضه
کرد مسجد بنائی اسمعیل سال تاریخ از خرد جستم کرشه شيني فقير عبد الصمد
محمد عربي از طفيلي
Metre : Khaftf.
“In a good career is the faith of Islam in the time of the king Näraddin (Jahangir) O God I may his justice and equity stand firm and solid a thousand years!
“This masjid has been built by Ism'ail Irah Raïb, who is a student of the faith.
"I asked the mind the date-year, the guiding mind (said) to me.1020'[began 16th March 1611].
"(1), a hermit, the poor 'Abd as-şamad, the son of Makan, who belongs to the family of the 'Abbassides,
"To the companions of Muḥammad the Arabian, the pious ones in the high Paradise."
In No. 11 'Abd aş-Şamad's father is named Mankan.
7. Over the gateway of Rustam Khan in the south of the town, on a sandstone, measuring 4 feet by 12%", are two lines, and flower arabesques :
اشهد ان لا اله الا الله وحده لا شريك له وأشهد أن محمد عبده و رسوله تاریخ دروازه رستم خان ابن محمد خان سربني سنه ۱۰۴۹
“I testify that there is no God but God alone, who has no companion; and I testify that Muhammad is His servant and His apostle.
"The date of the gateway of Rustam Khân, son of Muḥammad Khân Sarbani (is) 1029 [began 8th December 1619].
"Jahangir elevated the builder from a commander of 60 to a chief of 5,000 foot and 4,000 horse and named him Rustam Khân; besides he bestowed on him the government of Gujarat. He put much confidence in him and placed him in 1032 as general under the command of Prince Parwez, after he had abandoned the service of the rebel Prince Shahjahân. Iqbáln. Jah, 209, Waqi'át. Jah, in Elliot's History, vol. VI, p. 388."
8. Over the central arch of the same mosque as No. 6, on a red sandstone measuring 471" by 9", is an inscription of two lines; (not in situ):
شد این روضه پر نور حسن شہید
کشید هزار و سی و پنج سالش
جهان کسي
شاه روضه را
جهانگير این
بدور تراریخ
Metre: Mulaqarib.
In the time of Jahangir, the king of the world, this light tomb of Hasan Shahid has been made.
“The date of it for a tomb has been brought by somebody (®) in the year 1085” [began 3rd October 1625).
9. Over the central outside arch of the Shaikhanwalla masjid, a soft sand. stone slab, measuring 4' 11" by 8}", contained originally four lines, but the first, in Arabic, has almost vanished. Also the other lines are much injured, and some words are

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM DELHI DISTRICT.
135
I
missing, so that it is not possible to decipher fully the eighteen Persian hemistichs. give only the beginning and the date :
. .
جهجر . نہایت خوبی
جهانست
زشاهان که عالی تر که در زمین بمثلش بي نشانست
ہمدالله که در جهجر كلام ..
جہانگیر نورالدین بدر شاه بنای کرد رستم خان محمد خان
! د
.
.
.
بسن الف ر پنج رسی
(مرتب شده عمارت) بتاریخ دهم از ماه رجب
Metre: Hazaj.
"In the time of Shah Naraddin Jahangir, who is more exalted than the kings of the world, Rustam Khan, son of Muḥammad Khån, has built it, who has not his like on the earth."
In the verses that follow the beauty of the mosque is described. The building was completed on the 10th of the month Rajab in the year 1035 (the 7th April 1626].
10. Over the north-west arch of a small burj on the west side of the tank of Shah Ghazi Kamal, a short distance north of the town, is a red sandstone, measuring 4' 11" by 8", and containing eight hemistichs, arranged in two lines :
و
کرد نشان نادر مثال مرض
خلق جهان بهر راحت فراغ
بدان
در غلر خردم کفت
عرفان ابن منکن که صاحب
سنه هزار سي و شش برد
... در زمانه خلیفه نور الدين
درگیل رای رایان رای سال تاریخ از خرد جستم کوششيني فقير عبد الصمد
Metre : Khafif.
"In the time of the king Näraddin the tank, which has scarcely its like, became a sign
"Of Rai Rayan Rai Darghal, for the benefit of the happiness of the people of the world,
"I asked the mind the date-year; the mind spoke to me know it in ghulúr.
"(I) the poor hermit 'Abd aş-Şamad, the son of Mankan, who is a master of knowledge.
"The year was 1036" [began the 22nd September 1628]. The name of the builder is not certain.
11. Over the central outer arch of Kalal Khan's masjid, half a mile outside Jhajbar towards the east near the Buawalla tank, on a red sandstone measuring 2 9" by 7}", sculptured at the ends, is an inscription of three lines :-
:
شده مرتب ر موجود این بلند مكان و کرم عنایات کارساز جهان بلطف
شاه جهان خلایق پناه عهد
بدور بنای مسجد عالي كلال خان کرده
خدای عز رعه داردش بامن و امان بسال سی و نهم یکهزار شد موجود خلایق بثاء Concerning Rastam Khan, see above No. 1.
: Currected from

Page #157

136
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Metre: Mujtass.
"By the grace and favour of the aids of the settler of the world, this high place has been arranged and constructed.
"Kalal Khan has built this high mosque in the time of Shahjahan, the refuge of men.
"It was in the year 1089 [began the 21st August 1629]. God-may he be honoured and exalted 1-keeps it in safety and security."
II.-PANIPAT. Panipat lies to the north of Dihli, as the Akbarnáma (II, 35) says 30, according the Munt. allub. (1, 50) 40, krőhe distant. It dates back to the wars between the Pandavas and the Kauravas. The modern town stands upon a high mound composed of the débris of earlier buildings. Because of its importance in the Muhammadan period it was frequented by the kings, especially by the Mughal emperors, so that its name occurs very often in the chroniclers. BAbar, in his Memoirs, names it as a considerable city. Besides, it has at several times witnessed decisive battles which were fought on its plains and sealed the fate of the whole of Upper India. Timur found it a place of consequence where were stored large provisions of wheat. In 933 A. H. Båbar met Ibrahim Lodi near Panipat and defeated him, his adversary himself being killed in the fight. The emperor considered the place of his victory a fortunate one and bestowed as a special favour the government of Panipat, together with the gift of the revenues due on one harvest, upon Sultan Muhammad Anghult, who had bravely assisted him in that battle (Tarikh-Esalátin-f-4fághina; Elliot's History, vol. V, p. 34). Sixty years later, Akbar, or speaking more exactly Khan Zaman, conquered Hemû on the same field. On account of these victories Jahangir, in his Tuzaq, speaks of Pånipat as of a place which has always been a fortunate one for my ancestors' (Transl. of Lowe, p. 47). In 980 it was plundered. together with Sonpat and Karnal, by the rebel Ibrahim Husain Mirz. When Nadir Bhah entered India, battles were again fought in the vicinity of Panfpat. In A.D. 1761 Ahmad Shah Durrant gained there his great victory over the Marathas.
The Ain states the area of the district to have been 568,444 bighas, its revenues were 10,766,647 dáms, 3,540, 882 say dáms, and its contingent amounted to 100 horse and 2.000 foot. It had a castle built of brick. The principal tribes were Afghans, Gujars and Rangbars. Two learned men born at Panipat in Akbar's reign were Shaikh Zaman, author of a commentary on the Lawih and other excellent works (Badauni, II, 258), and of the renowned surgeon Shaikh Hasan (Ain).
12. Over the central arch in the western wall of the tomb enclosure of Hafiz Jamal, half a mile north of the town, is now fixed the sandstone (8' 8' by 131") which bears the following inscription. It has been transported thither from Munk, where (from its contents) it seems originally to have belonged to a mosque. The middle of the second line has been completely destroyed by the weather, which has injured also other words and has taken away all dots :
ابوالمطفر امرسا هده العمارة في عهد السلطان المعطم علاالدیا والد
مطهر مصررعد سر السرله والد مسعود ساه سلطان رحلد ملکه ... درکه مریک
[ ای ]
Ilyen who wewall we .. all yel Wilblondi (+) con .
.
.
(?)
zwall ulstens Iyoylece
و سرمایه
سده بلب ر اربع

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM DELHI DISTRICT.
137
“This edifice was ordered to be built in the time of the honoured king 'Aladdunya waddin Abu-l-Muzaffar Mas'ad Shah, the king-may God perpetuate his reign ........... ....... of Pargana Munk, Muzaffar Mansur 'Ala Badr addaula waddin,
“ (son) of the chief of the Amirs, Pahlawan ashsharq ..., the defunct, the royalmay God increase his .....!-in the middle of Shawwal 643" [began the 19th February 1246).
This is the first inscription of Mas'ud Shah, who reigned from 639 till 644 A. He was the son of Firoz Shah and succeeded Bahram Shah on the throne. The name of the father of the grandee is not quite certain; the latter bore the title Badr addin, which Malik Badr addin Şunqar-i-Rumi (put to death in 639) had before him (Tab. Nás 255). Afterwards the title was bestowed on Malik Nusrat Khan Sungar-i-Sufi. As two persons could not have the same title at the same time-which is specially stated, e.g. in the Riyas assalátin, p. 284--Malik Şunqar-i Şafi must have been named Badr addin, but in the reigu of Mahmud Shah, under which king he was more of a persona grata than under Mas'ud, who permitted the Nizâm al Mulk Khwaja Muhaxzab addin to take all functions out of the hands of the Turkish Amirs. It is not surprising that the name of the Malik of our inscription does not occur in the Tabaqát--- Nágirt among the Shamsi Maliks, for Minhaj addin gives also a defective list of the Maliks of Mahmud Shah's reign, from which Major Raverty concludes that the author intended to continue his work to the period falling within his own lifetime.
Pargana Munk has been identified by General Cunningham (Archeol. Survey of India, vol. II, p. 186) with the old Nicæa of Alexander the Great. It is not mentioned in the Ain, but it occurs once in the Akbarnáma, vol. III, p. 604, where it is said that Akbar gave it to Ziya al Mulk.
13. Over the south door of the tomb of Shaikh Jalal addin in the east of Panipat is a sandstone slab (2 84' by 19") bearing four lines; the inscription is not visible from the enclosure owing to a high verandah which has been attached :
بانی این عمارت فیروز محمد لطف الله افغان بانی پنیر در عهد سلطان السلاطين سکندر شاه بهلول شاه سلطان برم باري تعالی ترفیق یافت تا کنبد حظیره بند کی شیخ المشایخ رالا رلیاء شیخ جلال الحق والشرع رالدین قدس الله سره العزیز براررد بتاریخ دوم ماه شوال سنة أربع وتسعماية
"The builder of this edifice is Firoz Muḥammad LutfallAh, the Afghân. The builder of this religious edifice, during the time of the king of kings Sikandar Shah, son of Bublål Shah, the king, by the kindness of God Almighty, found grace to erect the vault of the tomb of the revered Shaikh of Shaikhs and saints, Shaikh Jalal alhaq washshar' waddin-may God sanctify his dear secret! Dated 2nd Shawwal, 904" (13th May 1499).
• Because Blochmann bas overlooked the fact that Ziyá al Molk is mentioned several times in the Albarndma, I add here briefly what is there said about him, as a supplement to the Ain Translation, p. 497, No. 276. In 994, he served under Shaikh Farid Bukhabf; in 1000 A.H., he became Governor of Monk. Afterwards be and Abd Napir were sent as amb dors to Shah 'Abbes of Persia. In 1011 he became bakhshigar of the army sent against Bir Singh Dev Bandela, the more derer of Abu-l Fazl. In 1012 he was elevated to the rauk of a commander of 700 foot and 300 horse. The Lin dames him only as a chief of 350.

Page #159

138
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
The words Bani-yi in khair in the first line are doubtful, but, as I cannot make out the correct reading, I have recurred to that of Blochmann, who has published the inscription in the Proceedings of the A8. Soc. Beng. for 1873, July, p. 141. (Perhaps Panipati should be read, written ). In the same place is given an account of Shaikh Jalal addin. The inscription falls in the 11th year of Sikandar Shah Lodi's reign.
III.-SEWAH. 14. In Sewah, 4 miles south of Panipat, is the tomb of Sayyid Bayazid. A sandstone, measuring 13" by 9", over the doorway of the dome, bears the following inscription of three lines :
بنا نموده کنبد سید بایزید شہید بلررلد نيت ساکن موضع سواه سنه ۴ فرخ سیري
"The dome of Sayyid Bayazid, the martyr, has been built by Balu, son of Nayat, an inhabitant of the village of Sewah, in the fourth year of Farrukh Siyar."
Farrukh Siyar really became emperor in 1124 A.H., but he gave orders that Jah&ndar Shah's reign should be considered as rebellion, and that his own reign should date from the 1st Rabi'al awwal 1123 [19th March 1711], Munt. allub. II, 737.
IV.-SONPAT ( que sigue singu). Sonpat is also a town of great antiquity which is said to have been founded by the earliest Aryan settlers. In the Áin it is registered with 283,299 bighas, 7.727.323 dáms, 775,105 say. dáms, 70 horse, and 1,000 foot. It had a brick fort. The principal tribes were Afghans and Jats. The following inscriptions are from three mosques and several tombs there. A celebrity buried at Sonpat is Sayyid Naşir 'Âbidallah ibn Ahmad, whose tomb is still extant, but no inscription relative to himself has been discovered. Khizr Khån, son of 'Ala addin Muhammad Khilji, is said to have made a pilgrimage to the tombs of certain martyrs buried here (Ibn Batata, French edition, vol. III, p. 187).
15. Over the central outside arch of a mosque attached to the tomb of Imam Nasir, just outside Sonpat to the south on the Dihli road, is a sandstone slab (7' 6" by 17") which bears an inscription of two lines, the letters being thick and clumsy :
نوبة السلطان الاعطم طل الله في العالم عباب الديا والد تجدد هده العمارة المسجد المباركه المدمره في العايم باید الرحمن ایرالمطعر علي السلطان
ميرسك ب اي بيك مقطع سرنت ناصر امیر المومنین خلدالله ملکه وسلطانه العبد الصعدي
دستمایه رجب عطم الله حرميه سنه سبعد في التاريخ دراردهم ماه مبارک
“The building of this blessed august mosque was renewed during the reign of the great king, the shadow of God on earth, Ghiyath addunya waddin, who stands by the assistance of the merciful, Abu-l Muzaffar Balban, the king, the aider of the
See the facsimile No. i on the accompanying plate. The fact that the late Mr. Blochmann, tbe acknowledged authority for these inscriptions, has several times giren faulty readings in the Proceedings of the As. Soc. Beng. for 1873, May, p. 94, where he has published this inscription, may show how easily errors may be committed in deciphering. .

Page #160

Epigraphia Indina, vol 11.
1.- SONPAT INSCRIPTION OF GHIYAS AD DIN BALBAN, A.H. 670.
:
Seale: 12-10DOES,
II-ONE SIDE OF A PHILI.AR AT SONPAT, A. H. 884.
Scale: 1-76.
II- MAHIM INSCRIPTION OF A.H. 949.
DEL SLSLUTE ESTE SWIS ANESE
N S 同的國家。
Ghulam Husain, impress.
dealt: 2-9th,

Page #161


Page #162

INSCRIPTIONS FROM DELHI DISTRICT.
Commander of the Faithful-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign!-by the weak slave Mir Beg, son of Ai Beg, the mugti' of Sonpat. Dated the 12th of the blessed month Rajab-may God increase its honour!-670" [13th February 1271].
Three other inscriptions of Balban's time are extant: the first from Barwala, 680 A.H. (see No. 51); the second from Garhmukhtêsar in the Mirat District, 682 A.H. (E. Thomas, Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Dihli, p. 136); and the third from Sakit in sarkâr Qanauj, 684 A.H. (Proceedings of the A8. Soc. Beng. for 1874, May, p. 104).
16. In a part of the graveyard of Imam Nasir a square pillar, of coarse black sandstone, is standing, which has been inscribed on each side with Persian verses and some Arabic religious sentences. Its dimensions are 6′ 23′′ by 1'3" by 101". It is beautifully sculptured and copiously ornamented with flower arabesques and scrolls, The verses in the middle of each side have been written in a large handsome Ta'aliy; round these middle pieces run also verses in smaller letters. As there is no information about the builder or the name of the holy man buried in these, the historiographer loses nothing if I omit the marginal hemistichs-18 each on the top and on both sides, and 6 each on the two ends. That it is the tomb of some saint follows from the poetry, which throughout points to a pious man. The date of the erection has been inscribed on the left side of the stone, viz. the third Rajab 884 [20th September 1479], which falls in the reign of Buhlûl Lôdi.
It has been said that the stone was put up in the time of Aurangzeb, and that it is the tomb of some Pir Yûsuf, but such local tradition is of no value compared with the statement of the stone itself. The stone is broken about 2 feet from the head; it is exposed to the weather, and the margin has thus been ruined in many parts. Besides being broken, the sides near the basement are crumbling and the stones forming the base are very rotten. This beautiful object should be protected.
At the head and foot of the stone the following verses are inscribed (Metre : Ramal):
عاقبته زیر سرت زیر خشت خاک بود کر سرا پرده قدر تو بر افلاک بود
139
"Even if the curtain of thy power were near the heavens, in the end under thy head and armpit will be the dust."
که در آخر شودن عمر برد کار تو راست راست کی کار خود امروز که عمرت برجاست
"Make ready thy work to-day when thou art in full life, so that thy work may be ready when thy life is finished."
Both sides contain two Bubá'is each11:
از مطرب ساده نغمه درخواست کنی تاکی زاصول دین کم و کاست كني
چندان نگذارد که نفس راست کلی اهنگ نوای عین کم کن که اجل
"For what length dost thou bid defiance to the fundamentals of the faith, requesting a smooth melody from the musician?
10 Besides those mentioned there exist the following two inscriptions of Balban; eiz. at Koh, or 'Aligarh, A.H. 652, and at Manglaur in tahsil Rurki, A. H. 683; see A. Führer, Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the NorthWestern Provinces and Oudh, pages 2 and 17.-Ed. E. I.
See the facsimile No. ii of the right side of this stone on the plate.
T 2

Page #163

140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
“O eye! resign to thy new purpose, for death scarcely allows the soul to become ready."
كني کني
کرش زیبا سخنان اهل دل هرچند بسي کند فراموش
كني کر کار برسم صلحب مش
تكني باسي رنسبت بترکس با کس
"If thou wilt do thy works as a man of judgment, thou must listen to the words of the wise.
"Do evil to no one and nobody will do evil to thee, or whatever evil they do thee forget it."
راحت رسد از ری بدل درویشان
بجوید زیشان نیکي کند ر عرض
آنکه بآئين مروت کیشان خش از خلق نکر همیست با خلق خدای
"Happy is one by whose generous practice the heart of the poor receives quiet
"He belongs to the good people, who does well to the creatures of God and gets reward from them."
در ملک بقا رسیدن و آسودن
بردن تر بفکر باید خاموشي
فنا پیمری خواهي از صحرای باید سخنت بذکر کردي جرخمش
"If thou wilt pass from the plain of perishableness to the kingdom of eternity and become satisfied,
"Thou must preserve thy words and be like a silent one and always have silence in thy mind."
On the top are inscribed the Kalima, Qorán, Sara II, 256, and some other short sentences.
Respecting the Imam Naşir, near whose tomb the inscription has been found, Mr. F. G. Delmerick gives some information in the Proceedings, A8. Soc. Beng. 1873, May, p. 85.
17. Over the eastern doorway of the enclosure of Khwaja Kbizr's tomb, a quarter of a mile north of Sonpat, is a red sandstone, measuring 7' 1" by 1', containing two lines :
رحمة الله عليهما يوم الاثنين شد عمارت دهليز حظیره میان خواجه خضر بن دريا خان سرداني مرتب الخامس عشر من شهر شوال سنة ثمان عشرين
وتسعماية في عهد السلطان العادل الباذل الرائق بتائید الرحمان ابر المظفر ابراهيم شاه بن اسکندر شاه بن بهلول سلطان وسلطانه خلد لتنادا
"The portico of the tomb of Miyan Khwaja Khizr, son of Darya Khan Shirwant -may God have mercy upon both |--Was erected on Monday the 15th Shawwal, 928 [7th September 1522].
"In the time of the just and liberal king, who relies on the assistance of the Merciful, A bu! Muzaffar Ibrahim Shah, son of Iskandar Shah, son of Buhlal, the kingmay his kingdom be perpetuated until the resurrection !"
# The second last words are uncertain.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM DELHI DISTRICT.
141
18. Over the southern doorway of the same tomb is found another inscription of two lines; the stone measures 9' 51" by 11. It runs
معظم رمکرم میان خواجه خضر بعون الله تبارک و تعالی و فضله عمارت کنید این حظیره بند کي ميل
شیرداني مرحوم مغفور بن دریا خان بن شیخ المشایخ شیخ احمد بن ملك المشايخ شيخ مندركي دریش عليهم الرحمة والغفران
ممهد فراعد السلام والدین ظل الله في العالمين مقطع قصبة سونپته درعهد حضرت سلطان السلاطين
شاه سلطان خلد ملکه وسلطانه تمام شد الرائق بتائید الرحمن [ ابر] المظفر ابراهیم شاه بن سکندر شاه بن بهلول بفرمایش لنگرخان خضر در پانزدهم ماه رجب رجب قدرة سنه ثلثين وتسعمایه
"With the help of God, who is blessed and exalted, and by His grace, the building of the vault of this tomb of the great and noble saint, Miyán Khwaja Khizr, the deceased, the pardoned, son of Darya Khån, son of the Shaikh of Shaikhs, Shaikh Ahmad, son of the king of Shaikhs, Shaikh Mandaki Darwêsh of Shirwan-may God have mercy and pardon upon them -
“The muqti' of the town of Sonpath, was completed in the time of his Majesty the king of kings, who confirms the laws of Islam and the faith, the shadow of God in both worlds, who trusts to the aid of the Merciful, Abu-l Muzaffar Ibrahim Shah, son of Sikandar Shah, son of Buhlul Shah, the king-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign!-by order of Langar Khân Khizr, on the 15th Rajab-may its honour increase !930 [19th May 1524]."
19. Over the central outer arch of a small masjid in the sarai near the dispensary, on a brown sandstone slab (21" by 13"), are two lines. The stone belonged originally to a tomb which is now used as a police rest-house :
یا الله لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله با عامر اغفر زنربي (ie) با الله
اني حطرة علمان برادر محمود خان افغان مقطع قصيه سره راست کنانید در مهد بابر بادشاه در ماه صفر سنه سبع بلس رسعمایه
"O God! There is no God, etc. O forgiving ! forgive me my sins, O God!
This tomb has been built by 'Ali Khan, brother of Mahmud Khan, the Afghan, muqti' of the town of Sonpath, in the time of BAbar Padishah, on the second of the month Şafar 937' [25th September 1530].
All Khan belonged to the Farmult tribe and is mentioned in Babar's Memoirs as 'Umdat al A'yák 'Ali Khân Shaikhzâda-ya Farmuli, in the battle against Rana Sanka (938); in 985 A.E, he was sent against the rebel Baban (pp. 416, 436, 482). Abu-l-Fazl has inserted the same statements in his Akbarnáma.
20. Over the outside of a doorway, leading to the west from the enclosure of Imam Naptr, is a sandstone slab (3' 5" by 1' 3") containing 16 bemistichs in four lines :
روزکارست بنای
تا ندیده که در میدان مردي شهريارست
بنای ابمانند
زینسان بعالم هیچکس
شهنشاهي بوراي
# Both imoriptions have been published by Blochmaun in the Proceedings of 4. Soc. Beng. 1873, May, p. , etseg. Mr. Delmerick there identifies the Khwaja biar with the homonymous Khan, who is several times mentioned by Firiabtu.
1
Cor. from
نهبند

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که از بستان معنی یاد کارست
آرست
مرسوم غلام رجاکرش
درلت ار استارست که طرح که روز رزم جون اسپندیارست که در ملک عدالت شهریارست بكفتا نهصد و شست رجهارست
جلال الدین محمد اکبر آن کل جهانگیری که جون خاقان رقيصر
کشته باني این بنا را امیری امیر کشور شوکت علی درست عدالت پیشه جن ار ندیدم جرجستم از خرد سال بنایش
Metre: Hazaj.
"In the world nobody has seen such a building since the beginning of time; "It suits to the time of a king who is a sovereign on the battle-field of manliness,
"JalAladdin Muhammad Akbar, the rose, which is a reminder of the spiritual flower garden;
"A conqueror of the world, who makes (men), as the emperor of China and the Cæsar, his accustomed servants and slaves.
“An Amir was the builder of this building, of whose power the foundation is solid, -
“The chief of the kingdom of the majesty, 'All Dost, who is like Ispandyâr on the day of battle.
"I never saw a practiser of justice like him who is sovereign in the reign of justice.
“When I asked the mind the year of its erection, he said It is 964"" [began the 4th November 1656].
Alt Dost Khan Barbégt (master of the ceremonies), son of Hasan 'Ali, is mentioned in the Akbarnáma (II, 69), 963 A.H. as one of Tardt Beg's officers in the war against Hém. A.H. 961 he is named among other nobles who accompanied Humayun to Persia (I, 823). In 984 he was attached to Shihabaddin Ahmad Khân; and in 991 he was intrusted with the care of the army and the pay of the soldiers (III, 404). For the last time he is mentioned A.H. 1006 (III, 644). He had a son, Fatḥ Dost, who died in 989 (III, 854).
21. Over the south outer arch of the masjid of the Qazizadas, in the Mahalla of the Qazîzadas, in the fort of Sonpat, is a rectangular soft sandstone slab, measuring 2'6" by 10", which contains three lines :
لااله الا الله محمد رسول الله
جر خش بری عنبر
صفايي عرش خوشا تعمیر مسجد زير افلاک
شاه اكبر
محمد جلال الدین
جان عالم زمانی شد بشاهي
بامر قاضي احمد با بنم دکر شده تاریخي (bio) بناء اور مسلم ماه رجب رجب قدره سنه تسع رسنين وتسعماية
Metre: Hazaj.
"There is no God, etc.
“Well I the repairing of the mosque—the clearness of its roof under the heavens is like fragrant ambergris
"Was in the time of the kingdom of the soul of the world, JalAladdin Muhammad Akbar Shah,

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“The date of the erection has been intrusted to the command of Qazt Aḥmad and five others (R).
"In the month of Rajab-may God increase its honour 1-A. 969" [began the 7th March 15627
The Qazizadas mentioned in the Akbarnáma were all rebels, or bad-andêsh (malicious men); one being a partisan of Ma'şum Khan; another who had the surname khabitha-ya Mawarannahr (the impure from Transowania) obeying Abu-l Ma'All's command and attempting to murder Man Chochuk Begum, Prince Muhammad Hakim's mother; a third being united with a pretended son of Mirza Shahrukh to murder Qasim
авокаліеr who tead-a
Khan.
22. Over the northern outer arch of the same mosque is a second inscription sculptured on a sandstone (measuring 2' 8" by 18") in five lines :
- لااله الا الله محمد الرسول الله
که اسلام را زینت رزیب داد شاه جهان شهنشاه بعد
که خلق آورد سری سجده چکاد چنان مسجد ساخت قاضی نصر
خدا نرنهاد
که مسجد برای پرتاریخش از عقل جستم بگفت مرتب شد عمارت هذه المسجد المباركة الميمونة في التاریخ یازدهم شهر ربيع الاول سنه الف رسته ر ستین
(Metre: Mutaqárib.) "There is no God, etc.
"In the time of the king of kings, Shahjahan, who gave ornament and beauty to Islam, Qazi Nașr has repaired the mosque that people might bow the forehead in adoration. When I asked the mind its date, he said. He has newly built the mosque for God's sake'. The edifice of this blessed and august mosque has been prepared on the 11th of Rabi'al awwal A. 1068" [8th January 1656].
23. In the southern wall, outside Imam Nasir's tomb, is a stone which has been whitewashed so much that the letters of the inscription have been partly ruined. Nor has Imâm Naşir's tomb a right to the stone, which originally belonged to a mosque; the dimensions of the inscription, which is in one line, are 3' 8' by 4* Above the letters there are ornaments in the form of Cufic characters :
عمارة هدا المسد سی العابد العال السيد اني نکر(۱) محمد بن الحس العصرلی ادام الله يرانهما في المحرم سنه احلسی رمانی رالف رمایه
“The edifice of this mosque has been built by the leader, the guardian, the Sayyid Abê Bakr (?) Muhammad, son of Hasan, the Fuzall-may God perpetuate their reward I-in the Muharram of 1181."
The first name of the builder and the two last words are very doubtful; instead of 1100, it may also be 700 or 900.
V.-ROHTAK AND MAHIM. The cities of Rohtak and Mahim have suffered in general the same fate during the Muhammadan period. In the environs of both are to be found many remains of antiquities, also of Hindu origin; in the vicinity of Rohtak have been excavated coins of

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Raja Samanta Deva from about 920 A.D.16 These districts had the misfortune to be plundered by every invader who came to the Panjab, from Mahmûd of Ghazni till the present century, so that there are everywhere remains of destroyed villages; they were laid waste by Mahmûd the Ghaznavide, by Timur, by Shihab addin Ghori, by Babar, by Nadir Shah, by the Marathas, and by the English under General Lake. Now Mahim belongs to the district of Rohtak lying 19 miles north-west of the town of Rohtak; also in former times, before Akbar, both appertained to one sarkár, the older name of the tract of country being Hariána. 'Abbas Khân states in his Tarikh-i Shérsháhi (Elliot. Dowson's History, vol. IV, p. 415) that Sher Shah 'gave the sarkár of Sirhind to masnad • Ali Khawas Khan as jágír, who kept in that sarkár his slave Malik Bhagvant at the capital Dihli. Mian Ahmad Khân Sarvânt was amír, and 'Adil Khan and Hâtim Khân shiqdár and faujdár.' If Dihlt was the capital of Malik Bhagvant's sarkár, it is to be supposed that Rohtak and Mahim were also allotted to his province. Under Akbar they were separated : Rohtak fell to the Dihli sarkár, and Mahim to sarkár Hisar Firôza. The din-i Akbart has the following details concerning them : Mahim has a fort of burnt brick; 188,080 bighas, 4,958,613 dáms naqdi, 84,202 dáms sayurghál. The inhabitants were Tunvar Rajpats and Jats, 700 horse, 2,000 foot (I, 527). Rohtak has a fort of burnt brick; 636,835 bighas, 8,599,270 dáme naqdt, 428.000 dáms sayurghál. Jats; 100 horse, 2,000 foot.' (I, 519). At Rohtak Kai Khosrau, grandson of Balban and designated heir of his throne, was murdered by Kai Qobad's emissaries.
Both towns, especialiy Mahim, bear traces of great importance in past times. The following inscriptions refer to five mosques at Mahim and four at Rohtak. The most important and interesting of the nineteen Rohtak and Mahim inscriptions is No. 33. below.
24. Over the central outer arch of the new mosque in Rohtak, the tomb-stone of Firoz Khan is now placed. It measures 3' 8' by 8", and contains two lines. The letters are partly illegible :
تمام شد این بقعه شیر در... [۲] در عهد نیکر [۶] حضرت بابر بادشاه غازي خلدالله ملکه رسلطانه
[?] ole time [?] Kis kény
فیروز خان بن مسند عالي احمد خان بن ...... جمالخان مرحومین بتاریخ دهم ماه ربیع الاخر سنه اربع رثلثين وتسعمایه
“This tomb ..... has been finished in the prosperous time of his Majesty Babar Badish4h-1-Ghazi-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule !-The tomb of ...... the high Masnad
"Firoz Khân, son of the high Masnad Ahmad Khân, son of ...... Jamal Khan, both defunct, on the 10th Rabi'al awwal 934" (4th December 1527].
Firoz Khan is mentioned in Babar's Memoirs and in the Akbarnáma, 932 A.D., as a renowned officer who was generously rewarded along with other men of merit by Babar after the victory over Ibrahîm Lodi. Besides one kror of tankas-(according to Babar's Memoirs,-1 krór 46 Takhs and 5,000 tankas, p. 384) from Jaunpur, he received some jágir (chizí jágír). The emperor sent bim afterwards against Itâwah.
* Cunningham's Reports Archæological Survey of India, vol. XVI, p. 136.
* It may be remarked incidentally that the mention of Rohtak in the text of the Tulaqdb-i Nasirí, p. 217, is not correct, as Captain Raverty states iu bis trauslation of that work, p. 693, Lote 7.

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25. Over the central outside arch of the mosque in the gashi, or fort, of the Pathåns at Rohtak the following inscription of three lines is engraved on a rectangular sandstone-size 167 by 12 inches. The garhi of the Pathans is in the north-west of the town, where the road comes in from Hansi :
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم من جاء بالحسنة فله عشر أمثالها و من جاء بالسيئة فلا يجزى از مثلها وما ترفيقي الا بالله قال عليه السلام من بني مسجدا في الدنيا فله قصر في الجنة /۹۳۰ و ...... سنه ۹۴۰
“In the name of God the merciful and the compassionate! He who brings a good work shall have ten like it; but he
“Who brings a bad work shall be recompensed only with the like thereof." My grace does not come through any one but God. He (the Prophet), upon whom may God's blessing be, has said :
He who builds a mosque in the world will have a castle in Paradise.' 96,251 ....." A. 945'” [began the 30th May 1638).
26. On a rectangular sandstone over the central outside arch of the masjid in the Khiábån Mahalla, west of the town Rohtak, is a stone, which measures 13 by 12 inches : the inscription is in three lines, and is worn :
بعون الله تعالی و رسوله بعمارت این مسجد در عهد دولت نصير ..... محمد همایون بادشاه غازي خلد الله ملکه ر سلطانه ترفیق یافت الفقير برهان الجنة والدين محمد جمال ناگوري الچشتي سنه خمس و اربعین وتسعمائة ۹۴۰
"With the aid of God almighty and His apostle for the erection of this mosque in the time of the reign of Naşir ....... Muḥammad Humayun BadishAh-1 Ghazi
"May God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign l-found grace the poor, chief of the Paradise and the faith,
“Muḥammad Jamal of Nagôr, the Chishti. In the year 945" [began the 30th May 1638].
The inscription being much defaced some words are doubtful. Humayun's common title naşir addin does not certainly occur here, though the word after napir is not clear.
The Chishtis are a well-known family of Muhammadan saints. There exist shrines of divers members of it in several places. Chishti saints-khwajagán-i chisht in the inscription on the tombstone of Princess Jahanarå at Dihlt (Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, for November 1872, p. 170)-are mentioned in the following published inscriptions :-Qutb addin Khân Chishti, commonly known as Shaikh Khû bû (Blochmann, Ain-Translation, p. 496), the foster brother of Shah Jahangir, in Proceedings, 4. S. B., for December 1873, p. 199; Shaikh Faiz Allah Chishti, ib., p. 200; Shaikh Muhammad ibn Shaikh Mahmûd Chishti, Proceedings, A. S. B., for April 1877, p. 94.
At Nagôr, the birth-place of Muhammad Jamal of our inscription, was a Chishti shrine. A contemporary and fellow-countryman of his was Shaikh Mubarak, the
17 Qoran, Sur. vi, 161 (E. H. Palmer's translation). 15 Qorda, Sur. xi, 90. 19 There follows a group like a rupee-sign turned upside down. 30 See Cunningham's Archeological Survey of India, Reports, val. XIII, p. 51.

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father of the poet Shaikh Faizi and of Abu'l Fazl, but in the year 945 Shaikh Mubarak had already left Någor.
27. Over the central outer arch of a mosque at Gaokarán, about half a mile west of Rohtak, a red sandstone (3' 2" by 2' 5") contains three lines with one line going round the stone as a border. The stone is getting worn partly by the weather and partly by copies being taken from it, but the inscription is quite legible. In the midst of
در دور جلال الدين محمد اکبر the stone the period of the erection has been engraved in a square
in the time of Jalal addin Muhammad Akbar): -
حق
بنده فرمان کشته از جان شد از آن رخشا ر قابل أن حق عرق نحر لطف يابي (2) ناي حق
بركر معبد خاصي حق نفت
مست جان درویش سپهر مكرمت
خير الأمور بقعة
جان کرده از سری آن مسجد هر آن کس رفته شد زاهدی تاریخ این مسجد نشت
Metre: Ramal.
"The Darwêsh Mastján, the heaven of benignity, has gone out of life a slave of the order of God;
" He has made his soul a temple of good works, he became happy by it, and a receiver of the time of God (of eternity).
"Every man who has come to this mosque shall get a drop of the ocean of the kindnese of God's banquet. (?)
“Zahidi (or a hermit ') wrote the date of this mosque; he said, "Say "A temple of God's favourites".!"
The letters of the tarikh give 966 [began 14th October 1558).
28. A loose stone standing on a grave in the graveyard near the Dak Banglå of Rohtak, on the west side of the Dihli road, bears an inscription of three lines; its dimensions are 17" by 16". On the left side the last letters of each line and the border have been lost :
: ساخت شمشیر خان زلطف الله كنبد بر سر قبر پیر صافی دل عا تسعمائة خمس سبعین سال است هجرات ]
"Shamsher Khan has made with the favour of God the vault over the tomb of Pir Şaft-Dil 'Â...975 H. is the year" [began 8th July 1567).
Shamsher Khan was shiqqdar of pargana Rohtak, A. H. 973, as we learn from inscription No. 43. His name occu's several times in the Akbarnáma. In 987 he was Khwajasarái and was sent to Bihar to quell the disturbances which had broken out there; and to Bengal, together with Rai Purukhôt, Maulana Tayyib, and Shaikh Najm addin (III. 284). When & rebellion arose in the same year at Patna, Shamsbêr Khân was despatched to Banaras (III, 286). In 991 he was one of the four judges who were named for the four" meadows" of the empire, the others being Raja Bir Bar, Qasim 'Ali Khân, and Hakim Rumam (III, 405). Later he seems to have revolted, for it is related that in 2008 the besiegers of Ahmadnagar received the joyful tidings of his death."
* The border contain the passage from the Qorán, Sdra ii, 256. * According to a notice on the luscription, Shamsbør Khao lios buried at Batala; I know nothing about him.

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29. In the wall of the Dogawalli masjid in the north-east of the town on a soft red sandstone (19" by 16") is an inscription of four lines which has been so much eaten away by the weather that the decipherment is almost an impossibility. But the year of erection and the name of the king are legible. All I can read runs :
. جلال الدي محمد اکبر بادشاه عاری
. ملک
.
. اسهد [ ان لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ]
سرفیں الله در عهد . . .
. بانی
. . . . . . . . . . . . acho all the 9V9 Al .
. . . . . . . . . . “The builder... by the grace of God in the time of the reign of Jalal addin Muham. mad Akbar Padishah--- Gházi, -may God perpetuate his kingdom I...anno 979" [began 26th May 1571).
The year is perhaps 972, instead of 979.
30. A sandstone partly cylindrical and partly octagonal, each face measuring 19 by 21", in a graveyard on the west of the fort of Rohtak, near the western gate of the fort. bears an inscription of nine lines. The rubbing does not permit the decipherment of the fourteen engraved hemistiche; the first and last lines are the same, they contain the date sana 998 (began 10th November 1589). On a brown sandstone (2' by 6') over the gateway of the same graveyard has been engraved, Súra xlviii, 1.
31. In the south of Rohtak, near the Government school, is a tomb the pillars of which are connected by eight lintels of red sandstone, each measuring 4' 21" by 9. The single lintels have been inscribed with the following sentences from the Qorán: Bismilláh, Sara ii, 256-59 incl., Kalima, Sura cxii. No details of the date or of the builder are found.
32. Over the Dhobi Gate in the Mahalla of Wazir Khan, is a sandstone (18" by 17") containing an inscription of four lines :
و
.
بعون الله تعالی و رسوله بناء این عمارت در عهد دولت
ثانی شهاب الدین محمد صاحب قران رخلافت ابوالفتح
. شاه جهان بادشاه غازي خلد الله ملکه باهتمام خادم المرا
سررا باتمام رسید في غرة ماه محرم سنه ۱۰۴۴ پیرخان ابن سرقا
"With the favour of God Almighty and His apostle, the erection of this building in the time of the reign
"And the Khalifat of Abu-l Fath Shihab addin Muhammad, the second şahibgirán* (Timûr)
"Shahjahan Badishah-l-Ghazi-may God perpetuate his kingdom !-by the endeavour of the slave of the...
"Pir Khan, son of Sarkhan, the Sartod[nf P] has been finisbed. In the beginning of the month Muharram A. 1044" [began 27th January 1684).
33. About half a mile from the Khana, on the Rohtak road to Mahim, is the tomb of Jamal Khân. The door hag fallen in, but the walls are well built, and will stand many
* Elsewhere Shahjahan is named w a lo . phrase which is to be interpreted Thank-yi Sahibqirda, RGckert-Pertaob, Grammatik, Poetik und Rhetorik der Perser, p. 240, note 1, and Teufel, Z. D. M. G., vol. XXXVIII (188). p. 268, note. Titles such as Thdnf-yi Iskandari-daurde or Trdni-yf Islandari Zalqarnain and others ocour very often.

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years yet. A red sand-stone (size 14 by 10 inches) fixed over the south arch of the tomb, bears the following important inscription:
الله الرحمن الرحيم لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله بسم
در عهد دولت سلطان السلاطين جلال الدین محمد اکبر پادشاه غازي . مقبول الرحمن جمال خالي بن منصور روضه توفیق یافت راست کنانید جمال خان را امید تراب که يابد من تاريخ ذی القعده(؟) سنه الف وماية
"In the name, etc. There is no god, etc.
“ In the time of the reign of the king of the kings, Jalal-addin Muhammad Akbar Pâdish â h-i-Ghazi,
“ The friend of the Merciful, Jamal Khan, son of Mansar, found grace to build this tomb. Jamal Khân has hope that he will obtain reward. In the Zi'lqa'da A. 1100" [began the 17th August 1689].
This inscription is unique, as no other mention of Muhammad Akbar, son of Aurangzeb, has till now been found. Prince Akbar proclaimed himself emperor, assisted by the Rajpats, in 1089, and attempted to maintain the assumed title until 1100, when he fled to Persia. There exist no coins of his. The foregoing inscription shows that he adopted the julús name of his great predecessor, whose name he bore. It is highly interesting to find a document of the rebel king's son in a place lying so far north as Mahim, because Prince Akbar fled to the Marathas in the beginning of his insurrection and always lived in the Dekhan."
34. In the north wall of the enclosure of the mosque of the Pirzâdas is a red sandstone, measuring 19" by 16", which bears an inscription of five lines :
در مهد حضرت دولت (ale) شہنشاہ عالم بما ظهر الدي محمد باتر
عازي بادشاه خلدالله ملکه و سلطانه بنده درگاه مهري الفقير حقير جالير سفر انا ابن شیخ شور سالن حصار شايعاتي بتوفيق الله تعالى توفيق يانت مسود در قصبه مهم راس کنانید حق تعالی
مجاب و مستم اب گرداند بسته و فضله بتاريخ الهم ماه ربيع الأول شده است و باس و سمانه
"In the time of the reign of his Majesty the king of kings, the refuge of the world Zahiraddin Muḥammad Babar
"Ghází Bádishah-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign!-the slave of the court of the sun,
"The poor, base Janyu Sunu Aghâ, son of Shaikh Sunu, an inhabitant of the town of the joy,
"Through the grace of God Almighty found grace to build the mosque of the town of Mahim-May God Almighty
**Make him accepted and favoured through His kindness and His wisdom!-On the fifth Rabi'al awwal 936" [7th November 1529]
"It is not impossible, as I now see that the last word is saman and that the inscription belongs to Akbar himself. Ras or rast kunanidan with the meaning to build,' occurs several times in the inscriptions. In 19 and 33 rást has
distinétly been engraved.

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IV.-INSCRIPTION OF HUMAYUN FROM MAHIM, ROHTAK DISTRICT, OF A.H. 937
Epig. Ind. vol. IM
1
NHLOER DE EEUIEEE
Ghulam Husain. impr.
are 1
Scale: 14th,

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Epig. Ind. vol II. v.-INSCRIPTION OF AKBAR FROM KHOKRAKOT, NEAR ROHTAK, OF A.H. 072
C
lapur
।
सवात्सवबक्सववाहा पिनाएकाकवनपmmहेना
वाहसरहामाजाकलाप्पसमा सिमपनमसालावासा
वाहसंसउसपनामसात
Ghulam Husaun, impr..
Scale: 1-3rd.

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149
85. On an arch over the pulpit of the Jami' Masjid in the centre of the town, is an inscription. It is inside the arch on the east side, so that no one can see it without entering the arch and crouching. The stone is a red sandstone; it measures 3' 1' by 2 21' and consists of five lines:--
من السرير السلطنة در عهد دولت سلطان السلاطفى ظل الله في العالم
پادساه عاری حلدالله ملکه ر سلطانه راعلی امره رسانه حصرت مقول والخلايه حصرت محمد همان
گریده درگاه امیر باد کار طعاء سردی الله تعالی بکه یکم سلطانی سرده الد الداری
كناند الله تعالی محاب رمسحاب بافت مسجد جامع صده مهم راس برس
وتسعمایه کرداند بمنه وفصله و كمال كزمة ساردم هفتم ماه رحت سلة سبع رتلس
ان
“In the time of the reign of the king of the kings, the shadow of God in both worlds, the adorned of the throne of kingdom
“And Khalifat, his Majesty Muḥammad Humayun Pádisháh--Ghazt-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign and exalt his condition and dignity!--his highness the admitted
"To the palace of Baga Begum Sulțân, the worthy of the faith, the chosen of the court Amir Yadgar Taghai, by the grace of God Almighty
"Found grace to build the mosque of the town of Mahim-may God Almighty make him accepted and favoured
“Through His kindness and His wisdom and His perfect liberality !-On the 7th Rajab 937 [24th February 1531).'
Respecting Yadgar Taghai the Akbarnáma furnishes the following information: One of his girls (according to II, 243 a grand-daughter) gave birth to Prince Alamân, son of Humayun, anno 934 (I, 113)”; and she most probably is the Baga Begum Sultan of our inscription. She made a pilgrimage to Makka and Madina in 972 (II, 244), whence she returned in 975 (II, 329). This journey may probably have been why she was styled HAit Bêgum. Afterwards she lived at Dihli, and was in 981 welcomed with great honours by Akbar, who loved her much because she had cured him as a child of six years of vehement tooth-ache by a potent drug (III, 77). Akbar visitod her, anno 989, at Dihli (III, 373). She died in the same year (III, 375). The Haji Bêgum, who with other Bégums made the pilgrimage in 983, was probably not Prince Alamân's mother, who then was too old for such a toilsome journey. Blochmann mentions Haji Begum in his Áin-translation, but he is in error about her descent. In the Akbarnáma, II, 243 the words dukhtar-t-Taghát are to be understood a daughter of (Yadgar) Taghål.'
Over the mihráb in the western wall of the mosque a sandstone (8 5' by 104") is fixed which contains in two lines Qorán, Sura lxii, 1-8. Round the inside of an arch over the mihráb runs the Kalima and Qorán, Süra, iii, 16-17 (to al islámu).
The Jami' mosque was repaired according to inscription No. 39 in A.H. 1078, by Aurangzeb's order. .
36. On a rectangular sandstone-size 21 by 13 inches--originally belonging to the old mosque of the butchers, now fixed over the central outer arch of the new masjid at
* See the facsimile reproduction No. is on the accompanying plate.
The words maqbul add&rin Baga Begum Sulfan sas[4] yida addin ara perhaps uncertain.
# Babar mentions in his Memoire the chronogram for the birth of the prince invented by Shaikh Abu-! Wahid. p. 359. According to the Memoirs, Aleman's mother was a daughter of Yadgir Tag håi. For Bå bar's not agreeing with the nume of Alamku see p. 451 (Pavet de Courteille, tome II, p. 363).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Mahim (finished in 1887 A.D.), is the following inscription of three lines, which is considerably worn by exposure to the weather :
در عهد دولت شهنشاه عالم پناه حضرت محمد همایوں بادشاه
خلد الله ملكه عمارت هذه المسجد توفیق یافت ....... .... قصابان قصبة مهم راس كنائید بتاريخ ماه شعبان سنه اثني ر اربعين وتسعمالة
"In the time of the reign of the king of kings, the refuge of the world, His Majesty Muhammad Humayan BadishAh
"May God perpetuate his kingdom 1-............... found grace to build the edifice of this mosque of the butchers of the city of Mahim. During the month of Sha'ban of the year 942" [began the 25th January 1586].
As some of the letters appear to be broken, it is not possible to decipher the whole inscription. A butcher's mosque is also mentioned at Nagor. The mosque was rebuilt in Aurangzeb's time, see inscription No. 40.
87. The rectangular sandstone that bears the following inscription is no longer in ritu. It is now fixed over the outer doorway of the court of the ruined mosque of the Qas dyan at Mahim. The inhabitants know that it is not in its original place; they say it belonged to a mosque in a quarter of the town called Daulatpur, the DaulatAbåd of the inscription. The size of the stone which is yet entire is 4' by 111 :
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم انا فتحنا لك فتقامبينا کشاد باد بشادي همیشه این درگاه سخراشهد ان لا اله الا الله
حضرت سليماني شير شاه حسین سر سلطان ترفیق یافت ببناء این مسجد در عهد دولت تند در مقام دولتاباد يوسف ابن حسن سر سید عالي بولتخان
ابقاد قصرا في الجنة والعتل
له
الله تعالى نبي من بني مسجد بني بامید ثواب حديث الله تعالى في الدنيا ر وقفه الله تعالى على العدل والمسان
جهل نه بود که میررسانید
سنه نهصد
المترم شهر رمضان في الحادي والعشرين من شهر المبارك الله الكريم الشعار
"In the name of the merciful and compassionate God! Verily, we have given thee an obvious victory. May this liberal door always be opened with joy! I testify that there is no god but God.
“In the time of the reign of the king, powerful as Salomo, Sher Shah, the son of Hasan Bar, Yasuf ibn Hasan Bar, the high Sayyid (surnamed) Daulatkhan, found grace to erect this mosque and the place of Daulata bad,
"In the hope of the reward of the prophet's saying He who builds a mosque will have a castle built for him by God Almighty in Paradise, and as for the merciful, God Almighty gives to him long life in the world and protects him for his justice and beneficence.'
It was on the 21st of the blessed and venerable month, month Ramazan of the year 949 [29th December 1642], when it became ready. God is the generous and the omniscient.'
Canningham's Roporta of Archeological Survey of India, vol. XXIII, p. 61. * Bee facsimile No. iii, on the plate at p. 138. Qard and qapdb occur in Hindustani (Shakespeare); se No. 40. * Qords Sør, xlviii, 1.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM DELHI DISTRICT.
151
It is known that Shêr Shâh built numerous mosques and kárawansaráts, but only very small remains of them have come down to our day. Besides his stately mausoleum at Sahsaram there exist some ruins of his time at Diblt." If I am right, the above inscription is the second of Sher Shah's reign that is known, the first being published by Blochmann in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, for May 1874, p. 105 (947 A.H.)
Yûsuf, the builder of the mosque at Mahim, was one of the seven brothers of Sher Shah (Tarikh-i Shérsháhi, in Elliot-Dowson's History, vol. IV, p. 310). He may be the same who built in 958 H. a door to the shrine of Khwaja Qutb addin Journal Asiatique, Vème Série, tome XVI, 426).
38. In the south wall of the enclosure of the masjid of the Pirzadas (No. 31) is a sandstone, measuring 17" by 6", which bears three lines :
در عهد دولت حضرة بندگان خلافت بناه سلطان شهاب الدين محمد صاحب قران ثانی شاه جهان بادشاه غازي خلد خلافته ابدا توفيق يافت شيخ ناصر ابن شيخ الهداد ماهمي سنه الف وخمسين واحد
"In the time of the reign of his Majesty the slave (of God), the asylum of the Khalifat, the king
"Shihabaddin Muhammad, the second lord of the conjunction, ShAhjahân, Badishah-l-Gházi-may (God) perpetuate
"His Khalifat for ever 1-Shaikh Naşir, son of Shaikh Ilahdåd of Mahim, found grace. A. 1051" [began 12th April 1641).
Khaft Khan, in his Muntakhab allubáb (1,550) and 'Abd al Hamid in the Badshahnáma (I, 2, 337) have each inserted an account of Shaikh Naşir, whom they mention among other saints and learned men of Shahjahan's time. Both authors evidently made use of the same sources, Khafi Khan citing the Shahjahannama. I extract the following :-His original name was Naşir Muḥammad; be was born at Ajmir, and lived afterwards in Gujarat. He made many voyages, and at different times attended the emperor. Always, night and day, he was clothed in mail and with a garment of cotton. and he perpetually bore arms. Besides his daily alms, he gave, if urged, all his property to poor men, even the horses and elephants which he had received from the king, and was content if he could get a fire of straw and wood in the open air to care for his own body, eating roots and leaves. Many wonders were effected by him. He was a disciple of Sayyid Ahmad, son of Sayyid Rafi'addin, son of Sayyid Ja'far, from Shiraz.
89. On the south outer arch of the facade of the Jami' masjid is a red sandstone (8 *1'113'), bearing nine lines :
در عهد سعادت مهد حد رمد زمین رزمان خدیر مکین و مکان سلطان السلاطين ظل الله في العالمين محمد اورنگزیب
KM
* Soe Garcin de Tasay: 'Description des monuments de Delhi en 1852 d'après le texte hindustani de Saïyid Ahmad. ;' Journal Asiatique, Véme Série, tome XVI, passim, c.g. pages 192 (No. zvii), 426 (No. Ivii), and 428 (No. lviii). * The printed text of 'Abd al Hamid bas Shaikh Nazir.
Many histories of Shabjabân's reigo are so entitled.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
بهادر عالم کیر بادشاه غازي خلد الله ملکه رسلطانه تعمیر مسجد جامع قصبه مهم حسب الحكم اقس باهتمام بنده درگاه خواجه رحمت الله باتمام رسید الله تعالی مجاب رمستجاب کرداناد بمنه وفضله في التاريخ هفدهم شهر محرم الحرام سنة ثمان و
هجري رسنه عاشر جلوس مبارک سبعين رالف
"In the happiness-spreading reign, extended over all the earth And the time of the master of authority and dignity, the king "Of kings, the shadow of God in both worlds, Muḥammad Aurangzeb Bahadur 'Alamgir Badisha h-i-Ghazi-may God perpetuate his kingdom
“And his reign!-the repairing of the Jami' masjid of the town of Mahim, according to the holy order,
“Was finished through the endeavour of the slave of the court, Khwaja Rahmat Allah
“May God Almighty make him accepted and favoured through His kindness and wisdom ! -
“On the 17th of the month Muharram, the holy, A.H. 1078 [9th July 1667], in the tenth year after the blessed accession to the throne."
Sarbuland Khan Khwaja Rahmat Allah was a man of great consequence under Shahjahân and Aurangzeb, and died in 1090. But, as Sarbuland Khan received this title, which is omitted in the inscription, in the 30th year of Shahjahan (Maásir al Umará, II, 478), i. e. 1066, and as he was in 1078 in the Dakkan with Prince Mu'azzam, whence he came back in 1080, it does not seem probable that both were the same person. A homonymous person is named as a commander of 800 soldiers and 200 borsemen under Shahjahan (Badsháhnáma, II, 741).
40. The following inscription is engraved on a red sandstone (size: 11 by 7 inches), now lying on a heap of bricks in the ruins of the former mosque of the Qaşşåyån at Mahim; the whole is in a bad condition and the stone will probably get lost in a short time. The inscription contains eight lines, and is poorly cut :
الرحيم الرحمن الله بسم
(1) در عهد دولت و زمان
الظفر
ابر سبحاني ظل محيي الدين محمد اورنگ زیب
خلد الله ملکه غازي بادشاه
قصایان
مسجد را ر سلطانه
(؟) ............... جهان کیر ترتیب کرد در شهر رمضان سنه تسعين و الف
“In the name of the merciful and compassionate God. In the time of the reign and the life of the divine shadow Abu'l Zafar, Muhyiddin Muhammad Aurangzeb

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM DELHI DISTRICT.
153
Badishåh-1.Ghazi-May God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign l- the mosque of the butchers....was rebuilt. In the month of Ramazan 1090" (that month began the 6th October 1679].
The two last lines being hopelessly worn, the name of the restorer is not legible; the year may perhaps have been sab'in. It is interesting to learn from this inscription that the butchers' masjid erected in 942 H. (Inscription No. 36) was repaired a century and a half afterwards.
41. An inscription of five lines is engraved on a rectangular red sandstone (size 17 by 14 inches) over the northern outer arch of the mosque of Daula Khan in the gashi of the Pathans in Mahim. The building being in a critical condition, the inscription, till lately safe, is now in danger of getting lost :
لااله الا الله محمد رسول الله
الله يا محمد يا نبي
خان والاشان دوله بانیش مغفرت دستگاه دریا خان مسجد مقبره زخان برخوان
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم
فتاح
یا الله یا این عمارت ز بهر رب کریم
ناموری بختیار پدرش سال اتمام را بعقل رتمیز
,tiyar
وه ده
"In the name of the merciful and compassionate God. There is no god but God, and Muḥammad is the apostle of God. 10 God!0 opener !
"O Muhammad ! O apostle of God! " This edifice for the merciful God "Its builder (was) Daula Khan of ele. "His father (was) a celebrated Bakh. vated rank;
.. «Darya Khan whose sins are forgiven. The year of the completion-name with “Masjid [] miqbara zi Khán'mosque wisdom and discernment:
and tomb (are built) by the Khan.'" The letters of the tarikh give 1108 [began 31st July 1696)].
42. Daula Khân, the builder of the mosque of the preceding inscription, erected a tomb for himself in the same year as the masjid. It is now a ruin, and the inscription on its wall being engraved on sandstone (size 2 8" by 1') will be destroyed when it falls. It runs in four lines
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله بنده درگاه رحماني درله خان محمدي مريد كيلاني دانستم که چهار بار بر حق این دنیاء همه فاني ترفیق یافت
رباني در عهد اررنگ زیب در هنگام زندگاني این مقبرة سار ساخت از لطف
سفه یکهزار و یکصد و چهارده هجري باهتمام استا بادشاه ظل سبحاني بتاریخ ۱۴ شهر رمضان المبارک
ابر ولد طيب معمار
و
In the name, etc. There is no god, etc. The slave of the court of the Merciful Daula Khan Muḥammadi Murid of Gilan
"I knew that the four friends (the Khalife) are over this wholly perishable world -found grace
* Metre-Khafis.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
"In his lifetime to erect this burial-place with the favour of the Lord, during the reigu of Aurangzeb
«Badishah, the shadow of God. On the 14th of the month Ramazán, the blessed A.H. 1114 [1st February 1708]. Through the effort of the architect Ustá Abe Valad Tayyib."
The inserted Sunni dogma in the first person seems to be an allusion to the formula ashhadu an lá ilaha illallah, etc.
VI.-KROKARAKOT ( SS af ger ) 43. Khôkarakot is a village in ruins situated to the north of Rohtak. Ove, a gateway of the village, built by Bhamsher Khân, a stone was placed, which has been dug up out of the ruins and is now in the Museum at Labore. Its dimensions are 2 2" by 1' 74 and it bears a bilingual inscription, three lines in Persian and five lines in Hindt. The Persian text rang
سر ایام سلطنت بندگی حضرت جلال الدين محمد اکبر بادشاه غازي خلد الله ملکه ابحما رضعته في جنات ابا شمشیر خان شقدار پرکنه رهتك عمارت این دروازه بنیاد نهاد في شهر المباركة رمضان سنه نهصد ر سه ر هفتاد باتمام رسید
“ In the days of the empire of the slave (of God), his Majesty Jalál addin Muhammad Akbar Badishab-4-Ghazt
"May God perpetuate his kingdom for ever (and) his highness in Paradise 1 Abå Shamshër Khan, the shiqqdár of pargana Rohtak,
" Has laid the foundation of this gateway. In the blessed month Ramatan anno 978 it has been finished" [began 22nd March 1586].
The words raf" ataku A janndt dbá are not certain. There is no doubt that the Bhamsher Khan of this inscription and of No. 28 are the same persons.
VII.-Bowm. 44. The village of Bohm ( !) in 4 miles cast of Rohtak on the road to Dihli. In the east wall of the tomb of ono Mahmud of Bohm, a stone (8' 9' by 9") has been recently fixed which contains an inscription of three lines not relative to its present place. The passage from the Qordin, Bara ü, 256, is followed by these words :
ابراهيم عن مواساختی فرمایش علي قلفی بهایل
بحرف
“The writer (sas) Ibrahim, known as Muwasákháni, by the order of 'Ali Qazi Bahaikhan."
VIII.-HIŅÅR FTBOLA." 48. From a mosque outside the Dihlt gate, situate in the Barat Nathta Bhatyára (a baker). Four lines on a stone ?' 8' by 1' 3*.
Bee the facrimile No. 7, at p. 140.
The Hindt inscription, Profoor G. Bübler informs me, is not quite intelligible. But it is of the same year, ED. 1506. The data is Barnvat 1638, Vaildha wadi 16, which corroesonde woording to Dr. Bebram's approximate table to the oth April 1686, if the game is taken an ended Dorthern (parimduta) Vikrama-year; the 20th April was the last of Ramala. Akbar, Bb maher Khan and the gate are all mentioned in the Hindt version.
# For a short bistorical sooount of the town of Hiper Firbas, no Bloohmann, Proceedings of As. Soo. Deng. 1677, April, p. 83, 8., where some of the fullowing incriptions have been publisbed.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM DELHI DISTRICT.
155
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم قال النبي عليه السلام من بني مسجد الله بني الله تعالی له بيتا في الجنة بعد توفيق الله الملک العلام و برکت حضرت رسالت عم در عهد میمون و دولت ایام افزون خدایگان ناصر جهان عادل الزمان سلطان الہند ر الخراسان رافع
خلد الله ملکه محمد همایون پادشاه غازي رايات المجاهدات و المغازي رخلافته رابد على العالمين عدله و رافته بنا کرد رمزین گردانید این مسجد مغرب بعمارت خرب بمرضات
ابن شاه قلیخان
القري الرحمان نظر قلی حضرت معبود بنده امیدوار رحمت پروردگار المستعين بالله
ما يتمناه بحرمة [سيدي البرار
ما اعطاه ربلغه الى جانم ترکمان زادالله تعالى نظامالدین المعروف
عبدالله يوسف احمد
سنه ۹۳۰ کاتبحروف الخيار مورخا في الرابع من شهر شعبان ختمه الله بالظفر رالامان بن رکن الدین
"In the name of the merciful and compassionate God! The prophet-upon whom be peace !--says, 'He who builds a mosque for God, will have a house built for him by God Almighty in Paradise. By the grace of God, the omniscient king, and the blessing of the Lord of prophetship-on whom be peace !
“In the auspicious time, and the day-increasing reign of the sovereign, the helper of the world, the just one of the age, the king of India and Khorasan, who raises the standard of holy strife and war, Muḥammad Humayan, Pádisháh-t-Gházi-may God perpetuate his reign
"And his khalifat and extend over both worlds his justice and his compassion! this fine mosque was built and adorned, in beautiful structure, in order to please the Lord, who is adored by the slave who hopes in the mercy of the All-nourisher, who seeks help from God, the strength of the merciful, Nazar Quli, son of Shah Quli Khan,
" Who is known as Nizam addin Janym, the Turk mån-may God increase what He has given him, and bring him to what he desires for the honour of the chief of the pions and the saints !-Dated 4th Sha'ban-may God allow the month to end in victory and security 1-anno 939 (1st March 1533). The writer of these letters is 'Abdallah Yasuf Ahmad, son of Ruknaddin."
46. The inscription from the Jami' mosque of Hişar consists of nine lines, and measures 1 11" by 1' 6". The last line is written very closely, and is almost undeci. pherable on the rubbing, so that I can only accept Mr. Blochmann's readings, whose translation I have also adopted, so far as I approve of it,
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم وان المساجد لله فلا تدعوا مع الله احدا ر انه لما قام عبدالله يدعو كادرا
الله مسجدا يبتغي به وجه الله بنى الله له في الجنة مثله عليه لبدا قال عليه السلام من بني يكون
رقاب طرایف الامم من الهند والترك تمام شد. این مسجد در ایام دولت شهنشاه الاعظم والخاقان المعظم مالک والعرب والعجم السلطان الفاضل الكامل الولي الوالي والخاقان العادل العلي العالي الذي رجب اطاعته کا طاعة الله و رسوله بحكم اطيعوا الله راطیعوا الرسول و اولی الامر منکم حافظ بلادالله ناصر عباد الله رافع رايات المجاهدات والمغازي محمد همایون بادشاه غازي خلدالله تعالی
الملتجي مBy no mean •
Added by Blochmann.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
جناب سعادت فرجام زبدة فضة الانام نتيجة امراء العظام
اجري فلکه بسعي ملکه رفي بحار اللطف امیر محمد بن
... بن جناب المغفور المبرور خرشکيلسي
میرک عالیجناب امارتمآب مملکت پناه نظام الدین بیك
[?] loito jayegian
...
...
Włowicie wliquid
کر رفيع القدر آمد همچر کیران سربلند شد بتلي مسجدی بهر خدا اندر حصار
هرکه دید افتاد اررا طرح این مسجد پسند پس که عالي قدرد کیران هیئت ر مرزدن فتاد
رحمت كفته اند چون پسند آمد تمام اهل دل [1] تاریخ ارباب . . . .
سنه ۹۴۲
.
.. كاتبه رقايله نظام
" In the name of the merciful and compassionate God! [Qorán, Sdra lxxii, 18, 19] the mosques are God's. You should not call on any one with God, and when God's servant stood up to pray they (the jinns) called out to him and well-nigh crowded upon him.' The prophet-upon whom be peace !-says, 'He who builds a mosque for God desiring thereby God's honour, will have one like it built for him by God in Paradise.
“This mosque was finished in the days of the reign of the great king of kings, the exalted prince, the master of the necks of crowds of nations among the Indians, Turks, Arabs, and Persians, the accomplished Sultan, the perfect, the chief, the ruler, the just prince, the high, the exalted, whom to obey is as necessary as to obey God and the Prophet, according to (Qorán, Sara iv, 62) Obey God, and obey the Apostle and those in authority amongst you,' the guardian of God's countries, the helper of God's servants, who raises the standard of holy strife and war, Muhammad Humayun, Bádisháh-f. Ghaei-may God Almighty perpetuate bis kingdom and guide his ship in the seas of His favour !-through the exertion of the auspicious dignitary, the cream of the accom. plished among men, the issue of great Amirs, Amir Muhammad, son of the distinguished noble, the meritorious Nizamaddin Beg Mirak, son of the pardoned and purified Khushgeldi..... , son of his highness, whose sins are forgiven...
(Metre: Ramal). "A mosque has been built in Hişår for the sake of God, which is as high in dignity as the seventh heaven.
"Because it is high in dignity, and has the aspect of the seventh heaven, and has turned out well-adjusted, every one who saw it has approved of the style of this mosque. Because all people of sense approved of it, its chronogramm is .........
"Its writer and composer is Nizâm......... A. 942" [began 2nd July 1535].
The father of the builder was already, in Båbar's time, an officer of Prirce Humayan (Babar's Memoirs, p. 402), who afterwards employed him during his own reign in several situations. In 942, the year of the above inscription, he appointed him commander of the fort of Chanâs, then just conquered (Akbarnáma, I, 151). In the report of the victory gained over Rana Sanka (Båbar's Memoirs, pp. 410 ff.) ten grandees bear the title Nizamaddin, but that was probably not their proper title, and is only a declamatory addition of the learned composer of the letter.
I do not think that these words are correct.

Page #182

INSCRIPTIONS FROM DELHI DISTRICT.
157
47. The ruins of Ulugh Beg's mosque are near the Commissariat in the town of Hişår. The inscription consists of five lines; it measures 1' 4" by :
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم قال عليه السلام من بني الله مسجدا يبتغي به وجه الله تعالى بني الله له بيتا مثله في الجنة در عهد
ا
ر میمون و دولت افزون خضرت سلطان السلاطين ناصرالدنیا الذين رافع رايات المجاهدات و المغازي محمد همایون بادشاه غاضي خلد خلافته بانيه
احمد میراخور رکان في 901 بتوفيق الله الصمد امیر معظم امير الغ بيك ابن امیر یوسف
* And the interen, who raises the sta perpetuate his behin, Amir Ulu
"In the name of the merciful and compassionate God! He upon whom may be peace! says, “He who builds a mosque for God
“Desiring thereby God Almighty's honour, will have a house like it built for him by God in Paradise. In the anspicious time
"And the increasing reign of his Majesty the king of kings, the helper of the world
"And the faith, who raises the standard of holy strife and war, Muhammad Humayun Badishah-e-Gházt-may God perpetuate his khalifat 1-its builder,
"By the grace of God the eternal (was) the great Amir, Amir Ulugh Beg, son of Amir Yûsuf Aḥmad, the master of the horse. Dated in 951" (began 25th March 1544).
48. On a dome outside Hişår, about a mile to the east, inside the commissariat godowns, on a slab, measuring 1'6" by 1'10", are four lines of very bad poetry
كل رخشت اور مشک و عنبر سرشت
کشت
زاشجارر سلسبيلي روان
بر کنبد آمد نشته تاریخ که
خشت بنهاد
ببنیاد که حکمش
خوشا روضة كنبه جون بهشت
معطر دماغ باغش زانفاس
کشته بر کرد ار دبیر فلک
يزيد آفرین بر ابلي هزار
سنه ۹۷5
كاتب كبير
(Motre : Mutaqdirib). « How beautiful is the dome of the paradise-like mausoleum; its mortar and bricks are like musk and ambergris.
"From the scent of its garden the brain is perfumed ; and a salsabil (a spring in paradise) flows from its trees.
“The secretary of heaven (Mercury) turned round it, when the date was written on the dome : A. H. 975 [began 8th July 1567].
A thousand praises are due to Bayazid, by whose order the bricks were placed on the foundation. The writer was Kabir."
49. On a mosque in the yard of Sher Buhlal's mausoleum' outside Hişår, one mile to the south, is an inscription, 2' 5' square, in six lines of well-formed. Nasta'lig: -
lines
of men outside E
2 مجتبي عبدالله
پیروي شرع رسول مجتبي عبدالنبي آنکه دیدارش دهد آئینة دلرا جلا
م ن روضة بهلول شاه افتند طرح پیش مسجدي عالي که باشد مسکن اهل دعا

Page #183

158
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
تعلف هاتفي زد بانک کاان مصرع نويس
لي
در هزار و یکصد و شش بانت العام این بنا
Metre: Ramal.
"The follower of the law of the Prophet, the chosen one,' Abd-annabi, "Whose sight gives brightness to the mirror of the heart, "Erected, before the courtyard of Shah Buhlûl's mausoleum, "A grand mosque, which is to be the dwelling of worshippers. "A heavenly speaker said without hesitation, write the hemistich "This building was completed in 1106"" [began 22nd August 1694].
An inscription from a tomb near the Commissariat godowns, 6′ 23′′ by 10 inches, is of no value, as it consists only of Qorán, Súra V. 98.
IX.-BARWALA.
Barwala is now the head-quarters of a tahsil, distant 18 miles north-east of Hisar. In the Ain-4-Akbart, Pargana Barwala is mentioned as belonging to Sarkar Hisar. Its area was 136,799 bighas; the revenues were 1,097,807 dáms (109,052 Say. dáms.); the tribes were Sayyids, Malikzadas, Baqqals; the military contingent consisted of 100 horse, 1,500 footmen.
50. An inscription from an old mosque, measuring 2′ 5′′ by 8" is in very bad preservation :
الدنيا والدني جلد ملكة امرساء هده المسجد في عهد السلطان المعظم معر ال ابوالمطمر كميات السلطان عيد الاوليا والممرا تاج الدولة والدبي
السلطاني دام افعاله في العره [1] من ربيع الاول سنه یمان و یمانی و سیمانه
"This mosque was ordered to be built in the time of the noble king Mu'izzaddunya waddin-may (God) perpetuate his reign!
Abu-l-Muzaffar Kaiqobâd, the king, by the glory of the saints and the poor, Tajaddaula waddin.. the royal-may his prosperity be perpetual!-at the beginning of the Rabi' al awwal 688" [began 25th March 1289].
The inscription is important, as it is the first known of Kaiqobâd," son of Bughrâ Khân, viceroy of Bengal, the last emperor of the Balbani Turks, after whom the kingdom was transferred to the Khiljis.
51. A second Barwala inscription is of Balban's reign; it consists of two lines. It has also been much injured by the weather. The dimensions are 3′ 3′′ by 11 inches :
و سلطانه
بور [؟] الاسلام والمسلمين ابو المظهر بلبن السلطان ناصر امیر المومس خلدالله ملکه دام اقباله في العسري من سهر المبارك رمضان عمت معامله سنه ثمان وستمائة
"The light of Islam and of the Muslims Abul-Muzaffar Balban, the king, the helper of the Lord of the Muslims-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign!.. may his prosperity be perpetual !-on the 20th of the blessed month Ramazan-may its blessing be general !-680" [2nd January 1282].
The extant Balban inscriptions have been mentioned above under No. 15.
Another inscription of Kaiqobad, dated A.H. 686, exists in the Saddo masjid at Amroha, Murâdâbâd district, North-Western Provinces, (see A. Führer; 1. c., page 35).-Ed. E. I.

Page #184

INSCRIPTIONS FROM DELHI DISTRICT.
X.-FATH BAD.
52. In the town of Fathabad is a round sandstone pillar, 10′ 2′′ high and 6 14" in circumference. It is a pity that it is not possible to decipher this evidently most important document, which consists of thirty-six lines going round the pillar. The letters have been much injured and many patches of the stone have fallen off. Only single words are here and there legible on the rubbings (in five pieces). The inscription belongs to a king of the Tughluq dynasty, and contains long historical accounts. Tughluq Shah himself is mentioned. An occurring date, the reference of which is not clear, is the first Sha'ban 725 [13th July 1325], which falls in the first year of Muhammad, son of Tughluq Shah."
159
XI.-HANSI."
53. On the Dini mosque, near the Sarâogyan mandir, is an inscription in three lines, measuring 29" by 1'4"
بترسی خدای عام و برکت مصطفی علیه السلام در مهد مددی و دولت همانی حدادكان عالمبناه بادشاه اسلام راعي الايام ميرور ساه السلطان خلد الله ملكه
ر سلطانه بنده درگاه ساهن سلطانی تاریخ غره في القعدة سنة سبع وسيلي و سبعماده این مسجد بنا کرد
"Through the grace of God the omniscient and the blessing of the chosen Prophetupon whom be peace!-in the auspicious time and the august reign
"Of the lord, the refuge of the world, the king of Islâm, the shepherd of the people, Firos Shah, the king-may God perpetuate his kingdom
"And his reign-this mosque was crected by the slave of the court, Sah (1)n, the royal, on the beginning of Zilqa'da, 767" [10th July 1366).
54. From the middle arch of Ja'far Beg's mosque. Two lines, 1' 3" by 1", evidently a fragmentary piece, containing the words
و مظہر کلمة [ الله ] ناصر امير السر
"......and who manifests the word of God," the helper of the Lord of the faithful." There is also a defective inscription found on the middle arch of the Jod Goh (?). It consists of two lines (2′ 13" by 30") and belongs to the reign of Iltimish (Altamah), whose name it contains.
Finally, a third inscription, which is found on the back corner of the mosque of Makhdum Ashraf, measuring 1' 22" by 12, contains some words from Qoran, Sura ix, 19.
I cannot let this opportunity pass of recommending this interesting document to travellers visiting Fathabad. From rubbings alone it cannot be deciphered. An examination of the original may perhaps be more successful. It would be neces sary to make a transcript directly from the original which would assist in the reading of the rubbing. Ghulam Hussin, one of Mr. C. J. Rodger's staff, who prepared the copies of all the Panjab inscriptions in this paper, says in a note that Zin ud Din, Extra Assistant Commissioner, spent more than a month at Fathabad trying to decipher the inscription, but he had not been able to see what he did.
"For the history of the town of Hanal, see Proceedings of the As. Soc. Beng. for 1877, 117, ffg.
"These words occur as an epithet of Hussin Shah in an inscription from A.H. 906 (see Journal As. Soc. Beng. vol. XLIII (1874), p. 304, note).

Page #185

160
EPIGRAPHIA 'INDICA.
X.-BADAL PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF NARAYANAPALA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. In November 1780 Charles Wilkins discovered in the vicinity of the town of Badal, in the Dinajpur District of the Province of Bengal, a stone pillar, about 12 feet high, which was found to contain, at a few feet above the ground, an inscription engraved in the stone. Some years afterwards he succeeded in deciphering and translating this inscription; and his translation was published in 1788, in the Asiatic Researches, vol. I, pages 131-144, with a drawing of the pillar and a specimen of the characters, and accompanied by some valuable remarks of Sir William Jones. In 1874 Mr. E. V. Westmacott obtained a careless and mutilated transcript of the original text from Pandit Harachandra Chakravarti, which, with a translation by Mr. Pratâ pachandra Ghosha, will be found in the Journal, Asiatic, Society, Bengal, vol. XLIII, parti, pages 356-63. I now edit the inscription, of which a complete and trustworthy text has not vet been published, from impressions which at Dr. Burgess' request the Government of India has had prepared by Mr. H. B. W. Garrick.
The inscription contains 29 lines of writing-28 full lines and one line only 5' long, -which cover a space of from 1' 8" to 1' 10' broad by 1' 7% high. With the exception of two aksharas each at the commencement of lines 1 and 2, and altogether sixteen aksharas at the commencement of lines 25-28, which bave become illegible by the peeling off of the surface of the stone, and a few slightly damaged aksharas in the body of the inscription, the writing is well preserved and may be read with certainty throughout. The size of the letters is between?" and " The characters are of the same type as, but decidedly more modern than, those of the Ghosråwå inscription, of which a photolithograph is published in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, page 310, and may be assigned to about the end of the 9th or commencement of the 10th century A.D. They are skilfully formed and well engraved. The language is Sanskrit, and, excepting the short line 29, which merely records the name of the engraver, Vishņubhadra, the inscription is in verse. In respect of orthography the text calls for few remarks. The letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for 0. Before o the consonant m has been retained, instead of being changed to anusvára, in samvrita, line 6, bhrántam = vikatan, line 8, samvalgitál, line 9, satám - dismayah, line 10, váchám = vaibhavam, line 20, and tådritam = nyadhita, line 24; and instead of anusvára the guttural nasal has been used in vange, lines 1 and 26, and vançasya, line 21; and the dental nasal in pansuh, line 7. We also bave -sant for samsí, line 17, and -sanghater for -sanhater, line 4. Besides, it may be noted that the rules of sardhi have not been observed in vidhivat Rallá-, line 11, and -pitán chatur-, line 13; and that the sign of avagraha has been exceptionally employed in bhidha 'bhavat, line 17, and taro 'oa dat, line 21. As regards grammar I need draw attention only to the first compound in verse 11, which is formed incorrectly.
The proper object of the inscription is, to record in verses 27 and 28) the erection of a pillar, bearing on its top a figure of the mythical bird Garuda, -the pillar on which the inscription still is, but the upper part of which is now missing,-by a Brahman,
See Montgomery Martin's (Buchanan Hamilton's) Eastern India, vol. II, page 672. (Badal Kaeberi is in the south of the Dinajpur district, 3 miles south-west from the village of Magalbart, which is on the borders of the Sagunk pargana of the Bagurd (Bogra) district and 7 miles south-west from Damdamå station on the Northern Bengal State Railway. Badal is in Long. 88° 58' E., Lat. 25° & N. (Indian Atlas, sheet 119), and the pillar is about a mile north from it. (Conf. Hunter's Stat. Acc. Bengal, vol. vii, p. 461, and vol. viii, p. 198)-J. B.]

Page #186


Page #187

BADAL PILLAR INSCRIPTION
। Life(২৫৭৪৫ ॥ লোমওদুশাসন্ধেযুবাপের বয়5েaa। : : ৫নর্য মীমবৰদসং{{2:01ৱাননীয় এমএমtic, situaka-মুযযথাস্থk{{[Mdললামবধddশীকরনঃসমেনে সেলাই । ৯। সূর্বণ):
সহা=(১ম3েg(কঃযধারলোগেঃসমগ্রযু-কাবাব। বানীহাকা% বাকাঁথীনেয়ঃ(যমুসােগরের কােলন যুIRীমানQবধqa৫। এম মুসান্নাফযুদণেীর প্রবণীযসেয়ার। যশোযেথীসহযানবহনের সুযোগুবে। ( ৫মাস্তুশাসঃজসঃশ্বঃ সীসহ খুলকে 4da3৪৫সেবে বরণী মাকবিল ঘুঃসুবহে । যাযdag&&ংগ্রেসঃ হেলেনে হেমন্ত্রে: যায় । ২২৫ঃসমধেhaঝাবম্বেত্বেবাদী স্ত্রী-বেযৰব ।
ঘয়াবহণমনঃক্বয়াঃপ্রীমকােরেশ৪ে৫৫৭২২:যঃ ।। 13
433ওঁৰে দহগস Aেমঃ (+{\dসেল বুধবার। বাং8ংঘর্ষণবেথ (স্বাস্থযাত্মবেয়া সুখময়ও এঁসাই।।
৭মেষহানবমtaka@যংনয়াধীশ্বরবQমবি+ইয়ঃযবংসের 10 ঘষগুৰঃ স্বপ্নযাপীযঃ সশুনাযাযঃ মান৫ে৫মঃ।
left;প্রস্থঃ মালা গ্রহনঃ প্ৰথমনসুবীর বু৫ে৫ সূযেন
ধnst(ফা (44ী স্মলবেযসম্মনন (যেযেরকম হবে । 19 সহঃসম্ম41&a::35মথোজীসহ সলগুৰিৰীষয । ঘa প্রাযযযযুগ্মৰ।ৰাষ্ট্রমমযুরেমনীঃ যনেষবর্ধসস
সমসীবন সুখমঠ মুনছয়গুনসনলযqমীর *** 22 য(জন্মঃস্বাম৫ইসলাপি
ডলবারেশনও। । Aঞ্চাশ বজাযd: ছয়ঃ দযযেন ঘনষেবমবাসঃ
নখদর্যযয চমবzaa(((যমুযযনেমঘলীৰামৰ্কশযেম3 । 25 t সনেধনযুগৰমবেনাও দয়াময:
সুদেহলবশ্বসুন। uরবহণমনযেdd যাহরাম বরষাযzযুবরদী ।
প্রধষহীনজন্মেছে এ বওলএমনযুগ্মণবলবে। ২৪ মিথঃবেওখযমযঃবহনববধাণঠযথেষ্টশগেলাম ।
ব,35sgust ---
Epigraphic Indica, vol. II. p. 160.
Prom impression by H.B.W. Garrick.
Scale: 3-87hs of original.

Page #188

BADAL PILLAR INSCRIPTION.
161
named Rama Guravamiéra. But the inscription is really a prasasti, or laudatory account, of Guravamiśra and his ancestors, and it is of some value mainly because it furnishes the names of four of the so-called Påla kings of Bengal, of whom some of the said Brahmans were counsellors or ministers.
In the race of Sandilya there was one (Vishņu?]; in his lineage was Viradeva ; in his family Pañchâla; and his son was Garga, the adviser of Dharma (or Dharma. pala), the regent of the east' (vv. 1-2). Garga married Ichchhà, and their son was Darbha påņi, who became minister of the king Devapala (vv. 3-7). He, again, married Sarkara devî, who bore to him Someśvara (vv. 8-9). Someśvara married Ralladevi (v. 10); and their son was Kedåra miéra, by whose counsel the lord of Gauda (whom I understand to be Devapala)' is represented to have defeated or held in check the Utkalas, Haņas, Dravidas and Gurjaras (v. 13), and who is intimated to have consecrated the king Sarapala (v. 15). And, finally, Kedaramiśra married Vavva, a lady born at Devagrâma (v. 16), and she bore to him Rama, called Guravamiéra (v. 18), who was held in high esteem by the king Narayanapala (v. 19). There can be no doubt that this last-named Brâhman is the Bhatta Gurava who is mentioned as dittaka in the Bhagalpur copper-plate inscription of Narayanapala.
Of the four kings mentioned in this inscription three, Dharmapala), Deva pala and Narayaņa påla, are well known to us from copper-plate inscriptions. As to Sûrapala, I readily adopt Dr. Hörnle's suggestion that he is identical with the Vigrahapala of the Bhagalpur copper-plate, the immediate predecessor of Narayanapala. But regarding the Pala kings in general my views differ from those of Dr. Hörnle, and I hope to prove before long that the successors of Narayanapala were: his son Rajya påla; his son Gopåla II. ; his son Vigrahapala II.; his son Mahipala; his son Nayapala; and his son Vigrahapala III.
Text. L. 1. ...mor easca
urgreit Tia asta agregatea r -[1.] शक्रः पुरोदिशि पति दिगन्तरेषु तत्रापि दैत्वपतिभिनित एव
- : [] maritageafgang FET ATH Rafa f e trata a: -2.] पत्नीच्छा नाम तस्यासीदिच्छेवान्तर्विवर्तिनी । fagmilfasterfemet afatever
HET JET M10 — [3.] विद्याचतुष्टयमुखाम्खुम्बु)कहात्तलमा नैसर्गिकोत्तमपदाधरितविलोकः [*] सूनुस्तयोः कमलयोनिरिव विजयः श्रीदर्भपाणिरिति नाम निजन्दधा
Bee Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, page 308, v. 6. See ib., page 307.
See the Centenary Review of the Asiatic Society Bengal, Part II, Appendix Il; and Indian Antiquary, vol. XIV, page 162–165.
From impressions prepared by Mr. H. B. W. Garrick, and supplied to me by the editor.
The word which has almost entirely disappeared here was probably few: ; and it may bave been preceded by the symbol for it.
* Read . • Metre : Sloka (Anashtabb)
Metre : Vasantatilaka. 10 Metre : Bloks (Anushtabb).

Page #189

162
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
मः।" - [4] पा रेवाजनकामतङ्गजमदस्तिम्यच्छिलासमते-"
रा गौरीपितुरोखरेन्दुकिरणैः पुथमितिम्रो गिरीः । मार्तण्डास्तमयोदयारणजलादा वारिरा
शियाबीत्या यस्य भुवं चकार करदां श्रीदेवपाली नृपः ॥" - [5.] माद्यबानागजेन्द्रस्रवदनवरतोहामदानप्रवाहोअष्टक्षोणीविसर्पिप्रव(ब)ल
धनरज:सम्खताशावकाशं" । दिक्षायातभूभृत्परिकरविसरहाहिनीदुर्बिलोकस्तस्थौ श्रीदेवपालो नृपतिरवसरापेक्षया हारि
यस्य ॥" - [8.] दशाप्यनल्पमुडुपच्छविपीठमग्रे यस्यासनं नरपति: सुरराजकल्पः ।
नानानरेन्द्रमुकुटाहितपादपामः सिहांसन सचS.
कितः स्वयमाससाद ॥" - [7.] तस्य श्रीशर्करादेव्यामवेः मोम इव विजः [*] प्रभूत्सोमेश्वरः श्रीमान् परमेश्वरवल्लभ: ॥ - [8.] नधान्तम्विकटं
धमञ्चयतुलामारुध विक्रामता।" वित्तान्यर्थिषु वर्षता स्तुतिगिरो नोहर्बमाकरिताः । नैवोक्ता मधुरम्बहु प्रणयिन: सम्ब[लिा]ताच वि
या । येनैवं स्वगुणैजगहिसदशैयक्रे सताम्विस्मयः ॥ - [9.] शिव इव करं शिवाया हरिरिव लक्ष्मया रहाश्रमप्रेप्सुः [1]
अनुरूपाया विधि11.
वत् रजादेव्या: स जग्राह ॥ - [10.] पासबाजियराजह()हलशिखिशिखाचुम्बि(म्बि)दिक्षावालो
दुर्वारस्फारशक्ति: स्वरसपरिणताशेषविद्या12.
प्रतिष्ठः । ताभ्यां जन्म प्रपेदे विदशजनमनोनन्दनः स्वक्रियाभिः श्रीमान् केदारमियो गुह व विकसज्जातरूपप्रभावः ॥ ॥ - [11.]
9.
10.
1. Metre: Vasantatilake. - Read संहते. 13 Metre : Sardůlavikridita.
* Read erro. Originally free was engraved, but the sign for i is struck out.
15 Metre : Sragdhara. • Read पांसः सिंहासन. 17 Metre: Vasantatilaká. 15 Metre : Sloka (Anushtubb).
- Read धानं विकट. » These signs of punctuation are superfluous, 1 Read मधुरं बहु प्रचयिनः संव. aRead सतां विखय:.
Metre: Bardilavikridita. " Read विधिवद्रमा * Metre : Arya. * Metre : Sragdbuia.

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17.
L. 13. सक्कद्दर्शनसम्पीतान् चतुर्विद्यापयोनिधीन् [*]
जहासागस्त्यसम्पत्तिमुहिरम्बा(म्बा)ल एव यः ॥ – [12.] ___उत्कोलितोत्कलकुलं हतहणगर्व खर्चीक
तद्रविडगुजरनाथदर्य। भूपोठमश्चि(वि)रशनाभरणम्बु(म्ब)भोज गौडेश्वरश्चिरमुपास्य धियं यदीयां ॥ - [13.] स्वयमपहतवित्तानर्थिनी यो
नुमैने विषति सुहदि चासीबिबिवेको यदामा। भवजलधिनिपाते यस्य भीथ नपा च। परिमृदितकथा(षा)यो" यः पर धानि रेमे॥ -[14.]
यस्ये16. ज्यासह(बृहस्पतिप्रतिक्तत: श्रीशूरपालो नृपः
साक्षादिन्द्र इव क्षताप्रियव(ब)लो गत्वैव भूयः स्वयं । नानाम्भोनिधिमेखलस्य जगत:
कल्याणसङ्गी चिरं श्रद्धाभलतमानसो नतशिरा जग्राह पूतम्पयः ॥* - [15.] देवग्रामभवा तस्य पत्नी ववाभिधाऽभवत् ॥ [*] अतुल्या चलया ल
मया सत्या चाप्य[नपत्य]या" ॥ - [16.] सा देवकीव तस्माद्यशोदया स्वीकृतम्पतिं लक्ष्मयाः ।
गोपालप्रियकारकमसूत पुरुषोत्तमन्तनयं ॥ ॥ - [17.] 19. जमदग्निकुलोत्पन्न: सम्पन्नक्षत्रचिन्तक: [*]
यः श्रीगुरवमिश्राख्यो रामो राम इवापरः ॥ - [18.]
कुशलो गुणान्विवक्तुं विजिगीषुर्यबृप20.
चव(ब) हुमेने । श्रीनारायणपालः प्रशस्तिरपरास्तु का तस्य ॥ - [19.] बाचाम्वैभवमागमेष्वधिगम" मीत: परानिष्ठतां ।
वेदार्थानुगमादसी21.
ममहसो वक्षस्य सम्बन्धिता । आसक्तिगुणकोर्त्तनेषु महताब्रिष्णातता ज्योतिषी
यस्यानल्पमतेरमेययशसो धषितारो ऽवदत् ॥" - [20.] 22. यस्मिन्मिथः श्रीभृति वागधीशे विहाय वैराणि निसर्गजानि ।
उभ स्थिते सख्यमिवादि(धि)गन्त्यावेकत्र लक्ष्मीच सरस्वती च ॥" - [21.] शास्त्रानुशील
# Read °पौवांश्चतु. * Metre: Sloka (Anushțubb). + Metre : Vasantatilaka. *This sign of panctuation is superfluous.
Originally कमयी, altered to "कशायो. 3 Metre: Malini. - Read कल्याणसौ.
Metre : Bardalavikridita. FOriginally भव, altered to "भवा.
The lower portion of the aksharas in brackets is damaged.
37 Metre : Sloka (Anushţubh). 33 Metre : Arya.
Metro : Sloka (Anushtubh). 40 Metre : Arya. 1 Read वाचा वैभव
This sign of punctuation is superfluous. • Read वंशस्य संब. + Metre : Sårdúlavikridita. 4 Metre: Upajati.
12

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164
L. 23.
नगभीरमुचेचोभिनिंदा परवादिमदावलेपः []
-[22.]
उदासितः सपदि येन युधि दिवाच निस्सीमविक्रमधनेन [भ]टाभिमान 24 [वि.] सहमेव फलं न यत्र यस्तादृगव्याधित" सुखय किश्चित् । यथाप्य दानपतिमधिजनोभ्यमेति तत्केसिदानमपि न जातु
25.
26.
27.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
28.
अतिलोमहर्षणेषु" [च*] कलियुगवाल्मीकिजन्मपिवनेषु । धर्मेतिहासपर्व्वसु पुण्यात्मा यः श्रुतीर्व्वग्रहणात् ॥ – [24.] प्रिता यस्य स्वर्धुनी
-
. - [धा] ।
वाणी प्रसन्नगम्भीरा धिनोति च पुनाति च ॥ - [25. ] पितृत्वं यमाखाय पुत्रत्वमगमसूर्य [i*]
ब्र (ब्रह्मेति पुरुषान् यस्य वज्रे" यच प्रपेदिरे ॥
शोभो
• स्वकीयवपुषो लोकेक्षणग्राहिणि स्वाभिप्राय वाचमिति प्रेमव (ब) खिरे । व्यवाति
-
[?]
फणिनां हरेः प्रियसखस्ताच्चयमारोपितः । (n) वाग्वा दिगन्तमखिलं गत्वा पातालमूलमप्यस्मात् ।
यश []" तो इताहिगडलादमल [म]" - [28.] 29. सूत्रधारविष्णुभद्रेण" प्रशस्ति पणितं [ ॥* ]
"Metre of verses 22 and 23: Vasantatilaka.
4 Rend "मं व्यचिव.
[26.]
The akshara was originally omitted, and is engraved below the line. The following, which I have added, is not in the original.
• Metro : Arya.
10 Metre of verses 25 and 28 : Sloka (Anushtubb.
54 Read बंग
st Metre : Sardalavikridita.
- ॥ - [23]
TRANSLATION. [Om!]
(Verse 1.) In Sânḍilya's race was. . . .", in his lineage Viradeva, in his family Pâñchâla; from him was Garga born.
(2.) As he made Dharmas, the regent of the east, sovereign over all the regions, while Indra ruled no other than the eastern quarter, and was even there defeated. by the Daitya chiefs, he laughed Brihaspati to scorn.
(3.) His wife was Ichchha", like love dwelling in his heart. By nature pure and tender, she was like the beauty of the moon.
(4.) Their son was the illustrious chief of the twice-born, named Darbhapani, who, by his innate high rank rising above the three worlds and distinguished by his
--
[27.]
ss The akshara in brackets looks like व, altered to . Metre: Arya.
"The akshara was originally omitted, and is engraved below the line.
se One would have expected waferratai.
57 The name, here missing, probably is Vishnu.
se i. e. the king Dharmapala, whose adviser Garga is represented to have been.
i..' desire, love. '

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knowledge of the four Vedas, was like the lotus-born Brahman, the possessor of four lotus-like faces.
(V.5.) By his policy the illustrious prince Devapala made tributary the earth as far as Reva's parent" whose piles of rocks are moist with the rutting-juice of elephants, as far as Gauri's father," the mountain which is whitened by the rays of fávara's moon, and as far as the two oceans whose waters are red with the rising and setting of the sun.
(6.) At his gate stood, awaiting his leisure, the illustrious prince Devapala, scarce visible among the vast armies attending on princes who had come from all quarters, (in such numbers) that the prospect of the regions was hidden by thick clouds of dust rising from the earth, (though) swept by the constant and abundant streams of rutting. juice, flowing down from lustful elephants of various breeds.
(7.) Though the prince, who resembled the king of the gods, and the dust of whose feet was marked with the diadems of sundry kings, first offered to him a chair of state with a seat bright as the moon, he ascended his own throne with trembling.
(8.) To him was born, of the illustrious Sarkaradevi, the twice-born Somesvara, the illustrious, a favourite of the supreme lord, as the moon had sprung from Atri.
(9.) Never exulting, though like Dhananjaya" he displayed unlimited prowess ; never listening proudly to words of praise, though he showered riches upon suppliants ; and never addressing friends with many honeyed words, though he made them leap with joy by his bounties, -he roused the wonder of good men by such qualities of his, not common in the world.
(10.) Desirous of attaining the state of a householder, he in due form took the hand of Ralladevi, a suitable spouse, even as Siva had done of Siva, and Hari of Lakshmi.
(11.) From them took his birth the illustrious Kedaramiéra. Filling the circle of the quarters with the flames of abundant (sacrificial) fires, radiant with the presence of the gods, of irresistible great might, of a pre-eminence in every branch of knowledge matured from within, and brilliant as glowing gold, he, like unto Guha, delighted the minds of gods and men by his deeds."
(12.) Pouring forth, even as a boy, the oceans of the four Vedas which he had drunk at a single draught, he laughed at Agastya's proficiency.
(13.) Attending to his wise counsel the lord of Gauda long ruled the sea-girt earth, having eradicated the race of the Utkalas, humbled the pride of the Haņas, and scattered the conceit of the rulers of Dravida and Gurjara.
(14.) He allowed suppliants to take freely away his riches; his mind made no
Darbhapaņi wa chaturvidya (or chaturvedin), as Brahman is chaturmukha; and the epithet doijofa, applied to him, besides suggests that he was like the moon.
a i.e. the Vindhya mountains.
is. the Himalaya. se. Arjuna.
The general meaning of this verne, in which KedAramisra is compared to the god of war, Guba or Karttikes, is clear enough; but two difficulties are presented by the compound which forms the first line. Since that compound is. Babuvrthi, we should have expected a past passive participle, conveying the sense of touched' or 'filled,' in the place of chambin,
kissing.' which is the reading of the original. Besides, when the compound is referred to Kedaramiar, none of the ordi. vary meanings of ajilma (not crooked, straightforward, a frog, fish') appears very appropriate. I therefore incline to think that the writer has confounded the word with animisha ("a fish, a god'), and I have translated ascordingly. Applied to Gubs, the first two compounds of the verse would mean: 'who fills the circle of the quarters with the big creat of his p. cock which shine brightly when frogs are Dear, and who wields an irresistible, large spear'.
# Agastya is fabled te bave swallowed the ocean.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
distinction between friend and foe; he was both afraid and ashamed to fall into the ocean of worldly existence, and having crushed the attachment to the pleasures of this life, he took delight in the supreme abode.
(V. 15.) At the sacrifices of him, the image of Bțihaspati, the illustrious prince Särapåla, having destroyed the forces of his enemies, often attended of his own accord, like Indra himself, the destroyer of the demon Vala; and ever desirous of the welfare of the earth, girt by the several oceans, he there with bent head received the pure water, his soul being bathed in the water of faith.
(16.) His wife was Vavva, born at Devagrâma, unlike the fickle Lakshmi and the childless Sati.
(17.) As Devaki gave birth to Purushottama", the adopted son of Yasoda, Lakshmi's husband, who delighted the cow-herds, so she bore to him a son, famous and compassionate, who was a lord of fortune, and who caused pleasure to the king, being the most excellent of men.
(18.) He, Rama, called Guravamisra, the illustrious, born in Jamadagni's race, and conversant with the constellations which bode good fortune, was like another Råma Jámadagnya, to whom the thriving Kshatriya order caused anxious thought.
(19.) Since the illustrious prince Narayanapala, desirous of victory, skilful in discerning excellent qualities, held him in high esteem, what need is there of further eulogy?
(20.) The spread of holiness told that he, of no mean intelligence and of immeasurable fame, possessed great power of speech, knowledge of traditional lore, and profound skill in politics; that he belonged to a family which had acquired boundless lustre by searching after the meaning of the Vedas; that he was eager to celebrate the virtues of great men, and was well versed in astronomy.
(21.) In him, who was possessed of fortune, as well as a master of speech, Lakshmi and Sarasvati resided both together, having forsaken, as it were, their natural enmity and joining in friendship.
(22.) In the assemblies of the learned he at once confounded the pride of selfconceit of opponents by his speeches to which the constant study of the Sastras imparted deep meaning, just as, possessed of boundless wealth of valour, he did in battle the conceit of bravery of enemies.
(23.) He never uttered words gratifying to the ear of which the fruit became not at once apparent, nor did he ever bestow a gift which the suppliant having received went to another more bountiful donor.
(24.) This pious-minded man expounded the Vedas in books of moral tales, which excited a thrill of joy and showed that he was born a Valmiki of the Kali age.
(25.) Being a river of heaven which does not proceed to the ocean, ..., his pellucid and profound language both delights and purifies.
(26.) To his ancestors and to him people were wont to resort, considering that in them) Brahman himself had first become a father, and that the same Brahman (in him) had again become their offspring.
ge.
Wi.e. the prince, at those sacrifices, was as it were conse. erated a sovereiga of the earth.
$ 1.e. the god Vishņa-Krishna. "Or perhapa,' this pleasing person, called Garavamiára.'
In other words, he never made a promise which he did not at once fulfil, nor did he moek suppliants with valueles gifta.

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(V. 27.) He has placed Tårkshya," (the foe) of serpents and dear friend of Hari, here on the top of this pillar, the .... beauty of which, like that of his own person, attracts the eyes of people, which like his own aspiration rises to an unparalleled height and is firm like his affection, and which clearly is as it were a stake planted in the breast of the Kali age.
(28.) Having roamed to the furthest ends of the world, and hence descended even to the bottom of the lower regions, his spotless fame has risen here in the guise of this Garuda with a serpent in his mouth.
This eulogy was incised by the artisan Vishnubhadra.
XI.-ATAKUR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA III.;
DATED SAKA-SAMVAT 872.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.L.E. This inscription was first brought to notice by Mr. Rice, in 1889, in his Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgoļa, pp. 19, 21 (see note 6 below). It is now published in full for, I believe, the first time. I edit it from inked estampages, for which I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. Hultzsch.
Atakur is a village about fifteen miles to the north-east of Mandya, which is the head-quarters town of the Mandya Taluka of the Maisur District in Maisar. It is shown in the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 60, 28 Atcoor,' in Lat. 12° 40' N., Long. 77° 8' E.;' and it is entered, as 'Atagur,' in the map given in Mr. Rice's Gazetteer of Mysore and
Coorg, Vol. II, pp. 190-91. In the inscription the name occurs in the slightly different form of Atukûr. The inscription is on a stone slab, set up in front of a temple known as that of the god Challekalinga, about a quarter of a mile to the north of the village. The temple is mentioned in the inscription, by the name of Challèsvara.
Towards the top of the stone there are, in connection with part of the record, the sculptures of a dog and a boar fighting with each other; the dog is on the proper right, and the boar on the proper left; they occupy a space of about 3' 2" broad by 1' 6" high.-- Below this lies the inscription proper, lines 1 to 19, covering a space of about 4' 11" broad by 4' 0' high. At each side, however, of the boar and the dog, and along the top of the stone, there were left blank spaces, which were subsequently utilised for a slightly later additional record, consisting of four lines, which I have numbered 20 to 23. Lines 20 and 21 run up the proper right margin of the stone, curve round at the corner, run right along the top, and then curve down into the proper left margin. Line 22 breaks off on the proper right margin with the ppa of ppanneradum, and continues on the proper left margin, below the ends of lines 20 and 21. Line 23 is a short line, lying below the ends of lines 20, 21, and 22, on the proper left margin. The writing is in a state of fairly good preservation throughout; and, with the exception of two aksharas in line 4, the whole record can be made out with perfect certainty. The
... the bird Garuda, the vehicle of Vishņu. The name seems to be not an uncommon one. The mape show in Atagar,' furty nine miles north-east of Malar, Adagar,' aleven miles north by west of HMAD.
and

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
estampages, however, are not suitable for lithography; and, the surface of the stone being apparently rather rough, it would probably be very difficult to obtain impressions which would serve that purpose. --The characters belong to the so-called Old-Kanarese alphabet, and are of the regular type of the period to which the record refers itself. The average size of the letters, both in the original inscription and in the addition, is about 13" -The language is Old-Kanarese ; and, except for two verses in lines 15 to 19, the whole record is in prose. In respect of orthography the only points that call for special notice are (1) the use of mi for ri in nripa, line 1, prithuvi, line 2, and krishna, line 3; (2) the use of 6 for o in the word bíra, lines 16, 18; (3) the occasional use of e for 6, e.g. in saka, line 1, and saktiy-áge, line 16; and (4) the doubling of 8 after r, in ár=88agara, line 17.
The inscription refers itself to the time of a king named Křishộarâja, whom, partly from the date that is given, and partly from the mention of a predecessor, we know to be Krishna III., & son of Amôghavarsha III., of the Rashtrakůta dynasty of Malkhed: in the body of the inscription, he is also called Kannaradeva; and in the addition at the top of the stone, this form only of his name is used. We are told that he was making a display of triumph, after fighting against and killing a Chola king or chief named Rajâditya, at a place called Takkola. The inscription then introduces a Ganga feudatory of his,' called in the body of the record Permânadi, and in the addition Butuga,' who, as we learn from the addition, had killed a certain Râchamalla, the son of Ereyapa, and (as the result) was ruling over a Ninety-six-thousand district, which is evidently the well-known Gangavadi Ninety-six thousand. From the addition we also learn that it was Batuga himself who slew Rajâditya; treacherously, and while they were out taking the air together: and that, in approbation of the deed, Krishņa III. gave to Batuga the districts known as the Banavase Twelve-thousand, the Beļvola Three-hundred, the Purigere Threehundred, the Kisukad Seventy, and the Bagepád Seventy. The record then introduces a follower of Batuga, named Maşalarata, of the Sagara lineage, with the hereditary title of " lord of Valabhi." And it proceeds to state that, in recognition of his valour in battle, Permånadi-Batuga granted some land to a temple of the god Challeśvara (a form of Siva) at the village of Ātukar; a stone,- evidently the one bearing this
• The fact that Bajaditya died in battle with Krishņa III., is mentioned also in the large Loydon copper-plate grant (see Dr. Hultzsch's Report No. 79, dated the 8th April 1891); the passage speaks of the lordly elephant," on which RAjAditya was riding.
The use of the paramount title in dharma-maharajadhirdja must be taken, with the use of the name SatyavákyaKongunivarman, to be only an bereditary custom. The construction of the whole record, and the subject matter of it, show clearly the nature of the relations between Permånadi-Bâtuga and Krishna III.
This name occurs also in the body of the inscription, among the titles of Manalarata. That passage (1.9) is probably enough to show that Permånadi and Båtuga were one and the same person. But the point is rendered quite certain by the other reference to Batuga and Manalarata in II. 21-23.- When I wrote the preceding remarks, I overlooked the fact that Batuga is distinctly called Permånadi-Batayya in the Hebbal inscription (see Ind. Ant. Vol. XII, p. 270).
One might perhaps expect the name of Rajamalla, rather than Rachamalla. But the original very distinctly has cha in the second syllable.
Mr. Rice (loc. cit., p. 21) summarised this part of the record thus "Moreover, from a subsequent addition "engraved at the top of the same inscription, we learn that this Ganga king" (vis.the Satyavákya-Kengunivarman, or more specifically the Permånadi.Butuga, of lines 5, 6, 8] "was Rācbamalla, the son of Ereyappa; also, that he defeated a rival
damed Batuga, who then proposed to RAjAditya, the Chola prince mentioned in the previous part of the inscription, to join "bim in attacking Kapnara Dova. His treachery becoming thus koown, he was defeated and slain, and the provinces of which # be was governor absorbed into the Ganga territories."- Mr. Rice's extract from the text (loc. cit., p. 21, note 6) showed that this summary could not be correct, but did not suffice to indicate the real meaning with any completeness and certainty.

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inscription, being set up, to commemorate the grant, on the spot where, a dog having been loosed against a boar, the boar and the dog killed each other. The inscription proper ends with two verses descriptive of the prowess of Manalarata. And from the addition we learn that Batuga also granted, to Maṇalarata himself, the group of villages known as the Atukûr Twelve, and the village of Kôteyûr of the Belvols country.
In the date the only details given are the Saumya samvatsara, coupled with Saka-Samvat 872 (current) (A.D. 949-50), expressed in words. This falls within the limits of the dates already obtained for Krishna III. And all else that can be said is that, as, by the southern luni-solar system of the cycle, which is the only one that can be made applicable in this case, the Saumya samvatsara coincided with Saka-Samvat 871 as an expired year, we have in this record another clear instance of the use of a current Śaka year.
This record refers to a variety of places. Atakûr itself is mentioned, as Âtukûr, in the inscription proper (1. 12), and in the addition at the top of the stone (1. 22); and the latter passage shows that it was the chief town of a group of twelve villages. The inscription also mentions (1. 10) a neighbouring village named Belatúr, in the Kelale nád; but for these names I cannot find any representatives in the map. It gives Takkôla (1. 4) as the name of the place where Râjâditya was slain; this, again, I cannot identify. In the titles of Permânadi-Batuga it mentions the town of Kolâla and the Nandagiri mountain (1. 5). Mr. Rice (e. g. Mysore Inscriptione, p. xxviii) has taken Kolala to be the same with the Kôlâhalapura of the Eastern Ganga records, and has identified it with "Kôlår, in the east of Maisûr." The identity of the two names, Kolala and Kôlâhala, is probably established by the statement, in the eastern grants, that Kolâhala was in the Gangavâḍi vishaya (Ind. Ant., vol. XVIII., p. 170). The identification of the place with Kôlår may be correct; but I do not know of any conclusive proof of this point: and I notice, in the map, a small village named 'Kolala' close to Devarayadurg in the Kortagiri Taluka of the Tumkûr District, Maisûr; this seems to me to suggest that Kolâla may possibly be the ancient name of Dêvarâyadurg itself. Nandagiri has been identified by Mr. Rice (Mysore Inscriptions, p. xlv) with Nandidurg, a fortified hill in the Chikballapur Taluka of the Kolar District, Maisûr. And finally, in the titles of Manalarata, the inscription mentions the town of Valabhi (1. 7-8), which is, of course, the well-known Valabhi in Kathiawaḍ. The reference is of interest, as being the only one from Southern India that is known to me; but, whether it may be taken as implying that, like Manalarata, the rulers of Valabhi themselves claimed to belong to the lineage of Sagara, seems not very clear. The addition at the top of the stone first mentions a province called the Ninety-six-thousand: this is undoubtedly the well-known Gangavadi Ninety-six-thousand, which probably included the whole of Maisûr, and is known, from many other inscriptions, to have been the hereditary territory of the Western Gangas; towards the north it extended as far as Lakkundi, near Gadag, in Dharwad (Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, No. 53). It then mentions a province and four districts which were given by Krishna III. to Bûtuga; i.e. the feudatory government of which was entrusted to Bútuga. The province is the wellknown Banavase Twelve-thousand, which took its appellation from one of the ancient forms of the name of the modern Banawâsi in North Kanara. Of the districts the
Z

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
first is the Bel vola Three-hundred. This district is equally well-known; and its name, being derived from the Kanarese bele, 'growing corn, a crop,' and pola, hola, 'a field,' means the country of luxuriant crops,' with reference to the fertility of the rich blacksoil which constitutes one of its chief features. It included Gadag in the Dharwad District (Ind. Ant., Vol. II, p. 297), Annigere in Dharwad (Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 220; apparently Aņņigere was then, A. D. 866, the capital of the district), Kurtakoți in Dhårwad (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 218), Nargund in Dhårwad and Holi in Belgaum (Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 47; here the name is written Beļvala, and the district is said to be a part of the Kuntala vishaya), and Kukkanar in the Nizam's Dominions (Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, p. 275; here the name is written Beluvala, in Nagari characters). From the wording of the passage in line 22 of the present inscription it seems not to have included Âtakur. The second is the Purigere Three-hundred. This, again, is a very well-known district, taking its appellation from the ancient Kanarese name of Lakshmêshwar in the Miraj State, within the limits of the Dharwad District. The third is the Kisukad Seventy. This was in later times one of the divisions of the hereditary territory of the Sindas of Erambarage; and the chief town of it (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XII, p. 272) was Kisuvoļal or Pattada-Kisuvolal, which is the modern Pattadakal in the Bijapur District, near Bådâmi. To the south it included (id., p. 257) Kiru-Narayangal, which is to be identified with Kodikop, a hamlet of Naregal in the Ron Taluka, Dharwad. And the fourth is the Bågenad Seventy. This is plainly identical with the Bågadage Seventy, or Bågadige nåd, which was another of the divisions of the Sinda territory. I have only recently obtained the means of localising precisely the position of this district, and of determining the town from which it took its name. That town is Bagalkot in the Bijapur District. It has long been known to me that the rustics call this place Bangaļikote;' the popular explanation of which is that some Nawab assigned it to his wife for pin-money (lit. for bangles, bángadt). And I had a suspicion, but no more, that it might be the ancient Bågadage or Bågadige. All doubt has now been removed by my examination of an inscription on a stone which stands in the courtyard of the Taluka Kachêri at Bagalkot, and was brought, I under. stand, from the neighbouring village of Hêrkal, and which mentions "the famous capital, Bagadageya-kote," (srima[d-r]ájadhani Bagadag[e]ya-koteya Sri-mula]-[sthand]dhi pati] Nilakantha-panditadêvaru; lines 9-10). Taken with the rustic appellation, this is quite sufficient to establish the identity of the two names, Bågadage and Bagalkot. And finally, in line 22, the addition mentions the village of Koteyar of the Beļvola country. This place I cannot identify with any certainty ; but it may possibly be either Kurtakoti in Dharwad, or the small village of Kotoor,' 3 miles west of Koppal in the Nizam's Dominions (Lat. 16° 20' N., Long. 76° 10' E.).
There can be, I think, no doubt that the Ereyapa of this inscription is the Ganga king Ereyapa or Ereyapparasa, ruler of the Gangavadi Ninety-six-thousand, of the Bêgür inscription (edited by me, ante, Vol. I, p. 346 ff). This record, therefore, fixes the period of the events recorded in the Begur stone, and adds another interesting link in the history of the Western Gangas. It shows internal dissensions among them; for Permånadi-Batuga, himself a Ganga (see lines 5, 6), acquired the province by killing Rachamalla, the son of Ereyapa; and Ereyapa, though he has been stamped by Mr. Rice as an “usurper" (e.g. Mysore Inscriptions, pp. xliv, xlv), was most distinctly of the

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ATAKUR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA 111.
171
Ganga lineage (see ante, Vol. I, p. 349). Also, the construction of the record, and the grant of districts to Batuga by Krishna III., distinctly prove that at this period the Gangas were feudatories of the Rashtrakūtas.
Incidentally it may be noted that, as the period of Ereyapparasa is now known to be about A.D. 949, it follows that there is some real probability of the Ayyapadeva of the Begur record being identical with the Western Chalukya Ayyana I., whose period was two generations before A.D. 973-97.
Among the territory given by Křishņa III. to Batuga was the Banavase Twelvethousand. This point is of interest, because this province was the principal component of the territory of the Kadambas of Banawasi and Hångal; and the present record shows that they had not the ancient, or at least the uninterrupted, enjoyment of their possessions, which their inscriptions seem to imply.
TEXT. 1 Svas[t]i Sa(sa)ka-nri(nri)pa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sa (sa)tangal=eņţu-nûr=elpatt-erada.
neya Sau(sau)myam=emba 2 samvatsaram pravarttise [*] Svasti Amoghavarisha deva-sriprithuvi vallabha
paramésvara-parama3 bhatt[A]raka-pådapankaja-bhramara[m] n[ri]pa-Tri[ne]tran-dne-vedengam vana
gaja-mallaṁ kachchegan Kri(kļi)shnarajam srimat 4 Kan[n]aradeva[m] .. la(?) vajam Chô!a-Rajadityana mêle [ba]ndu
Takkolado!=kadi kondu bijayan-geyyutt-ildu [lo] 5 Sva[st]i [S]atyavákya-Konguņivarmma-dharm[m]amaharajadhirajam Koļala-pun
var-êśvaram Nandagiri-natham 6 srimat Permmånadiga! nanneya-Ganga jaya[d-u]ttaranga Ganga-G[Ang@]ys
Ganga-Narayaņa tan=&ļu 7 Svasti Sakaļa-18ka-paritâp-avi(?)hata-spra]bhåv-avatåri[ta]-Ganga-pravåh-dara
Sagara-vamśa Va8 labhi-puravar-êśvaran=udara-Bhagirathan=iriva-bedengam Sa[gara)-Triņétram
senase-mugarivom 9 kadan-aika-Su(s) drakam Bûtugan-ankakaram srimat Maņalarata[ng=a]nuvarado!
mechchi bêdi-ko!!=endo10 de dayeya mere-vol(?!!) emba Kaliyaṁ daye-geyy=endu kondanå nåya[m]
Kelale-nåda Beļatûra padu11 vaņa deseya moradiyo! piri[dum pa]ndige vittode pandiyum nàyum-oda
sattuvadarkke12 y=Atukůro! Challeśvarada munde kallan=nadisi piriya kereya kelage Malti
kalangado!=ir-kka(kkha)nduga13 maņņa[m] koțțar-Â maņņan=okkal nådan=&ļvořn"=dranalvor-1 mannan
alidon-à naya geyda påpama[m] kondom
7 From the inked estampages. * Read varshao. . Read Oprithivio or prithvio. * We should expect tann(a), with the double an. But I
potice that Sanderson's Kadarese Dictionary gires nana as & variant of nanna. 11 Read gange or gånga.
Read von

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14 n-Athanaman-álva goravan-A kallamh pajisad-undar-appodenkyn geyda pápamam konda[n] [II] Om [II]
15 Urad"-idir-Anta Choja-chaturanga-balangalan-atti mutti talt-iriv-edeg-orvvar
nereye kone (na)me Chôjane
appoḍam-idirchchuva
16 gandaran-Ampev-endu pottalisuva
bi(vi)raram
sa (sa)ktiy-âge talt-iridudan-âve(? me) ka
17 nder-ene mechchador-Ar-Saagara-Tripêtranam Narapati bennol-ildon-idir. ântudu vairi-samûham=illi
18 machcharisuvar-ellarum seraguv-âldapor-int-ire nendu singad-ant-ire Hari bi(vi)ra-Lakshmi nerav-âg-ire Chô
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
19 [na]-kotey-emba sindhurada dir-Agramam biriye payidam kadan-aikaSu(40)drakash [1] Om [11]
THE ADDITION AT THE TOP OF THE STONE.
20 Svasti Sri-Ereya pana magam Râchamallanam Batugam kádi kondu tombhattaru-sâsiramumam Alutt-ire [*] Kannaradêva[m] Cholanam kâduvandu Batugam Rajhdityanath bisugeye kallan-kgi gurig-iridu
kondu Bansvase-pannirchehâ(P rehehhá)siramuth Belvols-mândrum Purigere-madruth" Kisukhd-elpattum Bågenâd-elpattuva(ma) Batugange Kannaradevah mechohu-gottam [11] Batuganum" Manalarata. munde nind-iridudarkke mechchi Atak[0]r-ppannersḍum Belvolada Koteyrumah bálgam]
21 kâdi
22 na
23 [me]"chchu-gottam [11] Mangala-mahâ-éri [11*]
TRANSLATION.
Hail! The samvatsara named Saumya, (which is) the eight hundred and seventysecond (in) the centuries of years that have gone by from the time of the Saka king, being current:
(Line 2). Hail! When Krishnaraja (III.), the glorious Kannaradêva,- a very bee at the water-lilies which (were) the feet of Amoghavarshadêva (III.), the favourite of fortune and of the earth, the Paramésvara, the Paramabhaṭṭaraka; a very Triņêtra (Siva) among kings; a marvel in giving support (or, in resistance); a hero against wild elephants; a (real) fighter (or, disputant), having the Chola, RajAditya, and having fought and killed (him) at Takkôls, was going in triumph:
come upon
(L. 5). Hail! (He who has the hereditary titles of) the pious Mahárájádhirája Satyavakya-Konguņivarman; the lord of Kolâla, the best of towns; (and) the lord
13 Read kondon.
14 This seems to be the reading; but "appod 4 would be better.
15 Metre: Champakamala; and in the following verse.
16 The prása is wrong here; in the third syllable of this word, there ought properly to be ri, instead of li.
17 This ne was omitted, and then was inserted below the line.
18 Read payidan=4.
19 Read dairamam; the copulative ending is not required here.
20 Read "múnúrum.
1 Read bdtugas; here, again, the copulative ending is not required.
"I cannot find the place where this syllable, me, stands in the original; perhaps the akshara was omitted
altogether.

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ATAKUR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA III.
173
of the mountain Nandagiri,- (viz.) the illustrious Permånadi, the truthful Ganga, the arch of victory, a very Gångêya among the Gangas, a very Narayana among the Gangas,
(L. 7).- Hail !,- being pleased in battle with his follower, the illustrious Maņalarata, who is of the lineage of Sagara, which brought down the stream of the (river) Ganga through (its) prowess that was unimpeded in causing the affliction of all mankind; (noho has the hereditary title of) the lord of Valabhi, the best of towns; who is as noble as Bhagiratha; who is a marvel among men who pierce; who is a very Triņêtra among the Sagaras; who cuts off noses when he is angry; who is a very Sudraka (devoted) only to war; (and) who is the arithmetician of Butuga,- said " Prefer a request !” Thereupon, Kaliya, who is called “the shining river (?) of kindness," said, “Do (this) favour !" Then they loosed his dog at a [great] boar, on the hill in the western quarter of the village of) Belatûr of the district called) Kelalu nád. And then, having set up & stone in front of the temple of the god) Challeśvara at Âtukûr, at (the place where) the boar and the dog killed each other," he (Permånadi) gave land yielding two khandugas (of grain), at the site called Maltikálanga below the large tank.
(L. 13).- Any cultivator (who destroys) that land, (or) the ruler of the district (if he does so), (or) any governors of the village who destroy " this land,- he incurs (the guilt of) the sin committed by that dog! If the Gorava, who presides over that locality, eats without doing worship to that stone, he incurs (the guilt of) the sin committed by (that) dog! Om !
(L. 15). - Saying "We ourselves saw how powerfully the Chola, like a male buffalo in coitu, approached and pierced the heroes who were vaunting (their) prowess ** in saying Pursuing and besetting the forces of the army of the Chola which, blazing (with wrath), have opposed (us), we will resist the valiant men who confront (us), if (indeed) there be any (to make a stand) at the place of meeting and piercing,' - what people have failed to express approbation of him who is a very Triņêtre among the Sagaras? The king was at (his) back; a multitude of enemies opposed (him) in front; all the people bere, emulously rivalling each other, are bathed (in perspiratiun) to the (very) edges of (their) garments ;- under these circumstances he, a very Sadraka (devoted) only to war, dripping (with steal), with the assistance of the god) Hari (and) the brave Lakshmi, passed on like a lion, cleaving open the forehead of the elephant that was called "the fortress of the Chola." » Om !
THE ADDITION AT THE TOP OF THE STONE. (L. 20).- Hail! When Batuga, having fought and killed Rachamalla, the son of the glorious Ereyapa, was governing the Ninety-six-thousand : At the time when Kannaradeva was warring against the Chola, Batuga treacherously," while (they were taking the air (together), aimed at and pierced, and thus fought against and killed,
-3 lit. died together."
lit. they gave" (koftar), the word is in apposition with permidnadigal (1.6).
* lit. "who destroye" (alidon); this sentence illustrates well the change of construction from the singular to the plural, and back again (compare Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 146, note 16). The words "this land are rather unconery after the tbat land' which stands at the beginning of the sentence.
popralines seems to be some derivative from pofari, 's brave mani' see note 16 abore, regarding the prdea.
See note 3 above. - lit. thief."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Rajaditya; and then Kannaradeva gave to Bûtuga, in token of approbation, the Banavase Twelve-thousand, the Belvola Three-hundred, the Purigere Three-hundred, the Kisukad Seventy, and the Bagenad Seventy.
(L. 21).- Being pleased with the manner in which Maņalarata stood out in front and pierced (his foes), Bůtuga gave (to him), in token of approbation, for subsistence, the Atukûr Twelve, and the village of Koteyûr of (the) Beļvola (country). May there be) auspicious and great good fortune!
XIII.-KARITALAI STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF THE CHEDI
LAKSHMANARAJA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. The stone which bears this inscription' was found at Karitaldi, a village in the Mudwårå Subdivision of the Jabalpur District of the Central Provinces (Indian Atlas, sheet No. 89, Latitude 24° 3' North, Longitude 80° 46' East), whence it has been removed to the Jabalpur Museum. And an account of the contents of the inscription has been given in Sir A. Cunningham's Archeological Survey of India Reports, vol. IX, page 81. I now edit the text from a rubbing, supplied to me by Dr. Burgess.
The inscription is only the concluding portion of an apparently much longer inscription the upper part of which is missing. The writing of what remains covers a space of 3' 8" broad by 4' 31' bigh; but of this, again, a large piece, about l' broad by 1'8" high, is broken away at the lower proper right corner, and a small piece at the upper left corner. Besides, the stone is broken in several pieces, and some aksharas have thereby become damaged or illegible in the body of the inscription. The average size of the letters is 1". The characters, well formed and skilfully engraved, are Nagari of about the end of the 10th century A.D. The language is Sanskrit; and, excepting the words yas-cha, in line 5, and kim vahuná, in line 26, the inscription is in verse. In respect of orthography it will be sufficient to state that b is throughout written by the sign for y, and that the sign of the jihvámúliya once occurs in line 9, and the sign of the upadhmaniya once in line 30.
The missing introductory portion of the inscription in all probability contained a number of verses eulogising the earlier Chedi (or Kalachuri) rulers of Tripuri, especially YuvarAjadeva and Lakshmanaraja, who are actually mentioned in the sequel. In verses 2-6 of the extant text we are told that in the family of the sage Bharadvaja there was a Brahman, named Bhâ kamisra, who was chief minister of the king Yuvarajadeva; and in verses 7-17 that he had a son, Someśvara (in verse 9 described as bhatta-Somebvara-dikshita), who became minister of the Chedi lord, the illustrious Lakshmanaraja. And the proper object of the inscription is to record that this Someśvara built a temple of Vishnu, at which the inscription evidently was put up, and which is glorified in verses 18-29. Beyond this, verses 1-29 contain nothing of interest.
See Sir A. Cunningham's Archological Survey of India Reports, vol. IX, p. 8; also Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscrip tions, p. 117.
This account, which no doubt was furnished by some native assistant, is very incorrect. Here it will be sufficient to say that the word, which was interpreted to denote a place called Pdfangir is really a name of the planet Saturn; see line 21 of the text.

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KARITALAI STONE INSCRIPTION.
175
From verse 30 it appears that near the temple there was a pura (or brahmapura, as it is more commonly called) for eight learned Brahmans; and the rest of the inscription enumerates various donations, made for their maintenance and in favour of the temple generally. To the Bråhmans mentioned the king, apparently Lakshmaṇaraja, gave the village of Dirghasakhika (verse 30). To the temple he assigned, on the occasion of a solar eclipse, another village, the name of which has not been preserved (verse 31); while his queen, Rahada, gave the village of Chakra hradí (verse 32). Another donation was made, on the occasion of a lunar eclipse, by the illustrious Sanka[ragaņa, the king's son(?)], a devout worshipper of Vishnu (verse 33); and at a solar eclipse were given it is not certain by whom) the village Chhallipata ka in the district of Dhavalaharå and the village Antara påța (verse 34). Several fields, and the village Vațagartika in the Mald 'group of twelve,' are besides mentioned among the donations to Vishņu, after the founder of the temple called the holy Somasvámideva, in the mutilated verses 35-37%. And finally verses 38-42 enumerate various taxes and tolls which had to be paid in favour of the temple.
The kings Yuvardjadeva and Lakshmanarâja, mentioned in this inscription, undoubtedly are Keyû ravarsha. Yuvarajadeva and his son Lakshmaṇaraja, the father of Samkaragana, of the Bilhari inscription (ante, vol. I, page 253); and accordingly the present inscription is older than the Bilhari inscription, and must have been composed some time between the middle and end of the 10th century A.D.
Of the localities mentioned in the inscription, none have been identified with certainty; but I suspect Dirghasak hika to be the village Dighee of the maps, about 6 miles south-east of Karitalai (or Kareetullae).
TEXT. L. 1.......... ...... 2. Pafu yifa ATHTHTTarget प्रत्यक्षीकृतदान एष तु जनैः प्रादादनभ्यर्थितो
TATAT(=)Ware a (a)[aci]etarT[MT] - [*]-[1]. 3. वंशाहरहाजमुनेरननाङ्गणानतो धर्म इवापरो[भू]त् ।
tarafa fafaustri: ecare fechata: " [2]. griafaut fo[at]..11
* The mutilated state of verse 37 makes it impossible to say wbether the word khariodpa, which occurs in it, should be explained to mean'a field sown with a khari of grain', or taken as a proper name. If it were a proper dame, we should probably have here the older name of Karitalai.
• I am unable to explain fully all the particulars stated in the mutilated verses 38-42. Verse 40 again contains the word defi, mentioned ante, p. 130, note 83.
- From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, supplied to me by the editor.
Of this line only the lower part of about half the number of aksharas, which it contained, is preserved; but what remains is sufficient to show that this was not the first line of the inscription.
* The last akshara of the preceding line must have bee n. The poet is speaking of the Daitya Bali, with whom he evidently compares & king (probably the Chedi Lakshmanaråja), who must have been spoken of in the lost portion of the inscription.
* Metre: Sårddlayikridita • Ithould have expected to rend here वंश भरहाजमनेरनूने गुसीबती. 10 Metre : Uprjáti.
The akeharus, here broken away, probably were , io. a.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L.4.
सौम्यो वु(बु)धो न वु(बु)धः । अकविः कविरपि यस्मादतिग्रहोप्येवमग्रहश्चित्रं ॥" -[3]. यदनवधिवितानप्रज्वलज्जातवेदस्तततरखरतापोत्तप्तगात्री धरित्री। दिगिभभुज[ग]
राजानन्तकूर्मः समूह कलितदवथुपोडानष्टधैर्यैः कथंचित् ॥" -[43. यश्च ॥ अचीकरत्कुत्र"न देववेश्मान्यचीखनत्कुत्र न वा सरांसि । अविव्यधत्कुत्र" न कूपवा[पी]
रकरुपबामवणानि कुत्र ॥ -[]. अवाप्य यं श्रीयुवराजदेवो धराधरं प्राथमिवांशुमाली। प्रापोवतिं व्यस्तसमस्तदोषां मन्तिप्रधान कुलगोवचारूं।" -[6].
न संदिग्धे वे7.
दे द्रवदवधिवो(बो)चा पदविधरतर्वस्तर्केष्वप्यनवममतिस्तन्तुगतिषु । य आद्यो वेदान्ते स्मरणनिपुणः काव्यसरणे: स तस्यासीत्सूनुः प्रवित रह सोमेश्वर इति ॥"-[7].
पुस्ते
9.
8. नपास्तमतिरप्रतिमचरित्रे तौर्यत्रिके किमपि यः कुशलो व(ब)भूव ।
हस्त्यश्वपालनपरीक्षणकर्मशास्त्रे रत्नत्रयेप्यनुपमी धुरि धीमतां च ॥ -[8]. एका कला मूर्ध्नि श[शा].
मौलरिन्दोः कलाः पञ्चदश प्रसिहाः ।। श्रीभट्टसोमेश्वरदीक्षितस्य कल्या:" कलाकार्तयितुं कती कः ॥ - [9]. मेरुः सञ्चितकाञ्चनैकनिचय: पुष्यत्तुषारोत्कररुद्भूती[हुर]जा
द्य एव हिमवानौद्री गिरिः स्फाटिकः । अर्थिप्रत्तसमस्तहमनिवहः प्रेवैकवो(बी)धावधि:
सौम्योसावुपमीयते कथमिव माभृतयेणामुना ॥ -[10]. अपा[स्तकुंकुम ये11.
न नवनीतमनीयत । वपुःप्रणयितां यन्न वशिभिःकर' हि किं ॥ -[11].. .. अपास्तकाञ्चिधूत[मुंज] रन्जुर्गलहगूली [?]त[]रवासाः । अलौकिकत्वेन][विशे]षचारुयं द्यो)
षितां पर्वणि वेष एषः ॥ -[12]. अग्नीदग्नीन्विहर विधिवहन्धि होमोपयुक्ता
मध्वर्यो गां मुचमपि समं क्षालयाशु मुवेण । तप्ताभिर्भवतु सविधे गार्हपत्यस्य प
12.
1- Metre: Udgiti. 13 Metre: Malini
"Originally पचौकरकरल्कुव was engraved, but the first aksharas are struck out.
"Originally विव्यिध, but altered to अविव्यध'. * Metre : Upendravajra. 17 Metre: Upajati.
* It in somewhat doubtful whether भरणे: or °सरणिः | was engraved.
19 Metre: Sikbarini. 10 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
Originally कल्य:, altered to कल्या :. » Metre : Indravajra. - Metre: Sardalavikridita. so Read वपुथ' and 'ईकर. 25 Metre: Sloka (Anushţubh). * Metre: Upajati.

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L. 13.
14.
15.
16.
KARITALAI STONE INSCRIPTION.
बो.
त्वेवं प्रोकाया यवनो या सधी" [13]. अन्तर्व्वशिक वासमन्दिरमही गन्धोदकैः क्षाख्यतां
वारीजन देखि भातरभिखा [[]] ब्रपदीपान्य (य) छन् (1)
एवं से
तहस्त
स्तस्य श्रीभहसोमेश्वरगुणगणने के वयं तुच्छवाच: ॥" - [16]. वात” त्वमाधिरोहे [व] श्यति दोला भृतिश्रमात्किञ्चित् । 17. श्रीमल्लक्ष्मणराज स्कन्धमदाद्यस्य दोलायां ॥” – [17]. प्रासादोयमकारि तेन कृतिना देवस्य दैत्यद्रुहः
श्रीमदनरेन्द्रमतितकेनाच्छादितायामुखः । यस्योचे [पय] नाचतो ध्वजपटः प्रेयामिनां (न.)* संज्ञां [व्या]
18.
निधेहि गन्धमचितं रात्रि लमप्यादृता
येथे या प्रतिमा (सा) रिकोदितमभूयाय [य] दन्तःपुरे [14]. विकोटिमगमन्तन्तवः ।
[*][[]] ददतस्तख श्रीमदन्द्र [म]
20.
तिण: n – [16]. [स्] ययभूमौ रणशिरसि सदा मंसित होतेम्बतं षड्जादिभेदैरतिमधुरगिरोहातृभिर्म्माथकैश्च । अभ्यः [क]वः प्रचरति च करी दानसंसि
घुटने करोत्यविरतं दायनीतिभुवं ॥" [18]. परति व (ब)हिरन्तरादधानः कुटिलतरत्वमधः तान्यकीर्त्तिः ।। [पि] समुचतो विभाति प्रकटविलङ्घितसर्व्वलोक एष [: ॥ *] – [19].
10. सन्दधानपि [र] ददानी विसुशिमादर्शि (शिं) तविरूपः । [क] चामगाहिष्यत दानवारेरेषोप्यया[द्य][वा]मनत्वं ॥ [20]. अलमलमुरुवंशप्रान्तकघटित [य]
रोहितेन ध्वजे []। "कनक[क]लमरोचिईडलम्बमया डामरसरिदिन घसे केतुतामेव नित्यं ॥ - [21]. [3]बतानां परिष्वङो गुणाय महते यतः ।
अपि दुर्मन भानुर्भवत्य
17 Metre, MandAkrântâ
The akshara in brackets was originally omitted, and is the original. engraved below the line.
Motre, Eardalavikridita. Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh).
31 Metre, Sragdhard.
The exact meaning of this line I do not understand. Metro, Arya
4 This correction appears to have been made already in
2 Metre, Gardalavikridita.
38 Metre, Pushpitagra
ar Metre, UpajAti.
177
The akshara in brackets was originally omitted, and is engraved below the line.
20] Metre, Malint.
A 2

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178
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
26.
L.21.
व सुदर्श(श)नः ॥ -[22]. ध्वजपटविकटान्तभ्रान्तिसर्पत्समीरे मिलदमरसरित्केवश्यमस्योत्तमाङ्गे ।
तरणिरननुभूतं यामयुग्माभिगम्ये निजरयतुरगाणां वातपृष्ठन्द22.
[दा]ति ॥ -[23]. अस्योत्तङ्गोत्त]माङ्गानवरतगमनोष्टिसीदद्रथाङ्गः
प्रात: प्रातर्डिनेशो घटयति युगलं चक्रयो/तसंख्यं । शङ्के कूटान्तरालस्थपुटनिपतनोत्था23.
--[दण्ड: सायं सायं जनानां" कलयति नितरामक्षवर्ग समग्र -[24]. नयति रथममुच्चेहक्षिणेनोत्तरण स्परति हि दिवसाना कुञ्चनप्राञ्चनानि ।
त24. oo--[मेरुयातेप्यभिन्नो ध्रुवमनभिविलंघा प्राप्य सोदत्यमन्द। -[25].
अलङ्घयशिखरश्रेणिलङ्घनव्यसनादिव । पातङ्गिर (डि)व्यापत्तिरसपानमभू
- [*] -[26]. --- -[व]राहचरणक्षोदादुदञ्चत्किणं
पृष्ठं मे तव तत्क्षणोद्धृ]तविसमाया शिरःसन्ततिः । मा गाद्भङ्गमितोपसर्प निदधे तत्तावदेतद्धवं
कूर्मास्यापि [व]-. 26.
- - ---जवाहे भवन् ॥ -[27]. किं व(ब)हुना ॥ सर्व प्रासादराजोयं नियतं प्रतिभाति नः । यदस्य केतुदण्डाग्रलग्नश्छवा(चा)यते विधुः ॥ -[28].
स्थेयादाकल्पमेतत्सु27.
-- -- [रमुख्य व्र(ब)ह्माण्डाधारमू [8]तरजगतीनिश्चलोभावशकोः । कल्पस्यावस्थिति स्तान्मुररिपुशरणं यावदेतच्चकास्तो___ त्येतच्चाशंसनं
- woooo-- --[क] रूपं ॥ --[29]. न्यवीविश[त्पुर] चास्मिअष्टौ भट्टान्वसूनिव । दीर्घशाखिकनामानमेभ्यो ग्राममदापः ॥" -[30]. श्रीमल्लक्ष्मणराजो ग्रामं देवा
28.
.
* Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh). - Read भूत and वातटिन्द. 4 Metre, Maliai. • This may have been altered to read in the original. * Possibly this has been altered to wait. 46 Metre, Sragdbara.
* Metre, Malini. • Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh).
Metre, Sardalarikridita. * Metre, Sloka (Anushtabby. 50 Metre, Sragdhara. # Metro, Sloka (Anushtubb).

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KARITALAI STONE INSCRIPTION.
179
L.29.
. . . . . . [*] . . . . . . . . दादमै ग्रहे भानोः ॥ -[21]. नृपानुमत्या भक्त्या च खीयया तस्य राहडा । ग्रामं चक्रहदीमी महादेवी व्यशिवणत् ॥ -[32].
श्रीशा30. ....
....... सी। देवाय दानशौण्डो ग्रहण सोमस्य वैष्णवपरमः ॥" -[33]. धवलहरासंव(ब) प्रायच्छच्छजिपाटकं ग्राम । भानोरन्तरपाट ग्रहणे देवा
... . [*] - [34]. . . . . . . . . . . [लक्षेत्रकं ददौ। तत्समीप वराहाय क्षेवं हादशखण्डिकं ॥ -[36]. मालाहादशके ग्राम शासन पटगतिका ।
स्वकीये शासने श्रीमान्व[ो] 32.
... . . . [*] -[36]. . . . . . . . . ... ... [यते: । श्रोसोमवामिदेवाय खारीवापमिहागत: ॥ -[37]. पुरपत्तनयोः स्थानः शुक्लामेकादशीं ददौ । हादशोमपि यावायाः षो
....... [*] -[38]. ............. का तथा । नित्वमेकां घटीं गोण्यां षोडयोहितयं तथा ॥ -[39]. कषायपञ्चके देविहानमध्ये न्यवेदयत् ।
साईद्वाविंशमं च वा(बा)चं पाद34.
.... [*] -[40].
38.
[वागोलिकप्रधानश्च परणंपञ्चाशतं ददौ । (i) -[41]. परर्णपञ्चाशदपरा दत्ता पायटिभिस्तथा । खलभिक्षावतसब मडल सकलं ददौ । -[42].
5 Metre, Aryl » Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh), Metre, Udgtti.
W.Metre, Arya WMetre, from here to the end, Bloka (Anushtabh). w All this is quite clear in the rubbing.
22

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180
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
XIII.-NAGPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE RULERS OF MALAVA.
THE [VIKRAMA] YEAR 1161.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.
This inscription, which is on a slab of stone in the Nagpur Museum, was first edited and translated into English, in 1843, by Bal Gangadhar Sâstri, from a copy sent to him by Dr. Stevenson, who had received it from Mr. L. R. Reid. And a few years later it was re-edited, with a German translation, by Professor Lassen. In addition to the previously published text Lassen was enabled to use a copy of the text sent to him by Sir W. Erskine, which was reported to have been taken from a copper-plate at Sattârâ." On the value of the two published editions it is unnecessary to express an opinion, but I may say that Professor Lassen once or twice has unjustly censured the Hindu translator for having misunderstood the original, in passages where the English translation, if not altogether correct, shows its author to have had a fairly accurate idea of what the writer of the original meant to say. And I must add that, for the proper understanding of some really difficult verses, more help may be derived from the English than from the German translation. I now re-edit this inscription from excellent estampages, prepared and supplied to me some time ago by Dr. Fleet and Dr. Burgess.
The main body of the inscription contains 40 lines of writing which cover a space of 4′ 51′′ broad by 2' 8" high; and beneath it, and separated from it by a narrow empty space, is an additional line about 4' 11" long. No part of the writing is entirely lost, but the lower half of the stone has suffered greatly, apparently from exposure to the weather, and in consequence many single aksharas and whole groups of words are either badly damaged or only faintly visible. I nevertheless hope that, with the exception of about a dozen syllables (in lines 24, 33, and 37) which I have been unable to restore, and a few others which have been marked as doubtful, my transcript may be taken to be an accurate and trustworthy copy of the original text. The size of the letters in lines 1-40 is about", in the separate line 41 about ". The characters are Nagari of the beginning of the 12th century A. D.; they include the sign of the jihvámúliya in váshpámbhalikana, in line 12. The language is Sanskrit; and, excepting the introductory om om namo Bharatyai and the date sam 1161 at the end of line 40, the inscription is throughout in verse. The whole has been written and engraved with such care and accuracy that the orthography is almost perfect and calls for very few remarks. Except in the word nirbbhara, in line 18, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v. Besides, attention need only be drawn to the wrong spellings shanna for shanna, in lines 6 and 10, nistrimea for nistrimsa, in line 16, chakshuḥkarnṇam for chakshushkarnṇam, in
1 See Journal, Bombay Asiatic Society, vol. I, p. 259.
See Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. VII, p. 194.
According to Lassen his copy was marked on the title page 'Sanscrit No. 57,' and he believed it to have belonged to a collection of transcripts of inscriptions at Bombay. Having studied Lassen's text as well as his notes, and compared his various readings with my estampages, I feel certain that, what Lassen was told about the origin of the copy sent to him, was incorrect, and that there never has existed such a copper-plate as is mentioned by him. In my opinion, what he received from Sir W. Erskine was simply another transcript of the stone inscription, made by a Pandit and brought to Bombay. To prove this in detail would be a waste of time. It will be sufficient to say that Lassen's copy furnishes no help wherever the stone is damaged, and that its readings in these places are just such as might be suggested by an intelligent Pandit.
This sign of the jihvâmúliya is hardly to be distinguished here from the sign for sh. But not in line 41, where we read nirbharau.

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NAGPUR STONE INSCRIPTION
181
line 24, tajñair for tajjñair, in line 35, and pidhadhvam for vid haddhvam, in line 41. The language is correct. It contains several uncommon words; but the only word which is used in a sense for which I can find no authority is brahmándakhanda, apparently denoting the vault of heaven' or the firmament,' in lines 5, 7, 11, and 13. As regards versification, the author has twice offended against an elementary rule of metrics, in line 3 of verse 28 and line 1 of verse 31. The style of the whole poem is highly bombastic and artificial, and the author has not without reason in verse 57) exhorted his readers to exert themselves well and to make their intellect sharp as the point of kuća grass.
The inscription is a Prasasti or laudatory account of the Paramára rulers of Málava, from Vairisimha (II.) to Lakshmadeva, the son of Udayaditya and (probably elder) brother of Naravarmadeva; but, compared with its great length, the actual facts reported in it are few indeed. Beginning with seven benedictory verses, the poet (in verses 8-15) tells the well-known fable how on mount Arbuda (or Abu) the sage Vasishtha, when his wonderful cow Nandini was being carried off by Visvamitra, produced from the sacred fire the hero Paramara, who defeated Visvamitra and became afterwards the founder of the royal family here eulogized. The first king of this family, mentioned by the poet, is Vairisimha (vv. 16-19). He was succeeded by his son Siyaka (vv. 20-22); and after bim came his son Muñjaraja (vv. 23-25), Muñjoraja's younger brother Sindhuraja (vv. 26-28), and Sindhuraja's son Bhojadeva (vv. 29-31). The description of these five kings is purely conventional and for the historian worthless. In verse 32 the poet intimates that Bhojadeva's end was unfortunate; and he relates that, during the troubles which then had befallen the realm, Bhojadeva's relative Udayaditya became king, whose great achievement was that he freed the land from the dominion of the Chedi) Karṇa who, joined by the Karnatas,' had swept over the earth like a mighty ocean (vv. 32-34). Udayaditya was succeeded by his son Lakshmadeva, the glorification of whom takes up no less than twenty verses (vv. 35-54). According to the poet's account Lakelmadeva subjugated the earth in all directions; but the only tangible and probably true facts mentioned are an expedition undertaken against Tripuri (v. 39), the well-known capital of the Chedi kingdom, and perhaps some fights with the Turushkas or Muhammadan invaders alluded to in verse 54, which speaks of the king's encampment on the banks of the river Vankshu, and contains a well-known play on the word kira,
To the above laudatory account verses 55 and 56 add, that Lakshmadeva, at the time of a solar eclipse, had granted, it is not clear to whom, two villages in the Vyapura mandala, and that his brother, the king Naravarmadeva, afterwards assigned the vil. lage of Mokhalapataka instead. Naravarmadeva, moreover, ordered (the architect) Lakshmidhara to build the temple at which this inscription was put up, and which is said to have been adorned with many eulogies and hymns composed by the king) himself. From this last remark I feel strongly inclined to believe that this prasasti, the author of which is not mentioned, was likewise composed by no less a personage than the king Naravarmadeva.
* The use of udbhaval in the first compound of verse 20, for udbhava, I ascribe to an error of the writer.
1 As Karna is joined here with the Karpatas, so the lord of Chedi apparently is joined with the Karnatus in the Udaypur Prakasti, ante, vol. I, p. 235, line 20.
* See, e.9, above, p. 15, Terho 12.

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182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. This main part of the inscription closes with the date, the (Vikrama) year 1161 = A. D. 1104-5. The additional line 41 (vv. 57 and 58) appeals to the reader to study carefully and with impartiality and to appreciate properly the poem, here set before
him.
The history of the earlier Paramaras of Mâlava, down to Udayaditya, has been fully treated of by Professor Bühler, ante, vol. I, pp. 223-233. The names of the later rulers of the same dynasty I have given from their copper-plate grants in Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, pp. 346-347. All these later records make Naravarman the immediate successor of Udayaditya, and so does the inscription from Madhukargadh, the substance of which is given in the Transactions Roy. A8, Soc., vol. I, p. 226. But from the present inscription it is clear that Udayaditya was succeeded by his son Lakshmadeva, and he by his brother Naravarman; and the dates available show that Lakshmadeva's reign falls between the years A. D. 1080 and 1104.
TEXT.. L. 1. प्रों [*] भों नमो भारत्यै ।
प्रसादौदार्यमाधुर्यसमाधिसमतादयः । युवयोर्ये गुणा: सन्ति वाग्देव्यौ तेपि सन्तु नः ॥"-[1]. एक एव भुवनवयपि स श्रीपतिर्भवतु वो विभूतये । यस्य मध्यमपदश्चितीप्यमी भास्करप्रभृतयश्चकासति ॥"-[2]. जातिं वृत्तञ्च विधाणा]" गु
णालंकारचारवः । सरसाश्च प्रसीदन्तु सूक्तयः सूरयश्च नः ॥ -[3]. दुईरारिपुरभङ्गभीषणो भूरिभूतिसविशे[षभूषण:] [राजराजकृतसत्कियः क्रियाइहिवंशसदृशः शिवः शिवं ॥"-[4]. जाता महार्णवोत्पचे व्र(ब)याण्डशक्तिसंपुटे । महेश[स्थाचि]
____ता मुक्ता जयन्त्यम्भोजयोनयः ।"-[5]. वैराग्यं च सरागतां च नृशिरोमालां च माल्यानि च
व्याघ्रानेकपचर्मणी च वसने चाहींसहारादि च । यतिं च विलेपनं च भजते भीमं च भव्यंचत
हिश्याद्रूपमुमारमारमणयोभुक्तिं च मुक्तिं च वः ॥"-[6]. वेश्वरूप्यं सम[भ्य]
समीनाबाबतिवेतवात् । स्वाभिवनिर्मिताशेषवियो विशुः पुनातु वः ॥ -[7]. • From impressions supplied to me by Dr. Fleet and | Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh). Dr. Bargess.
The akaharas in these brackets are almost entirely 10 Expressed by aaymbol.
| illegible. 11 Metre, Sloka (Anushtabb).
"Metre, Rathoddbata. "Metre, Rathoddhata.
1 Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh). - Read विधाणा. The akakarsain brackets are much |
- Metro, Sard Olavikridita. damaged, but I believe the reading to be correct. There is
19 Metro, Sloks (Anushtubh). no doubt about the words for
4.

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183
7.
NAGPUR STONE INSCRIPTION. पस्ति प्रस्तगिरीन्द्रगवंगरिमा नीलाश्मसानजस
कान्तिवातविडम्वि(म्बि)ताम्ब(म्ब)रतलः श्रीमावगेन्द्रोर्बु(d)दः । यस्य व्योमतलोहिलमिशिखरमाग्भारपद्माकर
प्रेात्पद्मपरागचक्रमिL. 6.
तरव(ब)माण्डखडायते ॥ -[8]. देवेरातमधमण्डलमिदं मत्र्खेच भूमण्डलं
कत्वा धर्मतुलायमानवपुषो यस्यान्तयोन्यस्य च । जाने यावदवतुमिच्छति विधिः किं शक्षमित्येतयो
कतावदगादमयशिखरिस्तभावभीमण्डलं ॥ -[9]. लेभे विभिध जलधिप्र
धिभूमिचक्रमाकाशचक्रमपि येन दिगन्सनेमि । संसारवत्र्मनि महाविषमे निषब(रण)भग्नोवतैकतटविखरथाचलमी: ॥ -[10]. तस्मिन्बेदविदां वरः स भगवानाकाशगङ्गापय:
पूरणावितकान्तकोमलतटेतिष्ठहसिष्ठो सुनिः । यस्नेतानसधूमवर्तियम
नां प्रीत्यै पितुर्व (ब्र)बणो गङ्गासङ्गमसिहये समनयद्द(छ) प्राण्डखण्डं प्रति ॥ -[11]. विद्यामहासरिदुपान्तविवर्तिघोरमंसारसैकतविषतामसतमते । यस्य त्रिलोकरथमुत्पथसंप्रवृत्तमुत्तारयन्ति शतशोप्युपदेशवर्याः ॥ -[12]. पायातस्य कदाचन क्षितिपतेराच्छिन्दतः कौशिक
स्थाति8.
योचितवस्तुजातजननादानन्दिनीं नन्दिनीं । निळता कुपितेन तेन हविषा संहर्षिताह(कोहिषी
वोरः श्रीपरमार इत्यनुपम: सत्याभिधानोभवत् ॥ -[13]. राज्यवईनविशालधर्मभृत्सत्यकेतुपृथुकोतिपार्थिवः । वईतेयमहिमांशचन्द्रमःसंततिप्रतिकतिर्यदन्वय
: -[14]. वराजरामराजितोनलोडवः सभारतः ।। महेन्द्रचन्द्रयोरिव व्यजायतायमन्वयः ॥ -[15].
स्मिन्वैरिसिंहः क्षितिपतिरभवद्भरिभूतिप्रभावप्रागल्भ्यौदार्यशौर्यप्रचयपरिचयप्राज्यसौराज्यसिषिः ।
नममापालभालस्थलदलितलुलवान्तको10.
टीरकोटिबुबमाणिक्यचक्रस्थपुटितमणिमत्पादपोठोपकण्ठः ॥"-[16].
सर्वाचाविजयप्रयाणसमये यस्येन्द्रनीलप्रभ» Xotre of verses 8 and 9, Sardalsvikridita.
* Metre, S&rd dlavikridita. # Metre, Vasantatilaka.
4 Metre, Rathoddhati. Matro, Bardalavikridita.
* Metro, Slokas (Arubtabh). Metro, V antatilakt
Mote, Angdhart

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184
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
मायूरातपवारणः शशभिरे नष्टावकागा दियः । सन्मत्तकरीन्द्रचक्रचरणप्राग्भारदीपर्णविरा
रन्धोतविषब(पण)शेषसविषL. 11.
खासावरुहा इव । -[17]. पाताले वडवामुखानलमिषात्पृथ्वीतले च स्फुर
सौवर्णाचलकैतवाहियति च व(ब) चाखच्छलात् । [च]ञ्चत्काञ्चनचक्रवालवलयव्याजाच दिनण्डले
यस्याद्यापि समुजसत्यविचलीभूतः प्रतापानलः । -[18]. खर्बोकेषु च विहिषत्क्षितिषु च व्यालेन्द्रगेहेषु च 12. स्वाराजं च रिपुव्रजं च मुरजिबागाधिराजं च यः ।
ऐखर्येण च विक्रमेण च धराभारचमत्वेन च .
न्यकर्वश्च पराभवंच समतिकामंच पृथ्वीमपात् ॥०-[19].. तस्मारिनृपावरीधनवधूवैधव्यदुःखोद्भव
हा(वा)ष्याम्भकणशान्तकोपदहन: बीसीयकोभूवृपः । 18. भावि वितनूतनस्थितिरयं व्र(ब)माण्डखण्डच्छला
द्यस्थाद्यापि विलोक्यते विय[द]धोधूमः प्रतापानलः ॥ -[20]. अनुगगनमुदस्युः स्यूलमुक्तोच्चया ये यदसिदलितकुष्यत्कुम्भिकुन्नस्थलभ्यः । सततमपि पतन्तस्तेध यावत्र पृथ्वी पृथुलतरलताराव्या
___ जभाजो भजन्ते ॥ -[21]. प्रत्याश्चर्यमदृष्टमश्रुतमिदं कर्म समाचमहे
को न्वेतप्रतिपद्यते च तदपि प्रस्तूयते कौतुकात् । उद्धृत्यापि वसुंधरामसदृशीं लब्धा(ब्बा)पि लक्ष्मी च यः कुर्वन्कार्यमनेकशः सुमनसामागाव वैकुण्ठतां ॥." -[22].
14.
तस्माई
15. रिवरूथिनीव(बहुविधप्रारब(ब)[य]बाध्वर
प्रध्वंसकपिनाकपाणिरजनि श्रीमुच्चराजो नृपः । प्रायः प्राकृतवान्पिपालयिषया यस्य प्रतापानली
लोकालोकमहामहोप्रवलयव्याजामहीमहलं । -[23]. .
यस्मिन्मपति लीलयापि ललितैः सैन्यैः समुन्16.
चितं वाहव्यूहविसारिधूलिपटलव्यालुप्तदिग्मण्डलः । पत्यद्रीन्द्र]करीन्द्र[सच्चयपदप्रेशोलनोच्छाल
प्रेच्छुपालनादनिभरभृतब(ब)याखभाण्डोदरैः ॥ -[24]. यविस्तूं (स्त्रि)यनिरस्तमस्तकतया लबा(वा)न्यथा दुभं
देवत्वं खकव(ब)न्धमुक्तिमधो दृष्ट्वा भटे. * Metre of verses 17-20, Sardalsvikrlạita.
Metre, Malint » Originally freut was engraved, but it has been al- Metre of verses 22-28, Sardalavikridita tered to fragit.

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L 17.
18.
19.
21.
22.
तो विमानशिखरादाद्विय कष्ठे पठा
डोरा []ररामियो दधिरे संभूय सिचाइना [25].
तस्यासीदय पार्थिवः प्रमुयमाः पीसिन्धुराजोनुजः
स्वर्णदाडवपावकस्फुट [म] [सौन्द] यंग्रीयनलः ।
यः संग्राम
NAGPUR STONE INSCRIPTION.
डिवं ।
गान्तवतिभुजादुर्व्वातदूरीशस
कोलावितमण्डलाचप [४] सनामजयसूरतः ॥ [20]. नजति अयिनि यवामित्रजातेन जसे तरलतुरमये मोडतभूचराजिः । विकटकरटिभारम्भष्टभूटतरम्भादित एव समन्तादन्तकालाग्निधूमः " [27].
जी
20. याम्प (प) (ब) तांत्रिकमः श्रीभोजदेवी नृपः ।
याद्या[प] [म] यन्ति चरणौ शक्रासना [ध्या] सिन: " स्पर्धा (ब) म्धविनबनिर्व्वरनटकोटीरकोटित्विषः ॥ - [29]. रटत्पटचपाटवप्रकटभर स्कूति स्फुरण्डम डम्प (म्ब) रोमरडिण्डिमोडामरा ।
यार्णवस्य च व (ब) लं कल्पान्तवातस्य च
मानं मयितु] [गुरु] [ख] भाण च । तेजः कालडुताशनस्य च महीयस्त्वं द्युचक्रस्य च
स्त्रीय विनिचितं यमविदुः प्रत्यानि पृथ्वीभुजः -[28] तत्सूनुर्भुवनैकभूषणमभूद्भूपालचूडामणि
स्फु
टक्करटकुञ्जरप्रपदसंपतसंवमध्यमवन[म] श्वमार्ग [ति] यचमू[च] [30]. वकुण्ठः कमलासनाय चतुरास्थाय स्वयंभूः पुनः
पञ्चास्याय हराय शम्भुरपि षड़काय पुत्राय च ।
सनानीरपि दन्दशूकपतयेजस्रं सहस्रानना
याद्यापि स्पृहय
त्यमसमितौ य[त्कीर्त्ति] सुत्कीर्त्तयन् ॥ ॥– [31].
तस्मिन्वासवय (ब) तापते राज्ये च कुच्चाले
मम्मस्वामिनि तस्य व (ब) रुदयादिव्यभवद्रूपतिः । येनोवृत्य महार्णवोपममिलत्कर्णाटकर्णप्र[भु]
सुब्बपालकदर्थितां भुवमिमां श्रीमद्दराहायितं ॥ [32].
य
23. दुतरप्रताप [पवनी] पारूदुईता
सादृश्योत्थरविभ्भ्रमादभिमुखैः प्रापच्चि यैः पञ्चता ।
Metro, Malini.
"Metre of verses 28 and 29, Sardalavikridita. The third line of verse 28 has no cesure after the 12th syllable. The akshara in brackets looks as if originally af had been engraved.
185
35 Metre, Prithvi.
35 Metre of verses 31-37, Sardalavikriḍita. Here, again, the first line of verse 31 has no cesure after the 12th syllable.
2 B

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186
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
08
मन्ये सोयमिति प्रतीतिविततामर्षप्रकर्षेण ते
भि[चा] भास्करमण्डल रिपुभटाः प्रापुः परां निर्वृतिं ॥ -[33].
एकस्यां समितौ विलोक्य विजयं यL. 24.
स्थापरस्यां स्तुव[स्वी?] -- [वक्त?]तां समर्थयति दृग्जिवासहस्रहये । किंवानन्दनिमीलितेक्षणतया श्रौतैः सुखैवञ्चित
"चतुःकर्णमकरणमप्यहिपतिः स्वीयं वपुबिन्दति ॥७॥-[34]. पुत्रस्तस्य जगचयैकतरणः सम्यक्प्रजापालन
__व्यापारप्र25. वणः प्रजापतिरिव श्रीलक्ष्मदेवोभवत् । नीत्या येन मनुस्तथानुविदधे नासौ न वैवस्वतः
सर्वत्रापि सदाप्यवईत यथा कीर्तिवैव स्वतः ॥ -[35]. संभूय प्रियतां गुरुव(ब)लभराभूः कूर्मराजादयः
सद्यो नश्यत [वा द्रुतं नमत वा प्रत्य26.
चिपृथ्वीभुजः । चतुर्मच पिधीयतामनिमिषाः पांसुः पुरा पूरय
त्येवं व्याहरति प्रयाणपटहो यस्य स्खनच्छमना ॥ -[36]. यस्मिन्सप्प[ति] वा(बा)न्धवोपि विधुरैः पूर्वैः परित्यज्यते
कल्याणस्य कथापि कातरतया नापच्यते दक्षिणैः । पाशावल्लिरस
त्फलेति विकलैर्बिचीयते पश्चिमैमत केवलमुत्तमैर्बपतिभिधाप्ययोध्यास्यते ॥ -[37]. प्रयाति यस्मिन्प्रथमं दिशं हरजिहीर्षयानन्यसमानदन्तिनां । यथाविशहौडपतेः पुरंदर स्तथा शश सहसा पुरंदरः ॥ -[38]. उत्साहोबतिसबिमित्तजनि
ताजस्रप्रयाणक्रमणाक्रम्य त्रिपुरी रणकरसिकान्वि[ध्वं] स्य विहेषिणः । येनावास्यत विष्यनिर्भरमरुत्संचारचारूलस
लोलोद्यानलतावितानवसती रेवोपकण्ठ[स्थाले -[39]. जातानि जन्यश्रममार्जनानि वीजानि यत्कुचरमज्जनानि ।
तटाचलो29. चाटनतत्पराया रेवाप्रवाहोर्मिपरंपरायाः ॥"-[40]. ये व्यालोलकरालनिर्भरकरा: कुम्भायमानीबम
स्कूटान्ता: कटकान्तभागविगलहानायमानाभसः । प्रायस्तेपि विरोधिसिन्धुरधिया यदाहिनीवारण
रुन्नीलमदमेदुरवि(बि)भिदिरे विन्ध्यस्य Read गा .
* Metre, Sardúlavikrilita. * Metre, Upendravajrá
OMetre, Upajati
.
28.

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31.
L. 30.
पादाचला: (0) -[41]. स्कार त्वक्सा]रवारस्थगितगुरुतटीकूटकुटाकटा
प्रायप्रेशरखुराग्रत्वरित[]रिचमूचक्रच[]म्यमाणाः । येनालजयन्त सेनाकरिकरटतटोहामदानाम्बु(म्बु)गन्ध
व्याविहागण्यवन्याहिपकुलपटसध्यामला विध्यपादाः ॥ -[42].. ये दिक्सिन्धुरव(ब)
वव: चयमालोलाट्रिसत्तामृतः क्रीडाक्रोडकुटुम्ब (म्ब)का[न्ति]जलमुक्सव (ब)चर्याजुषः । यत्सेनानृपगन्धसिन्धुरमरमबीविहस्तीकते
स्तरप्यङ्गकलिङ्गकुञ्चरकुलैयुवा[य] व(ब)दोन्नलिः ॥"-[43]. देवासौ पुरुषोत्तमः स भगवानाथिचिये यः श्रिया 32. येनेदं व(ब)लिवैरिव(ब)न्धविधिना विखं समाशासितं । येनाधारि वसुन्धरति दधतः सानन्दमन्दाक्षता
यस्य प्रायपयोनिधी (बु)धजनैाजस्तुतिः प्रस्तुता ॥ -[44]. ये कल्पानलधममडलनिभा: कादम्बि(म्बि)नीविहिषः संवर्शोन्नसितान्धकारसुदनुव्य
हियहा(हा)न्धवाः । [व]-- [पाहव बमनुदे पा[थोवगाहोद्यते
यंत्मामन्तमतरधरितास्तेप्यम्बु(म्ब)धेर्मयः ॥ -[45]. कुम्भसंभवसोदर्ये यत्रापाचीमुपा[छति । चोलाधी[च] के भूखा] विष्यवा(बा)न्धवतादधे ॥"-[46].
ली[लाभाप्रवने यदीयपृतनासामन्त34.
सीमन्तिनीश्रोणि[]णि[विशी]र्यमाणर[]नामुताः पतन्ति स्म याः । ताभिः संप्रति पप्रथेनु प्रथिवीं यत्तामपर्णीपयः
पश्याद्यापि तदेव पाखापती ]वातवे [जा]य[A] ॥ -[47]. खामिवेष स सेतुरवभवतो रामन यो मारुति
प्रायोपाहत35.
शैलरचिती वर्षि शुविख्या]यते । इत्या[दत्य कुतूहलेन कथितं तन)रवज्ञाय यः
सेनाहास्तिकसेतुनैव विदधे दीपान्तरोपक्रम ॥ -[48]. पथावभन्योभयथा यमायां यस्यानिधे सर्पति सैन्यसा। प्रभूत्वकीयां ककुभं व्यपायाहो
पायितुं पाशभृदप्यपाशः ॥ -[49]. मैनाकप्रमुखा वसन्ति कुहचिकालाग्निरास्ते क्वचि
सन्ति कापि तिमिंगिलप्रमतयः कुवापि शेते हरिः । Metre, Särdalavikridits.
44 Metre, Bloks (Anushtabb). Metre, Sngdhark.
Metre of verses 47 and 48, Sårdůlavikrilita. 4 Metre of verses 43-45, Sardalavikridita.
40 Metre, Upajati.
36.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. एतद्देत्ति न कोपि यत्र जलधौ [स]स्थाप्य[शेष] पयः]
[पीत्वा] यत्करिभिः कतैकत्लुकैस्तैस्तैL. 37.
रगत्यायितं ॥ -[50]. यैः संभूय तिमिङ्गिलप्रभृतिभिः संसर्पिणस्त[व]ते
पोताधानसव(ब)न्धुतां शिखरिणो मैनाकमुख्या पपि। भ्राम्यमन्दरडम्ब(म्ब)राणि दधिरे तैरप्यशेषेम्बु(म्बु)धौ
यत्सेनागजराज[पीव]रकरा--नोच्छालीः ॥ -[31]. प्रथातितिक्षोरिव राज38.
राजमन्यं तदाऱ्या प्रति यस्थ यातुः । द्विधापि भीत्युज्झितवित्तपार्शभूपैः प्रतीपैर्बिभये-(ब्बीभूवे ॥ -[52]. पारामा: समरा मरावपि तदा पुनागपूगादिम
हुल्मान्तवनदेवतायितजयश्रीमद्यशःपादपाः । यस्यासन्भुजदण्डचण्डि] मलसझोलासिलचीक्कत
क्षोणीपालक39.
पालमडलगलकीलालकुख्याकुला: ॥ -[63]. खेलोत्खाततुरुष्कदत्तविलसहाहावलोवेशन
क्लाम्यत्कुषुमकेसराधिकामदौ वंक्षपकण्ठस्खले । येनावास्य सरस्वतीसविधतासाधिक्यवाक्याटव
चाटनुत्कट[प]विपचरगत: कीराधिपोध्याप्यत । -[54]. तेन व्यापुरमण्डले सुन्नति
ना यौ ग्रहेन्द्रग्रह यडामहयमग्रियेण विधिना विवाणितं यया । तदाता नरवम्मदेवनृपतिः पचात्परीवर्य त
हामं मोखलपाटकाख्यमदिशहेशवयस्येच्छया ॥७-[16]. तेन स्वयंकतानेकप्रशस्तिस्तुतिचित्रितं । श्रीमशमीधरणेतहेवागारमकार्यत ॥ -[56].
सं १९६१॥
40.
भी
हो वु(बु)धाः साधु समुत्सहवं कुशाग्रकल्पांच धियं विधर्व। मध्यस्थभावं च समाययध्वं सुखं च नः सूतिसुधासुपाध्वं । -[37]. वन्दनीयावुभौ सूतियोतारौ तौ विपश्चिती। यावत्रु मुश्चत: सान्द्रमानन्दालस्यनिर्भ(भ)रौ। -[58].
• Metre of verses 50 and 61, Sardalavikridita • Originally fufe seems to have been engraved. 4 Metre, Upajati. WMetre of verses 53-55, Bardalavikridita. S1 Originally was engraved.
Metre, Sloka (Anushtabl) • Rend विध.
Metre, Upajati. * Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh).

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TRANSLATION.
Oṁ!
On! Adoration to Bharati 158 (Verse 1). O goddess of speech and divine Durga I Let simplicity, force, sweetness, depth, harmony, and whatever other qualities you possess, let them all be shared by us !
(2). May Lakshmi's husband, that sole lord of fortune in all the three worlds, grant you prosperity,-he from whose middle stride even the sun and the other luminaries yonder shine forth!
(3). May good utterances, clad in játi and dritta metres, pleasing by their style and by figures of speech, and expressive of poetical sentiment, be gracious to us! And may sages be so, men of taste, of noble birth and good conduct, who charm with the qualities that adorn them!
(4). May Siva grant whatever is auspicious, -he who, terrific when he destroys the irresistible foe Pura, singularly embellished with copious ashes, and revered by the lordo of the Yakshas, resembles this fire-born race, which is terrible when it breaks the strongholds of irresistible foes, is exquisitely adorned with abundant good fortune, and paid homage to by the kings of kings!
(5). Glory be to the lotus-born Brahman who, engendered in the mundane egg which was produced in the great ocean, and, when set free, an object of reverence for Siva, is like the pearls which grow in the oyster-shells of the sea, and are prized by great lords !
(6). May that form of the husbands of Uma and Lakshmi grant you both enjoyment and salvation, which, both passionless and passionate, wearing both a wreath of human skulls and flower-garlands, clad both in tiger and elephant skins and in costly garments, adorned both with serpents and with pearl-strings and other ornaments, and both smeared with ashes and anointed with perfumes, is fearful as well as auspicious!
(7). May Vishņu purify you, who, in the guise of a fish and other creatures having assumed one after another all forms, made the whole universe not differing from himself !
(8). Well-known is the glorious mount Arbuda, which utterly humbles the pride of the noblest of mountains, and rivals the firmament with the rich splendour radiating from its sapphire crest. The circle of the pollen of the lotuses that swing to and fro in the pools on its broad sky-piercing top looks as if it were indeed another vault of heaven.
(9). I fancy, it was when the creator, wishing to know whether the gods or the mortals were purer, attached the round of heaven, filled with the former, and this orb of
Lo., the goddess of speech or eloquence.
For the exact definitions of praedda, auddrya, madhurya, samddhi and samatd, denoting certain qualities of stylo, me, e.g., Kdvyddarfa I, 45, 76, 81, 93, and 47. But these terms should be understood here, not only in their technical, but also in their ordinary sensor, serenity of disposition,' to.
The madhyamet Vaishnavasta padam, Vishna's middle stride,' is the air. The idea which the poet intends to BORVOJ Apparently in, that, if Vishnu's madhyama-pada already is so high, bis stana.pada must be infinitely higher still.
# 8oo Indische Studion, vol. VILL, PP. 180 and 193.
Io, tbe kod Kurers. a L.., the Paramars family which will be eulogioed in the following. • Lo, the form of Hari-Han or Vishna-Bina; see ante, vol. I, p. 311, note 47.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
the earth, filled with the latter, to the two extremities of this mountain, using it as a balance of virtue, that the round of heaven rose higher even than the top of mount Meru 18
(V. 10). Piercing with one end the ocean-surrounded orb of the earth, and with the other the horizon-encircled round of the sky, this mountain has assumed the glorious appearance of an axle of the chariot of the universe, one side of which lies down, broken on the rugged road of this world, while the other is lifted upwards.
(11). On this mountain, whose slopes, bathed by the streams of water of the heavenly Ganges, are pleasant and soft, dwelt that chief of those versed in the Vedas, the venerable sage Vasishtha, who, to delight his father Brahman, led the Yamuna, enveloped in the smoke of the three sacred fires, up to the vault of heaven, to effect her junction with the Ganges.
(12). His hundreds of precepts, like horses, extricate the chariot of the three worlds, so that it may proceed without hindrance, when, turned into a wrong road, it has stuck fast in the terrible quicksand of worldly affairs, bordering on the great stream of know. ledge.
(13). Once upon a time, when the royal descendants of Kusika visited him and took by force the cow Nandinî, which caused delight by yielding all things suitable for hospitable entertainment, Vasishtha, enraged, pleased the fire by an oblation, and from that fire sprang, to conquer Visvamitra, the unparalelled hero, the illustrious Paramara, rightly so named.
(14). Ever prosperous is his family here, which, made up of rulers illustrious for having increased the realm, who were supporters of the law, whose banner was truth and whose fame is widely spread, is an image of the solar and lunar lines, in wbich there were the princes Rajyavardhana, Visala, Dharmabbřit, Satyaketu, and Prithukîrti.
(15). This family, unsurpassed by the blessed never-aging immortals, sprung from fire, and taking delight in the assemblies of the learned, has been propagated like those of the Sun and the Moon, which are adorned by the eminent Aja and Råma, gave birth to Nala, and include the descendants of Bharata.
(16). In this race there was the king Vairisimha, whose rule was supremely progperous, because he was abundantly endowed with good fortune, might, resoluteness, generosity and bravery, while the ground around his jewel-inlaid foot-stool was made uneven by the mass of rubies, broken from the edges of the tremulous handsome diadems which fell from the foreheads of kings who bowed down before him.
(17). When he set out to conquer all the quarters, the regions of space, withdrawn from view, were beautified by his umbrellas of peacocks' feathers, shining like sapphires, so that they seemed enveloped in the poisonous breath of the distressed serpent Sesha, rising up through the fissures of the earth, rent as it was by the massive feet of the arrays of his marching rutty elephants.
(18). Not to be interfered with, the fire of his prowess shines forth even now, in the lower regions under the guise of the fire proceeding from the mare's mouth, on the earth under that of the glittering golden mountain, in the sky as the starry firmament, and near the confines of space as a range of mountains of quivering gold.
« Literally, higher than the pillar-like mountain of the "Lo, Vigvamitra. immortals. What the poet wishes to convey is, the mount - Vis.. tho slayer of enemies.' Seo ante, vol. I, p. 236, Arbuda is bigber even than the fabulous mountain Meru. verse 6.

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(V. 19). He ruled the earth, humbling Indra in heaven by his majesty, defeating host of enemies in hostile lands by his valour, and surpassing Vishņu's lord of serpents in his serpent-home by his ability to uphold the earth.
(20). From him sprang the illustrious king Siyaka, the fire of whose wrath was extinguished by the tears, caused by the pangs of widowhood, of the royal ladies of hostile princes; while the fire of his prowess even now is perceived here, in the guise of the starry firmament, presenting a novel appearance inasmuch as the smoke, in the guise of the atmosphere, is beneath it.
(21). The clusters of big pearls, which flew up into the air from the frontal globes of furious elephants cleft by his sword, though constantly falling dowo, have, disguised as they are as large sparkling stars, not even now reacbed the earth.
(22). To whom shall we tell this great unseen and unheard-of wonder? Or who will understand it? Yet for curiosity's sake we report it: Although he delivered the earth, although he wedded the unique goddess of fortune, although again and again he did the work of the gods, he never was Vaikuntha.
(23). From him was born the illustrious king Muñjaraja, who alone, with the bow in his hand, put an end to many a fight commenced by hostile armies, as Siva did to (Daksha's) sacrifice ;" and the fire of whose prowess, to protect the orb of the earth, used to envelop it under the guise of the belt of the lofty Lokaloka mountains
(24). Even when he was marching for mere pleasure, his frolicsome soldiers turned out in such numbers that the horizon was obscured by the clouds of dust, raised by the squadrons of his cavalry, and that the cavity of the universe was completely filled with the excessive noise of the trembling chains, swung to and fro by the feet of the arrays of his huge elephants, taller than the hugest mountains.
(25). When, having their heads struck off by his sword, heroes had obtained the rare fortune of being transformed into divine beings, and when, proudly viewing their bodies below surrounded by champions, eager for the fray, they were throwing themselves from the aerial cars, they were joyfully embraced and forcibly held back by the Siddha women, clustering round them.
(26). After him his younger brother, the far-famed illustrious SindhurAja, became king, the fire of whose bravery bore the brilliant beautiful lustre of the roaring submarine fire. As the mass of waves, raised by the fierce blast which springs up at the destruction of the world, submerges the mountains, so the broad scimitar, brandished by his arm, when it was lifted in war, dealt out destruction to princes.
(27). When this prince marched forth victoriously, the cloud of dust raised by the onset of his fleet horses appeared to the host of his enemies like the smoke of the alldevouring fire rising all round from the fissures of the surface of the earth, broken by the weight of his formidable elephants.
(28). In every battle princes found out that the creator had as it were combined in him the depth of the ocean and the might of the wind, as they are at the destruction of the world, the firmness of the lord of tortoises, the weight of the whole universe, the splendour of the all-destroying fire, and the magnitude of the celestial vault.
"Vaikunthe, io, Visbņu, aplifted the earth, obtained Lakshmi, and did the work of the gods; the king freed the earth from trouble, secured fortune, acted for the benefit of well-minded people, and never indeed showed delle or indolence (dyda ne sei benphatdm).
Bee the first verse of the first act of Kalidass's Soluntala, and Sir M. Monier-Williams' note on it

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(V. 29). His son was the unique ornament of the world, the illustrious king Bhojadeva, whose lotus-feet were richly adorned with the lustre of the crest-jewels of kings, and on whose feet rests even now, while he is occupying Indra's throne, the vivid splendour of the edges of the diadems of the immortals, bowed down with envy.
(30). His army, distinguished by the sharp sound of roaring kettle-drums, by the thunder of loud jharjharas, by a multitude of shrill damarus, and by tabors heard above the tumult, roamed, filling the world with its noise, over the whole earth, thrown into confusion under the footsteps of bis rutty elephants.
(31). Even now, when they recite his fame in the assembly of the gods, Vaikuntha is ever jealous of the four-mouthed Brahman, Svayambhú again of the five-mouthed Hara, Sambhu too of his six-mouthed son Karttikeya, and this leader of the divine hosts of the lord of serpents with his thousand mouths.
(32). When he had become Indra's companion, and when the realm was overrun by floods in which its sovereign was submerged, his relation Udayaditya became king. Delivering the earth, which was troubled by kings and taken possession of by Karņa, who, joined by the Karnațas, was like the mighty ocean, this prince did indeed act like the holy Boar.
(33). The hostile champions who met their death facing this king, similar to the sun and confounded with it because the terrible fire of his valour made him difficult to look at, I fancy that they became supremely happy, when, their fury heightened by the belief that the luminary was their opponent, they split the orb of the sun."
(34). The lord of serpents, having in battle witnessed his victory and eulogizing it in an assembly, ..... shows that his thousands of eyes and tongues indeed serve & purpose; but, cheated of the pleasure of listening when he has closed his eyes with delight, he scorns his body because, bereft of ears, it must use the eyes in their stead.
(35). A son of that sun of the three worlds was the illustrious Lakshmadera, resembling the lord of creatures in his eagerness properly to rule bis subjects; who verily in his conduct so allowed himself to be guided by that son of Vivasvat, Manu, that everywhere and at all times new fame grew up for him of its own accord.
(36). This is wbat his marching-drum proclaims, under the pretence of resounding : Join together, you king of tortoises and ye others, in upholding the earth, heavy with the load of this army! Either perish at once or bow down speedily, ye opposing princes ! Quickly shut your eyes, O gods, before the dust fills them !
(37). When he marches, the princes of the east, bewildered, forsake even their rela. tives: those of the south in their perplexity take no note even of good news; the princes of the west find out to their sorrow that the creeping-plant of hope bears no good fruit to them; while those of the north throw themselves on their swords, and thus court death as the best and only fate left to them."
(88). When, desirous of capturing matchless elephants, he first proceeded to Hari's
Jharjhara and damaru are names of certain kinds of drums.
Kulydkula would also mean orowded with nobles.' 1 Lo, Visbņu in his boar-incarnation, in which be raised the earth from the bottom of the sea with his tasks.
71 See the Pardfara-umiti, Calcutta ed., p. 626: Dodo inau purushaw loke edrya-mandala-bedings, parierdd yogayuktaf cha rano chdbhimukho hatal.
I take the words doodhdpy ayodhydryata to mean, that the princes of the north did what is expressed by ayodhydoyato, in the two sonses which these words are capable of convoying. Ayo, 1o. ayah, may be taken as the nominative of either the neuter ayaa, 'iron, steel,' or the masculine aya, 'favourable fortune. Compare below, verses 49 and 52

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quarter," then, just as dread entered the town of the lord of Gauda, so Purandara even was of a sudden filled with apprehension.
(V. 39). When in the course of an unchecked expedition, undertaken in the height of power and under favourable auspices, he had attacked Tripuri and annihilated his warlike spirited adversaries, he encamped on the banks of the Reva, where his tents were shaded by the creeping-plants of pleasure-gardens, gently set in motion by the breeze from the torrents of the Vindhya mountains.
(40). The bathing of his elephants, which allayed the fatigue of battle, produced in the stream of the Revå a succession of waves, bent upon undermining the steep riverbanks.
(41). Often and often the clephants of his army, thickly covered with streams of rutting-juice, demolished even the hills at the foot of the Vindhya mountains, taking them for the elephants of the enemy because their tremulous broad torrents appeared like trunks, their projecting peaks like frontal globes, and the water flowing from their ridges like rutting-juice.
(42). IIc traversed the hills at the foot of the Vindhya mountains, which were frequently trodden by the squadrons of his fleet horses the quick sharp hoofs of which acted like chisels in cutting up the extensive, bamboo-clad, massive table-land, and which were black with herds of countless wild elephants, excited by the odour of the ruttingjuice which thickly covered the broad cheeks of the elephants of his army.
(13). Even the troops of elephants of Anga and Kalinga, kindred to the elephants of the quarters and bulky like mountains set in motion by the storm at the destruction of the universe, and rivalling rain-clouds, dark like herds of hogs kept for pastime,--even they had to sue for mercy, when they were bewildered" by the union of the storm-wind with the powerful elephants belonging to the princes of his army.
(46). Near the eastern ocean clever men thus artfully proclaimed his praise, while he, pleased, looked on bashfully: Olord, it was the holy Purushottama to whom Fortune resorted, who relieved this universe by subduing the enemy Bali, and who supported the carth'.75
(45). The elephants of his feudatories, eager to plunge into the water to .... get rid of the fatigue of battle, worsted even those ocean-waves which resemble the circle of smoke of the all-consuming fire, and rival a bank of clouds, and are befriended with the darkness that spreads at the universal dissolution, when they harbour the downbreaking sky.
(46). When, like the pitcher-born Agastya, he directed his steps towards the south, the Cholas and other tribes, bowing low before him, acted the part of the Vindhya mountains.
(47). The water of the Tâmraparni which is famed all the earth over for the pearls which the wives of the feudatories in his army, while they mirthfully bathed in the stream, dropped into it from the breaking girdles on their hips, behold, even to this day that water affords a livelihood to the Påndya chief." Le., the east.
and the enemy Bali' would also mean 'glorious is that 74 The word of the original would also mean deprived of chief of men' and powerful enemies.' their trunks.
76 See Mr. S.P. Pandit's note on Kalidasa's Raghuvania, ** The words translated by it was the holy Purushottama VI, OL.
11 See ib., actes on verses IV, 49 and 50.
2 c

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(V. 48). Respectfully informed by the people, that the dam before him, which looked like the growing Vindhya range, was the bridge of the holy Ráma, constructed of many mountain-peaks which were fetched by Maruti, le listened attentively, but scornfully crossed over to the opposite island imply on the elephants of his army.
(49). When his army afterwards, having reduced both the quarter and the expectations of Yama, continued its march unscathed, the noose-bearing Varuņa despaired of guarding his own quarter from destruction.
(50). It is surely in some ocean or other that the Maináka and the other mountains rest, that the all-devouring fire dwells, that the Timingilas and other monsters live, and that Hari sleeps; but where this is, nobody has discovered at any of the oceans at which his elephants, in swallowing all the water at a single draught, have severally acted the part of Agastya."
(51). By those same Timingilas and other monsters of the sea, floating about in company with which the Mainaka and other mountains appeared like shoals of young fish, by them, unchecked ...in the whole ocean, the massive trunks of the lordly elephants of his army were made to assume the marvellous appearance of revolving Mandara mountains.
(52). Afterwards when, impatient that there should be another king of kings, be was marching towards the quarter of the lord of Yakshas, the princes opposed to him got rid of fear when, terror-stricken, they abandoned not merely their wealth of riches, but also the quarter of Kuvera.
(53). And all the time even in the wilderness his wars were pleasure-gardens, the trees of which were his fame, reared in the midst of multitudes of distinguished warriors as among Punnaga and betel-nut creepers, and attended by the Fortune of victory who acted as a forest-deity in the thicket of his troops; gardens which were irrigated by the streams of blood flowing down from many skulls of princes, aimed at by the flashing sword which was fiercely wielded by his strong arm.
(54). Being encamped on the banks of the Vankshu," which were even softer than nature made them because the saffron-filaments on them were withering under the rolling of the teams of frisky horses, presented by the Turushka whom he had eradi. cated with ease, he taught the Kira chief to utter most flattering speeches, who on account of the proximity of the Sarasvati was eloquent beyond measure, and who was like a parrot shut up in a big cage.
(55). This blessed (king), on the occasion of a solar eclipse, piously gave with due rites two villages in the Vyapura mandala. Afterwards his brother, the king Naravar. madeva, has instead assigned the village of Mokhala pataka, at the request of the three places.
(56). And he has ordered the illustrious Lakshmidhara to construct this temple, which is adorned with many eulogies and hymns, composed by himself.
** Yams, the ruler of the dead, in the regent of the south, and Varupa the regent of the west.
Agastya is fabled to have swallowed the ocean. # Kuvera, the chief of the Yakshas, is the regent of the northern quarter.
According to Sir M. Monier-Williams' dictionary, a small arm or branch of the Ganges.
The original does not say in whose favour the donation was made, but contains only the relative gasmai, in reference to which the demonstrativo tamai would have to be supplied in the second half of the verse.

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The year 1161.
Om! (V. 57). O ye learned ! Exert yourselves well, and make your intellect sharp as the point of kuća grass! Try to judge with impartiality, and with pleasure do homage to the nectar of our poetry!
(58). Blessed are both those wise men, the poet and who listens to him, who completely overcome with delight shed plentiful tears of joy.
XIV.-FURTHER JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURÂ.
BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. The impressions of the subjoined inscriptions have all been furnished to me by Dr. A. Führer. Nos. i-viii, x-xxi, xxii-xxxvii and xxxix-xli belong to the splendid discoveries which Dr. Führer made in the Kankali Tila at Mathura during the period from November 1890 to March 1891. No. ix comes from the same site, but was discovered during the working season of 1889-90. No. xxii is identical with Sir A. Cunningham's No. 19 (Arch. Suro. Rep., vol. III, plate xv), and No. xxxviii with Mr. Growse's No. 5 (Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 218). No. xlii is a Buddhist inscription, brought by Dr. Führer from Kaman or Kadambavana. I have added it, because it helps to interpret more correctly a sign used in one of the Jaina inscriptions, and possesses some interest in other respects.
The earliest among these inscriptions, which probably cover more than 1,200 years, is without doubt No. i, which shows exceedingly archaic characters. Its letters do not differ very much from those of Asoka's edicts, and they look somewhat older than those in Dhanabhäti's inscription on the gateway of the Bharhut Stapa which is dated in the reign of the Sungas (Indian Antiquary, vol. XIV, p. 138). It may, therefore, be assigned to the middle of the second century B.O. Its language is pure Prakrit of the Pali type, which shows a few peculiarities, partly traceable in other ancient documents. The genitive in asa from a-stems, instead of assa, occurs in one of the older votive inscriptions at Bharhut. It may be explained by the substitution of the long vowel and a single consonant for the short vowel and a double consonant. The lengthening of the initial a of amtevasi, which is also found in antevdsini, No. iv, finds an analogy in the curious paryantam, which occurs twice in Âpastamba's Dharmasútra, I. 3, 9, 23 and I. 3, 11, 33, and has been explained in the Introduction to the second edition of that work (p. v, note 4). The use of the nominative at the end of the first part of the compound pásádotoranam is well known from the inscriptions of the IndoSkythio period, see ante, vol. I, p. 375 and below. Possibly it is found also in one of the votive inscriptions from the Sånchi Stupa, No. i, see ante, p. 90.
Next in age comes No. ii, the inscription from the reign of the MahAkshatrapa Sodasa. The existence of this ruler was first made known by Sir A. Cunningham, who found another inscription with his name in the Kankali Tila, (see Arch. Suro. Rep.,
1 Dr. Fübrer has sent me during the period mentioned altogether 74 inscriptions, among which 64 are new Jaina insoriptions from the Kankall Tila. Those not given in this paper are either very small fragments of no particular interest or not readable with any certainty.
See Dr. E. Hultzsch's article Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Bd. XL, p. 60f., No. 145,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
vol. III, p. 30, and plate xiii, No. 1). On the evidence of his coins, which resemble those of Azes, Sir A. Cunningham placed Sodasa about 80-70 B.C., and conjectured that he was a son of Rajubula, another Satrap of Mathura. The latter conjecture is confirmed, as he has stated of late, by a passage on Dr. Bhagvânlal's lion-pillar, where Sodása is called the son of Rajula.' Though the precise date assigned to Sodasa may be doubted, still he must have ruled at Mathurâ in the first century B.C., before the time of Kanishka and his successors. I do not dare to offer for the present any conjecture regarding the era which Soḍâsa uses. Sir A. Cunningham (loc. cit.) is inclined to identify it with that used by the Mahârâja Moga and other foreign rulers of Northern India. The inscription No. ii is also in pure Prakrit of the Pali type. The next inscription, No. iii, mentions also a Mahakshatrapa, whose name seems to have begun with Ma. It is to this circumstance that it owes its place. Its appearance indicates that it is much later than No. ii, and as it is incised on a sculpture cut out of the back of that on which No. x is found, it must be later than the latter. Still its date will fall before the time of Kanishka, as the Mahâkshatrapas of Mathurâ must have passed away before the Kushanas reigned there. The mangala of the inscription, the only portion fully preserved, is in pure Sanskrit.
The next seven inscriptions, Nos. iv-x, which have been grouped under the name "archaic," all belong in my opinion to the period before Kanishka. But I am not able to say anything regarding their relative position towards each other or towards Nos. ii and iii. The chief differences which separate them from the documents of the Kushanaperiod are the use of the tripartite subscribed ya, the want of the loop on the left side of the ordinary ya, the da, slightly open to the left (which occurs in Nos. iv and ix), and the well developed vertical stroke and symmetrical shape of the ta. The va has a very curious shape in the word Sivayasa, No. v, 1. 2a, as it consists of two triangles with the apexes joined. The language of most of them is pure Prakrit of the Pali type, but No. iv shows one Sanskrit form and No. vii is apparently in pure Sanskrit. With respect to No. ix I must add that I am inclined to identify the Gotiputra Idrapala or Idrapálita with Gotiputra, "the black cobra for the Sakas and the Pothayas" mentioned in No. xxxiii of the collection, published ante, vol. I, p. 396. If that is correct, the document must go back to the times before the consolidation of the foreign rule at Mathura.
The next group, Nos. xi-xxiv, consists of the dated inscriptions which in my opinion all belong to the time of Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva. Not one shows the name of a king. Nevertheless, I believe that nobody, who carefully compares them with the dated documents, mentioning the three kings, will come to a different conclusion. The dates range within the well-known limits from Samvat 4 to Samvat 98. The characters and the language are of the same mixed types described in the introduction to my first paper, ante, vol. I, p. 371ff. I have nothing to add to the remarks made there on the alphabet and the spelling. As regards the language, I will only call attention to a few points. The few verbal forms, bhavatu, No. xiii, astu, No. xviii, and nirvartayati, No. xx, are pure Sanskrit. No. xxiii, where we have fishyasya ganisya
Academy of April 25th, 1891, p. 397. On an impression of the inscriptions on the lion-pillar, which I owe to the kindness of Dr. Burgess, I, too, read Rajulasa putra Sudase chhatrava. But I do not feel quite certain that Rajula and Rajubula are the same person, nor that the words given above, which stand in two consecutive lines with other signs in between, are really connected.

Page #224

JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA.
. 197
Nandiye, furnishes an exact analogy to the curious form Haganandia in No. ix of the collection in vol. I, and shows that masculine e-stems really take the terminations of the feminine. Possibly No. xxix, which shows ganisya uggahiniya, furnishes a third instance. Very interesting, too, are the numerous cases where the nominative takes the place of the crude form, both in this and in the next group. Among the remarkable words I note asma or asmi kshune," at that moment," in Nos. xv, xxiv and xlii, pana " fifty" in No. xvii and drápaná "fifty-two" in No. xviii, among which the latter possesses some interest on account of the Maharashtrt bávanna and the bávan or bávan of various modern vernaculars.
After this group have been placed thirteen inscriptions, Nos. XXV-xxxvii, which in my opinion, likewise belong to the period of Kanishka and his successors, though it is impossible to exactly fix their dates. With respect to Nos. xxv-xxvii, which show the names of Devaputra Huvishka and Devaputra Huksha, as well as the titles máhárdja rájátiraja, the correctness of my view is evident. It can also be proved or made probable for some others, e.g., No. xxxiv, which mentions the venerable Balatråta and his pupil Sandhi. Both names occur in No. v of the earlier collection (ante, vol. I, p. 384), which is dated in the year 25. Again, No. xxxvi certainly did bear a date, which may have been Samvat 50, and the teacher Jeshtahasti, mentioned in No. xxxvii, is known from No. xiv of the earlier collection, where the name of his pupil, looking like Mahalo, has to be read Mihilo, on the evidence of the new inscription. With respect to these two inscriptions, as well as to Nos. xxviii, xxix and xxxiii, the close resemblance of the letters to those of the inscriptions, showing the names of the three kings, must be allowed its due weight. I must, however, admit that Nos. XXX and xxxi are somewhat doubtful, and that they may possibly have to be transferred to the archaic group, belonging to the time before Kanishka. The characters of some of these thirteen inscriptions show a few peculiarities worthy of note. In pratima No. xxix, the a-stroke has been undoubtedly placed below the consonant to which it belongs. This is quite in keeping with the "anyhow-style" of the Indian writers and masons. In No. xxix of the earlier collection (ante, vol. I, p. 395, fourth plate), the same vowel has been attached to the lower right limb of ta in the word arahantána, and similar instances occur in later inscriptions. In No. xxxiv, l. 2, the looped ta of Navahastisya is remarkable, especially as the same sign is used for na in bhrátrinam (1. 3). The looped form of ta is common enough in the southern inscriptions, where it first appears in those of Siriyaña Satakani.* But I have not observed it on any dxument which comes from the northern half of India. Another curious sign is the da which looks, owing to a continuation of the two side-strokes beyond the apex, almost exactly like ma. It is quite distinct in the word vadhuye, No. xxxii, 1. 1, likewise in viháre, No. xlii, and in Huvishkasya, No. xxv. As regards the spelling, I would call attention to the tachygraphic abbreviation of the word, siddha, discussed in the remark on No. xxvii, in note 2 on No. Xxxvi, and note 2 on No. xlii. Among the linguistic peculiarities, I would point out the phrase bahadosto] vachaka cha gañino cha, "of the great preacher and gamin," No. XXXVI, which affords another illustration of the principle discussed in the introduction to the earlier collection, ante, vol. I, p. 375. Another amusing instance of the
. Arch. Rep. Wart. Ind., vol. IV, plate I, No. 22; compare also No. 20.

Page #225

198
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
utter absence of all feeling for grammatical forms is furnished by the description of the donatrix in No. xxxiv, Navahastisya dhítá, grahasenasya vadhu ... Sivasenasya...... bhrátrinam mátu jáyaye, where two nominatives are co-ordinated with two genitives.
The next three inscriptions, Nos. xxxviii-xl, belong, in my opinion, to the Gupta period. This is, of course, indisputable with No. xxxix, which is dated in the reign of Kumaragupta. The shape of the letters, and especially the peculiar method of marking the long and short i, by turning the former to the right of the consonant and the latter to the left, makes it, I think, impossible to assign No. xxxviii to an earlier period. If my conjecture is accepted, its date, the year 57, is the earliest Gupta date yet found. No. xl may perhaps be a little later than the Gupta period. With respect to the remaining two documents it will suffice to say that No. xli clearly belongs to the eleventh century A.D., and that No. xlii, the Appendix, dates from the Indo-Skythic period.
Short discussions of the historical results, obtainable from these inscriptions, have been given already in the Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. V, p. 59ff, and p. 175ff, and a fuller one will appear in this publication. Here I content myself with giving a brief resumé of the chief points. First, as regards the political history, we have now, through No. ii, actual proof that the Kshatrapas of Mathurâ used a particular era, different from that of Kanishka and his successors. The importance of this fact will probably become still greater when Dr. Bhagvânlâl's paper on his Lion-pillar will appear. For the history of the Kushana kings, we gain through No. xxvi the certainty that the name Hushka, which the Rájatarangini has preserved and which still survives in the name of the Kashmirian village Ushkar-Hush kapura, was actually used in ancient times for Huvishka. Secondly, with respect to the history of the Jaina sect, we learn through No. i that the Jainas were settled in Mathurâ in the second century B.C., and through No. xx that an ancient Jaina Stupa existed in Mathurâ, which in A.D. 167 was considered to have been built by the gods, i. e., was so ancient that its real origin had been completely forgotten. The inscriptions further furnish the new names of the Vachchhaliya kula (No. xiii) and of the Vidyadhart Sakhd (No. xxxix) for the Kottiya or Kotika gana, as well as those of the Nâțika, or perhaps Nâḍika kula (No. xxviii) of the Aryyabhyista or perhaps Aryyanyista kula and of the Sahkasiyâ] Sakha (No. xxxvi) for the Vârana gana. The schools connected with the Kotțiya gana offer no difficulty, as they agree with the corresponding names of the Kalpasdira. The Natika or Nadika kula may be considered to correspond to the Malijja kula of the Sthavirávali, and there is just a possibility that the last name may be an abbreviated spelling for Aryya-Aniyasa (to) and correspond to a Prakrit corruption of Arya-Kaniyasa, another equivalent for which, Aryya-Kaniyasika, occurs in the inscription No. xxiii of the earlier collection (see note 1 to No. xxxvi).
No. I."
समनस माहरखितास प्रतिवासिस वकीपुत्रस सावकास उतरदासक[T]स पासादोतोरनं [॥ *]®
TRANSLATION.
"An ornamental arch for the temple' (the gift) of the lay-hearer Utaradasaka
Incised on a large ornamented rectangular slab, measuring 4' 2"-9".
According to the impression the reading TT is perhaps possible. Possibly are is to be read.
7 Regarding the irregular compound, see above the introductory remarks.

Page #226

JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA,
(Uttaradásaka), son of the Vachhi (Vátsi mother and) disciple of the ascetic Maharakhita (Magharakshita)."
I. 1. नम चरतो वर्धमानस
2. स्व[1]मिस महचत्रपस थोडासस सवत्सरे ४० (१) २ हेमंतमासे २ दिवसे ८ हरितिपुवस पालस भवाये समसाविकायें" 3. alfe wilfefnt ver gäfe areütüær útsûtüer varútter «rcent ofaunftan प्राय - [भ] -
4. चार्यवती परहतपुजाये [n]
11. ferry waterÝ:"
2. महाराजमहाक्षत्रपम
TRANSLATION.
"Adoration to the Arhat Vardhamâna! In the year 42 (?) of the Lord, the Mahakshatrapa Sodása, in the second month of winter, on the 9th day, an Âysvat (Aryavati), was set up by Amohini (Amohini), the Kochhi (Kautet), a female laydisciple of the ascetics (and) wife of Påla, son of a Hariti (Hariti or Hárití mother), together with her sons Palaghosha, Pothaghosha (Proshthaghosha and) Dhanaghosha... the Aryavatt (is) for the worship of the Arhat."
No. III13.
No. II10.
16 -
I. 1. भदतंजयसेन
प्रतिवासिनीय 2. vratura greit ureret (0*)
199
TRANSLATION.
Success! Adoration be to the Arhats! .... Maharaja, Mahakshatra paMa...
No. IV18.
TRANSLATION.
A temple, the gift of Dhamaghosha (Dharmaghoshd), the female disciple" of the venerable Jayasena."
* Compare the Buddhist name Uttarasena. Uttara probably stands bhimavat for Uttaraphalguni or Uttarabhadra
pada.
Regarding the form af see above the Introduction. The term means here no doubt that Maharakhita was the spiritual director of Uttaradasaka; for the latter was, as the description shows, a layman, not an ascetic.
Incised on a slab measuring 3' 2" by 3' 8" and bearing the representation of a royal lady, surrounded by attendants ono of whom is holding up a parasol.
Possibly wit, as the ends of the upper strokes of ma are somewhat thickened.
The first figure of the date may possibly be 70. The Anusvåra of is not certain. Read erfart. Incised on the top of a small statue cut out of the back of the panel, which bears the inscription No. X. The second vowel of wat is expressed by two abnormally short strokes. appearance of : '
An accidental scratch gives to TT: the
-
The last syllable may have been Incised on the back of a broken sculptured Torana, measuring 1' 2" by 8".
I suppose wife means here, like tafe in No. 1, that Jayasena was Dhamaghosha's spiritual director, not
that she was an ascetic.

Page #227

200
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 71 L. la. H ari ngewe"
2a. Te Hurû faux3a. ---- ---- 16. quruct feat 20. gayonê [ * ]
TRANSLATION. "Adoration to the Arhats! By śivayasa (Sivayabas), wife of the dancer Phaguyasa (Phalguyabas), ...... a tablet of homage (áydgapata) was caused to be made for the worship of the Arhats."
No. VI." Ha aat --
TRANSLATION. “The divine Nemesa (Naigamesha), divine ...."
No. VII. L. 1. T
2. – t[m]e ata 3. -raai we ha:
4. -- [u]ud [at] f**** The fragment admits of no continuous translation. It would seem that we have in line 2 the beginning of a verse in the Sardalavikridita metre, and in line 3 the middle portion of another. The whole was no doubt a metrical Prasasti written entirely in Sanskrit.
No. VIII.” नमो अरहतो महाविरस । माथुरक -- लवाडस [सा] - HUTO --a--Targ [ormuet] [w*]
TRANSLATION. « Adoration to the Arhat Mahavira (Mahavira). A tablet of homage (ágágapata the gift) of ... ità, wife of .. lavada (?), an inhabitant of Mathura.”
Incined on the base of a mutilated tablet measuring 24 by 1'9", and bearing the representation of stapa with rails and gate, as well as of two naked dancing women in the same posture as those on Dr. Bhagvanlal's slab, Actes du risième Congrès, Int. Or., pt. III, sect. ii, p. 142.
» Posibly wrofue, but I believe the apparent i-stroke to be accidental. * Regarding the meaning of ra t , see ante, vol. I, p. 396.
1 Incised on a small sculptured frieze measuring 2' by 10', and bearing the representation of a large seated figure with a gont'bend, of a small naked male and several large female figures, one of whom holds a child in her lap.
The inscription seems to be intended to explain the meaning of the soulpture, regarding which we & subrequent article on sculptures from Mathura.
» Incised on a fragment of a large slab, measuring 1' by 8".
* The bracketed letter looks almost like ki, but the lower part of the vertical is faint, and the top so damaged, that be apparent i-stroke may have been only a serif The Apusvára of fe is doubtful.
* Incised on the base of a beautifully-sculptured square papel (an bydyapata), measuring % 10' by '10'.

Page #228

JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA.
201
No. IX. L. 1. AT yant []" 2. Hatyare cur[a] - -
TRANSLATION. An image of .. .. .. for the worship of the Arhats . . . . of fdrapala (Idra. påla)," the son of the Goti (Gauptí mother).
No. X.50 - igre --
TRANSLATION. “Of Jivanada (Jivananda)." ....
No. XI. A. fx #8 foi fe Roara artistefaerit gracito a [7 ] -_32 B. पुण्यमिवस्व शिशिनि सथिसिहाये शिशिनि सिहमिवस्य सढचरि--- C. fifa HET 7727 urcia - _4
TRANSLATION “Success! In the year 4, the first month of) summer, the day 20,- ...of .... the female convert (sadhachart) of Sihamitra (Simhamitra), the female pupil of Sathisihå (Shashțisimhá), the female pupil of Puśyamitra ... out of the Varana gana, out of the Arya-Haţtakiya (Arya-Bátakiya) kula, out of the Vajaņa gari (Várjanagari) kákhá .... the gift ...., together with Grahacheta (and) Grahad a sa."
No. XII. ---
feu filfe --- a[1] Arata [1] New
TRANSLATION. "In the year 5 of ...., in the fourth (month of) summer, on the fifth day,..... of the preacher (váchaka) Aryya..... (Arya ....) out of the Kottiya ga ga)........ , out of the .... đã khá ...,
* This inscription belongs to Dr. Führer's collection of 1889-90. It is incised on the pedestal of a small squatted Jina measuring 1' 6" by 1' 2".
17 Restore pratima. ** As the right half of the la has been lost, the name is not certain. It may have been Idrapálita. » Regarding the person meant, see above the Introduction. » Incised on lower border of a sculptured panel, see inscription No. III. al Incised on the base of a squatted Jina, 1' 1' by 1'7.
» The i-stroke of siddhan has been lost; the Anusvåra is not certain. The i-stroke of aryah&akiyoto is faintly visible on the impression. Below the ja of rajanagarito a letter, probably another ja, bas been lost. Restore sakhato, but more syllables have probably been lost.
* At the end of the line, the name of the nun has been lost, and probably alro the word nirrarland
34 The line is mutilated both in the beginning and at the end, the name of the donor or donatrix and the description of the gift being certainly lost.
* This translation is, of course, merely tentative ; the Sanskrit equivalent is sraddhachari. Incised on base of a squatted figure of Jina, measuring 2' by l' o'
2 D

Page #229

202
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. XIII. A. स १.८८ ४ दि. [पस्या पु] - [य] -- [या] तो गण[तो]-----
B. संभोगातो वच्छलियाती कुलातो गणि ------30 D. 1. ---वासि जयस्य - तु मासिगिये (१) दानं सर्वत[1]भ[द] ----
2. - [सर्वस]वा[न] सुखाय भवतु ।'
TRANSLATION. "The year 18, the fourth (month of) summer, the third day,-on that (date specified as) above a fourfold [image], the gift of Masig1(2), (mother of) Jaya....... [at the request] of . . . . . agani out of the [Kottiyagana . . . ., out of the .... sambhoga, out of Vachchhaliya (Valsaliya) kula. May it be for the wel. fare of all beings!"
No. XIV.. A. ---ष १० [८] व २ दि १० १७ B. धितु मि[तथि]रिये भगवती परिष्णमिस्य [वेवर्त]--"
TRANSLATION. “The year 18, the second (month of) the rainy season, the day 11
. . . . [the gifi] of Mita-siri (r Mitrakrt), the daughter of . .... of divine Arishtane mi (Arishtanemi)
. .
No. XV." A. स ३० १ व १ दि १० अस्म पुणे B. 1. --यातो गणतो [भ]यंवेरितो शास्वतो [ठा]णियाती कुलातो वह[तो] । कुटुम्बि
णिये [] 2. ----[पर्य] - दासस्य निवर्तना बुधिस्य धितु देवि लस्य । शिरिये दाणं ।'
* Incised on the base of a quadruple image of four standing naked Jinas, l' by 8". The section C. bas been eat away.
** Read asyd. The restoration koffigato is highly probable. At the end of the line the name of the Sambhoga bas been lost.
» Indistinct remnants of sya are visible after gani. The lost piece C must have contained the name of the Gapin and the greater portion of the description of the donatrix which is very imperfect. ' .
* The impressions point to mdtu. For mdaigiyo it is possible to read mdsiniye or maseniye, but none of these forms, admits of an explanation. May it be Moriniye for Moshinige? See below No, xxxvii. Restore sursutobhadriká pratimd.
" Read sarvasatranam e Incised on base of small standing Jina, measuring 2' by 10%. • Perhaps varsha is to be restored.
The third syllable of the proper name is not certain.
Incised on base of small squatted Jina, 2' by 1'1".
* Restore koffiyato gandto; vahato(=bsihato). Before kutumbinige the impression shows a fuint vertical stroke, which apparently indicates that in reality the line is at an end, and that one must read on from the beginning of B 2. the last words, which would give no sense, must be read at the end of the second line.
67 Probably ganisya is to be restored in the beginning. As only one syllable has been lost between arya and dasarya the restoration goddeasya seems certain. The name oecurs in the Kalpasdira (p. 79 ed. Jacobi). After devilasya stands again
faint vertical stroke, exactly corresponding to that in the upper line. The proper order of the words is therefore : - कीहि]यावी [ग]चाती] पर्यवेरितीभावती [ठा[घियावी कुलाती वह[वी] (0) [गधिमा] पर्य [गोदासस्य निवर्चना बुनिस्य चितु विश्वस मुटुम्मिचिये सहशिरि दा

Page #230

MATHURA JAINA INSCRIPTIONS (NEW SERIES): NOS. I-VII.
No. 1 Early undated inscription.
ox+bFu[d5¢ #A&$ #4Afམ།༽7ལ
Inscriptions of the Kshatrapas of Mathura,
No. 2: Of Sodása.
18447208
H x & xut quu X
JJ
o te lܢܢܢܕܢܠܪqu ܢܢܘܐ ܐܐܕܢ ܘܕ
ខ្លុយសីបកដួង
TT
No. 3: Of unnamed Kshatrapa.
EX
Scale: Half the original.
X=7=117
ΕΣΤῈ
A. Führer, Ph.D, impress.
188JUFIKAU
No 5: Archaic.
BRBLAD
m & y d mentYTE
Archaic Inscriptions: No. 4.
WERFU
No. 6: Archaic.
HAIXE
GRYZNUTYAS.
WEL
-Scale 3-10ths.
LA
Scale: 1-3rd.
OAK
No. 7 Archaic.
132
VLÍK:
Cu
*únu €F ST. ਪ
Scale: 1-3rd.
Scale 1-4th.
Scale: 3-10tha.
Scale 1-4th.

Page #231

No. 8 Archaic.
No. 9
Archaic.
SJX499 XH3:37
78484
No. II Dated Inscription, Sam. 4.
EZZ40=ZIA [XXNX XICILLEROOXZuX85 Inixza
Scale 1-4th.
No. 10: Archaic..
LEAFFO
A.
Scale 1-4th.
B.
No. 12
MATHURA JAINA INSCRIPTIONS (NEW SERIES): Nos. VIII-XV.
No. 14 Dated Sam. 18, varsha.
A. Führer, Ph.D., impress.
LOŽKYJAIVOZILLAERLULZYVLIF
Jio
ingira zigzne dz
Dated Sam. 5.
187812
A.
4 238222
U A & F N JANARITER
A-tat
No. 15 Dated Sam. 31.
TANZI S T Y N Y
Scale: Half the original.
Scale: 1-3rd.
C.
Scale: Haif the original..
No. 13: Dated Sam. 18, grishma
५०५ = प्रभृ
Seale 3-10ths.
88 Day 7 F2X7?
આસામ)ner>E Jt
SOLATHURS
Scale: 1-3rd
Scale: 1-3rd.

Page #232

JATNA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA.
203
TRANSLATION. “The year 81, the first (month of the) rainy season, the tenth day,-at this moment agift (toas made) by Grahasiri (Grahasri), daughter of Buddhi (and) wife of Devila at the request of the great (2) [Ganin] Aryya [-Go-]dasa, out of the [Kottilya (gana), the Aryya-Veri (Arya-Vajrt) Kakhā, the Thaniya (Sthaniya) kula."
No. XVI. A. 1. सिद्धम् । सव[त्म]रे ३०। २ हेमन्तमासे ४ दिवसे २ वारणातो गणा ---
यातो कु]()?" 2. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - B. 1. -णि अर्यनन्दिकस्य निर्वर्त्तना जितामिवय [रितु] नन्दिस्य धीतु बुदिस्य कुटम्बिनिये
प्रा-50 2. रिकस्य -नी-f-प्य मातु गन्धिकस्य भरहन्तप्रतिमा सर्वतोभद्रिका ।।
TRANSLATION. "Success! In the year 32, in the fourth month of winter, on the second day, a fourfold image of the Arhat (was dedicated) by Jita mitra, daughter of Ritunandi . (Ritunandi), wife of Buddhi (and) mother of the perfumer ......, at the request of gani Aya-Nandika (Arya-Nandila), . . . . . . out of the Varanagana, the . . .yakula . . , ."
No. XVII. L. 1. पण ५० हेमंतमासे प---
2. पायंचेरस्य---- 3. ये युधदिनस्य 4. धित
5. पूषबुधिस्य --- No continuous translation of the fragment is possible. The date is "the year 50 and the first or fifth (2) month of winter."
No. XVIII". L. 1. सिद्ध संवत्सर हापना ५०२ हेमन्त[मास प्रथ-दिवस पंचवीश २० ५ अस्म क्षुणे क[1]
टियातो गणात[1] 2. वेरातो शखतो स्थानिकियातो कुलात[1] श्रीराहतो संभोगातो वाचकस्यायंघस्तुहस्तिस्य" 3. शिष्यो गणिस्यायमंगुहस्तिस्य षढचरो वाचको अर्यदिवितस्य निर्वर्तना शूरस्य श्रम
4. णकपुत्रस्य गोटिकस्य लोहिकाकारकस्य दानं सर्वसत्वानं हितसुखायास्तु । 4° Incised on base of a quadruple image of four standing naked Jinas, measuring s" by 11'. 19 Possibly gandto kattidyto is to be restored. 50 Restore gani; ritu is uncertain. * Perhaps pratdrikusya to be restored, which might mean ' ferryman.' See below, No. XXXIX. 52 Incised on base of large squatted Jina, measuring 1' 5' by 1' 10.
Perhaps Aryya kharasya. * Incised on the base of a broken image, measuring 8' by 16'. # The Anusvåra of sarhvatsara is doubtful. * Read $dkhdto. * Shadhacharo standa no doubt for sadhacharo; possibly derelasya or divetasya.

Page #233

204
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TRANSLATION.
"Success! the year fifty-two, 52, the first month of winter, the twenty-fifth day, 25-at that moment (was dedicated) the gift of the worker in metalGoṭṭika, the Sûra," the son of Sramanaka, at the request of the preacher Aryya-Divita, (dois) the convert of the gayi Aryya-Manguhasti (and) the pupil of the preacher Ary ya-Ghastuhasti out of the Kottiya gana, the Verâ (Vajrá) sákhá, the Sthânikiya kula (and) the Śrigriha sambhoga. May it be for the welfare and happiness of all creatures!
No. XIX.
एतस्य पुवय वाचकस्य श्रायकर्कहस्थ[स] बली चातपिकी तस निवर्तना
L. 1. सिद्ध स ६ ० २ व २ दि ५ 2. वारणमपियस थियो
"Success! the year 62, the second (month of the) rainy season, the day 5, on that (date, specified as) above, the pupil of the preacher Aya-Karkuhastha (Arya-Karkatagharshita) of the Varana gana, was the átapika Grahabala, at his request
No. XX.
A. 1. सं ७० ८ र्ष ४ दि २० एतस्यां पुर्व्वायं कोट्टिये गणे वरायां शाखायां
2. को अहस्ति परतो बन्दि [च] वर्तमप्रतिमं निवर्तयति ।"
B. --- भावी याविकार्य [दिनायें] दानं प्रतिमा यो पे देवनिर्मिते प्र
64
TRANSLATION.
"The year 79, the fourth (month of the) rainy season, the twentieth day-on that (date, specified as) above, Aya-Vridbahasti (Arya-Vriddhahostin), a preacher in the Kottiya gana (and) in the Vaïrâ (Vajrá) sâkhá, gave the advice to make an image of the Arhat Nandiâ varta (Nándyávarta)...... the image, the gift of the female lay-disciple Dinâ (Datta), wife of ., was set up at the Vodva Stúpa, built by the gods."
No. XXI.
L. 1. स८०१ व १ दि ६ एतस्य पुवाय [अ]यिकाजीवाये अंते2. वासिकिजिये दताये निवतना [च] हमिरिये ---
58 Compare ante, vol. I, p. 391, No. xxi.
59 I take Sura, as the name of the family or the clan.
Incised on the upper part of the base of a sitting Jina 2' 8" by 1' 8"; the lower part has been destroyed.
61 On further consideration, I read the numeral sign, which I formerly believed to possibly stand for 40, always as 60. The persons named here are probably the same as those in Sir A. Cunningham's inscription, re-edited in the Vienna Or. Jour., vol. I, p. 172.
Incised on the left portion of the base of a large standing figure of Jina, measuring 2' 3" by 1' 8"; the right portion
is missing.
I now recognise that the second figure is 9, not 8, as I read it formerly. Possibly the apparent ra-stroke above va may be accidental. Possibly kuliye to be read. At the end of the line the two syllables vácha have certainly been lost, because the syllable ko in 1. 2 stands exactly under sum and 1. 2 is, therefore, complete.
The na is abnormal, and so is the marking of the length of & by a stroké going upwards.
66 It is possible to read also votve, which, however, is as unsatisfactory as vodve. Perhaps voddhe, i.e. vriddhe "ancient," is meant. Professor E. Leumann proposes to divide pratimávo dve and to take this in the sense of pratime due (two images)? This exceedingly ingenious explanation becomes difficult, because in A only one statue is mentioned. Restore pratishthapitá. At the beginning of the line stood the name of Dina's husband, as a small remnant of a sya is still visible on the impression. The Arhat Nandyâvarta, i.e., he whose mark is the Nandyavarta symbol, is Ara, the eighteenth Tirthankara. Incised on the upper part of the base of a seated figure, 2' 5" by 1' 10", lower part destroyed.

Page #234

MATHURA JAINA INSCRIPTIONS (NEW SERIES): Nos. XVI-XIX. No. 16: Dated Sam. 32.
2
No. 17: Dated Sain. 50.
Scale: Half the original.
No. 18: Dated Sam. 52.
janin
strada
YASAYT ZITTEN
SATY98?
Scale: Half the original
No. 19: Dated Sam. 62.
sale,CASE SOTA Alsoreผมล holdว้ยย2AA
A Führer, Ph.D., impress
Scale: 3-10ths.

Page #235

MATHURA JAINA INSCRIPTIONS (NEW SERIES): Nos. XX-XXVI.
No. 20 Inscription dated Sam. 79.
4370x9
YOUR HOS
A. Führer, Ph.D. impress
No. 21: Dated Sam. 81.
20-02827543 OF FRAZEO
zx q x x ̃ją jū
ال
Scale: Half the original.
No. 22: Dated Sam. 90.
No. 23: Dated Sam. 93.
B.
Scale: 3-10tha
NEITHER
** TAI ASPEKTAI PELUN
No. 24: Dated Sam. 98.
+ £œá× 4 x x 29 ± 0
Scale: 1-3rd.
No. 25 Huvishka.
44422
Obus & Fergie | Zoo a x x {
No. 26: Hushka.
Scale: 1-3rd.
Scale: 1-3rd.
Scale: 1-3rd.

Page #236

JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA.
205
TRANSLATION. “The year 81, the first (month of the) rainy season, the sixth day-on that (date as specified) above at the request of Data, the female pupil of Ayika-Jiva (Aryika-Jivá) -Grahasiri (Grahasri).....
No. XXII. L. 1. #[loa] ------------ gafata feta a 2. -- [u]at T-a[] – []at granit HATT uret[at] - -
सनिकय भतिबलाए-भिनि This inscription is Sir A. Cunningham's No. 19 (Archeological Survey Reports, vol. III, pl. xv). It seems to have suffered since the time when the first facsimile was prepared. The date, which I have given according to Sir A. Cunningham, has disappeared, and several letters at the end of line 2 have become indistinct. Its chief value consists in the mention of the Majhamá sálchá and the Pa-vaha-ka kula, which latter I have formerly identified with the Praśnaváhanaka or Panhavdhanaya kula of the Jaina tradition. Dr. Führer's impression shows pretty clearly that the first letter is pa, which is not equally certain according to Sir A. Cunningham's facsimile. It also makes it probable that the third letter of the name is not hu, but ha. The name of the gana was without a doubt Kottiya, as the first syllable ko is tolerably distinct.
No. XXIII. A. THT riface LOR [a] --- B. 1. freret [fuje (alfag [fa]a tim an dere fag ----- 2. ---- [u] - a TriTartufa ----: -yat[a] [u]"
TRANSLATION. “Adoration to the Arhat Ma h à vira (Mahavira)! The year 93, the . . . . (month of) the rainy season . . . . . at the request of the gani Nandi (Nandi) pupil of ...... an image of divine Varddha ma na was set up by . . . . . . ., the daughter of the goldsmith Deva, for the worship (of the Arhat]."
No. XXIV.?
[7]fauna [1] Trit
TL5
feu
---"
TRANSLATION. The year 98, the first month of) winter, the fifth day, at that moment, -out of the Kottiya gana, the Uchanagari (Uchchánagari) [śá khá] ......
+ Amlevâsikini, as well as ayika, are properly diminutives. Compare pavojitikd, which is common in the Buddhist inscriptions.
Incised on the base of a sitting Jina, 1'8" by 2' 2". 71 Regarding the form nundige, wbich is indisputable, nee above, the Tutroduction a Restore bhagavato and further on prati.hthapite arhato or arhata. 7 Incised on the base of a squatted Jina l' 10' by 2' . ** Restore uchanagarito fák háto.

Page #237

206
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. XXV." facies --_76
----[a]yae
TRANSLATION "In the year ... ... of ... Devaputra Huvishka ......"
No. XXVI." A. 1. vgant [] B. 1. []]at]
C. 1. --- 2. a-- 2. - []
2. ufare -- D. 1. FT -I-p algae[y]are ---7
2. [w]fe [*] care forut fHTT*]--7#-- I am not able to give a certain connected translation of this fragment. It is only evident that D. 1-2 gives us the names of the Maharaja Devaputra luksha, (Hushka or ITuvishka), and of a monk named Nagadata (Nágadatta). It may also be suggested that the inscription begins with D. 1, because that line contains the group sdha, an abbreviation of sidham, and the name of the king. The continuation may possibly be looked for in Al, where the word ekunalióa, the twenty-ninth, seems to belong to the date. The year 29 would fall in the reign of Huvishka.
No. XXVII. L. 1. fHTE HETTETE Tonfactores -------
2. seafce freine-7-----7
TRANSLATION. "Success! Of the great king, the supreme king of kings ..... by Sena, the pupil of Ohanandi (Oghanandin") ....."
No. XXVIII. A. - - Hrant SHHE ATTê tê alfa get ------ eT[] - - B. ##aria fafaftu hifcat fa ---"
TRANSLATION. "[Adoration] to divine Usabha [Rishabha)! At the request of Sådita, female
75 Incised on the base of a standing Jins, measuring 3' 6" by 26". 7. Restore dew putrasyu and sarkvatsare. 17 Incised on the base of a broken standing Jina, measuring 1'8" by I'l".
78 The bracketed letters are all more or less uncertain : huikshasya looks, because the first letter is blurred, like pukshasya. But two impresions show a small curre at the extremity of the top of the right-hand vertical stroke.
Incised on the base of a sitting Jipa, 1' 6' by 2'1.
* Restore sonena according to C. No. 10 (republished ante, vol. I, p. 396, No. xxx), where Sena, papil of Ohanandi, is mentioned. The last na is faintly visible on the impression. It is important to note that in this inscription the initial letter of Onanandi's name is unmistakable and that the reading Dehao is impossible.
"As the other inscription is dated Saṁ. 47, the king, whose name has been lost, must be Huvishka.
Incised on the base of a squatted Jins, measuring 2' by 1'8". Restore namo before bhagavato. Possibly naţike or nddike to be read. Restore Sakáydrh Restore farvartand.

Page #238

JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA.
207
pupil of ...dhuka, a preacher in the Varaņa gana, Nadika kula and .... fákhd....
No. XXIX. स्थ[7] निकिये कुले गनिस्य उम्गहिनिय शिषो वाचको घोषको पाईतो पर्बस्य प्रतिमा--
TRANSLATION. ... "The preacher Ghoshaka, pupil of the Uggahini, a gani (ganin) in the Sthånikiya kiya) kula ; an image of the Arhat Paráva (Páróva)." ...
No. XXX. L. 1. नमो भरहंतानं सिहकस वानिकस पुत्रेण कोशिकिपुत्रेण"
2. farneha raTITUICT afaarfuat or Fagara (*]
TRANSLATION. “Adoration to the Arhats! A tablet of homage (dyagapata) was 'set up by Sihana dika (Sinhanádika ? 'nandika ?), son of the Vanika Sihaka (Simhaka) and son of a Kośiki (Kausiki mother), for the worship of the Arhats."
No. XXXI. THAT Cara fuerat [0]# #f[UT] ----
----
--
TRANSLATION. "Adoration to the Arhats ! . ... the wife of Sivaghoshaka ....."
L. 1. T
2. [*
No. XXXII. rebatai [He] – To far weyna ayê Hafeer hulle ]a T[AT]orget afautfunt eayarê (n*Jos
TRANSLATION. "Adoration to the Arhats ! A tablet of homage (áyágapata) was set up by Achala (?), daughter of Mala-na (), daughter in-law of Bhadrayasa (Bhadrayabas), and wife of Bhadranadi (Bhadranandin), for the worship of the Arhats."
* Vayaka is the Jaina-Prakrit form for vachaka. 6 Incised on the left side of the upper part of the base of a squatted Jina, 1' 2' by 1' 9', the right side being broken off.
Read arhato.
** The word looks like a female name, and might correspond with Sanskrit udgrahini. Bat the difficulty is that it is joined with the title gani, which is given to males alone.
** Incised on the base of a beautifully sculptured square panel measuring 2' 1" by 1'11', the central figure of which is a seated Jina.
► Arahanta is a mistake for araharta and dydgar åto may be a mistake for pato, but, as the Sanskrit has pata and patta, the form påţa is not impossible.
" This might be a corruption or misspelling for udnijaka or udniyaka. But, as Sihanadika receives the epithet kofiksputra, I suspect that he was a Kshatriya, not the son of a merchant, and that Vanika is the name of his clan.
» Incised on the base of a sculptured square slab, measuring 2' 10' by 3' 1'.
Incised on the base of a sculptured square slab, measuring 27" by 24. * The bracketed letters are uncertain. The first may be TT.
The second and third letters of this line are uncertain.

Page #239

208
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. XXXIII. A. HATUCAT Totte frat afufua -- Bl. - - - gielfafapor fata sifa afch[fr] 2. -- - -- ----
----
TRANSLATION. "An image of Vardhamana, the gift of Dina (Datta), daughter of Vajaranadya (Vajranandin), [daughter-in-law]" of Vadhićiva (Vriddhisiva?) house-wife of .... i; Badimasi's (?)"...
No. XXXIV L. 1. vafa verit quiquue fufefe quaw ---100
2. अर्यबलचतस्य शिष्यो अयंसन्धिस्य परिग्रहे नवहस्तिस्य धिता ग्रहसनस्य वधु
3. forage ate fwacaa Hai arg arya 4. [HT]Te teatai faecull
AT
----
TRANSLATION. "For the acceptance of Aryya-Sandhi (Arya-Sandhi), pupil of Aryya-Balattrata (Árya-Balalráta) (and of ?] Aryya-Babma, .. (Árya-Brahma..), the female pupil of Aryya-Balattrata (Arya-Balatráta) out of the Uchenagari (Uchchánagari) éákhá, Jaya, daughter of Navahasti ("hostin), daughter-in-law of Grahasena ...., mother of the brothers Sivasena, Devasena and Sivadeva, has set up an image of [Var. dhamana for the welfare and happiness of all creatures."
No. XXXV. A. fae faediat B. 1. at en fufcant taciti
2. f- 16 faqat fua[a] – 3. - - HT [E] ---
Remark. If the two fragments, which admit of no connected translation, belong to one in. scription, the occurrence of the words nirvartaná and nipotaná is very remarkable. There is no other instance of the kind.
* Incised on the base of a squatted Jina, measuring 1' 11" by 1' 6". » The ba of kuţibini is abnormal, being made round and not perfectly closed. * The restoration proposed may be safely made according to the analogy of the other inscriptions.
Incised on the base of a large slab, measuring 2' 10' by 2' 1'. 100 Read शाखाती. Restore अर्यबादासिये or fमबाये.
1 The apparent &-stroke after the la of Balattrata is an accidental scratch, not visible on the reverse. The same re. mark applies to the apparent ra-stroke above the va of Narahastisya. According to the reverse of the impression the real reading is parigrale, pot parigraho, as the obverse seems to show. At the end of the line, five or six letters have been lost, probably bhayd or bharya, preceded by a male name in the genitive.
Read Sivasenasya. Restore pratishthapitá vardha.
* Parigrahe. for the acceptance' is common on the Buddhist inscriptions of the first and the following centuries of our era. Here it indicates that the asceties named exhorted Jaya to make the donation and that the spiritual merit is made over to them; for, the image itself could, of course, be of no use to them.
Incised on the base of a quadruple image of four standing maked Jinas, mensuring 2' by 8"; sections and D being cut atray.
At the beginning ofauca ic. Fufurat: has probable to be restored; compare below No. XXXVI.

Page #240

MATHURA JAINA INSCRIPTIONS (NEW SERIES) : Nos. XXVII-XXXIV,
SS
படி
scale: 1-3ra.
No. 28. டப்பா
"
A
17cY
TV.பMos
-பட
scale: 3-10ths.
No. 29.
Scale. Half the origina!.
No. 30.
- அகட்
LEAFURE பட Hunt Roa
Scale. Half the original.
No. 31.
- பX
'
'
.
.
.
.
'
-
Seale 140.
NEE EEEEEEE M audyko XHAUER - AIRTEETHமான
No. 34
இதன் பாத தாதததாக தக கத்து
Seale: 3-10ths.
A. Fuhrer, Pr,D.tampress,

Page #241

No. 35.
RAKHTARAISA
MATHURA JAINA INSCRIPTIONS (NEW SERIES): Nos. XXXV-XLII.
No. 36. R/
HISAXAMAT KHERAPHAARY ARRANJEER EXTRATI UKD LEAKURरपसारा 2.13 X 2 0 2.2 X ZECURE
Beale: 1-30
BEIRExistoday
Scale: Half the original.
No. 37.
a
A.MKARANCE
re
B
ETTER
या
है। अब
HAIXIdy HOTO HELTA
No. 38: Inscription of Gupta period, S. 57. inven Shead 3
PHA
Beale: 1-3rd
Scale: Malf the original
No. 39: Inscription of Kumaragupta, S. II3. RARIATERTEBISAMANANEMLagarma Ki AarogyEARLAL KHELLYRIYA
Sea/s13-10tha
No: 41: S. 108o.
No.40 AM
स्वरका वरमा
पर सुरभी दलाला इमामला विशाल सामेश्वो के स ममात कईदगाम भावामनमः । आप यकाल गायन कर गरे २०१२ दायाप्पट 58
Seats - Hasy the originni
Seale: T-Srd.
No. 42: Buddhist Inscription from Kaman, San. 74.
Hxyp-
PM
{id03YALRELATKARMAYORTH
A.Fahrer.Ph.D..Umpress.
Dealert-

Page #242

L. 1. 2.
No. XXXVI.
(?)
few yn newit wat warfawryant [v] · तो शिरिग्रहतो सभोगतो बहवो वचकच गणिनो च समदि[च] - au featu fafafa ufaaefauufauftau fafafa 4. घकरबपतिहरमसोपवसिनि बुबुस्य धित रज्य व सुस्य धर्म 5. [८] विलस्य मतु विष्णु [भ]वस्य मिहिक विषयमिरिये दन वध
3.
11 -
6.
——
JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA.
-
No. XXXVII.15
A 1. fe ferit murit ever2. गरितो तो बाद"
3. कुलतो शिरिग्रहतो संभोकतो
4. quizferu faruit w[nifu]fw[vi]
B1. ww fir
2. [को] वाचको तय निर्वत
3. न वर च] हस्ति [य]"
--
10
TRANSLATION.
50, (?) second month of winter, first day, on that (date, specified" a) above, [an image of] Vadha[mâna] (Pardhamdwa), the gift of Vijayabiri (Vijayari), daughter of Bubu, first wife of Rajyavasu (Rájgarasu), mother of Devila and) paternal grandmother of Vishnubhava, who fasted for a month" (and) obeys the command of A[yya].. ghakaraba (?) (who is) the female pupil, obeying the command" of Ayya-Jinadasi (Arya-Jinadás), (who seas) the female pupil of 8amadi... va Dinara, the great (?) preacher and gani out of the Varana (Varana) gena, the Ayyabhyista (P) kala, the Sa[mkasiya] did, and the Sirigriha (Sigrita) sambhoga...
209
-7
Incised on the base of a broken image, measuring 10" by 1' 4".
The first figure may possibly have been 7. In the transcript, I. have given the apparently plain, but inexplicable, reading ayyabhyistakulato. It is, however, possible that the third syllable may be intended for nyi. If this were the case, and if we might assume that we had to deal with a combination of the consonants and a partial omission of the vowels, as in adha for sidha (see No. xxvi), the first four syllables might be a kind of tachygraphic representation of ayyaniyasato and cor respond to aryakaniyasatah. This kula of the Varana gana is mentioned in No. 23, ante, vol. I, p. 392. The Sakha was probably Samkasiya, see Kalpasútra, p. 80 (ed. Jacobi).
Restore Sakhato i.e. sakhato; read sambhogato and bahato; the last bracketed letter is very doubtful. Restore ayya.
10 Restore dharmapatni.
"Read devilasya. Restore vadhamanapratima or perhaps patima, as the inscription does not mark the 4-stroke. The last three syllables no doubt stood in line 6, which has been completely destroyed with the exception of the tops of a few letters.
2 E
1 A pious queen, who fasted for a month, is mentioned in the large Nârâghât inscription, Arch. Sur. Rep. W. I. vol. v., p. 60.
13 Panatidhárita corresponds with Sanskrit dhâritaprajñapti.
Panatihara i.e. in Sanskrit prajñaptidhara.
15 Incised on base of a large quadruple image, consisting of four standing naked Jinas, measuring 1' 7" by 9".
16 Read bahma.
17 Read tasya.
18 Nirvatana is, no doubt, meant for nirvartand.

Page #243

210
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
C1. [च देविय घधित जय
2. देवस्य वधु मोषिनिये 3. वधु कुठस्य कसुथस्य D 1. धमपति]ह स्थिरए"
2. दन शवदोभद्रिक 3. सर्वसत्वन हितसुखये
TRANSLATION. "Success! The pupil of Ayya-Jeshtahasti (Jyeshthahastin) out of the Kottiya gana, the Uchenagari (Uchchanagari) Sachā, (and) the Bamhadasia (Brahmadāsikakula) (avas) Aryya-Mihila (Arya-Miliru); his pupil (reas) the preacher (rachr ka) AryaKsheraka (Arya-Kshairaka ?); at his request a fourfold (image was dedicated as the gift of Sthira, daughter both of Varana hasti (°hastin) and of Devi, daughter-in-law of Jayadeva (and) daughter-in-law of Moshini (and) first wife of Kutha Kasutha for the welfare and happiness of all creatures."
No. XXXVIII. संवत्सरे सप्तपञ्चाश ५.७ हेमन्धविती-8 -से [दिवसे त्रयोदशेप-पूर्बायां -५
TRANSLATION. In the fifty-seventh, 57, year, in the third month of winter, on the thirteenth day. on that (date specified as) above . . . .
No. XXXIX. L. 1. सिहम् । परमभट्टारकमाहाराजाधिराजवीकुमारगुप्तस्य विजयराज्यसं [१०.१०
३ क---- न्तमा -- [दि]- स २० अस्यां पूर्वायां]कोझ्यिा गणा-26 2. विद्याधरी तो शाखाती दतिलाचाय्यप्रज्ञपिताये शामाढयाय भभिवस्य धीत ग्रहमित्रपा
लि[त]प्राता]रिकस्य कुटुम्बिनीये प्रतिमा प्रतिष्ठापिता ।"
TRANSLATION. u Suocess! In the year 113, in the victorious reign of the supreme lord and supreme king of great kings, the illustrious Kumâragupta, on the twentieth day of the twinter-month] KArttika]-on that (date, specified as) above an image was set up by Samadhya (Syāmādhyā), daughter of Bhattibhava (and) house-wife of the ferry.
» Dhamraputiha seems to be a misspelling of dharmapatiye with dhamra for dharm. Compare the forms of the Girnar version of Asoka's rock-ediots drabhiptd for drabhitpd, titaatli for tistarhli, and so forth.
» Meant for ddnath sarvatobhadrika viz. pratima. 11 Meant for sarvasatána hitasu khdye. The spelling sarera for sarea is not uncommon in bad MSS.
This is Mr. Growse's No. 6 (Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 219). It is incined on the base of small statue, now preserved in the Mathurs Museum,
- Read hemanta; restore tritiya or fritiye. * Restore mdse and aryari ** Incised on the base of a large sitting Jina, measuring 3' 8" by 27. " Read -malaraja- restore karttikahemantamasaaya divass. 2 Read deti ácharyya.-Possibly prabhárikasya is to be read.

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man (?) Grahamittrapalita," who had received the command to make the dedication) from Datilachayya (Dattilacharya) out of the Kottiya gana (and) the Vidya dhari Sakha."
No. XL. L. 1. -[ta]
2. चन्द्रावदाता भवंतु 3. arcfunt: face 4. TTCRT fafa - 5. भ्रतलोझेखि मुनेस्तेनेदं
This fragment, of which no continuous translation is possible, belongs to a longer metrical Prasasti, which apparently recorded the building or restoration of a temple. For the remnant of line 5 says :-"By him this ... of the sage, which touches the sky." It is evident that a word like een or rent bas been lost. The verses to which the pieces in lines 2, 3 and 5 belong, seem to have been in the Sård Alavikridita metre.
No. XLI. L. 1. unforea: afect HTCATATITI प्राचार्यविजयसिङ्ग
augat: [Ru*] सुनावकैनवग्रामस्थानादिस्यै स्वसतितः। 3. Parafda: Alfaite ufafar: 1 [1Rw*]89 संवत्सरै १०८० थंभकप
प्पकाभ्यां घटितः
TRANSLATION. “Om! The illustrious Jinadeva (vas) a Suri; after him was he who is named the illustrious Bhava deva. His pupil (is) the Acharya Vijayasinga (Vijayasimha). Exhorted by him the virtuous laymen, who reside in Navagrama, Sthå na and other (towns), caused to be made, full of devotion, (and) in accordance with their means, this fourfold Vardhamana; it was fashioned in the [Vikrama) year 1080 by Tham bhaka and Pappaka. Om!"
2 The translation of prdedrita by "ferryman" weems to be justified by the use of pratri, which frequently means "to carry over in a ship or boat."
Incised on the back of a large broken slab, the surface of which is beautifully carved. * Only the lower portions of the bracketed syllables are visible. * Incined on the base of a quadruple image of four sitting Jins, measuring 2' 6by 1'3'.
3 Read it. Both here and at the end of the inscription, the word is expressed by the symbol resembling the figure 9. Read -vijayasimha.
* Read surdoakair; sthai), svafaktitab. * Read
» It is evident from the characters, which show the common Nagarl of the eleventh century A.D., that the era must be the Vikrans Samvat, and that the date corresponds to A. D. 1092-24, accordingly the year was expired or current and a northern or southern one. This donation was, therefore, made within five years after Mahmad's expedition against Mathurk (A.H. 409) during which the temples of the town are said to have been burnt (Elliot, History of India, vol. IL. P. 456f.). Probably the Jaina temples of the Kapkau Tils escaped destruction; for, it seems hardly likely that they could have been rebuilt so quickly.

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No. XLII. L. 1. सिहं । सं ७०४ र १ दि १०५ अस्मि पुणे भिक्षुस्य नन्दिकस्य दानं भगवतो शक्यमुनिना
प्रतिमा मिहिरविहार प[चार्याणां सर्वस्तिवादीनां परिग्रह मातपितृणां स-37 2. f[a] facere
TRANSLATION. "Success! The year 74, the first (month of) summer, the fifteenth day,--at that moment, a statue of divine Sakyamuni(Sákyamuni, was set up as) the gift of the monk Nandika in the Mihiravih à ra, for the acceptance of the Sarvasti vadi, (Sarcástivddin) teachers, for the welfare and happiness of the donor's) parents and of all creatures."
XV.-AMGAMNER COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YADAVA
BHILLAMA II.
THE SAKA YEAR 922. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. I edit this inscription from excellent impressions prepared by Mr. H. Cousens, Superintendent of the Archeological Survey of Western India. The original plates belong to an inhabitant of Samgamner, in the Samgamner Sub-Division of the Ahmadnagar District of the Bombay Presidency.
The inscription is on three plates, the first and last of which are inscribed on one side only, and which are held together by a ring, bearing a Garuda as seal. Each plate measures about 83" broad by 13%" high. The first plate contains 28, and the last 22 lines of writing; on the front of the second plate are 37, and on the back 29 lines. Below the writing on the third plate, in the proper right corner, the figure of a conch. shell is engraved; and the same plate, in line 110, contains an ornamental device, shaped like an open flower. The plates are on the whole well preserved, but in the upper part of the second plate the writing on both sides has suffered slightly from corrosion, and in consequonce a few aksharas, of no great importance, have become illegible. As may be inferred from the numbers of lines on the several plates, the writing, though done by one and the same writer, is wanting in uniformity. The size of the letters is about 16' on the first and last plates and on the lower part of the back of the second plate, but only between s' and ' on the front and at the top of the back of the second plate. The characters are those of the ordinary Nagari alphabet of the period to which the inscription belongs. The language is Samskrit, but the names of the Brahmans, men
Incised on the base of a large seated Baddha, found in the town of Kaman.
The curve open to the left with a small horizontal bar in the centre is, as now appears, a peculiar form of the full-stop. It occurs also in No. ix of the collection, published ante, vol. I, p. 387. There I failed to recognise its value (see note 5), because I misread the preceding sign as al. The latter is, as I now recognise, sdha, the abbreviation for ridha, which occurs also in No. xxiv of the earlier collection as adhi and as ad ha in No. xxvi of the present one. The first numeral sign may also be read a 40. The towels of the bracketed syllables are not certain. Possibly the stone has matd., which has to be restored in any case. The long ri-vowel in pitrinath is plainly expressed on the impression by a curved stroke slanting to the left, to which a second stroke is attached.
The third sign of sarovasatvand is so badly injured that it is impossible to say if it was not tud. The vowel of the last sign is perfectly plain on the impression.
I owe this information to Mr. Cousens

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tioned in lines 66-77, and the name of the writer in line 114 are given in their vernacular forms (Kelavainpadhyayena for Kebadopadhyayena, in line 114, Naranaiupadhyaya for Náráyanopadhyaya, in line 66, Vidyadharaidya for Vidyadharaya, and Sridha. raiupadhyaya for Sridharopádhyaya, in line 67, etc.). Besides, attention may be drawn to the term khasrerådhá, in line 88, which is equivalent to the expression khabrávádhá of the Siyadoņi inscription, ante, vol. I, p. 165; and to the title or biruda sellavidega, which does not look like Samskrit and which I am unable to explain, in line 51. Ex. cepting the words om namah Sivaya and a date in lines 1-2, the first part of the inscription which treats of the genealogy of the grantor, up to line 45, or perhaps 47, is in verse. The formal part of the grant, beginning with line 48, is in prose, but quotes a large number of benedictive and imprecatory verses,' in lines 55-61, 89-98, 102-106, and 105-110; and another verse, asking the reader's indulgence for any clerical mistakes which the writing may be found to contain, is given in lines 114-116. As regards orthography, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for o; the dental sibilant is often used for the palatal, e.g., in Siráya, l. 1, isal, 1. 6, visdlah, I. 26; and the palatal occurs instead of the dental in samsára, 1. 60, and sakala, l. 82. Besides, the vowel ?i is employed instead of ri in Atri, 1. 10, and trigrami, 1. 84, and ri in the place of ri in the word rishayaḥ, 1. 95. Altogether the inscription has not been written carefully, and, though corrected in several places, it is by no means free from serious mistakes. The rules of samdhi are frequently disregarded; the verses of the genealogical portion are only partially numbered or have wrong numbers appended to them; single aksharas and whole words or groups of words are either given quite wrongly or left out, and I hope to prove below that even one or more whole lines have been omitted by the writer. .
The inscription is one of the Mahásámanta Bhillama II., and it is the earliest record, hitherto discovered, of the Yadava dynasty (of Devagiri). After the words
om, adoration to Siva', it gives (in lines 1-2), both in words and in figures, the datethe Saka year 922. It then has (in lines 2-7) two verses, one of wbich glorifies Siva (Chandramauli), while the other invokes the god's blessing on Bhillama, the donor of this grant. The genealogy of Bhillama forms the subject of lines 7-47. Of these, lines 7-22 are of no importance because, beginning with the god Sambhu, they merely contain an account of the descent of the mythical prince Yadu, the reputed founder of the Yadava family,--the intermediate beings mentioned being Brahman, Marichi, Atri, Indu, Purůravas, Ayus, Naghusha, and Yayati. Nor do the following lines, from 23 to 34, record anything that was not known before. The first historical prince spoken of is Seuņachandra (lines 22-26), who here as elsewhere is reported to have called his dominion (mandala) and the people of it after himself. His son was the prince Dhadisyappa]* (lines 26-28). After him came, evidently his son, the prince Bhillama I. (lines 28-33). And he again was succeeded by his son, the prince Rajan or Raja, called elsewhere Sriraja or Rajagi.
· The inscription resembles in this the Kalas.Budrukh grant of Bhillama III., Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 121.
Compare, in addition to the Kalas-Budrukh plates of Bhillama III., the Bassein grant of Seunachandra II., Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, p. 119, and Professor Bhaqdärkar's Early History of the Dekkun, pp76-77.
• See note 40, below.
Bhillans provided the god somanatha (or Siva), at the place where this inscription was composed, with valuable head-dress or turbau.

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From the end of line 34 our inscription becomes more interesting, but also presents some serious difficulties. According to the Kalas-Budrûkh plates of Bhillama III. and the Bassein grant of Seunachandra II., Śrirâja was succeeded by his son Vaddiga, and he again by Bhillama II., who married Lakshmi or Lachchhiavvâ, a lady born in the Rashtrakuta family. The present grant first tells us (in lines 34-40) that from Rajan or Raja sprang the prince Vandiga (the Vaddign of the other plates), a great warrior, who was a follower or feudatory of the illustrious king Krishna or Krishna. raja, and that this Vandiga married the lady Voddiyavva,' a daughter of the great prince (malánripa), the illustrious Dhorappa. It then has to be referred, as the text stands, to the same Vandiga, two verses (in lines 40-45), the first of which glorifies (as it seems) Vandiga for having in battle destroyed the fortune of the great prince Muñja," and for having thereby made the goddess of fortune observe the vow of a chaste woman in the house of the illustrious king Ranarangabhima; while the second verse, among the advantages or blessings which he enjoyed, besides recording that Sindinagara was his residence, somewhat pointedly enumerates the fact that Lakshmi incarnate, or in visible shape, always dwelt in his house, full of joy. After these verses, what may be called the poetical part of our inscription contains three more lines (45-47), which read like fragments of verses or like verses turned somehow into prose, in praise of a new Siva-temple, called Vijayábharanandtha; but there is no indication as to who erected this temple or why it is mentioned here at all, an omission which must appear the more remarkable because this temple is poetically described as the collected fame, or the fame in bodily form, clearly of its founder who is not named.
The grant recorded in this inscription was made by Bhillama II., and there can be no doubt that the genealogy given in the introductory prasasti should have been continued to, and that the author who composed it did bring it down to, that Bhillama. Moreover, I consider it to be perfectly certain that the Lakshmi, spoken of in line 43, is the Lakshmi or Lachchhiavvå of the other grants, the wife of Bhillama, the donor of this grant; and I feel almost as sure that the temple, spoken of in lines 45-47, which, or the god worshipped in which, was named Vijayabharaṇanátha, was founded either by Bhillama himself one of whose titles or birudas, as we learn from line 51, was Vijayábharana, or by his wife. I am thus driven to the conclusion that the writer, who copied this inscription, has omitted at least two verses, one verse, before the words svenáráti in line 40, recording that Voddiyavvå bore to Vandiga a son, named Bhillama, and another, after the word -mahasaḥ in line 45, stating that Bhillama or his wife Lakshmi erected the temple eulogised in lines 45-47. And accordingly, what is stated in the verse in lines 40-42, must in my opinion really be referred, not to Vandiga, but to his son, and it was Bhillama II. who defeated the great prince Muñja, and who thereby secured uninterrupted fortune for his sovereign lord, the illustrious king Ranarangabhima. The question then arises, who were these kings Muñja and Ranarangabhima, and who was the king Krishna or Krishnaraja, to whom Bhillama's father Vandiga owed allegiance P
Our grant being dated in Saka 922-A. D. 1000, it is clear that Bhillama II.
According to the Rassein grant Lachchhiavva was the daughter of Jhajharaja.
7 This lady built a Siva-temple, the exact name of which I am unable to make out.
See note 32, below.

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lived during the last quarter of the 10th century A. D. The only great prince Muñja known to us, who could have been his contemporary, was Våkpatiraja Muñja of Málava, and it is undoubtedly this Muñja whose defeat by Bhillama is recorded in line 41 of this inscription. From this it follows that the king named Raņarangabhima in our grant, as whose general or feudatory Bhillama was acting, was an adversary of Vakpatiraja-Muñja; and I believe that he was really no other than the Western Chalukya Tailapa, by whom Muñja was utterly defeated and taken prisoner, and at whose orders he was finally beheaded. Tailapa ruled from A. D. 978-997: we know him to have also been called Åhavamalla; and Ranarangabhima is little less than a synonym of Åhavamalla.-Bhillama's father Vandiga or Vaddiga may reasonably be supposed to have lived during the third quarter of the 10th century A.D., and, such being the case, the king Krisbộa or Kộishnaraja, whose follower he is represented to have been in this inscription, can only have been the Rashtrakata Kțishņa," for whom we have the dates Saka 867 and 878= A.D. 945 and 956, the son of Amoghavarsha-Vaddiga. Evidently, down to Vandiga, the Yadavas were feudatories of the Rashtrakatas; after the overthrow of this dynasty by the Chalukyas, which took place in A.D. 973, their allegiance was transferred to the Chalukyas.--As the fatherin-law of Vandiga our inscription mentions another great prince, the illustrious Dhorappa. About this prince I am unable to speak with confidence, but I will not suppress a conjecture on the probability of which I leave others to judge. Dhorappa is only a Prakpit equivalent of the Samskpit Dhruva, and we know that one of the earlier Rashtrakața kings was named Dhruva or Dhora, or Nirupama. Now Krishnaraja, the sovereign lord of Vandiga, had a younger brother likewise named Nirupama, the father of Krishna's successor Kakkala, and it seems to me not at all improbable that this Nirupama, like his ancestor Nirupama, may too have been called Dhruva or Dhora, and that it is he whose daughter was given in marriage to Vandiga." The description of Dhorappa as mahánripa would thus, I believe, be well accounted for. I will only add here that, if, as we apparently are obliged to do, we place Vandiga in the third quarter of the 10th century A.D., the rise of the Yadava family and the date of Seuņa. chandra (or his predecessor Dridhaprahara) can hardly be put earlier than A.D. 850.
The proper object of our inscription is, to record that Bhillama, the king (as he is called), granted certain lands, described in lines 78-84, to twenty-one Brahmans who are enumerated in lines 64-77. The general meaning of the passage (in lines 48-86) which contains this information is clear enough; but the construction, changing as it does from the active to the passive, and again to the active construction, is altogether ungrammatical.
Omitting what is of no importance, the illustrious Bhillamarája is described in lines 48-52 as a mahásámanta or great feudatory who had obtained the five mahdéabda, the supreme lord of the city of Dvaravati, ... born in Vishņu's family, eager to worship Siva, ... and rendered illustrious by such royal titles as Aráti-nishúdana,
the destroyer of enemies,' Sangrama-Ráma, Kandukáchárya, Sellavidega, and
See ante, vol. I, pp. 226-227.
See Professor Bhandarkar, loc. cit., p. 59, and Dr. Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 41. 1 See Professor Bhandarkar, ib. pp. 54-57, and Dr. Fleet, ib., pp. 37-38.
It may be noted that Bhilluma III. married. Hammâ, the daughter of Jayasinha and sister of Ahavamalla, the Chalukya emperor.' See Professor Bhân lårkar, ib., p. 78.

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Vijayabharana. Professor Bhandarkar has already pointed out that," since Vishņu Krishņa is represented in the Puránas to have belonged to the Yådava family, even the later princes of Devagiri called themselves Vishnupambodbhava, and that, as Krishna and his immediate descendants reigned at Dvaraka, they assumed the title of Dváradatipuravarádhiévara, 'the supreme lords of Dvåravati, the best of cities. As regards the titles or birudas of Bhillama, the term Sangrama-Ráma is applied to him also in line 8 of the Kalas-Budrukh plates. Kandukáchárya apparently means
a master in playing at ball', and Sellavidega seems to be a Pråkrit expression, the meaning of which I do not understand. The title Vijayábharana has already been referred to above.
The names of tbe twenty-one donees, given in lines 64-77, it is unnecessary to repeat here. From line 64 it would seem" that they lived at Sindînagara, which according to line 43 was the place of residence of Bhillama, and which has been identified with the modern Sinnar, the chief town of the Sinnar Sub-Division of the Nasik District. All were Bråhmans, some students of the Rigveda or Sámaveda, and others members of the Kaņva or Madhyandina bdkhás of the Vajasaneyin branch of the Yajurveda, or of the Maitråyaniya bakha of the black Yajurveda. Some belonged to the Gautama, Kauņdinya, Bharadvaja, or Kausika gotras. And one (in line 72) is described as rájadaupárika, 'the king's doorkeeper.'
To these Brahmans Bhillama gave(lines 78-80) the village of Arjunoņdhika, situated on the banks of the river Matulingi, and some land between the two villages Laghu-arjunoņdhi and Laghu-vav vulavedra. The boundaries of the village were (lines 83-84), to the east, Samgamanagara, to the south, the village of Chikhali, to the west, the village of Jamvalenimva, and to the north, the group of three villages named Vavvulavedra. On the maps at my disposal I find no name similar to Arjunoņ. dhika, but Dr. Burgess has suggested to me that the village granted may be the modern Rajapur, on the Malungi river of the Samgamner Sub-Division of the Ahmadnagar District, which perhaps may have received this name in consequence of this grant. And judging from the position, this identification would suit very well indeed. The Samgamanagara of the grant would of course be the town of Samgamner of the Ahmad. nagar District, which is about three miles east of Rajapur. Chikhaligrama would be the village of Chikhali on the river Årdalà, about two miles south of Rajapur, and Jamvalenim vagrama the village of Javlekardak, which is about 2 miles west of Rajapur. And the group of three villages named Vavvulavedra would be represented by the village Velhale (not marked on the G.T. 8. Map, sheet 38) on the Málungi river, about two miles north of Rajapur, and two deserted "wadis" not far from it.
Lines 86.110 in the usual terms admonish future rulers to protect the donees and their descendants in the possession of this grant and warn them not to resume it. Lines 110-118 add that the illustrious Bhillamarája made the donation here recorded on the new-moon tithi of the month Bhadrapada of the year Sarvarin, on the occasion of a solar
" See ib., p. 88; compare also Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, p. 191; and this inscription, lines 21-22.
W I am not sure about this, for after the word SH-Sindinagar-data pati one would certainly expect the name or names of one or more villages, situated in the district of Sindinagara.
Eee Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 118.
* In the formal part of the grant the only onasaal term is adahfad afaprakrityopetan in line 80. I can only compare with it dolf Adafaprakriti in line 14 of the inscription pablished in the Proceedinge, Bong. As. Soc., 1877, P. 78, but am not able to explain the term properly.

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eclipse, at the holy bathing-place of the confluence of the Aruna" (and Godavari) at: Nasik. And line 114gives the name of the writer of this basana-patta, Kesava. upadhyaya, who (in lines 114-116) asks the indulgence of the reader for any mistakes, and winds up with the remark that no verbal deficiencies of this document will affect its validity.
The date of this inscription does not work out satisfactorily. The Jovian year Sårvarin, mentioned in line 110, correctly corresponds, by the southern luni-solar system, to the expired Saka year 922, given in lines 1-2%3; but there was no solar eclipse on the new-moon tithi of either the pirnimánta or amanta Bhadrapada of that year,-the 2nd and 31st August, A.D. 1000. There was a solar eclipse a month later, on the 30th September, A.D. 1000, but it was not visible in India.
TEXT.18
First plale. L. 1. श्री [नमः] सि(शि)वाय । स्वस्ति शकनृपका[लातीतसंवत्सरशतेषु नवसु हाविंश
2. [त्यधिकेचंकतोपि संवत्सरा: ८२२ ॥ वयमपि भुवनानामीषदुबो3. [ष]मानाप्रभवति लयशेषं यनिमेषादुपैति [*] पतिथयि4. तचरित्नो योगिनामप्यगम्यः स इह जयतु देव:* चारुच5. [न्द्राक मौलिः ॥१ । भुवन भवनहेतुः दुष्कृताम्भोधिसतुः विहितम-1 6. दनमाथ: पावतीप्राणनाथः ॥(1) निहतमकदरोस(य): पातु भिश7. ममोशः । करतलकृतशूल: सबंदा चन्द्रचूल: ॥ युगस्यादी 8. य[भुर्भुवनमसजनवमूर्तिस्त्रेधा मुररिपुविरिंचप्रभवत: ॥(0) ७. वि[रि]चेः संभूतः सकलमकतां योनिरमलो मरीचिर्या(य)वी10. [तिभ्रमति भुवने कुन्दविशदा । ३ । “पतृ(वि)नामाभवत्तस्यामनुस्म11. त्यपरायणः । तत्मनुरिन्दुराख्यातो जगदानन्दमन्दिरम(म्) । ४ । 12. "ततीभवनिर्मलसीमवंशजो विशालभूपालगुणालयं हि . 13. य: [*]पुरूरवा भूपतिरईमासनं सदा सुरेन्द्रस्य व(ब)भाज लीलया 1. "अभूदायुस्तस्यावृपतिरमरैर्बन्धचरितो ठाक्रान्तारा15. तिप्रणतचरणाम्भोजयुगल: [*] ततो जातो यास्मिनघुष-" 16. पतिीच्छ छ)नमिषाझिलेख स्वस्था[ख्या: स्वभुजविजयी चन्द्रफलके । । 17. अजनि नधुषभूपाङ्गमिपालो ययातिखिदशमहितकी18. सिंझेरलमीबिलास:। [1] किमिव गुणगणोसौ व रयतेस19. स्व सान्याजगदवननिमित्त यादवानां प्रसूतिः ॥८॥प
17 See the Bombay Gazet/cor, vol. XVI (Nasik), p. 524 : their general sense is apparent, do not admit of proper Aruna tirth is where the Aruna joins the Gudavail near construction. Ham's Pool'.
* Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh). " From an ink-impression, prepared by Mr. H. Cousens. » Metre, Vamiasthe. 19 Metre,MAlint%3 and of the next verse.
» From here the numbers of the verses are wrong. > Here and in other places below which it is unnecessary Metre, Sikharint. to point out nejrately the rules of anidhi have not been - Read यखाब observed.
. The two aksharar स्थाख्यिा ?] were originally ormitted, 1 The akshara y was originally omitted, and is engraved and are engraved above the line. above the line between fa and fo.
Metro, Malint; and of the next verse. 11 This sign of punctuation is superflous. In the preced I believe the reading intended to be fou nft ing the metre is incorrect.
are:, although this would offend against the metre. Metre, Sikharinl. In the first half of the verse five Here I would propose reading fafav yvedtet ve syllables have been omitted, and the worde given, though
. * The akshara in brackets, as engraved, is g.

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218
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 20. भवदिह ययातः सज्जनानन्दकारी यदुनृपतिरषाका
21. सदाय(या)दचक्र: [1] सकलविवु(ब)धन्दवन्दितोसौ मुरारिज22. गदवननिमित्तं यस्य वंशे प्रसूत: ॥८॥ "एतस्माद्यदुवं. 23. शतः समभवजूपालचूडामणिभूपाल: कलिकाल24. कल्म[ष ] लवै लोकितो भूतले । ख्यात: सेउणचन्द्र एव स25. हसा नाना निजनाहय" यो लोकं निजमण्डलं च समदा26. रातीभकण्डीरवः । १० । प्रख्यातोसो सरगर्यो विसा(शा)लः 27. संग्रामोद्यहईमारातिकाल: । "जात:स्तस्मादष्टमीचन्द्र28. भाल: सूनु [:*] श्रीमान्धाडिख्यो नृपाल: ॥ ११ ॥ "तदनु विवु(ब)ध
Second plate; first side. 29. [न्दानन्दसन्दोहसीमा समदमदन -- [मानिनीमानचौरः [1] असमस - 30. -योरिकालानलोभूत्तत ह .[२]न्द्रो भूतले भिन्नमाख्यः ॥ १२ ॥ 31. [ननु] किमिह कवीना तस्य वW हि न स्यात्वमुदविस(श)दकीत - 32. [तले]द्यापि यस्य । रुचिरकनकभासोद्भामिनीमाववन्ध" प्रति33. दिनमिह देव: पट्टिका [सोमनाथः ॥ १३ ॥ "तस्माज्जात: सुतो रा[जा ग. 34. जा राजीवलोचन: [*] राजव राजते योव प्रजानन्दकरः सदा ॥ १४ ॥ तस्मा35. इन्दिगभूपति: समभवपालचूडामणि: यः सौभाग्यमहोदधि38. मंगदशा कन्दर्पदोहत: । राजा दीर्घभुजहय[:*] पृथुलसहक्षस्थ37. ल: संगरे ।" क्रूरारिप्रमदेभदर्पदलन: श्रीवष्णराजानुम: [॥ १५ ॥] 38. श्रीधो र]प्पमहानृपस्य दुहिता श्रीवोहिय व्याभिधा" शंभोः सै(शै)ल39. सुतव कैटभरिपोझमीरिव" प्रेयसी [*] यस्यासोत्कमुदा[व]दातयशस: स्तुपायमान यया 40. [नामावेश्वरमीशवेश्म विहितं कैलासलीलाहरम्॥ [खे"नारातिकरालकालर[चना
चण्डासि. 41. दण्डेन यो हत्वा मुज्जमहानृपप्रणयिनी संग्रामरंगांगणे [1] लक्ष्मीमम्बु(म्बोधिमेखलावल42. यित[मावर्तिनोम्प्रापयपत्रीरणरंगभीमभवने साक्षात्कुलस्त्रीव्रतम् (1) पधि43. ठानं सिन्दीन[ग]रसर्परंवविदिदं सदा मूर्त्ता लक्ष्मीसतिभवन यस्य मुदिता । 41. मन: स(ग)भोः पादाम्बु(म्बुकायुगले ध्याननियतं यदोब भूपाचरितमभवं चा[क]
46. महस: ।(1) "हिमगिरिसि(शिखरसदशमिह राजति सुरपुरवर्मसंविभं" हतपुर म]" Metre, Sardalavikridita.
+ The consonant of the first akshara of this line is WOriginally अली, but altered to 'शत:.
| slightly damaged, and it may possibly be a ; the following * Originally #fa: , but altered to forro aksharus are quite clear.
* Read red; this correction may have been made ___° Originally it was engraved. already in the original.
HOf this akshara, again, only the superscript rowel in » Metre, Salini.
quite certain, and the whole akskaru might possibly be read • Read जात. 40 The intended reading most probably is धाडियप्पी . " Read मुत्र. Metre, Malini; and of the next verse.
5 Metre, Sikhuriņi. • Rend बन्न
• Read सिन्दौमगरमपरख'. # The akshara in brackets is at rather than 0.
bs Read भवचा. 4 Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh).
* This passage, from here to the end of line 47, looks as 4 Metre, Sardúlavikridita ; and of the next two verses. lif it were intended to lie in verse or contained frgments of This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
verscs, but I cannot recognize in it any of the known metre « The akshara in brackets looks very much like UT.
म Read सनिभ. • Read "रिपीसौ .

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SAMGAMNER COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION.
219
L. 46. धननियतकैलासगिरिस्पृहम[श]मसबभम् ॥ पुंजितयश इवेन्दुकुन्द[धु]
47. ति भूतलतिलकसुन्दरं विजयाभरणनाथाभिधमभिनवगिरि[ग] मन्दिरम् ॥ 48. समधिगतपंचमहाशब्द(ब्द)महामामन्तहारवतीपुरपरमेश्खरैकशंखध्वनिव(ब)49. धिरितदिगन्तरालविजयतूर्यारवसंवासितजितरिपुसमूहविष्णुवंयोज50. वभवचरणाराधनकतत्परमनखिनीमानोन्मूलनकन्दर्पदोचताराति51. निषदनसंग्रामरामकंदुकाचार्यसेन्सविडेगविजयाभरणेत्यादिसमस्तरा-" 52. जावलीविराजितश्रीमजिज्ञमराजा ॥ पन्तःशून्यः कदलीगर्भवदसारः 53. संसार: । व्याधिजरामरणसाधारणं शरीरं । प्रव(ब)लपवनकम्पितनलि-" 54. नींदलगततुषारतरले च धनायुषी यौवनं च । तथा च । वतवेतनापर55. युगेभ्यो अत्यर्थ दानफलं । कलौ युगे पुनः शंसति । न तथा सफला विद्या 56. न तथा सफलं धनं [*] यथा तु मुनयः प्राहुनिमेकं कलौ युगे ।() अग्नेरपत्यं 87. प्रथम सुवर्ण भूइँणवी सूर्यसुताच गावः । लोक*]वयं तेन भवेबदत्तं य[:] 58. कांचनं गां च महीं च दद्यात(त्) । पास्कोटयन्ति पितरः प्रवस्म(ला)न्ति पिताम59. हा: [*] भूमिदोस्मत्कुले जात: स नः सन्तारयिष्यति ।(1) भूमिदानं सुपावेषु सु60. तीर्थेषु सुपर्वणि । अगाधापार(सं)सारसागरोत्तारणं भवेत(त) ॥ धवलान्यातप61. [वाणि] दन्तिनचि(च) मदोहता: । भूमिदानस्य पुष्पाणि फलं खर्गे पुरन्दरः ॥. 62. [ति पराशरवत्मकुमो(त्सा)ङ्गिरसगौतममनुयाज्ञवल्कामुनिवचनान्यव[धा 63. [य] मया [द]ढतरविरतवुध्या मातापितोरामन योर्थिना हि मया" [बा(बा)]64. [प्रणा ?]नां ग्रामो] दत्त: । श्रीसिन्दीनगरान्तःपाति । वाजिकाखसा(शा)खिने गौत66. मगोवाय --
Second plate ; second side. 66. - होपाध्याय नारणैउपाध्यायसुताय तथा वाजिकाखशाखाय कौडिन्यगोवाय [विद्या :67. [ध] रैाय श्रीधरेउपाध्यायसुताय तथा व(ब)दृचशाखाय भरद्वाजगीवाय महिल]68. [4]पाय वि[१]पैयसुताय तथा वाजिमाध्यंदिनशाखाय कौडिन्यगोता(वा)य [महल !]69. पैचाय इन्दपैयसुताय तथा व(ब)चशाखाय देवपैयाय अन्नपैसुताय तथा [0]70. [दो ?]गप्रभाकरदीक्षिताय तथा मित्रायणीवच्छपैयः" तथा अन्धुपम्यपेयः 71. [त]था माध्यंदिन गु]हिसपैय: तथा छन्दोगमाल: सोयसुतः तथा माध्यं72. दिनमहलपैयः तथा व(ब)चराजदौवारिकमहलपैयः तथा व(ब)चसमा[ल:] 73. तथा करहाटवप्पल: तथा वाजिकाखनिम्बैयः तथा व(ब)हुचनेवपैया तथा
74. व(ब) हृचशाखा[य]कौशिकगोवाय विक्कपैयाय श्रीधरसुताय तथा - Read मंचमत्सप्रभम्.
। Metre, Indrarajra. The akshara y of TS was originally omitted, Metro, Bloks (Anushtubh), and of the two next verses. und is engraved above the line.
"The akshara was originally omitted, and is engraved • Read °राज:. Some of the following signs of punetun. above the line. tion are superfimus.
• Read स्वर्ग: पुरन्दर "The akshara 4 of 47 was originally omitted, and is
amitted. and ial Read °बुद्या. engraved above the line.
11 This word is unnecessarily repeated here. • Read ऽवर्ष.
+ Originally efefa was engraved; see below, line 75. This sign of punctuation is superfluous, and may have
3 One would expect ध्यावाय. been struck out already in the original.
7 Read मैवायचीय. " Instead of पुन: one would have expreted मुनयः.
75 The writing is quite distinct bere, but must be faulty. -Matre, Sloka (Anushtubh).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 75. [धो?]प्पलाय कौथिकगोवाय व(ब)हचसाखिनि । ताथा व(ब)इचयाखा
76. य भएणलैपाय तथा व(ब)चशाखाय दन्दपाय कालपैसुताय 77. तथा पौम्वदेवः अन्नपैसुताय । एवममीषां हिजानां पितृपै78. तामहोपार्जित" मातुलिङ्गीतटसमावासितं अर्जुनोण्टि79. काग्रामं तथा लघुपर्जुनोण्डीग्रामलघुवव्वुलवेंद्रग्राम80. [६]याभ्यंतरं सक्षमालाकुलं चा(च)तःसीमापर्यन्तं साष्टा81. दशप्रकृत्योपेतं वापोकूपतडागारामसहितं सतृणका[2]82. पाषाणोपेतं श(स)कलसमस्तोपेतं [*] ग्रामस्याघाटा: लिख्यन्ते [1] 83. पूर्वत: संगमनगरं दक्षिणत: चिखलीग्रामः पश्चिम84. सः जम्बल निम्वग्रामः उत्तरत: वबुलवेद्रत(वि)ग्रामी [*] एवं चा(च)85. तुराघाटविशुई सर्वाभ्यंत्तरसिध्या पुत्रपौत्रादिसंनत्योपे86. तानां चंद्रा यावप्रतिपालनीयं । एवमन्वयजा वधूनामपि" 87. [भुनानानां भो]जयता" वषतां कर्षापयताम्वा" यथेष्ट प्रतिदिशता प्रति. 88. देशयता केनापि खश्वेवाधा" न करणीया । उतां च मुनिभिः [*] 89. यानीह" दत्तानि पुरा नेरेन्ट्रैईनानि धमार्थयशस्कराणि [*] 90. निम्माल्यमालाप्रतिमानि तानि । को नाम साधुः पुनराद91. दोत (1) व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादि92. भि: । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा 93. फलं (1) सद्यो दानं निरायासं सायासं तस्य पाल94. नम् ॥
Third plate. 95. एवं हि रिषयः प्राहुः दानाच्छेयोनुपालनम् ॥ दत्वा भूमि] भाविनः 96. पार्थिवेन्द्रा:भूयो भूयो याचतै रामभद्रः । सा97. मान्यीयं धर्मसेतुर्नपाणां काले काले पालनी98. यो भवधिः (1) इत्यर्थितोपि यः कलिकालवस(या) नोभा99. भिभूती यः पूर्वदानमपहरिष्यति । स पंचम100. हापातकैरुपपातकैयुतो रौरवादिषु नरकेषु 101. पच्चमानी दुष्कृतमनुभविष्यति । तथा च । व्यासभहार102. कः प्राह । खदत्ता परदत्ताम्वा योहरत वसुन्धराम(म) [1]
Read पापिने वथा.
• Metre, Upajati. Read नर. 77 Read "महीपा.
This sign of punctuation is superfluous. • Read घाटा.
IMetre, Sloka (Anushtubh); And of the next rerse Read भ्यरसिया.
Rend vषयः प्रा . • Read 'नानां बधनामपि.
8° Metre, Salint. Read दवा, वेन्द्रान, and याची. * Originally only eat was engraved; but three or
# This word is superfluous. four akaharas were afterwards engraved above the line, 9. These signs of punotuation are amperfiuous. which, together with the former, appear to me to yield the The akahara y was originally omitted, and is engraved reading given in the text.
| above the line. m Rend at बा.
wYetre, Bloka (Anushtubb); and of the two next verses. * This sign of purctuation is superfluous.
4 Read °दत्तावा. # The second akshara might also be read , but compare पापाचा, ante, roL. I. p. 166.

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STONE INSCRIPTIONS AT VAGHLI IN KHANDES.
L. 103. स विष्ठायां मिर्भूत्वा कमिभिः सह पच्यते । (1) विन्ध्याटवी - 101. चतोया गुप्ककोटरवासिनः । महायो हि जायन्ते
105. भूमिदानापहारका: । (1) तडागानां सहसेच वाजिमेध्यतेन च [1] 106 गवां कोटिमानेत (न) भूमिहर्त्ता न पति (1) इति महर्षिवचना107. व्यवधायें आगन्तुकरावभिः धलोपभयेन प्रतिपालनीयम् [*]
05
108 महंस (ग) जा: परमत्रीपतिया वा पापादपेतमनसेो भुवि भाविभूषाः [1"] 100. ये पालयति मम धमिमं समयं तेषां मया विरचितवलि
110 रेष मूसा (शा) बरीसंवारीयभाद्रपदामावास्या
111. याम् ।" बोनासिकीय परवास (वे) द्यमहातीर्थे
परम
112. व्रतौ (तो)पवासनियमयुक्तेन स्री (श्री) भिल्लमराजेन सूर्यग्रहणे ग्रा
113. मोयं प्रदत्तः ॥ लिख (खि) तमिदं शासनपहं स्थाननियमेन
114. राजनियमेन च ॥" मया केशवैउपाध्यायेनेति ॥ यद-"
115. चरं परिभ्रष्टं माचाहीनं च यहवेत (द)। चां (च) तुमय विहांस: 110 नमनः । यदचोमाचरंमधिक प्रमाणमिति ।
XVI.-STONE INSCRIPTIONS AT VAGHLI IN KHANDES. THE SAKA YEAR 991.
221
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
According to the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XII, p. 478, Vaghli, a village six miles east (or rather north-east) of Chalisgaon in the Khandes District, has three temples, an old temple of Madhâidevi, a small ruined temple to its right, and a temple of the Mân. bhava' sect. “The Manbhava temple, built in Hemadpanti style, 33 feet long by 22 broad and 13 high, with ornamented pillars and doorway, formerly contained a linga, and has still the sacred bull outside. Three large stones (within) bear illegible Sanskrit inscriptions. Near the temple is a well, inside and on each side of which is a small cell. The temple is undoubtedly very old, and has for the last seven generations been in the possession of the Mânbhâva sect." Good impressions of the three inscriptions thus referred to, taken by Mr. H. Cousens, have been supplied to me by Dr. Burgess. They show that the three inscriptions are indeed damaged, especially one of them, but that they are by no means so illegible as they have been reported to be. And their contents appear to me sufficiently interesting to justify my furnishing a short account of them. I shall denote the inscriptions by the letters A, B, and C, but shall show that all three really form part of a single inscription.
4. This inscription contains 14 lines of writing which cover a space of about 3' 6" broad by 1' ू” high. On the proper right side the writing is much damaged and
Metre, Vasantatilaka.
Really is engraved.
w Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh).
| the Portal Directory Waghli, " in Long. 76°10/ E, Lat. 20° 31' N.
50 Read चरमधिकं वा.
See Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XII, p. 122; Indian Antiquary, vol. IV, p. 335; and Dr. Burgess' List of Antiquarian
In the Indian Atlas, sheet 38, spelt "Baugley," in Remaine in the Bombay Presidency, pp. 122, 320.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
partly altogether illegible, but, as will be seen from my transcript of the text, the greater portion of the inscription is fairly well preserved, and everything of importance may be read with certainty. The size of the letters is between and 3" The characters are Nagari of about the 17th century A.D. The language is Samskrit, and the inscription is in verse. As regards orthography, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for o; the dental sibilant is several times used instead of the palatal; and the vowel ri is employed instead of ri in tritaya, line 5.
The inscription opens with a verse invoking the blessing of Ganapati; after that it has twelve verses, numbered 1-12; and it breaks off, at the end of line 14, in the third Pada of another verse which would have been verse 13. Verse 1 describes the origin of the solar race, and tells that from Mandhâtsi, a prince of that race, sprang the Maurya family. Verse 2 then relates how Soma, i.e., the god Siva, left his home on the mountain Kailasa and came for the welfare of the people to settle in the country of Surashtra; and verse 3 states that here, in Surashtra, there is the city of Valabhi, the capital of the Mauryas, the Brahman citizens of which enjoy all the blessings of life through the favour of the Mauryas. Verses 4-13 then record the names of a series of princes or cbiefs, the first of whom is stated to have been born in the Maurya family, and each of whom has a verse, eulogizing his valour, allotted to him. This list, for it is nothing more, is as follows:
1. The illustrious Kikata, born in the Maurya family (v. 4). 2. After him came the illustrious Takshaka (v. 5). 3. After him, Bhima (v. 6). 4. Sarvasura (v.7). 5. After him came the prince Govindaraja (v. 8). 6. After him, the prince Sâdh vasika (v. 9). 7. The prince Jhañjha (v. 10). 8. From him was born the prince Deva hastin (v. 11). 9. From him, the prince Muñja (v. 12). 10. From him, the prince Padmakara (v. 13).
B.-This inscription contains fragments of 16 lines of writing, found on a stone which apparently measures about 3' 3' broad by 1'8" high, and the inscribed surface of which is greatly damaged. The size of the letters is between and 1". The characters are the same as those of the inscription A. The language is Samskrit, and the inscription is throughout in verse.
Though, owing to the damaged state of the stone, I am unable to furnish a text of this inscription, I feel no hesitation in saying that we have here the continuation of the preceding inscription A. Here, too, the verses have numbers appended to them, and the first number which is preserved is 14, and occurs towards the end of line 3. This verse 14, in the Mandakrântâ metre, must have commenced about 13" from the commencement of line 1, where verse 13 would have ended, on a part of the stone which is broken away. Comparing the end of the inscription A, we see that that inscription ends in the third pada of a Vasantatilakà verse which would have been verse 13, and that 19 syllables are wanted to complete that verse. Now 19 syllables would in the present inscription have taken up a space of exactiy 1s“, and, moreover, the aksharas preserved at the commencement of line 1 of B undowbtedly do belong to a Vasantati

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STONE INSCRIPTIONS AT VAGHLI IN KHANDES.
223
lakâ verse, and their sense suits well the incomplete verse at the end of A. For what we can read at the commencement of line 1 of B, is
· prayarkokkasil-Lukshmyáb-chalatea.vadaniyam-a which, with the end of A, would give us the following verse :
पद्माकरो नरपति: प्रव (ब) भूव तस्माद्युक्तः पदा[ति] गजवाजिरथैरनेकः । दानानि योभ्युदयधर्म्म[रतः १] प्रयच्छक्ष्मप्राचलत्ववदनीयम [पाचकार ॥ १]
As stated before, verse 14 ends in line 2; verse 15 ends in line 3, verse 16 in line 4, verse 17 in line 6, and verse 18 in line 7; verse 19 probably ended towards the end of line 8; verse 20 ends in line 10, verse 21 in line 11, and verse 22 in line 12; verse 23 must have ended in line 13; verse 24 ends in line 14, and verse 25 in line 15; and the end of verse 26 must have coincided with the end of line 16, the last line of this inscription. I believe, I cannot go wrong in saying that, exactly like the verses 4-13 of the inscription A, each of the verses 14-24 gave the name of one prince, and that the eleven verses together therefore recorded the names of eleven princes, who one after another succeeded the prince Padmakara, spoken of in verse 13. The names of the two immediate successors of Padmâkara (the 11th and 12th members of the family), which must have been contained in verses 14 and 15, are broken away or at any rate no longer legible. Further on the following are mentioned :—
13. Vappaiya (Foppaign-námá sa naresa dell, in verse 16).
14. Vappaiya's son, whose name has not been preserved (Vappuiyasya sutastato-vanitale, in verse 17).
15. Valaparaja (lasmád-Válaparája ily-abhikito dhápála-chidámanis sanjojāe, in verse 18).
16. Sadhvasika (rájá Sádhvasikas-tataḥ param=abhût, in verse 19).
17. S'antiraja (kel-Shatirája iti bhimipstir-vvabidea, in verse 20).
18. Pravarasikara (? Sauty-átmajas sakala-bkápa-gupair-upetas irimán-abhátPravoras[kara-ndwadkeyab, in verse 21).
19. Bileka (tamád-abbúl-pruchara-batra-gapa-pramáti irl-Bháileka-nripalir jagati prasiddhaḥ, in verse 22).
20. Bhimarija (rt-Bimardja-nripatis-tu Siva-prasddát, in verse 23).
21. Govinda (Govinda-bhupatir-iti, in verse 24).
No further names seem to occur in the short passages which remain of the verses 25 and 26.
C.-This inscription contains 18 lines of writing which cover a space of 4' 2" broad by 1' 10" high. With the exception of a few aksharas, lines 1-16 are well preserved; but the middle of line 17 is greatly damaged, and the writing of line 18 is almost entirely effaced. The size of the letters is between 3" and 1". The characters are the same as in the inscriptions A and B. The language is Samskrit, and the inscription is throughout in verse. As regards orthography, b is everywhere denoted by the sign for
; the vowel ri is used instead of ri in vimisrita, line 3, and tridiva, line 8; and the jihoamaliya and upadhmaniya, both denoted by the ordinary sign for sh, are employed in anvilah kirtti-, line 8, sevadhih padma-, line 5, and tanuh punya-, line 7.
From the text, which will be given below, it will be seen that the inscription commences with a verse which is numbered 27, and which thus at once shows it to be the

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
continuation of the insuription B, which ends with verse 26. The inscription clearly divides itself into two portions, the first of which, extending to nearly the end of line 9, comprises the nine verses 27-35. All that it is necessary to say about this part, is, that it eulogizes the piety of a prince (narapati, nripati, bhími pála) Govinda or Govindaråja, who in verse 27 is styled Mauryakula-pradípa, the light of the Maurya family,' and who evidently is the Govinda spoken of in verse 21 of the inscription B; and that in particular it records the foundation by this prince of a sattra, or hall of charity for travellers and for the learned and indigent, and the erection of a temple of Siva, under the name of Siddhesanatha or Siddheśvara, with a tank or well attached to it. In all probability, the temple is the same at which the inscription is still preserved.
The second part of the inscription, the verses of which are numbered separately, opens, towards the end of line 9, with a date, and records up to line 15 various donations in favour of the temple and the charitable institute mentioned before, made both by Govindaraja himself and by (his sovereign lord) the mahámandala-nátha, the illustri. ous king Seuņa.
According to verses 1-3 (lines 9-11), the king Seuņa, on the occasion of a solar eclipse in the month of Ashadha of the Jupiter year Saumya which was the expired) Saka year 991, granted to the temple of Siddheśvara the two villages of Samgamî and Madhu vàţika, together with the income due from them to the king himself. The date corresponds, by the amánta scheme, to Tuesday, the 21st July, A.D. 1069, when about half an hour after mean sunrise there was a solar eclipse which was visible in some parts of India; and the king Seuņa is the Devagiri Yå dava Seunachandra II., of whom we possess a copper-plate grant which is dated only a fortnight later than the present inscription, on Gurudina or Thursday, the 14th of the bright half of Sråvana of the year Saumya, corresponding to Saka-samvat 991'.-The villages of Samgami and Madhuvatiká I am unable to identify on the maps at my disposal.
Govindaraja's donations are enumerated in the verses 4-13 (lines 11-15). Some of the particulars of this passage I do not fully understand ; but it is clear that Govinda provided for the worship of the god in the temple founded by him (verses 4-5); that, for the support of the learned men and their pupils who resorted to his sattra, he gave four fields which are described as Vagalakammatabhúmi, Vakhulikshetra, Vanakitakabhúmi and Patayakshiņioáta, and the exact boundaries of which are recorded in the text (verses 6-12); and that he besides granted sixteen nivartanas of land to certain secular and religious teachers (verse 13).
The concluding lines of the inscription once more state that the temple, referred to in the preceding, was founded by the prince Govinda and his wife, the rájil Nayaki (verse 14), and contain the usual admonitions to future rulers to watch over, and not to resume, the donations here recorded.
Taken as a whole, what is contained on the three stones is a single inscription, dated in Saka 991 or A.D. 1069, of a chief Govindaraja of the Maurya clan, a feudatory of the Devagiri Yadava king Seunachandra II. Its proper object is, to record that Govindaraja built the temple at which the inscription was put up, and made various
See Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, p. 120. It should be stated, however, that the date of the copper-plate is incorrect; for Srárapa-budi 14 of Saka 991 expired ( Saumya) corresponds to the 4th August, A.D. 1069, which was a Tuesday, not a Thursday

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STONE INSCRIPTIONS AT VAGHLI IN KHANDES.
225
ANDES.
donations in favour of it; and by way of introduction the inscription furnishes a list of the names of the ancestors of Govindaraja for no less than twenty generations, and records that the original home of the Maurya clan was the city of Valabhi in Sur&shtra, which was their capital. As Govindaraja himself is indirectly described as a feudatory of a Yadava king, it may be assumed that his ancestors or at least some of them owed allegiance to the same family, and that these Mauryas came from Kathiâ våd to Khandes together with the Yadavas,'the lords of Dvaravati." As regards the individual chiefs mentioned in this inscription, I have not met with any of them in other inscrip. tions.
TEXT OF THE INSCRIPTION A.. L. 1. [ी।] - - --समि[स][] मरीचि.-.[ता]: । चरण
युग्मसरोरुहरेणवो गणपतैर्बिजयाय भवंतु वः ॥ ७ ॥ पादावव्यतमासीत्तदनु कमल[जस्ता]2. त्मतः कश्यपोभू---- --[तदनु मनुरभूत्तमुतात्सर्यवंशः । विख्यातः सर्वलोकेष्व
मलनृपगुणे[२]न्वितः कीर्तिधर्मान्धातुभूमिपालाम कलगुणनिधौर्यवं[शो 3. व(बभूव ॥१॥ पासीत्केलाम[शृंगे रुचिर] असि(शि)सुधाशनगंगाप्रवाई दिव्यारामोपभोगात
रसरनिकरोढुष्टकाम्यप्रलापे । सोमः सोमाईभूषः सकलसुरनुत: [का?]4. म चित्तप्रदी?]षः सर्वेषो लौकिकानामशभविहतये सोवतीर्णः सुराष्ट्रम् ॥ २॥ तस्मि देणेस्ति
रम्या विवु(बु)धसुरवराकीपर्णदेवालयाच्या मौर्याणां राजधानी वलभिरिति - 5. - मण्डनं] मण्डलानां । यस्यानिःशेषविद्यासुनिशितम त यो व्रा(बा)प्रणा व्र(ब)अतुख्या:
पौरा धर्मार्थकामत (वि)तयफलभुजः सन्ति" मौर्यप्रसादात् ॥३॥ "खङ्गप्रहारदढपारि[त:]. 6. [कंभिकभमु?]" का[फलप्रकरतारकितां दिनाई। रात्रिं चकार रुचि[स] रुचिरपतापः श्रीको
कट: प्रवरमौर्यकुलप्रसूतः ॥ ४ ॥ श्रीतक्षकस्तदनु" यस्य पराक्रमाग्निदंदामा]7.uv- -[भ]ग्नाः । गंगाजलेष्वभिलषंति ननु प्रपातं शैत्याभिलाषिण एव
हिषता समूहाः॥ ५॥ भीमो" भीमपराक्रमस्तदनु यो दृष्ट्वा व(ब)लं विहिषां" सद्यो वैरि8. - - -स्व[माँ] स्थिति] - -[i] । कालक्षेपकर रिपुव्रजमिव क्रोधा
वित: सत्वर: [स]ष्टारं कृतसंस्तुती रणरसात्य[क्षोइमं प्रार्थय[स] ॥६॥ [मो? केषु" वा
जिगजपत्ति --- 9. नेषु -- - - -सत्म । शौर्य करोति सकलोरिषु तस्य सौ(पी)
र्य सर्वेष्विति प्रगदितः स हि सर्चसू(शू)रः ॥ ७ ॥ गोविंदराज इति च प्रथितः पृथिव्यामासीबृप
* See Professor Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, p. 76.
I know that the Yadava Bhillama II. married the daughter of a Raja Jhaijha (see ib.p.77); but that Jhatijina could not possibly have been the Jbañjha of the present inseription for, not to mention other reasons, Bhillama lived about A.D. 1000 (see ante, p. 212), and the Jhajha of this inscription lived fourteen generations before Govindaraja (A.D. 106%).
• From impressions taken by Mr. Cousens. 7 Metre, Drutavilamtita. • Metre, Sragdbard; and of the two next verses.
T
The akshara in brackets was originally i. » Read तमिन्द. 11 Originally fet was engraved. 1 Metro, Vasantatilaka; and of the next verse.
13 The aksharas in these brackets are almost entirely effaced.
4 Originally°कसदनु was engraved. WMetre, BArdalavikridita.
* Originally a sign of punctuation was engraved here; but it is struck out again. 1 Metre, Vasantatilaka; and of the next verse.
१०

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226
L. 10. स्तदनु यस्य
11.
12.
13.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
-V
-- । गोविंदवत्सपदि चिंतितमा [व] सिद्धास्तेनेति नाम स दधौ चरि तार्थमुचैः ॥ ८ ॥ राजा" साध्वसिकः" ततः परमभूद्य: "स्मा [द्र ]णे युध्य तस्तस्यासी रिपुदंति । साधुः साधुरयं तवासिरमरैः स्वस्थैरिति स्ना (ना)घित भवन्नसाध्यसिनः करोति यदि वा तेनेतिनामा नृपः ॥ ८ ॥ भाभिधाननृपतिः प्रथितो aftari
-
2.
———
॥ ११ ॥ श्रीमान्ंजनरेश्वरः समभवत्तस्यावृपग्रामणीर्थः सौभाग्यसुधासरित्परिक्षी [क]पावधी[न] मर[दुर्गा ] रम मदाविलो
14. -
[
25
॥ १२ ॥ पद्माकरी" नरपति: प्रव (य) भूष तमायुक्तः पदा[ति] गजवाजिरथेरनेके । दानानि योभ्युदयध
-- संग्रामभूष्वभिमुखो रममात्यधावन्धनं न ि नाम व (ब)भार सार्य ॥ १ ॥ देवतीति ततः चितो घरामंडलीतरः । सम[स्तलो ]
5.
TEXT OF THE INSCRIPTION C. 20
I. 1. [भी] दानभूमितिल [दान) हिरा वैश्यवस्था वरवरधान्यधनादि सम् संपूज्य यः प्रवरविगणं प्रहर्षात्" शहदावल मौर्य कुलप्रदोषः ॥ २० ॥ यक्षिन्यासति [भी]
-~
--
महनीयकीत पंग्बंधदोनविकला न जना व (ब) भूवुः । बमहोसवपरंपरया जनानां धर्मार्थकामफल सिरिडिताभूत् ॥ २८ यः प्रीणयत्यमृतगंधसुगंधमालापाच[]
3.
प्रचुरदीपविचित्रभक्ष्यैः ।
देवग्रहद्दिजगुरून्पृ (न्पि) तृगोग्निमुख्यान्गोविंदराजनृपतिः स सुखी सदा स्तात् ॥ २८ ॥ कर्पूरकुधनाधिपकई मेन कस्तरिकाजलविमिश्र (वि)[स]
पंदनेन ।
4.
आदौ विलिप्य शिवविप्रगुरूनुदारः पश्चाद्दिलेपनविधिं स्वयमन्वतिष्ठत् ॥ ३० ॥ यः पांथसार्थगुणविप्रभुजिक्रियार्थ दीनान्धवकलस्य चतिः ।
सर्व [च]
1. Metre, Sardalavikridita.
19 Read कनत:.
20 Read.
[:1 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
* Metre, Indravajri.
-
कार नृपतिर्व्व (ब) विद्यशिष्यैर्व्विद्याविनोदनिरतैः परितोतिपूर्ण ॥ ३१ ॥ यमपैरप्यशक्यं प्रवरवसुमतीदेशभोगाधिरूढै
विष्यत् यच्य तुच्छी पदधतः (पद्मनामा ।
अत्यु[चं]
Metre, Sardūlavikrilita.
24 Metre, Vasantatilakà.
2 This sign of visarga was originally omitted.
28 From an impression taken by Mr. Cousens. Read
2 Metre, Vasantatilaka; and of the four next versas. Read २८.
30 Read

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227
L. 6. दिव्य[भू]षं सुरसदनसमं मंदिरं चंद्रमौले:
कोन्यो गोविंदराजाबरपतिरमलो मर्त्यलोके चकार ॥ ३२ ॥" व(ब)ह्मज्ञानामृतांतभृितवरसरोराजहंसोमलांगो" राजश्रीचारुकान्तादयिततरत]
नुपुण्यवृक्षस्य मूलं । धात्रा मष्टोयमको जगति नरपति: सज्जनानन्दकारो
शैवध्यानासिभिन्नखहृदयजतमोहत्तिगोविन्दराजः ॥ २३ ॥ [4]"तर्मीनावताराद्यभिनवतनुभिर्विष्णुरूपैरुपे
8.
चक्रे सिद्देशनाथावसथमतिमहत्सर्बभोगोपपन्न । सर्वेषां पार्थिवानां तृ(त्रि)दिवपतिपुरारोहनिवेणिभूतं
गोविन्दो भूमिपालस्त्वमलनृपगुणैरन्वितकीर्तिकामः ॥ ३४ ॥ वापी च
कार सुविमलोपलगाढव(ब)इसोपानप[क्ति सुरवेश्मनिविष्टदेवा । शश्वज्जलोभिव(ब)[हु] शु[भ]जलप्रवाहसंसापिताभिशपनामघनाशदक्षाम् ॥ ३५ ॥
रूपनंदांकतुल्ये तु ८८१ 10.
शककालस्य भूपतौ [-] सौम्यसंवत्सराषाढरविग्रहणपर्वणि ॥ १ ॥ महामंडलनाथस्तु श्रीमान्मेउणभूपतिः । सिद्धेश्वराय प्रददौ ग्रामद्दयमुदारधीः ॥ २॥
निजन राजभोगन संग[मी] 11.
मधुवाटिकाम् ॥ ३ ॥ गोविंदराजोपि ददौ ग्राम यो मान्य[भोगकं । मेलकं देवपूजार्थ घ्राणकं दीपसिद्धये ॥ ४ ॥ पाटकं गीतनृत्यार्थ विलासिणिसमन्वितं' ।
तुष्काल" देवभोगार्थ गछकानां च भूमि - [॥ ५ ॥ 12. विप्राणां भोजनार्थाय सत्र(च)मुद्दिश्य शाखतं । विद्याभ्यासरतानां च छात्रा(वा)णां भोजनाय च ॥ ६ ॥ क्षेत्राणि यानि भूपालो ददौ तानि लिखाम्यत: । वगलकम्मतभूम[:]" पूर्वसीमा तु भंभि -
1 Metre, Sragdbará; and of the two next verses.
27 of this akshare ouly the sign of usvára is doubtful. The akshara was originally owitted, and is engraved * The reading bere and up to the end of the line is quite above the line.
clear in the original. Read frefeito ). » The akshara was originally omitted, and is engraved 3 I do to understand this, nor the following 8 41; below the line.
तत्कालं may have been put for विकालं. * I am doubtful about this shant, and the intended This was originally omitted, and is engraved Ixlow reading may possibly be प्रति मी.
the line. "Methe, Varantatilaki.
in Originally भूमेन was trugraved, but the akshere . Metre, Sisku (Anushtubh); and of the following twelve has been struck out. verses.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
___L. 18.
[0] .. दक्षिणे []वलक्षेवं परिमे [जानिनस्तथा । उत्तर कारकप्राममाघाटा" खलु [नो मताः ॥ ८॥ वखुलीचेवसीमास्तु पूर्वदक्षिणपषिमाः ।
मार्गकंमतसिझेशभूमयस्तत्तरो वहः । [*] 14. वनकूटकभूमेश्च नदी पूर्वोत्तरोवधिः ।
दधिणे च वह सीमा पश्चिमे ग्रामभूरपि ॥ १० ॥ व[]यचिषिवाटे तु पूर्वा कार्पटिकस्य भूः । दक्षिणे देवलक्षेवं पश्चिमे गोपयोवधिः ॥ [११॥"]
उत्सर वटा 15. पौ च पाघाटा[:]परिकीर्तिताः। [१२॥"]
षोडशैव ददौ राजा विद्याव्याख्यानकारिणे । निवर्तनानि भूमस्तु पुण्यव्याख्यानकारिणे ॥ १५॥] घवाचारविचारवाक्पटुरभूहोविन्दनामा []
स्तदात्री किल नायकी भवभयाजता सदा या हरी । ताभ्यां शंकरमंदिरं सुचिरं निष्पाद्य विस्तारिता"
कीतिर्मयशः कुलं च विमलं प्रद्योतितं चामनः ॥ [१४ ॥] ये पालय17. न्ति पृथिवीपतिदानमेतत्ते प्राप्नुवन्त्यमरज्ञोकसमस्तभोगान् । राज्यं च [ग] - - ----- [हस्तितुरगाव्यव(ब)ले रुपताः ॥
[१५ ] ये सीपयन्ति नृपदा18.
[न]म- लोमाते प्राप्नुवन्ति]". . . .
XVII.-KHALARI STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF
HARIBRAHMADEVA.
THE [VIKRAMA] YRAR 14701. BY PROPESBOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription is on a polished stone, which is fitted into the wall of a small temple at Khalari, a village about 45 miles east of the town of Raypur in the Central Provinces. It contains sixteen lines of writing, which cover a space of about 1'111 broad by 11% high. The writing is well preserved throughout, and the reading is no. • Read 'वाम पाघाटा:
connected sense, are at all legible. There can be no doubt that • The akshara WT was originally omitted, and is on this was the concluding line of this inscriptio. grated above the line.
Wrongly for 1471. Metre, Sardilavikridita.
* See Bir A. Cunningham's Archæol. Survey of India. -Metre, Vasantatilaks; and of the next verse. vol. VII, p. 166; according to the Gazetteer of the Central
"From here, up to the end of the line, the writing is no Provinces, p. 243, Khalari is only about thirteen miles from seriously damaged that only a few akılaras, which yield no Ràypur.

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where in the least doubtful. The size of the letters is about '. The characters are Nagari of the period to which the inscription belongs, the 15th century A.D. The language is Samskrit, employed by a person of little knowledge; and, excepting the introductory om bry-Ganapataye namah, and a date and the name of the engraver at the end, the inscription is in verse. The letter b is, as usually, written by the sign for v; otherwise the orthography calls for no remarks.
The inscription, called by the author a praćasti, was composed by Miśra Damo. dara (verse 11), written on the stone by Ramadása of the Vástavya' family (v. 13), and engraved by the artisan Ratnadeva (line 16). And its proper object is to record the foundation of a temple of Narayana (or Vishņu) by the shoemaker (moche) Devapala, a son of Sivadåsa and grandson of Jasau (vv. 9, 10, and 12), at the town of Khalvåţika (v. 7), i. e., the modern Khalari. By way of introduction the inscription-after the words om, adoration to Ganapati' and three verses in honour of that deity and of Bharati, the goddess of eloquence, and Narayaņa, -gives us (in verses 4-6) the following genealogy of the prince, the illustrious Haribrahmadeva, whose capital (rajadhani) Khalvåţika is represented to have been when the inscription was composed :
In the Kalachuri (or Kalachuti) branch of the Haihaya (here called Ahi. haya) family was the prince Simhaņa, a worshipper of Sambhu (or Siva), who con. quered eighteen strongholds of adversaries. His son was the prince, Ramadeva, who slew in battle Bhoningadeva (apparently a prince, whom I am unable to identify). And his son again was the illustrious prince, Haribrahmadeva.
The inscription is dated (in lines 15 and 16) in the (Vikrama) year 1470, the Saka rear 1334, and the year Plava of the sixty-years' cycle of Jupiter, on the 9th of the bright half of Mågha, a Saturday, while the moon was in the nakshatra Rohiņi. Had the years been given correctly in this date, the Vikrama year 1470 would have to be taken as a current year, and the Saka year 1334 as an expired year. But the date works out satisfactorily neither for Vikrama 1470 current = Saka 1331 expired, nor for Vikrama 1470 expired, and its proper year undoubtedly is Vikrama 1471 expired = Saka 1336 expired, as will be seen from the following equivalents:
For Vikrama 1470 current = Saka 1334 expired Mågha-sudi 9 corresponds to
Wednesday, the 11th January, A.D. 1413; for Vikrama 1470 expired = Saka 1335 expired, to Tuesday, the 30th January,
A.D. 1414; for Vikrama 1471 expired = Saka 1336 expired, to Saturday, the 19th
January, A.D. 1415, when the 9th tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise, and when the moon was in the nakshatra Rohiņi from 13 h. 8 m., or, by the Garga-siddhanta, from 1 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise, or, by the Brahma-siddhanta, from about sunrise. This Saturday, the 19th January, A.D. 1415, also, as required, fell in the Jovian year Plava, which by the Siirva-siddhanta rule without bija lasted from the 24th April, A.D. 1414, to the 20th April, A.D. 1415.
* See ante, Index of vol. I, under Västarya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Of the reign of the prince Haribrahmadeva we possess another carelessly written) inscription of the Vikrama year 1458, which was found at Råypur and is now in the Nagpur Museum, and the full date of which I have given in Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, p. 26, No. 20. In that inscription, which records the foundation of a temple of
Hatakesvara (Siva) by the Nayaka Hajirajadeva, the prince is described as Mahāraja. dhiraja, and called Rayabrahmadeva, Harirayabrahma, and simply Brahmadeva. The inscription also mentions his predecessors, who are there called Simgha and Ramachandra, instead of Simhana and Ramadeva.
I may mention, besides, that the names of these princes Simhana and Ramachandra also occur in a large mutilated inscription at Ramtek in the Central Provinces of which I owe a faint rubbing to Dr. Fleet.
TEXT. L. 1. ओं [I] श्रीगणपतये नमः (1)
सकलदुरितहर्ताऽभीष्टसिद्धिप्रकर्ता निगमसमुपगीतः शेषयज्ञोपवीतः । ललितमधुकरालोसे
विता' गंडपालीतटभुवि गणराज: पातु वो विधुराजः ॥ १॥ वेदानाराध्य वैधाः पठति भगवतीं यामनायस्तचित्तः श्रीकंठस्यापि नादैरपहरति मन:
पार्बती किवरीभिः । हारा नारायणस्योरसि रहसि रणत्कंकणा यग्रजाः स्युः
सद्यः सत्काव्यसिद्दय स्फरतु कविमुखांभोरहे भारती सा ॥२॥" व्र(ब्रह्माद4. यो द(दि)विषदः श्रुतिवाक्यदष्ट्या ध्यायति यं पुरुषमात्मविदोप्यमूर्त ।
पापानि यत्स्मरणतो विलयं प्रयांति नारायण: स्फरतु चेतसि सर्वदा वः (1) ३॥"
अहिहb. यनृपवंशे शंभुभक्तोऽवतीर्ण: कलचुतिरिति शाखां प्राप्य तीब्व(व)प्रतापः ।
निजभुजगुरुदर्पाद्योऽरिदुर्गाण्यषोद्रणभुवि दश चाष्टौ सिंहणक्षोणिपालः ॥ 6. __ अभवदवनिपालस्तत्सुतो रामदेव: समरशिरसि धीरो येन भोणिंगदेवः ।
मणिरिव फणिवंशस्याऽहतः कोपदध्या तरुणतरणितेजःपंजराजप्रतापः ॥ ५ ॥ 7. तत्पुत्रः शत्रुहंता जगति विजयते चंद्रचूडस्य भक्त:
श्याम: कामाभिरामो मनसि मृगदशामुद्भटानां कृतांतः । सर्वेषां याचकानां स्फुरदमरताक्पति: पंडिता
+ See Sir A. Cunningham's Archeol. Survey of India, I give this verse exactly as I find it in the original. vol. XVII, p. 77.
Its meaning is clear enough. In the Kuluet uribranch of See ib., vol. VII, p. 112. . From rubbings supplied to me by Dr. Burgess.
the Haibaga family there was the prince Sitirhana, who con
quered eighteen fortresses of adversaries. But the Haibayas 7 Read विती
are called by the writer Ahibayas, and the Kalachuris Kals. Metre, Malini.
chutis, uot to mention the grammatical mistakes which the .Metre, Sragdhara. In the second line of this verse a
| verse contains. relative pronoun has been onnitted.
1 Metre of verses 4 and 5, Malins. 10 Metre, Vasantatilak.

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231
10.
L. 8.
नां गोतज्ञानां द्वितीयो भरत एव नृपः श्रीहरिव(ब)प्रदेवः ।।" सद्राजधानी नगरी गरिष्ठा खल्वाटिका राजति वाटिकाभिः । सुरालया यव हिमालयामा विभांति
गैरतिशचतुंगैः ॥ ७॥" भूदेवा यत्र वेदाध्ययनमनु रताः स्वस्तिमंतो वसंति
श्रीमंत: श्रीविलासैरमरपरिहढं राजराजं हसंतः। कामिन्यः कामदेवं विपुरहर
दृशा दग्धमुनीवयंत्यः प्रोद्यहोर्मूलकात्या स्मितमधुरगिरा भूलताडव(ब)रेण ॥ ८॥" मोची सवेंदुरोचीरुचिरतरयशाः कर्मनिर्माणदचः
सौजन्या11.
दग्रजन्माऽनुचर इव जसौनामधेयस्य पौवः । नानाधाभिलाषी गुणनिधिशिवदासाऽभिधानस्य पुत्रः श्रीमनारायणस्य स्मरणविमलधी राजते
देवपालः ॥८॥ नारायणस्यायतनं स्वयत्या भक्त्या महत्या सह मंडपन । निर्धापितं तेन परत्र चात्र तस्मै हरियच्छतु वांच्छि(छि)तार्थ ॥ १०॥
हरिचरणसरोजध्यान18.
पीयूषसिंधुप्रसरदलधुवेलास्कालकेलीरसेन । सरसकषिजनानां निर्मितयं प्रशस्तिमनसि रसविधात्री मित्रदामोदरण ॥११॥
वहति जगति गंगा याव14.
दादित्यपुत्रया स्फुरति वियति तारामंडलाऽखंडलिन" । तरणिरमरसमच्छमना तावदेषा जयतु जयतु मोचीदेवपालस्य कीर्तिः ॥ १२॥
श्रीवास्तव्यान्वयनैषा 15.
प्रशस्तिरमलाक्षरा। लिखिता रामदासेन पंडिताधीवरेण च ॥ १३ ॥"
स्वस्ति श्रीसंवत् १४७० वर्षे साके १२९४ षच्याव्दयीमध्ये प्रवनामसंवत्सरे माघसुदिर 16. शनिवासर रोहिणीनक्षत्रे [*] शुभमस्तु सर्वजगतः ॥ सूत्रधाररखदेवेन [*]
1 Metre, Sragdbari. 14 Metre, Upajati. 1 Metre of verses 8 and 9, Sragdhara. 16 Metre, Indravajra. 17 Metre of verses 11 and 12, MÁlini.
15 The word Akhandala is perhaps (wrongly) used bere in the sense of 'rain-bow'.
19 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh). 10 Read षच्चब्दमध्ये 'in the sixty-years' cycle.'

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
XVIII.-DUBKUND STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE KACHCHHAPAGHATA
VIKRAMASIMHA.
THE (VIKRAMA] YEAR 1145. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, Ph.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription was discovered, in 1866, by Captain W. R. Melville,' in the ruins of a temple at Dubkund,' Indian Atlas, Quarter-sheet 51, S. E., Long. 77° 54' E., Lat. 25° 43' N. The place is in a dense forest on the left bank of the Kunu river, 76 miles to the south-west of Gwalior; and the temple is situated in the middle of an enclosure on a peninsula, the neck of which is defended by a fortified wall, and all around it are a mass of ruined houses and the remains of several smaller temples, Captain Melville sent two copies of the inscription to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, but they were probably too imperfect to be used for editing the inscription. The ruins of Dubkund were examined again, in 1882-83, by Sir A. Cunningham's native draughtsman, and from his account a description of them is given in Archæol. Survey of India, vol. XX, p. 99, and Preface, p. v, together with a small photo-lithograph of the inscription, ib., plates xxi and xxii. I now edit the inscription from one of his rubbings, apparently the same from which the photo-lithograph was prepared.
The inscription contains 61 lines of writing which cover & space of 1' 3" broad by 32 high. With the exception of about twenty aksharas in lines 1 and 2 which have become damaged by the peeling off of the surface of the stone, and perhaps a few other aksharas which are illegible in the rubbing, the writing is well preserved, and everything of importance may be read with certainty. The size of the letters is between 7" and *". The characters are Nagari of the period to which the inscription belongs, the 11th century A.D. The language is Saṁskřit, and, excepting the introductory or on namo vitarágáya and the greater portion of lines 54-61, the inscription is in verse. It is called a prasasti (lines 47 and 60), and was composed by the Jaina Vijayakirti (line 46), written on the stone by Udayaraja (line 60), and engraved by the stone-mason. Tilhaņa (line 61). Both the writer and the engraver have done their work with great care, and in respect of orthography I have only to note that the letter b is throughout written by the sign for o, and that the dental sibilant is occasionally employed instead of the palatal.'
The object of the inscription is, to record the foundation of a Jaina temple-clearly the temple at which the inscription was discovered-by some private persons (lines 52-53), and certain donations made in favour of it by the Mahárdjádhiraja Vikramasinha (lines 54-58) who ruled the country around Dubkund when the inscription was composed, in the Vikrama year 1145 (line 61). And the inscription clearly divides itself into two parts, the first of which (lines 10-32) gives an account of the prince Vikramasimha and his ancestors, while the other (lines 32-51) treats of the founders of the temple and certain Jaina sages connected with them. In six introductory verses (lines 1-10) the poet invokes the blessings of, or glorifies, the Jaina Tirthakaras Rishabhasvamin, Santinátha, Chandraprabha and the Jina (Mahavfra), the sage Gotama, and the goddess of eloquenoe (fruta-devatd) 'famous in the world under the name of Pankajavâsini.'
* See Journal, 4.. Soc. Bengal, vol. XXXV. part I, p. 168. 1 In the rubbing before me it is sometimes very clifficult to distinguish between the palatal and dental sibilants.

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DUBKUND STONE INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMASIMHA.
The poet's account of the Mahárájádhiraja Vikramasimha (lines 10-32) is as follows:
"There was, an ornament of the Kachchhapaghâta family, and a son of the illustrious Yuvaraja who was white with fame that spread abroad in the three worlds, the illustrious prince Arjuna, a leader of a formidable army of unparalleled splendour, a prince whom even the ocean did not equal in depth, and a bowman who by his skill in archery had completely vanquished the earth."
Having, anxious to serve the illustrious Vidyadharadeva, fiercely slain in a great battle the illustrious Rajyapâla, with many showers of arrows that pierced his neckbones, he unceasingly filled all the three worlds with his imperishable fame, brilliant like pearl-strings and like the orb of the moon and the foam of the sea.
The notes of his musical instruments which rose, when he marched out, resembling the roaring of the sea, and the sounds of the bells of his countless troops of mountainlike elephants, eagerly marching forth, vied with each other in spreading on all sides, and never left off filling the hollow of heaven and earth, joined by the loud echo which rose from mountain caves.
From him was born Abhimanyu, who, always possessed of many unblemished qualities which supported crowds of suppliants who (but for him) would have wandered round the circuit of the quarters, and which in splendour rivalled the moon's crescent, .... having powerfully vanquished in battle even the victorious, valued other princes as lightly as a straw.
Since the highly intelligent king, the illustrious Bhoja, has widely celebrated the skill which he showed in his marvellous management of horses and chariots, and in the use of powerful weapons, what sage in the three worlds would be able to describe the qualities of this prince, who put to flight haughty adversaries by the fear inspired by the mere sight of his umbrella?
When he marched forth, the thick clouds of dust which rose from the earth, pounded by the sharp hoofs of his chargers, covering the sun's orb, predicted as it were with certainty that soon indeed would be dimmed the lustre of all other illustrious beings.
From that illustrious prince was born the prince Vijayapâla, who filled the circuit of the quarters with his boundless glory which spread about, bright like the quivering rays of the autumnal moon, and who allayed all suffering whatever on the whole orb of the earth.
Moreover, this prince in a high degree roused the feeling of wonder in the minds of the learned, because in the battles which were viewed by the damsels of heaven he imparted fear to all his enemies one after another, although he had not got it himself, while he never gave to them. a portion of the earth, which he did possess.
From him was born the illustrious prince Vikramasimha, the lion of valour,' rightly so named, because in the display of his mighty valour, which performed valorous deeds, he cleft asunder the projecting fleshy frontal globes of the arrayed elephants of
Arjuna being the name of one of the Pandava princes, the poet manages to bring into the verse the words Pandu, Bhimasena (the second son of Pandu and elder brother of Arjuna), and Dhanvin (an epithet of Arjuna).
The words of the original would also mean 'possessed of many uncut bow-strings which supported crowds of arrows able to conquer the circuit of the quarters'.
2 H

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all his enemies, and because his brilliant fame, as if it were his big shining mane, spread at once in all quarters.
Having perceived that his club-like right arm, even while he was a child, was taken possession of by the Fortune of heroism, who had given up all idea of occupying any other resting-place, the Fortune of royalty, proudly desirous of asserting her superiority, when he was older, determined on embracing his whole body, turning away with disdain from all other men.
Useless indeed is yonder sun, so long as this sun of a king disperses the thick darkness of exceedingly haughty adversaries, and eclipses the stars of the badly. conducted, and illumines all round the wide expanse of this whole earth, and uninterruptedly touches with his fierce rays of supremacy, which spread to the confines of the regions, mountain-like princes.
At his conquest of the quarters, the dust which rose from the orb of the earth, crumbling to pieces under the sharp hoofs of his choice chargers, spread over the chief towns of his adversaries, and, enveloping all things, foretold as it were the time of the universal destruction.
To this noble prince belongs the town named Chadobha, the lustre of which spreads on all sides, the excellent markets and the thriving trade of which are celebrated by the people that come to it from all quarters to traffic in things which they have got or wish to acquire.”
The historical information contained in these verses is this: In the Kachchhapag håta family there was
1. Yuvarája. His son was2. Arjuna, who, as an ally or feudatory of Vidyadharadeva, slew in battle
Rajyapala. His son was3. Abhimanyu, whose valorous bearing was eulogized by the king Bhoja.
His son was4. Vijaya påla; and his son again5. Vikramasimha, for whom the inscription (in line 61) furnishes the date
Monday, the third of the bright half of the month Bhadrapada of the year 1145, corresponding, as I have shewn in Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, p. 361(No. 170), to the Northern Vikrama year 1145 expired, or to Monday.
the 21st August, A. D. 1088.5 Of the Kachchhapagbåta family we possess two other inscriptions of about the same time and from the same part of India. One is the large Gwalior Sasbahu temple inscription of the Vikrama year 1150, which gives us the line of princes Lakshmaņa, Vajrada man, Mangalaraja, Kirtiraja, Maladeva, Devapala, Padma pala, and Mahipala. And the other is the Narwar copper-plate inscription of Vir as imhad eva of the Vikrama year 1177, which mentions, as the immediate predecessor of Virasimha. deva, Saradasin hadeva, and as his predecessor, Gaganasimhadeva. As these two inscriptions contain totally different names, and as none of the names occurring in either agree with the names furnished by the present inscription, it is clear that the three
→ The date is one of those in which the tithi is joined with the week-lay on which it commenced. . See Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 35.
See Journal, Am. Or. Soc., vol. VI, p. 513, and Sir A. Cunningham's Archæol. Survey of India, vol. II, p. 313.

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inscriptions belong to three different branches of the Kachchhapaghata family, which must have been in possession of the country around Gwalior in the 11th century A. D: We know that the prince Vajradâman of the Gwalior inscription, for whom we have the date Vikrama 1034, defeated a ruler of Kanauj and conquered the fort of Gwalior which before belonged to Kanauj. And I shall try to show that one of the princes mentioned in the present inscription, too, had some share, perhaps an important one, in the wars which must have been waged against the rulers of Kanauj during the first quarter of the 11th century A. D.
About Vikramasimha and his predecessor Vijayapala the author of our inscription has nothing of importance to report. I myself believe Vijayapala to be identical with the uripali Vijayadhiraja, who is mentioned as a ruling prince in an inscription of the Vikrama year 1100 at Byânâ, which is about 80 miles north of Dubkund, and
whose name is preserved in the local traditions as Vijaya pala"; and I may mention that, like the inscription of Vikramasimha, here published, the Byånå inscription of Vijayâdhiraja also is a Jaina inscription. Of Vijayapâla's father Abhimanyu our inscription merely says that his valour and skill were highly eulogized by the intelligent king Bhoja. Considering that for Vikramasiṁha we have the date Vikrama 1145, and for Vijayapála (Vijayâdhirâja) the date Vikrama 1100, Abhimanyu must have ruled shortly before Vikrama 1100, and there can therefore be no doubt that the king Bhoja, here spoken of, is the Paramara Bhojadeva of Málava, for whom we possess the two dates Vikrama 1078 and Saka 964=Vikrama 1099.10
Abhimanyu's father Arjuna, whose rule may be placed some time between Vikrama 1060 and 1090, is said to have slain, in the cause of the illustrious Vidyadharadeva, the illustrious Rajyapâla; and this, in my opinion, is really a valuable piece of information. As regards Vidyadharadeva, he can be no other than the Chandella king of that name, the successor of Gandadeva and predecessor of Vijayapaladeva. Gandadeva was preceded by Dhangadeva, who ruled from about Vikrama 1011 to about 1055," and Vijayapaladeva was succedeed by Devavarmadeva, for whom we have the date Vikrama 1107.13 Gandadeva therefore must be placed approximately about Vikrana 1060-1080, which shows that his successor Vidyadharadeva may well indeed have been a contemporary of the Kachchhapaghata Arjuna. As to Rajyapala, I think it highly probable that he is the Rajyapala who is mentioned as the immediate predecessor of Trilochana. pala in the Jhúsi (or Allahâbâd) copper-plate of this king of the Vikrama year 1084, published by me in Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, p. 34; and I now believe that the three kings Vijayapaladeva, Rajyapaladeva and Trilochana paladeva of that inscription, about whom I could say nothing at the time, were really rulers of Kanauj. For we know that the Chandella Vidyadhara brought about the destruction of a ruler of Kanyakubja (or Kanauj)", and it appears very probable that he allied himself for that purpose with his neighbours, the Kachchhapagbåta chiefs, and that the prince of
* See Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, vol. XXXI, p. 393.
See Dr. Fleet in Indian Antiquary, vol. XIV, p. 8. There can, in my opinion, be little doubt that the Mangalaraja, mentioned in another fragmentary inscription at ByAna (ili p. 9), is the Kacheh hapag hata Mangalaraja of the Gwalior inseription, the successor of Vajradaman.
10 See ante, vol. I, p. 232. 11 16., p. 196. 12 16., pp. 124 and 139. 1 See Indian Antiquary, vol. XVI, p. 201. " See also ante. vol. I. p. 219.
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Kanauj destroyed by him was the very Rajyapála, mentioned in the present inscription and in the Jhûsî copper-plate. As indicated by Dr. Iultzsch, ante, vol. I, p. 219, we have hitherto known nothing certain of the kings of Kanauj between A. D. 948 and 1097. If my suggestions are approved of, we have now at least the names of three kings of Kanauj, who together must have ruled approximately from about A. D. 980 to about A. D. 1040.- About Arjuna's father Yuvarâja the author of our inscription has nothing to say.
of the second part of the inscription it will, I think, be sufficient to give an abstract of the contents. The last verse translated above told us that to Vikramasimha belonged the town of Chadobha, evidently the place now called Dubkund which at the time must have been noted for its trade; and in continuation of it the verses in lines 32-39 give the genealogy of the two Jaina traders Rishi and Då hada, on whom Vikramasimha had conferred the rank of sreshthins' in that town, and one of whom is mentioned afterwards among the founders of the temple. Both were sons of Jayadeva and his wife Yašomati, and grandsons of the freshthin Jasůka, who is described as the head of a family or guild of merchants which had come from Jayasa pur, a town which I am unable to identify.
Lines 39-48 then contain an account of some Jaina sages, the last of whom, Vijayakirti, not only composed this inscription, but also by his religious teaching incited the people to build the temple at which the inscription was afterwards engraved. The first sage spoken of, an ornament of the Låta vågata gaña, is the Guru Devasena. His son was Kulabhúshaņa; and his son again was Durla bhasenasuri. From him sprang the Guru Sântishena who, in a sabhá held before the king Bhojadeva, defeated hundreds of disputants who had assailed Ambarasena and other learned men. And his son was Vijayakîrti.
Of the founders of the temple lines 48-51 mention by name the Sådhu Da hada whose genealogy has already been given, Kukeka, Sarpața, Devadhara, Mahî. chandra, and Lakshmana; but others also, who are not named, are said to have ren. dered assistance.
The prose passage, commencing in line 54, records that the Maharajadhiraja Vi. kramasimha, for the building of the temple and for keeping it in good repair, as well as for purposes of worship, assigned (a tax of) one vimsopaka on each goni (of grain ?), and gave a piece of land in the village of Mahachakra, capable of being sown with four gonis of wheat, and a garden with a well to the east of Raja kadraha : and that he moreover provided a certain amount of oile for lamps and for anointing the bodies of holy men.-I can find no names like Mahachakra and Rajakadraha anywhere near Dubkund on the maps at my disposal.
After the usual appeal to future rulers to keep the above donations intact, lines 60-61 give the names of the writer and of the engraver, already mentioned; and the inscription closes with a date, the European equivalent of which I have given above.
18 See Jacobi's edition of Bhadrabahu's Kalpasútra, p. 107: Sreshthirah Sridevatadhyasita-sauvarna patta-bhakituttumangah.
16 'l he original has the compound kara-ghotiko-dragam, the first word of which I am unable to explain properly.

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TEXT." L. 1. भों। [ओं] न[मो] वीतरागाय ॥ आ" -- -ट- टना[द्यत्या दपोठं लुठन्म
[दारनगम[द]गुंज[द]लि[म]विष्ट्यतसाराविणम् । [त]2. [त्या] - वह[च]: जरमु---[तां] सं.f-द्दे[ग]मिवाकरोत्स ऋषभस्वामी
थिये स्तात्मता[म् ॥ वि(बि)चा3. [णो] गुण[सं][ति हततमस्तापो निजज्योतिषा [युक्तात्मापि जगति संगतजय[च] क्रे सरा
गाणि यः । उन्माद्यम4. कर[व]जोर्जितगजग्रासोल्लसत्केसरी संसारोग्रगदच्छिदेस्तु स मम श्रीसां(शांतिनाथो जिनः ।
जा[चं] सखदखंडित5. क्षयमपि क्षीणाखिलोपक्ष[यं] साक्षादीक्षितमक्षिभिर्दधदपि प्रौढं कलंक तथा । चित्वाद्यदु
पांतमाप्य सततं [जात]6. [स्तथा?]नंदकच्चंद्रः सर्वजनस्य पातु विपदश्चंद्रप्रभोहन्स नः ॥ सो(शो)कानोकहसंकुलं रतितृण
श्रेणि प्रणश्य[इम7. - - [मा]ध्वगपूगमुद्गतमहामिथ्यात्ववातध्वनि । यो रागादिमृगोपघातक्कतधीवा॑नाग्निना
भस्मसागावं कर्म6. वनं निनाय जयतात्मीयं जिनः सम्मति: ॥ "प्रसाधितार्थगुर्भव्यपंकजाकर भा]स्करः । अंतस्तमो
पहो वोस्तु गो9. तमो मुनिसत्तमः ॥ "श्रीमज्जिनाधिपतिसहदनारविंदमुगच्छदच्छतरवो(बो)धसमृदगंधम् ।
अध्यास्य या जगति पंकजवासिनी10. ति ख्याति] जगाम जयतु सु(9) तदेवता सा ॥ "आसोत्कच्छपघातवंशतिलकस्त्रैलोक्यनि
यद्यशःपांडवीयुवराजसूनुर11. समद्युद्धीमसेनानुगः । श्रीमा[न]जुनभूपति:" पतिरपामप्याप यत्तुल्यतां नो गांभीर्यगुणेन
निर्जितजग[]न्वी धनु12. विद्यया ॥ श्रीविद्याधरदेवकार्यनिरतः श्रीराज्यपालं हठात्कंठास्थिच्छिदनकवाणनिवहत्वा
महत्याहवे। 13. [डिंडीरावलिचंद्रमंडल[मिलन्मुक्ताकलापोज्व(ज्व)लैस्त्रैलोक्यं सकलं यशोभिरचलोजसमा
पूरयत् ॥ "यस्य 14. प्रस्थानकालोत्थितजलधिरवाकारवादिवशब्दा(ब्दा) वेगानिर्गच्छदद्रिप्रतिमगजघटाकोटिघंटार
वाश्च । संस15. पंतः समंतादहमहमिकया पूरयंतो विरेमु! रोदोरंध्रभागं गिरिविवरगुरुद्यत्प्रतिध्वानमियाः ॥
"दिक्च16. काक्रमयोग्य मार्गणगणाधाराननेकान् गुणानच्छिवाननिशं दधदिधुकलासंस्पईमानद्यतोन् ।
[सू नु17 From Sir A. Curningham's rulbing, supplied to me by 23 Metre, śårdülavikridita; and of the next verse. Dr Burgess.
" The akshara in brackets was originally omitted, and is * Expressed by a symbol.
engraved below the line. 19 Metre, Śårdûlavikridita; and of the next three verses. * The aksharas in these brackets bave been partly » Read शत्रद.
painted over in the rubbing. a Metre, Sloka (Anushtubi).
* Metre. Sragdbarà. * Metre, Vasantatilakà.
17 Metre, Sardilavikridita; and of the next verse.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L.17. [च्छिवधनुर्गुणं विजयिनोप्याजौ विजित्यो[र्जितं जातोस्मादभिमन्युरन्यनृपतीनामन्यमान
स्तृणम् ॥ यस्यात्य[अत]18. वाहवाहनमहाशस्त्र प्रयोगादिषु प्रावीण्यं प्रविकस्थितं पृथुमतिश्रीभोजपृथ्वीभुजा । च्छवालो
कनमावजात19. भयतो दृप्तारिभंगप्रदस्यास्य स्याङ्गणवर्णने त्रिभुव[ने] को लब्ध(ब)वर्णः प्रभुः ॥ "तुरगखरखुरा
__ग्रोत्खात[धावी]20. समुत्वं स्थगयदहिमरस्मे (श्मे)मंडलं यबयाणे । प्रचुरतररजोन्याशेषतेजखितेजोहतिमचिरत 21. एवा[शं] सतीवानिवारम् ॥ शरदमृतमयूखखदंशप्रकाशप्रसरदमितकीर्तिव्याप्तदिक्चक्रवालः ।
अजनि विजय22. पालः श्रीमतोमामहीयः शमितसकलधात्रीमंडललेगलेस(श): ॥ भयं यच्छत्रणां त्रिदशतरुणी
वीक्षितरणे 28. क्रमेणाषाणां व्यतरदसदप्यात्मनि सदा । सतोप्यंशवादादव[नि वलयस्याधिकमतो (बु)धा
नामाश्चर्य व्यतनुत 24. नरेंद्रो दृदि च यः ॥ "तस्मादिक्रमकारिविक्रमभरप्रारंभनिर्भेदितप्रोत्तुंगाखिलवैरिवारणघटो
यन्ना[स]कुं 25. भस्थलः । श्रीमान्विक्रमसिंहभूपतिरभूदन्वर्थनामा समं सर्वासा(शा)प्रसरहिभासुरयशःस्फारस्फुर.
केसरः। 26. वा(बा)लस्थापि विलोक्य यस्य परिघाकारं भुजंदक्षिणं क्षीणाशेषपरावयस्थितिधिया वीरश्रिया
संश्रितम् । सागेष्व27. वगृहनाग्रहमहंकारादहपूर्विका राज्यश्रीरक[ता]धिगस्य विमुखी सर्वान्यपुंवर्गतः ॥ अत्यंतो
दृप्तविहितिमि28. रभरभिदि छादितानी[ति] ताराचक्रे विष्ववप्रकाशं सकलजगदमंदावकाशं दधाने । निःपर्याय
दिगास्यप्रसरदुरु29. क[राकांसधात्रीधरेंद्रे यस्मिनाजांस(श)मालिन्यहह सति वृथैवैषकोन्यौशमाली "यहिग्जये
वरतुरंगखुराप्रसं30. गक्षुण्णावनीवलयजन्यरजोभिसर्पत् । विहेषिणा पुरवरषु तिरोहितान्यवस्तुत्करं प्रलयकालमि
वादिदे31. श ॥ तस्य क्षितीखरवरस्य पुरं समस्ति विस्तीर्णशोभमभितोपि चडोभसंज्ञम् । प्राप्तेप्सितक्रय
समग्रदिगागतांगि32. व्यावण्यमानविपणि व्यवहारसारम् ॥ ॥ासीनायसपूर्विनिर्गतवणिग्वंशांव(ब)राभीशु
मान् जासूक: प्रक[टाक्षता33. बैंनिकरः श्रेष्ठी प्रभाधिष्ठितः । सम्यग्दष्टिरभीष्टजैन[चरणदार्चने यो ददौ पात्रौघाय [चतु]
विधं [त्रि विवु(बु)» The above appears to be what was originally engraved, __ Read °धिकस्य. but the akshara i may have been altered.
35 Metre, Sragdharti * Read . .
* Read मिष्यर्यायं. » Metre, Malint; and of the next verse.
7 Metre, Vasantatilaká; and of the next verse. * Metre, Sikbariņi.
Metre, Sardalavikridita. 11 Metre, Sardálavikridita; and of the next verso.
- Read "माचासूक:. * Originally fiat was engraved.
40 Perhaps altered to श्रेष्ठि प्रभा'.

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DUBKUND STONE INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMASIMHA. 239 L. 34. धो दानं युतः श्रद्धया ।"श्रीमज्जिने खर] पदांवु(बु)कहविरफो विस्फारकोत्ति धावलीकृतदिग्वि
भागः । पुत्रोस्य वैभव35. पदं जयदेवनामा सीमायमानचरितोजनि सज्जनानाम्॥"रूपेण सी(शी)लेन कुलेन सर्बस्त्रीणां
गुणैरप्यपरैः 36. शिरस्म । पदं दधानास्य व(ब)भूव भार्या यशोमतीति प्रथिता पृथिव्याम् ॥ "तस्यामजीजनदसा
वृषिदाहडाख्यौ पुत्रौ पवि37. ब्रवसुराजितचारुमूर्ती । प्राच्यामिवार्कस(श)शिनौ समयः समस्तसंपप्रसाधकजनव्यवहारहे
[त] ॥ "प्रोमाद्यत्मकला38. रिकुंजरशिरोनिहरणोद्यद्यशोमुक्ताभूषितभूरभूरपि भियाब्रोमार्गगामी च यः । सोदादिक्रम
सिंहभूप39. तिरतिप्रीतो यकाभ्यां युगवेष्ठः श्रेष्ठिपदं पुरत्र परमे" प्राकारसौधापण ॥ ॥"पासीबिशह
तरवो(बो)धचरित्र40. ष्टिनि:शेषशू(सू)रिनतमस्तकधारि[ताज्ञः । श्रीलाटवागटगणोबतरोहणाद्रिमाणिक्यभूतच
रितो गुरुदेवसे41. नः ॥ "सिद्धांतो हिविधीप्यवाधितधिया येन प्रमाणध्व[नि ग्रंथेषु प्रभवः श्रियामवगतो हस्तस्थ
मुक्तोपमः । 42. जातः श्रीकुलभूषणोखिलवियहासोगणग्रामणीः सम्यग्दर्शनशुद्धवो(बो)धचरणालंकारधारी
ततः ॥ रत्नत्रया[भ]रण43. धारणजातशोभस्तस्मादजायत स दुर्लभसेनसूरिः । सर्व श्रुतं समधिगम्य सहैव सम्यगात्मस्वरू
पनिरतोभवदिह44. [धीर्यः ॥ "भास्थानाधिपती वु(बु)धा[दवि गुणे श्रीभोजदेवे नृपे सभ्येष्वंव(ब)रसेनपंडितशिरो
रत्नादिषूद्यमदान् । योने46. कान् शतसो व्यजेष्ट पटुताभीष्टोद्यमो वादिनः शास्त्रांभोनिपिपारगोभवदतः श्रीशांतिषणो
गुरुः ॥ "गुरुचर46. सरोजाराधनावाप्तपुण्यप्रभवदमलवु(बु)हि: शुद्धरत्नत्रयोस्मात्। अजनि विजयकोतिः सूक्तरत्नाव47. कीरणी जलधि भुवमिवैतां यः प्रस(श) स्तिं व्यधत्त । तम्मादवाप्य परमागमसारभूतं धर्मोपदे
शमधिकाधिगत48. प्रवी(बो)धाः । लक्ष्मयाच वं(ब)धुसुदा च समागमस्य मत्वायुषश्च वपुषश्च विनखरत्वं ॥ "प्रार
व्या(बा)धर्मकांतारविदाहः 49. साधुदाहडः । सद्विवेकच [कू केकः सूर्पट: सुकृते पटुः । तथा देवधरः शुद्धः धर्मकर्मधुरंधरः ।
चंद्रा]लिखि50. तनाकच महीचंद्रः शुभार्जनात् ॥ गुणिनः क्षणनाशियोकलादानविचक्षणाः । अन्येपि थावका:
केचिद
a Metre, Vasantatilaka. + Metre, Upajati. • Metre, Vasantatilaka. - Metre, Sardilavikridita. * Read परमप्राकार. *Metre, Vasantatilaka. Metre, Serdülavikridita. Metre, Vasantatilaki.
4 Metre, Sardůlavikridita.
Read °काञ्जासमो. 31 Metre, Malini.
Metre, Vasantatilaka. NIMetro, Sloka (Anusbtubh); and of the next three
vereee.
- Read
.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L.b1. कृतें धन पावका: ॥ किंच लक्ष्मणसंज्ञोभू-हदेवस्य मातुलः । गोष्ठिको जिनभक्तश्च सर्वशास्त्र52. विचक्षणः ॥ शृंगाग्रोल्लिखितांव(ब)रं वरसुधासांद्रद्रवापांडुरं सार्थ श्रीजिनमंदिरं त्रिजगदानं
दप्रदं मुं53. दरम् । संभूयेदमकारयन्गुरुशिरःसंचारिकत्वंव(ब)रप्रांतेनोच्छलतेव वायुविहतेामादिश[त्पश्य-] 54. ताम् ॥ ॥ अथैतस्य जिनेश्वरमंदिरस्य निष्पादनपूजनसंस्काराय कालान्तरस्फुटितत्रुटित
प्रतीका55. रार्थ च महाराजाधिराजश्रीविक्रमसिंह: स्वपुण्यरासे (शे)रप्रतिहतप्रसरं परमोपचयं चेतसि
[निधाय 56. गोणीं प्रति विंशोपकं गोधूमगोणीचतुष्टयवापयोग्य क्षेत्रं च महा[चक्र]ग्रामभूमौ रजकद्रहपू. 57. दिग्भागवाटिकां वापीसमन्वितां । प्रदीपमुनिजनशरीराभ्यंजनार्थ करघटिकाद्दयं च दत्त
. वान् । तच्चाचं58. द्रार्क महाराजाधिराजश्रीविक्रमसिंहोपरोधेन ॥ "व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा" भुक्ता राजभिः सगरा
दिभिः । यस्य य59. स्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलमिति स्मृतिवचनाबिजमपि श्रेयः प्रयोजनं मन्यमान:
सकलैरपि 60. भाविभिभूमिपालैः प्रतिपालनीयमिति ॥ ॥ "लिलेखीदयराजो यां प्रस(श)स्तिं शुद्धधीरि
माम् । उत्कीर्णवा61. न् शिलाकूटस्तील्हणस्तां सदक्षराम् ॥ संवत् ११४५ भाद्रपदसुदि ३ सोमदिने ॥ मंगलं महाश्री: ॥
XIX.--PABHIOSÂ INSCRIPTIONS.
BY A. FUIRER, PH.D. The small modern village of Pabhoså stands on a cliff about 30 feet high, overlooking the northern bank of the Jamna, in tahsil Manjhanpur, 32 miles south-west of Allahâbâd, and represents the ancient site of the once famous Prabhâsa. The classical hill of Prabhasa, which is the only rock in the Antarvedi, or Doab between the Ganges and Jamnå rivers, is 3 miles to the north-west of the great fort of Kosâm Khiraj, the ancient Kausâmbî, and not more than 2 miles from the present villages of Kosâm Inám and Pali, which formed the old city outside the walls of the fort. High up, in the face of this hill, there is a typical rock-hewn cave, in an inaccessible position. This lofty stone cavern is, no doubt, the stone dwelling of the venomous Näga described thus by lliuen Tsiang in his account of Kausâmbî:-"To the south-west of the city, 8 or 9 li (about 1} miles), is a stone dwelling of a venomous Någa. Having subdued
sh Metro, Sardiilarikrilita. 55 These signs of punetustion are superfluous. FMetre, Sluka (Anushtubh). 54 Metre, Sloka (Anusl.tubh).
Read °वाञ्यिाला.
I The Prabhasa mentioned in the Mauchandelln inscription of Madanavarman, ante, il. I, p. 197& 201, most probably in the modern Pabhor on the Jamna, and not the distant place of pilgrimage in Serath.
A copperplate grant, measuring 7 inches by Cinches, of Maharaja Laskshmana, dated (Cupta)-Sanat 156, was found in this village in May 1891.
Deal, Si-yu-ki, rol. I, p. 237.

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PABHOSA INSCRIPTIONS.
241
this dragon, Tathagata left here his shadow; but, though this is a tradition of the people there is no vestige of the shadow visible." Hiuen Tsiang's statement that the cave is 8 or 9 li to the south-west of Kausâmbi, is erroneous, as the hill bears north-west from the fort of Kosâm. According to the popular belief of the villagers there is a Någa inside the cave, of which everybody has heard, but which no one has seen. The serpent is believed to have his head in the Jamnå while his tail remains in the cave, which is more than a quarter of a mile from the river. The Nâga is said to be seen once a year at the time of the Divali festival. Not a little surprised were the people, therefore, to find that no Naga was encountered when I entered and examined the cave during the night of the 25th March 1887.
At the back of the village a flight of about one hundred and ten steps leads up to a platform, formed of a mere mass of débris, the refuse of former quarries, on which stands a small modern Jaina temple. Close by are three small standing figures of naked Jinas cut in the rock. About 150 feet from the north-east corner of the temple rises the rock perpendicularly about 47 feet in height, in the highest scarp of which the cave is situated. Above the solid rock, in which the cavern is hewn, several large boulders of hard grey quartzite are lying, one upon another, in a sloping position. No doubt, the access to this cave from below was removed by the quarrymen, as it would seem, shortly after the eighth century A.D. In order to effect an entrance into the cave and to copy its inscription outside (Facsimile No. I), which is visible to the naked eye from below, I intended first to erect a staging from the temple below up to the cave and inscription; but finding this to be extremely dangerous on account of the locality and its surroundings, I had a wooden crib made to let down by means of strong ropes from above the cave. As, however, the neighbourhood of the cavern was infested by numerous swarms of wild bees, the cave had to be entered by night and the inscriptions to be copied by the light of a lantern, which added much to the difficulty of the undertaking
The cave is entirely hewn in the solid rock, the marks of the chisel being apparent throughout; the left side is occupied by a stone couch and pillow, or sej, for the hermit's use. The roof is of very curious formation, being cut into vaulted shelves or cupboards, on each side of the centre; these shelves occupy about half of the roof, and the remainder is plain. The main entrance, a door measuring 2 2" by 1' 9', has a stone lintel and plain pilaster of red-coloured sandstone on each side, with square holes above and below, seemingly to bar up the entrance. The lintel of the door is 10 feet from the upper edge of the precipice. To the left of the door, at a distance of 2' 3" are two small windows of irregular shape, one with a diameter of 1' 5" and the other of 1 7". The thickness of this wall is only 9 inches. About 1' 3" above the left top corner of the entrance door, there is an inscription (Facsimile I) of eight lines, in characters of the second or first century B.C., carved on the rough surface of the natural rock. Inside, the cave measures 9 feet on the left and 8' 6" on the right in length, by 74" in width and 3' 3" in height. The stone bed, or sej, is 9 feet in length, 1'8" in
Compare, however, Sung-Yun's rccount of Buddha's Shadow Cave, or the Cave of Gopala, Beal, L.c., vol. I, page evii.
Cunningham, Archaological Survey Reports, vol. XXI, p. 2. Sir A. Cunningham, although speaking of the cave, does not mention its rock-cut inscription.
21

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242
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
breadth, and 1' 2" in height. On it are ten short pilgrims' records: five of the early Gupta period, four of the fifth or sixth, and one of the eighth century A. D. On the west wall of the cave, opposite to the entrance door, there are three inscriptions: one of the second or first century B. C. (acsimile II) and two short records of visitors in early Gupta characters.
No. I.
On the rock outside the cave.
The inscribed surface of the rock measures 14" by 10". Each letter is on an average 1.3" long and 36 inches deep. With the exception of four aksharas in the sixth and nearly the whole of the eighth line, the record is in surprisingly perfect preservation, considering its great age and its long exposure to the vicissitudes of the weather. This inscription was first brought to notice by Mr. S. J. Cockburn" of the Opium Department who made a (not very accurate) eye-copy of it by means of an astronomical telescope, a tentative reading of which was given by Dr. Hörnle in the Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal, for March 1887, page 105. In January 1887, during a short visit to Kausâmbî, the inscription was independently discovered by me, and I now edit it according to impressions taken from the rock.
TEXT.'
L. 1. citaturitywe
2. बहसतिमिचस
3. मातुलेन गोपालीया
4. fvety* (rer]'
5. आसाढसेनेन लेन
6. कारितं [उदास" दस
7. मे सवछरे कश्शपीयानं अरहं8. [ar] -f
-=[]
TRANSLATION.
"By Asâḍhasena, the son of Gopali Vaihidarî (i.e. the Vaihidara-princess), and maternal uncle of king Bahasatimittra (Brihaspatimitra), son of Gopali, a cave was caused to be made in the tenth year of . . . . . of the Kaśśapiya Arhats (i.e. either the Buddhists of the Kásyapiya school, or the pupils of Vardhamana who was a Kasyapa by gotra").
No. II. Inside the cave.
The inscription is incised on the rough surface of the west wall of the cave and measures 32" by 12". On an average each letter is 16" long and 36 inches deep; the record is in perfect preservation.
6 See Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, vol. LVI, part I, pages of a genitive, compare, e.g. fa que (Âpastamba); 31 to 35. न लोपः प्रातिपदिकान्तख (Panini).
7 See Facsimile No. I.
9. Afterwards erased.
10 All letters doubtful.
• Possibly गोपालिया. The genitive गीपालीया is construed with the crude form af
which stands in the sense
11 I am indebted to Dr. Bühler for the interpretation of passage.
this

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Eng Ind vol. II
PABHOSA INSCRIPTION NO. 1,-ON THE ROCK OUTSIDE THE CAVE.
4
รับขนม คม,
)
.:
1
*
ง
.
A
A filmer. Ph. Dimeress
S6g/๕ : 35ths.

Page #277

PABHOSA INSCRIPTION NO. II, -INSIDE THE CAVE, ON WEST WALL.
SHAIFury girl
A
.1
A Finrer. Ph.D. impress.
Soklo: 1-3rd.

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PABHOSA INSCRIPTIONS.
243
TEXT." L. 1. fra TTT 1992yre durere 2. पुत्रस्व राजो तेवणीपुषस्य भागवतस्य पुष 3. वैहिदरीपुत्रेण भाषाठसेनेन कारितं [1]
TRANSLATION. “Caused to be made by Ashadhasena, son of the Vaihidari (i.e. Vaihidaraprincess, and) son of king Bhagavata, son of the Tevaņi (i.e. Traivarna-princess, and) son of king Vamgapala, son of Sonaka yana (Saunakayana) of Adhich hatra."
On account of the resemblance to the letters of the Sunga times, the two inscriptions may be assigned with confidence to the second or first century B.O. Of special historical value is the pedigree of the early kings of Adhichhatra, the capital of the once mighty kingdom of Northern Panchåla, here furnished to us :
Sonakayana Vamgapåla married to l'evaņi (the Traivarna-princess) 1%
(King of Adhichhatra) *. King Bhagavata md. to Gopali, the Vaihidari (Vaibidara-princess).
Gopali
Asbad hasena King Bahasatimitra. Where king Bahasatimitra ruled, and who his father was, is not stated; but we may safely conclude that he was king of Kausam bi, as the latter place is close to Prabh&sa, and as many of his coins have been found at Kaubambi.
No. III.
In the modern Dharmála. This inscription is incised on a tablet of red sandstone, and is now fixed into the wall of the modern Dharmśáld in the village of Pabhoså. It records the consecration
17 See Facsimile No. II. WPossibly बैंम° or बांग 14 Possibly tot.
1 The modern Râmnagar in Rohilkhand, nee Cunningham, Archæological Survey Reporte, vol. 1, PP. 256-265, Führer, Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the North-Western Province and Oudh, P.p., 26-29. The same forra Adhichhatra, and not the usual Ahikshatra, Ahikshattra, or Ahichchhattra of the Mahabhardtu Harivarfa, and Panini, occurs also in several inscriptions of the first century B.C., lately excavated by me at Ramnagar.
16 Compare the 'Adio adpá of Ptolemy, Geog. vii, 1, 53.
17 The epithets Traivarna and Vaihidari are no doubt derivatives from the names of nations or coantries although not found in the Paurkņik lists. Compare e. g. 4 the queen of the Kekaya-race," "the queen of the Konala-family." Compare also the epithet Tevanika, or Traivarņika occurring in one of the Mathura inscriptions, ante, vol. I. p. 394 and 397.
See Sir A. Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India, Pt. I, p. 73, where the king's misme is wrongly read Bahasa. ta mitra. The Lucknow Museum Coin cabinet possesses fifteen dins of Bahasatimitra, nine of which were excavated by me at Kaukambi in 1887, and six at Adhiclbatrá (Ramnagar) in 1891.
2 1 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
of an image of the glorious Jina (Parivanatha) on Friday, the 6th day of the dark fort'night of the month Margastrsha, in Samvat 1881, by Sadhuli Sri Hiralal of Allahabad, on the top of the hill of Prabhåsa, outside the city of Kausâm bi. The document is also interesting in another respect, as it olearly shows that the modern villages of Kosam and Pabhosa were identified already in A.D. 1824-25 by the people of the country with Kausâmbi and Prabhasa
TEXT. L1 संवत् १८८१ मिते मार्गशीर्षशलषच्यां शक्रवास
2. रे काष्ठासंघ माथुरगच्छे पुष्पारगये लोहाचार्यान्वाय 3. भट्टारकचीजगनीतितत्व भारकवीललितकी. 4. सिवित्तदाबाये पग्रोतकान्वये गोयलगोचे प्रयागन5. गरवास्तव्यसाधुवीरायवीमजस्तदनुवफेरम6. बस्तत्पुत्रसाधुवीमेहरचंदस्तजातामुमेरुचंद7. स्तदनुजसाधुश्चीमाणिक्यचंदस्तत्युचसाधुधीही8. रालालेन कौशांवीनगरवाच प्रभासपर्वतोपरि श्री9. पद्मप्रभजिनदीचाहानकल्याणकरचे श्रीजिन10. विवप्रतिष्ठा कारिता अंगरेजवहादुरराज्ये सु[]भं []
TRANSLATION. " (This) image of the glorious Jina (Parsranatha) has been conseerated under the rule of the noble English, on a site made auspicious by the consecration and invocation of the glorious Jina Padmaprabba, on the upper side of the bill of Prabh&sa, outside the town of Kaubambi, by Sadhu Sri Rira Ial, son of Sadhu Sri Manikya Chand, younger brother of Sumeru Chand, brother of Sadhu Sri Mehar (i.e., Mihir) Chand, son of Pheru Mall, younger brother of Sådhu Sri Rayajt Mall, inhabitant of the town of Prayaga (Allahabad), belonging to the Goyala gotra, the Agrotakad family, and being (spiritual) client of bhattáraka the illustrious Lalitakirttijit, in the line of bhattáraka the illustrious Jagatkirtti, the descendant of Lohacharya, in the Pushkaragana, the Mathura gachchha, and the KAshthasamgha, on Friday, the 6th day of the dark fortnight of the month Margastrsha, in Sarmvat 1881. May it be propitious!"
The modern Jaina temple possesses & small white marble image of Neminátha, dated Samvat 1881, and a large undated copper statue of Parivanatha, the setting up of which in this temple our inscription undoubtedly records.
1 i.e. banker and merchant. 20 See facsimile No. III. * The modern Agarwald Baniyde, see ante, vol. I, p. 94.

Page #280

PABHOSA INSCRIPTION-IN THE WALL OF THE MODERN DHARMASALA.
Epuriel, vo!.11.
-
....
।
। संवत१८८१मिलेमा बिचल प्रधानुक वास
काहसिंघेमाघरगपुश्करगाणे लोहाचार्याम्नाटये । नहाएकबीजगादीनिस्त पटेनार कुत्रीललितकी जिनदाम्बाटोन ग्रोतकान्दोगोयलगो ने प्रयागन ।। गरवास्तव्यसा कनीरा यजीमलस्तदनुजफेरम।
लस्न पुत्र साधवानरचंतनातास मेस्वंद ।। । तदनुन सामामालिकचंदतत्पुत्र साकजादा ।
लालेनकोशी बानगरवादा प्रभाव पवतो परिणी। । पर प्रजजिनदातालान कल्पालाक लेनेजाजत । विन प्रतिष्ठाकारिता अगरेजवहाउर राज्ये सन्न।।
A.Fiuhrer. Ph.D.impress.
Seale: 3-Stha

Page #281


Page #282

PILLAR EDICTS OF ASOKA.
245
XX.-THE PILLAR EDICTS OF ASOKA.
By G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. For the subjoined edition of the Pillar edicts of Asoka the following materials bave been used :
I. Dehli-Sivalik,-(1) Dr. Fleet's facsimiles, published in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XIII, p. 306ff. (2) A paper-rubbing of the second half of edict vii (the so-called circular edict), kindly supplied by Sir A. Cunningham.
II. Dehli-Mirat,- Dr. Fleet's facsimiles, published in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, p. 122ff., and the paper-impressions, according to which the excellent facsimiles bave been prepared.
III. Allahabad, -Dr. Fleet's facsimile, published in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XIII, p. 308.
IV. Radhia (Lauria-Araraj), Mathia (Lauria-Navandgarh) and Rámpúrvá, - Mr. Garrick's facsimiles, published with this paper.
None of the older reproductions have been consulted, because they are of no value whatever. They have been made either according to eye-copies or according to rub'bings,-not impressions--where the outlines of the letters have been afterwards marked in with pencil. The preservation of the Pillar edicts is in general so excellent that, except in the Dehli-Mirat and Allahabad versions, hardly a vowel-stroke is doubtful. For these two versions, especially for the first, a comparison of the original impressions is highly desirable. Unfortunately the originals of the Allahabad version were not accessible to me, and it is therefore not impossible that on a comparison of the squeezes come small corrections may become necessary. Such corrections will not, however, affect the interpretation in any way. Compared with the readings of other scholars, the present ones show very few differences in the Dehli-Sivalik and Allahabad versions, for which accurate facsimiles have been accessible during the last eight years.
The changes in the Radhia and Mathia texts are more numerous and, thanks to the new materials, decidedly for the better. The fragments of the Råmpurva version have been printed once before with my German papers on the Pillar edicts in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XLV, pp. 144ff, and vol. XLVI, pp. 54ff. According to the account of Mr. Garrick, the Rámpûrva Pillar lies half buried in the ground. Hence only a portion of the inscription is accessible. As the Rampurva version agrees exactly with those of Radhia and Mathia, it is of no great importance for the interpretation of these documents. These three eastern versions have either been engraved according to the same MS., or, at least, according to three MSS. written out by the same Karkun. Their verbal discrepancies are so exceedingly slight that they cannot possibly be ascribed to different draughtsmen. The two Dehli versions are also closely allied to each other. This agreement extends in both cases also to the grouping of the words, which the present edition indicates by hyphens put between those written continuously. I believe that it is advisable to attend to this point, because evidently only those words have been placed close together, which may
These impressions, which Dr. Fleet kindly prevented to me, bave been made over to the Oriental Institute of the Vienna University
See Canningham's Arch. Survey Reporti, vol. XVI, p. 110€.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
be joined according to the construction. There is not a single instance in which words written continuously belong to different sentences. It would seem that the clerks connected those words, which in reading the documents they pronounced together. Hence the breaks are equivalent to signs of interpunction, commas, semi-colons and full stops, and they, as well as the combined groups, must be taken into account in the interpretation. And it follows, e.g., that in the second edict the division of the group chakhudánepi into cha khu dáne pi is impossible, and again that the attempt to combine the separated words isyá kálanena, in the third edict, cannot be upheld.
As regards the translation and interpretation of the Pillar edicts, the majority of the numerous problems, which Lassen and Burnouf left behind, have been solved by Professor Kern in his Jaartelling der zuidelijke Buddhisten, and in his Buddhismus und seine Geschichte in Indien, or by M. Senart in his Inscriptions de Piyadasi, tome ii, and in his articles in the Indian Antiquary, vols. XVII and XVIII, which Mr. Grierson has translated in excellent style. Hence there was not very much remaining for me, especially as M. Senart in his latest publication has adopted my suggestion (Indian Antiquary, vol. XIII, p. 306) that the so-called eighth circular edict on the Debli-Sivalik pillar is only the end of the seventh. Nevertheless, I hope that my translation and notes will not be superfluous.
I differ from my predecessors, especially from M. Separt, in several essential points. First, as I hold on principle all conjectural emendations, which alter the texts of several versions, to be inadmissible, I have tried to show that in all cases, where such changes have been proposed in the Pillar edicts, the original readings admit of explanation. Secondly, I have attempted to further substantiate my view that a full explanation of Asoka's edicts can only be given with the help of the Brahmanical literature and by a careful utilisation of the actualities of Hindu life. I have called attention to this point in the introductory remarks to my German articles on the Rock edicts, and in explaining the latter, I have shown how a certain proportion of the institutions in Asoka's empire agrees with those prescribed by the Brahmanical Rajaniti, as well as, that certain other details become easily intelligible, when one consults other Sástras or pays attention to still existing Indian customs. This principle of interpretation is, it seems to me, particularly important for the fourth and fifth Pillar edicts, and hence the remarks on these two pieces have become rather extensive.
Thirdly, I believe it to be certain that Piyadasi-Asoka had not yet joined the Buddhists, when the Pillar edicts were completed. His conversion to Buddhism fell, as I shall show in a new discussion of the Sahasram and Rûpnåth edicts, in the twentyninth year of his reign. Up to the end of his twenty-seventh year the king continued to preach and otherwise to work for the spread of that general morality which all Indian religions, based on the Jñánamárga or Path of Knowledge, prescribe for the people at large and which is common to the Brahmans, Jainas and Buddhists. This conviction, of course, has forced me to demur against a specially Buddhistic interpretation of various words and terms.
Finally, there are some passages, e.g., in the second, third, fourth and seventh edicts, where I have tried, by new divisions of the continuously written syllables or new trans
In justice to Professor Kern I must point out that he has recognised this very obvious fact quite independently, Dor Buddhismus, vol. II, p. 38.

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247
literations of the Prakrit words into Sanskrit, to elicit a more satisfactory sense than that obtained through the older interpretations. Most philologists will have felt that the hitherto current explanations of chakhudáne-pi-me bahuvidhe dimne, kálanena-va-hakam má palibhasayisanti, nátiká-va-káni nijhapayisamti, etc., do not carry conviction, and could only be regarded as make-shifts which might be excused as long as nothing more plausible offered.
In the fifth edict I have left many names of animals unexplained. Every one of them will probably be traceable, if the medical Samhitás and Nighantus are thoroughly examined, of which for the moment only a small proportion is accessible to me. A special examination of the older Buddhist and Jaina literature, which I have begun, but been unable to complete, will probably furnish the means for the further explanation of some other words, which have still to be translated conjecturally or stand in need of further elucidation. In his contributions to the Academy of 1891, Dr. Morris has shown that something may still be done in this way, and some of my notes will show that the Jaina literature also furnishes contributions for the Aśoka inscriptions. Eventually, and, I believe, in a not very distant future, every word and form of these precious documents will admit of as certain an interpretation as those of the ordinary classical texts.
Dehli-Sivalik.
EDICT I. Dehli-Mirat.
Devânam-piye Piyadasi lajabevam-âhâ [:] saḍuvisati [1] vasa abhisitena-me iyam-dhammalipi likhâpita[:] [2] hidatapâlate dusampaṭipâdaye amnataagâyâ-dhammakâmatâyâ[3] agaya-palikhaya agaya-susûsâyâ agena-bhayena[4] agera-uskberd.] Esa-chu-kho-mama anusathiyâ[5] dhammapekha dhammakâmatâ. cha suve-suve-vadhitâ vaḍhîsaticheva-[6] Pulisâ-pi-cha-me ukasâchâ gevaya-cha majhimâ-châ anuvidhiyamti [7] sampaṭipâdayamti-chala-chapala-mapay itave [] hemevâ-amta [8] mahamåtå-pi [-] Esa-pi- vidhi yaiyam-dhammena - pâlanâ dhammena-vidhâne [9] dhammena- [1] vidhâne dha [m]m...... sukhiyana dhammena-gotî-ti [.] khi [ya]........[2] []
nam dhammena
Allahabad.
Devânam piye Piyadasi laja hevam âhâ [:] saḍuvîsativasâbhisitena me iyam dhammalipi likhâpitâ [:] hidatapâlate dusampațipâd(a) y (e) [1] amnata agâya dhammakamataya agâya palikhaya agaya susûsâyâ agena bhayena [age] na usâhena [.] Esa chu kho mama anusathiya [2] dhammâpek hâ dhammakâmatâ cha suve suve vaḍhitâ vadhisati chevâ[.] Pulisâ pi me ukasa cha gevayâ cha majhimâ cha anuvidhîyamti sampaṭipâdayamti cha [3] alam chapalamaamidapayitave[:]hemeva amtamabâmâtâ pi [.] Esâ hi vidhi ya iyam dhammena pâlanâ dhammena vidhâne dhammen [a] sukhiyana dhammena guti ti chus [4][-]
The sign, read here du, appears exactly in the same shape in the Sânchi inscriptions, e.g., in Pâdukulika, i.e., Pandukulika. With the form saduvisati compare duve, duvala, kudumala.
Possibly the stone may have hi instead of pi, which former appears to be the correct reading.
I give the words ti-chu on the strength of Dr. Fleet's note, Ind. Ant., vol. XIII, p. 310. The vowel sign of ti stands irregularly to the left of the consonant, just as in the Kalsi version of the Rock Ed. XIII, 2 1. 12, in the last syllables of anuvidhiyamti and anuvidhiyisamti.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
EDICT I.
Radhia. Mathia.
Rámpúrvá. Devånarn-piye Piyadasi-låja Devånam - piye Piyadasi - ldja Devavam in-piye Piyalasi-lajaja. Levan-Aha [:saduvîsativasábhi- bevar-Aba[:] sadu visativasábbisi- bevam-aha[:] sa[du] . . . sitena-me iyam-dhammalipi [1] lena me iyam [2] dhammalipl . . . . . . . . . . likbåpita [:] hidatapdlate" dusam- likhápita (:) bidatapâlate dusam. . ..[1] dusampaţipâdave pátipAdaye anata-agaya-dham- patipadaye annata-agâya dham- amputa-agaya dharmakamataya makamatay(a) agaya-palikhaya makamataya [2] agaya-palikhaya . . . . . . . . . . [2] agaya-gusûsaya agena-bhaye- agåya-susûsâya agena-bhayeva . . . . . . . . [5.] na agena-usábena (.) Esa-chu- agena-uskhena[.] Esa-chu-kho- . . .. [] Esa-chukho-mama-anusathiya dhamma. mama [3] anusathiya dhamma kho-mama anisathiya dhamma. pekba (8] dhammakámata-cha pekha dhainmakámata-cha suve- pekha dhamma . . . . . BUV-suve-vadhita vadhisati cheva suve-vadhita vadhisati-cheva [.] . . . . . . . . . . 6) Pulish-pi-me ukas& cha geva- Pulisch-pi-me[4] ukasa-cha geva- .. . [8] gevaya-cha majbiya-cha majhimd-cba anuvidhi-ya-cha majhima-cha anuvidhiyam.ml-cha anuvidhiyariti sampațiyanti [4] sampaţipâdayarti-cha ti sampaţipâdayanti-cha alarii- padaya . . . . . . . alam-chapalam samádapayitave chapalam-samAdapayitave (5] he.. . . . . . .. . . hemeva-amtamahâmâta-pic.] Es- meva-amtamabåmata-pic.] Esd-... . . . . . . bi-vidbi y&-iyam dhammena-påla- bi-vidbi ya iyam dhanmena-påla- .. [4] ya iyan dhammena na[6] dharmena-vidhane dham- nadhammena-vidbåne dhammens- palana dharmena vidhave dhura mena-sukliyana dharmena gotî. sukhîyana [6] dbammena-gotî-ti mena s[u] ....... ti (60)
TRANSLATION. King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :-" After I had been anointed twenty-six years, I ordered this religious edict to be written. Happiness in this world and in the next is difficult to gain except by the greatest love of the sacred law, the greatest circumspection, the greatest obedience, the greatest fear, the greatest energy. But, through my instructions, these have, indeed, increased day by day, and will increase still more (viz.) the longing for the sacred law and the love of the sacred law. And my servants, the great ones, the lowly ones and those of middle rank, being able to lead sinnerslo back to their duty, obey and carry out my orders), likewise also the wardens of the marches. Now the order for them ) is to protect according to the sacred law," to govern according to the sacred law, to give happiness in accordance with the sacred law, to guard according to the sacred law.”
7 Burnouf's explanation of hidata and palata, which are found also below IV, (1.7 (D. S.), 1. 18 (C. S.), VII, 2, 1.10 as inflected forms of the adverbs in tra, is no doubt correct. In popular Sanskrit, too, paratram is used in the sense of paralokah or pdralaukikam, see Panchatantra, iii, p. 64, 1. 17 (Bo. edition).
. Circumspection, ie, a careful examination, whether one's actions are lawful or not; obedience, i.e., towards Piyadasi's sacred law; fear, t.e., of sin.
• Gevayd, the lowly ones' or ' subalterna' is derived from the Sanskrit root gop or glop, which the Dhdtupathu explains by dainye. The corresponding Sanskrit word was, no doubt, gepya-glepya, literally the poor' or 'wretched.'
19 Chapala, literally "fickle', means both in Pali and in Sanskrit durvinita, 'ill-behaved,' sioner.'
11 The antamahdmata, the wardens of the matches,' are the antapdian of the Sanskrit writers, see, e.g, Maluvikgnimilra, p. 16, 1.7 (Bo. 8. Ser, 2nd ed.).
11 It will be best to take hi here aradhdrane, ie, in the sense of indeed','aven, which it has not rarely in Sanskrit prose.

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249
EDICT II. Dehli-Sivalik. Dehli. Mirat.
Allahabad. Devånarn-piye Piyadasilja Devånar-piye Piyadasi-14jA- Devanam piye Piyadasi lája (10) hevam-abe (0) dhamme hev ...[] dhamme-sadh [u] 10 hevam Ahå[:] dhamme sådhu[:] sådba (.1 Kiyam-cbu-dhamme- Kiya . . . . . . [78] Apasinave Kiyam chu dhamne ti[?] Apåsinti [?] A pasinave bahu-kayane bahu-kayâne dayê dâne sache (so)- ave babu kayâne daya dane [11] daya-dane sache-sochaye (.) chaye (.] [CbakhodA]nan- sache socbaye[.] Chakhudane pi Chakbudåne-pi-mebahuvidbe- pi-me (4) bahuvidhe-dimne dupa- me[5] bahuvidhe dimne dupadadimne dupada- [12) chatupadesu dachatupadesu pakhivalichale. (vi- ehatupadesu pakbivalichalesa pakhivalichalesu vividhe-me-anu, vidhe-me-anu) (5)gahe-kate 8-på- vividhe me anugabe kate & plgabe-kate 4-pâna-(18) dakhinâye dadakhinâye amnâni-pi-cha-me nadakbinâye amani pi cha me amnâni-pi-cha-me-babQni kay&n- baba [ni. yânâni] [6] kațâni[.] babuni kayânâni kațâni[.6] Etage åni-kațâni () Etâye-me (14) Etâye-me-athâye iyam-dhamma-me athâye iyam dharmalipi athaye iyam-dhammalipi-likhâ. lipi-li[khápita] .. [7] anupatipa- likhôpità (. bevar anupatipapita (3) hevam-anupatipajanta jartû chila[mthi)tika 1 - cba- jamta chilathitika cha hotů ti[.] chila-(15) thitika-cha-hotd-te- hotû-[ti] (.) Ye-cha-he...... Yo cha hevam sampațipajisati se ti (.) Ye-cha-bevam-sampatipa- [8] sati se-sukatam-ka (chha)tîn sukatam kachbatîti[7] jîsati se-sukatam-kachhati-ti[.16] [ti] [9]
EDICT II. Radhia. Mathia.
Rámpúrvá. Devânam piye Piyadusi lája Devânam-piye Piyadasi-IÂja Devånan-piye Piyadasi-taja hevar-dha dhamme-sådhu[] hevar-aba[:] dhamme-sådhu[.] hevam-Aba[0] dbamme-sådhu[.] Kiyarn-chu-dhomme-ti[?] Apå. Kiyam-chu-dharme-ti[.] Apasi. Kiyam .............. sinave bahu-kayåne daya dåne dave bahu-kayâne[8] daya dane sache[7] socheye-tic] Chakhu- sache socheye-ti[.] Chakhudane
......[6] babuvidhe-dime dâne-pi-me-bahuvidbe-dimne da- pi-me bahuvidhe-dimne dupadapadachatupadesu pakhivalichalesu chatupadesu pak hi-[9] valichalesu
* dupadachatupadesu pak bivalichavividhe-me-anugabe-kate[8] å-på- vividhe-me-anugahe-kate
kate
4-pl. 4..
lesu vivi....
lesu vivi ............. nadakhinaye amani-pi-cha-me nadakhindye amnani-pi-cha-me .... ............. bahûni-kayânâni-kațâni(.] Etâye- bahûni-kayânâni[10] kațâni[.] ..........[7]. ...... me-athâye iyam-dbamalipi likha. Etâye-m[e]-athâye iyam-dban. Etâye-me-athaye iyan-dhammapita[:] bevam [9) anupatipaja mtu malipi likhôpita[:] hevam-anu linilikhAnital.th chilamthitika-cha-hot-ti[.] Ye- patipajamtu chilantnitika-chacha-hevam-sampatipajisati se-su- hotû-ti[.11) Ye-cha-hevam-sam- .. katam-kacbhati-ti[.10)
patipajisati se-sukatan-kachbati [.12]
... [.8]
TRANSLATION. King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus:-"(To fulfill) the law is meritorious. But what does (the fulfilment of the law include ? (It includes) sinlessness®, many good works, compassion, liberality, truthfulness, purity. The gift of spirit. ual insight. I have given (lo men) in various ways; on two-footed and four-footed beings, on birds and aquatic animals I have conferred benefits of many kinds, even the boon of life, and in other ways have I done much good. It is for tlris purpose that I
13 The quantity of the second rowel of sadhn is not certain. 14 Chilario looks like cki do; possibly thitikd to be read. * Possibly dupadarchatupadesu. But the dot after da is probably accidental.
" Pánadakhind is the Sanskrit pranadakshind, « less commonly used variant for abhayadakshind the boon of safety. The smaller Petersburg Dictionary, bowover, give it in this senise.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
have caused this religious edict to be written, (vis.) that men may thus act accordingly, and that it may endure for a long time. And he who will act thus will perform a deed of merit.
REMARKS. a. I explain apasinate by apásradam, used in the senge of apásravatdam. It may be noted that the Jainas possess a term anhaya, which exactly corresponds to asinada, and is derived, like the latter, from danu (see Weber: Indische Studien, vol. XVI, P. 326, note 7). Piyadasi's theory of the dsinada, which is more fully developed in the next ediot, does not agree with the Buddhist doctrine of the threefold or fourfold ásada, but comes closer to that of the Jains anhaya, which includes injury to living beings, lying, stealing, unchastity, and attachment to worldly possessions.
6. The usual interpretation of chalhudáne by cha khu dáne cannot stand, because the enclitic words cha and khu cannot begin a sentence, and because the continuousness of the syllables in the text does not permit their being taken as parts of two sentences. The metaphorical use of chakhu, in Sanskrit chakshus, 'eye,' for spiritual insight or knowledge,' is common with all Hindu sects. Piyadasi alludes here to the dharmaadDanáni and dharmánusathini, sermons on, and instruction in the sacred law,' of which he speaks more fully below (VII, 2, 1. 1); compare also dhammadáne (Rock Edicts XI and the note to the latter passage).
EDICT III. Dehli-Sivalik. Dehu Mirat.
Allahabad. Devanan-piye Devanam-piye
Piyadasi-lájá- Devånam Piyadasi-lAja- bevar-&4[0]
piye Piyadasi Maja
kayanaṁm va- hevath Aba[:] kay&nam-eva dehevam-ah& [.] kay&namm-eva-de
aekba)(:) . m. [10] kayåne- khati [.] iya-me[17] kayane-ka.
khati(:) iya me kaydve kate ti kate-tic) No mini-p&part-de- 1.1 No mina Anakar dekhatir1 te-ti[.) No-mina-pâpań-dekbati
khati(o) [i]yam-me-påpat-kate- [:] yan-me-ppe-kate-ti iyan
iyum me påpake kate ti iyan ve ti iyan v.][11] Asinave-nå [ml]-ti vá-Aainave[18] námi-ti[.] Dupa
Asingve n&mi ti[8] ..... tivekhe-cha-kho-es! (.)
[.]" Dupativekhe-chu-kho-eed
Hevam- l. Hevar-ohu .. [ djekhiye cho-kho-esa-dekhiye(:) imani(19) 127 filmini-AsinavagCâmîni)dainavagamini-nama atba-nhanh
nams atbals chamdiye nithadiye nithdliye kodhe måne isya
liye-kodbe[13] mape isya kalade[80] kalanena-va-hakam ml-pali.
ne-v[«]" hakan-md-palibhasa). bhasayisam [.] Esa-badha-de- yiga
c hidhe n yisa (.). . hadbam(14) dekhiye [.]
iet ........... khiyo [:) iyam-me[21) hidatikaye
datiksye iyam .e [hidati]kaye iyam-meiyat-mana-me pelatik&ye [.21)
pålatikâye [.16)
Radhia.
Mathia.
Rámpúrvá. Devanan-piye Piyadasi-lája Devanan-piye Piyadasi-14ja he- Devanan-piye Piyadaal-IAJE hovat-Aba[:] kayînarm-eva-de- vam-Aba[e] kayananm-eva-dekh- khumti []iyar-me-kayane-kate-ti anti[:]iyam-me-kay&ne-kate-ti [.]
hevar-Aba :) kay&namm-e .. [] No-mina-papan-dekhanti(0)
. . No-mina-papan [18] [o]khanti1878 relkbos
. . . No-mina-p&par
. . . . . am-dekhamtio yam-me-ppe-kate-ti [11]. iyam- iyam-me-ppe-kate-ti iyan.ve ... [9] iyan-va-d Bina V6-08va-Leinave-nam-ti[.) Dupative. Asinave-námk-ti(.) Dupațivekhe. ma-ti[.] Dupațivekhe-chu-khokbo-chu-kho-esa (.) Hevam-cbu- chu-kbo-ess [.] Hevam-chu-kho- esa(e) Ho-[v.] ...... kho-ema-dekhiye[:] imani-esideve- esa-dekhiye[:14] imâni-heinave ..........
Posibly ndma-ti is to be read.
» The apparent vowel-stroke to the left of atha is probably an accidental versteh. . Ponible ed is to be rond.

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Radhia.
PILLAR EDICTS OF ASOKA.
EDICT III-contd.
Rámpártá.
gâmîni-nama-ti atha-chamdiye gamini-nâmâ-ti atha-cha [m]-... [10] kodhe mâne isya [12] mithaliye kodhe-mâne isya diye nithaliye kodhe mâne isya kalanena-va-bakam ma-palibhasakalanena-va-bakam mâ-palibha- kålanena-va-hakam[15] ma-palisayisam-ti[] Esa-bâdham-de- bhasayisam-ti[.] Esa bâdhamkhiye [] iyam-me-bidatikâye dekhiye [:] iyam-me-hidatikâye ivam-mana-me pâlatikâye-ti [13] iyam-mana-me-pâlatikâye-ti[.15]
yi.
Dehli-Sivalik.
Mathia
TRANSLATION.
King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus:-"Man only sees his good deeds, (and says unto himself) "This good deed I have done.' But he sees in no wise his evil deeds (and does not say unto himself) This evil deed I have done; this is what is called sin.' But difficult indeed is this self-examination. Nevertheless man ought to pay regard to the following (and say unto himself): Such (passions) as rage, cruelty, anger, pride, jealousy (are those) called sinful; even through these I shall bring about my fall.'" But man ought to mark most the following (and say unto himself): "This conduces to my welfare in this world, that at least to my welfare in the next world.",
EDICT IV. Dehli-Mirat.
Devânam-piye Piyadasi-lajabevam-âhâ[:] saduvîsativasa-[1] abbisitena-me iyam-dhammalipilikhapitâ[.] Lajuka-me[2] babusu-pânasatasahasesu janasiAyata tesam-ye-abhihâle-vâ [3] damde-va atapatiye-me-kate [;] kim-ti-[?] lajûkê asvatha abhîtâ [4] kammani-pavatayevů janasajanapadasa hitasukham-upadaheva [5] anugahinevu-cha [.] Sukhiyan dukhiyanamdhammayutena cha [6] viyovadisamti janam-jâuapadam [;] kimti-[?] hidatam-cha pâlatam-cha [7] aladhayeva-ti [.] Lajûka-pilaghati patichaliṭave-math[] pulisani-pi-me [8] chhamdamnanipatichalisamti te-pi-cha-kâni-viyovadisamti yena-mam-lajuka ka] [9] chaghamti-âlâd hayitave[.] tave] [.2]. Atha-hi-pajam viyatâye-dhâtiye
. [1]
[lajûehaghamti-[] [dhayi
tu asva [the-ho]
251
Allahabad.
The e-stroke of dainavegamini is too distinct in the new facsimile to be considered as accidental. But it is probably only due to a mistake of the mason.
Mina, mind (D. M.) and mana represent in my opinion the Sanskrit manák, Pali mand. Na mandk or no mandk 'not in the least, in no wise,' which fits here excellently, is very common in Sanskrit.
Or may I not cause my fall through them. The Sanskrit translation of the phrase is [teshdm] karanenaivdham m& paribhramayishydms, and md may be taken in this case to stand for mdmh, or as the negative particle. M. Senart's attempt to connect isyd-kalanena is barred by the fact that all versions have breaks between the two words.
2 x 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
EDICT IV-contd. Dehli-Sivalik.
Dehli-Mirat.
Allahabad. nisijita[10] asvathe-hoti[:] Vi- ti (:8] [viya). . . . . . . . . . . . . .. yata-dhati chaghati-me-pajam su. . . . . .. li[ha) tave[] . . . . .. .. . kham-palibatave[,11] hevam- [e]vam-mama [4] lajak [4] . . . mama-lajdka-kata ja napadasa- . . . . . . . . yel:] . . . . . . . ... bitasuk bâye[:] yena-ete-abhita yena-ete-abbit A[5] asvatha-sum. . [12] asvatha-samtam avimani. . . . . . . . . .. . kar måni-pavatayevů-ti[.] Ete- (pa) vatayevů-ti[. Etena-me . . . . . . . . . na-me-lajúkânam[13] abbibale. [6] . Gj]ûkânam . . va-damde-va atapatiye-kate[.] . . . atapatiye-[kate] [7] . . . . Ichbitaviye-bi-es-[:]kim-ti[?14] Ichbitavi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. viyohalagamatá-cha-siya damda- . . . . hâlasa matá-ch[a]- . . . . balasamatà châ samatá-châ[.) Ava-ite-pi-cha-me- siy£ * [8] dandusama.. . siyâ damndasamatâ cha [.] Ava o âvati[:15] bamdhanabadbånam- . ... . [me) -Avuti[:] ite pi cha me avuti [.] burdhanamunisåna tilitadamdanam pa- bardhanaba[db]nam[9] mu- badb&oam munisåna tilîtadam. tavadb&pam timni-divasini-me nisána[m] ... .. . devam patavadhanam timni di[16] yote-dimne [.] Natika-va. ..vadbávam timini-divasåni- vasini yote dimne[:17] ... va kåni nijhapayisanti jivit&ye-ta. [m]e[10] yote dimne[.].. .
kâni nijhapayisanti jivit&ye tånam[17] násamtam-vê-nijhapa payisan[t]i jivitâye-tanam [ Dar nåsartum va nijhapayita yita denum-dåharti-palatikam nåsamtam-va-ni. . .. .
dånar dâhumti pålatikam upavaupavasar-va-kachhamti1.18] .. . ti pålatíkam[12] [pa] Iebh&-hi-mel:
sam va kachharti [.18]. bavam-niludhasi-
. . vasar-va-ka-. . . . . pi-kalasi pålatam-alAdhayev Q-ti hevam-niludhasi-pi-[k]álasi[18]
me[:] heyam niludhasi pi kalasi janasa-chn[19] vadhati-vividhe- []Alatan-Aládbay . .
pålatum Aladhayevu jauasa cha dharmachalane samyame d&uasa. vadbati vividhe-dharmachalane vadbati vividhe dhammachalane vibbage-ti[.20]
sumyame A[n] ... ... [15] sayame danasavibhaye [.19)
Radhia.
Mathia.
Rámpúrvá. Devanan-piye Piyadasi-laja Dev&nań-piye Piyadasi-lAja Devanam-piye Piyadasi-laja hevar-Aba (0) sadovisasivusâbni. bevar-dha [d] sudovîsutiva (A) hevan-abusaduvirati. .. sitena-meiyam-dharmalipi-li- bhisitena-me iyam-dharmalipi. . . . . . . . . .. khôpita [.] Lajûkâ-me-liabQnu- likhåpita [.] Lajúkå-me[17] bal- . . . . . .. . .. pânasatasahasesu [14] janasi-ya- h u -panasa tasahasesu janasi- . . .[12] janasi-ayata teramta tesam-ye-abhibale-va-darnde-va âyata tesam-ye-abhihåle-Val-dam- ye-abhihule-va damde-va atapati. atapatiye-me-kate.] kim-ti-[?] de-va atapatiye-ine-kate[:] kim- . . . . . . . . . . Jajka-asvatba abhita kaminâni ti-121 lajka-asvatha (18) abbîta- . . . . . . . . . Davatayev-ti janasa-janapadasa kar pi. avataveva-ti janasa- . . . . . . . . 113 [15] hitasukham-upadaheva janapadasa-hitasukbam-upadah- hitasuklam-upadalievu anugabi anugahinevu-cha.] Sukhiyana- eva anugnhinevu-chal.1 Sukhî- Devu-cha(.] Sukhiyanadu .. dukhîyanam jänisanti dharmu- yanadukhîyanam[19] jânisamti
. . . . .. yutena-cha-viyovadisamti janan- dhunmayutena-cha-viyovadisum- . . . . .. jânapadam[:] kim ti-[?] hida- ti janam-jánapadam[:] kim-ti- . . . . . ..: tar-cha[16] pålatar-cha alidha- [?] hidatam-cha pálatur-cha . . . [14) aladhayevù-ti[:] yevu (.) Lajúkå-pi-laghati-pa- Aladbayevu-ti [] Lujúka-pila- Lajúkå-pi-lughamti pratichaltichalitave-mam[: pulisani-pi gharti[20] potichalitave-maritave-mom . . . . . . me-chlamdampâni patichalisar. Al pulisani-pi-me chhamdamuâni . . . . . . . . .. ti[:] te-pi-cha-káni viyovadisam. pațichalisati[:] te-pi-cbu-kâni. . . . . . . . . . . ti yena-mam[17] lajuka-cha- viyovadisarti-yena-man-lajúka . . . ghumti-âlâdhayitave[] Atha. chagharti AlAdhayitavel.211 [15] chagharti aladhayitave[:] bi-pajar-viyataye-dhatiye-nisiji- Athi-hi-pujar viyatâye-dhatiye Athi-hi-pajum viyatâye-di&tiye.
** l'ossibly cha-siya is to be read.
Fussilily áru-ite is to be read.

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PORTION OF ASOKA PILLAR INSCRIPTION AT RAMPURWA.
Ed 1
به ای با ع کے بعد رقت علمی النتر,+4 پنل H1 H3 بتن را با نام دا الام : بالن
* d
8v بلخ و اجرایی را نه وم
ب 4لاوہ نما و تل ۸۵ دم به دلان لدينا 081
:: ]| همه ما بعد یکم و بابا را که و اون
با با
با 2 1ج م -2 و ما در جاننا.. لن ملا کر
د که با علم بلا بلا د ه سرا رن۵ : 314 م ما
ہر فیکم جن . . .
امری: با
از این راه را لم ر م م
را رد و نمی زند ,' ، دل دلم ر ن م م ,!
م له : n ، لما تتم دم اس . با . ..
trong ve Ft Jux weathas
, ]. لم أر . وا ! و انجمن » يلي . مر ، علم , 92 ا
ع بل يتم ه م .. بل نے کہا کہ : '' الم في المخرب. . . . .
را به نام دل با : ( : 2
.می 1 ماهه
بمهمة.BA

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PILLAR EDICTS OF ASOKA.
253
EDICT IV-contd. Radhia. Mathia.
Rámpíurrá. tu asvathe-hoti[:] viyata-dhati- nisijitu asvathe-hoti[:] viyata- ni. . . . . . . . . cbaghati-me-pajam-sukban-ali- dhati-chaghati-me-pajam su- . . . . . . . . .. hatave-ti[,18) beva-mama-la- kham-palilaţave-ti[,22] hevam- .
[16 jûka-kutu * janapadasa-hits- mama-lajúka-kata janapalasa- jâ napadasa-hitasukhaye yena-etekhâyesil yena-ete-abhita-asvathậ- hitasukhåve [j] y[e]na-ete-abhîta- abbîta-asvatba. . . . . . samtam-avimana-karmani-pava- asvatha-rurinta avimanu-kam- . .
. . . . tayevů-ti[.] Etena-me lajúk&- mâni-pavatayevů-ti[.23] Etena- . . . . . . . . .. nam abhindle-va[19] damde-va- me-lajakanan-abhihâle-va-dam- . . . . .. .. [17] atapatiye-kate [.) Ichhitaviye-hi-de-va atapatiye-kate[.] Ichhitt- Ichbitaviye-hi-esa[:] ki-ti[?] vi. usa[:] kim-ti[?] viyohálasamatá- viye-bi-esa[:] kim-ti[?]-viyohala- yohlasamatá-cha-siya . . . cha--iya damdasamata-cha [.] samatá-cha-siya dardasamata.
. . . . Ảvà ite-pi-cha-me avai[:] bar - cha[24] Ava-ite-pi-chu-me-avil- • • • • • • • • • • dhanabadhanam [20] munisa- ti[:] bandhanabadhanaṁ-inu- . ... . . . . .. nar-lilitadardAnam patavadba- nisana [m]tilitadamdanaṁ patava- . . . . . [18] timni. nam timni-divashni-me-yote- dh&nam timni-divas&ni-me yote- divasåni-me y[o]te-dimne [.] Nadimne.) Nåtika-va-kani-nijha- dimne[:] Natika-va-kani(25) ni- tika-va-kâni nijha-
. payisarti jivitAye-tanam näsa- jhapayisamti jîvitaye-tanam . . . . . . . . .. tar-va[21] nijhapayitave dánar- nasamtamn-va-nijhapayitave dán- . . . . . . . . .. Câbarati-pálatikum u pavasam- am-dabarti-palatika upavasam- .
. va-kachbartis.] Ichha-hi-me[:] va-kachbarti[.] Ichbâ hi-me[] .[.19] Ichb8-hi-me-hevam bevam-niludhasi-pi-kalasi pâlat- bevañ[26] niludhasi-pi-kalasi pe- niludhasi-pi-kålasi pålatam . . ar-Aladbayevů-ti (22) janasa-cha- latam-aladhayevů-ti janasa-cha .
. . .. vadbati vividhe-dharmachaline vadhati vividhe-dharmacbalane . . . . . . . . .. sayame danasarviblâye-ti[23] sayame dânsavibhåge-ti[27] . .
. [20] TRANSLATION. King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus:-"After I had been anointed twenty-six years, I ordered this religious edict to be written. My Lajúkas' are established as rulers) among the people, among many hundred thousand souls; I have made them independent in (awarding ) both honours and punishments-Why? In order that the Lajúkas may do their work tranquilly and fearlessly, that they may give wel. fare and happiness to the people of the provinces and may confer benefits (on them). They will know what gives happiness and what inflicts pain, and they will exhort the provincials in accordance with the principles of the sacred law, How P-That they may gain for themselves happiness in this world and in the next. But the Lajúkas are eager to serve me". My (other) servants also, who know my will, will serve (me), and they, too will exhort some (men), in order that the Lajúkas may strive to gain my favour. For, as (a man) feels tranquil after making over his child to a clever nurse,-saying unto himself, The clever nurse strives to bring up my child well,' even so I have acted with my Lajúlas for the welfare and happiness of the provincials, intending that, being fearless and feeling tranquil, they may do their work without perplexity. For this reason I have made the Lajúkas independent in (awarding) both honours and punishments. For the following is desirable :- What? That there may be equity in official business and
* It is possible to read lajdka-kate. But the seeming e-stroka is much shorter than the real ones, and, hence, is probably due to an accidental flaw in the stone.
* Though viyohala, in Sanskrit uyarıhara, frequently means "legal businen,' judicial proceeding,' there is no objection to taking it here in the not less common wider sense 'business, official business,' as the translation of abhihara be awarding bonours" makes advisable.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
equity in the award of punishments. And even so far goes my order, "I have granted a respite of three days to prisoners on whom judgment has been passed and who have been condemned to death." Their relatives will make some of them) meditate deeply (and) in order to save the lives of those (men) or in order to make the condemned) who is to be executed, meditate deeply, they will give gifts with a view to the next world or will perform fasts'. For my wish is that they (the condemned) even during their imprisonment" may thus gain bliss in the next world; and various religious practices, self-restraint and liberality will grow among the people."
REMARKS ON TRE TRANSLATION. a. In note 1 to my German translation of Rock Edict III, I have pointed out that Professor Jacobi has found the Jaina Prakrit representative of lajúka or rájúka (Girnår) in the Kalpasútra, where rajjú means "a writer, a clerk." I have added that lajitka, i.e. lajjala, was an old name of the writer caste, which is later called Divira (Dabir) or Kávastha, and that Aboka calls his great administrative officials simply "the writers," because they were chiefly taken from that caste. Though I do not see any reason to change this view, I now leave the word untranslated, because the rendering "writers" might mislead. Regarding my explanation of ayatá, which I take to be equivalent to pratishthilah, note 2, on Sep. Ed. I, in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Moryenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XLI.
6. Professor Kern has without doubt correctly explained the general meaning of this sentence. Piyadasi declares that he has made his Lajúkas independent in the discharge of their duties and has abolished the appeals to higher authorities. This follows from the further statement (see below) that he has confided his subjeets to them, just as a man confides his child to an intelligent nurse. I may add that there is a weigbty objection to M. Senart's view, according to which Piyadasi says that he will keep legal proceedings against, and punishments of, the Lajakae in his own hands. For, in all Native States of India a high otficial, who is placed over many hundred thousand souls," is solely answerable to the king for his actions, and it is a matter of course that the same was the case in ancient India, as indeed in all despotic countries. An order enjoining that such men were to be punished by the king alone would have been quite superfluous. As regards the construction, I explain the sentenee in Sanskrit ng fol. lows:-tesham yo' bhiháro vá dando vá (tatral mayá steshá m) svatantratá kritá, and I take atmapatyam (soatantratá] as a substantive, formed according to the analogy of adhipatyam and so forth. The term abhihara occurs in Pali in the sense of “honour, honorarium," see Játakas, vol. V, p. 58, verse 143, and ibid. p. 59, 1. 28f. In the former passage the commentary explains abhiháram by pujam. It is obvious that this meaning fits here excellently.
c. I interpret dhammayutena with Professor Kern by dharmayuklena, i. e. dhar. mayuklyá. M. Separt's attempt to translate it by together with the Faithful,' 1.e.
17 In the interpretation of ava ite (Dh. A.) and dod ite (M. R.) I follow Professor Kern and M. Senart, who explain it by ydvad ital, and I take dvuti with M. Bomart as equivalent to dyuklis. Niita or Hilita has here the same sense as tirita Manu, IX, 238.
>> Niludhasi pi kalasi, literally niruddhe pikale, may be taken in the sense of nirodha kdle pi. Similar phrases occur in Pali, e.g., withydodrarh and andokdrarh chinnadidase for andchdracharanadinase, Jdt. i, p. 300.

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PILLAR EDICTS OF ASOKA.
255
the Buddhists, is not tenable. The passage, Pillar Edict VII, 2, 2, which he connects with this, bas nothing to do with it. For, dhammayutan janam means there 'the loyal people,' and denotes Piyadasi's subjects, as distinguished from the amta, the free borderers.'
(d) M. Senart's conjectural emendation chagharti for laghamti is barred by the fact that the four complete versions all offer laghamti, and that the supposed varia lectio 'chaghamti' does not exist. Lagharti seems to be the representative of Sanskrit ranghamte
they hasten', i.e. are eager.' I fully agree with the same scholar's remark that pațichal must be taken in the sense of Sanskrit parichar, because in Pali the preposition paţi is frequently used for pari. Its correctoess is demonstrated by the fact that in the Jaina Maharashtri, padiyar, i.e. literally pratichar, means to serve,' see Jacobi, Avsgewählte Erzählungen in Maharashtre, glossary sub voce 'padiyariya.'
(e) As there are no other instances in which the neuter terminations are added to feminines in a, I cannot explain chhandannáni with M. Senart as a Dvandva compound, formed of chhanda and ájñá. I take it with Burnouf, as a Tatpurusha compound, equivalent to chhandam janantiti chhandajňah, knowing the will,' and construe it with puli. sári, the servants. This explanation seems also advisable, because one naturally expects that man must be understood and is the object of pațichalisanti, as of the preceding patichalitave. The servants', whom Piyadasi mentions here, are most probably the pasidedakas, the spies, whom the great Maurya employed according to Rock Edict VI, in order to watch the actions of his great officials, of the Pañchs and other bodies in accordance with the precepts of the Indian Rájaniti. The further statement that these servants will exhort káni, "some" (as must be read with M. Senart), in order that the Lajakas may strive to gain the favour of the king, probably means that these "servants" will exhort remiss Lajakas, and that they will also, by exhorting or spreading the Dharma among the provincials at large, rouse the zeal of the Lajukas. Ráni thus refers both to the Lajukas and the provincials. With the phrase man-áladhayitade compare lájáladhi,-Sep. Ed. I, 15 (Dhauli). To Professor Kern's excellent explanation of the verb chagk by the Hindi chah-ná, I would add that chah occurs in all Indian vernaculars and without doubt belongs to the ancient stock of Aryan speech.
'Regarding this passage I can only agree with one of my predecessors in a single point. I believe that M. Senart is right in deriving nijhapayisamti and nijhapayitá from the Prakrit causative of nidhyái and not from nikshapayati. This derivation is perfectly justified by the word nijhati, below, VII, 2, 8, which in its general sense is certainly equivalent to Sanskrit nididhyasand profound meditation. In all other respects I differ. I am unable to accept the assertion of Professor Lassen, approved of by Professor Kern and M. Benart, that nátikádakáni is a compound, meaning 'neither more nor less.' The six syllables certainly must be separated into the three words nátiká-va-káni, i.e. jñátaya eda kámáchit. That is the only explanation which is grammatically possible, and gives, as will be shown presently, an excellent sense. I am further unable to disregard the well authenticated reading nijhapayitave, which R. and M. offer, instead of nijhapayita. Nijhapayitave is clearly an infinitive in tave, such as occurs frequently in Piyadasi's inscriptions. This form must in my opinion be used in order to explain the more difficult nijhapayitá. The latter may be, too, an infinitive, on the supposition that it stands for nijhapayitáya. And the contraction of the syllable dya does occur in Pali, e. 9., in

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
esand for esanáya (E. Müller, Simplified Pali Grammar, p. 67), just as it is found in the older Vedic Sanskrit and in the later Prakrit inscriptions. Finally, I cannot agree to the transliteration of násantan by násántam, because the latter word can never mean the term. ie. the period of the execution,' but only either, the end of the execution' or
that which has the execution for its end.' Neither translation gives any sense in our passage. I take násamtath as equivalent to nábyamánam him who is going to be shortly executed.' It is thus the present participle of the passive of ná ayati with the sense of the immediate future. And this explanation is formally unobjectionable, because even in the ancient Prakrits the passive may take the terminations of the active.
With these new interpretations the passage may be translated into Sanskrit as follows:- jñataya eva káméchit (práptavadhan] nididhyásayishyanti (tatha] teshdi jivanäya nábyamánan vá nidid hydsayitum páratrikam dánar dásyanty upávásam na karishyanti. The general sense is : "During the respite of three days the relatives will exhort the condemned criminals to turn their thoughts to higher things, and they will give religious gifts (not bribes to the Lajůkas) or undergo fasts, hoping that either the lives of the condemned may be spared, or that at least the hearts of those who must die, will be softened and turn heavenwards." This sense is a perfectly natural one and agrees with the further remark in the next sentence, that the king wishes them, i. e. the criminals, to gain heaven, while they lie in prison, and that among the people at large the performance of religious practices, self-restraint and liberality will grow in consequence of the king's measures. Against the earlier interpretation, which ascribes the gifts and fasts not to the anxious relatives, but to the condernned criminals themselves, it must be objected that a Hindu criminal sentenced to death has nothing to give away. His property is confiscated just as that of an English felon was formerly taken by the Crown. The written Hindu law does not always state that capital punishment entails confiscation of property. But, numerous stories from ancient and modern times leave no doubt that the practice prevailed universally under Native Governments.
EDICT V. Dehli-Sivalik. Dehlo-Mirat.
Allahabad. Devanam-piye Piyadasi-laja
... piye Piyadasi JajA hevam hevam-ab& (o saduvisativasa [1] . .
.. Sha:] saduvisativasábhisitena me abhisitena-me imani.jtani ava- . . . . . . . . . imini jatani avadhiyani katáni dhiyani-kațâni ] se-yath (2)
[:] se yatha suke sålika alune suke Alika alone chakavake ham
ebakaväke.. [20] .. mukhe gese namdimukbe gelâţe [] jatů.
låte jatûke ambâkipilika dadiso ká ambákapilika daļi apathika
anathikamachhe vedaveyake gam machhe vedaveyake (4) gamgå
gåpu putake sankajamachbe kapopotake ramkujamachhe kapha
phata .. ke pamoasase simale tasayake pamnasase simale [5]
sam. [21] .......... kapote sardake okapimde palasate seta
gâmakapote save chatupade ye kapote gåmakapote [6] save-cha
. . . patibhogam .... ...... tupade ye-patibhogarn-no-eti nacha kbadiyati .....i[7] eda- . . . . . . . . .
» Possibly jitike, or jatkd. # The strokes which make dadi look like dubhí are, according to Dr. Fleet, loc. cit., due to flaws in the stone.
* The apparent i-stroke above the last syllable of kaphata is, as Dr. Flest states (Indian Antiquary, vol. XIII, p.310) the lower part of the visarga of Mahadevah in the intervening line of later writing just above kaphata.

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Allahabad.
.
.
.
.
. no
jhå
.
. . cba [vuda] sam parnchada(sam) . . . . . . .
. . . . . ... . .
EDICT V-contd. Dehli-Sivalik.
Dehli-Mirat. kd-ch& sūkalî-cbå gabbini-va-påyamind-va avadh[i]y.p. takes [8] [a] v. db. y. p. t. k. picha-kapi-cha-kani Asaṁmåsike [.] Vadhi. ni [1] .... ko [] [Vadhi]kukukute no-kataviye [;) tuse-saji- kuţe no-kataviye [.] Tase-sa [jive[9] no-jh&petaviye [:] dave- ve] [2] ... [taviye) [:] dave anathaye-vå vihisâye-vå no-jb&- analțb]âye-va" vihiskye-v& no[3] petaviye[:10) jîvena-jive no-pu. Gjhåpetuviye) [] jivena jîve nositaviye (0) Tisu-châtummâsîsu pusitaviye [.] Tisu châtarmasitisa yam-pumnamasiyam[11] tim- suo [4] tiskya [m] pumpama [si] ni-divas ui châvudasar pampa- ya timoi-divasâni chavudasam dasar patipadâye dhuvaye-cha pamnadasam 5) patipada. dhu. [19] anuposatham-machhe-ava- vâye-cha anuposatbar mach- dhiyo no-pi-viketaviye [.) Eta he-avadhiye no-pi [6] viketni-yeva-divasåni[131 någava- aviye [] Etåni-yeva-divasâni nå. nasi kevatabhogasi yani-ampáni. gavanasi kevatabhogasi [7] [y]. pi jîvanikayani(14) no-hamtaviy. fal. [ui]-pi-jîvanikayanino-Cha] ani(.] Atbamipakhaye châvu- mtaviyani [8] Atham (1)"..ye daså ye pampadasa ye
châvudasdye pamnadasa ye tisye [15] punavasune tisu
tisâ ye[9] punavagune tisu châtummasisu sudivas&ye gone- chátummasîsu sudivas&ye g[o]ne no-nilakbitaviye [,16] ajake
[10] [no-nî] la [khi]taviye ajake edake sûkale e-vå-pi-amne nila.
eduke sûkale e-vê-pi(11)am(De khiyati no-nilakbitaviye [.17]
nilakhi]yati (10)-nîlakhitaviye Tiskye punâ vasune châtumma
[] Tiskye punâvasune [12] chåsiye châtummasipakhâye asvask
tummåsiye châtu[mma) sipakb4gonasa [18] lakhaneno-kataviye [.]
ye asvasa gonasa lakhane [18] no-. Y&va-sadovisativasa abhisitena
.viye(.) YAva-sadu visati (va]sa me et&ye[19] a [m] talikdye paṁ.
abhisitena-me etâye[14) amtalika. navisati baṁdbavamokbani kata
ye pamnavi[sa]tiţbamdhanamokhni [.20]
Ani katåni[.15]
•
[tâni] .
.
tha .
.
.
.
[a] kbaneno (Yava)-sa .
.
kata[viye) [.] .
. [27]
Radhia, North Side.
Mathia. DevApar-piye Piyadasi-lája Devapan-piye Piyadasi-lajahevar-Aha (:) sada vîsativasábhi- hevam-aba[:] saduvisativasábbi. sitasa-me imani-pi-játâni avadhy. sitasa-me imani-pi [1] játâni avaAni [1] kațâni [] se-yatba suke dbyâni-katâni [] se-yatba [16] sålika alune chakavåke harse suke salika alune chakavåke hamnamdimukhe gelâte jatûka [2] se [2] namdimukhe gelate jataka ambA kapilika dudi apathikama- ambákapilika dudi apathikamachhe vedaveyake gangậpuputake che vedaveyake [3] garngapu. sam kujamachbe kaphataseyake putake samkujamachhe kaphata(8) pampasase simale samdake seyake parpasase simale samdake okapindo palasate setakapote gå- okapimde [4] palasate setaka
* It is, of course, possible to read avadhdy. But the right side of the vowel is mutilated, and the real reading was no doubt avadhiy, as the sense and the variants of the other versions require.
* Possibly anathdye. ** Read chaturhm dafn. * This might be read" nikdydní, but the double stroke abovo na is probably due to a flaw. * This looks like harhlaviydn, but the double stroke above na is probably due to a flaw in the stone. 27 The quantity of the third vowel of afhami is not certain. * The 4-stroke of yathd is not certain.

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makapote save chatupade [4] yepațipogam-no-eti na-cha-khâdiyati [] Ajaka-nâni edakâ-cha sukali-cha gabhini-va pâyamînâva[5] avadhya potake-cha-kâni âsammâsike [] Vadhikukute no kaṭaviye tuse-sajîve no jhâpayitaviye dave [6] anathaye va vihisayeva no jhâpayitavive [] jivena jive no-pusitaviye [] Tisu-châtummâsîsu tisyam [7] pumnamasiyam timui divasâni châvudasam pamuadasam patipadam dhuvâye-cha anuposatham machhe avadhye no pi [8] viketaviye[.] Etâni-yeva-divasâni någavanasi kevaṭabhogasi yâni-amnani-pi-jivanikâyâni [9] no-hamtaviyani Athamipakbkye ehk vudasâye pamnaḍasâye tisâye punâvasune tisu-chântummâsîsu [10] sudivasâye gone no-nîlakhitaviye ajake eḍake sú kale e-và-pi-amne nilakhiyati nonilakhitaviye [.12] Tisâye punâvasune châtummâsiye chatummâsipakhaye asvasa gonasa lakhaneno-kataviye(.12) Yava-saḍuvisativasâbhisitasa-me etâye amtali. kâye paṁnavîsati bamdhanamokhâni kațâni[.13]
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
pote gåmakapote save-chatupade ye-patibhogam-no-eti na-cha khâdiyati [5] Ajakâ-nâni edakâ-cha sûkali-cha gabbiuî-va pâyamînâva avadhya potake-cha-kâni [6] âsammâsike[.] Vadhikukute nokataviye [,] tuse-sajîve-no-jhârayitaviye[] Dave-nnathay-va [7] vihisâye-va no-jhâpayitaviye [] jîvena-jive no-pusitaviye[.] Tisu-châtummâsîsu tisiyam [8] purnamâsiyam timni-divasâni châvudasam-pamnadasaṁ pați
padam dhuvaye-cha-anuposatham machhe avadhye [9] no-pi-viketaviye [.] Etâni-yeva divasâni nâgavanasi kevaṭabhogasi yaniamnâni-pi[10] jîvanikâyâni nohamtaviyani[.] Athamipakbaye châvudasâye pamnadasâye tidye punåvasune[11] tisu-châutummâsîsu sudivasâye goneno-nilakhifaviye ajake eḍake sûkale e-va-pi-amne[2]nîlakhiyati no-nîlakhitaviye [.] Tisâye-punâ vasune châtummâsiye chatummásipakhâye asvasa gonasa[13] lakhane-no-kataviye [.] Yâva-saduvisativasâbiisitena-me etâye amtalikâye pathavati[14] bamdhanamokhâni kațâni .15]
EDICT V.
King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus:-" After I had been anointed twenty-six years, I forbade the slaughter of the following creatures, viz. parrots, starlings, alunas, Brahmanî ducks, swans, nandimukhas," gelatas, jatukas," ambákapilikas, terrapins, boneless fish/ redareyakas, gangåpuputukas, sankuja-fish tortoises, porcupines,* panasasas, spimoras, balls set free,(?) okopisdos, rhinoceros, grey doves," village-pigeons, and all quadrupeds, which are not used" nor are eaten. She-goats, ewes and sows, (i.e.) those which are with young or in milk, must not be slaughtered, nor their young ones, (i.e.) some (of them) which are less than six months old. Caponing cocks is forbidden; husks, containing living animals, must not be burned; forests must not be burnt out of mischief or in order to injure (living beings); living creatures must not be fed with living creatures'. At the (full moon of each) of the three seasons and at the full
29 Read patibhagam.
According to the smaller Petersburg Dictionary the Nandimukha is mentioned as an aquatic bird in the Bhava
prakása.
Jatuka, no doubt, means 'a bat. But I must confess that I do not understand, how bats come on this list, as in general they are neither eaten nor used in any way. Possibly the flying foxes which otherwise have the separate name manthala or rageada, may be meant. These are eaten at least by low-caste people, like the Kâțkaris. Their flesh is forbidder. in some of the law-books, e.g., Gautama, xvii, 34.
42 Gâmakapote is, of course, the blue rock pigeon, found in most villages and towns, especially in the wells.

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moon of Taisha fish shall neither be killed nor be sold during three days, (viz.) the fourteenth. the fifteenth (and) the first (of the following fortnight), nor constantly, on each fast day.' On the same days no other animals, found in the elephant-preserves and in the preserves of the fishermen, must be killed. On the eighth of (each) fortnight," on the fourteenth, the fifteenth, on the Tishya and Punarvasu days," on the full-moon days of the three seasons, and on festivalsk bulls shall not be castrated," nor he-goats, rams, and hoars; nor shall any other animal be castrated which is commonly) castrated. On the Tishya and Punarvasu days, on the full-moon days of the seasons, and during the fortnights connected with the full-moons of the seasons, the parking of horses and oxen is forbid. den. Up to the twenty-sixth anniversary) of my coronation I have decreed twenty-five (times) the liberation of (all) prisoners'.
REMARKS ON TILE TRANSLATION. (a) According to the general maxim, prevalent in Sanskrit and the Prakrits, which permits the neuter of the perfect participle past to be used in the sense of the noun of action in ti, játam might be interpreted with M. Senart by játi and be translated by "animals of the following kinds." But, as the neuter játa means also "creature," I prefer this simpler interpretation. The eastern versions offer: “Of even the following creatures."
(6) M. Serart's latest translation gives correctly the modern Indian expression "maina." I prefer to put the English word. All the European dictionaries translate sáriká wrongly or omit the translation. Molesworth gives the right meaning in the Marathi Dictionary. The scientific name of the bird is Acridotheres tristis, Linn., Murray, Avifauna of British India, No. 912.
(c) This term probably includes wild geese and large ducks, see Molesworth, Marathi Dictionary sub voce. The birds, which were pointed out to me as hamsas in the palace at Kolhapur and elsewhere, looked very much like Turkish ducks.
(d) M. Senart connects the first part of ambákapiliká or ambákapilika with ambu, water,' and translates "water-ants()". As far as I am aware, no such animal is known in natural history. The explanation mother-ant,' or 'queen-ant,' is at least possible. For the queens of the white-ants are eagerly sought after and eaten, because they are considered to act as a strong aphrodisiac. The only time when I obtained a queen-ant, it was at once stolen by my servants. But, as three versions read kapilika, it may be doubted if the word is the Pali representative of pinilika.
(e) As duli is said to be a small tortoise, it is no doubt the terrapin, which is found in many Indian gardens. Tortoises belong to the five-toed animals that may be eaten, -sce remark (1).
(f) M. Senart's conjecture that prawns are meant by the expression "boneless fish' is not improbable.
(9) M. Senart's suggestion that saknja is identical with Sanskrit sankuchi 'a skate,' seems very probable.
41 The translation of sudivast by festival is merely conjectural, but may be defended by its etymological meaning Anbhana divase, which would suit a festival. I think that popular festivals, like the modern Divali, Dasara, and the like inny be weant.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(1) Sayaka and seyaka (R. M.), of course, represent Sanskrit Salyaka. The salyaka is one of the five-toed animals that may be eaten by Aryans, see-e.g., Âpastamba, Dh. Sú, i, 17, 37, Baudhảyana, Dh. Sá.i, 12, 5, Gautama, Dh. Sa. xvii, 27, Vasishtha, Dh. Sa, xiv, 39. It is associated with the kaphata, i.e., according to M. Senart's excellent conjecture, kamatha, 'the tortoise,' because in the law-books salyaka and kachchhapa are always closely put together among the eatable five-toed animals.
i) According to the analogy of parņamriga, 'an animal living in the leaves of trees,' pannasase i.e. parnabasah may mean a hare, i.e. a hare-like animal living in the leaves of trees,' and denote the large white-bellied, red squirrel, which is found in the forests of the Western Ghats. It is quite as large as a hare, and its skinned body looks exactly like that of a hare. I have shot it near Yellapur in Kanara. Its meat tasted very much like that of a hare.
(1) Simale corresponds exactly to the Sanskrit srimara. Vågbhata, Ashtangahridaya Sú. I, 49, names this animal, among the ten mahámriga or large wild animals, next to the chamara or yak-ox and the rhinoceros. It stands also next to the yak in the enumeration of wild animals, which occurs in the Jatakamáld xxvi, 7, see the smaller Petersburg Dictionary, sub voce srimara). Perhaps it may be the large Båråsing stag.
(K) M. Senart has called attention to the passage of the Mahavagga, vi, 17, where the ukkapindá are said to eat the provisions of the monks. According to the note to the translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. XVII, p. 70, Buddbaghosha explains the term by bilálamúsikagodhamungusá, cats, mice, iguanas and mungooses'. He takes it evidently in its etymological sense, ukke i.e. oke pindo yeshám te animals which find their food in the houses,' i.e.'vermin. This general explanation does not suit here, because cats, mice and mungooses are not eaten, and because a particular kind of animal must be meant. I would suggest that Piyadasi forbids the slaughter of one of the animals named by Buddhaghosha, viz. of the godhá, the large lizard, which, according to the law-books, quoted in note (1) belong to the eatable five-toed animals.
(1) M. Senart's correction palapate for palasate is inadmissible, because all the three versions agree, and because the turtle dove is denoted by the next term. Mr. Trenckner's explanation of the corresponding Pali parasato by rhinoceros' (Pali Miscellany, I, 50) fits excellently. For the rhinoceros is also one of the five-toed animals which may be eaten,-see the passages from the law-books, quoted in note (h). Moreover, the rules règarding the Sraddhas show clearly that the meat of the rhinoceros was highly esteemed. According to Manu, iii, 272, and the parallel passages, quoted in the Synopsis, rhinoceros meat satisfies the manes "for an endless time."
(m) Setakapote, no doubt, denotes the whitish-grey doves, which are found in large numbers in many parts of India, and which are usually included in the general term hollo or hullá. White pigeons, as indeed all tame pigeons, are only kept by Musalmans, not by Hindus.
(n) M. Senart has stated that pațibhoga, literally enjoyment,' does not refer erclusively to nourishment. I should say that on account of the following clause "nor are eaten" it must mean "other use than for food" and that Piyadasi means to forbid the slaughter of all animals whose skins, fur, feathers, etc., are not required, as well as of those which are not eaten.

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(0) Ajakánáni must be separated into ajaká náni. Náni is the neuter plural of the pronoun na, which is associated with a feminine in utter disregard of the rules of concord, as happens more frequently in these inscriptions. The proper form of the sentence would be in Sanskrit ajá eḍikáścha súkaryaścha tá garbhinyo dhayantyo va avadhyd. M. Senart's conjectural emendation piyamánd for payamíná is inadmissible, because all the versions agree in giving the latter word and because piyamáná is against the Pali idiom. Páyati, not piyati, means in Pali 'to suckle', see Childers Dictionary, sub voce pibati. Nor is it necessary to change the vowel of the affix. The affix minamina occurs more frequently for mána in the inscriptions, and it is evidently an interesting relic of ancient times, as the Zend mana-mna, the Greek menos and the Latin minimina show. The additional clause may be translated and explained thus:
Potakaś cha [api cha, D. S., D. M.] kechit [te cha kathambhútáḥ] áshanmásikáḥ [avadhya iti seshaḥ]. The plural káni is joined with the singular potake, because the latter is taken in a collective sense. M. Senart's derivation of ásammásika from áshanmásam 'up to six months,' may be defended by the analogy of ákálika, the adjective belonging to ákálam, up to the same hour on the next day'. Piyadasi's prohibition agrees with the sentiments of the Brahmanical teachers, who all forbid to sacrifice animals which have not changed their teeth, and who sometimes forbid their flesh to be eaten, see, e.g., Gautama, Dh. Sa., xviii, 31.
(p) This prohibition probably refers to the practice, which here and there still survives, of burning the last remnants of the husks remaining on the threshing-floor of the village, in order to destroy the vermin.
(q) Vihisaye, to injure living beings" very probably refers, as M. Senart suggests, to the custom of setting the jungles on fire in order to drive out the game and of thus destroying it.
(r) I here again follow M. Senart, whose explanation appears to me the most natural. The prohibition probably refers to cases where sacred crocodiles or snakes, tame tigers and other carnivorous animals were fed with living fowls, sheep or goats.
(8) Chátummást, which corresponds to the Sanskrit cháturmást, is the full moon of each term or season of four months, which according to one reckoning is considered the last day of that period, and according to another as falling in its beginning. The formation of the Sanskrit chaturmást is taught in Vârttika 7 on Pânini, v. 1, 94 :-samjñáyám an. "To chaturmása," a period of four months', (is added) the affix a, which causes Vriddhi of the first syllable, in a (word of) technical import." Patanjali adds: "chaturshu máseshu bhavá cháturmásí paurṇamásí,' the full-moon day which falls after a period of four months is called cháturmást," and the Kásiká, which repeats Patanjali's explanation, says further that the three full-moon days of Ashåḍha, Karttika and Phâlguna are meant. More explicit are the statements, which the Sumangala Vilasini makes on Digha Nikaya, ii, 1 (p. 139), while explaining the words Komadiya chátumásiniyá "on the full-moon (night or tithi) of Kârttika (which is) chátumasini." It says:-chátumasiniyá ti chátumásiyá sá hi chatunnam másánam pariyosánabhútá chátumásí idha pana chátumásiníti vuchchati. "Chátumásiniyá is equivalent to chátumásiya. For that (full
361 (ed. Kielhorn).
This must be understood from Vârttika 6: chaturmdaán nyo yajne tatra bhave. See the Mahabhashya, Vol. II, "Compare also Ilaradatta on Apastamba. Dharma Sútra, I, 10, 1.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
moon of Kárttika) is the end of four months (and is) hence (called) chátumás, but here chátumásini." It thus appears that the real meaning of chátumási-chátumásini is that which falls at the end of a period of four months." And this explanation presupposes a division of the year into three periods of four months each, the months ending, according to what is called the purnimánta scheme of Northern India, with the full-moon days.
The division of the year into three seasons of four months certainly was in India the most popular in the prehistorical period and in the earlier part of the historical period." Each of them was called a Chaturmasam or Chaturmásyam. Both the Brahmanas and the Brahmanical sutras, as well as the canonical books of the Buddhists. frequently refer to the division of the year into three seasons, which is at the bottom of various religious institutions. With the Brahmans it was the cause of the celebration of the Châturmasya" sacrifices which were offered according to some at the end,' according to others at the beginning of each season. With the Buddhist monks it was the reason for extending the retreat during the rainy season, the da880, over four months, see Mahdragga, iii, 2, 2 and iii, 14, 11. The same period was kept by the Jaina Nirgranthas and the ancient Brahmanical ascetics. It further was used in official documents, and influenced the manner of dating them in most parts of India. The second Separate Edict prescribes the reading of the document on the Tishya day at each Chátunmása. The large majority of the ancient dated inscriptions, those from Mathura incised during the rule of the Indo-Scythic kings Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva (Epigraphia Indica, vol. I, p. 371, ff, and vol. II, p. 195 ff.; Cunningham, Arch, Surv. Rep. vol. III, plates xiii-xv), two Gupta inscriptions from the same town (Epigraphia Indica, vol. II, p. 210), the early dated inscription of the Mathura Satrap Sodása, the edicts of the Andhras and Abhîras (Burgess, Rep. Arch. Suro. W. I., vol. IV, p. 103ff. and vol. V, p. 73ff), the old Pallava land grant (Epigraphia Indica, vol. I, p. 1ff.) and the Sanskrit Kadamba inscription (Indian Antiquary, vol. VII, p. 37), invariably mention the season in which the documents were issued. And only three seasons occur, viz. grishmáh-gimhd, summer,' varsháh-vasá, 'the rains,' hemantahhemanta winter,' the names of which are frequently abbreviated to gri or gri, va and he. In the inscriptions from Mathura and the neighbourhood each season is divided into four months, and we actually find, Mathura inscriptions, and series (Epigraphia Indica, vol. II, No. 4; Cunningham, Arch. Rep., vol. III, No. 12) gri, (i.e. grishmamáse)
41 The Sanskrit equivalent chaturmdrin likewino exists, but has a different meaning, sve Varttika 5 on Panini, v. 1. 94.
Other divisione, especially that into six sonsons, are no doubt equally ancient, see Prof. Weber, Die Nachrichten von den vedischen Nakshatra, ii, p. 327ff. But they do not seem to have been used in popular life to an equal extent.
Chaturmdayam is formed according to the analogy of trailokyan, traimdeyan, chdturvarnyam, chaturdfrangam and so forth, seo Varttika 1 on Paņini, v. 1, 124, and the explanation of the passage in the Kasikd. I point this out in order to meet the doubt which M. Senart, see Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, p. 76, feels regarding my explanation of the compound anucháturhemdean in the second separate Edict. He thinks that, if anschlush mdaas meant at the commencement of every term or season of four months,' it must be anschaturhm daar with a short a in the third syllable. In stating this he has overJooked that cháturm dryan, in Pali chatush mdaan, is a perfectly correct synonym of chaturmdeam.
• The word chdturm daya is according to Varttika 6 on Pånini v. 1, 96, derived from chaturmdsam by the affin ya, causing Vriddhi, and meaning tatra bhava, falling into that.
10 Zee Mana, iv, 26, and the parallel passages in the synopsis to my translation. Mana says that they are to be offered ritvants, and thus reckons the three full-moon days as the last of the season. Similarly he uses IV, 119, ritvartásu rátrishu for chaturmdsísku. Bandhayana bas ritumukhe, and other passages from the Srauta Sutras and Bråbtoaņas are quoted by Professor Weber in bis Nachrichten v.d. Nakshatra, ii, 329. The discrepancy has no doubt been caused by difference in the reckoning of the commencement of the sessous

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4; Mathura inscriptions, 1st series, No. 3, and second series, No. 20, va, (i.e., varshamáse) 4, Cunningham, No. 20, varshamáse 4; Mathura inscription, 1st series, No. 21, hemantamáse chaturtthe 4, ibidem No. 8, hemantamáse 4, and Cunningham, No. 20, he 4. In the inscriptions from Southern India each season is divided into eight fortnights, and the latest, actually mentioned, are the fifth (Nasik inscriptions Nos. 16 and 17, Kanheri inscriptions Nos. 4 and 16), the sixth (Pallava land grant of Sivaakandavarman) and the eighth (Kadamba inscription of Mrigeinvarman). The period during which this method of dating was in general use, embraces the first century B.C. and the first two centuries A.D. But, in Mathurâ it survived until the fifth century A.D., as No. 39 of the second series was incised during the reign of Kumâragupta and in the Gupta year 113 or A.D. 431-2 Kâ[rttikahema]ntamas[e] divase 20, "on the 20th day of the winter month of Kârttika. In Southern India it presumably lasted at least until the same period, to which the Kadamba land grants probably belong.
Finally, it may be noted that the old division into three seasons is the only one used by the common people in the districts known to me. The Gujarati villagers and all persons not affected by the learning of the Sástras speak only of the unhálo (ushnakála) varsád ná dehádá or chomásum and shíyálo. The Marathas know only unhálá, pávasálá (právrish and kála) and himválá (himakála.) Further north and east I have frequently heard the terms mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari, dhúpkál, barkhakál and sitkál or equivalents thereof. With respect to the beginning of each season the authorities differ. The oldest, the Brahmanas, as well as some Srauta Sutras, begin the hot season with the month of Phalguna, other Srauta Sutras with the month of Chaitra." The two schemes of the seasons, therefore, are:
Grishmâḥ
Varsbah
Hemantaḥ
I Phalguna. Chaitra.
Vaisakha.
Jyaishtha.
Ashâḍha.
Sravana.
Bhadrapada or Praushṭhapada.
Asvina or Asvayuja.
Karttika.
Mârgasîrsha. Pausha or Taisha.
Magha.
II
Chaitra.
Vaisakha.
Jyaishtha.
Ashaḍba.
Sravana.
Bhadrapada or Praushṭhapada. Åsvina.
Kârttika.
263
Märgairaha, Pausha.
Magha.
Phalgun
The statements of the Buddhists show the same discrepancies. Hiuen Tsiang, Siyüki, vol. I, p. 72 (Beal), alleges that "according to the holy doctrine of Tathagata the year is divided into three seasons," the hot, the wet and the cold, the scheme of which agrees with the second given above. But the canonical books of the southern Buddhists show clearly that their authors knew also the scheme according to which the hot season began with Phalguna. For they prescribe for the vasso, the retreat during the rainy season, an "earlier" period, beginning with "the day after the full moon in Ashâḍha,"
Gladwin ed., vol. I, p. 266; see Sir A. Cunningham, Book of Indian Eras, p. 3; Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, §1083; and Hillebrandt, Die Sonnenwend feste, p. 261.
See A. Weber: op. cit., p. 3291.

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and a later one, commencing "a month later than the full-moon of Ashadha," i.e. with the day after the full-moon of Srâvaņa. And it is further stated that the "later" term closed with Komudi chátumásini," the full moon of Kärttika with which the season of four months ends".68 Both these passages presuppose, just like that from the Digha Nikaya (above, p. 261), the use of the pirnimánta reckoning for the months.
In the inscriptions of the Indo-Scythic period there is no indication showing when the seasons began. But, if the restoration of the Gupta inscription No. 39 is correct, it follows that in the fifth century A.D. the winter began with Karttika, and that the scheme of the seasons was the older one, given under No. I.
Under these circumstances it is not possible to decide with certainty which full moons are meant by the three Châtummâsîs." They may be either those of Phalguna, Åshadha and Karttika, or those of Chaitra, Sravana and Margasirsha. It is further not certain if these full-moon days were considered respectively as the last days of winter, summer and the rains, or as falling in the beginning of summer, the rains and winter. But the consensus of the three passages from the Buddhist scriptures and of Manu's passages induces me to assume that the former view was that held in Piyadasi's times, as these works were probably composed not very long before and after Piyadasi.
The fourth full moon, which our passage mentions, is that of Taisha or Pausha, December-January. The forms tisyan (R) and tisiyam (M) are derived from the feminine adjective tisí, which has been formed from tishya without Vriddhi in the first syllable. With the form tisáyam (D. S., D. M.), the locative of tisá, i.e. tissá (tishya), compare the first part of the Vedic tishya-púrnamdsa (see Prof. Weber, op. cit., II, p. 326). The word dhupaye which stands before anu posa tham must no doubt be taken in the sense of the Sanskrit dhruváya, "constantly" (see the Petersburg Dict., sub voce) i.e. "in all months". Anuposathan consists of anu and posatha, and it is worthy of note that the form posatha, with which Piyadasi denotes the fast days or Parvan days, stands midway between the Pali uposatha and the Jaina Prakrit posa ha.
The total number of days on which Piyadasi prohibited the killing and sale of fish, amounts to fifty-six in the year, viz. :
(1) Six in each of the months in which a new season began and in Taisha or Pausha, the eighth of each fortnight, the full-moon days with those immediately preceding and following them and the new-moon day, or 24 in all; (2) four in the remaining eight months, the full and new-moon days, and the eighth of each fortnight, or 32 in all.
As regards the reasons which induced Piyadasi to apply his prohibition to the particular days mentioned, the selection of the Posatha days as well as of those at the end and beginning of the seasons is easily intelligible. The four days of the changes of the moon, which the Brahmans designate by the astronomical term Parvan, were the ancient Sabbath days of the orthodox Hindus. The Brahmanical Sutras prescribe on the two chief Parvans, the full and new-moon days, for every householder, the performance of sacrifices, which are preceded by fasting. Moreover, there are in the Dharmasiltras and Dharmasastras a number of rules which make the Parvan days times of
See Sacred Books of the East, vol. XIII. p. 299 f. and p. 324. The note on the second passage explains the word Chátsmasini erroneously. I translate it according to the explanation given in the Sumangala Vildsini, see above, p. 261.
" See Manu iii, 45, and iv, 128, as well as iv, 160 and 163, and the passages quoted in the Synopsis to my Trans. Jation.

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continence, worship, prayer, and abstention from doing injury even to plants. According to the commentaries most of these rules refer to the two chief Parvans alone. But the texts, one and all, state explicitly that the injunction of continence applies also to the eighth days of each fortnight, and it is not improbable that the other rules in reality were meant to apply likewise to these two days. All the four Parvan days were kept as holidays in the Brahmanical schools. The Dharmasútras and metrical Smritis prescribe that the Veda-study is to be interrupted on these occasions for a whole day and night and a verse is adduced which describes the bad results of a breach of this rule. It would thus appear that the Buddhists and the Jainas, in giving their rules for the U posatha or Posaha days, did not much more than take over and perpetuate the ancient rules of the orthodox Hindus, and it would further appear that, by ordering a partial amári," Piyadasi acted in accordance with the sentiments not only of the heterodox sects, but also of his orthodox subjects. It is equally easy to understand why Piyadasi's rule applies to the end and the beginning of each season. The three Cháturmásí full-moons were also great holidays. The orthodox Brahmans, who kept three sacred fires, performed on these occasions the Chàturmasya sacrifices, those who kept a single fire celebrated corresponding rites, and the Brahmanical schools kept them as holidays on which studying was forbidden. According to the Buddhistic Sumangala Vilasini, p. 140 (explanation of the words upariprasádavaragata) at least one of these days, the full moon of Kårttika was kept as a popular festival. The Nakshatra, i.e. the conjunction, was publicly proclaimed, the houses were gaily decorated, and the citizens gave themselves up to celebrating the Nakshatra by amusements of various kinds. From the Dipavansa, XV, 19, it appears that the Buddhists worshipped the sacred relics on that day. Similar popular and sectarian festivals were probably held on the other two days, and it is very likely that the modern sivite festival on Karttika sudi 15, the Holi on Phålguna sudi 15, and the practice of making presents to Brahmans on Karttika and Ashadha sudi 15, may go back to the earliest times or be connected with the more ancient popular holida, s at the end and the beginning of the three seasons.
More difficult is the answer to the question why Piyadasi included in his prohibition the three days at full moon of Taisha or Pausha. But it may be suggested that the day may have been regarded as the conventional beginning of the Uttarayaņa, the sun's progress towards the north. This is still a great festival, now called Makarasamkranti, and celebrated not on the actual day of the entrance of the sun into the zodiacal sign, but later in January.
() The term nagavana, "elephant-preserve," is found both in Pali and in Sanskrit. It occurs repeatedly in the Chulahatthipadopamasutta of the Majjhima Nikaya. Thus we read, p. 178 (ed. Trenckner) :--Seyy thá pi brahmana nágavaniko nagavanan padi. seyya, 80 passeya nagavane mahantam hatthipadan dighato cha ayatan tiriyon cha vitthatan, etc. "Just as when, 0 Brahmana, the keeper of an elephant-preserve, enters
- Vishna, Isti, 87, Mys: "Let him not eat even a blade of grass."
Manu, iv, 113-114, and the paraliel passages, quoted in the Synopsis.
* Partial and temporary prohibitions to kill were issued occasionally even in much later time. Thus the Satrusijaya in. seriptions, Epigraphia Indica, vol. II, p. 37, state that the emperor Akbar stopped for a year the killing of aquatic animals at the instance of Jiñabans Sari, and that the same prince forbade the slaughter of all animals during six months in accordance with the prayer of Hiravijaya Sûri.
# Manu, iv, 119, and the parallel passages in the Synopsis,

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the elephant-preserve, he may see in the elephant-preserve large footmarks of elephants, both long in length and broad in breadth, etc." In Sanskrit it occurs in Båna's Harshacharita. The taming of elephants was in India a royal prerogative and the sale of elephants a royal monopoly, see Medhâtithi on Manu, viji, 399. Particular forests, belonging to the Crown, were no doubt reserved in Piyadasi's days, as at present, for the breeding of elephants, and these are meant here.
The word kedatabhoga has not been traced in literary works. But its meaning is not doubtful both on account of its co-ordination with nagarana anil on account of its etymological meaning, that which is enjoyed or used by fishermen.' Probably particular lakes or portions of the rivers are meant, which were set apart for the fishermen of the various towns and villages, and were consequently their bhog, as the modern phrase is.
(u) M. Separt's explanation of athamipakháye by "pakshasyáshtanyám on the eighth of (each) fortnight" is no doubt correct. In the Jaina Achardnga, ii, 15, 17, p. 125, Jacobi we have an exactly analogous compound dasnmipakkhena "on the tenth of the fortnight." The position of the parts of the compounds is inverted in accordance with a license or slovenliness, frequently observable in all Prakrits, compare, e.g. the Desi valayabáhu 'armlet' (Hemachandra, Deákosha, VII, 52) for báhuvalaya. Some formations of this kind like várabána, 'a protection against arrows, i.e. 'a coat-of-mail,' have even crept into Sanskrit in addition to those words where the grammar or classical usage sanctions the irregular position of the parts of the compound.
(o) The days of the month were commonly named according to the Nakshatras, with wbich the moon was supposed to be in conjunction, see my note 11 on the Sep. Ed. I, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Ges. vol. XLI. As no specification is added, Piyadasi's prohibition probably applies to the Tishya and Puparvasu days of each month. Both are among the punya nakshatra and Tishya or Pushya is occasionally cited as an example of an auspicious constellation. It is probable that, as the holier one, it has been placed before Punarvasu, which in the list of the Nakshatras stands earlier, being the fifth, while Tishya is the sixth. Bțihaspati is the guardian deity of the latter; Aditi of the former.
(20) M. Senart has no doubt correctly explained nílakhiyati by nirlakshyale, and correctly assigned to it the meaning 'is castrated.' I may add that the Debi word nelach. chho or nelachchho, 'a eunuch,' furnishes the proof for his assertion.
(2) According to the analogies, found in the Srauta Súlras, chátunmásipakha, the fortnight connected with the full moons of the seasons, may mean either the dark fortnight following the Chaturmási púrpima, as Mr. Senart assumes, or the bright fortnight preceding it. For Katyayana uses mághípaksha for the dark half of Magha, and Latyayana phálgunipaksha for the bright half of Phålguna. If, however, as I believe, Piyadasi used the púrnimánta reckoning, the second explanation is the more natural one.
() According to a passage, quoted by Professor Weber (Die vedischen Nachrichten von den Nakshatra, II, p. 330, Note 2), the Brahmans considered the new-moon day of Phålguna to be the proper time for marking cows (see also Sárkháyuna Grihya Satra, III, 10.)
· See alan passage quoted in the smaller Petersburg Dictionary. * See Hemachandra Deffkosha, iv, 44, and Pdiyalachchhi, verse 236, as well as the note in the glory to the latter.
# See the Petersburg Dictionaries ander the two words, and the commentaries on the passage quoted there and in Professor Weber's Nachrichten von den Nakshatra, Bd. 11, p. 827.

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..
(tisa)
.
(2) It is not necessary to depart with M. Senart from the natural sense of the passage and to assume that Piyadasi restricted his order to certain classes of criminals. For, it must not be forgotten that long terms of imprisonment were not in favour with the authors of the ancient criminal codes of India. For serious crimes they mostly prescribe capital punishment, mutilation and banishment; for lighter offences fines and whipping. In Piyadasi's times the prisons, therefore, did probably not contain many prisoners condemned to long terms for serious crimes. I may add that the liberation of all prisoners, as an act of royal clemency, seems quite natural to Hindus. Only a few years ago I remember reading a rather sarcastic paragraph in the Bombay Gazette Summary on a princeling in Bengal, I think, who on the birth of a son decreed a general jail delivery in his fortunately not very extensive dominions, compare also Jatakas, vol. V, p. 285, I. 25.
EDICT VI. Dehli-Sivalik. Dehli-Mirat.
Allahabad. Devanan-piye Piyadasi-lAja-he
Missing.
[27] ... Piyadasi 18yam-ahå[:] duvadasa [1] vasaabhisitena-me dhammalipi-likhpita lokas, [2] hitasukhaye[:] setam-apahata tam-tam-dhammavadhi-p&pova [.3] . Hevam-lokasd hitasukhe-ti-pativekbami atha
hitasak he-ti-pativekhâmi atha iyam[4] natisu hevam-patiy Asarnesu bevan-apakathesu ( ;6] ki
..Asanne (su) bevan apakamam-kêni-sukham ayahâmi-ti
..[;) kimam. .::. tatha-cha-vidahmi[.] Hemeve
da [bi]mic.j Hevammeva sava (6] savanikâyesu pațivekh&mi[.]
. yesu pativekhimi[.29] SaSavapåsanda-pi-me-pujita[7] vi
vapasamda pi-mo-pûjith vividbavidbaya-pújaya [.) E-chu-iyam.
ya půjáya L.) Echuiyamatan atunâ pachů pagamane [8] se-me
pachupagamane se me mukhyamokhyamate [. Saduvîsativasa
mute [.] . . . . . . abhisitena-me [9] iyam-dhammalipi likhâpit&[.10]
lipi likhåpita-ti[80) Radhia.
Mathia. Devanan-piye Piyadasi-lâja Devâpat-piye Piyadasi-1Aja hevam-Aba[:] duvadasavaslbhibevar-Aba[:] duvadasavasábhisitena-me dbammalipi likbâpita sitena-me dbammalipi-likbåpita Jokasa (14) bitasukhaye[:] se- lokasa [16(1)] hitasukbàyo[:] tan-apahata tam-tam dharma- se-tam-apahata tam-tam-dhanvadhi-papova [.]" Hovam-lokasa- mavadhi-papova [.] Hevam lohitasuk he-ti pațivekhâmi(15) kasa[17(2)] hitasuk he-ti pativeatbi-iyam-patisuhevan-paty.. khémi atbi-iyari-n&tisa hevamBaronesu bevam-apakathesu(,) patyasaronesu bevan-apakatbesu kimmam - kani-sukban-avahâmî (18()] kimmarn-kani-sukham ti tatha-cha-vidahámi[.18) Hem-' avahami-ti tatha-cha-vidahami eva-savanikâyesu-pațivekhâmic. [] Hem-eva savanikayesu paSavapisardi pi-mo-pajita vivi ivekh&mi [.19(4)] Savapå samdhaya-půjdya [.] E-cha-iyan. 4A-pi-me-pûjita vividbâya-půjây a atann-pachůpagamane 17 se-me- (.] E-chu-iyam atana pachů - mukhyamute[.) Saduvisati va pagamane (2005)) se-me-mosábbisitena-me iyam.dhammalipi khyamute[.] Saduvisati-vasákhớpita[18)
bhisitena-m iya-dbamınalipi
likbâpita [.21(6) "The stroke which makes påpova look like pipova is clearly due to an accidental scraeb.

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TRANSLATION. King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus:-- After I had been anointed twelve years, I ordered religious edicts to be written for the welfare and happiness of the people, (in order that the people), giving up that (unrighteousness which they practised), might obtain a growth of the sacred law (in) this or that (respect). (Saying unto my. self) "the welfare and happiness of the people (is concerned)," I thus direct my attention not only to my relatives, but also to those who are near and far; -why 80 ? "In order that I may lead some of them to happiness." In like manner I direct my attention to all bodies corporate. I have also honoured men of all creeds with various honours. But I consider that to be most essential, what (I call) the approach through one's own free will! After I had been anointed twenty-six years, I ordered this religious edict to be written.
REMARKS ON THE TRANSLATION. (a) Dhashmalipi, being a generic term, may refer to more than one edict. The edicts referred to are the third and fourth Rock Edicts. The former says, “when I had been anointed twelve years, I issued the following order," and the latter states with equal clearness at the end, "king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, ordered this to be written, when he had been anointed twelve years." The earlier part of Piyadasi's spiritual course is fixed by his own statements, as follows :(1) After the conquest of Kalinga in his ninth year he repented of bis cruelty, and
resolved to make no further conquests by the sword (Rock Edict XIII). (2) In his eleventh year he began to hold an annual progress through his dominions
in search of religious truth (Rock Edict VIII). (3) In his thirteenth year he solemnly adopted the Dhamma or Sacred Law, i.e.
those principles of morality which he enumerates so frequently (Rock Edict IV), and ordered it to be spread by his officials and his vassals on their annual
tours through their districts (Rock Edict III). (4) In his fourteenth year he appointed the Dhammamahåmåtas or Superintendents
of the Sacred Law. All this long precedes his conversion to Buddhism, which
happened in or immediately after the twenty-ninth year of his reign. (6) Apahatá (D. S.) or apahata is undoubtedly, as M. Senart suggests, equivalent to apahritya or apahşitoa. In my opinion it corresponds to the second form, just as pațiladdha" (Jdlaka, iv, 46, 23) stands for pratilabdhoá. With respect to the meaning I differ from M. Senart, as I take apahfi in the sense of to avoid, to give up,' which it has not rarely in Sanskrit. Tam, the object of apahața, stands for tad, and denotes
that which the people used to do, before they were taught better. The whole sentence down to páporá gives briefly the contents of Rock Edict IV, and it would have been clearer if ti had been added at the end. I transliterate and explain the passage in Sans
- Compare with this sentence the statements in the twelfth Rock Ediet. "The verso runs follows:- Sarkappan otash patiladdha pdpath ache
anh lam makaroni luddarle

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krit as follows :- Sah[loka ityarthah] tad (kriyamánam adharmam ityarthah] apahritya (parihsityetyarthah] tám tám dharmavriddhim prápnuyát.
() The explanation of the statement that the king directs his attention to his relatives is given by the remarks in the fourth Rock Edict and the seventh Pillar Edict, according to which the gifts of his children, brothers and sisters were supervised by the Dhammamahåmatas. By “those who are near," Piyadasi probably means his Lajakas and other officials, who are supervised and taught their duties by him, see the fourth Pillar Edict and the Separate Edicts. "Those who are far," apakatha, may be the wardens of the marches or perhaps the free borderers and the subjects of his friend the Yavana king Antiyoka, on whom Piyadasi conferred benefits according to the second Rock Edict, and whom he tried to convert to the Dhamma by ambassadors, as the thirteenth Rock Edict (Part ii) alleges.
(d) M. Senart has recognised that kiman is equivalent to the very common phrase kimti. As R. M. read plainly kimmar, I would suggest that kiman too stands for kimman, and is a contraction of kimva, i.e. kimida, with the not uncommon nasalisation of the last vowel.
(e) Nikaya, body corporate,' refers probably not only, as M. Senart suggests, to the classes of officials which are called nikáyá in the twelfth Rock Edict, but also to the castes and sects called nikáyá in the thirteenth Rock Edict.
f) Pachchipagamana, in Sanscrit pratyupagamana, might mean the return to, but may also be taken as the approach towards.' The latter sense suits here best, and what is meant is the voluntary approach which one sect is to make towards the other in accordance with Piyadasi's recommendation in the twelfth Rock Edict :-"They shall hear each other's law and love to hear it. For it is the desire of the Beloved of the gods-what P- that men of all creeds shall have heard much and possess holy doctrines.'"
Dehli-Sivalik Pillar.
EDICT VII, 1. Devanam-piye Piyadasi låjå hevam dhå[:]ye-atikamtam [11] amtalam låjåne husu(,Jhevam ichhisu[:]katham-jane[12] dhammavadhiyå vadheya[?] No-chu-jane anulupåyå dhammavadhiya[13] vadhitha[.) Etam devånam-piye Piyadasi lajå hevam-Ahâ[:] esa-me[14] huthå(,) atikamtam-cha amtalam hevam icbhisu låjåne katham-jane[16] anulupaya dhammavadhiyå vadheya-ti[;) no-cha-jane anulupaya[16] dhammavadhiyå vadhitha[3] se-kina-su jane anupațipajeya"[.17] kina-su jane anulupaya dhammavadhiyå vadheya-ti[:]kina-su-kani [18] abhyuảnamayeham dharmavadhiya-ti[?] Etam-devånam-piye Piyadasi lầja hevan (19) AhAC: Jesa-me huthå[.] dhammaså vanâni så våpayâmi dhammånusathini[20] anus[a]sami®[:etam-jane sutu anupațipajisati abhyumnamisati[,211
The second pa of anupatipajeyd stands above the line.
This might be read anusiadmi, but I believe the blotched line above the d-stroke to be mocidental. Anusdedmi is also wed by Aboks elsewhere, e.g. Sep. Ed., II, 6, (8), etc.!

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
EDICT VII, 2. dhammavadhiya-cha badham vadhisati[.) Etaye-me athåye dhammasávan&ni savapitani dhammánusathini vividhani anapitâni yath[& me puldis-pi bahune janasi Ayatà ete paliyovadisamti-pi pavithalisamti-pi[.] Laj[d]ka-pi bahukesu panasatasahasesu ayata tepi-me anapita[:] hevam-cha hevar-cha paliyovadatha [1] janar dharmayu(ta)m"[.] [D]e[v]ånam-piye Piyadasi hevam-ahå[:] etam-eva-me anuvekbamane dhammathambhåni-kațâni(,) dhammanabâ mâta-kata[.pdharma(s)a[ van Je'l. kate[.]Devånam-piye Piyadasi laja-hevam dha[:] magesu-pi-me nigohani lopapitâni[:] chhâyopagani hosanti pasumunisanam [3] ambåvadikya lopapita Jadhak[0]s[i]kyani. pi-me-udupanani[2] kbânápåpitani [] nimsidhiyâ-cha" kalapita[j]âpânåni-me bahukani tata-tata kâlâpitani patibhogaye pasumunisanam[.] La[huke chu]" esa pațibhoge nama" (.) Vividhayahi sukhayanaya pulimehi-pi lajthi mamaya-cha sukhayite loke[.] Imam-chu dhammanupatipati anupațipajamtu-ti[;) etadathA-me[3] esa-kate[.] Devanam-piye Piyadasi hevam áhå[:] dharmamahåmåtd-pi-me t[@]-bahuvidhesu" athesu anugahikesu viyapata-se pavajitanam-cheva gihithanam-chas; savaspåsamdesu-pi-cha" viyapata-se[.] Sanghathasi-pi-me kate ime viyapata hoharti-ti [:] hemeva babhanesu Âjivikesu-pi-me kate[4] ime viyapata hoharti-ti[.] Nigamthesu-pi-me kate ime viy&pațà hohamti [:] nanapasamdesu-pi-me kate ime viyapat hohamti-ti (.] Pațivisitha pațivisitham tesu-tesu te-[tje [ma]hamata [.] Dhammamahamâta-chu-me etesu-cheva viya[pa]ta savesu-cha arnesu pasardesu[.] Devanan-piye Piyadasi läja-hevam Aba[:)] ete-cha anne-cha bahuka mukhå dånavisagasi viyapata-se mama-cheva devinan-cha[1] savasi-cha-me olodhanasi te-bahuvidhena a[ka]lena" tani tani tuthayatan[A]ni pați[padayamti] hida-cheva disásu-cha[.] Dålakanam-pi-cha-me kațe amnanam-cha devikumålånam ime dânavisagesu viyapata hohamti-ti[6] dhammapadánathaye dhammánupațipatiye[.] Esa-hi dhammapadane dharmapatipati-cha yâ-iyam daya dane sache sochave madave sådha(ve)-cha lokasa hevam vadhisati-ti[:]
Faintly visible are, both on Dr. Fleet's facsimile and on Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing, the following letters--ya tha .. . and the left-hand curve of ed, while the right half of sá is quite plain. The restoration is not doubtful, because there is exactly room for the lost consonants and because the phrase pulisa-pi-me "my servants" occurs above Pillar Edict, 1, 1. 7 (D. S.), 1.3 (A), and elsewhere. From Professor Kera's analysis of this edict, Der Buddhismus, vol. II, p. 385, I infer that be would restore the passage in the same manner.
* Bahone is possibly a clerical mistake for bakuke. But it may be defended by the locative pundrasune above, v. 16, 18 (D. S.).
The quantity of the second vowel of lajakd is not certain.
* The last syllable of dharmayutan bas been placed more than an inch from the rest, because there is a flaw in the rtone.
71 The restoration has been made correctly by M. Seuart. The rubbing shows the d-stroke distinctly, and the facsimile has the finale.
71 The continuation of the same flaw in the stone, which caused the separation of the syllables dharmayu and tast in 1. 2, has bere made necessary the division nimsi dhiyd (not dhayd). Of course, nothing has been lost.
7 The initial la (not sa) is perfectly plain, both on the facsimile and on the rubbing. Between la and era, three, or possibly four, syllables have been lost. The phrase was, therefore, either lakuke chu esa or lakuke chu kho esa, compare Rock Edict, XIII, 2, 1. 14 (KAlst), lahukd vu kho sa piti, and below, 1.8, tata chu lahu-se dharmaniyame.
14 The nd of ndma stands above the line, and has been added afterwards as a correction.
* Though the ta is damaged at the top, it seems probable, both according to the rubbing and the facsimiles, that the reading was to. The se after viydpud is, of course, not required. Compare also the first clause in L. 8, where another redundant ve occurs.
*The restoration has been given correctly by M. Senart.

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Devanam-piye [Piyada]s[i] lája hevår-Ahå[:] yâni-hi-kani-chi mamiya sadhavani katani tarh-loke and patiparhne tar-cha anuvidhiyarti[:]tena vadhit-cha[7] vadhisarnti-cha matapitisu sususaya gulusu sususdy& vayomahalakânam anupatipatiya babbanasamanesu kapanavalakesu dva dasabhatakesu sampaţipatiya[.] Devanan-piy[e Pilyadasi lája hevarh-Aha[:] munisnamh-chu ya-iyam dharmavadhi vadhita duvehi. yeva Akalehi dharmaniyamena-cha nijbatiya-cha[.8] Tata.cbu lahu-se dhammaniyame(,) nijhatiya-va bhuye[.] Dhammaniyame-chu-kho esa ye-me iyam-kate imani-cha imani" játâni avadhiyani[,) annani-pi-chu bahu[kåni] dharmaniyamani yani-me kafani[.) Nijhatiya-va-chu bhuye munisánath dharmavadhi vadhita avihirsâye bhutanan[9]
anàlambhâye påpânam [.] Se-etaye athâye iyam kate (1) putâpapotike chamdamasuliyike hotu-ti (1) tatha-cha anupațipajamtu-ti [.) Hevam-hi anupatipajamtam hidata[pala]te aladhe hoti [.) Batavisativasábhisitena me iyam dhammalibi lik hâpå. pita-ti [.) Etam devånam-piye aha :) iyam [10]
dhammalibi ata athi silAthambhåni-va silaphalakani-vă tata kataviya ena esa chilathitike siyâ [11].
TRANSLATION. King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :
"Those kings who lived during the past ages conceived this wish, 'Might mankind in some way grow the growth of the sacred law," But mankind did not grow a befitting growth of the sacred law."
Concerning this matter) king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus:
"This (thought) came to me, 'On the one hand kings conceived during the past ages this wish, Might mankind in some way grow a befitting growth of the sacred law l' On the other hand mankind did not grow a befitting growth of the sacred law. By what means then would mankind (be moved) to obey ? By what means would mankind grow a befitting growth of the sacred law? By what means may I raise up some among them to (grov) the growth of the sacred law ?"
Concerning this matter) king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :
“This (thought) came to me " Sermons on the sacred law I will order to be preached ; instruction in the sacred law I will order to be given. When men hear it, they will obey, they will raise themselves,' and mightily they will grow the growth of the sacred law." For this purpose I have ordered sermons on the sacred law to be preached, and have directed various instructions on the sacred law to be given, so that even my servants] who dwell (as rulers) among many men, shall give instruction and expand it. Even the lajúkas who dwell (as rulers) among many hundred thousands of souls, even they have been ordered by me," "Instruct (my) loyal people in this way and in that."
Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus:
"Having regard to this same matter, I have erected pillars of the sacred law, I have appointed superintendents of the sacred law, I have ordered to be preached [sermons on) the sacred law."
77 Read máxi che, as the sense requires.
71 Etam-eva-me an dekhamáne (i.., Garavekskyamanan) may be explained as a nominative absolute, apalogous to arijitan hi vijiramare, Rock Edict XIII (L. 36, k.) Bat it is not impossible that anwekhamánena (ic. anvekshanánona) was what Aboka really wrote.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :
"I have also planted banian-trees on the high-roads, (intending that) they shall give shade to men and beasts. I have planted mango-gardens." I have also ordered wells to be dug at every half kose and I have ordered rest-houses to be built; and I have ordered many watering stations' to be made here and there for the enjoyment of men and beasts. [But something small indeed is) this so-called enjoyment. Both former kings and myself have blessed the world with various blessings. But I have done (all) this (in order) that men may render their obedience to the sacred law."
Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :
“My superintendents of the sacred law are also occupied with the various matters of grace, affecting both ascetics and householders; and they are likewise occupied with men of all creeds. I have arranged it that they will be occupied with the affairs of the Saṁgha'; likewise I have arranged it that they will be occupied with the Brahmanical Âjivikas; I have arranged it that they will be occupied with the Nigamthas; I have arranged it that they will be occupied with (all) the manifold creeds. Various officials (have been appointed) for various (classes of men and purposes) in accordance with the several requirements. But my superintendents of the sacred law are occupied both with those mentioned) and with the men of all creeds."
King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :
Both these and many other chief officials are occupied with the distribution of gifts, both my own and those of the queens; and in my whole barem they (point out) vari. ous ways the manifold sources of contentment both here (in Pátaliputra) and in the distance. And I have arranged it that they will be occupied with the distribution of the gifts both of my sons and of the other princes in order (to promote) noble deeds in accordance with the sacred law and obedience to the sacred law. For, these are noble deeds in accordance with the sacred law and this is action in accordanoe with the sacred law, whereby compassion, liberality, truthfulness, purity, gentleness and holiness will thus grow among men."
King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :
“Whatever works of holiness I have worked, these men have followed, and these they will imitate in future, and thereby they have grown and will grow in future in obedience towards parents, in obedience towards venerable men, in reverence towards the aged, in proper conduct towards Brahmans and ascetics, towards the poor and the wretched, even towards slaves and servants."
King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :
"But men have grown this growth of the sacred law in two ways, (vie.) through restrictive religious rules and through deep meditation". But, among these two the restrictive religious rules are something small, more (is worked) by deep meditation.
Regarding the short a of radikyd see note 17 on the Queen's Ediot, Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, p. 123, where it has been pointed out that the corresponding antdradikd may stand for antbdraddikt. Regarding the long d of ambd, see below, note 20.
# Mukhd has either been used in the sense of mukha, m, a leader (nee the smaller Pet. Diet., sub voce), or it stands for mukkhd and correspouda to mukhyd oliefs,' i.e.officials of high rank.'
Thue, i... is the manner desired by the king. Tata, i.e. tatra, bas bere, M often in Banskrit, a distributive sense, and tata-chu is equivalent to tayotu.

Page #312

PILLAR EDICTS OF ASOKA.
273
But the restrictive religious rules, indeed, are these, that I have ordered various kinds of creatures to be exempt from slaughter ; but there are also numerous other restrictive religious rules which I have imposed. But by deep meditation the growth of the sacred law has been increased more among men, so that they do not injure created beings, so that they do not slaughter living creatures."
For the following purpose these (orders) have been issued, (viz.) that they may last as long as my sons and great-grandsons reign", as long as moon and sun endure, and that men may act accordingly. If man obeys them in this manner, happiness has been gained both in this world and the next. I have caused this religious edict to be written after I had been anointed twenty-seven years.
Concerning this the Beloved of the gods speaks (thus):
“This religious edict must be incised there, where either stone pillars or stone tablets are found, in order that it may endure for a long time."
REMARKS ON THE TRANSLATION, (a) As the preceding clause states that the kings "conceived a wish," it is not possible to take kathan as an interrogative adverb. It must have the sense of an indefi. nite pronoun, just as káni has more frequently.
(1) Though it is perhaps not absolutely impossible to take etan with M. Senart as equivalent to itra or atra, I prefer to explain it by elad, and to assure that we have here the "accusative of relation," which, as Professor Delbrück has shown (Altindische, Syntax, p. 165f.), appears not rarely with verbs of speaking, wishing, considering and tho like.
(c) Abhyumnamayeham is the future with the meaning of the subjunctive (see Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, p. 266f., and especially the quotation from the Rámáyana under b). E for i appears similarly in paridahessati, etc. (see E. Müller : Simplified Grammar of the Pali Language, p. 118).
(d) Abhyunnamisati may be either the future of the active abhyannamati, or, equivalent to abhyunnammissali, the future of the passive of the causative abhyunnamayati. The use of the active unnamati, abhyunnamati, pronnamati, and so forth, in the sense of 'to rise up,' is the usual one both in Sanskrit and in the Prakrits.
(e) Lajúka means literally 'a writer, clerk,' and denotes here probably a high official, taken from the writer caste (sce note 1 to my Gernan translation of Rock Edict III). Regarding the meaning of ayata note 2 to my German translation of ve Seps. Ed. I, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XLI.
(f) Paliyovadátha is one of the few instances of the Vedic subjunctive, preserved in the old Prakrits of India (see Professor Pischel in Kuhn's Zeilschrift, vol. XXIII, p. 424, and Professor E. Müller, Simplified Grammar of the Pali Language, p. 108).
(g) Alhakosikyani corresponds to a Sanskrit urdhakroćikiyáni. The krosa or kos meant here, must be that equal to 8,000 Ilastas, or half a gavyúti, which thus corre. sponds to the so-called Sultoni kos of 3 English miles. The ordinary kos, equal to one and a lialf or one and three-quarter miles, cannot be meant, as the wells would come to close to each other.
See aluwe, Pillar Elict V.
Liet
2

Page #313

274
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(h) Nithsidhiyá no doubt stands for nisidhiya, just like the Pali mahimhsa for mahtaa, and is an equivalent of nishidiya, dwelling,' which occurs in the Någårjuni Hill Cave inscriptions, Indian Antiquary, vol. XX, p. 364f., in the compound vdshanishidiyaye. Both nimsidhiyá and nishidiya are Pali representatives of the Sanskrit nishadya, "a couch, a market-ball." They have, bowever, been derived not from the root nishad, but from the stem of the present tense nishtd. The lingual qha of ninsidhiyá is due to the influence of the original sha of nishidya. The Jairas use closely allied words nifidhi, nishidhi and nisidhi for the last resting-place, the ornamental tombs, of their saints, see Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, p. 99. Nimsidhiya denotes here, of course, the public resthouses or serais, which are found at certain distances on most Indian high-roads and which are frequently built dharmartham by benevolent and rich men. Ushavadata, the pious son-in-law of the Satrap and king Nahapana boasts in the Nasik inscriptions, Rep. Arch. Suro. West Ind. vol. IV, p. 99, that he erected many such buildings.
() Apana cannot have here its usual meaning "tavern, liquor-shop." As Professor Kern, Der Buddhismus, vol. II, p. 385, assumes, it must denote a watering station. Probably the huts on the roads are meant, where water is distributed to travellers and their beasts gratis or against payment. The usual Sanskrit name is prapa.
(1) Sangha, of course, denotes the order of Buddhist monks. The Âjivikas are probably, as Professor Kern assumes, orthodox Vaishnava ascetics, see my discussion of the question in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XX, p. 362. The Nigarthas are the Jaina ascetics or Nirgranthas. I take pațivisithan pațivisitham, "according to the several requirements" in the sense of prativitesham, (see the smaller Petersburg Dict, sub voce).
Tesu-tesu, literally " for these and those," probably refers not only to various classes of men, but also to various purposes, for which the unnamed officials were appointed. Compare the end of Rock Edict XII, where the Superintendents of women, the Vachabhumikas and other bodies of officials are mentioned.
(k) I here follow Professor Kern, Der Buddhismus, vol. II, p. 386, who takes tuthayatanani, i.e. tushțyáyatanani, "sources of contentment," in the sense of "opportunities for charity." Such opportunities are to be pointed out to all the inmates of the king's harem. With this interpretation the necessity of the restoration pati (pádayanti] is self-evident.
(1) Devikumála 'prince' means literally son of a queen,' i.e. of such a lady who has the title deci. As the sons of the king have been mentioned separately, it follows that the princes' are the sons of the wives of Piyadasi's predecessors, i.e. his brothers and possibly his paternal uncles. In the parallel passage, Rock Edict V, Piyadasi names his brothers, sisters and other relatives.'
(m) M. Senart has no doubt correctly explained nijhati as a derivative from the causative of nidhyái and appropriately translated it by "reflexion." It is equivalent to Sanskrit nididhyásaná "reflexion, deep meditation," which is derived by other affixes from the same verb.
(n) In pulápapotike the nominative of the plural putá takes the place of the stem just as in ambá-vadikya, above l. 2. Similarly the nominative singular frequently takes the place of the stem in the inscriptions from Mathura, ante, vol. I, p. 371 ff. Rare instances occur also in Pali. Thus we have, Ját. iv, 184, 18, sakhabhariyam, the wife of a friend.'

Page #314

MAHABAN PRASASTI.
275
XXI. THE MAHABAN PRASASTI OF SAMVAT 1207.
By G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.
The subjoined inscription is identical with that which I have published, ante, vol. I, p. 287, under the title Mathurá Prasasti of the Reign of Vijayapála, according to an impression, furnished to me by Dr. A. Führer and described as an 'Inscription on black basalt recovered from Kesava mound at Mathurâ, 10th February 1889.'
Shortly after the publication of my article Dr. Führer wrote to me that he did not agree with my restoration of the king's name as Vijayapâla, because he had obtained lately from Mahâban another small inscription of the same period, which showed a different reading. His remarks induced me to look over Sir A. Cunningham's notices of Mahâban in the Archæological Survey Reports, where I found the facsimile' of a much more complete version of this supposed Mathurá Prasasti, and the statement that the document had been obtained at Mahâban in 1882-83; my friend, Professor Kielhorn, likewise pointed it out to me. For some time I thought that Dr. Führer's inscription, in which the central portion has been rubbed out by the stone being used for grinding spices or dál and a large piece at the right-hand corner has been broken off, might be a duplicate of Sir A. Cunningham's. But this theory became doubtful, when in answer to my enquiries Dr. Führer stated that Sir A. Cunningham's stone was not traceable at Mahâban. And it became absolutely untenable, when some time ago Dr. J. Burgess found Sir A. Cunningham's impression from which his lithograph was prepared. A comparison with Dr. Führer's impression shows that the latter has, in the portions preserved, all the minor abrasions which are found on Sir A. Cunningham's slab, whereby the identity of the two originals is established. It would now seem that, after Sir A. Cunningham's impression was taken in 1882-83, the stone was taken away from Mahâban, used as a grinding stone by somebody, and finally brought as a find from the Kesava mound to Dr. Führer, who in 1889 received quite a number of fragments from the railway-workmen at Mathura.
I now re-edit the inscription according to Sir A. Cunningham's impression, which is reproduced in the accompanying plate and permits me to give a much better version.
As regards the contents of the inscription, it is now plain that it refers to the erection of a temple at Mahâban. The paramount king, mentioned in the colophon, is probably, as Sir A. Cunningham has stated, op. cit., vol. XX, p. 42, Ajaya pâla, not Vijayapala. And he may belong to the Yaduvathét dynasty of Bayana-Sripath (see the pedigree op. cit., p. 7). This view, which Sir A. Cunningham has put forward, is confirmed by the fact that Dr. Führer's above mentioned new inscription from
1 Cunningham's Archeological Survey Reports, vol. XX, pl. x.
The use of the slab for grinding condiments upon is perfectly evident from the impression, where a round piece in the centre is blank, and at the sides the deeper strokes of the letters are visible, while the shallower ones have disappeared. Dr. Führer has also sent me squeezes of several other fragments, which bear in pencil the dates when they came into his hands. One which is unfortunately very small shows the name of paramesvara-tri-Siladityadeva and may belong to the seventh
century.
2 N 2

Page #315

276
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Mahaban shows the name of Ajayapala's successor Harip&la and the date Samvat 1227. The pedigree of the Rajput who built the temple now stands as follows:
Simbaraja.
Tejarâja.
Asika, married to daughter of Harikantha.
Jajja, married to Dharma,
daughter of Rissika.
Pajja, married to dangbiter
of king of Avanta.
Four sons.
One or several sons (verse 17).
L. 3.
TRANSCRIPT. L. 1. भी। पी [गणपतये नमः ।।
दिश्यात्म व कैरवकु--- - यांसि दंतो हिरदाननस्व [1] विजित्य विघानिव-7- शंके (2)
मुखे समाधातुमुपाहिती यः [१] L2. [शौर: कन्नलकांतिरस्वसिलता भूत्यै -ि-- करा
कालिंदीव समुद्रता सरभर्स या खईनीपईया । यतान्ति] समानुषीव कमला डिल्लीरपिण्डो
पमः कम्बबिम्बितमम्बरं क[मलिनी किंजकपजायते । [२] स वोवतु ज----: सकलदैत्यदहन:
महानर[क]मईनः] प्रचुरचौरसंतईL.4.
समस्तभुवनाकरः कमलचक्रभूषाकरः धृतामरमहाभरः तृण]वदुतमाधरः ॥ [३] इति प्रथममेव ॥
शाखा[सन्ततिसविदहसL..
कनप्रीडामदिग्मण्डल वाधाः पान्य ममाश्रयो द्विजकुन्न: ममेव्यमानीधिक :
Rend zwa. On Dr. Fribrer's iupturun the stroke abure the ta has almost disappeared. +fiestore करवकहलाभ ययासि. • Restore चिरंव:.
Read किंबकपंजाबने । - Read 'दप नी:-भधाकरी:- महाभरमृ :-Restore जनाईन ।

Page #316

Epigraphia Indica, vol. II.
MAHABAN PRAŠASTI OF SAX VAT 1207.
SAMVAT 1207.
Kan
ti..तशत नया सायीमुदी
गतिरोनासिर ताधिक्यान पावार वि पाश तोमवममा भाउ पाया
कलाकातिर सत्तताकावरत सरल र गोम्पयन गावोदकामगाीति । BARमितमाम का नायनासो नदि रसद पानि महानतकशाली 11 सवमा कमNETITI) महार
शरथात वयातहतिसरममा RTI LIBRO
माता ) 7.1 MITHO मानसमग ३. रामायो ।
नाग ।१' ० धागा (
त निपुण लाव! | 10811 साली ५.६) त? | HIJ. ती ना यार याने 11 नियनविहान पावसन
तनावय ।।१११ यो नत मनि शकित राहा. रा सकारातः। किरालेगातिशित योग साधना से जारी
२४ायो र 11 तारित पदामादयति पावत ART1 मारी। सराहो
-tia
पोसिमा मिना लामा OMG.P11111117p} } सिर क्रितिस्थात तो
रामा,१०।। में करपशाक कोजागडापालन
माग तर । (2113
सकल जाना15 समापिकाने के विस । कपोनितिलपारीको विमानातिवाद । पायगुगनवमीयालेसमा
सरुवा सुमने किकिन गोवा A3:ोपातिति मला
.
. 13 ननकानामपियन माता 17 | 15. म न मा ।
ना-11: सलमान ताजा मानसरत(77..
. ।। ५. "। रात 11 पार ।' Ma:/7 |
सन
Medi tat i n Mar 21,' | :18 . ..?' ५ ५.४ १.00a
१ ११ 134 10/ TI)... ! 1111८11'
E P
लका । ।
: 11 । ... A /- 17 'राम'
नि । नानालाल
ला
TIALA
From Gem. Sir 4.Cnmenghan's impression.
Scale: 1-3rd of original.

Page #317


Page #318

MAHABAN PRASASTI.
277
पोखीमसमान बहुतरप्रख्यात]पर्वक्रमः--
श्रीमावति समुL. .
बत: क्षितितले राजन्यवंशो महान् । [४] सौजन्यामृतवारिधिमुरुगुरुग्रामप्रकामावधिः ।
श्रीमानमानिधियैकनिपुशनुसाध्वचक्रप्रधि: [] L.. तबाभूकलिकालकल्मषमषोप्रक्षालनकत्रमः
मान्छ: चवियव मौलितिलकः श्रीसिंहराजाशयः ॥ [५] दानेन खशीर्मिनयन विद्या
भावेन.भ.. L.8... लि समया च शक्ति: [].
सत्येन सूषि -देन मूर्तिरसंकता असिना च येन [40] तस्याभूतनको नयोबसमति: बीतेजरावाजयः
- L... चिमुरमुखमाही विवेकाकर।
यवि मोक्षमोपि विदितो पत्ते व वैकुण्ठतामैया ने करलो थी नायकोपि स्फुट [७]' L. 10 तस्खास्नुस्वायतोव्वलतरप्रख्यातकोत्युंजयः
श्रीमावासिक अत्युदास्मन्त्रिमा देवहिजारत: []
विदिताकिमविटी वायैकनिष्ठः परं ॥ Lal::-----सेमसिर्बिमधी(रः सत्वं संमत: " [4]
शंभु मलमुतामिक चियमिक श्रीयाळपाखिः प्रभुः पौचीहमोमिक अवाम्बुधिरिव सोतखिनी जावी।
शीबाया किL.12:
रोहिणीमिव मुनि न्यामिवारुन्धतीं स बीमारिकामानामुदवहसक्तिभ -- तां [] तस्यांना तो जो जज: सज्जनभूषणं । ।
रामोदय: L13x3. रथेने को सस्थायामुदारधीः ॥ [१०]
कुंभव क्रालयितमवं बारि] धेः कस्य मतिः. कोसामाखिनसिकतास्ता: परिछत्तमीण: []
Acording to Cunningham's rabbing one might read ir , but Führer's gires plainly ' Restors किसी की
The second ruit And the second of fun stand below the line.
"The last Pada stand the margio, and there is a mark after in order to indicate the lauda चोचीपावहिरीची
"Red बीमापाणि-Restore सक्रिमापनन--
Restore

Page #319

278
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L.14. लों दिवि गणयितुं कोलीभिः समर्थ:
तस्य स्तोतुं सकल[म]थ वा क: प्रगल्भ: गुणौघं [॥११| चंद्रः कथंचित्ममवाप्य वृद्धिं
पक्ष किलैक विमL.15.
___ लं करोति [] जज्ज: पुनर्भूतलपाळ -- हावेव पक्षी विमलौ विधत्ते ॥ [१२] सङ्गः साधुभिरेव कोपशमने शक्तिश्च धर्मे मतिः
दानभ्यासविधि: पL. 16.
रोपक्वतये कार्य गुरूणां न[ति: ।] -- श्रीपुरुषोत्तमाहियुगले गोष्ठी समं पंडितैः जज्जस्यासिकसंभवस्य सुमतेः किं किं न लीकोत्तरं । [१३]"
काL. 17. यः परोपकतिभिः मुक्कतो
-हिर्मुरारिचरणस्मरणेन चेत: [1] लक्ष्मीरपि प्रणयिवांच्छितपूरणेन
सत्येन वागपि च येन कता कताL. 18.
॥ [१४]" थोमानिस्मिकनामधेयविदितो राजन्यवंशोहतः तस्यासावुपयेमिवान्दुहितर धर्माभिधानां सतीं।
शीलाचारविभूषणं शुभगुणं भर्तृव्रL.19.
तां सम्मतां तस्यां [पुत्र चतुष्टयं समभवहर्मोपपन्न तत: ॥ [१५] तस्यानुजो गुणनिधिगुणिनां वरिष्ठः ख्यातः सुरहिजगुरूचितभक्तियुक्त: []
गांभीर्यL. 20. सत्यनयदान[विवे] कवुद्धि:
श्रीआसिकात्मजमुनिर्मलपज्जनामा ॥x [१६] अवन्तराजतनयां भार्यामुदवहत्सतीं। तस्यां स जनयामास x x x x - ~ix [१७]" संसार हरिभक्तिसारमखिलं विज्ञाय गोष्ठीजन:
साई धर्मधुरां चिराL.21.
य वहता जज्जेन निर्मापितं । विष्णोहर्म्यमनल्पशिल्परचनावैचित्रापावं वह
" The reading of the stone seems to have been पावणेन्दुः. " Restore भक्ति: श्रौपुरुषो. 1 Restore मुकतोचयेन बुद्धिम. " Verse 17 stands in the margin, and is preceded by the figure 20, which refers to the line where it is to be inserted.

Page #320

MAHABAN PRASASTI.
279
मर्गगानिललोलितध्वजपटं शुभाभमभंलिहं। [१८]
सौव:सैन्धL. 22. वमन्धकान्तकजटाजटाटवीनाटक
कोडादुर्ललितस्थितिस्थिरतर यावत्पवित्र पयः []
सध्रोची सुचिरं फणीवरफणारबांकुराणां क्षिL. 23.
---वदिहास्तु मन्दिरमिदं लक्ष्मीपतेः शाश्वतं ॥ [१८] अत्र गोष्ठीक्वताबामानि ॥ मुत्तिकात्मजधम्मीह रामस्तिल्हस्य नंदनः ।
पदचित्तकL. 24.
--~xx णो वस्मिकात्मजः ॥ [२०] मंगपुनो नारदश्च जासिको माहवांगजः । ढोलसूनुर्वसंतश्च कलस्यात्मजधन्तुक: । [२१] .
सोभरात्मा महीपाल: L.25.
xxx xv-जनः । फुलोरी सडसंभूत: देधरो माधवात्मजः ॥ [२२] सोढलो रामपालस्य सेल्हणो राजिकोद्भवः ।
एते गोष्ठी समागम्य पुत्रपौत्रादिL.26.
- [रिका: ॥ [२३] [प्रथा तो लिख्यते वृत्तिर्देवदेवस्य चक्रिणः । संप्रदत्ता नरेन्द्रेण पुरवासिजने न च । [२४] दे रहे वीथय: षट् वाटिका देवहेतवे ।
गोणी. L. 27. [प्रसूतिरवस्य मानोमानरसादिका ॥ २५]
यंत्रे यंत्रे पली [ग्राह्या चा[तुश] पुष्पमालिकात् ।। मापकाच्च चतुर्थीसो यः का चिन्मापको भवेत [१२६
यः कश्चित् हL. 26.
रते वृत्तिं न ददाति च मानवः । स गच्छेबर[क] घोरं यावदाभातसंप्लव: ॥ [२७]] पस्याः [प्रशस्तेः कर्तारौ वुधौ पालकुलद्धरौ।
[]तव्यं सर्वविवुधैन्यूनान्यनं विचारL. 29.
त: ॥ १८] संवत् १२०७ का-ि-पौर्समास्यां महाराजाधिराज -- जयपालदेवविजयराज्ये उत्कीर्मा सोमलसूत्र धारण ॥
- Restore चितिर्यावत्तावदि.
चातु, can, of course, not be correct. Read चतुर्थ शी. 9 The last word is probably meant for यावदाभतमंघवं

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
XXII.-MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENGAL.
BY PAUL HORN, PH. D., STRASSBURG.
As in my previous paper on Muhammadan inscriptions from the Suba of Dihli, I have reproduced the texts of the inscriptions as they are found on the stone, adding no wanting dots, tashdids, etc., except in the first six inscriptions.
1.-BHAGALPUR.
The history of Bhagalpur during the first four centuries of Muhammadan rule offers nothing very remarkable. The first inscription below of the time of Mahmûd Shah ibn Ibrahim Shah of Jaunpur, is of value, because it shows that Bhagalpår in the ninth Hijrat century belonged to the Sharqt kingdom, as did also Bihar (vide below). In A. H. 982 it came into the possession of Akbar (Akbarnáma, III, 108). Further i. mation regarding the place has been collected by C, J. O'Donnell in W. W. Hunter's Statistical Account of Bengal, vol. XIV, p. 82.
The inscriptions Nos. 2, 3 and 4 are of little historical value; they bear the dates of the years 1032 (reign of Jahangir), 1130 (reign of Farrukh Siyar) and 1798 A.D. The last falls in the period of English rule.
The first inscription' is engraved on a black basalt slab, fixed on a tomb in a garden belonging to Râni Bibi in Mânda Roga Maḥalla, Bhagalpûr; it is no longer in situ; the stone measures 36 inches by 18 inches; the size of the inscribed part is 30 by 13 inches.
مسجدا في الدنيا بني الله له قصرا في الجنة في زمن ملك العادل محمود قال النبي عليه السلام من بني مسجدا في الدنيا بني !
شاه السلطان بنا کرده این مسجد خانمعظم خرشید خان سر نوبت غير محليان في العاشر من "جماد الأول سنه خمسين وثمانماية
TRANSLATION.
"The Prophet-may God's blessing be upon him!- says 'He who builds a mosque in this world, God will build for him a castle in Paradise'. During the time of the just king Maḥmad Shah the honoured Khân Khurshed Khân, head of the guardians outside the palace, has built this mosque on the tenth of Jumadi'l awwal, year 850 H. (3rd August 1446).'
The arrangement of the words on the stone is not quite regular, and the deciphering is therefore more difficult than it seems at first sight. I have found no information relative to Khurshed Khân, whose title sar- naubat-i ghair-mahallián I have translated according to Blochmann (Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, vol. XLI, p. 106, vol. XLII., p. 273, note).
2. The second inscription has already been published by Blochmann in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, December 1873, p. 200. It is on a Dargah called the Maskan-i Barâri or Makhdûm Shah's Dargah in Champanågar near Bhagal
See facsimile No. 1.
The same form occurs, e.g., in the inscriptions, Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, vol. XLI, p. 109, Proceedings for March 1874, p. 72.

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Epigraphia Indica, vol. II.
No. 1. BHAGALPUR INSCRIPTION OF A.H. 850.
新
Y
1.
原
;
”
IA
下
kit
文
在地
NO. 2. MAHDIPUR INSCRIPTION OF A.H. 891.
邦
一
雪山,生产年
一一一章重生”
。
--
中
A
-
一一
感困網
事:
三星”
工作
其三,
From J. D. Beglar', impression.
Scale: 1-5th of original.

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MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENGAL.
281
rur; the name of the saint buried there is not known. The basalt slab measures 27 by 16 inches, the inscribed part 20 by 13 inches; it contains four lines.
لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله
عثمان رضي | علي كرم الله ابوبکر صدیق | عمر فاروق
وجهه رضي الله عليه | رضي الله عليه | الله عليه |
جون اضعف عباد الله خواجه احمد سمرقندي حسب الحكم نراب قدسي القاب شاهزاد عالمیان شاه پریز جهانگیر بخدمت نرجداري سرکار منکیر آمده بود به بنای عمارت این روضه منوره ترفیق یافت سنه ۱۰۳۲ هزار سي و در
TRANSLATION. There is no god but God and Muḥammad is the Apostle of God.
Abů Bakr, the veracious-may God be pleased with him! 'Omar, the distinguisher between right and wrong-may God be pleased with him! 'Osman-may God be pleased with him! 'Ali-may God dignify his face !".
When the humblest of the slaves of God, Khwaja Aḥmad of Samarqand, according to the order of the Nawab, bearing holy titles, the prince of the people of the world, Shah Parwêz, son of Jahangir, had entered the service as Faujdar of Sarkar Mungir, he found grco to build this splendid tomb in the year 1032 H. (began the 5th November 1622].
Shah Parwez was the second son of the emperor Shah Jahangir. He died of deli. rium tremene on the 6th Safar 1035 (7th November 1625). In the year 1032 H he
ah ahan د بي. :: :gave Bengal in jdgar to Mahabat Khan, after having defeat
in li
(Iqbálnáma-í Jahányirí, p. 239), whereas Bihar, to which sarka. Mungir belonged (Ain-i-Akbari, vol. I, p. 419), remained his own tiyil.
In the Statistical Account of Bengal, vol. XV, p. 63, is a long account of the town of Mungir, compiled by Blochmann.
3. This inscription was found near Cleveland's public garden; the rectangular black basalt stone on which it is engraved measures about 36 by 13 inches, the inscription covers 16 by 10 inches.
بملك بقا از بسي افسوس رخت سفر بست زنان سرای
فوت از سر اندره بكر سال روح مجسم زجهان رفت رای
Metre --Sari':
With much sorrow he tied up the dress of journey from the perishable house towards the country of eternity. From the head of the word) grief say the year of the death, "The soul clothed with a body went from the world, alas !"
The last line gives, according to abjad reckoning, 1129. As the poet seems to mean that the head of andúh, i.e. the letter alif, is to be added to the tarikh, we get 1129+1=1130 H. (which began the 5th December 1717].
The four caliphs. • La Elliot-Dowson's History, vol. VI, p. 417, I. 4 for Bihár read Bengal.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
The person referred to is not named.
4. The following inscription is from the same place as No. 3; the engraved area on the pillar is 12 by 5 inches.
بر لبش این دیر هم از سعي ار تعمیر یافت
تعميرش نشان تا برد بر لوح سنک از سال بعد لفظ دیده اندر مصرع هشتم فزد دیده کم اندر جهان آدم چنین جای غریب
این تالاب خرش تحفير يافت از ضياء ملک خواستم تاریخ هجر (۲) عسري (.sic) سازم بیان
لفظ بود شادماني زروی هاتف ناگهان
عجب خاطر زد سروشي بس آنکهان در کوش
TRANSLATION. Metre,- Ramal :
By order of) Ziya-i-Mulk this fair tank has been dug, on the bank of it this place of worship has also been erected by his exertion. I wanted to render manifest the date of the Christian era, so that there may exist a sign of the year of its erection on the face of the stone. Suddenly an invisible speaker by way of pleasure increased the word * Búd' after the word 'Didah' in the eighth hemistich; then in the ear of the mind he uttered a mysterious sound, indeed, strange: "Man has scarcely seen in the world such a rare place."
The letters of the tarikh which runs therefore Didah búd kam' etc., give 1793 A.D.--the last hemistich=1781 + 12 (bud)-i.e.-1208-9H.
Ziya-i-Mulk must have been the title of some English officer whose European name I am not able to make out here.
On a hill to the west of Bhagalpur Station is a Muhammadan shrine, the tomb of Shahjangi (Shahbaz), to which belongs a tank. That tank which had gone out of use was cleaned and fitted with stone steps by order of Mr. Edward Latore, Magistrate, Zila' Bhagalpur, in 1843 A.D., corresponding with 1250 Fasli. As a memorial of that fact a Hindustani inscription has been engraved in a circle on the side wall of the ghat, and the names of the personages who furthered the work with money bave been inscribed in the margin. The total sum amounts to R2,677, if I have added rightly."
II.-Hazrat PAŅDUAH. The following inscriptions from Panduah belong to the Adina (i.e. Friday) Mosque of which large ruins still remain. These have been described at length by the late J. F. Ravenshaw in his Gaur, its Ruins and Inscriptions, pp. 60 ff., where also a ground plan of the masjid is given.
The mosque was built by Abu'l Mujahid Sikandar Shah, son of Shams-addin Abu'l Muzaffar Ilyas Shah, king of Bengal, who adorned his capital Panduah with that magnificent edifice. Except one, the inscriptions inside and outside the mosque are of no historical value, containing only verses from the Qorán. The rubbings transmitted to the Asiatic Society of Bengal by General Cunningham and Mr. W. L. Heeley are very fine and worthy of the beautiful penmanship which can hardly be surpassed in other Indian Muhammadan inscriptions.
There is another rubbing of a Hindustani inscription of the month of August of 1845 which has been engraved on a large basalt pillar near the public garden on the bank of a tank opposite Cleveland's house, but the inscription seems to be much defaced, so that it is not possible to decipher it from the rubbing. It relates also to a taldv and a sar di "yya.

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283
5. On the outer wall of the centrai nave near the doorway, which is very small in proportion to the size of the edifice, the inscription has been cut, which mentions the builder of the mosque and the year of its erection. The size of the stone is 58 by 11 inches, that of the inscribed part is 57 by 9 inches; it runs
الدولة السلطان الاعظم اعلم اعدل اکرم اکمل السلاطين امر ببناء العمارة هذا المسجد الجامع في ايام
خند خلافته الى
شاه السلطان العرب والعجم الرائق بتائید الرحمن ابوالمجاهد سکندر شاه سلطان بن الياس يوم الموعود كتبه في التاريخ رجب سنة ست [ر] سبعين وسبعماية |
TRANSLATION. "The edifice of this Jami' Masjid was ordered to be built during the days of the reign of the great king, the wisest, the justest, the most liberal, the most perfect of the kings of Arabia and Persia, who trusts in the assistance of the Merciful, Abu'l Mujahid Sikandar Shah, the king, son of Ilyas Shah, the king-May his reign be perpetuated till the day of promise! He wrote it during Rajab of the year 776 (began the 6th December 1374).'
There are some mistakes in Blochmann's readings of this inscription (Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XLII, p. 257, and repeated in Ravenshaw's Gaur, p. 62). Regarding the accuracy of my conjecture that the eighth word is to be read ayyam, there can hardly be any doubt. The statement of the date at the end of the inscription is quite ungrammatical, if, with Blochmann, we read rajab sitt; besides, the succession of the words should be sitt rajab. Grammatical mistakes are very numerous in Bengal inscriptions, but the construction rajab sitt instead of sádis would be too faulty even for them. I therefore prefer to supply a va (and) before sab'in or to read the va standing before sab'miat twice, a case that occurs not at all unfrequently.
We do not know the year in which the Âdina mosque was finished; the Riyas mentions only that the beginning fell in the year 766 H. It is very probable that the building required a space of ten years, e.g. the Jami' Masjid at Kotila in Eastern Rajputana was erected within eight years, and ten are therefore not too much to allow for the erection of that gigantic barn,' as General Cunningham calls the Âdîna mosque (Archeological Survey of India, vol. XV, p. 90).
6. Over the doorway of the king's platform (Ravenshaw calls it Badshah ka takht) we find the words of the Kalima. The size of the inscription is 8 by 7 inches.
Over the central prayer niche (mihráb) are inscribed on two stones the verses of Qorán, Sür. xxxiii, 56, and Sûr. xxii, 76, the latter being quoted with the omission of some words in Major W. Francklin's Journal of a Route from Rájmahal to Gaur, A. D. 1810, see Ravenshaw, p. 64.
Round the three other prayer niches are also engraved passages from the Qorán, on the northern, the combined verses Sur. ii, 63, iii, 31, ii, 121 and Sûr, ix, 20, 21.
6 I see, however, that nothing can be too faulty for the Indian Muhammadan inscriptions, for I have found once again at least the above construction, with the number sitt (inscr. of the rauza of Muhammad Sharif of Balkb in Dihli.-Proceedings of As. Soc. Beng., for 1875, p. 212.
* The exordial phrase is, have no way do wf Wisal JG (“God has said, who is raised above another speaker and more glorious than another orator)".

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Round the muidule prayer niche runs Sûr. xlviii, 27 28, 29 (size: 153 inches hy 12 inches, the measure of the whole stone is 160 by 15 inches); round the southern (Ravenshaw, patryroph, rute !:) Sor. 1, 2 6. 257 instven srili. The intervals between the single letters and words are always copiously crnamented with flower. arabesques.
The inscription over the prayer niche in the transept (Ravenshaw, photograph plate xli) has been mentioned by Bloclimann in the Journal Asiatic Society Bengal, vul. XLII, p. 256. A facsimile is given in Ravenshaw's work, plate xlv; it contains Qorán, Sûr. ix 18, 19. The top line is in Kufik, a character of writing the artist was evidently not very conversant with, and contains the Fátiha.
A stone (20 by 14 inches) once fixed in the wall of the nave, now lost, bore round a square which contains arabesques and the name of Muhammad twice, besides the Kalima, the text of Sûra cxii.
III.-GAUR. For the city of Gaur, the reader may be referred to Ravenshaw's work already. cited, the photographs of which give a picture of the former grandeur and magnificence of the town. It also gives a historical sketch of Gaur from the Muhammadan conquest to the end of its independence (pp. 95ff). Some of the following inscriptions have been already published either in this work or by Blochmaon.
7. Over the entrance to the court of the Qadam-Rasal mosque (Ravenshaw, photograph, plate 13, and facsimile, plate 48, No. 6) is an inscription, ? 1" by 1' 2" in two lines
قال النبي عليه السلام من بنى مسجدا لله بنی الله تعالی له سبعين قصرا في الجنة بني هذ المسجد و في عهد السلطان ابن السلطان بن السلطان شمس الدنيا والدین ابرالمظفر يوسف شاه السلطان ابن باریکشاه السلطان بن محمود شاه السلطان بني هذا المسجد خان اعظم و خاقانمعظم
وثمانين وثمانمایه مرجان خان اتابك ذات اعلى بتاریخ ههردهم ماه مبارک رمضان سنه خمس
TRANSLATION, • The Prophet (on whom be peace !) has said: 'He who builds a mosque for God, will have seventy castles built for him by God in Paradise. This mosque was built in the time of the king, the son of a king, who was the son of a king, Shamsaddunya waddin Abu'l Muzaffar Yusuf Shah, the king, son of Bårbak Sbah, the king, son of Mahmud Shah, the king. This mosque was built by the great Khân, the exalted Khaqan Marjad Khan, the atabeg of the high person. On the 13th day of the blessed month Ramazan 885 (17th Notember 1489).'
In Ravenshaw's book the mistakes of Mr. Blochmann are reproduced. Blochmann has also published three other inscriptions of Yusuf Shah, of the years 882 (Journal As. Soc. Beng. vol. XLII, p. 275), 884 (ib. p. 276), and 885 (ib. vol. XLIV, p. 293); they are from Panduah or the neighbourhood of Dhaka. The information about Yusuf Shah which the histories furnish is very mea gre.
* i.e. . • This reiteration occurs also on coins.

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MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM BEXCAL.
255
8. Over the central door of the small golden mosque in Gaur (Ravenshaw, plate xxii) is an inscription. One corner of the stone which contained the date has been broken away in three lines (dimensions 9 feet by 1' 8")
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم قال نتنه تعني انما يعمر مساجد اللة مر. من بالله واليوم اتخر راقام الضارة
صلى الله عليه وسلم من بني الا الله نعسي ارائك أن يكونوا من المهتدين وقال النبي راتی الزكرة ولم يخش مسجدا لله بنى الله له بيتا في الجنة مثله وعمارة هذا المسجد الجامع
في عهد سلطان السلاطین سید السادات منبع السعادت ارحم المسلمين والمسلمات معلی کلمات الحق و
خليفة الله بالحمه والبرهان غوث الاسلام والمسلمین والحسنات المرید بتایيد الدين المجاهد في سبيل الرحمن علاء الدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر حسین شاه السلطان الحسینی خلد الله ملکه ر سلطانه بني هذا المسجد الجامع خالصا مخلصا
مجلس منصور نصره الله تعالي
المجالس متركة على الله الولي محمد بن علي المخاطب بخطاب مجلس
رجب رجب قدره سن [ه ... ... ... ... في الدنيا والآخرة وتاريخه الميمون في الرابع عشر من شهر الله المد
TRANSLATION. * In the name, etc. God Almighty has said : “ He only shall repair,” etc. (Qorán, Sûr. is, 18). And the Prophe : (my God's blessing rest upon Lim!) has said " He who builds, etc.
The erection of this Jåmi' masjid took place in the time of the king of kings, the Sayyid of the Sayyids, the fountain of auspiciousness, the most merciful of the faithful men and women, who exalts the words of truth and good deeds, who is assisted by the assistance of the Supreme Judge, who strives on the road of the merciful, the viceregent of God, with proof and testimony, the defender of Islam and the Muslims, 'Alå addunya waddin Abu'l Muzaffar Husain Shah, the king, the descendant of Husain-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule! This Jami' masjid was built, from pure and sincere motives, and from trust in God, by the Walt Muhammad, son of 'All, who has the title of majlis al majális majlis- mansur-may God render him victorious in this world and the next! Its auspicious date is the 14th of God's blessed month of Rajab-may its value increase of the year ......
Husain Shah reigned from 899 till 929 A. H., we possess many inscriptions of his reign. I have noted 29. This one has been published in Ravensbaw's work, p. 38.
9. From Shah N'imat Allah's ásitána near the Jåmi' masjid in the Firozpur suburb of Gaur. Two lines (dimensions 3 feet by 1' 4")
بني هذا الباب الحصن في عهد السلطان المعظم المکرم علاء الدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر حسین شاه
خلدالله ملکه ر سلطانه في سنه ثمان عشر و تسعماية السلطان بن سید اشرف الحسيني
TRANSLATION. This gate of the fort was built in the time of the exalted and liberal king, 'Alá. addunya waddin Abu'l Muzaffar Husain Shala the king, son of Sayyid Ashraf,

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the descendant of Husain-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule! In the year 918 (began the 19th March 1512).10
10. At the same place two other inscriptions have been found containing only passages from the Qorán. Both are richly ornamented with varied patterns of flowers and arabesques. The first measures 6' 5" by 9 in.; on four lines, Qorán, Sûr. vi, 59; viii, 19; xxxv, 2; xlviii, 1, 2, 3, etc., and in three circles the words Yá raḥmán, ya Allah, yá rahim are inscribed; the second measures 2′ 4′′ by 8 in., and contains Qorán, Sur. lxii, 9, 10, 11.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
11. Over the centre arch of the Qadam-Rasûl masjid outside, in three lines (dimensions 2' 3" by 1' 6".)
قال الله تعلى من جاء بالحسنة فله عشر أمثالها بني هذه الصفة المطهرة التي فيها حجر فيه اثر قدم رسول صلى الله عليه وسلم السلطان
المعظم المكرم السلطان بن السلطان ناصرالدنيا والدين ابوالمظفر نصرتشاه السلطان بن حسین شاه السلطان بن سید اشرف الحسيني خلد الله ملکه و سلطانه واعلي امره و شانه في سنة سبع وثلثين وتسعماية
TRANSLATION.
'God Almighty has said: "He who brings a good work shall have ten like it " (Qorán, Sûr. vi, 161). This pure dais on which is a stone with the foot-print of the Prophet-may God's blessing be upon him!-was erected by the great, generous king, the king, the son of a king, Nâşiraddunyâ waddin Abu'l Muzaffar Nusrat Shân, the king, son of Husain Shah, the king, son of Sayyid Ashraf, the descendant of Husain-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule and elevate his condition and his dignity! In the year 937 (began the 25th August 1530).'
Mr. Blochmann has remarked that these inscriptions rectify the Rigáz and Stewart, who give as the date of the completion of the Qadam-Rasul mosque A.H. 939.
12. From Shah Ni'mat Allâh's ásitána, not in situ, in one line (dimensions 2' 1" by 7 in.)
قال الله تعالي أن المساجد الله باني هذا الباب خانجہان في التاريخ غرة من فيرا له جه سته سبعين وتسعماية
TRANSLATION.
God Almighty has said "surely the mosques belong to God" (Qorán, Sûr. lxxii, 18). The builder of this gateway is Khánjahan. In the beginning of Zu'l Hijja, 970' (22nd July 1863),
The inscription falls in the reign of Ghiyâs addin Abu'l Muzaffar Jalal Shah of Bengal, 14 years before the conquest of Bengal by Akbar. Khânjahan was in 982 governor of Orisa (Akbarnáma, vol. I, p. 161 var.); he was therefore the successor of Lôdî Khân, amír al umará of Sulaiman, king of Bengal, who was put to death by his sovereign the year before (Badaunt, vol. II, p. 174). In the Moghul empire the title of Khânjahân was the next to that of Khânkhanan (Ma'ásir, I, 649).
10 This was published in Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vol. XLII, p. 295, and repeated in Ravenshaw's Gaur, p. 88, No. 19. There is no reason for Blochmann's sic, who has read faultily.
Published in Ravenshaw's Gaur, p. 36. The number tis' is not legible on my rubbing.

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MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENGAL.
287
13. From the Jami' masjid in the Firozpur suburb, evidently a fragmentary inscription (size 1' 4" by 2 in.), which contains Qorán, Sur. lxii, 5 (it begins in the middle of the verse with the words [kamisli'l himári).
IV.- MAADIPUR (VILLAGE). 13 14. The following inscription is now fixed in the modern mosque at Mahdipar, it is arranged in four squares and measures 4' 4' by 10 in.
قال الله تعالی انما يعمر مساجد الله من آمن بالله ر اليوم الآخر واقام الصلوة واتي الزكرة ولم يخش الا الله فعسی اولئك أن يكونوا من المهتدين
وقال الله تعالى ان المساجد لله فلا تدعوا مع الله أحدا ر قال النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم من بنی مسجدا لله تعالی بنی الله تعالی له بيتا في الجنة
بني هذ المسجد في عهد السلطان ابن السلطان جلال الدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر فتخشاه السلطان ابن محمود شاه السلطان
رقد بنا السيد الأعظم سید دستور بن سید راحت بالحسنة ثمر جعله سر کنبد مولانا برخوردار ابن خانمعظم ياسر حملن في شهر المبارک رمضان سنه احدی رسعدن و نمایمانه
TRANSLATION. God Almighty has said "He only shall repair," etc. (Qorán Sur ix, 18).
God Almighty has also said " verily, the mosques," etc. (Qoran, Sur. lxxii, 18). The Prophet-on whom may rest God's blessing ! has said "He who builds a mosque,"
etc.
This mosque was built in the time of the king, son of a king, Jalal addunya wad. din Abu'l Muzaffar Path shah, the king, son of Mahmad shah, the king. Its builder was the exalted Sayyid, Sayyid Dastür, son of Sayyid Rahat-through good deeds he has collected fruits for himself—at the head of the vault of Maulana Barkhur. dar, son of the exalted Khân Taj Khân. In the blessed month of Ramazan of the year 891' (legan the 31st August 1486).
The letters being very closely written it is not easy to decipher the names. This is the sixth inscription of Fath Shah, who reigned from 886 till 893; the others fall in the years 886 from Bandar near Dhaka, (Jour. 48. Soe. Beng., vol. XLII, p. 282), 887 from Dhamrai, north of Dhaka, (ib., vol. XLI, p. 109); 888 from Bikrampur, Dhaka District (ib., vol. XLII, p. 284), 889 from Sunargaon, (ib., vol. XLII, p. 285), and 892 from Satgan w, (db., Vol. XXXIX, p. 293).
15. The following inscription of the same king has lost the date; it is from the Challa masjid (size 5' 7" by 4 in.), one line
جلال الدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر فتحشاه سلطان ابن محمود شاه السلطان خلد الله ملکه ر سلطانه راعلی امره
خانمعظم دولتخان وزیر لشکر تقبل الله منه خان الأعظم , خاقان المعظم الرائق بالملك المنان وشانه بسعي في سنه اربع ۰۰۰۰۰۰
See facsimile No 2.

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288
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TRANSLATION. Jalal addunya waddin Abu'l Muzaffar Fatḥ Shah, the king, son of Mahmud Sbåh, the king-may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule and elevate his condition and his rule ! Through the exertion of the exalted Khân and the high Khâqân, who trusts upon the beneficient Lord, the exalted Khân Daulat Khan, the wazir of the army-may God accept from him (his prayers) !" In the year ......'
16. From the modern mosque, as No. 14. One line (size 1' 5" by 7 in.), a frag. ment
الدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر حسین شاه السلطان بني هذا المسجد ملك يزيد معطم طفرحان بن ملك ... ... سر ترنت ... ... در سهر رمع الحر [?] می الماری سه .. ..
built by Malik Yazid s in the month of Rabi' al asuv, it is not possible
TRANSLATION. ['Ala-Jaddunya waddin Abu'l Muzaffar Husain Shah. This mosque was built by Malik Yazid Mu'azzam Zafar Khan, son of Malik ..... head of the guardians ..... in the month of Rabi' al akhir, in the year ......
As the upper part of the left side is broken away, it is not possible to read correstly the name of the builder. Nothing is known about the original place of the stone which bears the inscription.
V.KHANDEARTOLA (SHERPCR). 17. In the jungal in the midst of the deserted village of Khandkartola, about two miles south of the Sherpûr municipality, are the ruins of the Khema masjid. Two slabs of equal size (4'7" by 2' 4" by 3") bear the inscriptions, the middle portions of the stone being carved in a vase pattern in one and in a square in the other. The right slab is cracked in two or three places; the cracks seem to be very old. As Mr. H. Lee has remarked on the inscription form, these slabs were Hindu gods originally, but the gods bave been turned round and the inscriptions cut on their backs. The holes were porc hably made to destroy the sanctity of the gods. About 500 yards distant are the renuius of the Bidishali masjid ; both are in bad repair and will soon go to ruins.
The inscription on the left side ruus
با مطهر العجاب و مانده ردر درسده ۲۴ ماه درالعم سده ۹۸۹ با سایر نواب میرا مواد حال مسجد اعار کرد دردم ررر
ل مدارد يقدر عدد الصمد در کدوبر
م
فرار سه ستبه ۲۶ بهر حال دوام ارهوا فرود امدرد و سلام کردند و بعد از مدارکدادی عرص
ما رامحات ما درب
روله داردم برای کردند که از مکه مدارکه بام رس
حرا به اما مسعد
قر کو مسعد اسمانه حکم خواهند فرمود
هر که دیده مورد مبادا از مردم رمانبه هر حنا درسد کعدد
" lu the Quran, yalalu vecurs iu the siwe wanner without the addition of an object.

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MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENGAL.
289
خواهد
برر
اریس رماده رسید
سلام العرص کردن حیراں عمر با طعر اعتمان
که به نحاره کدو در عرص
رساند
خواهد دانسته ر ار راهب العدایاب معلوم کردند و در هرا سدد بعد ار امام مسعدراهدمام
..................
... ... ... ... ... ...
اس
حرهر
و مسجد بنا کرد علیساں رفع
حال نامسال
مراك
TRANSLATION 'O (Thou) who manifestest spiritual wonders! On Monday, the 24th of month Zu'l Hijja A. 989, (19th January 1582), the Nawab Mirza Murad Khan with sacred observances made the beginning of this mosque. The second day-, on Tuesday the 26th (sic.), the faqir' Abdaşşamad comes for the sake of the mosque. Two milk. white pigeons came down from the air and saluted him, and after the benediction" they said 'we are from the blessed Makka; will you command for us and our friends a place of rest in this mosque ?' The faqir said, 'Why not? But the mosque ..... lest oppression . . . should come from the men of the world. They said every one who purposely-brings it on him it will come. More than that will be known from the bestower of bounties.' They saluted and disappeared in the air ..... After the com. pletion of the mosque the petition which the pigeons ....
This mosque has been built by the noble exalted Murad Khân, son of Jauhar 'Ali Khân Qaqshål.'
Murad Qaqshal in 988 became commander of 1,000 and received the title of Khân (Akbarnáma, vol. III, pp. 304, 305). In 991 he fought against Ma'şüm Khân Kabuli (p. 417).
It is well known that the mosque at Makka abounds in flocks of wild pigeons which are considered as inviolable and are called kabútar (hamam)-i haram, pigeons of the sacred boundary.' Such were those Makka pigeons which begged an asylum in Murad Khan's mosque. Besides the impossibility of uniting the numbers 24 and 26 to each other without altering, a chronological difficulty seems to occur in this inscription. The 24th Zu'l Hijja A. H. 989 namely was not Monday but a Friday, and the 26th of the same month was not Tuesday, but a Sunday. I cannot make out these contradictions. In A.H. 988 the 24th Zu'l Hijja fell on a Monday, but the number 989 is quite clear on the rubbing.
" This form is not so rare as Rückert indienter, Grammatik, Poetik and Rhetorik der Perser, 2nd edition, by Pertseb, p. 219, note 1. Coufer also bimubůrukbod ishtighaldasht',-Ma'dir al Uinard, vol. I, p. 121.

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290
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
The inscription on the right side seems to be of no historical value, and as I could not decipher the whole from the rubbing, I have omitted it.
18. From the Badis hahi masjid, 18 lines (size 232 by 125". -
بالخير ... ... ... و
دارد
بن یزید بن جبر
الغفور الله
على التوكل بمتاع
بالشکور واربعون رائنی الف سنه
جهان شاه دور
في بني مسجد
خان
معظم (sic) بنكاله رسوبه
الرحيم الرحمن الله بسم
میان
بن جهان صدر قال
شیرپور بلد
في مسجدا بنى
جهانگیر مشهور جهان شاه بحين
ومن يتوكل على الله قال الله تعالى
امره بالغ الله أن حسبه فهو
قدرا شي لكل الله جعل قد قال النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم من بني مسجدا في الدنيا بني له الله تعالى سبعين
و اثنی و اربعین قصرا في الخره سنه الف
اربعون
و
اثنی
ر
الف
سنه
مسلمین
كل
في
کافي
الله
TRANSLATION In the name of the merciful and compassionate God ! ... .... Sadr Jahan, son of Miyan Jaya, son of Yazid, son of Daud, says
The mosque in the town of Sherpur has been built through the benefit of confidence in the forgiving God in the time of Shahjahan, the famous conqueror of the world, in the year 1042 (began the 19th July 1632). God Almighty has said " And whosoever relies on God," etc. (Qorán, Sûr. lxv, 3, 4). The Prophet (on whom may rest God's blessing !) has said “He who builds a mosque in the world," eto. A. 1042.
This mosqne has been built in the age of Shôhjahan in the Şuba of Bengal by. Mu'azzam Khån in the year 1042. Allah is a sufficiency for all the faithful.'
Sadr Jahan's poetry is not of the best. He was not Chief Şadr (Sadr. Jahán) as Sadr Jahân was who filled that office under Akbar and under Jahangir and whose name coincided with the title of his dignity. If we may be allowed to judge of his poetical abilities from the verses of the above inscription-which to be sure are not worse than thousands of others-it is to be hoped that he imitated the example of his name-sake above mentioned who also composed poems at first, but later gave up petry (ma'asir al Umard, vol. III, pp. 350, 351).
Mu'azzam Khân or, as his name properly was, 'Azam Khan Mir Muhammad Baqir Iradat Khan became Governor of Bengal after Qasim Khan in 1041. In the Riyae (pp. 207, 208) it is related that he could not keep the province in order as it ought to be. The inhabitants of Assam (Asham), neighbours of Bengal, plundered the frontiers unpunished (cf. also Munt. allubáb, vol. II, p. 132); they defeated 'Abd al Islâm with a great army of infantry and thousands of horse and made him prisoner with a large booty. After that, A.H. 1044, 'Azam Khån was dismissed and his post bestowed upon Islâm Khân, who undertook successful campaigns against the Raja of Assam. 'Azam Khân was appointed Governor of Allahabad. Sherpur which is mentioned in the last inscription

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MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM BENGAL.
291
vas built by hajaol an sing biso cover more of Bengala in
is the so-called Snêrpar Marcha (in Elliot-Dowson: Shêrpûr Miraja). The AinAkbari, vol. I, p. 405, identifies it with Mihmanshahi, stating its revenues at 3,207,715 dáms. Its fort Salimnagar was built by Raja Man Singh, Governor of Bengal, in the 40th year of Akbar's reign Akbarnáma, vol. III, p. 697; it was so named in honour of Prince Salim, afterwards the emperor Jahangir. Shêrpur was always an important place and a base of operations for the imperial troops.
VI.-BIBÂR. The following six Bihar inscriptions belong to four different portions of the history of that province. If we follow Blochmann's division (Journal of As. Soc. Beng., vol. XLII. p. 245), the two first inscriptions fall into the 'Initial period,' or the reigns of the Governors of Lak'hnauti appointed by the Dihli sovereigns, from the conquest of Bengal by Muhammad Bakhtyar Khilji, viz., from A. H. 600 to 739, when Fakhr addin Abu'l Muzaffar Mubarak Shah, armour-bearer to Bahram Khân, the Dibli Governor of Sunargaon, on his master's death, proclaimed himself ruler and established an independent dynasty in Bengal. But Bihår was detached from Bengal and remained to the Dihli empire till the foundation of the Jaunpur kingdom, A. H. 796. This is the second period of the history of Bibar. The third under the Sharqi rulers lasted till 881, when Jaunpr again became subject to Dihli. To this fourth period belongs one inscription (No. 22) while Nos. 21 and 24 are of the second, and No. 23 of the third period. In. scription Nos. 19, 20, 21, and 23 have been published by Blochmann. .
19. On a fine slab of basalt leaning against the wall of the Chota Dargah, measur. ing 3 feet by 8 in.; it contains two lines
الدنيا والدين الى المطعر ترور شاه الشلطان رانام اماره بنی هد المسجد في نودة السلطان الاعظم سمس خاقان الرمال المخاطب بالمعان
تاب الله عليه رغمر بهرام بن حاحی
أحمر الخلاب
بالله ولكرمه الراحی ادام الله ظلالهما العيد الوان لوالديه في العره من رحب سنه حمس وعسره سبعمایه
TRANSLATION. This mosque was built in the reign of the great Sultan Shams addunya waddin Abu'l Muzaffar Firoz Shah, the king, and during the governorship of the Khaqan of the age, known as Hatim Khån-may God cause their shadows to last 1-by the slave, who trusts in God and hopes for His mercy, the meanest of creatures, Bahram, son of Haji-may God forgive him and may He pardon his parents !-In the beginning of the month of Rajab of the year 715' (18t October 1315).
Hatim Khan was a son of Firoz Shah, as we see from the inscription published by Blochmann (ut sup.). He must have been governor of Bihår during the years 709-715.
20. Over the gateway of the Sukunat or residency of the Imperial governor in Bibâr, was a beautiful inscription" (now in the Bayley Sarai) of three lines, measuring 4 feet by 1' 10'
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم
راین طان ربع ملك سای شده بتعدد عماره ایی دروازه عالی عالم ارای
درادام خلافت حلیفه جهادناه اسمال بارگاه خدادکان سلاطین
* See facsimile No. 3.

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292
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
ملك سليمان ابوالمجاهد محمد بی
الايمان رار عالميان - ذي الامن والامان الاهل کیهان فرمان فرمای
وسبعمایه
رمضان سده] ابی ریلس معلقشه السلطان حلدب حلافته وسلطاره في الغره من السهر المبارک
TRANSLATION. In the name of the merciful and compassionate God.
This high and world-adorning gate, and this lofty, heaven-touching portico were renewed in the reign of the Khalifa, the asylum of the world, whose court is the heaven, the lord of the kings of the universe, the ruler of mankind, who gives security and safety to the people of the Faith, the heir of the kingdom of Salomon, Abu'l Mujahid Muhammad, son of Tughluq Shah, the king-May his kingdom and rule be perpetuated ! In the beginning of the blessed month of Ramazan, 732 (27th May, 1332).
Muhammad Shah's inscriptions, which have been published up till now, are of the years 726 (Proc. of the As. Soc. Beng. for 1873, p. 199), 732 (Proceedings for 1874, p. 72), and 737 (Journal of the 48. Soc. Beng., vol. XLII, p. 299),--the last also being from Bihar,
21. On the Dargâh of Ibrahim Abû Bakr Malik Bayya's shrine, which lies on n hill to the north-west of the town, dimensions 5' 1" by 1' 2" two lines
نرررز بادا در بهار ملك تا کی کي بر شاهان بینی کشت فیروز کی بد دردن جر ابراهیم کدن توز بدست جون سپرده از مهردرین سوز مسافر شد ملك در جنب این روز
روز
اخرین اسان حساب کنی
جهان کیر
شاه دولت بعهد
سلطان سرور
جهان شهنشاه ملك سحرت ملكة بير براهيم بماه ذی الحجه یکشنبه از دهر باجرت هفصد ر بنجه سه تاریخ
بر ری خداوندا بفضل خویش
TRANSLATION. Metre : lazaj -
In the time of the reign of the world-conquering Shah (may the power of the new year's day be in Bihår!), the king of the world, Fîrôz, the king who was victorious over the kings of the universe. The king of virtue Malik Bayya Ibrahim, who in the faith was as zealous as Abraham, in the month of Zi'l Hijja, on a Sunday, of the time when thirteen sun-burnt (days were passed) (?), in the year 753 A. H. (20th January 1353), travelled on that day to Paradise. O Lord, in Thy kindness, make the account of the last day light for him!'
Respecting Malik Bayyû, who is, par excellence, the saint of Bihar, see Journal As. Soc. Beng., vol. XLII, p. 300.
22. From the Bayley Sarâi at Bibâr. Two lines (size 1' 5" by 8 in.)
بناردم یازدهم ماه رجب رجب قدره سنه ستون تسعماية ناران شهيد پسر حاجی اسحاق مرة جل [۶]
بناء اینجا ...... برسد بررح حقه فانیه کان اذا لنا[س] [5] درین مقام حفيه أرباع رحوض
This archaie spelling, instead of kill, occurs Beveral times in the inscriptious.

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Epigraphia Indicu, vol. II.
No. 3. BIHAR INSCRIPTION OF A.H. 732.
-
आपण गाणा
।
R4.2
Du
____J. Burger, impron.
Scale: 1-5th of original.

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TRANSLATION. On the date of the 11th of month Rajab-may its honour increase ! -of the year 960 (the 23rd January 1563) Nárån Shahid, son of Haji Ishaq ..
On this place ......18
28. From a mosque which stood opposite to the Choţà Takya on the other bank of the Adyanadi, in Bihår. The mosque has disappeared; only a large square stone platform is left, where the slab was found. The inscription is in two parts, each measur ing 3' 5" by l' 2" and bearing two lines
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم قال عليه السلام من سی مسجدا لله بنا الله له بيا في الحيه
دین برور بنا
شاه جمعه دهد
مسجد طفیل مصطفی
راز
الهی شد سوفیق
كشور ار شاهان ستاند باج تحشد در کدا
الك ابراهیم شاه عادل شاه محمود این
ومريضا
نبي قرة العين پاکش
ذات بانی انى مسعد ان مسند شریعت هست کر
ملك رملت ردین و دولت را در ارالی سرور رصدر جهان ای سند احمل که شد
مقطع دارد درین خطه نصير ابن بها كان
الشريف بناء خیر ملک کرده فرمایش
کعبه در عطمت برفعت ست معمور علا
کسری در بهار این بنا شد استوار ار طای
کاندرین مسجد امامت شد بتایید خدا عره ماه رجب بد هيصد ر جهل و هفت سال
TRANSLATION. Metre : Ramal
In the name, etc. He upon whom be peace (the Prophet) says "He who builds etc."
By divine grace and for the sake of Mustafà (Muhammad), the Jum'a mosque was built in the reign of the faith-nourishing king Shâh Maḥmad, son of Ibrahim, the just king who takes realms from kings, (and) gives beggars crowns. The builder of this mosque is the throne of law, who is pure in nature, the beloved of the Prophet and of Murtaza (Ali), the chief and the lord of the world, the perfect Sayyid, with whom realm and faith, religion and empire, take refuge. The muqti', the David" in this district, Naşir, son of Baha, ordered this building (to be erected), the best in the Eastern kingdom (Jaunpdr). This building in Bihar is stronger than the portico of Kisrá; it is a Ka'ba in grandeur, and in loftiness the edifice of sublimity. It was in the beginning of Rajab, of the year 84720 (25th October 1443), when, with the assistance of God, the (first) iqdma took place in this mosque.' .
The metrical Bibâr inscriptions are all remarkable for their very bad poetry. This is the fourth known inscription of Mahmud Shah of Jaunpur, the others being dated in the years A. H. 847 (from Bihår), 850 (above No. 1), and 859 (also from Bibár, published by Blochmann).
18 I have not succeeded in making out the meaning of the second line. 19 In this inscription the letters re and ddl often cannot be separated. Blochmann has read d d war. >> The form hisad, in tend of hashtpad, is not at all, seldom in Indian inscriptions
11 The Mahmud Shah inscription on a stone in the Hindu temple at Bedibao is very dubious, see General Sir A. Cun. ninghani's Archeological Survey Reporte, vol. XVI, p. 25, Plate iv.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
24. Also from the Bayley Sarat. Two lines (size 3 feet by 1' 3"); the right side is partly broken
..... lelu talle my glue ............... Bws ..... ......... [?] just too by se lol itsel
باز از ماه محرم في شعر..... شمار
دندرار تاریخ هجرت هفصد ردا سست رهفت
TRANSLATION Metre: Ramal.......... In the time of the Khånzáda............. Who is the glory of the men of the world and an esteemed satirist (?)..
inst (+)...... The account of the Hijra-date is 767 (began the 18th September 1965); backwards from the month of Muharram reckon ......"
VII.-Munte. Muner, Måner or Munair, is a very old place on the right bank of the Son at its confluence with the Ganges. Elliot-Dowson erroneously confounds it sometimes with Mungir. Firishta ascribes its foundation to the mythical times of Firoz Rai, son of Kesha Ráj, a contemporary of the hero Rustam (lithogr. ed., vol. I, p. 18, muqaddima). General Cunningham, in his Archæolugical Survey Reports, vol. VIII, pp. 22, 23, offers a theory of his own about the establishment of Munêr immediately after the Muhammadan conquest. He supposes that the Son through some unknown cause at that time bad abandoned its original bed and taken its present course, thus forming new waste lands which had no name before, not baving been in existence. The town was almost half a króh distant from the river. Båbar in his Memoirs (p. 478) describes its situation in the following words: Down the stream from the place where I was I saw a large number of trees; they said to me that it was Muner.'
In the Ain (vol. I, p. 419) Munêr is registered with 89,089 bighas, 15 biswas, 7.049,179 dáms, (say) 326,380 dame. Båbar and Sikandar Shah Lodi are related to have made pilgrimages to the shrine of Shaikh Yahya, father of Shaikh Sharaf addin (Tarikh-1 Daudi in Elliot-Dowson's History, vol. IV, p. 462, Babar's Memoirs, p. 478), from whom the pargana occasionally is named Munér- Shaikh Yahyd. Shaikh Sharaf addin was also a renowned saint; in his honour his disciple Ibrahim Qiwam Farûqi has called his dictionary Sharafnáma (Journal of As. Soc. Beng., vol. XXXVII, p. 7). Munêr now belongs to the district of Patna, subdivision Danapur."
25. Two lines (dimensions 1' 9" by 8 in.) i
مهذب
سلطان شد محمود
مقرب زاقطاب الحق جلیل عمارت کرد باز از سر مرتب بعصمت دار بنیادش تر ای رب
بحمد الله در عهد شه انجب
ارل بهین مسجد که بد بانی جر حماد خطير ار...... زهجرت هفصد و هشت و نورد برد
** The first and the third hemistich have been almost ruined; beside the letters of the inscription are very rude, 10 that I could decipher it only fragmentarily.
» No information is given about the places where the following three Muper inscriptions have been found.

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TRANSLATION. Metre: Hazaj
By God's grace (it was) in the time of the most noble king Mahmud, the sincere monarch, when this fine mosque, whose first builder was Jalil al Raqa, one of the confidential chiefs, was rebuilt and newly adorned by Hammad Khåțir. .......
It was in 798 A. H. (began the 16th October 1395). Preserve its foundation in security, O God.'
This and the Mahmud Shah inscription of A. H. 799 (Journ. of As. Soc. Beng. vol. XLII, p. 304), are valuable, because they show that Nusrat Khân, the opposing king, who was advanced as a claimant to the throne by Sa'adat Khân A.H. 797, was not acknowledged in Bihår. It is not easy to form a correct picture of the complicated conditions then existing in the empire. Khwaja- i Jahan (Malik ashsharq Khroája-i Sarái), the founder of the Jaunpûr kingdom, had got into his possession the provinces of Qanauj, Karah, Audh, Sandela, Dalamau, Bahraich, Bihar, and Jaunpar; the emperor Mahmûd was confined for some years only to old Dibli, the fortress of Siri, and the Jåhånpanah, while the districts of the Doâb, of Sambhal, Pânîpat, Jhajhar and Rohtak were occupied by Nusrat Khân, viz., Sultan Naşiraddin, who had his residence at FirôzAbåd. Other provinces perpetually changed their masters, ambitious amérs and maliks, who combatted each other angrily. The harvest was fully ripe for the bloody reaper Timur.
26. Three lines (size 5'9" by 1 4") -
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله وسيق الذين اتقوا ربهم إلى الجنة زمرا حتى اذا جاها رفتحت أبوابها وقال لهم خزنتها سلام عليكم طبتم ودخلوها خالدين
ساكنا بعزله قلبي
كان تنت في فكر ممن هذا الباب
ل من تله كان امينة
طريق الأمر قال بمقلي على
رری رفعت نهاد [ بر اتمام ]
شاه چون در روضة مقدس
خردم بهر این خجسته مقام از خرد جستم سال انجامش
در دولت. کشازده باد درام ] کشودة ركفتا بدعا لب
• TRANSLATION. There is no God, etc. But those who fear their Lord, etc. (Qoran, Sur. xxxix,
73).
Metre: Ramal
I was thinking to make out the chronogram of this gate, my heart was quiet by His (God's) power. My mind said by way of command "say, who entered it was safe." Metre: Khafif -
When the gate of the holy sepulchre of the king raised its face towards completion, I asked the mind the year of its finishing. For this auspicious place the mind opened the lip of blessing, and said, "may the door of power remain open for ever."

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Both lárikhs give the year 1022 (began the 21st February 1613). 27. Three lines (10 4" by 13.)
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله اللهم صلى على محمد وعلى آل محمد و بارک سلم اشهد ان لا اله الا الله وحده لا شريك له وأشهد أن محمد عبده و رسوله قال الله تعالی ان
ازل بيت وضع للناس للذي ببكة مباركا وهدی للعالمين فيه ايات بينات مقام ابراهیم و من دخله كان ومنا الله على الناس حج البيت من استطاع اليه سبيد من كفر فان الله غني عن العالمين
صانع قادر تمامی اقتضا کرده
بفيض
جهان آرا سرای کعبه تمثال
عالی چر این
خرد كفتا جر ابراهيم بيت الله بنا کرده دل عاصی همی جست از خرد سال بنای ار
TRANSLATION. In the name, etc. There is no God, etc. O God, have mercy on Muḥammad and on the descendants of Muhammad. I testify that there is no God, but God who is alone and has no partner. I testify also that Muhammad is His slave and His Apostle. God Almighty has said, “Verily, the first house, etc.” (Qorán, Sûr. iii, 90-91). . (Metre: Hasaj)
When this high, Ka'ba-like, world-adorning edifice, through the benevolence of the powerful Creator, was completely erected, the heart of 'Âși was consulting the mind for the year of its erection. The mind said, " just as Abraham has built the house of God."
According to the abjad reckoning the tarikh gives 1028 A.H. (began the 19th, December 1618). "
The tarikh betrays the name of the builder, viz. Ibrahim Khan Fath Jang, son of Ghiyås Beg of Tahrán. This combination relies upon the very similar tarikh in the Haft Qulzum' (Rückert-Pertsch, p. 223) : baná-yi Ka'ba-ya sdní nihad Ibrahim, the erection of the second Ka'ba has been made by Ibrahim,' where Ibrahim Khân Fath Jang is expressly named as builder. He became governor of Bihar A.H. 1024, and afterwards of Bengal A.H. 1028, and stayed there till 1032, when he was killed in the battle with Prince Shahjahân. The tarikh of the Haft Qulzum gives the date 1040, but as Ibrahim Khân had already died in 1032, this date cannot be correct. Perhaps the izáfat after baná should not be reckoned, so that the year would be 1030.

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XXIII. BENARES COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF KARNADEVA. THE [CHEDI] YEAR 793.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
This inscription was first brought to public notice, about eighty-five years ago, by Captain Wilford, who, in the Asiatic Researches, vol. IX, page 108, gave the following account of it :
"A few years ago (in 1801) this grant was found, at the bottom of an old well filled with rubbish, in the old fort of Benares. It is engraven upon two brass plates, joined by a ring, to which is affixed the Imperial seal. It is of the same size nearly, and in the same shape, with that found at Mongir. The writing is also the same, or at least without any material deviation. The Imperial seal is about 3 inches broad: on it, in bas-relievo, is Pârvatî with four arms, sitting, with her legs crossed: two elephants are represented, one on each side of her, with their trunks uplifted. Below is the bull, Nandi, in a reclining posture, and before him is a basket. Between Pârvatî, and the bull, is written Sri-Karnna-deva. The grant is dated the second year of his new Era, and also of his reign, answering to the Christian year 192. . The ancestors of Sri-Karnṇa-deva, mentioned in the grant, were, first, his father Gângeyadeva, with the title of Vijaya-kantaka: he died in a loathsome dungeon. He was the son of Kokalla-deva, whose father was Lakshmana-raja-deva."
The plates, thus described by Captain Wilford, were lost for a long time; but they were rediscovered about 1862, when, through the kindness of Mr. Griffith, then Principal of the Benares College, Sir A. Cunningham received an impression of the inscription, together with a transcript which had been prepared by one of the students of the College.* Both were made over to Dr. F. E. Hall, who now at my request has placed them at my disposal, and has thus enabled me to publish the text of this inscription the original of which has again been lost sight of. Fortunately the impression, which has thus come into my hands, has been prepared with great care, so that the loss of the original plates will be less felt than would have been the case otherwise.
The inscription is on two plates which appear to measure about 1'4′′broad by 114" high each, and each of which is inscribed on one side only. Each plate contains a round hole, about " in diameter, for a ring to which was affixed the seal, described by Wilford. The plates probably are thick and substantial, for, to judge from the impression, the letters must have been deeply engraved. The first plate contains twenty-eight lines of very close writing, the second only twenty lines. The writing is well preserved almost throughout, so that, with the exception of about half a dozen aksharas, the actual reading of the text is hardly at all doubtful. The size of the letters is between" and ". The characters are Nagari of the period to which the inscription belongs, the 11th century A.D. The language is Samskrit, excepting a verse in line 13, which is in
I give the names which occur in this extract as we should spell them now.
See Sir A. Cunningham's Archæological Survey of India, vol. IX, page 82. In justice to myself I must say here that the transcript, mentioned above, has not been of any use to me.
I have to thank my friend Professor Lauman for having personally communicated to Dr. Hall my request, which has been granted most readily.
*૨

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Maharashtri Prakrit. Excepting the introductory om om namah Sivaya and the words kim-páparena in line 13, lines 1-32, which mainly contain the genealogy of the grantor, are in verse; the rest of the inscription, being the formal part of the grant, is in prose, but includes six of the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses, in lines 44-48.-As regards orthography, 6 is throughout denoted by the sign for o; the dental sibilant is used instead of the palatal everywhere, except in the word éri which ordinarily is spelt correctly; ksh is employed instead of khy in sauksha, line 7, and kshátan, line 27, and ky instead of kesh in kaukyeyako, line 26; j and y are confounded, e.g., in parjjanaishit (for paryyaņaishit), line 10, dur jjasah (for duryyasah), line 27, and anuya (for anuja), in lines 16 and 22; and the dental nasal is employed instead of the lingual in ánrinya, line 8, and kárunya, line 20, and instead of anusrára in vansa, in lines 6 and 45. In addition to these, the inscription contains many other errors, due to the carelessness of the writer or engraver. Thus, the signs of anustára and visarga and whole aksharas (or even groups of aksharas) are often omitted, short vowels are used instead of long ones, and medial e and o are employed instead of ai and au. Such and other mistakes, too numerous to enumerate here, occur especially frequently in the bottom lines of the first plate: and they have sometimes rendered it impossible for me to restore the correct wording of the original text. Nevertheless, there is no doubt whatever as to what historical facts are intended to be recorded in the poetical part of the inscription; and I am particularly glad to be able to state that the date of this document is so clearly written and engraved as to remove any doubts which may have been entertained in this regard.
The inscription is one of the Paramabhattáraka Mahárájú dhiraja and Paramešvara, the devout worshipper of Maheśvara (Siva), the lord over Trikalinga, the illustrious Karnadeva, who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhat!áraka Mahárájádhiraja and Paramešvara, the illustrious Vâmadeva (lines 33-34). The epithets which are here officially applied to Karnadeva are the same which are used with reference to Narasimhadeva in the Lal-Pahảd rock inscription of the Chedi year 909, to his younger brother Jayasimhadeva in the Rewah copper-plate grant of the Maháránaka Kirtivarman of the Chedi year 926, and to Jayasimbadeva's son Vijayasimhadeva in the Kumbhi copperplate grant of the Chedi year 932, and which apparently were applied also to Karnadeva's immediate successor Yaśaḥkarņadeva in the Jabalpur copper-plate grant ' [of the Chedi year 874). As regards the meaning of these epithets, I have already had occasion to state that I agree with Sir A. Cunningham in considering the term Trikalinga to denote, or to be an older name of, the province of Telingana; but that I am unable to explain the exact significance of the phrase "who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattáraka Mahárájádhiraja and Parameśvara, the illustrious Vamadeva,' which we thus find employed with reference to five different kings. In accordance with ordinary usage, that phrase ought to mean that Vámadeva was one of the ancestors of the princes who are said to have meditated on his feet; but none of the inscriptions of the Chedi
* See Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, page 212. The inscriptions of Narasimhadeva, Jayasimbadeva and Vijayasiribadeva add nijabksjoparjit-afvapati-gajapati narapati-rajatrayadhipati, after Trikalingadkipati.
See ib., vol. XVII, page 226. . See Journal As. Soc. Bengal, vol. XXXI, page 119.
+ See above, page 5; ib., page 7, line 16, the translation should have been: And this . . .. who [meditates on the feet of the Paramabhaftáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Paramesuara, the illustrious Vâmadeva . . . ..
See Indian Antiquary. vol. XVII, page 225.

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rulers of Tripuri or Ratnapur mention a prince Vamadeva in the genealogical lists which they contain.
To proceed first with the prose part of the inscription, the king Karnadeva from his camp of victory, located at a place the name of which looks like Svasaga in the rubbing, (in lines 34-41) informs his queen, his son " (or sons), his chief officials (among whom may be specially pointed out the mahápramátára") and others, that, having bathed in the river Veņi, worshipped the god Trilochana (Śiva), and performed the proper rites at the annual funeral ceremony in honour of his father Gangeyadeva, on Saturday, the second lunar day of the dark half of Phålguna, he has granted the village of Susi" (or Susi) to the learned Visvardpa,- son of Narayana, grandson of Vâmana, and great-grandson of Maha, a student of the Vajasaneya éá khá, who belonged to the Kausika gotra, and whose three praparas were Audala, Devaråta and Vaišvamitra, and who or whose ancestors had come from the village of Ves&la. Karnadeva further in lines 41-43) directs the inhabitants of Susi to make over to the donee all taxes and whatever else may be due to him by this donation; and he also, in six of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses (in lines 44-48), appeals to future rulers to keep the grant intact, and warns them not to resume it. The date of the deed with which the inscription ends is Monday, the 9th of the dark half of Phâlguna of the year 793.
As regards the localities mentioned in the preceding paragraph, the only thing certain is, that the river Veni, near which Karnadeva was encamped when making the grant, and on the banks of which Svasaga (?) should be looked for, is the Wen-Gangå of the Central Provinces, which rises about 40 miles south of Jabalpur and flows in a southern direction, about 30 miles east of Nagpur." The villages of Susi and Vesala" · I am unable to identify.
The date,-Monday, the 9th of the dark half of Phålguna of the year 793– must of course be referred to the Chedi or Kalachuri era, and I feel confident that its European equivalent is Monday, the 18th January " A.D. 1042, as I have given it in Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 216, and ante, vol. I, p. 33. Since I wrote my paper on the epoch of the Chedi era four years ago, I have ascertained from the best materials the exact reading of eleven out of the twelve Chedi dates which contain sufficient data for verification; and there can be no doubt that all these dates, without exception, work out satisfactorily, as dates in current years with the 26th August
= švina-sudi 119) A.D. 249, or as dates in expired years with the 5th September (also = Âśvina-budi 1) A.D. 248 as the initial day of the era, and with the párnimánta
The Samskrit foremp of victory' is vijaya-kataka, for which Captain Wilford pat vijaya-kantuka, and which he took to be a title of the king Gadgeyadeva. Wilford's vijaya-kanfaka has found its way even into the St. Petersburg Dictionary.
Compare the Kumbhi copper-plate, where, instead of mahadevish maharajaputran, we have maharajšifri(?)-makekamarafri-Ajayasinhadeva.
11 See ante, vol. I, page 73, and Indian Antiquary, vol. XXI, page 254.
12 The original also gives the name of the district in which this village was situated, but I am not able to make out its proper reading.
Seo Plato i in Sir A. Cunninghaun's Archæol. Survey of India, vol. XVII.
14 I bardly think that Verla could be the ancient Vaikalt, the position of which is shown by Sir A. Cunningham in his Ancient Geography of India, vol. I, page 443, and Plate xi.
** On this day the 9th tithi of the dark half of the pirnimanta Phalgona ended 17. 9m. after mean munrise.
16 Writing at Nagpur (which once must have belonged to the Chedi kings), on the 30th October 1799, Colebrooke, whose words may certainly be relied upon, says: 'The nere year begins here teith the light fortnight of Afring; but, opening in the midst of Durga's festival, New Year's Day is only celebrated on the 10th lugar day.' See Life of H. T. Culebrooke,
fuge 103.
22

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
scheme of the lunar months. The complete agreement of all the twelve dates proves that the date given in the last line of this inscription,-samvat 793 Phalguna-vadi 9 Some, -is correct; but it also shows that the statement in line 40, according to which Karṇadeva performed the funeral rites in honour of his father on Saturday, the second lunar day of the dark half of Phalguna, is incorrect. For the second tithi of the same lunar fortnight in which the inscription is dated commenced on Sunday, the 10th January A.D. 1042, 4 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise, and ended 5 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 11th January, and cannot therefore in any way be connected with a Saturday." I suspect that the day on which the funeral ceremonies were really performed was Saturday, the 12th December A.D. 1041, when the second tithi of the dark half of the púrnimánta Mâgha ended about 11 hours after mean sunrise, and that the writer of the grant, who cannot be absolved of carelessness in other respects, wrongly put down in line 40 the month in which he was writing the grant. However this may be, there can be no doubt that Monday, the 18th January A.D. 1042, is really the date of this inscription, and that this is as trustworthy a date for the reign of the king Karnadeva as we could wish to have.
Having thus disposed of the formal part of the grant, I have still to give an account of the thirty-one verses with which the inscription opens. As is the case with most copper-plate inscriptions, these introductory verses contain little more than the genealogy of the grantor, but they furnish some names which have not become known yet from other inscriptions of the same dynasty.
After the words om om, adoration to Siva,' the inscription opens with a verse in honour of the god Śiva, who is identified here with the supreme Brahma.18 It then records, in verses 2-4, the origin of the powerful prince Kartavirya, the vanquisher of the demon Râvana; 19 and further relates, in verses 5 and 6, that, sprung from Kårtavirya's family, there were the famous Haihaya princes, the clan of whom was rendered illustrious by the valorous and pious prince Kokkalla.20
According to verse 7, the hand of this prince Kokkalla granted freedom from fear to Bhoja, Vallabharaja, the illustrious Harsha who is described as the sovereign of Chitrakuta, and to the king Samkaragana. It does not seem difficult to identify these four contemporaries of Kokkalla. From verse 17 of the Bilhari inscription we know that Kokkalla, having conquered the whole earth, 'set up two unprecedented columns of his fame,'-in the south the well-known Krishnaraja, and in the north Bhojadeva; and, in commenting on that passage," I have already adopted Sir A. Cunningham's suggestion that the former of these sovereigns can only have been the Rashtrakuta Krishna II., who married a daughter of Kokkalla, the king of Chedi, and who reigned from about A.D. 875 to about A.D. 911, and the latter Bhojadeva of Kanauj, for whom we have the dates A.D. 862, 876, and 882. Now Krishna II. also bore the name Krishna- vallabha," and it is therefore clear that the Bhoja and
17 On Saturday, the 9th January 1142, the full moon tithi ended 34. 7m. after mean sunrise.
18 The same verse occurs at the commencement of the Bewah copper-plate grant of the Maháránaka Salakhanavarma. deva: Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, page 228. Compare also the first verse of the Tewar inscription of Jayasimhadeva, above, page 19.
19 See verse 9 of the Bilhari inscription, ante, vol. I, page 263.
30 This name is spelt both Kokkalla and Kokalla.
11 See ante, vol. I, page 253.
See Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, page 36. Since the above was written, Prof. Bhandarkar has published an inscription in which Krishnaraja's father Amoghavarsha is named Bri-vallabha; and it is just possible that he may be the Vallabharaja of this copper-plate inscription.

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Vallabharaja of the present inscription are the Bhojadeva and Krishṇaraja of the Bilhari inscription. The proper identification of the illustrious Harsha is suggested both by the circumstance that he is called the sovereign of Chitrakața, and by the fact, to be mentioned below, that Kokkalla's wife was a Chandella princess; for, as Chitrakata is a well-known locality of Bandelkhand " which was ruled over by the Chandellas, Harsha must be the Chandella Harshadeva, the successor of Râhila and predecessor of Yasovarman. It is true, we have no absolutely certain date for the reign of Harshadeva, but, since he apparently had dealings with Kshitipåladeva of Kanauj* for whom we have the date A.D. 917, and as his grandson Dhangadeva was on the throne in A.D. 954, he undoubtedly must have ruled about A.D. 900, and must certainly have been a contemporary of Krishna-vallabha. Lastly, the Saṁ karagana of our inscription I believe to be Kokkalla's own son (also called Raņavigraha), whose daughter Lakshmi was married " by Krishna-vallabha's son Jagattunga. One of the Ratnapur inscriptions tells us that the Chedi ruler Kokkalla had eighteen sons, of whom the first-born was ruler of Tripuri, while the others became lords of mandalas ; and it does not seem at all improbable that Kokkalla already during his life-time may have assigned part of his dominions to Samkaragana, one of his younger sons, to be governed by him independently. With all these coincidences, I can only endorse the conclusion, arrived at by Sir A. Cunningham," that the reign of Kokkalla, who, as we shall see below, was Kokkalla I., may be fixed with certainty to the period between 860 and 900 A.D.' .
Our inscription further tells us that Kokkalla married a lady, named Nattå or Națţadevi, who was born in the Chandella family (verse 8), and who bore to him a son, named Prasiddhadhavala (verse 10); and that this prince had two sons, who reigned one after another, Bålaharsha (verge 13), and his younger brother Yuvaraja. deva (verse 15).
According to the Bilhari inscription, Kokkalla was succeeded by his son Mug. dhatunga, and his son again was Keguravarsha-Yuvara jadeva, who married Nohala, a daughter of the Chaulukya Avanivarman.
Comparing these two accounts with each other, it is clear that Prasiddhadhavala and Mugdhatunga are names of one and the same prince, and that the Yuvarajadeva of the copper-plate is the Keyūravarsha-Yuvarajadeva of the Bilhari inscription, which omits to mention his elder brother Bålaharsha. In the copper-plate grant all these princes are eulogized in general terms which mean very little. In the Bilhari inscription the only thing definite recorded of them is, that Mugdhatunga (Prasiddhadhavala) conquered the lines of country by the shore of the eastern sea and took Páli from the lord of Kosala. Of Keyūravarsha-Yuvarâjadeva it is intimated in the same inscription that he was engaged in.niany successful wars with different nations; but, on the other hand, an inscription of the Chandella Yasovarman, who probably was a contemporary of Yuvarâjadeva, informs us that that Chandella king defeated the Chedi king, and 'brought distress on the shameful Chedis.'
See Bir A. Cunningham's Archæol. Survey of India, nol. XXI, page 10.
* See ante, vol. I, page 171. Bee 18., Page 124. See Fleet, Dynastics, pago 86,
97 See ante, vol. I, page 33. * Archæol. Survey of India, vol. IX, page 103. * See ante, vol. I, pages 264–266. * See ante, vol. I, page 132.

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The next three princes mentioned in the copper-plate, again without any remark of the slightest value, are Yuvara jadeva's son Lakshmanarâ jadeva (verse 17), and his two sons Sarkaragamadeva (verse 19) and his younger brother Yuvarajadeva II. (verse 21), who are all described as ruling sovereigns. The Karitalai inscription 31 has preserved the name of Lakshmanaraja's wife, Rå hadá; and the Billari inscription records that Lakshmanarâja defcated the lord of Kosala, and undertook, difficult to be obstructed in his progress, an expedition to the very pleasant western region,' in the course of which he bathed in the sca and worshipped the goi Somešvara in Gujarat. Almost the same story is told of Yuvarajadeva II. in the Karanbel inscription of Jayasimhadeva. As regards the times of these kings, it may be mentioned that Lakshmanaråja's daughter Lionthaderi was the mother of Tailapa " who restored the Western Chalukya dynasty ad ascended the throne in A.D. 973-74, and that, according to the Udaypur prasasti, Yurarâja was defeated and his capital Tripuri conquered by Våkpati-Muñja of Málava, for whom we have the dates A.D. 974, 979, and 993.
According to the copper-plate grant, Yuvara jadeva II. was succeeded by his son Kokkalladeva II. (verse 23), he by his son Gangeyadeva (verse 25), and he again by his son Karņa (verse 29) who issued the grant; and this agrees with the information fur. nished by other Chedi inscriptions. Of Kokkalladeva II. we know nothing beyond liis name. Gångeyadera, according to the Jabalpur copper-plate of Yaśaḥkarnadeva, 37 also bore the name Vikram å ditya ; and the same inscription records that, fond of residing at the foot of the holy fig-tree of Prayaga, he found salvation there together with his hundred wives.'38 Other Chedi inscriptions also eulogize both his valour and piety, and even in a Chandella inscription" he is styled the conqueror of the universe. Gangeya is mentioned as the ruler of Dåhâla (or Chedi) by Alberûnî," in A.D. 1030. We also possess a short inscription of his reign which, according to Sir A. Cunningham," is dated in the (Chedi) year 789 = A.D. 1037-38; and we know him to have been a contemporary of the Chandella Vijayapala, who had ceased to rule * before A.D. 1051. In all probability Gangeyadeva's reign ended about A.D. 1040, not more than a year or two before the date of Karna's copper-plate.
Of Karnadeva, 'the lord of the Kalachuris,' the Jabalpur copper-plate," besides enlogizing his valour, records that he founded the town of Karņavatî, and that at Kasi or Benares he built a splendid temple, called Karna's Meru. The Bhera-Ghât inscription of Alhanadevi" represents him as having subdued or held in check the Pandyas, Muralas, Kungas, Vangas, Kalingas, Kiras and Hûņas; and similarly the Karanbel inscription of Jayasimhadeva" makes him be waited upon by the Choda, Kunga, Hana, Gauda, Gurjara and Kira princes. As we possess an inscription of his son which is dated
See above, p. 175.
See ante, vol. I. page 219, and page 222, 1. 14. Sce ante, vol. I, page 268.
* See Sachau's Translation of Alberůni's India, vol. I, Bee Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, page 215.
page 202. # See Fleet's Dynasties, rage 41.
"Seo Archeol. Survey of India, vol. XXI, page 113. * See ante, vol. I, p. 237, verse 15.
The copper-plate of Vijayapala's successor Dernvarma* See Indian Antiquary, vol. XX, page 403.
dera is dated in Vikrama 1107; see Indian Antiquary, rol. See above, page 6.
XIX, page 361, No. 178. I beliere, Captain Wilford got the loathsome dungeon,'! See above, page 6. in while he lets Gangeyadera die, out of the words [Sousd). "See above, ose 15. Out- d ila lef I. 33 of the copper-plate
- See Twinin Intinua l VVTIT . .

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eighty-one years later than his own copper-plate," it is clear that Karna's reign was a long one; and it is certain that he was engaged in many wars and that his power, for a time, was severely felt by his neighbours. According to the Nagpur prasasti" Udayâditya of Mâlava, whom we know to have ruled in A.D. 1080, freed the land from the dominion of Karna, who, joined by the Karnâțas, had swept over the earth like a mighty ocean; and the great achievement which the Chandella inscriptions report of Kirtivarman, and which has even been recorded in a well-known Samskrit play, is, that that prince defeated Karna, the favourite of Fortune, and by doing so restored the independence of the Chandella kingdom. The grammarian Hemachandra eulogizes Bhimadeva I. of Anhilvåd (A.D. 1021-63) for having conquered Karna in battle; and, similarly, the poet Bilhana, who elsewhere describes Karna as the god of death to the lord of the Kalanjara mountain, meaning to the Chandella king, records his defeat by the Western Chalukya Someśvara I. (about A.D. 1042-68).
Here I might well close my account of Karnadeva's copper-plate grant; but, having given the genealogy of the rulers of Chedi so far, I may perhaps be permitted to give also the names of the remaining known members of the same dynasty, together with the few facts recorded of them in their inscriptions.
Karna married the Hûna princess Avalladevi" and was succeeded by the son whom she bore to him, Yaśaḥkarnadeva, whose Jabalpur copper-plate grant must have been issued in A. D. 1122, shortly before the close of his reign. Yasaḥkarnadeva's name also occurs in a copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanauj of the Vikrama year 1177 A.D. 1120, by which the latter sanctions the transfer of some land which had been originally granted by the former, and which apparently proves that during the reign of Yaśaḥkarna part of the Chedi dominions had passed into the possession of the kings of Kanauj. A successful expedition against Tripurî by Lakshmadeva of Målava, the son and successor of Udayâditya, which probably took place during Yaśaḥkarna's reign, is mentioned in the Nagpur prasasti." The only exploit,which Yalah karna's own inscription has to record of him, is, that he extirpated with ease' the ruler of Andhra near the river Godâvarî;" and the same feat is probably alluded to in the BheraGhât inscription of Alhanadevi, where that inscription speaks of the devastation by Yasahkarns of Champaranya."
Yaśaḥkarnadeva was succeeded by his son Gayåkarnadeva, of whose reign we possess an inscription dated in the Chedi year 902 A.D. 1151, when his son Narasimha had already been appointed Yurarája. Gayakarna (or Gayakarna) married" Albapadevi,
46 See above, page 2.
47 See above, page 192.
See ante, vol. I, pages 220 and 326. The Deogadh rock inscription of Kirtivarman is dated in Vikrama 1164-A.D. 1098; see Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, page 36, No. 61.
See Bühler, Ueber das Leben des Jaina Mönchs Hemachandra, page 69.
so See Vikramankadevacharita, I, 102-103, and XVIII, 93.
51 See above, page 2.
See Journal As. Soc. Bengal, vol. XXXI, page 124.
13 See above, page 193, verse 39.
See above, page 7, verse 23.
ss See above, page 15, verse 14. If the above is correct, Champaranya ought to denote a tract of country near the Godavari river.
56 See Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, page 210.
See above, page 9, and Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, page 215, and vol. XVI, page 34.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
a daughter of the king Vijayasimha,-a son of Vairisimha, who was a son of Hamsapala of the Gubila family of Mewid,-and his wife Sylmaladevi, a daughter of Udayaditya of Målava. And Alhaṇadevi bore to him two sons, Narasimhadeva and Jayasimhadeva, who succeeded their father one after the other. Of Narasimhadeva's reign we possess three inscriptions, dated in the Chedi years 907 and 909 A.D. 1155 and 1158, and in the Vikrama year 1216 A.D. 1159; and of Jayasimhadeva's reign three inscriptions have been edited, two of which are dated in the Chedi years 926 and 928= A.D. 1175 and 1177. Jayasimhadeva married Gosaladevi, and was succeeded by their son Vijayasimhadeva, of whose reign we have two copper-plate inscriptions," of the Chedi year 932 A.D. 1180, and the Vikrama year 1253 = A.D. 1196, the first of which gives us the name of Vijayasimha's son, the prince Ajayasimhadeva. Of all these princes the inscriptions mention not a single fact which would be worth noticing here.
According to the preceding account the list of succession of the Kalachuri rulers of Chedi or Dâhåla, beginning with Kokkalladeva I., would be as follows:
1. Kokkalladeva I.; contemporary of Bhojadeva of Kanauj (A.D. 862, 876, 882), of the Rashtrakuta Krishna II. (Krishna-vallabha, about A.D. 875-911) who married a daughter of his; of the Chandella Harshadeva; and of (his own son) Samkaragana. He married the Chandella princess Natti.
2. His son Mugdhatunga-Prasiddhadhavala.
3. His son Bâlaharsha.
4. His younger brother Keyåravarsha-Yuwarajadeva I.; married Nohali, n daughter of the Chaulukya Avanivarman.
5. His son Lakshmanarájadeva; married Rahadà. His daughter Bonthadevi was the mother of the Western Chalukya Tailapa (A.D. 973-71).
6. His son Samkaragaṇadeva.
7. His younger brother Yuvarajadeva II.; contemporary of Valpati-Mulja of Målava (A.D. 974, 979, 993).
8. His son Kokkalladeva II.
9. His son Gingeyadeva-Vikramaditys. An inscription of his is dated in A.1). 1037-38 (?). Contemporary of Alberûnî (A.D. 1030), and of the Chandella Vijayapila.
10. His son Karnadeva. His copper-plate grant is dated in A.D. 1012. Contemporary of Bhimadeva I. of Anhilvåd (A.D. 1021-63), of the Western Chalukya Some vara L. (A.D. 1012-68), of Udayaditya of Málavn (A.D. 1080), and of the Chandella Kirtivarman (A.D. 1098). He married the IIûna princess Avalladevi. 11. His son Yasabkarnadeva. A copper-plate grant of his is dated in A.D. 1122. 12. His son Gayâkarṇadeva. An inscription of his is dated in A.D. 1151. He
married Allagadevi, a daughter of Vijayasimha of Mewad and grand-daughter of Udayaditya of Malava.
13. His son Narasimhadeva. Inscriptions of his are dated in A.D. 1155, 1155 and 1159.
See above, page 10, and Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII. pages 212 and 214.
"See above, page 18, and Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, page 226, and vol. XVIII, page 216.
See Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, page 219.
"See Journal As. Soc. Bengal, vol. XXXI, page 120, and Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, page 228, and vol. XIX page 171, No. 104.

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1. His younger brother Jayasimhadeva. Inscriptions of his are dated in A.D.
1175 and 1177. His wife's name was Gosaladevi. 15. His son Vijayasimhadeva. Inscriptions of his are dated in A.D. 1180 and
1196; one of them mentions his son, the prince Ajayasiṁhadeva. These fifteen princes, who may be taken to have ruled from about A.D. 875 to about A.D. 1200, represent twelve successive gencrations, which gives to each generation • an average of about twenty-seven years.
TEXT.
First Plate. L. 1. ओं' [] ओं नमः सि(शि)वाय ॥
निर्गुणं व्यापकं नित्यं सि(शि)वं परमकारण (ण) । भावग्राह्यं परं ज्योतिस्तस्मै सद्द(इ)ह्मणे नमः ॥"-[1]. यद्देधस्थितमव्य[यं] प
रमपि जो(ज्यो)तिमि (श्चि)दंमु(शु)प्रभं । सूर्याख्यस्य च [भा] स्वरप्रभृतयो” यस्य स्फुरत्यमय: [1] सर्बज्ञान[म ]यो व(ब)भूव भगवांस्तस्मान्मनुनिसो यस्मात्सृष्टिरभूदि[य] [ग]
णवती स्त्रीपुनिमित्ता तत: (1)68 -[2]. देवः श्रीकार्तवीर्य: क्षितिपतिरभवद्भषण (ण) भूतधाब्या ___ हेलोत्क्षिप्ताद्रिवि(बि)भ्यत्तुहिनगिरिसुतास्ने(ने)षसन्तोषितेस(श)म [1*)
दोर्दण्डा1. काण्डसेतुप्रतिगमितमहापूररवाप्रवाह.
व्याधीतत्यक्षपूजागुरुजनितरुषं रावणं यो ववम्ब" (1) -[3]. यम्य भ्रभ[ङ्ग' भीता ददति नृपतयः क्लि[ष्ट]
मावे प्रति आ के(कै)लास(सा)त्महेलं हरवृषभसमुत्खातसं(9)गाग्रभित्तेः । आ च" प्राच: समुद्रात्सुरसरिदतुलस्थलमुक्तावलीका. दाम्भोधेईक्षिणाञ्च [स्फु]
- रदतुलमणे: सेतुसीमन्तभाजः ।(1)-[4]. ..तन्मप्रभवा नरेंद्रपतयः ख्याता[:] क्षितौ हैहया
स्तेषामनु(न्व)यभूषण(णं) रिपुमनोविन्यस्ततापानल: । धर्माध्यानध
3.
6.
- From an impression, received in 1862 by Sir A. Cun- not sure that the reading is correct. Perhaps the right read ninghain from Mr. Griffith, then Principal of the Benares iny may be run fera College, and now given to me by Dr. F. E. Hall.
* This sign of punctuation is superfluous. Expressed by a symbol.
The akshara in brackets looks in the impression like a1. A.Metre : Sloka (Anushtulih). The verse also oceurs at! in Metre: Bardiilarikrilita. the commencement of the Rewal copper-plate grant of the Read Ta.- Compare ante, vol. I, page 263, verse 9. Maharanaka Salakhanavurmaleva; Indian Antiquary, vol. 7 Metre of verses 3 and 4: Sragihara.
Real दधति नृपतयः क्लिष्टमारे प्रतिष्ठाम् (१). This is what is offered by the rubbing. Lut, as I do
Read च. not quite understand the first two lines of the verse, I am
Read तब
XVII. jagee

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
10.
L.7.
नान(नु)संधितमुखः सस्वत्म[स]" सौक्ष(ख्य)कश्रेयास(न्म)वगुणाशितप्रभुतया श्रीमानभूकोक्कलः (n) -[6]. सम्यक्सा (क्या)स्वविचारणा प्रतिदि[न] धर्माय योगाय च
इष्टा8. पूर्तपरोपकारकतये यस्यार्थसतो(ता) मति: (0) पानन्या(ण्या)धिगमाय दाननिरतिः सइंस(श)पुष्टेस्तथा
जानाभ्यासवसान्ममुक्षपदवीमंते" च यः प्राप्तवान् ।(1)-[6]. भोजे व9. [भ] राजे श्रीहर्ष(ष) चित्रकूटभु(भू)पाले।
स(श)ङ्करगणे च रा[ज*]नि यस्यासीदभयदः पाणि: ।(1) -[.. सचिमिवेन्द्र[:] कमलामुपेन्द्रो नगेन्द्रकन्यामिव चन्द्रमौलिः । चन्देलवसप्रभवा
मुसिला नहाख्यदेवी स तु पर्जनैषित् ॥ -[8]. उद्दामदर्पद्विषतो जयन्तं क(क)दर्पमापि(पी)नघनस्तनीनाम् । अजीजनत्म स्थितये जनस्य तस्यां महास(ग)क्तिध[२] कु
मारम् (0) -[9] नाना प्रसिद्धो भुध(व)नवयेपि प्रसिद्धपूवी(वी) धवलः स राजा । वोढु" धुरं यो गुरुहारहा योऽन्यानृपेन्द्राक[हार चकार ॥ -[10]. एकैक(क) ददता भुजङ्गमनि.
सं(शं) स्व(ख) जीवित(त) रक्षता भच्यार्थ(थ) गरुडाय नागपतिना न्यक्कार उन्मीलितः । चारित्राय ददो(दौ) जलं सुरपतिर्माच्छन्न[*]ल्यामृतौ - वन्द्यासा(या) भुवनवयेण्ययमभू[दौ]
___चित्त(त्य)वृत्तेः पदं ॥ -[11]. किम्वापरण। होहिन्ति एस्य घ(व)से पुरिसा एहइयगारवमहग्या [*] इन हाविऊण जेणं पाखीण परिग(ग)हो गहिरो ॥ -[12]. तत्सु(त्म)नः ख्यात
13.
74 Read शश्वत्मता.
on Read देवौं स तु पर्यशैषीत्. 75 Read star --The word om offends against 3 Metre of verses 8-10: Upajati. the metre; but the first line of verse 23 shows that the I give this line exactly as it is in the impression. spelling with double l is correct.
| वीढ़ probably should be वीढं, and the fourth Pada may be 7 Metre of verses band 6: Bardilavikridita. The hiatus | योऽन्धान पन्द्राग्करदीचकार; but the proper reading of the whole between lines 1 and 2 of verse 6 offends against the metro. line I am unable to restore. 7 Read "वशान्मुमुक्षपदवी.
85 Metre : Sardalavikridita. mOriginally राज was engraved at the commencement| Rend कि वापरण. of line 9; but afterwards a letter seems to have been inserted 87 Metre : Årga. "In this family there will be men highly between the aksharas gand रा.
precious on account of their great dignity, this considering, ** Metre: Arya.
he took possession of the regions.' Professor Pischel informs * Read शचीमिवेन्द्रः.
me that yet is given as a synonym of fear in Hemachandra's ॥ Read वंशप्रभवां सुशीखां.
| Defindmamata, VI, 37.

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7
10
13
16
19
22
25
28
BENARES COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KARNADEVA-PLATE I
Epigraphia Indica, vol. II.
ॐ नमः सिद्धनाय कवि सर्वकाल (साकोस एक समय सिमाल समासाद
प्रतिदि
काउसतिमितमा वातावमिततामा सीताद जातिपात प्राविलासादितः पावसातली कामया सोमवाजता दिया विकासापाकला सामा(कोल
पायाका मनिशा आकृतिगमादयराज जाति है वादा का हा तसा मुदती मुनयः प्रति पाटालगायत जाती विमा कमलामाइ मतमता
बाकायदा सडक माता मंत्रकरणमा (ऊजी का मजमा जा शहादतुः ददताम सावरता साकारापतिमा जाउला राज- 10 मृदुद्रा पिकाला दिवसा गावाला या लोपरि गाहा गदित ककरालाका समस कामात द्यावर्त (1) राति पयाग्राम यादव मित्राय वाय। इदद्वय सकल (नामा रास्कामानमादवरमादितः॥ ततवाद व लावव का वल (ववदिकत पिकाला मामला गाकरीता वह्निः। वा विमासंग मुझे की सः सातामा मसाल दिखा अमितनाव आता पावती (रामद, अमता सुखा जि॥ यः मतास ( ( ( हामी (या मायया तात रा विवरायका विद्यजीत सकारुकःपान विवि मा हावा सहाराला प्रानादव सकलदुवक तलातलकायत काला (जनकपिक लिगा (पीसो (जापानगता गामाता या कलास राऊलाल (सपल पल मागवावस्त्यानामवयवाद। सात संपात विसरू यति मात्राना यातयातको तु का कल्लादिवो व तिवा मला दमतात 281 जंग का मत तालतः काबा के एमान यात या रहा वहसको साखल केलाय का सिवा काकू लावाममकल का पदको हालत द्वारा गावादवानानायकवले र मुखका काय काय गुलाल का महल का दमदाः। खात्यता न्यास न मानिस मातमा एक सिम कला संगनिक
दाद
तिला पदावर पहा (निवा

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38
वतोपवेदोकाहपातत्याननकलावतीकर्मशिवायवतमावासमाहिकमवाणाहिय ।। (इनपतबाह भरवानायकाविलनयोर पसरहयो रानदिलाददारमारणारागहत्य तो मनायगाना मटरसमा सावता माविवाहिताबाकीएपलादीमई महकमयोदयशासकबामकावलयाममात्मनः ।। हतिपनिहासिकिदिवासासायोपवामदेवतिदिनादिवराडवताबरमतीसवीततहगातानावनगर गालात। सातवयागममातासितसमक्ष्यलयवारमाहारमारानावरायामश्वमदतगादावातवरमात
किमदाराला दिलाउपराजयममारकारतकालावयालामालदिवसलामदारवासालापहाम् ७७ (तुपामहापामामिदा मानविदिको महान माविया नलिकामहारपटल कीमतोकुवालकासहायता हामीमहासागता ।
महाममातामहामावलीकामसरारा पतामहाकपतानहीनकाजताकावितमधाहमालयातावाक्यतिमालागारनितिदिन मसूदतावासमायाकामन कान महसयामवावमलहसावलजालावर ताकि खपत ता! विटयासता आवट सीमापक्षिाविद्यालयामालमितादातासिकगीताचारलारमानातिनामिना ।
वसामवाळत्याला मारता यामतकामवासकमाएकापामादपारतावितापायाशदतों न मनाइदादवया संवसाया। फानुमतदलपतहिती गावासाका वास तेगावाताहरातदेवरे विनाम।। मायमराहारपक्षालातपातायसवायरसाद कासमसाशासमाह यायावादमदारमतारामासाबमापदनरातालामत पारनपादायुयायामकिलामिक समापदाशमादिदातितिरिनमध्यस्ततामनायामानात सासमानकपर ममता।। हागसागकहिल्यदायादायकाहोता कि पहनिसमरा उपत्मदाय मयो एकातिरपतिकोतमामातातात 15 ।
गत कामिताभदावमा सही कितासाविको रापतातामाहामायानातरामहरसासामालाटातमासउरुपागालालक 45 लपालमामाहवारवहतिवसुलकाराजाहदागमा हिलिगमभामगाटाहास मिटा शाततातदापरलमानामिनाया
(घटानामात्यातसवितामागिलागतमासलेम तालिकामासाली दरवाहि पुकामाताका मानिया या सार कमात्तात्रयतिमाता(मोकाममसावपकरादरी नायिकालतसादायलगायदानकनगवामानाम | भियतनावलीमका गामिकामापकमा मामोनिया तहाद नसताना मनात
48
From imprunione rupplied by B.T.H. Gripta, .4., to Gen. Crawingham.
Soala: 8-Brde of original.

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L14.
कर्मा दिगिभकरनिमाजानुवा(बाहुमहात्मा भूमभ(भ) व(ब)भूव क्षतरिपुनृपतिबा(ब्बा)लहर्षः सुज*]मा । यं महत्तानुरागानुक्कतकतया युगाचारमाथि)त्य वात
16.
15. लान्योन्योपमई स्थिरवसतिरपास्तारिवगैत्रि(स्त्रि)वर्गः (1)- [13].
धन्धोत्र दास(श)रथिरव रिपुसा(शा)स्यो यस्याभवकिमपरं समरोत्सवाय । भूभाभि ]ग्नसकलविषतो .
धिगस्मानात्मानमाहवरमादिति य: मुसोच ॥ -[14]. सत्यव्रतकनिरतस्य युधिष्ठिरस्य तस्यानुय(ज): प्रथितवा(बा)हुव(ब)लो व(ब)भूव । दुर्योधनारिव(ब)लवि(वी)रवधैकध
न्वी पार्थोपर: कलियुगे युवराजदेवः ।(0) -[15]. भु(भू)भारक्षमदक्स (क्यु)तिप्र[ण*]यिनीमालम्व(म्ब)मानस्तन(न) कुर्बाणः समरपि नाग(क)पथगानागच्छतो विदि[ष*]: ॥(0)
17.
विख्या
19.
20.
18. तां भुवि भूरिमार्गगमनामुच्चैईधदाहिनी
यः साक्षात्परमेस्व(ख)र[:] समभवत्सम्यक्सि (विण)वाराधनात् ॥ -[16]. तस्मादभूलक्ष्मणराजदेवः पुण्यो(ण्यै)जनाना(नां)
जनितव्यवस्थ: । पा(च)वाप्य यं धर्मामिव क्षितीस(श) चिराय लेभे जनता सुखानि -[17]. यः सत्यस्य निधिः सि(थि)यां च सरणि: साम्रा च धाना [च*] यो यो दाता च दयालु
रेव च पदं कीलेंस(च) नीतेस(च) यः । तस्यासीत्परमेष दूषणकण[*] कारुन्य(ण्य)पुण्यात्मनः
पानापावविवेचनं न यदभूत्सवखदानेष्वपि ॥3-[18]. श्रीस(श)रगणदेव
स्ततोभवत्सकलभुवनतलतिलकः । सा(शा)सति वसुधां यस्मिन्पलायित(त) कापि कलिनापि ॥ - [19]. असौ निस्तूंसता यत्र वक्रत्वं पलितागमे [*]
रथचक्रषु चारि-98 22.
त्वं वायो यौ] खच्छन्दचारिता [*] -[20]. तस्यानुयो(जो)भु(भू)धुवराजदेवः पतिः क्षितेः क्ष[व] कुलप्रमु(सू)तिः । यस्यासिधाराजलधौतमु(मूर्तमि(वि) खिरासि(सी)च(च)पलापि लशि[]"-[21]. पर्थि
21.
Metre : Sragdbara. • Read शुशीच. w Metre of verses 14 and 15: Vasentatilaka. . Metre: Bardalavikriilita. * Metre: Upajati. * Metre : Serdülavikridita. ** Motre : Aryl
" Read निखिंचता.
* Aritva, derived from either aris ** wheel,' or ari an enemy.' 57 Metre : bloka (Anushtabh).
Read Tौ :. " Metre : Upajati.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 28. सा[C]वधिस्यागः सेस सूरजयावधि:00।
यस(स)सा(सा) धर्मरासे(ये)स्व(च) नावधिर्यस्य भूपते: (0) -[22]. सीसाखतोयायत' यातकीर्तुः काकादेवी वस्त्रधिकनाथः ।
ज(य)मण्ड24. लामो रिपुमण्डलानि पुरो दधातीति यथार्थस(स)ब्द(ब्द): 1()' -[23]. नम' कामुकवत् कत नियमित तूणीरवत्पृष्ठतः ।
काष्ठासु क्षणमात्र[१] स्वविहित: [चान्तरादादणवत् [1] 25. क्रत्वा सा[]परिच्छदेन रहित सम्यकरि] स्थापित
सवणामखेल कुल नरपति[यिथेम] येनासिवत् (0) -[24]. काबलनृपादवास्तसकल[काणी[व]पद
रचालितहारगो(गौ)रगुणभूर्गागवदेवाभत्' । यस्याजायत केवलं रणमुखे कौक्ये(च)यकोग्रेसरः ।'
स्तवेव प्रतिविवि[५] पुनरभूदालाव[२] स[मुखं] [*] -[25]. 27. पगुनेज़ोजलोलेति चातं यदिह दुर्जसः ।।
लक्ष्या तदधुना धौ[तं] दिव्यमादाय तहपुः ॥" -[26]. ख्यात[:] सत्यतया स धर्मतनयः" त्यागेन वि(व)रोच
28.
सोयनेद्रसुर" न चैतदसवत्स[त्यं] गता[चे] तसि । एकस्मिंत्रितयं कलो समनिक गांगेयदेवे नृपे [दस्ता रिखित मि]व तेर
vam Read भौय शूरजयावधि. 1 Metra Bloka (Anushtubi). • Read श्रीमावतीनायत जातकोत: कीवनदेवी पसुकमायः.
Metre : Upajati. * I am not, perhaps, able to restore the exact reading of this vers, but would suggest the following:
नब कामुंबवत्त नियमित तूचीरवहतः
काष्ठासु चचमावदृष्टविहितवानं च दीर्दसवत् । क्रत्वा सा परिषदन रहित सम्यवर स्थापिर्व
अबूधामचि कुल नरपविष्ठेन येनासिवत् । • Metre : BArdhlarikridita.
•For the commencement of this line I would noggest कीकहाख्यनृपादपातसमलचीपौविपद; the end of the line I am unable to restore.
1 Read गषियदेवीभवत्• Reade da ufafaford gue for the end of the verse I cannot raggot a suitable reading. • Metre : Kardalavikridita
Read चबुधितीयचीसति स्यावं यदिा दुर्थः ।. 1 Metre : Bloks (Anushţubb). URead 'वनयवागेन I would suggest here it
wa fafar, but am not sure about the last word of the line. MRond चौसमधिक..
* I would suggest reading this line qui fuf f e t :. I take the meaning of the verre to be that, while formerly people did not believe in the truthfulness of Yudhishthira, eto, they now no longer entertain soy such doubta, since they have seen that, even in this Kalinge, Gangeyadeva pornoses all the virtuer ascribed to tbone ancient king in a higher degree oven than they did.

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BENARES COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF KARNADEVA.
309
Second Plate. L. 29.
वितथं पूब्वे येथोक्ता भृपाः ॥ -[27]. तस्यात्मजः कर्ण इवावतीरण: करणः पृथिव्या(व्यां) प्रथे(थि)तपृ(प्र)भावः ।
यस्याभिसे (षे)कम(ब)वणा[हि]ष30.
विनष्टं प्रष्टं हिजमित्रवर्गः ॥"-[28]. यत्कीर्तिलतया दूरं प्रसरत्या दिने दिने ॥(1) व्र(ब्रह्माण्डमण्डपाभोग: स्वल्पतामुपनीयते ॥ -[29].
स्वयं समु31. मृजवानर्थिसार्थेष्वचिन्तितान् ।
कोपे(प्ये)ष भूषण(ण) भूमर्जङ्गमः कल्म(ल्प)पादपः ॥ -[30].
स(श)तिवमै(य)कने (नि)लयस्य गुणाकरस्य धमात्मनः .. 32.
स्तुतिपदं किमिहास्ति कि(कि)चित्। पासा(शा)स्यते परमिदं कृतिभिः सदे(दै)व राजन्वती वसुमतीभवते(ते)व भूयात्॥"-[31].
तवे(द)वं गुणगणालंकृत33. स(श)रीर: [खसाग समावासितश्रीमद्विजयकय"त्परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेख
(ख)रथीवाम देवपादानुध्यान(त)परमभट्टा34. रकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेख(ख)रपरममाहेख(ख)रतृ(वि)कलिंग्या(गा)धिपतिश्रीमत्करण
देव[:]कुस(ग)ली महादेवी महाराजपु[व]"महाम35. त्रि[णो] महामात्या महासन्धिविग्रहिका महाधर्माधिकरणिका महाक्षपटलिका महाकर
णिका स(म)हाप्रतीहारो महासामन्तो 36. महाप्रमातारो महास्व(ख)साधनिको महा[भा]ण्डागारिको महाध्यक्ष एतानन्यांस(स)
कीर्तिताकीर्तितास यथाई मानयति वो(बो)धयति समाज्ञापयति विदित37. म[स्तु भवता(तां) यथा [हपाथा]"कासि[भूम्य] "न्स[मात[मु]सिग्रामः साव(म)मधूक: ___ सगर्तस्थलजलोषरः सर्बाकरख[नि*]प्रभृतिसमुत्य38. तिसमेतस(च)तुराध(घा)टसीमापर्यन्तः । वेसालग्रामविनिर्गताय कोसिकगोवाय"। मोद
लदेवरावविवामित्रत्रि39. प्रवराय वाजसनेयसा(शा)स्वाय।" महानते वा[म]ननते नारायणपुवाय पण्डितश्रीविस्व
(ख)रूपाय। इहैव पितुः श्री
* Metre: Bard Alavikrlạita.
pare, e.g. the Mangir copper-plate grant of Devapáladova, 1 Metre : Indravajra.
Indian Antiquary, vol. XXI, page 256, line 31. 18 Metre of verses 29 and 30: Bloks (Anushtubh).
* I suspect that one or more akshards are omitted in this " Metre : Vasantatilaks.
, word. » Of the word preceding feg only the third al- WRead 'कौर्विताच. chara @) is quite clear; the first akahara might perhaps » The akaharas in these two brackets are very indistinct be read a, and the second या.
and doubtful, and I cannot suggest the exact name of the A Rend पिनयकटकापरम'.
district in which the village of Susi was situated. The akshara in brackets may have been altered to
* These signs of punctuation are superfluous.
» Read ft . - What was meant to be engraved here and in the fol- * Rand बौदचदेवराववामिववि. lowing, wuparhaps महामाब। महाचबिपिपिच, ote. Com-l

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
45.
L. 40. महाङ्गेयदेवस्य संवत्सरे साडे फाल्गुनव(ब) हुलपक्षद्वितीयायां सं(श) नैसु(च)रवासरे देखा
नात्वा भगवंतं देवं देव"त्रिलोचन41. मस(श)नस(स)भारप्रकल्पितपंचोपच(चा)र[प्र*]पंचेन परया भक्त्या समभ्यच्चयासमन(च)
हु(इ)या सा(था) विधायोभयभोगेन सासत्वेन यप्रदत्तः । अतः श्रीमत्क42. एर्णदेवपादा[:] मुसीग्रामनिवासिन: समस्तजनपदान्ममादिस(शं)ति विदितमस्तु भवता
(तां) यथा ग्रामोयं स्माभिः सा(शा)सनत्वेन प्रदत्त इति मत्वा 43. भागभोगकरहिरण्यदण्डादायकासोत्पन्ति प्रभृतिसमस्तराजप्रत्यादाय(या)अस्थोपनव्या इति
तदपचिकीर्षया मध्ये वातेनापि न . 44. गन्तव्यमिति ॥ अभ्यर्थना ॥ण
सर्बानताभा(भा)विनो राजपुत्राभू(न्भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः । सामान्योय(य) धर्मसेतुन()पाणा(णां) काले का
ले पालनीयो भवद्भिः (0)8-[32]. व(ब)हुभिव(व)मुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलम् ।(1)3-[33]. अस्मिन्वन्मे हि[ग्नो?]
पि यसा(था)न्यो नृपतिभवेत् । तस्यापि हस्तलग्नोहं सा(शा)सनं न व्यतिक्रमेत् ॥ -[34].
यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रर्दानानि धर्थियस(श)स्कराणि ।। 17. नृमाल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि"तानि को न(ना)म साधुः पुनराददीत ॥ -[36].
अस्व(ख)मेव(ध)सहस्रेण राजसु(सू)यसहतेन च [-]
गवां का(को)टिप्रदानेन भूमिह48.
न (श)ध्यति (0)-[36]. मुवर्णमेक(क) गाम[कां] भूमेरप्येकमङ्गल(ल)। हरत्र[रक]माप्नोति यावदाहुतसप्लव-[37]. संवत् ७८३ फालुनवदि सोमे [*]
46.
n Read संवत्सरबा. A Read देवदेवं.
» This is what was originally engraved; but some of the aksharas, especially and seem to have been altered, and I believe the intended reading to be 'योदकसगं. Read शासनवेन संप्रदत्त:
A Read "यममाभिः. "I would suggest reading °दायाकरीत्यति'.
Read "नेतव्या. Compare the Kumbhi copper-plate, Jour. A.Soe. Beng., vol. XXXI, page 120,-चब चायना दातुभववि यथा. W Metre : Salidi. Metre of verses 33 and 34: Sloka (Anushtabh). Read fara fra . - Read निर्माल्य. Metre: Indravajrà.
Read 'यशतेन. "Metre of verses 36 and 37: Sloka (Anushtubi). - Read °इतसंभवम्

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SPECIMENS OF JAINA SCULPTURES FROM MATHURA.
311
XXIV.-SPECIMENS OF JAINA SCULPTURES FROM MATHURA.
By G. BÜHLER, PA.D., LL.D., C.I.E. In the several articles on Dr. Führer's discoveries in the Kankali Tila at Mathura (ante, vol. I, pp. 371ff., 393ff. ; vol. II, pp. 193ff.) it has been stated repeatedly that large numbers of statues, relievos, and other sculptures have been found. As the inscriptions incontestably prove the great age of the temples which are buried under the mound, and as hitherto very little has become known regarding the earlier Indian art except what the Buddhist Stů pas furnish, it seemed to me desirable that some specimens of the sculptures found should be published at once without waiting for the comprehensive work which Dr. Führer eventually intends to give us. On my application Dr. Führer in 1890 kindly forwarded to me ten photographs, taken from the most remarkable and best preserved pieces, a selection from which is given in the four accompanying plates.
The first plate gives under figure B a specimen of the most common form of an Ayagapata, and under figure A the central portion of another sculpture of the same class. The addition of A was made advisable by the mutilation of the central figure of B. The slab, from which A has been taken, is apparently in a state of perfect preservation, and it, moreover, bears an easily legible inscription (No. xxx of the second Series of Mathura inscriptions, published, ante, vol. II, pp. 195ff.), in which it is clearly stated that the object dedicated is an Ayágapața. But the photograph is pitted all over with small white spots, which in parts make it difficult to recognise the details.
The slab, represented under B, is oblong and measures 3 feet by 2 8". At the lower end a space (some inches in breadth) has been cut off, the middle of which was intended for a dedicatory inscription, faint traces of which are still visible - On both sides there are sacred symbols, among which a Svastika and one or two Trisúlas are recognisable. The remaining nearly square portion of the slab is divided by four concentric circles into (1) a central disc, (2) three bands of unequal breadth, and (3) four triangles at the corners, each with a circular basis. The central disc is occupied by
crosg.legged seated Jina, with the hands in his lap. The posture is the usual one, in which all seated Jinas are represented even in the present day. Above his head there is a canopy, from which on either side very thick garlands hang down. Their shape is very peculiar and differs somewhat from that used on Buddhist sculptures (see, e.g., Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship, plates xxiv, 2; xxvi, 1-2). It is found on all the Jaina sculptures from Mathurå (see, e.g., Dr. Bhagvanlal's ancient slab, where these sausage-like garlands are visible at the top of the Stapa), and it may possibly be a characteristic mark of the early Jaina customs. On the side of the Jina appear three or four marks which at first sight look like representations of leaves. On examining the photograph with a magnifying glass, it seems to me that they are intended for snakeheads with expanded hoods. If my interpretation is correct, the Jina is Paráva, whose mark is Sesha. In an article in the Vienna Or. Jour., vol. IV, p. 327, I have
1 This is due to the nature of the slab, which is of speckled sandstone.-4. F. • Actes du rivième Congrès int. des Orientalistes, tome 111, 2. p. 142.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
pointed out that on another slab Sesha's hoods appear behind the head of a Jina. Here the addition of the canopy prevented their being placed in the proper position.
The first circular band is rather narrow and bears representations of four highly ornamental Tribular, which, no doubt, with the ancient Jainas, just as with the Bauddhas, were considered as emblems of "the three Jewels ” which with the Jainas are right faith, right cognition, and right conduct.
They differ somewhat from those found on the Buddhist buildings (see, e.g., Cunningham's Bharhut Stúpa, plates vi and vii), as the lotuu, which the Bauddhas usually place below them, is missing and the central point is longer and feathery at the top, being formed by the ends of two semicircles, held together by a band. The latter peculiarity re-appears in a Trisúla on a pillar in the Indrasabhå at Elura, (Burgess, Arch. Reports West. Ind., vol. V, plate xxxviii, 3). The Tristila was, no doubt, in ancient India a symbol, used by all sects for various purposes and with various interpretations. It was also commonly used for personal ornaments and appears in earrings (Cunningham's Bharhut, plate xlix), in necklaces (op. cit., plate I), and in women's girdles (Cunningham's Arch. Suro. Rep., vol. III, plate xi, A). In such ornaments it has frequently the very same shape as on our slab.
The second much broader band of the slab is occupied by four curvilinear ornaments, ending each on the left side in two horns and enclosing in the centre a sacred symbol. Just below the spot where the two horns separate are four bands or garlands, to which rosettes or small lotuses are tied, and from the interstices between the horns issue the stalks of half-opened larger lotuses, which rest with their open faces on the second circle. A comparison of the four large ornaments with the Trisulas in the first circular band leaves no doubt that they represent halves of these sacred symbols. The smaller emblems enclosed by the larger ones are,-(1) at the top, a Svastika, which is commonly used as a lucky or sacred mark by all Indian sects, (2) below, two fish, which are likewise considered very generally as marks of good omen, and are found as such over the doors of the great Jaina caves at Junagadh, called Bå wå Pyara's Math (Burgess, Arch. Suro, Rep. West. Ind., vol. II, plate xviii,3), and on Brabmanical temples, e.g., on those of the ruined city of Ghumli. (Burgess, op. cit., plate xliii), (3) on the left, another variety of the Trisula, common on Buddhist monuments, and (4) on the right, a mark which looks like a monogram, formed of the syllables na and do, and is not uncommon on Buddhist sculptures, and is also used for ornaments (Fergusson, op. cit., plate iii, fig. 4).
The third circular band, which is again very narrow, shows,-(1) below a seated Jina; (2) above a Stúpa, resting with its base on the fourth or outermost circle, and hence looking as if it were turned topsy-turvy; (3) on the right and on the left two sacred trees, rising out of a square enclosure. The interstices between these four emblems are filled up by pairs of half recumbent male and female figures, probably worshipping deities (Vidyadharas). Each compartment contains two pairs, one facing one way, and the other turning in the opposite direction.
. An exception is found in Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, plate XXIII, Fig.
• Compare also Dr. Bhagvanlal, Actos du visame Congrès int. des Or. tomo III, part 2, p. 137. The Vishnu Smriti ILI, 88 (Jolly's edition) enumerates the fish among the Mangalas, to which Brahmans must pay reverence. In his notes to the pannage Nandapandita most absurdly adds that the rule refers to 'boiled or fried' (pakua) fish. On Buddhist soulptures the two fiab appear as parts of personal ornamenta; (100 Fergusson Tre and Serpent Worship, plate iii, fig. 4.

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With respect to the Stapa, which we shall meet again more than once on the other plates, I repeat that it is a form of the funeral monuments, once used and worshipped by all Indian sects that followed the Jñana and Bhakti Margas, and I refer for some of the reasons for this theory to my article Vienna Or. Jour., vol. IV, pp. 328f. I may add, however, that Brahmanical Chaityas are occasionally mentioned in the Mahábhárata. Thus we read Mah. I, 109, 13-14.
भोभेण धर्मती राजन्मवत: परिरचिते[तः । . बभूव रमणीयच चैत्ययूपशताकृतः ।
............ "That country, O king, protected on all sides by Bhishma in accordance with the sacred law, became lovely, being adorned with hundreds of Chaityas and sacrificial
posts."
The juxtaposition of the Chaityas and Ydpas shows that Brahmanical sacred build. ings, probably Stapas, are meant.
The worship of sacred trees by the Jainas has been discussed by Dr. Bhagvanlal (op. cit., p. 142), and he has given the names of the Bodhi-trees of three Tirthamkaras. The worship of trees in India is older than Jainism and Buddhism. Quite irrespective of its traces, found in the Vedic ritual, all the Brahmanical Satras bear witness to its existence, as they mention Chaitya trees, which Brahmans and all Aryans must treat with reverence, and it is common to all the sects following the Bhakti Marga, which assign a sacred tree to each deity. Like a great many other practices, it has been taken over by the Jainas and Bauddhas from the Brahmans, when their prophets became deities, a new meaning being given to the ancient rite.
The four triangles in the corners are each occupied by a female figure holding up her arms and supporting the part of the outer fourth circle just above it. On both sides of the heads of these figures there are small projections, which look like rudimentary horns, but appear to be the ears with ornaments hanging down from them. The lower extremities of the four figures have been turned into spirally rolled snake-tails with split or fin-like ends, which fill the right and left corners of the triangles. Figures, supporting sculptures or statues, are so common in ancient Indian art, that it is unnecessary to cite particular examples.
Among the other Ayágapatas, of wbich Dr. Führer has forwarded photographs, there are two more with Jinas in the central medallion or disc, vis., that a portion of which has been given in fig. A of plate i, and another bearing the inscription No. xxxi of my second Series. A third, which bears the archaic inscription No. viii of the same Series, has in the centre a wheel with sixteen spokes, apparently a Dharmachakra, regard. ing the worship of which more will be said in connection with plate iv, and a fourth, which was dedicated by the wife of a dancer (see Tuscr. No. v of the second Series) offers the representation of a Stapa, in front of which two naked women dance on the lower
The fact that eneb Mrthamkan ha bia Chaityaoikaha is also stated by Hemachandn, Abhidldnachintamani, venne 88 (Böhtlingk and Rieu). The commentary to the passage is, however, mutilated or corrupt. A complete list of the sacred trees is given in the Ratnasara, vol. II, p. 708
Anth, PP. 1961.

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rail, exactly in the same indecent posture as those on Dr. Bhagvânlal's Mathura slab. The latter seems therefore to belong likewise to the class of the Ayágapatas.
From all these specimens it appears that an Ayagapata is an ornamental slab, bear. ing the representation of a Jina or of some other object of worship, and the term may be appropriately rendered by "tablet of homage or of worship,” since such slabs were put up in temples, as the numerous inscriptions on them say, "for the worship of the Arhats." The Ayága patas seem to be a distinctive feature of the ancient Jaina art, as neither the Buddhists nor the orthodox sects mention them. The Bauddhas have, however, the term udhapata, i.e., úrdhvapața, (see, e.g., Burgess, Arch. Rep. South. Ind., vol. 1, pp. 90f). Even among the Jainas they probably went out of fashion at an early period, as the inscriptions on them invariably show archaic characters, and are in no case known to me dated. In the more modern Jaina temples we find instead of them slabs, called pañchaparameshthipatta (Satruñjaya inscriptions, Nos. 58, 66, ante, pp. 34f.), chaturvimsalitirtham karapatta (ibidem, Nos. 57, 67), and so forth.
The sculptures of the second plate are the most interesting of the whole collection. Figure A bears an inscription, legible even on the photo-lithograph, which I read originally as bhagavá Nemiso, the “divine lord Nemi," as I believed that the sculpture represented some scene from the life of Neminatha. But a careful investigation of various lives of Neminátha, in which Professors Jacobi and Leumann have kindly assisted me, failed to bring to light any legend that could be turned to use. Finally, Professor Jacobi suggested to me that it might be possible to read bhagavá Nemeso "divine Nemesa," to refer these words to the figure with a goat's head just above them, and to identify the goat-headed Nemesa with Indra's divine commander of the foot troops Harinegamesi, who is represented in mediæval pictures as a man with the head of an antelope. The reading Nemeso is no doubt as good as Nemiso. The vowel-stroke of the second consonant lies in the proper position of an e, though the i frequently looks exactly alike on these inscriptions. More difficult was the identification of the two names; but, on looking through the Nemináthacharita I found a passage, where Naigameshin appears instead of the longer word.
It stands in the beginning of the seventh Sarga, where it is narrated how Kșishņa tried to obtain for Satyabhama a son equal to Pradyumna in luck and good qualities. The text runs as follows:
प्रद्युम्नस्य महाऋइया ताम्यन्ती श्लाघयापि च । भामा कोपग्रह गत्वा शिश्ये जर्जरमञ्चके ॥ ८॥ तचायातच कंसारिाजहार ससंभ्रमम ।
* Possibly the word dyaga, which occurs in l. 4 of the inscription, may be meant for dydga. Regarding the performances of dancing girls at Jaina festivals, nee below the remarks on plate iii.
A Buddhist dydgapata was excavated by me in January 1852 at the ancient site of Adhichhattra (Ramnagar in Rohilkhand) from the ruins of a Buddhist Vihara. The slab shows full-blown lotus in the middle surrounded by four highls ornamented Trikülas. An inscription in archais characters records its dedication and object.-A.F.
Bee Sacred Books of the Eust, vol. XXII, page 227, Lote. Professor Jacobi has kindly furnished me with a sketch of Harinegamesl, which is inserted in his ancient illustrated copy of the Kalpasitra.
The MS., froin which the subjoined verses have been taken, is No. 260 of the Vienna University Library collection, which was purchased in 1882 from Mr. Bhagvånial Kevaldas' store of M88., rejected as useless by the Bombay officials in charge of the Search for Sanskrit MS8. (see my paper: Ueber eine kürzlich für die Wiener Universität erworbene, cum Ingron Sanskrit und Prukrit Ilondach vten, Sitzungslerichte der kuis. Aladenie der Wirenachuften, vol. XIX, p. 5638).

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b) Obverse of doorstep.
c) Reverse of doorstep.
Epigraphia Indica, vol. II.
Plate II.

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केनापमानितासि त्वं येनैव [वं] व[सु]भ्नु ताम्यसि ॥ ८ ॥ भाग्यचे नाव[प]मानो मे किंतु प्रयुखसंनिभाः । न चेो भविता सूनुर्मरिष्यामि तदा धु[धु]वम् ॥ १० ॥ कृष्णत[ष्णस्त]दाग्रहं ज्ञात्वा त्रिदि[द]शं नैगमेषिणम् । उहिष्टमन [भ] क्रेन पोषयं प्रत्यपद्यत । ११।
विर्भूय नैगमेषी न [त]मूचे किं करोमि ते । बच्चोम्युवाच भामारी देखि प्रयुतम् ॥ १२ ॥ Antwren(u)wi güver & wwer arq त्वममुं हारमामोच्च ततो भावीप्सितः सुतः ॥ १२ ॥ wifery Aniût færiteit i
वासुदेवोपि सत्यायें सुचि[दितो ददौ । १४ ॥
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या
(8) "Annoyed at the great luck of Pradyumna and his fame, Bhâmâ went into her boudoir and lay down on a broken cot.
(9) The foe of Kamsa visited her there and spoke agitatedly: Who has shown disrespect to thee, whereby, O fair-browed one, thou art thus afflicted ? '
(10) Bhâmî answered: No disrespect has been shown to me; but, if I do not obtain a son equal to Pradyumna, I shall certainly die.'
(11) Knowing her tenacity of purpose, Krishna undertook a fast in honour of the god Naigameshin, partaking only of every eighth meal.
(12) Naigameshin appeared and spoke to him: What can I do for thee?, Krishna answered: 'Give to Bhâmâ a son who resembles Pradyumna.'
(13) Naigameshin replied: 'Make her, whom thou desirest to have a son, put on this necklace, and then have intercourse with her; thereby she will obtain the desired son.'
(14) Handing over the necklace, which he wore, Naigameshin disappeared. But Vasudeva joyfully gave the precious ornament to Satya."
The legend shows that the Jainas worshipped a divine being, called Naigameshin, and considered him to preside over the procreation of children. And Professor Leumann informs me that there are passages in older Jaina works from which the same conclusion may be drawn. Now, Harinegamest, the deer-headed general of Indra, is, according to the Kalpasútra, likewise closely connected with the same delicate matter, since at his master's command he transferred the embryo of Maliâvira from the body of the Bråbmani Devanandâ to the womb of the Kshatriyânî Triśalâ. The last four syllables of his name exactly correspond with the Sanskrit Naigameshin, and the whole compound Harinega mesî means in all probability, as the note to the Kalpasútra suggests, "the Negamesi of Hari," i.e., " Negamesi, the servant of Indra."
The close resemblance of the name Negamesi-Naigameshi and of Nemeso, and the fact that both deities are represented with the heads of similar animals, again tempt one to assume that both the names and the personages are identical. The difficulty, caused by the slight difference in the terminations of the names, may be removed by assuming that the word had originally, like many others, two forms, one ending in a and one
282
1

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ending in in. And the correctness of this view is proved by the occurrence of the Sanskrit words Naigamesha and Nejamesha," which in the Grihya Sutras and the medical Samhitae are the names of a deity with a ram's head," particularly dangerous to children. Our word Nemeso corresponds exactly with Naigamesha according to the analogy of the Pali emeva for evameva, ajjhena for adhyayana, lena for layana, and so forth (see EMüller's Simplified Grammar, pp. 41, 43), the intermediate form being Neyameso.
There can be no doubt that the Naigames ha or Nejamesha of the Brahmans, who seizes children and sorely afflicts them with disease 13 and the son-granting and embryoexchanging Naigamesha-Naigameshin of the Jainas are in reality identical. They represent two different aspects of the same deity, which was conceived both as beneficent and as hurtful or destructive. Their identity comes out still more fully, if one takes into account another Brahmanical deity, Naigameya, whose name, as the larger Petersburg Dictionary points out sub voce, is certainly only a variant of Naigamesha. This Naiga meya is declared to be another form, or a son and companion, of the war-god Skanda, which latter likewise is represented as dangerous to children. A passage of the Mahábharata, quoted in the Dictionary, sub voce naigamesha, asserts that he is chhagavaktra orgoat-faced,' just like the Nemeso of our sculpture. The goat's head excellently suits a deity, who has to do with the procreation of children, as the strong sexual instincts of the goat did not escape the notice of the ancient Hindus." Hence, it may be inferred that the goat's head was the original attribute of Naigamesha-Naigameshin, the Brahmans substituting later a ram's head on account of the seeming connection of the name with mesha, a ram,' 15 and the Jainas a deer's head on account of the compound Harinegamesi, seemingly connected with harina, 'a gazelle.' I may add that Naigameshin's position as Indra's general offers another point of contact with Naigameya, who is either considered as identical or as closely connected with Skanda, the field marshal of the gods.
If we now return to our sculpture, Nemesa-Naigameshin's divine rank is indicated (1) by his ornaments, bracelets on the upper arm and a very broad necklace (see above the story of Krishna), (2) by the elaborately carved throne on which he sits, (3) by the female attendant to his proper left, who apparently fans him with a Chauri, and (4) by the fragment of a canopy or chhattra, which, I think, is visible above his head. Nemesa's face is turned to the right, and he lifts his hand apparently addressing somebody who was represented on the lost right half of the slab. At his left knee stands a small naked male, characterised by the cloth in his left hand as an ascetic," and with uplifted right hand. Below this figure is a fragment of an inscription, showing on Dr. Führer's rubbings very plainly the syllables bhaga. The first word was therefore bhaga
11 See the two Petersburg Dictionaries under these words. The identity of Harinegamesi with Naigamesha has already been hinted by Böhtlingk, sub voce Harinaigumeshin. The latter word is a faulty form, given by Mr. Colebrooke in his Essay on the Jainas, probably in accordance with a bad MS. of one of the commentaries of the Kalpasútra.
For a representation of Naigamesha, as represented in the Elura sculptures, see Trans. R. As. Soc., vol. II, p. 326,
1st plate.-J. B,
See, in addition to the passages quoted in the Dictionaries from the Sufruta Samhita, and the Ashtangahridaya, Uttarasthana, ii, 63, and iii, 12-14.
Apastamba, Dh. 84. II, 14, 13, quotes a Vedic passage to this effect: "Therefore, a he-goat and a learned Brahmana evince the strongest sexual desires."
1 I am not able to offer any etymology for naigamesha and naigameya. Compare the figures of monks on Dr. Bhagvanlal's slab from Mathura.

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vá "divine," and a proper name no doubt followed. This epithet makes it probable that the ascetic is meant for a Tirthamkara, because, as far as my observation goes, bhagadá is not applied in the inscriptions to ordinary monks. Next, on the left comes the female fan-bearer already mentioned. To the left of her stands another female, who raises her right arm in astonishment and looks apparently at the ascetic. She wears ear. rings, a necklace, armlets, anklets and the usual dress of married ladies, while a scarf, or sárí, hangs over her shoulders. At some little distance further to the left, apparently in a separate section of the slab, which is indicated by remnants of architectural ornaments, is found the upper half of a mutilated female figure, who wears the usual ornaments. She likewise raises her right arm and supports with her left on a dish or cushion the body of a motionless infant with the hands folded on its breast.
A Jaina sculpture representing Naigamesha, a small Tirthamkara and a female with a small infant can only be taken to refer to the most famous legend, in which the deity plays a part, vix, the exchange of the embryos of Devananda and Trišala. And it seems to me that the various figures on our slab may be explained on this supposition. The story, as related in the Kalpasútra, is briefly this,-" When Indra became aware that Mahavira had taken the form of an embryo in the Brahmani Devananda's body, he paid his reverence to the Arhat that was to be born. It then occurred to him that an Arhat ought not to be born in a low Brahmanical family, but only in a noble royal race, and that it was and always had been the duty of the reigning Indra to transfer the embryo, in case through the influence of his Karman an Arbat had descended into the body of a female of the Brahman caste. In order to fulfil this duty, Indra directed Harinegamesi, the divine commander of infantry, to transfer Mahåvira from the body of Devananda to Trisala, a lady of the Jñâtsi family of Kshatriyas who was also with child. Harinegamest then repaired first to the Brahmanical quarter of Kundagrama, took Mahavira from Devananda, cleansing him from all impurity, and carried him carefully in his folded hands to the Kshatriya quarter of the same town. There he took Trisala's embryo from her, likewise duly cleansing it, and put Mahavira in its place. Next, he returned to Devananda and placed Tribala's child in her body. During these operations the two ladies and their attendants lay in a deep magic sleep. Finally, the deity returned to Indra's abode and reported to him that his orders had been carried out."
As our slab represents Waigameshi-Nemeso, seated in state on his throne, the scene must be laid in Indra's heaven, and it can only refer either to the moment when Indra gave his orders, or to the period when Nemeso had returned from his journey and made his report. The position of the deity, who is apparently speaking to somebody,probably Indra, who was represented on the lost right half of the slab, speaks in favour of the second alternative. The small ascetic at Nemesa's left knee, called in the inscription "divine"...., is no doubt meant for Mab&vira, who is introduced by the artist with the attributes of a monk, in order to show the subject to which the conversation refers, and he is represented so small, because in reality he is not yet born and has not yet reached the position of an Arhat. The female, with the small motionless infant in the separate section, is probably Tribala, represented in an apartment of her palace, having just received her new precious burden.
17 Sacreal Book of the East, vol. XXII, p. 223 ff.

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In confirmation of this interpretation, I may point to four mutilated statues now in the Museum at Mathura, lithographed by Sir A. Cunningham in the Arch. Suro. Reports, vol. XX, plate iv, 2-5. Two of them represent seated females. "Each of them has," as Sir A. Cunningham says, op. cit., p. 36, "a small child lying in a dish on her lap. The left hand supports the dish, but the right is raised up to the shoulder. Both females appear to be naked." The other two figures are males with the heads of animals. “Both," to use Sir A. Cunningham's words, "are represented in the same action. The larger figure carries a pair of children, male and female, in his left hand, each being grasped by one arm at full stretch. The right hand of the figure is raised to the shoulder in the same position as the right hands of the females. On each shoulder a small child is seated facing the head of the figure. The smaller figure is exactly the same as the larger one, excepting that it carries only one child by its outstretched arm." Sir A. Cunningham then goes on to say that he has been unable to find a clue to these curious or-headed' figures, and that he abandoned his first idea that they might be Yaksbas and Yakshiņis of gigantic size preparing to eat the children, because the small figures, seated on the shoulders of the two males, seemed to point to a more friendly connection between the two parties.
With respect to Sir A. Cunningham's description I must state that I differ from him in one important particular. In my opinion the two males are not ox-headed,' but
goat-headed; for, between the much mutilated bodies of the children and the likewise somewhat disfigured heads, pendent goats' ears are recognisable, especially in the smaller figure. This granted, it is evident that both males are representations of Naigamesha. With this identification the other details admit of explanation. The motionless infants, represented in connection with the males, are the two embryos, which Naigamesha had to exchange. If the artist represented the larger Naigamesha with two children on his shoulders and two in his hands, and the smaller one with two on his shoulders and one in his band, he probably meant to indicate two different steps in the transaction, viz., that the deity first took the children out of their mother's bodies and cleansed them of all impurity,' as the Kalpasútra says, and later conveyed them to their new destination on his shoulders. The two female figures are, of course, No. 2 Trišala and No. 3 Devananda, who are represented, the former with a male child on her lap and the other with a female one, in order to show what each received. And it must be noted that the higher rank of Trišalâ seems to be indicated by the more costly necklace which she wears. The story, which the sculptures tell according to this explanation, may have differed in one detail from that of the Kalpasútra, where Nega mesi is said to have taken Mahâvîra in his joined palms, not on his shoulder. But it is also possible that the change is an invention of the sculptor, who wished to represent the deity as carrying the two infants, for both of which there would not have been any room in his hands.
If one compares these figures with our slab, the very close resemblance of the position of the infant, and of the attitude of the female holding it, is at once apparent. And this point, taken together with the unmistakable figure of Naigamesha-Nemeso, irresistibly leads to tbe conclusion that the legend referred to must be the same in both sculptures.
The other two relievos on plate II, B and C, are found on a fragment of the dourstep

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from one of the two temples, buried under the Kankali mound. Though they bear no inscription, they cannot be later than the first century B.C.; for one of the two temples existed on the evidence of the very ancient No. I of my second Series of Mathura inscriptions already in the middle of the second century B.C., while the likewise archaic inscription No. IV of the same Series which records the erection of the second temple, cannot be later than about the middle of the first century. The obverse, A, represents the worship of a Stûpa by two Suparņas, half birds and half men, and by five centaurs or Kimnaras. One of the former offers a garland and the other, as well as three of the centaurs, two on the right and one on the left, bring jars or boxes filled with flower-bunches (). The last two centaurs on the left seem to carry brooms or fans, made of branches. On both sides of the Stupa stand trees, and the two Suparņas seem to be seated on, or hovering above, the bending branches of those nearest to the Stậpa. All the five figures wear turbans, such as many of the males of rank represented on Buddhist sculptures wear.
A somewhat similar scene, where Suparņas worship a Stúpa, occurs on a relievo at Sanchi (Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship, plate XXVIII, fig. 1). But it must be noted that the Sanchi figures are much more like Greek harpies, while those on our slab are done in a more conventional manner like the winged figures on the Assyrian and Persian sculptures. Among Brahmanical representations, those of Garuda, the king of the Suparnas, on the Gupta seals are worthy of comparison. Centaurs have been discovered on the Buddhist monuments in Gayà and elsewhere, and, in all probability, they go back to Greek models. What is particularly remarkable in those on our slab is the branch which hides the place where the human body is united with the rump of the horse. As far as I have been able to ascertain from my colleagues, versed in classical archæology, there are no Greek sculptures showing this particular.
The reverse of our doorstep contains a fragment of a procession, apparently about to visit some sacred place. On the extreme right we have two horsemen, each preceded by asyce,' or groom. Next follows a covered cart, drawn by two enormous bullocks, as big as those of the Palanpur breed, and filled with males and females. The cart closely resembles a modern shighram, and the driver, who lifts his goad, is seated, as is still the custom, on the pole. The tails of the animals are tied to strings connected with the yoke, just as is the case with those of the horses on the Sanchi relievos. Behind the cart comes again a horseman and finally an elephant with two riders. The elephant is very badly done. The trappings of the several animals are exactly like those represented on the Sanchi sculptures. But similar carts are not traceable on the latter, where very Greek-looking chariots drawn by horses appear instead.
The two sculptures on plate III are found on the two sides of a fragment of a Torana, and the scenes represented on them correspond to each other very closely. On both we have triangular pieces in the upper corners and three rows with figures, separated by semi-circular rails, or Vedikás, with flowers, each row of figures ending with an
Compare also ibidem, plates xxiv, 2; xxv, 1; Ixvi, 1; wxvii, 1, where Suparņas are represented as worshipping the Budhi tre
* See Fleet, Corpua. Inser. Ind., vol. IIT, plate sixvii, and Dr. Hwrnle's new Gupta Seal in the Journ. ds. Soc. Beng., vol. LVIII, Pt. I, p. 85ff.
1 Pergnisson, op. cit., Plate xuxiv, Fig. 1. etc.

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open-mouthed Makara, which-in five cases--a man teazes by taking hold of its tongue and upper jaw. The Makara, filling the corner of a row of figures, is common also on all Buddhist monuments." In the cornerpiece on the obverse (4) the chief group is placed on the left side and consists of a male with a peaked ornament on his head (a crest-jewel ?), holding a garland and four females in the attitude of worship; just below them appears a portion of an empty covered carriage. Further to the right stand five other smaller males (?), four in the attitude of worship, and carrying a large tray with offerings, the nature of which is not distinguishable. The extreme left is filled by five vessels of various shapes and sizes, from one of which rise the leaves of a plant. In the corresponding portion of the reverse (B) there is again in the back-ground a group consisting of one male with the peaked head-ornament and three or four females, one of whom holds a garland, further in front also a servant with offerings and a small male figure in the attitude of worship. Below the group appears likewise a portion of a carriage. The place, which on the other side is occupied by jars, is here filled up by a Stupa and by two platforms of stone (ptṭhiká), which in the centre seem to have borne representations of sacred marks (Pâdukâs ?), and at the upper ends are decorated, each with two lotuses. Two of the semi-circular rows of figures on the obverse, the first and the third, contain each two covered carts (shighram) very similar to that on plate II, C., which are apparently each occupied by several passengers and attended by servants. In front of the cart in the first row walk three dancing girls, who may be easily recognised by the manner in which they expose their persons. It is possible, but not certain, that two of them support with their left hands trays or dishes with offerings. In the third row we have in the place of the dancing girls portions. of a clothed male figure seated on a throne and attended by a female fan-bearer. The second row of the obverse shows running male figures with flying upper garments, holding bunches of flowers (lotuses ?) in their hands.
On the reverse only the second, or central, row contains the representation of an uncovered bullock or horse-cart, preceded by dancing girls. Behind this cart comes a male figure riding on a marine monster, and in front there is a mutilated male figure on a throne. The riders on sea-lions and Makaras reappear in the two other rows. In the first there is also a mutilated male figure on a throne, attended by a female fan-bearer, at whose dress a Hamsa nibbles. The back-ground behind the Hamsa is occupied by a monument, possibly a temple, enclosed by a wall. In the third row two male figures with upturned faces and uplifted hands are visible in front of the riders, as well as a piece of the garment of a third.
The general character of the scenes represented is, of course, not doubtful. They refer to the worship of one or several Jaina sanctuaries and to processions or pilgrimages undertaken for this purpose. Many of the details must be likewise familiar to every student of Indian archæology, and they agree in part at least with the descriptions of such scenes occurring in Jaina works. The jars of various shapes, even those with plants, appear frequently on the Buddhist Stúpas, and the Jaina descriptions of the pilgrimage of the deity Suriyabha to the Ambasálavana Chaitys mention them
On the Amaravati Stupa, Burgess, Arch. Rep. South India, vol. I, plate xxviii, 6, there is a similar scene in whic a female takes hold of a Makara's tongue.

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MATHURA SCULPTURES.
Epigraphia Indica, vol. II.
b) Reverse of Torana.
a) Obverse of Torana.

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Plate IV.
MATHURA JAINA SCULPTURES

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SPECIMENS OF JAINA SCULPTURES FROM MATHURA.
321
distinctly as requisites of worship. Again, the stone platforms, with lotuses and other sacred marks, occur on the Bharhut sculptures. Nor are the riders on monsters and the running figures with flying garments unknown on the Buddhist Stapas," where the latter are easily recognisable as Vidyadharas, moving through the air. Similarly, the dancing girls, who, even in modern times, are engaged to perform in honour of the Tirthamkaras, are frequently represented on the Buddhist monuments as exhibiting their art at festivals. But other points, like the introduction of the half visible clothed males, seated on thrones. and the representations of carts along with the riders on marine monsters and Vidya. dharas, are puzzling, and it is difficult to decide whether the artist intended to lay his scene in heaven or on earth, and whether all the figures on each of the two sides of the Toraņa must be taken as a whole or if each row represents a scene complete in itself. The most probable view is perhaps that the artist did not intend to give two compositions only, based on particular texts or illustrating particular legends, but merely wished to show how gods and men are eager to pay homage to the Tirthamkaras, to their Stupas and temples.
Plate Iv reproduces the mutilated slab, which bears No. xxi of my second Series of Mathura inscriptions :*
"The year 79, fourth month of the rainy season, day 20,-on that (date, specified as above, A ya-Vridh ahasti, a preacher in the Kottiya gana and the Vaïrà sá khá gave the advice to make an image of the Arhat Ņandiâvarta (Ara) .....the image, the gift of the female lay disciple Dinà (Datta), wife of ..... was set up at the Vodva Stapa, built by the gods."
The central piece on the slab is a Dharmachakra supported by a Triśúla, which itself rests on a lotus.
It belongs to the class of the Chakras, made conventionally and with a great number of spokes, which are not uncommon on the Amaravati Stúpa (see Burgess, op. cit., plates xxvi, 6, xxxiii, 2), and may be a later development of the carefully done wheels.
It differs from those on the Buddhist and other Jaina sculptures by the two ear-like projections at the top, as well as by the addition of two Sanchas," which lean against the basis. On the right of the Dharmachakra there is the mutilated figure of a naked ascetic, who, as usual, has a piece of cloth hanging over his right arm. This is probably the Arlat mentioned in the inscription. To the left of the Chakra stand four clothed females, wearing the usual ornaments of married women and holding garlands in their hands with which they evidently intend to worship the sacred symbol. The faces of these females look like portraits. Three of them seem to be matrons of mature years ; the fourth is smaller and apparently much younger. The last two are half hidden by the figure of a large crouching lion, facing the left.
The most noticeable point is the Dharmachakra, which, as the Mathura sculptures prove, was used and worshipped as much by the Jainas as by the Bauddhas. The fact is not very astonishing, as the wheel is the emblem of rule and government with all
** See Professor E. Leumann's translations from the Rayapasenijja Sutta, Acte du Viamo Cong. Int. Orientalistes, tome III, 4, p. 600 and passim.
* Boo Cunningham, Bharhut, plates xxxi, 2-4, xxx, 3, eto.
Arch. Reports South India, vol. I, plates xxxiii, 9, xxxiv, 1, XXXVI, 2, and Cave Temples, plato), Fig. 1-2. * Ante, vol. II, pp. 196f. » The Sankbas have probably been added mangalartham.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Hindus, and the Sanskrit Koshas give ráshtra as one of the meanings of chakra. The epithet apratikatachakra, 'he whose wheel, ie, rule, is unopposed,' is commonly given to kings in the inscriptions, and there are hundreds of passages in epic and classical poetry in which the chakra of kings is mentioned. Nor are the compound dharmachakra, 'the rule of the sacred law,' and the familiar phrase dharmachakram pravartayati, 'he sets in motion the wheel of the law,' i.e., 'he causes the rule of the law to spread,' wanting in Brahmanical literature. The larger St. Petersburg Dictionary quotes several passages from the Mahabharata where they occur. It is said of Bhishma, Mah. I., 109, 14:भीभेण विहितं राष्ट्रे धर्मचक्रमवर्तत ।
"The rule of the law continued, which Bhishma had established in the kingdom;" and Mah. XII, 356, 2:
यत्र पूर्वाभिसमें वे धर्मचक्र प्रवर्तितम् । नैमिषे गोमतीतोरे तत्र नागाह्वयं पुरम् ॥
"A town, called Nâga, lies on the bank of the Gomati in the Naimisha forest, where in a former creation the rule of the law was caused to spread."
Considering that the metaphorical meaning of chekra is very common with the Brahmanical poets and easily intelligible as an outgrowth of the idea that the unopposed progress of a king's chariot shows the wide extent of his power, it may be safely assumed that the application of the expression to the triumphant progress of the sacred law is likewise of Brahmanical origin, as the passages from the Mahabharata indicate. And it naturally follows that the Jainas and Buddhists, who both worship the Dharma. chakra as the emblem of the rule of their respective creeds, borrowed it from the Brahmans, and that the commonly prevalent idea is erroneous, according to which the Dharmachakra is a distinctive mark of the Buddhists and their particular invention.
These new sculptures from the Kankali Tila teach the same lesson as Dr. Bhagvanlal's Mathurâ slab published in the Transactions of the Leyden Congress, and prove that the ancient art of the Jainas did not differ materially from that of the Buddhists. Both sects used the same ornaments, the same artistic motives and the same sacred symbols, differences occurring chiefly in minor points only. The cause of this agreement is in all probability, not that the adherents of one sect imitated those of the other, but that both drew on the national art of India and employed the same artists. Full proof of this assumption, which modifies the statements in some standard works on Indian archæology regarding the development of ancient Indian art, can only be obtained by the excavation of really old Brahmanical temples. And it is to this task that the Archæological Survey in India ought to direct its attention, as a thorough exploration even of a few Saiva and Vaishnava temples, which date from the second or first century before our era, will do more for our knowledge of the history of the Indian religions than the excavation of a hundred Stupas or Vihâras.
But even at present various pieces of collateral evidence are available which support the view that all the several Indian sectarians took their sacred symbols and the ornaments of their temples from one common storehouse. Chief among these is the now generally acknowledged fact that the Brahmanists, the Jainas and the Buddhists, all and at the same time, contributed to the development of the cave temple architecture

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THE BHATTIPROLU INSCRIPTIONS.
which formerly was considered to be a speciality of the Buddhists. It is now conceded that the oldest known caves at Barabar and Nagarjunî belonged to the Vaishnava Ajivikas, and those near Katak to the Jaina worshippers of the Arhats. The undoubtedly Buddhist Lenas date from somewhat later times. It is, therefore, not in the least doubtful that all the old Indian sects used rock-excavations for sheltering their ascetics who wished to live in retirement, and sometimes also their idols, and it is highly probable that this usage goes back to times antecedent to the rise of Buddhism and Jainism. In the face of such facts one can only say that it would be surprising if the worship of Stupas, of sacred trees, of the Wheel of the Law, and so forth, more or less distinct traces of which are found with all sects, as well as their representation in sculptures, were due to one sect alone instead of being heirlooms handed down from remote times before the beginning of the historical period of India.
323
XXV.-THE BHATTIPROLU INSCRIPTIONS.
BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.
The subjoined ten inscriptions, which were discovered by Mr. A. Rea in the Bhattiproju Stúpa, are published here in full according to impressions, and in the case of No. X, also according to a photograph furnished to the editor by Mr. Res.
Nos. I-IX are incised on three relic caskets, partly on the circular tops and partly on the rims of the lower stones. Their preservation is good except in parts of No. III and in No. IV, which latter is effaced. No. X is scratched on a small hexagonal piece of crystal and difficult to read on account of the shallowness of the strokes. The great interest and value of the first nine documents lie in their characters, which mostly resemble those of Aśoka's inscriptions, but.show also peculiarities met with nowhere else. The details are as follows:
(1) Twenty-three letters, viz., the initial vowels á, á, u, o and the consonants, k, kh, chh, ñ, t, th, n, t, th, dh, n, p, ph, b, y, r, v, 8 and agree exactly with those of the Southern Maurya alphabet.
(2) The letter g has both the usual angular Maurya form and that with the rounded top, which occurs occasionally in Aśoka's Edicts, e.g., in magesu Pillar Edicts, VII. 2, 2, and is used invariably in the later inscriptions. The first palatal, ch, has a tail caused by a prolongation of the vertical. The third lingual, d, shows slanting strokes instead of straight ones, which peculiarity is also repeatedly observable in the word pásamḍa (Kalsi version of the Rock Edict XII., 1, 11, 33-34) and in ambávaḍiká, Allahabad, Queen's Edict, 1. 3. The dental media, d, exactly resembles the Maurya letter, but is turned round like the Andhra da and that of the modern Devanagari. The same remarks apply to the fourth labial, uh.
(3) Five letters are entirely abnormal, viz. :
(a) gh, which is expressed by the sign for g with a curve to the right denoting the aspiration (compare the Maurya chha, dha and pha, which have been formed in a
See the plates. Preliminary notices, treating chiefly of the paleographic peculiarities of the first nine, have been printed in the Academy, 1892, p. 521, and in the Fienna Oriental Journal, vol. VI. p. 145.
2T2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA..
similar manner out of the signs for cha, da and pa). It occurs in the names Vaghavá, i.e., Vyághrapád (II. 2), Satugho, i.e., Satrughna (II. 8), Chaghaña, i.e., Jaghanya (VII), Chagho, i.e., Changa (P VIII. 2), Akhagho, i.e., Akshaghna or Rikshaghna (VIII. 5).
(6) j has the angular form, which is rare in Asoka's inscriptions, (but see, e.g., rájá, Girnår Rock Edict, IX. 1) and the usual one in later documents, minus the central horizontal bar. It occurs repeatedly (e.g., I, A, B) in the word majusa or majúsa, i.e., mañjúshá.
(c) m is turned topsy-turvy. It is found in the last-mentioned word and frequently in well-known names like Samana (III 5), i.e., Sramana, Maho (VIII. 5), i.e., Mágha, etc.
(d) 1 shows instead of the short horizontal bar on the left a long slanting line attached at an acute angle to the right of the vertical stroke. It occurs only in names, e.g., Pigalako (III. 9), i.e., Pingalaka, Odalo (III. 11), i.e., Odála or Audara, Giláno (VII. 13), i.e., Glána, Gosálakánam (III. 16), i.e., Gokálakánám, and so forth.
(e) The lingual sibilant looks almost exactly like the kra of the later inscriptions, and seems to be developed from the sha of the Kalsi version of the Rock Edicts by turning the latter sign completely round and converting its upper curve into a crossbar. It occurs regularly for sa in the termination of the genitive of vowel-stems, e.g., Kurasha (I, A, B,), in the genitive plural tesham (VI), i.e., teshám, in the word shamuga (I, A), i.e., samudga and in many proper names.
(4) There is further the lingual Į, which does not occur in Aboka's Edicts. It looks like a pa with a short horizontal bar, attached to the right of the vertical stroke; it is more archaic than the corresponding Andhra letter and very similar to the la of a Sanchi inscription. It occurs in the word pháļigao (I, A,), i.e., sphátika and in various proper names.
(5) The notation of the medial and final vowels shows two very remarkable peculiarities -
(a) The short a is invariably marked by the horizontal stroke to the right of the consonant, which denotes long & in the Maurya alphabet, except when an Anusvåra follows. The latter limitation is probably due to the circumstance that the Anusvåra was considered equivalent to am, in which form it is invariably given in the native lists of mátrikás, or the alphabets.
(6) The long á is usually marked by a horizontal stroke and a vertical hanging down from its end. In negamá, VIII, I, a cursive form, consisting of a long notched horizontal stroke, appears instead.
(6) In other respects the notation of the medial vowels mainly agrees with that used in Asoka's inscriptions. The diphthong o is however more commonly expressed by a bar projecting to the right and to the left of the consonant than by two separate strokes. The former p, though rare in the Edicts, does occur occasionally, see, e.g., nigoháni, Pillar Edict, VII, 2, 2. Finally, in the syllables ni and ni the vowel is attached to the middle of the vertical stroke of , according to the analogy of na and ná.
(7) The initial vowels i, i, a, e and the consonants jh and dh do not occur, and there are at least no certain traces of the palatal sibilant 6, though there is a sign somewbat like it in a difficult name towards the end of III, 10.

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ON THE CRYSTAL.
S XO Y N Y Y Y Pe NSING
AZZAL A
+ Nm KY 27Iill
ل بن بلا
A 5 5 4 4 5α
Ad
4. Rea, fecit.
Full size.
BHATTIPROLU CASKET INSCRIPTIONS.
If Qurd b
ON THE LOWER STONE OF THE FIRST CASKET.
O
LAT
THY QU
I f f f f f Y N g
tjáðið fd Rel
GLENGE
Scale: 3-10ths.
Epigraphia Indica, vol. II.

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ON THE EDGE OF THE BOX OF THE SECOND CASKET.
Stormy
CPRL
O
A. Ren, fecit.
·FEEX
RUA
Tffy Logs
BHATTIPROLU CASKET INSCRIPTIONS.
Scale: 3-10ths.
ON THE LID OF THE SECOND CASKET.
REENL ET
CF + A +1. NCEFFITT AIC HAITIA F C C F F F x U *FFSE

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BHATTIPROLU CASKET INSCRIPTIONS.
ON THE LID OF THE THIRD CASKET.
4. Rea, fecit.
669 CTOR
C
HJ27271 Page #381

ALPHABET OF THE BHATTIPROLU INSCRIPTIONS
ЯЯЯЯ Хя і
2 Ғ ғf+ + + + +тт+1 т т полет по път 444 4 4 5
6 Е 66 EEfc { с л
€ vo oo
І ІРІ ғt Клкі, Літ со о << <<г. с ФІГІрі 11 ccccpt Об ҳ o PQ4 0 x 8.
С і Еггггг1TT и м ЕЕЕЕООД ff f f F to è dat GGE (х + + легл 4 Р І тк{ } { 14 Уул с гv Аптм деп
ON THE CRYSTAL
J. Burgen, feoit.

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THE BHATTIPROLU INSCRIPTIONS.
325
The inscription, No. X, which is incised on the piece of crystal, shares only two of the peculiarities, just described. Its cha (1.2) has a tail and its da in deśanam (1. 3) and in dánar (1. 6) opens towards the left. In other respects its letters, as well as its vowel notation, fully agree with those of Asoka's Edicts. It may be noted that it twice offers in Samanudesánań (1. 2) with the palatal sibilant exactly in the places where it would stand in Sanskrit. This agreement of its characters with those of the Maurya inscriptions leads to the supposition that it belongs to the same time as the latter.
But the first nine inscriptions are also probably only a few decades later than Asoka's Edicts. They unfortunately contain no historical statements which might be used to absolutely prove the correctness of this estimate. They mention, it is true, the names of a king Kubirako or Khubirako, i.e., Kuberaka, of various families, of gothis or committees and Buddhist saints. But none of them is traceable in any other historical source. Under these circumstances, all that remains is to fall back on arguments deduced from a comparison of other datable inscriptions, which, of course, may be deceptive. If one does this and places on the one side the alphabet of the Asoka Edicts and on the other those of the Nânåghat, Hathigumpla and Bharahut-Toraņa inscriptions, which belong to about the middle of the 2nd century B.C., one can only come to the con. clusion that the Bhattiprolu inscriptions hold an intermediate position between the two sets, but are much more closely allied to the first than to the second. On this evidence, which, I repeat, may mislead, they cannot be placed later than 200 B.C., but may be somewhat earlier.
If this estimate is correct, their characters prove (what, indeed, is also made probable by facts connected with Asoka's Edicts) that during the 3rd century B.C. several well-marked varieties of the Southern Maurya alphabet existed; for they contain a system which cannot have sprung up in a short time, but must have had a longer history. The importance of this result lies therein, that it removes one of the arguments of those scholars who believe the introduction of writing to have happened during the rule of the Maurya dynasty. It has been stated repeatedly that one of the facts proving the Asoka Edicts to belong to the first attempts of the Hindus in the art of writing, is the absence of local varieties among the letters of versions, incised at places which lie at distances from each other of more than a thousand miles. This argument is based, as I have pointed out more than once, on imperfect observation, and it may be met also by the obvious objection, that Asoka's Edicts were all issued from the same office, and that the importance naturally attributed to the writing of the royal clerks at Pataliputra might be expected to influence the copyists in the provinces and to induce them to imitate as much as possible the shape of the letters used at head-quarters. Nevertheless, if the Bhattiprolu inscriptions now show a system of writing, which in some respects is radically different and which may be reasonably supposed to have arisen in Asoka's times or even earlier, they furnish a very great help to those who, like myself, believe the art of writing to have been practised in India for many centuries before the accession of Chandragupta to the throne of Påtaliputra.
This is, as far as I can judge at present, the chief value of the new alphabet. I do not think that it teaches us much regarding the history of the Southern Maurya characters and regarding the manner in which they were derived from their Semitic prototypes. There is only one form among them which, I think, may be considered for

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326
good reasons as more ancient than the corresponding Maurya character. This, is the m, whose shape comes so close to the full form of the Northern m that I should not wonder if the two little strokes below the circle had really stood originally below the circle or semicircle and the letter had been turned topsy-turvy only later. Further, it is possible that the gh of the Bhattiprolu alphabet, which, as stated already, has been formed by the extension of a principle underlying the formation of chha, dha and pha, proves the Semitic prototype of the Southern Maurya characters to have been destitute of a sign for the guttural media aspirata. Though the common Southern gha looks like an independent character, it may have been formed out of a ga with a round top by the addition of a curve to the upper right corner and by then turning the whole letter round. If this view is correct, the Bhattiprolu gh probably dates from very ancient times and is quite as old as the sign of Aśoka's Edicts. On the other hand, two other letters, the j with two bars and the lingual sibilant sh are in all probability younger than the corresponding Maurya characters. With respect to sk this is self-evident. As regards the j, the central bar probably has to be regarded as an essential part of the letter on account of the shape of jha, which has been fashioned out of a ja, consisting of a vertical and a short horizontal stroke by the addition of a small upward stroke on the right. Nor is it possible to assume that the more elaborate system of vowel-notation in the Bhattiprolu inscriptions is more ancient than the simpler one, found in all other Indian alphabets; for the Semitic original of the Southern alphabet in all probability had no vowel-marks. Hence, a system of notation, requiring eight instead of seven signs for the purpose must be regarded a priori as the later one. With respect to the remaining anomalies, I am not able to say anything definite. But I would point out that, with the exception of the position of the letter da, not one of the peculiarities of the Bhattiprolu alphabet has left any trace in the later Indian alphabets.
The language of the Bhattiprolu inscriptions is of the type of the Pali, from which it differs only by the occurrence of the lingual sibilant in Nos. I-IX, and of the palatal one in No. X. Though the two signs differ, I believe that the sound for which they served was the same. There is, as far as I am aware, neither any modern nor ancient Prakrit dialect, which has or had more than two sibilants, the dental one and that which comes ncar to, but is a little thicker than, the Sanskrit palatal sa.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
With regard to the contents of the inscriptions, I may confine myself to the remark that two of the caskets are said (see Nos. I and V) to be intended for relics of Buddha. This point, I think, speaks too in favour of the antiquity of the inscriptions.
TRANSCRIPTS AND TRANSLATIONS.
1.3
(A) Kurapituno cha Kurama[t]u cha Kurasha Siva[sha] mainsh-anti phâlig shamugam cha Budhasariranam nikhetu [11].
(B) Banavapatosha Kurasha shapitukasha majusa [1].
Nes. I and II are ineised on the rim of the lower stone of the first casket. Looks like Sienke as the lower curve of the sho has not been formed properly. Pos-ibiy phaliyam snameyam.

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THE BHATTIPROLU INSCRIPTIONS.
327
TRANSLATION. “By the father of Kura, the mother of Kura, Kura (himself) and Siva (Siva), (has been ordered) the preparation of a casket and has been given) a box of crystal in order to deposit some relics of Budha (Buddha")
" By Kura, the son of Banava, associated with his father has been given), the casket.
II. Utaro Pigalaputo kâạithoo [1]
TRANSLATION. “Utara (Uttara), the youngest son of Pigaha (Vigraha").
III. L. 1 Gothi
2 Hirañavaghava 3 V[u]gâļako K[A]laho 4 Visako Thorasisi 5 Samano Odalo 6 Apaka Shamudo 7 Anuga[h]o Kuro 8 Satugho Potako [P]oto Aļinaka
9 V[a]ruņo Piga[la]ko Koshako 10 Suto Papo Kabherakh[o] [Gaļc]ko 11 Samaņa[djasho Bharado 12 Odalo Thoratiso Tiso 13 Gilâņo Jambho 14 Pudara (?) [B]abo 15 Galavata . . (?) Janako 16 Gosálakanam Kuro 17 Uposhathaputo Utaro 18 Kárahaputo [u]
TRANSLATION. “The Committee (consists of) :Hiražavaghava (Hiranyavyāghrapád) Vugalaka (Udgáraka), Kaļaha, Visak a
(Vibraka), Thorasisi (Sthaulaśirshi), Samaņa (Sramana), Odala, Apaka, Shamuda (Samudra), Anugaha (Anugraha), Kura, Satugha (Satrughna), Potaka, Pota, Aļinaka (Alinaka?), Varuņa, Pigalaka (Pingalaka), Koshaka (Kausika?), Suta, Papa, (Kabherakha ?) (Knberaka ?), Galeka (?), Samaina[d]åsha (Sramañadása), Bharada (Bharata) (L. 12), Odala (Audára?) Thoratisa (Sthaulatishya), Tisa (Tishya), Gilâņa (Glána), Jambha, ... Bûba ... Janaka, of the Gosalakas (Golalaka), Kůra, the son of Uposhatha, (Uposatha), Utara (Uttara), the son of Káraha. . The genitive sariranani has to be taken as genitivne partitiva. • This seems to be meant for kawitho.
* For the change of va to pa, compare words like Puli rajapali, Sanskrit prajapati and the inscriptional bhagapat, for bhagavato, pijite for visite, and the like. Probably Uttara was the stono-outter who made the casket.
Nou. III. V are inriend on the top stove of the second casket, and No. III in central dino, lines 1.11 running lengthwise, lines 19-13 breathwise ou the left, and lines 14-18 breadth wire on the right.

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328
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
IV.: Sama[nada]sha[to hita] . & . . Budhasha sarirani mahiyanukamma ....
Remark. Nothing can be said regarding the contents of this inscription, except that it mentions relics of Buddha.
7.10 L.1 Gothisamaņo Kubo [1] 2 Hiranakäragamaņiputo Babo [u].
TRANSLATION. "Kuba (Kumbha), the ascetic of the Committee (?)." "Baba, the son of the village-headman 'Hiraņakára (Hiranyakára)."
VI.11 Shaga[th]inigamaputânam rajapámukha"?[] Sha . i[sha] puto Khubirako râja Shihagothiya påmukho [0] tesham amnam maj [-]s[am] phåligashamugo cha påsaņashamugo cha [].
TRANSLATION. "By the sons of the Shågathi nigama (guild or town), chief among whom is the king-king Khubiraka (Kuberaka), the son of Sha.-i, is the chief of the Shiha (Simha) Committee-by these (has been given) another casket, a box of crystal and a box of stone."
VII.13 Samaņo Chagha[ña]puto Utaro Arâ mutara. : [w]
TRANSLATION. "Samaņa (Sramana), the son of Chaghaña (? Jaghanya ?). Utara (Uttara)
VIII14 L. 1 Negama
2 Vachho Chagho 3 Jeto Jambho Tiso 4 Reto Achino Shabhiko 5 Akhagho Kelo Keso Maho 6 Seto Chladiko Okhabulo 7 Sonutaro Samano 8 Samanadasho Samako
9 Kamuko Chîtako [o] Incised on the rim to the left and below the inscription on the coutral disc.
ption on the central disco possible Kábo is to be read. 10 Incised on the outer rim, to the right of the inscripton on the central disc. Possibly Kabo is to be read. 11 Ineised on the rim of the lower stone of the second casket. 12 Read pamukhanan.
1 Incised on the rim of the lower stone of the second casket, outside the No. VI, the letters being turned the stoer way.
Incised on the upper stone of the third casket.

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THE BHATTIPROLU INSCRIPTIONS.
TRANSLATION.
329
"The members of the guild (are) :
Vachha (Fataa), Chagha (Changs ?), Jeta (Jayanta), Jambha, Tiss (yo), Reta (Raivata) Achina (Achirna ?), Shabhika (Sabhika), Akhagha (Akshaghna), Kela, Kesa (Kesa), MAha (Mágha), Seta (Svaitra ?), Chhadika (Chhandika P), Okhabala, Sonutara (Suvarpottara), Samans (Sramana), Samanadasha (Sramapadása), Samaks (Sydmaka), Kamuks, Chitaks (Chitraka).
IX.15
Arahadinânam gothiya majusa cha sha[m]ugo cha [1] tena kama yena Kubirako râjâ am[k]i [1]
TRANSLATION.
"By the Committee of the venerable Arahadina (Arhaddatta, was given) a casket and a box. The work (is) by him, by whom King Kubiraka (Kuberaka) caused the carving to be done."
X.16
L. 1 Mâtugâmasa [Nam]dapurâhi"
2 Suvaṇamâhâ
3 Samayudeáánamh cha"
4 Gilanakerasa" ayasaka
5 [Sathiya"
6 gohiya a-ga dânam" ["]
TRANSLATION.
"An 4-ga,-gift by the women from Nandapura (?) and by the Śrâmaneras from Suvanamáha, in the Ayasakasashi gohi of Gilánakera (?)."
The arrangement of the lines of this inscription seems to be fixed, first by the cha after Samanudeśanam and secondly by dánam. The latter word in all probability concludes the inscription and the former shows, that line 3 is preceded by something else. Nevertheless the exact meaning remains obscure, as the word immediately preceding dánam is mutilated and those from gilánakerasa down to gohiya, though plain enough, are for me at least, inexplicable with any certainty.
15 Incised on the rim of the lower stone of the third casket.
16 Incised on the sides of a hexagonal piece of crystal, found inside one of the boxes.
17 The first syllable is abnormal and the reading uncertain. The last syllable is visible only on the tracings, not on the photograph.
18 The cha has a tail, like in the other nine inscriptions.
There is also a short stroke to the left of the top of ra, and it is possible to read "keresa, which however would be perfectly inexplicable.
20 The left limb of sa is abnormal.
There is on the photograph a letter between a and ga, which I am not able to make out. Possibly the word may have been dydga. The da of dánam opens to the right, just as in the other nine inscriptions.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
XXVI.-GOVINDPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE POET GANGADHARA.
TAE SAKA YEAR 1059.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PE.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. About five years ago Dr. Fleet sent me a rubbing, received by him from Sir A. Cunningham in October 1883, of an inscription, described as being on a slab of stone in Narsingh MAli's house at Govindpur, in the Nawada sub-division of the Gayà district of the Province of Bengal. And some time afterwards I received another rubbing of the same inscription from Dr. Burgess, to whom it had been made over by Mr. Beglar. Both rubbings are very faint, and I know that, with a good impression, the wording of the text of this inscription which I now publish may be improved upon; but I feel confident that everything of importance has been made out correctly, and that a renewed examination of the original inscription will not add materially to what I now have to report regarding the contents of it.
The inscription contains thirty-five lines of writing which cover a space of about 1' 87" broad by 1' 87' high. At the upper proper left corner a small piece of the inscribed surface is broken away, causing the complete loss of altogether a dozen aksharas at the end of lines 1-6. Of the rest of the inscription nothing is actually lost, but, to judge from the rubbings, the proper right half of the writing, from about line 11 to 24, has suffered either from exposure to the weather or from careless treatment; and a few aksharas are more or less illegible on the left side. The size of the letters is between " and ". The characters are the peculiar kind of Nagari which was used in parts of Eastern India during the 11th and 12th centuries A.D., and the most characteristic feature of which is, that r. preceding another consonant, is written by a short line, sideways attached to the right side of the akshara of which r forms part, not by the ordinary superscript sign. Essentially the same alphabet is used, e.g., in the Dinajpur plate of Mahipala and in the Åmgachhi plate of Vigrahapala III., and the closest possible resemblance to the writing of the present inscription is shown by the writing of the Cambridge palm-leaf MS. Add., 1898.) which was written in A.D. 1165, and by that of the Hodgson' palm-leaf MS. 1 of the Royal Asiatic Society, written in the fourth year of the reign of Govindapala. In the inscription here edited the sign for r, described above, is so small and so shallow that often it can hardly be recognized in the rubbings, and this, as well as the fact that the sign of anusvára and the superscript strokes which turn e and o into ai and an are equally faint, and the close resemblance of the signs for p and y, t and bh, m and s.
1 I saw at once that the inscription, of which these two rabbings had thus been sent to me, was of some value, but have long hesitated to attempt a full decipherment of the test, because the imperfect state of my rubbinga suggested the advisability of waiting for a proper impression. To secure one, I applied in April 1892 to Mr. Grierson, and he again, having then left the Gaya District, kindly communicated my request to Mr. D. J. Macpherson, of the Bengal Civil Service. Mr. Macpherson most readily at once sent two of his men to Narsingh MAli's house at Govindpur, but they were told there that two or three years ago a Bahib had come and examined the stone which contains the insoription, and that next day the same Babib had returned on camel, and taken the stone away. If this story is really true, I need hardly say that even now I should be grateful to the present owner of the stone for an impression.
Bee Bendall's Catalogus, plate ii, 2. • Bee Cowell and Eggoling's Catalogue in the Journal Royal 40. Son., N. 8., vol. VIII, plate i, 2.
For Govindapála we have the date Tikrama 1232 = A.D. 1176 ; see Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, p. 368

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o and dh, and of the subscript u and r, have caused me no slight difficulty. The inscription never employs the signs of the jihvamuliya and upadhmániya, and the sign of the avagraha is used only once, in Gangadharo 'bhüt in line 24.
The language of the inscription is Samskrit, and, with the exception of the introductory om om namah Sarasvatyai and the date Šáka 1059 at the end, the whole is in verse. The writer and engraver have done their work with great care, so that, in respect of orthography, my remarks may be brief. As was to be expected, the letter 6 is throughout written by the sign for o. The dental sibilant is used instead of the palatal in Kasyapád, line 6, and prasrayaiḥ, line 7; and the palatal instead of the dental in fúribhir, line 29. Instead of anusvára we find the guttural nasal in the word vansa, in lines 2 and 5 (but not in line 4), and the dental nasal in avatansa, line 4. Before r, t has been doubled in mittra, lines 7 and 24, amittra, line 21, maittri, line 27, and atapattra, line 31; and bh is similarly doubled in avbhriyan (for abbhriyam), line 30. As regards the rules of euphony, t is left unchanged before & in frimatsankara, line 17; and m before y and v in samyattau, line 18, samvásáya, line 9, and sarvasvam-vilatára, line 11; and the dental sibilant is wrongly employed instead of the lingual in nisprabhárdham (assuming this to be the right reading) in line 13, and duskare (for dushkaro) in line 30. Of words which according to von Böhtlingk's Dictionary have been hitherto found only in lexicographical works our inscription offers girá 'speech, song,' in line 5, mahallaka 'eunuch,' in line 10, and átman in the sense of the sun,' in line 13. Besides we find Siviri for the neuter Sivira, in line 9, and the word rama ("husband and wife') apparently employed in the sense of parents,' in line 19. To a few other points, having reference to the grammar and to the construction of some of the verses, attention will be drawn below.
The inscription is dated, in lines 34-35, both in words and in figures, in the Saka year 1059, corresponding to A.D. 1137-38. It was engraved by the artisan salapáni, the son of Rudra and grandson of Uddharana (verse 39). And its immediate obiect is, to record that a man named Gangadhara, who has bimself composed this poem, for the spiritual benefit of his parents, built a tank near which the inscription must have been put up (verses 34-38). But what is of more importance is, that the author has furnished a praçasti," or eulogistic account, of himself and his family which enables us to fix the time of no less than six men who were known to us as poets from other sources, and some of whose verses have been preserved; and that he has given us the names of the rulers of Magadha, hitherto unknown, under whom he and some of his relatives lived and whose patronage they enjoyed. It may also be a matter of some interest to learn that the author's family belonged to the clan of the Maga or Såkadvîpiya Brahmans.
Opening with a verse which invokes the blessing of Visvambhara (Vishņu), tho inscription, in verse 2, glorifies both Aruņa (i.e. the dawn personified as the charioteer of the sun) whose presence sanctifies the milk-ocean-encircled Sakadvipa where the Bråhmans are named Magas,' and the Magas themselves who here, as elsewhere,' are said to have sprung from the sun's own body and to have been brought to India by
• According to verse 37 of the text Gangadhara composed two prasastis which both must have been engraved and put up close to each other. See Professor Weber's most interesting essay on the Magavyakti of Krislinadasa.
2 U 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Samba (the son of Kșishộa and Jambavati). According to our author the first of these Maga Brahmans was Bharad vaja (verse 3), whose family had a hundred branches (verse 4). In one of these was born, as a son of a certain Damodara, Chakra påņi, who, compared as he is to Valmiki, must have been considered a poet of some eminence (verse 5). He had two sons, Manoratha and Daśaratha (verse 7), who were induced to come to the court of the ruler of Magadha (verse 15), the prince Varnamåna of the Måna family (verse 10), where one of them was appointed to the office of pratihára, while the other was made superintendent of the eunuchs (verse 11). Dasaratha again had two sons, Harihara and Purushottama (verse 22). Of Manoratha, to the praise of whose liberality,' piety, shrewdness, learning, etc., our author has devoted no less than six verses (12-17) and who is spoken of as a modern Kálidasa (verse 16), we learn that he married a daughter of Devasarman, a counsellor of the prince of the (Ghaudio country (verse 18); and that she bore to him also two sons, Gangadhara, the author of the inscription, and Mahidhara (verses 21-22). All these six men, Manoratha and Dasaratha and their four sons, are especially eulogized for their learning and proficiency in vedic studies (verse 23). The rest of the inscription treats of Gangadhara himself. Here it will be sufficient to say that he represents himself to have been a counsellor and friend of the Måna prince, the king Rudramâna (verse 24); that he married Påsaladevi, a daughter of Jayapāņi, an official of the king of Gauda, and his wife Subhagà (verse 29), and finally, that, according to his own account, he was the author of a poem entitled Advaitakata and had shown his skill as a poet also in the composition of other poems (verse 33).
The princes of the Mana family, mentioned in the above, have not, so far as I am aware, become known yet from other inscriptions, and it may therefore suffice here to state that Varnamâna and Rudramana must have ruled over Magadha (or part of it) towards the end of the 11th and at the beginning of the 12th century A.D.
As regards Gangadhara and his relatives, the inscription tells us distinctly that, like Gangadhara himself, Chakrapåņi and Manoratha were poets, and it may reasonably be assumed that some of the other members of the family, learned men as they were, also were in the habit of writing poetry. Now it happens that the Saduktikarná. mrita,' an anthology compiled by Sridharadasa in A.D. 1205, contains verses of six poets bearing the same names as six of the Maga Brahmans mentioned in this inscription, and, considering that these Brahmans lived in Eastern India and that the Saduktikarnänrita also was compiled there, I have little doubt indeed as to the identity of the six poets mentioned by Sridharadasa with Gangadhara, the author of this inscription, and five of his relatives, vis, his great-grandfather Damodara, his grandfather Chakra påpi, his father's brother Dasaratha, his own brother Mahadhara, and his cousin Purushottama.
of Gangadhara himself the Saduktikarnámrita has two verses which were first published by Professor Aufrecht in Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Morg. Ges., vol. xxxvi, p. 511,
See verse 12, nocording to which Manoraths on the occasion of a lunar eclipse went to the sacred place Purushotta. ma, wbich was situated near the sea.
. The reading of this name is doubtful; see below.
See Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's Notices, vol. III, p. 134.
4. Professor Aufrecht states the Saduktikarndwrita to be an anthology, called chiefly from Bengal poets Ibe compiler's father, Batudara, lived under Lakslimanasena.

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and have afterwards been reprinted by Professor Peterson in his edition of Vallabhadeva's Subháshitávali, Introduction, p. 32. Of Damodara the Saduktikarnámrita contains two verses.n of Chakrapani four, of Dasaratha also four, and of Mahidhara one verse. As regards Gangadhara's cousin, the author of the anthology assigns six verses to Srimat. Purushottamadeva, one verse to Purushottamapådaḥ, and one to Purushottama and it seems probable that only the last is the Purushottama of our inscription. All these verses have been kindly copied out for me by Professor Aufrecht and will be published elsewhere. The inscription being dated in Saka 1059, the six poets may be assumed to have composed their verses
Damodara between about A.D. 1050 and 1075; Chakrapani between about A.D.1075and 1100%B Dasaratha between about A.D. 1100 and 1125%3B Gangadhara, Mahid hara and Purushottama between about A.D. 1125 and 1150.
TEXT." L. 1.
भों"[*] भों नम: सरस्वत्यै ॥ एकत्रीबतगात्रगौरवभरात् प्राप्ते तथा नम्रता
मन्यत्र श्रियमुद्दहत्यतिलq तुङ्गे भुजङ्गेश्वर । वक्षःसम्मुखसम्भृतस्तनतटीसङ्गोपसर्पत्सुखं
निद्राणी - 2.
द[यां] दधातु दयितामाश्लिष्य विश्वम्भरः ॥"-[1]. देवो जोयाचिलीकीमणिरयमरुणो यबिवासेन पुण्यः ___ शाकद्दीपस्म दुग्धाम्बु(म्बु)निधिवलयितो यत्र विप्रे मगाख्या ।
वनस्तत्र विजानां भ्रमिलिखिततनो (आ)स्वत: स्वाङ्ग--" 3. शाम्वो"यानानिनाय स्वयमिह महितास्ते जगत्यां जयन्ति ॥ -[2]. तेषां स प्रथमः समस्तनिगमज्ञानामविद्यापद
वु(बु)ड्या व्यापृत एव नित्ययजनव्यापारपारीणया । भारद्वाजमुनिर्व(ब)भूव भुवनोहाराभिपातौ"तपः
4. यस्य मुखे मगहिजमहावंशावतन्मोपम: ॥ -[3]. गोत्रञ्च तस्य शतशाखमभूदभूतपूर्वैस्तपोभिरथ सुप्रसरैर्यशीभिः । यत्रापर प[रमतत्वविदोनवद्यविद्यावदातमतयः पतयो हिजानां ॥ -[4]. कालेना
॥ The first words of these verses and of those mentioned below are : Kailasa re pasupati; Silarm sdtayati% Tasya nama mayd; Yat kandan gaganadrumasya ; Arúdhantarayauvanasya ; Agre vitntya charanau; Achchhidra Lakshmim; Iyarh sd Kalindi; Naikam janma tavaiva ; Vandyosan vidhir eva; Lilottanasayopi; and Kantdreshu kardvalambi. From Sir A. Cunningham's pencil-rubbings.
19 Metre: Sragdbara. UExpressed by asymbol.
9. This is what was originally engraved; but the vowel of 14 The akshara, here broken away, was probably व. the akshara fw is clearly struck out, and I believe the intended 1s Metre: Sardalavikridita.
reading to be रावपाती. - Read वंशतव.
HRead तंसीपम:. 17 The aksharas, here broken away, were probably . M Metre : Sardalavikridita Read भाबी for साम्बी.
* Metre : Vasantatilaka

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L.b.
विलुप्तविलसहिद्याधने धन्विनां वीराणां धुरि चक्रपाणिरभवद्दामोदरस्थात्मजः । यो वाल्मीकिरिवावतारितगिराधारः स विश्वस्थि[1]
"वंजस्या - चतुर्मुख इव ख्यातो गुणिग्रामणीः ॥ -[5]. प्रतिस्थिरा पृथु . . .-28
कीर्तिर्गरि[मास्पदं । दिशकं यदि नारूढा तहमत्यन्यथा कथं ॥"-[8]. जातौ वासवकेशवाविव सुतौ तस्मात्सबामरी
मारीचादिव कस्य(श्य)पादुपचितां धर्त कुले सत्कियां । ज्यायर्यास्तत्र मनोरथो दशरथस्तस्यानुजन्मा [ययो]7. विद्या[चा]रशचित्वशीलविलसत्कीया पवित्र जगत् ॥8-1]. मुख्यत्वेन सतां यशोभिरखिलोहीतैः स्वकरर्णश्रुतैः
सभित्रोपगमेन तैरतिभृतेर्भोगैरयत्नोप[गै:] । धानोरन ययोनरेन्द्रनिहितैः सप्रेमभिः प्रम(ब)यै
श्यामानि विषदानमामि विदधे शुभोप्यदभ्रो गुण: ॥ -[8]. तोधातरावतितरां सहजोदितेम प्रेम्णा परस्परमनोहरणाभिरामौ ।
सौहार्दद्यचरितेषु ययोरधीर: कालोपि न स्खलितमाप कति: कदाचित् ॥-[91. 9. भानीतौ निजराज्यमुज्वलयितुं यत्रात् प्रतीतात्मना
सम्वासाय नरेखरेण शिविरों"श्रीवनमानेन तौ । तस्यात्रामवलम्बा(म्बा)तस्कुलमिदं ताभ्यामपि प्रापित काञ्चित् कोटिमनुत्तरां गुणभुव: कीर्विभूतरपि ॥"-[10].
पा
10. सिन्धोर्ग]णनीयगौरवगुणेनैकेम [स]व्येनयो
स्तस्मिन्मानपत्तमहीयसि मह प्रापि प्रतीसरता । अन्येनापि पुनर्मह[ल्ल]कधुरा व्यस्तेति विस्तास्थि
वेतो सच्चनये(ब)भूवनुरिह प्रकविज्ञानिकौ ॥ -[11]. मरवा श्री11. पुरुषोत्तम [भगवयोहद्यः प्रतिष्ठापदं
पारावारतटे पटीयसि लसच्चन्द्रग्रहानेहसि । सर्वस्वम्विततार तर्पितपितृस्तोमः करोलासिते
स्तोथैर्यः पिहितस्य पर्वणि विधो: साझथ्यमाप क्षणं ॥ -[12]. सात त्या
* Rend वंशस्था. The next three aksharas are quitel 30 Read संवासाय. blurred in the rubbings, and it is impossible to say confidently
* One would have expected the neuter fufat. whet they were.
» Metre of verses 10-12: Sárdúlavikridita. * Metre : Sardûlavikridita.
The aksharu in brackets is doubtfal, and luoks rather "The aksharas, here broken away, were probably तराय- like स्त. * Metre: Sloka (Anushtabh).
This is clearly engraved, but I believe the intended resude ** Netre of verses 7 and 8: Sirdalavikrita.
| ing to be धरावालि . "Motre: Vasantatilaka.
Read सर्वखं वितकार.

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GOVINDPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE POET GANGADHARA.
वियल्या [इ] तिभिरपचितो चन्द्रमौकि यस्ताभिर्थव शैवागममहितमहामन्त्रपूतान्तरा । एनः मोजगार विजगति विदितादाचया [व] त्वदोषादिदं धूमच्छलेनोव्वसरुचिरचिराचिर्त हो
L. 12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
मवत्रिः ॥ - [13].
ता तं श्रयति [पितृभी] त्यामनो [निस्प (ष्प) भार्ष ] " घनन्तप्रमि[तिरमि]तां शक्तिमुन्मुखतम् ।
यस प्रथयति विभी: कर्तुरित्यहुतयी
र्भ्रान्तिं लोकस्थितिषु भजते भूयसीन्धकीर्त्तिः ॥ – [14]. यस्य श्रीमन
खरो [नयवशा] बोतिप्रयोगा[ख] लप्राम्भा[रा ] तुभयेरवि (म्य) तमतिर्व्यासाभिधानं व्यधात्। राजस्थानसरःसरोरुहमिति खेरं पुरः प्रातां
मोतो नूतनकालिदास इति य: कालेषु वैतालिकेः ४ [10]. यः सम्मन्त्रिषु चा
तुरीपरि [च] यैर्वाचस्पति: प्रस्तुत
मनासर्णविरिचिरुथचरि [ते] रौचित्यचिन्तामथिः । सायप्रभवो गभरिमयताचिकी"
भाषा प्रतिभाप्रभुः कविकलासन्दर्भगवर" ॥ [16]. स्प्रेरापारपरोपका - 2
रपरमः प्रेमोपचारोत्तर
व्याहारैव्यंनतानुराग][र]चनाचातुर्वचयीगुरुः । धीरयः सुधियां सुधानिधिकलामीनः सदाराधन
ध्याने जन्म नियं निनाय सुमन: खामीन मान्तेन यः ॥ - [17]. पक्षी तस्य मनोर
तिनचारिवामु[द्रा]पदं
[धो] डोरेमसचिवदेवमाथा" ।
[] [] मन्धतीय जन[तां] वन्या पतीनां ि
श्रीमत्शवर“[आ?]वि[रं]कुर [थि] तुं सत्पुच्यवीजा [न्य] भूत् ॥ – [18]. [ना]पत्यं चिरमापतुर्यदुचितं तेनैव तौ दं
Metre : Mandakranta.
ॐ9 Metre of verses 15-19: Sardalavikridita. The akshara in brackets, in the original, is
26 Metre: Sragdharâ.
This whole line and part of the following line are ex- can only be either or . Originally tremely indistinct in the rubbing.
| but it has been altered to सचिव.
The first akshara of this line, according to the rubbing,
was engraved,
335
"I am not satisfied with the text of this line and of the next, which are quite blurred in the rubbings; but, with the rather exception of the bracketed letters the above seems to me to be the reading offered by the rubbings. In the place of the akshara Tanother letter was originally engraved, but it has been
than ब.
44 Read The reading is clear here, but I would alter it to altered subsequently.
+ Read श्रौमच्य
प

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
20.
L.18.
पती सम्यत्तावपि ननमन्वभवतां सन्तापमन्तस्ततः । मामाराधयत धेयमरतिर्भावी सुतस्तेन वां
गत्वेति स्वयमादिदेव गिरिय: ख समीपं ययोः ॥ -[19]. मुप्रीतयो (म्भ)गवतो मम नामधेयमाधयमस्य पुन19.
रित्यनुशासनेन । खाराधितस्मरहरस्वरमानुरूपो रूपानुमेयसुनयस्तनयोजनिष्ट ॥"-[20]. गङ्गाधराख्यः स ततो जितात्मा यः शैशवाहिखजनीनवृत्तः । विवईमान: परलोकभीत्या सदात्मनीनं नयमातता
न -[21]. अभवदनुजो महीधर इति पुवौ श्रीमनोरथादुदितौ । पाशीवराभिनन्दी हरिहरपुरुषोत्तमो दशरथातु ॥"-[22]. सत्कल्पप्रवणाः अतिप्रणयि[नः] शिक्षाभिरुडासिताः
सज्ज्योतिर्गतयो निरुतविशदाश्छन्दीवि21.
धौ साधवः । [ख्या]ता व्याकरणक्रमेण विदुषाम[त्युच्च]धीशील[ना]-
इंदाप्रतिमाः षडव भुवने ते वि(बि)ञ्चति मातरः ॥-[23]. तदन्तर माननरेन्द्रचन्द्रमाः स रुद्रमानोजनि येन भूभुजा ।
स्वमेदिनीमण्डलमादिकोलवा()लादमिचा22.
(म्बु)निधेः समुद्धृतं ॥ -[24]. पाणि[निचणः प्रभौघ] लह[री] वनाच्च यस्य स्वयं
मर्यादास्थितिमान्स एव जगतां जोवातवचेत्कृताः । तत्विं कल्पलताधडीन्द्रकमठौ सा चित्रभानुदयी पद्मेन्द्र निधयोभसामिति विधेर्षिक प्रक्रि
यागौरवं ॥ -[25]. सूचना दिकरिदन्तकोटिमटितुं क्रान्तिौ । गिरीणां ल[]
व्याप्तुं व्योम पृथुस्थितावित दिपि प्रोतं वणि भान्तिषु ।। चीराब्धी[न्द]सुधादिषु प्रभवति (ब)याण्डगर्भा( )[हि]
बिर्यात्यस्ति यथेत्य[मी खरगुणैरित्यगुतं यद्यश24.
॥ -[26]. युचे व(ब)चोत्सवरिपुभटवेणि[सिक]: सदा यो
व(ब)न्धुः शुद्धो विपदि विसरकार्यनिर्याससीमा। श्रेयान् सभ्यः सदसि विशदे विश्वविश्वासपावं
पातुं मित्रं दयमितरत्तस्य गङ्गाधरो भूत् ॥ -[27]. पाचाराभ
28.
- Read संयत्तावपि.
Metro: Vasantatilak, * Metre: Upajati. * Metre: Giti. "Originally hि was engrared, instead of बी. * Metre 1 Bård Olavikridita
Metre: Vannstha. B3 Read पन्द्री . "Metre of verses 25 and 26: Sardilavikridita. * Read Stratto WRead यर्थक). 57 Metre: Mandåkrantà.

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27.
L. 25. रण: सुभाषितचणः सबीतिरबापणः .
प्रागल्भीरमण: प्रशान्तकरण: कारुण्यपारायणः । यः सौजन्यनिधि: स्थितावनुपधिः सख्यस्य मुख्यो विधि
हीरत्वेनवधिविधतवितथव्याधिर्डियां सेवधिः ॥ -[28]. 26. गौ
डराजमुदो जयपाणराधिकारिकपदोपपदस्य । पात्मजामुदवहत्सुभगायाः पेशलां स किल पासलदेवीम् ॥-[29]. पाक्रान्तो न वृषः कदापि गतये यस्मिबहीनागना रौद्री नाद्रियते स्थिति गणितास्ता
गोत्रभित्सस्थाः । पन्योन्यास्थविलासवञ्चितदृशोरकं वपुर्वि(बि)भूतो
स्तबायः शिवयोरपीदमनयोम्पित्यमत्यादृतम् ॥-[30]. सन्तोषाजवर्यसंयमदमानुक्रोशशान्तिक्षमा
मैत्रीसत्यसमाधिमनमन28.
सो नारायणकामनः । दम्भद्रोहविमोहलोभममतामात्सर्यमायामद
देषादिनिसूदनस्य चरित यस्यात्र साक्षी जनः । -[31]. तेनाव दुःपकमसीम सहस्रवत्वः कृत्यं स्वभतरुचितोवतये समाप्य । 29. पावा(बा)[य]यौवन[मस] प्रतिरोधि व(ब)न्धुलोकस्य चेतसि चमत्कातिराचितेव ॥ -[32] [य] स्याहतशते खयंविरचिते किञ्चित्कवित्वश्रमः
सव(ब)योपनिषत्कथावधिगमः शुद्धो विरुधोथवा । भाव्यः शू(सू)रिभिरेव चित्रकवि30. .
तायास स्तुती दुस्कर भारत्याः कुरुतेपराविजगुणप्रस्तावनां केन सः ॥-[33]. धा[त्वा ]वर्तवशाहिस्त्वरतरुप्रासादसद्मादिक-०
व्यक्ताकारकदम्ब (म्ब)मम्व(म्ब)रमनु खेनोद्भवत्यनि(भियं । स्थित्वा तत्क्षणतो विपनमपुन ( )वा
द्यथेदं तथा मत्वैव विजगन्ति येन जनितः सत्कर्मधर्मादरः ॥ -[34]. पुण्योत्पत्तिनिमित्तमन निजयोः पित्रो: पवित्रात्मना
कीचा तेन तयोचिरं रचयता शभातपच्चं जगत् ।
कासारीयमकारि पारदरVetre : Sardalavikridita.
Originally was engraved, but the sign for i has 59 Metre : SvAgata.
been added afterwards. Motre of verses 30 and 31 : Sardilarikridita. At the| " Read दुपारी beginning of verse 30 I would suggest reading चाक्रान्तेन बर्ष 66 Metre of versen 33-35 : Gård Alavikridita.
# The second akskaru of this line originally was clearly Originally ter was engraved, but the initial amara, but it seems to have beeu altered to T. have been altered to .
31.
"Metre: Vasantatilaka.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L.32.
सच्छायाभृतामधसां यस्मिन्बनिमिषाद्यशस्तदमलं मूर्तबरीनृत्यते ॥ -[36]. स्वकीर्त्या सरसस्तस्य प्रतिष्ठासमयोत्सवे । शुभाम्ब(म्ब)रपरीधानं जगत्तेनात्र कारितं ॥ -[36]. आकाश: पवन: कृशानुरुदकं धात्रीति लोकन
33.
मूल् बाब)विवर्त्तमानमयते यावहिचित्राङ्गतिम् । नत्रयोत्रमनःप्रसादसदने तावत् सतामादरा
दुविद्रां मुदमान्तरेषु कुरुतां कीर्तिप्रशस्ती इमे ॥ -[37]. क्व शक्तिव्युत्पत्तिव्यतिकरविरोधेन सुलभाः ___ कवी34. नां पन्थानस्तदिह ननु केषामनुगमः । स्वपूर्ते त्वेतस्मिन् सुजनजनितोनुग्रहगुण:
प्रशस्तौ प्राशस्त्यं वितरति स गङ्गाधरगिराम् ॥ ॥"-[38]. नन्देन्द्रियाभेन्दुसमे शकाव्दे(ब्दे) रुद्रात्मजश्चोहरणस्य नप्ता ।
इमां शि35. लाशिल्पिवरः प्रशस्तिं स शूलपाणिः स्वयमुच्चखान ॥"-[39].
शाक १०५८ [*]
TRANSLATION.
Om !
Om ! Adoration to Sarasvati! (Verse 1.) May the supporter of the universe bestow [on us] his compassion !-.. wlo, embracing his beloved and thrilled with delight by the close contact of his breast with her bosom, is sleeping on the lord of serpents, on one side bent low by the weight of the god's lofty body, while on the other he remains upright under the very light burden of the goddess of fortune!
(2.) Hail to that gem of the three worlds, the divine Aruņa," whose presence sanctifies the milk-ocean-encircled Så ka dvipa where the Brahmans are named Magas!
There a race of twice-born (sprang) from the sun's own body, grazed by the lathe, whom • Sam ba himself brought hither. Glorious are they, honoured in the world!
(3.) The first of them was an abode of all vedic lore and of the knowledge of the supreme soul, and wholly occupied in thoughts familiar with every sacrificial rite, that
67 Metre: Sloka (Anushțubli).
70 Metre : Sik harini. is Read "मन्तरष.
11 Metre : Upajati. 69 Metre : Sård'úlavikridita.
7 i.e., Vishnu. >ie, the dawn, personified as the charioteer of the sun.
** The story told in the Puranas is, that, to diminish the sun's intensity, Viévakarman placed the luminars on bis lathe, to grind off some of his effulgence (Viskni purana III, 2); and the above verse appears to intimate that the Magas were produced from some of the particles of the sun's body, which were taken away by this process of grinding it.
*In connection with tyápritu one would have expected the loc., not the Instr.cam.

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sage Bharad vaja whose penance could both deliver and destroy the world, and in whose face there was . . . . like a garland of the great race of the Maga twice-born.
(V. 4.) His family had a hundred branches, distinguished for unprecedented penances and endowed with far-spreading fame; and in it there were other lords of the twice-born, conversant with the highest truth, whose minds were purified by faultless knowledge.
(5.) In the course of time the heroes who lift their bows to conquer the brilliant treasure of knowledge, robbed by . . . ., were headed by Chakra påņi, the son of Då modara. Like Valmiki in having made the streams of song to descend, be, a leader of the virtuous, became famous . . . . of his family, as Brahman is of the continuance of the universe.
(6.) If his everlasting, widely spread and weighty renown had not mounted the wheel of the quarters, how would that wheel turn round now?
(7.) As Indra and Vishnu have sprung from Kasyapa, the descendant of Marichi so to Chakrapani were born, to sustain the homage heaped upon their family, two sons favoured by the immortals, an elder son named Manoratha and his younger brother Dasaratha, the bright renown of whose learning, purity of conduct and good disposition has purified the world.
(8.) Because these two brothers were the foremost of the good and had their fame sung by all people within their hearing, and by the facts that they made excellent friends and that plentiful enjoyment came to them unsought, and because princes treated them with loving kindness, their abundant bright excellence (which caused all this) rendered their enemies' faces dark (with enoy).
(9.) These brothers gave extreme delight by captivating one another's hearts with their innate love; and even this capricious Kali age never saw anything to blame in their dealings with one another) that were pleasing on account of their affection.
(10.) In order that tbey might render his reign illustrious, the wise prince Varnamâna besought them both to come to his royal residence, to dwell with him; and they, abiding by his commands, raised this family of his to the highest pitch of excellence and renown and prosperity.
(11.) In that magnificent home of the Mâna lord, which they then served, one of them, whose respectability was an object of esteem as far as the sea, received the office of pratihára," while the other was appointed superintendent of the eunuchs; and in these positions these learned and intelligent men became widely known for both their goodness and good management.
(12.) Pleasing with his good fortune and youth, and a person of good renown, Manoratha" went to the sacred Purushottama, and on the noisy shore of the sea gave away his wealth in charity at the time of an eclipse of the bright moon; (and) gladdening his ancestors with the water thrown from his hands, he for a moment obtained the fellowship of the moon," eclipsed at full-moon time.
(13.) The sacrificial fire of this man whose mind was purified by the most sacred texts of the Saiva doctrine, in consequence of the oblations duly thrown into it three
* The meaning of the verse is simply, that Chakrapani's fame filled all the quarters of the compass. 77 Literally door-keeper.' 75 The verses 12-17 refer to Manoratha ; see verse 18.
** The exact meaning of this is to clear to me. Altngether the construction is objectionable, on the two verba ustaldra and dpa are in no way connected with each other.

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times a day at the worship of the moon-crested god, perpetually threw up of its own accord, under the guise of smoke, the sin kindled from the blindness of the organs which is the bane of the tbree worlds; but quickly hid it again with its bright lustre.
(V. 14.) In the bright fortnight the lustreless half of the sun resorts to him from fear of the manes. He, without doubt, possessed of infinite true knowledge, has un. measured power. The fame of his piety, wonderfully glorious because it proclaims the might of the omnipresent creator, spreads far and wide in the abodes of men.
(15.) To him the illustrious ruler of Magadha gave the name of Vyása, because in consequence of his prudent management his own mind had not to attend to any matters whatever relating to the proper conduct of affairs. He also, even in the presence of princes, was at the appointed seasons freely sung of by the bards as the lotus in the lake of the king's audience ball, and as a modern Kalidasa.
(16.) He was a Vachaspati among good ministers on account of his familiarity with shrewd schemes, a very Brahman in creating due knowledge for whatever was propounded, in consequence of his noble conduct a gem fulfilling all desires in regard to propriety, a source of goodness, and a home of depth. He possessed the true knowledge of the jeweltriad, I was quick in languages, and a master by birth of all the arts of poetry.
(17.) With a smiling face intent on doing endless good to others, most proficient in winning the affection of mankind by loving and civil speeches, and a leader of the wise, this excellent man with a mind free from passion always spent his life in worshipping and meditating on the god whose crest is the digit of the moon.
(18.) This fortunate Manoratha married the daughter of Devasarman, the stainless counsellor of the prince of the [Ghaudi) country, a lady on whom propriety of conduct had set its seal. Considering that she verily was Arundhati in mortal frame, to be revered by the worlds as the foremost of good wives, the holy Samkara manifested himself to cause the seeds of piety to sprout.
(19.) As for a long time they did not obtain the desired-for offspring, both husband and wife, though not to blame, were naturally distressed in mind. Then Siva himself came to them in a dream, and told them that their anxiety was groundless; they should worship him, and then they would have a son.
(20.) To them, well pleased by this and by the god's further command that they should give his own name to their son, a son was born who was like his parents who had well worshipped the destroyer of Smara, and whose good conduct was proportionate to his beauty.
(21.) Him then they called Gangadhara; and he, self-subdued, from childhood pleased every one by his behaviour, and growing up he always, from fear of the world to come, gave ample proof of his wisdom.
# Here again, assuming my reading of the text to be correct, the construction is unsatisfactory. In the Grst line of the verre we should have expected yash instead of tan, and in the second line we miss the relative gal. The meaning of the first line of the verse, the reading of which is more or less conjectural, appears to me to be this that, when the moon is war. ing, the sun at night resorts to Manoratha to share in his lustre, because it is afraid of being invaded by the manes whom it supposen to be anxious to get away from the bright moon.
#1 I am not certain what ratnatragi the author is referring to. With Buddhists the term would denote buddhu, dharma and samhgha, with Jainas samyagdarsana, samyogjñana and samyakrharitra.
The original has rama, which should mean 'husband and wife,' not parents, • i.e., Siva, the destroyer of the god of lore.

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(V.22.) After him came another son, named Mahidhara. These were the two sons of Manoratha. To Dasaratha, on the other hand, were born Harihara and Purushottama, blessing and fulfilment of desire.
(28.) Fond of the Vedas, devoted to the proper ceremonial, illustrious for their knowledge of the Sikahás, well acquainted with the Jyotisha, accurately understanding the Nirukta, proficient in the rules of metrics, famous for their progress in grammar, these six brothers, deeply engaged in the lofty course of study of the learned, well represent the Vedangas in the world.
(24.) Meanwhile there was born that moon of the Mâna princes, the king Rudramâna, who, like the primeval boar, powerfully recovered his realm from the sea of adversaries.
(25.) As his hand is famed for its liberality and his face a wave of the flood of light, and since he keeps himself within the bounds of propriety, and provides means of subsistence for the people," of what account are the creeping-plant of paradise, the great serpent and the tortoise, those two bright luminaries yonder, and the lord of elephants and the seas? Fie on such cumbrous insignia of high rank of the Creator!
(26.) Marvellous indeed is his fame, because it shares the properties of the supreme lord. So subtle as to pervade the edges of the teeth of the elephants of the quarters, so light as to reach the heavens in its ascent of the mountains, it extends everywhere here in the broad regions and roams freely about at will; it predominates in the sea of milk as well as in the white splendour of the moon, and it goes out of the mundane egg, and stays in it as it pleases.
(27.) Of this (king) Gangadhara was (as it were) a second heart to protect friends, (Gangadhara), who always was in battle a magician (in scattering) the lines of exulting hostile warriors, in misfortune an honest friend, a check when affairs were getting beyond control, an excellent associate in a spotless assembly, and worthy to be trusted in everything.
(28.) (Gangadhara), who was embellished by good behaviour, famed for his cleverness of speech, a market of the gems of prudent counsel, a lover of resoluteness, tranquil-minded, full of compassion, a store-house of benevolence, fraudless in obligations, a prime promoter of friendship, boundless in steadfastness, free from the failing of untruth, and a treasure of intelligence.
(29.) He married the charming Påsaladevi, a daughter of Jayapâni who bore the title of adhikarika, a friend of the king of Gauda, and of (his wife) Subhaga.
(80.) And their matrimonial union was universally esteemed even as that of Siva and his consort, who are prevented from seeing the charm of each other's faces, because they bave only one body; a union where the wife is never left behind when (the husband) mounts the bull to go abroad, and where (the wife) never notices the (husband's) fearful form, nor minds being addressed with the name of a rival.
(31.) The people here have witnessed the conduct of (Gangadhara) whose mind is brimful of contentment, honesty, firmness, forbearance, self-restraint, tenderness, calmness, patience, friendship, truth and contemplation, whose only thought is Narayana,
Here, again, the two first lines of the original verse do not admit of a proper construction. 5.e., a superintendent of affairs."

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and who destroys deceit, malice, folly, covetousness, selfishness, envy, fraud, infatuation, hatred, jealousy and other evil qualities.
(V.32.) Having accomplished here a thousand times, ever since he was a boy and a youth, and even to the endangerment of his life, most difficult deeds without end for the due advancement of his master, he has indeed filled the minds of his kinsmen with wonder.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(33.) A man who in his Advaitasata has striven to prove that he has some poetic gift, whose knowledge, be it faultless or perhaps otherwise, of the treatises on the supreme soul is well known, and whose attempts in the way of artificial poetry, hard even for the goddess of eloquence and to be ventured on by scholars only, have met with applause, need he say more in praise of his merits?
(34.) The revolution of elementary matter gives rise to the diffused mass of trees, palaces, houses, and the rest of visible objects; the rain-cloud forms in the sky of its own accord; all this stays for a moment only and vanishes again, never to return." Considering such too to be the case with the three worlds, (Gangadhara) has devoted himself to virtuous and pious deeds.
(35.) To secure for his parents religious merit, that pure-minded man has founded here, covering the world for ever with their fame as with a radiant umbrella,-this tank of water shining like quick-silver, in which their spotless renown in the guise of the waves dances about in visible form.
(36.) And at the festive inauguration of this lake he has made his own fame here envelop the world like a radiant garment.
(37.) As long as the supreme spirit in the shape of the three worlds, as ether, air, fire, water and earth, passing through a succession of existences, pursues its varied course, so long may these two eulogies of fame, pleasing the eyes and ears and the mind, vigorously cause lively joy in the hearts of the good!
(38.) How can the ways of poets be easily found in the absence of innate ability as well as of culture? And, accordingly, is it likely that the author of this should have discovered them? Yet, as this treats of himself, the favour shown to him by good men will find in this eulogy also something to applaud in Gangadhara's words.87
(39.) In the Saka year equal to the Nandas (9), the organs of sense (5), the sky (0) and the moon (1), the excellent stone-mason Sulapâni, the son of Rudra and grandson of Uddharana, himself engraved this eulogy.
THE SAKA YEAR 1059.
Instead of the Abl. case apunarbhardt I should have expected the Dat. case. Literally will bestow on this eulogy also the excellence of Gangadhara's words."

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XXVII.-DUDHPANI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF UDAYAMANA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. The preceding inscription induces me to publish here, also from a rubbing of Sir A. Cunningham's, the text of another inscription which on the back of the rubbing is described as 'Rock inscription from Dudhpani Ghat near Dumduma,' with the note that . Dudhpani' is 'in the Hazaribagh district' (of Chutia Nagpur in the LieutenantGovernorship of Bengal, south of the districts of Gaya and Monghyr).
This inscription contains thirteen lines of writing which cover a space of about 6' broad by l' 21" high. With the exception of about half a dozen aksharas whch are broken away, but can be easily supplied, the writing is well preserved and may be read with certainty throughout. The size of the letters is about". The characters are essentially the same as, but somewhat more modern than, those of the Aphsad inscription of Adityasena, and may be assigned to about the 8th century A.D. In describing the writing of the Aphsad inscription, Dr. Fleet has stated that in that inscription r, in combination with a following consonant, is formed throughout on the line of writing, instead of above it, and that in the ry of saurya, in line 7, we have an exact reproduction of the same letter as it was written nearly two centuries before' (the seventh century). In the present inscription the conjunct ry occurs three times in parákkramair=yaḥ, line 1, aparyantam, line 3, and bauryena, line 4), and is each time written exactly as in the Aphsad inscription. In combination with other (following) consonants r occurs thirty-five times and is 21 times written on, and 14 times above the line. The sign of the upadhma niya (which however is really like the sign for sh) is employed seven times, but is not used in four cases where it might also have been employed; and the sign of the jihvámúliya seems to be used once, before the word khandita in line 11. At the end of the writing there is a good engraving of a flower; and altogether the letters throughout have been drawn and engraved very well indeed, and it is much to be regretted that the rubbing is not suitable for photographing.
The language of the inscription is Samskrit, and the whole is in verse. As regards orthography, the letter b is written by the sign for v; instead of anusvira the guttural nasal is used in sinha, lines 1, 6 and 8, anenka, line 5, and nistrinéa, line 6, and the dental nasal in kasminschit, line 2, Chansi and yaśánsi, line 5, and even in oprítin=surendrá, line 10; and the consonants k and t are everywhere doubled before r (e.g., in parákkramakkramapadá kkrántattriloki, in line 5). Besides, attention may be drawn to the hiatus in fri Adisinha, in lines 1 and 8, and to the fact that a final m before a word beginning with a consonant is generally changed, not to anustára, but to the nasal of the class to which the following consonant belongs.- Wrong grammatical forms which the inscription contains are dadata for datta, in line 7, and chakhanuh for chakhnuh, in line 12; and the causal is improperly employed instead of the primitive verb in achikarat, in line 11. Wrong constructions we find in verses 15, 16 and 24; and the rules of metrics are violated in verses 1, 14, 21 and 23. Words not found in the dictionaries, or employed in unusual significations, are prárabdhi, in line 6, analagaka and wala gana, in
88 Fleet's Gupta Inarriptions, plate XXVIII. Soe ib. p. 202.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
line 7, oyutthánika (derived from vyutthána as vijñánika is from vijñána), in line 12, and rechaka (unless this is an error for mechaka) in the same line.
The inscription is not dated, but, as intimated above, it may, on palæographical grounds, be assigned to about the 8th century A.D. Opening with a verse which invokes the blessing of the goddess of fortune, it tells us (in verses 2 and 3) that in former days there was a king of Magadha, named Âdisimha, to whose dominions belonged the three villages (palli) of which the inscription treats and near one of which it must have been engraved, -Bhramarasalmali, Chhingalá, and Nabhatisha ədaka. Now, once upon a time three brothers-Udayamâna, Srid hauta mâna, and Ajitamana merchants, went on business from Ayodhya to Tamalipti; and having made plenty of money and being on their way home, they for some reason or other tarried at one of the three villages, apparently Bhramaraśâlmali (verses 4-5). While they were there, the king Ådisiṁhe came to the forest near the villages on a hunting expedition, and ordered the inhabitants to give him an avalagaka (or avalagana). The villagers, on receipt of the king's orders, went to the eldest brother, Udayamâna, and entreated him to do the king's behest. He thereupon did send an avalagana and quickly became a favourite of the king, who not only bestowed a diadem (Sripatta") on him, but also, at Udayamâna's solicitation, assured the people of Bhramaraśalmali of his "royal favour (verses 12-16). When Udayamâna returned to the village, the inhabitants in their delight, and with the king's approval, requested him to become their rájá, and he complied with the request and long ruled the village happily and vigorously (verses 17. 19). He also, at the request of the inhabitants of the two other villages, sent his brothers Sridhautamana and Ajitamâna to rule, subordinately to himself, over Nabhùtishaņdaka and Chhingala (verses 20-23). Verse 24 (if I understand it rightly) adds that people of former days had this eulogy engraved to record that the family (ruling at Bhramaraśålmali) had been founded and owed its greatness to U dayamana, and to warn (the chiefs of) the two other villages not to act in opposition to, or to separate themselves from, the (main branch of the) family; and the inscription ends with a prayer for the uninterrupted continuance of the family of the prince Udayamånadeva.
I am not at present able to state whether any or what historical importance should be attached to this inscription ;' nor can I identify the three villages of which the inscription treats. The place Tamalipti (Tamralipti), to which the three brothers are said to have gone from Ayodhyâ, is the modern Tamlúk, the head-quarters of the sub-division
So the name is given in verse 3. In verses 21 and 23 originally Bad tishandaka was engraved, but both times this appears to have been altered to Nabhatishandaka.
• These names are given below. • The verses 6-11 only glorify the wealth, liberality, valour, eto, of the three brothers in the customary manner.
• This appears to be the general sense of the original text, but I am unable to give the exact meaning of the word pr&rabdhi-khelang, and of the following words avalagaka and avalagana. Accordiog to the dictionaries prdrabdhi is the post to which an elephant is fastened, which would suggest that the king was out elephant-hunting. For avalagang (as a neuter noun) von Böhtlingk's Dictionary only gives the meaning the winning of somebody; and analagala I find in Professor Jacobi's edition of Bhadralkhu's Kalpasitra, p. 107, note 61, employed in the explanation of the word kaufumbika where also its meaning seems to be uncertain.
See Varábamihira's Brihatsamita, Chapter XLIX. In the note on the Kalpasitra, quoted above, the word íreshthin is explained by Sridevatádkydrita-Touvarnu peffa-bhúshitottamárgab; what the king gave to Udayamána was apparently such a Sripatta.
Acordingly, the present inscription is recording events which had happened generations before this inscription was engraved.
The names of Udaya mdua and bis brothers will of course rewind the reader of the occurrence of the names Varnamna and Rudramanu in the preceding inscription.

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DUDHPANI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF UDAYAMANA,
345
of the same name of the Midnapur district of Bengal, on the Rupnårayan river, a town which is well known from Buddhist records, and is even now one of the principal seats of commerce in the district.10
Texr." L. 1.
[ों "] श्रीरामदेहातिमासहसमालोक्य भोगोन्द्रिफणामणिस्थे"।
•कु]ला कर तले]न हरे प्रहा[]मुला[सयन्ती भवतु [थि]ये वः ॥"-[1]. व(ब)भूव पूर्वम्भगधाधिराजः श्रीपादिसिङ्गोरिगजे[क]सिक"। पराक्रमैर्यप्रथितोहितीयः .
बोमन रासन्ध इव हितीयः ॥ -[2]. अस्वाभ[म ]रशाल्मल्याच्छिालाय[न्तिथैव च । नभूतीष[क] के चापि व(ब)भूवाधिपतिपुरा ॥"-[3]. पथ कस्मिन्धि[स]मये वणिजोधातरस्त्रयः । तामलिप्ति[म]योध्याया ययुः पूर्वम्बणिज्यया ॥ -[4].
भूयः प्रतिनिवृत्तास्ते खमावासं यियासवः ॥(1) 3. प्रयोजनन केनापि चिरपरिह स्थितिं ॥ -[5].
सुवर्णमणिमाणिक्यमुनाप्रति येईन । विसपस्मईयेवासीदपर्यन्तमुपार्जितं । -[6]. सर्वभूतात्रयास्मत्वदयादाक्षिणशालिन: । मष्ठा(टा)र व लोकस्य चयः क्षितिमुपागताः । -[7]. केलास: कठिन: कला
मलिनचन्द्रस्तुषाराचल: प्रायस्तीणकरप्रहारविवशो नित्यलत्येव हि । तारख्यच्च समाश्रिता गुणवतो हारा इति प्रायथो
येषामच व(ब)भूव निर्मलगुणैः शोलस्य नेवोपमा -[8]. दातृत्वेन समो व(बभूव न पुरा क पि येषामसौ
शौर्येणापि जगजिगीषुरगमत्" 5.
नैवार्जुनस्तुस्थता ये चासचपराक्रममपदानान्तचिलोकीतला
वीरानाहवमूईस प्रव(ब)लिन पनिवोचिषिपुः । -[9]. दिमाम(मि)नीतनुविलेपनचन्दनानि [राज्यत्रिय स्तनतटीविकटाहकानि पद्यापि चन्द्रकरहारतुषारभामि सर्वा दियो धवलयन्ति यथा[न्मि] येषां ॥ -[10].
विद्यासमुवतगुणा 1. See the Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. XIII, p. 171. 6 Metre: Upajati. " From Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing.
1 Metre of verses 3-7 : Sloks (Anushtabh). 19 Expressed by a symbol.
" Read कधिषि'. The two aksharas in brackets are almost entirely
- Rend पूर्व broken away.
» 31-tre of verses 8 and 9: Sirdalavikridita. __MMetre: Indrarajra; but the third Pada of the
a Read गमवा. verne in mif the metre were Vasantatilaki-Compare
a Read °विकटाभूतामि. Vallabhadova'. Subhashitdvali, verse 41. ____Observe the hiatus in बौधादि, and read fसंती Read Hify aud uutfy. and °सिंह:.
MMetre of rerses 10 and 11: Visuntatilaka.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 6.
अपि न [स्मयान्धा] नमा: सुदूरमथ चोबतिमूर्तिभाजः । निस्विकनिष्ठुरकरा: [क]पयाकुलाच ये चार्थिकल्पतरव: शिवशौरिभक्ताः ॥-[11]. सवीमानादिसिकोथ कदाचिदटवीमिमा । प्रारधी(बी)खेलनोद्युक्त प्रविवेशावनीखरः -[12].
पादिदेश 7. समाइय स पनीवितयाज्जन ।
यूयमद्यावलगकमस्मभ्यं ददताखिति । -[13]. अञ्चत्यस्तन्समाकर्ण्य [तूर्णंम्व(म्ब)लपरिग्रहः ॥(0) वणिनां भातर ज्येष्ठमुदयमानमुपागमत् । -[14]. राजोवलगनार्थाय तमभ्ययं प्रयत्नतः । प्रेषयामास तन्मोपि वल्लभोभूमहीपते: । -[15]. 8. अल्परहोभिरनुभूय नृपप्रसाद श्रीपट्टव(ब)न्धमधिगम्य तत: क्रमेण ।
श्रीपादिसिनपतिम्परिवो(बो)ध्य"[]न [सन्मानितो धमरथाल्मलिपनिलोकः॥"[16]. तुष्टास्ततो भ्रमरशाल्मलिवासिनस्ते भूयस्तमागतमुपेत्य जना प्रणम्य । राजा भव त्वमिह पालय पक्षिमेतामित्या
दि तत्परधियोभिदधुस्तमुच्चैः । -[17]. एवबाम भवविति प्रतिवचस्तस्मात्समाकर्ण्य ते
तस्मे राज्यपदन्ददुः क्षितिभृताप्यान्नापि[तास्तत्वत । सोस्मिन्विक्कमखण्डितारिमुभटश्रेणि: अतार्थविरं
राज्यविर्जितसर्वपक्षिरकरोबानोदयाख्यो नूपः ॥ -[18]. यस्य त्यागनयान्वयोवतिगुणग्रामाधिपत्याग्निता 10. कीर्तिचन्द्रकरावदातसुभगामद्यापि सोत्कण्ठिताः । गेहासोनसुरानाजनक्कतप्रीतिन्मुरेन्द्रालय
प्रान्तप्रोत्थितकल्पपादपतले गायन्ति सिद्धस्त्रियः । -[19]. पागत्योदयमानस्तु तैरेवाभ्यर्थितस्तदा । पशीयेपि राज्यार्थभातरी विससन स: -[20]. श्रीमाच्छीधौतमानाख्यः प्रख्यातो [न] भूति
- Read चीनवम्
Read निखिं. - Read °सिंडीय. * Metre of verses 12-15; Sloka (Anashtabh).
* Originally it was engraved, but it has been altered to 'अभ्यं.
Read 'सममा * Of the aksharas in brackets the upper portion is broken away.
- Readसीपि तबीपि.
* Observe again the hiatus in ute; and read सिं.
# Read संमानिती. 46 Metre of verses 16 and 17: Vasantatilaka. * Metre of verses 18 and 19: Sardůlavikridita.
Read °ौति सुरे. WMetre of verses 20-23: Bloka (Anushtubh), , - Read श्रीमाञ्छौं.
• The akshara in brackets wa originally omitted, and. is engraved above the line

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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VAIDYADEVA, KING OF KÂMAROPA.
347
L.11.
वश्यात्मोदयमानस्य चिरं राज्यमचीकरत् ॥ -[21]. प्रचण्डसुभटाटोपण्डितामित्रमण्डलः । अभूदजितमानोपिच्छिालायां महीपतिः ॥ -[22]. पत्युभमरशाल्मल्याग्छिाला[न?]भूतिषण्डको"। वश्यौ व(ब)भूवतुः पूर्वमेवमेतौ यथाक्रमं । -[23]. भारभ्योदयमानमादिपुरुषं गोच
क्रमीयम्महानस्माकम्परिवईमानमहिमत्यालोक्य ते पूर्वजाः । अस्मद्रोचभवास्कदाचिदनाडुास्थानिक स्यादिदं
सत्पनीहयमित्यवेत्य चखनुप्राशस्त्यवर्णानिमान् ॥ -[24]. यावप्रान्तमरीचिरेचकचयव्याप्तचिलोकोच्छ्रयं"
चक्रं चक्रधरो वि(ब)भर्ति गिरिशो यावद्भवानीपतिः । 13. यावलोकमिसक्षयाकुलमिलञ्चिन्तालसश्चात्मभू
मर्गोचस्योदयमानदेवनृपतेस्तावत्स्थितिर्दृश्यताम् ॥ -[25].
XXVIII.-COLPER-PLATE GRANT OF VAIDYA DEVA, KING OF KAMARUPA.
BY ARTILUR VENIS, 21.A., PRINCIPAL, SANSKRIT COLLEGE, BENARES. Twenty-five copper-plate inscriptions were found in October 1892 in the village of Kamauli, near the confluence of the Barna and the Ganges at Benares. The story at the time was that a villager while ploughing a field had turned up one of the plates with his plough and so discovered the others; but I do not know whether this simple and in India) not unusual story has been subsequently confirmed by official inquiry into the locality and circumstances of the find. Mr. R. H. Brereton, Magistrate of Benares, sont me the plates, which are the subject of this and the next paper, vis. the grant of Vaidyadeva and two grants of Govindachandra of Kanauj, for immediate examination and report. On receiving from me a few rough notes as to their general contents and approximate dates, he kindly permitted a more careful and leisurely revision of these grants.
The Vaidyadeva grant is engraved on three plates. A spoon-like arrangement loosely holds the plates together, its narrower, hooked end being passed through a hole in the middle of their right-hand margins. The broader, hollow end of the spoon contains a figure of Gaņeśa. The plates measure 9" broad by 7" high, and weigh together
4 Here again the akshara in brackets noems to be 4 Metre of verses 24 and 26, Sardalavikridits. engraved above the line.
I am not sure whether the word of this a.Thia wm originally engraved, but appears to have | line should bealtered to मेचक. been altered to °चिदन यु; and I believe the irtended All the plates were deposited in the Provincial Museum reading to be fafara.
| at Lucknow in July 1893.
212

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
2lbs. 1307.; their margins are slightly thickened outwards. The first plate is inscribed on the inner side only. Each side contains sixteen lines, except the outer side of the third plate, on which there are nine lines only. The height of the letters is about a quarter inch. On the whole, the writing is well preserved, being nowhere completely obliterated. The characters resemble those of the Deopara inscription of Vijayasena (ante, vol. I, p. 305), but approach more closely to the modern Bengali character. They may also be compared, in some respects, with the character of the Krishnadvärika Temple inscription at Gaya (Arch. Survey Reports, vol. III, plate xxxvii), which Dr. Kielhorn describes as "a kind of Devanagari which appears to have been current in the 12th century A.D.” (Ind. Antiq., vol. XVI, p. 63.)
Peculiarities, epigraphical and orthographical, are always better seen than described; but the purpose of this notice will have been sufficiently served, it is hoped, by the corrigenda in the foot-notes to the printed text. Lines 6-13 of plate iii, A, have not been corrected, because they are mostly filled with names of villages, tanks, their exact boundaries, eto., in Prakrit forms. It may be remarked in passing that the engraver of the plates (or his prompter) has fallen an easy victim to the shibboleth of 1, 4, . The language is Sanskrit, prose and verse.
The inscription records the grant of two villages named Santipataka and Mandara situated in the vishaya of Bådå, in the bhukti of Pragjyotisha, in the mandala of Kamarupa. The donee is a Brahman named Sridhara, the son of Yudhishthira and Pâi his wife, and the grandson of Bharata, who was born of the gotra of Viśvå mitra, in the village of Bháva in Varendri. Vaidyadeva, the donor, is the son of Bodhideva and Pratápadevi his wife, and the grandson of Yogadeva. His caste is not mentioned; but there can be little doubt that he was a Brahman. He was a devotee of-both Siva and Vishnu. His father and grandfather, in their time, had been the ministers of Ramapala and Vigrahapala, who were the father and grandfather respectively of Kumâra påla. The royal and the ministerial lines stand thus :Saryavansi Pálas.
Mantrins. I. Vigrahapala.
1. Yogadeva. II. Råmapåla (son of I).
2. Bodhideva (son of 1). III. Kumarapala (son of II). . 3. Vaidyadeva (sop of 2). From the inscription we directly learn but little more about the Palas than is given in the above table. Vigraba pala is dismissed in a single verse as "perfect in every accomplishment"-a brief but appropriate intimation, perhaps, that his reign was brief. Râmapala, a warrior, is compared to his great namesake. If the dark conceit of verse 4 has not escaped me, it means in bald prose that Ramapåla conquered (or regained ?) Mithila, and killed a certain raja Bhima, whom I am unable to identify. Kumârapâla is styled Lord of Gauda. He loved Vaidyadeva "dearer even than life," to whose gencralship he entrusted the fortunes of the empire. Vaidyadeva was a stern minister and a victorious general. If verse 11 and verses 13-17 do not refer to the same event, he won two glorious victories for his master; the one in the southern part of Vanga (but sce note 81); the other " in the East," when he killed a rebellious vassal whose name I read hesitatingly as Timgyadeva.

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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VAIDYADEVA, KING OF KAMARUPA.
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In the kingdom "in the East " was included Kamarupa; for it was here that the two villages conveyed by Vaidyadeva as Mahårâjadhiraja, etc., were situated. He dates the charter from his victorious camp at Hams&koñchi, which again I cannot identify. His younger brother (? nephew), Budhadeva, is introduced without any apparent reason, unless indeed it be to mark bim as the heir. The prasasti wus written by Manoratha, the son of the rájaguru Murâri and Padmå his wife. The sásana was delivered by Gonandana, Vaidyadeva's dharmádhikarin. It was engraved by Karnabhadra.
The date of the Vaidyadeva grant remains to be discussed. I have failed to work it out directly from the text. The statement in plate iii, A, 1. 5, appears to be only a prose repetition of the statement in verse 28, with the addition of the word Sam and the numerical sign 4. The syllable mi, with which it concludes, I take as a contraction of nibaddham (to qualify śásanam). Verse 28 will be considered below. The other statement in 11. 3, 4 of plate iii, A, baffles me. The last word Gugguli is very doubtful. Read thus, it may be explained as an upanáman of Sridhara, the donee, in reference to the story of the Guggulu in verse 26. But the forms of conjunct gou are entirely different in the two words. I am still inclined to think that the letters read Gugguli are somehow connected with the date indication.
Failing to fix Vaidyadeva's date from the inscription itself, I have been forced to enter on the much debated chronology of the Pala and Sena dynasties. Now, in regard to the Pala dynasty, the reign of Mahipala from 1006 to 1060 A.D., and the accession of Govinda pala in 1161 A.D., are practically the only dates unanimously accepted by the latest modern authorities. The intervening names, the order of their succession, and their dates are still disputed. Dr. Kielhorn's list of Påla kings from Gopala I. to Vigrahapala III., based on the Amgâchhi plate (Ind. Ant. vol. XXI, p. 99), is, in part at least, confirmed and extended by the statements of the Vaidyadeva plates : for, assuming the historical accuracy of the Amgâchhi and Vaidyadeva grants (which indeed there seems to be no reason for doubting), we see from the latter grant that the kings Vigrahapala, Râmapala and Kumarapala must be placed together in this unbroken order; and from the former grant that no place in the Pâla line can be found for this trio previous to Mahîpåla. Farther, the dates discussed in the next paragraph make it almost certain that Vigrahapala of the Vaidyadeva grant is identical with Vigra ba pâla III. of Dr. Kielhorn's list.? Nayapala's position is not so easy to decide. Dr. Hoernle identifies him with Deva pala, 956–991 A.D., (Ind. Ant. vol. XIV, p. 166). Of course there may have been two or more of his name in the Pála dynasty. But I may observe that the exact position of Nayapala is not material to the present inquiry.
I return to verse 28, and premising the succession given by Dr. Kielhorn, I would thus state the problem widely :-Between the years 1060 and 1161 A.D., to find the year in which the Meshasankranti fell (1) on ekádasi and (2) on dvadasi in Vaisakha (krishna. paksha)? The following years result:-(1) on ekadasi 1077, 1096, 1123, 1142, 1161 A.D.; (2) on dvadasi 1115, 1134 A.D. Now, the years 1077, 1096, 1115 and 1123 may at once be rejected as altogether too early for Kumarapala, by whom Vaidyadeva was made a king. The year 1134 may also be rejected; for, since we do not know
Dr. Kielhorn continos himself to proving that the â mgåeh hi plate of Vigiahapala III. was issned after 1053 A.D.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
whether idi. Apåla was the immediate predecessor of Govindapala or not, we are not a liberty to count the years of Kumarapala backwards directly from 1161 A.D. Then, turning to the other end of the line, even if Nayapâla's name be omitted from that part of the royal succession which is now under review, it is safer to place Kumarapala nearer the end than the beginning of the period 1060-1161 A.D. Thus 1142 and 1161 remain. And of the two 1142 A.D. seems the more probable date for the grant of Vaidyadeva. The 4th year mentioned in Plate III, A., 11. 3, 4, 5 may be the regnal year of Vaidyadeva, whose rule in Assam would then date from 1138 A.D.
Next, as to the history of the Sena dynasty, it is generally acknowledged that some time during the second half of the 11th century A.D. the Pålas lost Eastern and Northern Bengal (including Assam) to the Senas under Vijayasena. “Vijayasena's reign (Dr. Kielhorn writes, ante, vol. I, 307) may therefore be reasonably supposed to have begun about the beginning of the last quarter of the 11th century." I have Do wish to indulge in further speculation. Briefly, this is what I suppose the drift of events to have been. At first, i.e. roughly from 1060-1130 A.D. the Palas were driven westwards by the Senas. Then the Senas begau to lose ground rapidly and were driven back by the Pálas into a small corner of Bengal, where they were finally demolished by the Muhamalans at the beginning of the 13th century A.D. Thus, the conquest of Janakabhami (Mithila) by Râmapala, recounted in verse 4 of the Vaidyadeva grant, may have been an historical fact, marking the return of power to the Pala line. And thus, too, the Pala culmination under Kumarapala about 1142 A.D. would synchronise with the Sena decadence under Keśavasena or his successor.
To recapitulate: Vaidyadeva's grant furnishes some new historical material, vis, a trio of the royal line of Palas arranged in order of descent; it throws some more light on the relations existing between the rival Påla and Sena dynasties in Bengal during the 12th century A.D.; and its data, as confirmed by the history of the period, seem to point to 1142 A.D. as its probable date.
Text.
Plate I. (Inner side only.) Linc [ 1.) TT Had angaar u are wantitatem: n wercatiu: 1 F
ficam[ 2.) faahfa: perulat forfa (Verse 1) daer front à faire
जातवान पूर्व । विग्रहपा[3.] pufa: alfreifax: (2) de marea mafana -
a fa era: ( 4.) mati fan: (3). Apieauquel qua: irurgisharya: uregel
fant[5.] afast: manufaefahan I aa Ta Hu HHTGETTO: 974797
यकभीम.
• Read "मूर्ति: and हरियति • Metre of verses 1 and 2: Fathyáryá. . Read 1 994
• Read सव्वांकार 7 Metre: Sloka. (Pathyávaktra.)
Read वस्त्रीख
___

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351
1. [6] रावणवधायुधावीबंधनात् ॥" (4) यस्य सहसचिवः पुराभवबोधिदेव इति तत्वबोधभूः । विश्वगेव वि
[7.] दितोऽङ्गुतैर्गुणैरुज्झितात्मसदृशः चितावयं" ॥2 (5). अस्य प्रतापदेवी पत्नी धर्मांचिकीत्तिविचाति
13
[8.] विवान्तिः" चासोदसीमकान्तिः सन्तोषस्याकृतिः पत्युः ॥" (6). अभूदसुखान्तनयोऽस् विश्रुतः श्रीवे
[9.] श्रीवैद्यदेवः परया श्रिया युतः । यदुच्चसकीगिरीवरोद" पद्माडुराम: भिवभूधरी[10] भवत् ॥" (7) व च तर्बुकेषु च जनुद्दिष्टस्य दिष्टितेरचखप्रभृतीटियरिमटेन् [11] मूर्च्छित किश्चेतविजबन्धुन्दनयनप्रोत हर्षाम्बुभिः पारक्यप्रसरप्रतापदचनस्याभूहिनि
[12] पच" " (8) सोऽयं रामनरेन्द्रजस्य सचिवः सामान्यलक्षीनुषः प्रख्यातस्य कुमारपालनृपते
[18] चित्तातुरूपोऽभवत् । वस्थारातिकिरीट हाटककृतप्रासादकष्ठीरवचासत्रासमादपेचति [14] विधवाहरूपी मृगः ॥ (9). सचिवसमाजमरोवतिग्मभानुः" प्रसरयमो ऽम्बुधिरेव वेद्यदेवः । स
[15] हजवदान्यतयैव चम्पकेशः सुजनमनः कुमुदेषु भीतरणि: (10). यामुत्तरयसङ्गर नौवाट
[10] पीचीरवतस्तैहियरिभिय" यत्र चलितं चेचास्ति तत्रम्यः किञ्चोत्या तुककेनिपातयतनमर्पितः
Plate II, A.
[17] ग्रीकरैराकाग्रे खिरता जता यदि भवेयाविष्कलः गमी # (11). गडे कुमारपालनृपते
[18.] होबय्यतेजस्पतेः” त्रैलोक्योदरपूरिभूरियशसः प्रद्मानवाचस्पतेः । सप्ताङ्गचितिपाधिपत्वमभित:
[19] संचिन्तयमुग्रधीः प्रायेभ्योप्यतिबन्धुरस्य सचिवः सोऽभू. हुचिग्रामची (12). पतादृ" हरिहरिविस
[20.] रक्कतस्य श्रीतिमग्यदेव नृपतेर्व्विशतिं निशम्य । गौडेश्वरेण भुवि तस्य नरेश्वरत्वे श्रीवैद्यदेव उसकीसिं
[21] एवं नियुक्त (13) सनमिव शिरस्यादायात्रां प्रभोदरतेजसः । कतिपयदिनेइत्या" विष्णुः प्रयाणमसी
• Rond “भाक्. 'ब्रङ्घनात्
10 Metre : Sardalavikridita.
11 Read तच्च विष्वमेव 'वावयम्
Metre: Rathoddhata.
22 Read धर्तिकीर्त्तिविश्रान्ति:.
14 Metre: Pathyarya.
1 Read श्रीवैद्यदेव:
16 Rend 'सरीबरीदर. The is supplied from a truti, which is found at the bottom of the plate and is prefixed by the numeral sign for 9.
17 Metre : Upajati of Vamiastha and Indraramsa.
15 Read अनुईिटस, .. " of the birth time (of Vaidyadeva). संमूर्च्छितम् निर्व्यापचम्
19. Metre of verses 8 and 9 Sardalavikridita.
50 Read विधी बिम्बा
Read 'सरीज
” Read शोतरश्मिः
23 Metre: P
Read
23. Metre of verses 11 and 12 śardalavikridita.
24 Read नृपतेर्दोब
7 Read एतादृशी.
* This might be read विज्ञा.
59 Metre Vasantatilakà.
30 Read °दिनेईच्या and द्रुतम्. One would expect प्रयाणं
हत्या

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352
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
I. [22] दुतं । तमवनिपति जिल्ला मुझे बभूव महीपतिविजजपरिष्यन्दे" साचादिवस्पतिवि क्रमः ॥ ( 14). " ए
[28.] तस्य प्रवरप्रयाणसमये पांशुत्करे: स्थलिप्राये व्योमतले कंसप्तिकगणे
[24] लंम्बोडियानश्रमः । किञ्चाचिद्दयगोपनेन करयोरन्यक्रियास्वचमः सुत्रामा नय[25] नानिमीलनकर क स निन्दति ॥" (15) दोहणारच" हविर्भुवि भटवातेनेति [26] संग्रामाध्वरपूजिते रिपुशिरः श्रेणीलसत्श्रीफलैः । कृत्वा होमविधिं परचितिभु[27] जा दत्वाथ पूर्ति लम्बोदयशो” महत्फलमसौ श्रीवैद्यदेवो बभौ ॥ ( 16 ). यदुरुसमरमध्यात" खङ्गघातो
[28] व्यततिः परशुभटमिरोभिव्योम की [29.] वचमपि रजोभिः प्रयन्
पा
[30] श्रीमहितः स्फुरद्रसमय: सोयं गभीरः परः । रत्नानां निलयः श्रियः कुलग्टहं स्वान्तस्थित[31] श्रीपतिः स्वादेव सदृशीऽम्बुदिबसाधारोऽथवा संघितः ४" (18) जानेर्गीव्यतिरूजितदिनपति:
[82.] सत्पौरुषैः श्रीपतिचे रम्बुप्रतिचने वनपतिहाने: “ स चम्पापतिः । किञ्चैतेपि गिरीपमानविषया:
Plate II, B.
[33] हुम किन्तु वयं स्वयं सद्यः सबाना"गयेः ॥0 (19) व चीबुधदेव इत्यनुजभूः
[34.] श्रीरामभद्रानुजप्रायस्त तदसीमनि लगुणैई श्री डिशीलविभूः " । दानैः शोभनपज्ञवैद्दिन"[35] कुसमीतिप्रदानैरपि । स्यातः कव्यमकडमतिकृतिहोबयनुभावा:" (20) [36] यत की सुनमुनीन्द्रमुखी निजगीचपूरुषः । पयोजजन्मास्वचयभमग्रमात् [37] यदास्यपनेतु सुखं गिरा स्थितं " ॥ ( 21 ). एतहंसे महति भरतः प्रादुरासीतहिजाति
विधान
[38] प्रविसरयथा: शासनीचे वरेन्द्रयां स्तामन्यदुषगणसमाख्यानमाख्यानमाचायवाची[38] [पि स्फुटति निचितः किलियानां प्रपच"" (22). अस्य विप्रतिलको युधिष्ठिरः पुत्र [40] भवधीवर" मालवेदपरिश्वधः योषित्यवितयथोनिधिः " (23). घाई[41] ति धर्मपत्नी धीरवरस्वास्थ चित्तविचान्तिः । असीदसीमकान्तिः मीलोदायश्रीय/"
Road महीपतिनि. Metre: Haripi.
"Metre of verses 15 and 16: Sardalavikridita.
14 Road दोहंडा'.
24 Read °लसष्ट्रीफर्स:
1
निरीक्षा भटिति विसरराज्यीविभ्यःगोप" (17) चन्द्रीयमंत्री प्रसरणं सत्यप्रधानामयः
14 Read दवाय
• Road लब्बीदययमी.
Read मध्यात्
• Rend' 'शिरीभिम्यॉन प्रीयन
40 Metre: Malini.
# Road महोधमरचं सच बषितः
Metre of verses 18, 19, and 20: Bardalavikridita.
** Bond 'कर्जितेहिंग' श्रीपति ये रस्पतिर्वचनपतिः.
• Bond भूमः and सर्वे.
4 Read 'टीम' 'वशिष
40 The var. lect. सरफलपद्मवै: (with the numerical sign 2 affixed) is given in the upper margin of the plate; and शोभन° is out out in the text.
7 Read कस्समहीरुहप्रतिकृतिहाव्यय्यं चचथमाः । वृक्षा" is out out in the body of the plate, and चचय (with the sign 3 affixed) is supplied in the lower margin,
# Road "भवत् कौशिक मुनिर्मु
4 Read "भ्रमश्रमात् and स्थितम्
50 Metre : Vampsastha.
Read quit
•
.
प्रादुरासीद
बरेन्द्रप्राम् । अस्तामन्य किल्बिषाचा.
.
ath Metre: Mandakranti.
अमरसुचीवर: is faulty metre.
Metre: Rathoddhata.
4 Rond चासीद · मौलौदार्यत्रियां.
प्रविवरयथाः

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THE SEAL.
VESTETISTERI
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Scale : 8-4th of original.

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COPPERPLATE GRANT OF VAIDYADEVA OF KAMARUPA.
PLATE I.
L সোয়াগ্র287835াংখ্রিঃসারাক্করিনুর |
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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VAIDYADEVA, KING OF KAMARUPA. 353 L. [42.] वसति: ॥ (24). पूष्वपूवजनुजमकर्मपाकदभूत्सुतस्तस्यैतस्यां हिजाधीसपूज्य श्रीश्रीध[43.] रः परः ॥ (25). तीर्थेषु भ्रमणात् श्रुताध्ययनतो दानात्तथाध्यापनाप्यज्ञान करणाइते. कचरणात् सब्बो[44.] त्तरः शोचियः ॥ प्रातब्रतामयाचितीपवसनैर्थन स्वयं गुग्गलोराकर्षाहरदः कतीच हि कलौ
शी[45.] सोमनाथः प्रभुः ॥1 (26). कर्मब्रह्मविदां मुख्यः साकारतपोनिधिः श्रौतस्मात्तरहस्येषु
वागीश इव वि[46.] श्रुतः ॥ (27). एतस्मै शासन प्रादाबैद्यदेवक्षीतीखरः । वैशाखे विशत्याच्च स्वर्गार्थ हरि
are non (28) [47.] स्वस्ति इंसाकोच्चीसमावासितश्रीमज्जयकन्धावारात" । परममाहेखरः परमवैष्णव: महा
राजाधि[48.] राजः । परमेश्वरः परमभट्टारकः । श्रीमान वैद्यदेवदेव: कुशली । श्रीप्राग्ज्योतिषभुत्तौ। कामरू
Plate III, 4. [49.] पमण्डले । वाडाविसये भट्टगङ्गाधरभुक्तक । शान्तिवडामन्दराग्रामीय । यथाप्रधानप्रति
वासि । चट्टभट्टविस[50.] यिनकादिजनपदान कर्षकाच यथात्याग मानयति। बोधयति समादिशति व: मतमस्तु
भवतां । एतत हयं [61.] चतुःशीमावच्छिवं । परिबोधशुई अचभट्टप्रवेसं सजलस्खलं । भूच्छिद्रञ्च पकिञ्चितकर
ग्राह्यं। चतुर्थाब्द [52.] सं वैशाखप्रथमादिना गुमाली श्रीधरशमणे चतुःशतिकं शासनीकत्य प्रदत्तमम्माभिः
तदेतस्मिन [53.] विधया भवेतेति । सं ४ सूर्यगत्या वैशाखदिने १ नि ॥on सन्तिवडामन्दराग्रामयोरे
कीभूय अष्टसीमा[54.] बिनयक्वत: ॥ पूवदिशस्तावत दिग्दाण्डिधरमादाय यावत पश्चिमकूलशीमा ॥ ऐथा
नदिश: शिङ्गिआध[56.] रशीमालङ्गवडाभोग्ये कंसपलभू १॥ उत्तरदिश: कोण्ट्वाडोङ्गीनडजोलीनवधराशीमा । [56.] शिरवडाशिलगुडिभोग्यं किञ्चिदतिक्रम्य जयरातिपोला उणेपोलाविरामादाय वाय[67.] व्यदिस पिपामुण्डा अखत्यशीमा अझडाचौवोल । वुढिपोखिरिपूर्वधरकुलाचापडिप[58.] टवलपुराणधम्मालि पश्चिमायावत पश्चिमदिश:शीमा किञ्चिदरक्रित्वा नैत्यदिशोध
"Metre: Pathyarya.
Read श्रीमान्+ Read पूर्वपूर्वजनर्जन्मकर्णपाकादभूत्सुतः । हिजाधीशपूज्य: Read thus, omitting the unnecessary pauson in the Metre: Pathyavaktra.
| plate:-वाडाविषये भगङ्गाधरभुताकयान्तिवाडामन्दरायामौययथा" Read तथाध्यापनाद्यज्ञाना
प्रधानप्रतिवासिचहभावसयिनकादिजनपदान् कषकांष यथाबार्ग - Read सौतर श्रीवियः . प्रात . बौसीमनाथः मानयति बोधयति समादिशति वः मतमस्तु भवताम् । एतदर्य 4 Metre: Sardalavikridita.
चतुमीमावच्छिन्न परिरोधमुहम् पचभट्टप्रवेशं सजलस्थखं भूचिद्रव • Rond °निधिः। श्रीतचा.
पकिञ्चित्करग्राय. • Metre of verses 27, 28, 29, 30 : Pathyávaktra. ___ Read श्रीश्रीधर' With the परिवीध of the text 0.) - Read fचा विषुवव्याच.
compare the Pali form पाखिबोध =hindranoe. -Rand श्रीमच्चयकवावारात.
* Read agafat.

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354
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
I. [50] [आालिमादाय नैपोशकारयो विवादभूमेर्वाव्यर्वमादाय लच्छुवास्तिकवाटीसमेत घाटचम्पकः शीमा वे
[60.] लवचीपटानवपल । दचिचदिमः कुम्भकारभोग्यवहि: मीमा कोष्टोहाडादृङ्क्षवोलयायत हेलावणामुणमा
[61.] दाय दिषदाखियावत । चग्निदियः सोमा एवं चटसीमा दितीयपटक । ॥ ॥
चतुद्दश
पता: ॥ सन्तिपाट
I
[62.] कन्तु मन्दराग्रामसंयुत वडाविसयसम्म भूपेति निषयात (20) सायीपाय संयुरोप
[68.] स्रवजितं I यावचन्द्रासभोग्यं यावदिच्छाक्रियाफलं । जलथलखितारवाट गोवाट (30). कोड व
[64] च करिस्वति वयमिदं यः कारयिष्यत्यसो पुत्रादिचयमभ्युदीया निरये कव्यान्तरं यास्यति । यः श्लाघाः परिपा
Plate III, B.
[65] स्वति सुतेवितः स किं परिभुज्य यास्यति चिरादिचीरेवं पदं (31).
यावास्करमकर
॥ ).
[66] ताराभूषरपधिवसुधायाः । ताबलियतु नृपतेः कीसि:" श्रीवेद्यदेवस्य (32) म राजगुरोः पुत्रः श्रीमुरारईि
[67.] जन्मन: पद्मागर्भोद्भवचक्रे प्रसस्तिं श्रीमनोरथ: ॥ ( 33 ). देवोयं रिपुचक्रविक्रमकथाप्रत्यर्थिदोविवमः -
[88.] परिभ्वमवनयोमीलयमः श्रीधरः। एती सुदितो दिजातिपतये धनाधिकारार्थितवोगोनन्दनकोवि
[69.] दैकवचसा प्रादादिदं सामनं * ॥ ( 34 ). कर्णभद्रेण भद्रेण शिल्पिनानल्पबुद्धिना । ता विनयनमेव निति
[70.] साधुकीचा" । (35). एतादृये मुनिवचनानि भवन्ति । खदत्तां परदताम्वा यो हरेत वसुari । स विष्ठायां कमिर्भूत्वा
[71.] पच्यते पितृभिस्सह ॥ गामेका स्वर्णमेकम्वा भूमेरप्यर्द्धमङ्गुलं हरबरकमायाति यावदाह[72] तवं वभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिः समरादिभिः यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्ततस्तदा फ [73]"
TRANSLATION.
Om! Salutation to the holy Vasudeva! Hail !
Verse. (1.) Glorious is Hari; the pillar for measuring the sky; the receptacle in which are preserved the germs of the transmigratory world; the boar whose form, assumed by him in sport, terminates with space, (ie. is all-pervading).
(2.) In the race of the Sun, who is the right eye of Hari, was born of yore the king Vigrahapala, perfect in every accomplishment.
** Read° भ्रज्ञ” “संयुतम् 'विषय' निषयात्.
mn Road सव्यांयी" बज्जितम् यावचन्द्रार्क संभाग्यं फलम् संयुतम् Rend कोष्ठे करिष्यति कारयिष्यति परिपावयिष्यति सुविशिष्यते खलक पदम् | Metre: Sardalavikridita. # Road 'भूधरपयोधि "लसतु कीर्त्तिः
24. Metre : Pathyärya
75 Read ft. Metre: Pathy&vaktra.
76 Read दो लयमा: शासनम् - Metro: Bardalavikridita. 77 Metre: Pathyåvaktra.
7# Read परदनां वा वसुन्धराम् गामेकां स्वयंमेकं वा मनुजम् । संप्रवम् फलम् ।

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Epigraphia Indica, rol. II.
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COPPERPLATE GRANT OF VAIDYADEVA OF KAMARUPA.
PLATE IIB.
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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VAIDYADEVA, KING OF KAMARUPA.
355
(3.) His minister was Yogadeva, who was versed in the Sâstras and the prowess
of whose arm was manifest.
(4.). Of this king of mighty power the son was Râma pâla, who was the moon (produced) from the ocean-like Pâla family and who wielded the glory of empire. As befitted one of his name (yathávat), Råmapâla (yena) spread glory through the three worlds, by gaining the country of Janaka," (as Râma gained Janakabhu, the child of Janaka, i.e. Sita); and by killing king Bhima, as Râma killed Râvana; and by crossing the ocean of war, as Râma crossed the ocean.
(5.) Bodhideva was Ramapâla's faultless minister, the abode of truth. By his wondrous qualities he was known throughout the world as one without an equal.
(6.) His wife was Pratâ padevi, the resting-place of virtue, good fortune and good report, whose beauty was boundless, and who was the embodiment of her husband's joy.
(7.) To him was born of her the renowned Vaidyadeva, who was endowed with the highest happiness, and in whose lake of leaping glory the mountain of Siva (i.e. Kailass) appeared as it were but a lotus-sprout.
(8.) Hearing from astrologers and mendicants of the auspicious juncture of Vaidyadeva's birth-time, his enemies' soldiers forthwith gave up food and sleep and courage, and were stupefied. And, further, by the waters of joy that sprang from the eyes of his gathered friends was extinguished the fire-like splendour of the hostile multitude.
(9.) This Vaidyadeva was the minister after his own heart of the famous king Kumarapala, who was the son of the king Râma, and who delighted in the glory of empire. The deer which is formed in the orb of the moon will run away through fear of being swallowed by the lions represented on the palace, which is made of gold from diadems of the enemies of this (Vaidyadeva).
(10.) This Vaidyadeva was the sun in the lotus-like assembly of ministers; the ocean of spreading fame; by reason of his natural generosity he was the Lord of Champaka (ie. Karna); he was the moon among the lily-like minds of good men.
(11.) And on the occasion of Vaidyadeva's (yasya) victory at the battle in Southern Vanga," if the elephants of the eight quarters did not run away terrified by the shouts from the enclosure of boats, it was because they had no place to run to (i.e. the shouts of the rowers pervaded all space!) Moreover, if the spray, thrown up by the downward strokes of the upraised rudder-oars, had remained fixed in the sky, then the moon would have become spotless (being washed clean by the spray).
(12.) He (Vaidyadeva) chief among the virtuous, sternly keeping in mind the kingdom in all its parts, was minister, dearer even than life, to king Kumarapala the Lord of Gauda, who was like the sun in the might of his arm, with his great glory filling the three worlds, and like Vrihaspati in his wisdom.
(13.) The aforesaid renowned Vaidyadeva was appointed ruler by the Lord of Gauda in the room of Timgyadeva, who had been treated with honour in the East, and of whose disaffection the Lord of Gauda had heard.
79.e. Mithila. To take janaka" father" would spoil the play upon the word.
I cannot identify the name.
Anuttara "complete" may qualify "victory." For Nauváța see Dr. Hultzsch,-Ind. Antiq. vol. XV, p. 309.
2 z 2

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356
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (14.) This victorious Vaidyadeva having placed upon his head, garland-wise, the command of his glorious master, marched speedily in a few days, and having defeated that king (viz. Timgyadeva) by the energy of his own arm, became king and appeared like the valiant Indra himself.
(15.) When during the glorious march of this Vaidyadeva the sky became like the surface of the earth on account of the heaps of dust, the horses of the sun found it difficult to move their feet. Further, Indra, while closing both his eyes (against the dust), is unable to use his hands for any other action, and therefore) reviles his fate, to which is due the never-closing condition of his eyes.
(16.) This Vaidyadeva performed the Homa in the fire of his own splendour, which. produced from his arm as fire from the arani, was fed like fire by the fuel of his enemies' hosts, and was worshipped at the fight, as fire at the sacrifice, (and he waed as material for his sacrifice) many heads of his enemies in the place of bright vilda fruits; next, he offered the púrnáhuti oblation with the body of the) hostile king, and having acquired vast glory as the result (of his sacrifice) he shone resplendent.
(17.) The sun, beholding the sky covered with the enemies' heads, as at the stroke of the sword they fly upwards from the great fight of Vaidyadeva (yad), suddenly became alarmed at the thought of these heads being so many Rabus and protected himself by smearing out his own lustre with dust.
(18.) This Vaidyadeva might be exactly compared with the ocean, if he were (but he is not) a jaládhára, i.e. protector of fools (jala=jada), as the ocean is a jaládhára, i.e. receptacle of water; or if he were conquerable (langhita) as the ocean was crossed (by Ráma)-(for in other points the comparison holds, thus-) the ocean is the birthplace of the moon, and he is the source of delight (chandra); the ocean is the refuge of mountains (e.g. Maináka) and he is the refuge of kings (mahídhra); the ocean is the home of living things, and he is the home of a disposition in which the sattoa element of goodness predominates; the ocean is adorned by the beauty of its bed, and he is adorned by the beauty of his ministers (pátra); the ocean is filled with sparkling water, and he is filled with rasa (love, etc.); the ocean is very deep, he is profound; the ocean is the abode of gems, and he the abode of what is most precious; the ocean is the chief home of Lakshmi, and he of wealth (śrí); Vishņu dwells within the ocean and within his heart.
(19.) He was Vțihaspati as regards his knowledge, and the Sun as regards his energies, and Vishnu as regards his good actions, and Varuna as regards his stability, and Kuvera as regards his wealth, and the king of Champà (Rarna) as regards his liberality. Further, even these names (sc. Vșihaspati etc.) are here employed because of their notoriety as the common objects of comparison in poetry (gira); but we for our part declare that in respect to all his numerous qualities Vaidyadeva was like himself alone.
(20.) His younger brother was Budbadeva, who, resembling the younger brother of Rama (viz. Lakshmaņa) in possessing his well-known (tattat) boundless and spotless qualities, (and himself) the abode of perfect dharmma and perfect character, with glory leaping in the might of his arm, was famed to be like the Kalpataru in his gifts and also in bis donations to Brahmans, which are the good fruits and fresh sprouts.
It is his karman = (prarabdha) that makes bim Indra with never-closing oyes. .. wjabhuis is anbiguous. I explain thus:-onujd bhd (utpattib) yasya to ansjabb.

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M
COPPERPLATE GRANT OF VAIDYADEVA OF KAMARUPA.
ਇਬ ਹੋਵੇ ਤੇ ਪਰਵਾਵੇਗਲਬ ਪਰਿਵੇਦਰਦ
ਬਹੁਕਰਗੁਪਥਰਿਨਪਾਕੁ
20.
ਲਗ ਹਰਿਗਵਬੁਰਖੁਬਰਫਰਨਗਰ ਪਰਨਾਇਜੀਰੇ ਦੀ ਗਰਦ ਬੁਲੀਗਰ
ਤੇਗ
ਪਰਿ ਰਹਨਗਰ ਮਰਨਾ ੧੧੩ ਗੁਰਬਬਰਨਾਈ॥੪॥੧॥੧੬ 'ਗਯੁਵੀ ਬਦ੧੨ਤੁਮਹੋਇ॥ਬਸੁਮਿਆਰ ਅਰਨਸਟਾਰ ਕਰਰਸਿਕਟਭਾਰਵਲਪਰਟ ਸਵਾਰ ਬਰਬਰਗ ਵਿਹਿਪਨ ਏਅਰਲਾਈਨਾ ਬਜੁਗਨਬਡੂੰਗਰਸੇਨ ਹਾਰਰਨ ਰਜਵਾਖਸਾਗਗਨਦਾਇਤਿਹਬਹਵਾਹਵਾਗੁਰਰਰਰੋਏਰੀਏ
ਸੁਰ
PLATE III.
Size of original.
Epigraphia Indica, vol. II.

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8
12
16
ha
18 ব্য: সামার বরং সবিতা
COPPERPLATE GRANT OF VAIDYADEVA OF KAMARUPA.
বিশ্বমানের সংগ্রaste Dao | মা। নাসপা] LINE
Maa o
:
আর
गाমियল
::
PLATE IIIA.
- মানিক লা
ानাধন কলা বলা মলমা
রাস
माघাघलংजণचैলিল| বলানजात्र
5 243
ME:গরিয়ার aaaa

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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VAIDYADEVA, KING OF KAMARUPA.
357
(21.) Now (turning to the receiver of this grant), there was that chief of munis, named Kausika, the first of his gotra, in whose mouth Sarasvati rested after her fatigue in wandering through the (four) mouths of BrahmA.
(22.) In his great vanda, in the strictly-disciplined village of Bhava,"in Varendri appeared Bharata, a Brahmana, glorious, by the bare mention of whose name,-to say nothing of his many other good qualities-are destroyed all sins.
(23.) His son was Yudhishthira, chief of Brahmanas and intelligent men, the repository of knowledge purified by (study of) the Vedas and Sastras, the abode of glory showing itself through his mastery of the sacred learning.
(24.) The wife of this learned man was Pâî of boundless beauty, the repose of her husband's heart, and the dwelling-place of virtue, nobleness and prosperity.
(25.) As the result of his merit, acquired in many previous states of existence, there was born to him of her that great son Sridhara, honoured among Brahmaņas.
(26.) By reason of his pilgrimages to tirthas, and study of Veda, and generosity, as well as by his teaching and by his performance of sacrifices and strict observance of vows, Sridhara was chief among learned Brahmanas. Through Sridhara's penances of eating once only either by day or by night, and living on alms without begging, and fastings, the Lord Siva was propitiated here, in the Kaliyuga, by being drawn out of a Guggulu tree.
(27.) Foremost among those who know karman and brahman (i.e. the Karma-kánḍa and the Jñána-kanda of the Veda), Sridhara, the store-house of every kind of religious observances, was famed to be like Vrihaspati in (his mastery of) the hidden things of Sruti and Smriti.
(28.) To this Sridhara, at the Vishuvati (samkranti) in Vaisakha on Ekadasi, tho king Vaidyadeva gave this charter, to gain heaven.
[To follow line 14 of the second Plate].85
(29.) As determined by the bhúmichchhidra rule, the village Santipâṭaka" is joined to the village Mandarâ and belongs to the Baḍâ-vishaya.
(30.) The villages conveyed are provided with all sources of revenue, and are exempt from royal charges and payments in kind. They are to be enjoyed as long as the sun and moon shall endure, and the profits (phala) of cultivation (kriya) shall be arranged for as (the owner may) wish. They are provided with water and dry land, forest tracts, gardens and enclosures for cows.
(31.) Whoever may himself appropriate this or cause it to be appropriated, shall see his sons and property perish before him and shall remain in Naraka for the period of a Kalpa. But the honourable man who respects it shall be blessed with sons and wealth; and having long enjoyed Svarga he shall go to the supreme abode of Vishnu.
(32.) May the glory of king Vaidyadeva continue to shine as long as sun, moon, stars, mountains, sea and earth endure !
Sanogre I take equal to Ugrafasane, the commoner bahuvrihi.
The sign of omission is found in the second plate (side B) after harivásare, the last word of 1. 14. The translation is therefore made to follow the order intended by the words dvitiyapatakasya chaturddatapanktyd, to which I supply" agre" to complete the construction.
Translation doubtful. Dr. Kielhorn explains pataka by "outlying hamlet" (Ind. Antig. vol. XVIII, p. 135) which I follow above. Santi would thus be the name of the pataka adjoining the village Mandarà and falling within the vishaya Bada; and the correcter form of the name would appear to be Banti; [of. III, A, line 1, where, however, the final syllable of Santi is read only doubtfully owing to the bad state of the plate.] The grammar of verse 29 seems to make santipatakasamjhas an adjective to Basanam in verse 28: (observe also idam in verse 31).

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358
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(83.) Manoratha, son of the brahmaņa rajaguru Murari, and Padma, his wife, composed this prasasti.
(34.) This is that king whose active arm destroyed the famed prowess of his many foes. And this is that Sridhara, whose glory ever spreading through the world extends anew. The king] being pleased delivered this sâsana to that bråbmaņa through the words of his dharmadhikárin, the very learned Gonandana.
[Plate II, B, 1. 15.] Hail! From the victorious camp at Hamsakoñchi, his Majesty Vaidyadeva, a most devout worshipper of Siva and of Vishņu, the Maharajadhiraja, the Parameboara, the Paramabhattáraka, being in good health (Plate III, A, 1. 1.] greets, informs and commands the people of the villages of Santi.Badà and Mandarà possessed by Gangadhara Bhatta, in the vishaya of Badà, in the mandala of Kamarupa in the bhukti of Pragjyotisha, beginning with the principal residents .. . . (?) and peasants. Be it known unto you that these two villages, having their boundaries fixed and subject to no reduction, with their water and dry land, not to be entered by regular or irregular troops, and their uncultivated land free of taxes, with a revenue of 400, we have given by charter to Sridhara Sarmå (surnamed) Guggult in ?? . . . Therefore be obedient to this charter. Written in the fourth year on the first day of Vaisakha by the movement of the sun."
[Plate III, B, 1.0.) (35) This copper was engraved by the artist Karnabhadra, an intelligent, courteous and accurate workman.
To such a plate are added the words of the Munis: -
XXIX.-BENARES COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA
OF KANAUJ. BY ARTHUR VENIS, M.A., PRINCIPAL, SANSKRIT COLLEGE, BENARES.
No. I.'-Dated Saṁvat 1162. This grant is on a single plate, and closely resembles the Basahi grant of Samvat 1161, both in its outward form and text. The plate is 1' 6" long by 11" broad, and weighs 8lbs. 12oz. Like the Basâhi plate (see Dr. Fleet's description in loco), it has a famkha engraved on its left margin with a barbed arrow below it. At its top end is rivetted a turned over copper band, through which the ring of a seal was evidently intended to run; but the seal is missing.
The inscription is in Någari characters and is well preserved, but the technical execution is on the whole imperfect. As regards orthography, 6 and o are denoted by the same sign, except once in line 1, where b (babhúva) is represented by the sign used in seven inscriptions of Jayachchhandra (Ind. Antiq., vol. XVIII, pp. 129 et seq.) The sibilants are used promiscuously. The letters rand & have two forms. In line 22 I * See above, p. 349.
As to the finding of these plates see ante, p. 347. Here follow the boundaries of the villages.
* See Rajendralala Mitra, Journal As. Soc. Beng., vol. XLII The usual imprecations which follow are left an. (1873), and Fleet. Ind. Antig., vol. XIV (1885) for the Barabi translated.
platee.

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BENARES COPPER.PLATE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF KANAUJ, 359
have failed to read the two letters immediately preceding the word purandara. In line 23, initial e appears in the old form of a triangle, with the apex downwards.
The opening verses, 1-8, correspond with those of the Basâhi plate. Line 2 reads Mahlyalasutah:-conf. Mahiala-sutah or Mahiála-sutah of the Bas pl. according to Drs. Fleet and Mitra. Verse 4 of the Bas. pl. is not found in our text: verse 6 of our text is not found in the Basâhi plate: but these omissions are unimportant. Line 6 reoords the date in words and figures, s viz. Tuesday, full moon (bright half) of KArttika, 1162 Samvat, date corresponding to 24th October, 1105 A.D.
Line 7. Govindachandra, the donor, was then encamped in Vishnupura and made the grant after having bathed in the Ganges, etc. This, and the succeeding names of places, I cannot identify.
Line 8. He gives the village of Usitha (?), in the J1&vati-pattalà in the Pafchala country, with the usual appurtenances.
Ll. 12-13. The donee, Vilhakáya Dikshita, who came originally from Savithadesa (?), was the son of Puraváss and grandson of Nagananda (?). These belonged to the Vandhula gotra with the three pravaras of Vandhula, Aghamarshana and Visvamitra, and were followers of the Yajurveda.
Il. 15–16 contain the well-known crux मत्वा यहीयमान धवितुदण्डप्रति
• दशव (ब)
Ll. 23-24. The composer of the inscription was Vijayadasa, who also composed the Basâhi document. The following consented to the grant:-the pratihara Gautama, the purohita Jagúka, the mahattaka Vålhana (all three of whom are mentioned in the Basahi plate) and the Queen mother Ralhadevi.
TEXT.
Front.
Line [1] ॐ नमो भगवते वासुदेवाय ॥ समार्थ सदेवानां दामोदरसुपामहे । बेली यस्य तीव क्रोडान्तःस्थं वस्त्रियी ॥ ( 1 ) . ' वंसे गाइडवालाख्ये बभूव विजयी नृपः ॥
[2] मत्रीबलतः श्रीमाचलनाभागसत्रिभः । (2). याते श्रीभोजभूपे विदुधवरवधूनेच सीमाति'दिल' चीक कीर्त्तिमेष गतवति च ये चान्वये जायमाने ।
[3.] भर्त्तारं यं धरिची चिदिवविभूनिमं प्रोतियोगादुपेता जाता विवख पूर्व समभवदिष स मापतिचंद्रदेव (3) ॥ तस्मादभूद्रिषदिलापतिदन्तिसिंहः चोणीपति
[4.) मंदनपाल इति प्रसिचः । येनाक्रियन्त वसुधः समरप्रबन्धाः सवतिमहतयचुकवन्धवन्धाः"। (4)." तस्यादजायत नरेश्वरवृंदद्यपादारविंदयुगली
[8.] चितप्रतापः । चोणीपतीन्दतिलको रिपुरमभंगी गोविंदचंद्र" इति विश्रुतनामकोसिं: (5) g तितीय दोस्तो मत्तसौयँकदन्तिनः । धनुर्गुचीम
* Dr. Kielhorn kindly provides the following note:'For V. 1162 expired:-Tuesday, the 24th October, A.D. 1105; the full moon tithi commenced 2b. 29m. after mean sunrise and ended Ob. 9m. after mean sunrise of the following day." Metre: Sloka (Anushțubh). 5 Read .17: • Metre : Bloka (Anushtubb).
7 Read विबुध.
• Road चन्द्रदेवः
• Metre: Sragdhard.
10
10 lead बहुमः प्रबन्धा
कबन्धबन्धाः
11 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
12 Read इन्दबन्धपादारविन्द रिभट्ट बोरिदचन्द्र
12 Metre: Vasantatilaks

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L. [6.] दराजीव लयते ॥ (6)." संवत्महमके हिषष्ठ्यत्तरशताभ्यधिके कार्तिकीर्णमास्ये भौम
दिने पि संवत् १९६२ सुदि ५ भौमे अद्येह श्रीमद्विष्णुपुरावासितश्री[7.] विनयकटके सकलकल्मषक्षयकारियां गंगायां सात्वा ॥ यथाविधान मंत्रदेवऋषिमनुथ
भूतपितृस्तयित्वा । सूर्य भट्टारकं संपूज्य । भगवन्तं महख[8.] र समभ्यश्च । विश्वाधारं वासुदेवं समाराध्य । मंत्रपूतं भुतवह हुत्वा । पंचालदेशे जीपा
वतीपत्तलायां उसिथागामे समस्तविषयसार्ववर्तिसमस्त[9.] महत्तमजनपदान्मंबोधयति समाज्ञापयति ॥ यथा ग्रामोयं मया खसीमातणयतिगोचर
पर्यन्तः सजलस्थल: साममधूकः सगर्लोषरपाषाण: स[10.] नदीवनलीहलवणाकरः सदशापराधदण्डः साकाशपाताल: वसीमाचतुराघाटविशुद्धान्तः
पूर्वदत्तदेवव्राधणवर्जितः । नलिनीदलगतजल । [11.] लवतरलतर प्राणिना जीवित" विज्ञाय । करिकलभकर्णाग्रविलसितचपला लक्ष्मी विलोक्य ।
जलवुडुदाकारं यौवन परिज्ञाय । कदलीदण्डव[12.] त् संसारमसारतर" समाकलय्य ॥ साविथदेशनिर्गताय वाजसनेयसाखोमगाय बंधुलगोचाय
वधुल अघमर्षणविश्वामित्रत्रिप्रवराय ॥ [13.] दीक्षितनागानदपौत्राय दीक्षितपुरवासपुत्राय यजुर्वेदविद्यानलिनीविकासनप्रत्यक्षमास्क
राय दीक्षितवील्हाकाय । श्रद्धाविशुद्धमनसा [14.] महाराजपुत्रश्चीमगोविदचंद्रदेवेन कुशपूतहस्तोदकेन कार्तिक्या निमित्ते सम्यगाजयाने
ब्राधणार्या मातापित्रोरामनच यशःपुण्यवि[16.] वृक्ष्ये चंद्रादिधिक्षिर्तिपवनाम्बराणि यावत् शासनीकृत्य प्रदत्त: ॥ मत्वा यहीयमान
भागभागकूटकदशवधविशतिछवथाकेरे तुरु[16.] कदण्डप्रभृतिसर्बोदायान तत् सर्वमस्मै निसेदनीय ॥ ये यास्यन्ति महीभृतो मम कुले
कि वा परस्मित्पुरस्तोषामेष मयाजलिविरचित्ता नादेय[17.] सत् कियत् दूर्बामाचमपि स्वधम्मनिरता दत्त सदा पाल्यता वायुर्वास्यति तम्प्यति प्रतपन
श्रुत्व मुनीना वचः ॥ (7)." अनाथ पौराणिका: । [18.] शोकाः ॥ भूमि यः प्रतिग्रजाति यश्च भूमि प्रयच्छति । उभौ तौ पुण्यकाणी नियत .
खर्मागामिनी ॥ (8). योचितं प्रतियहाति ददात्यर्चि[19.] तमेव वा । तावुभौ गच्छतः स्वर्ग नरकं तु विपर्यये ॥ (9). वहुदिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सग
रादिभिः । यस्य सत्य यदा भुगिस्तम्य तस्य वदा [20.] फलं" ॥ (10). यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रर्दानानि धमार्थयशस्कराणि । निम्माल्यवत्तप्रति
मानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत ॥ (11). अस्मत्कुलं पर4 Metre : Sloka (Anushtabh).
माम्बराधि . . शासनौकन्य. Read 'पौर्णमास्यां and tv instead of ५.
___Read °सादायान् निवेदनीयम् • Read गायां मनदेवऋषिमनुष्यभूपितृतर्पवित्वा . . ___- Read परथिम्पुरतेषामेष मयाअतिविरचिती नादयमखान महिवर..मापन हसवई पञ्चायाम पावत्ति पदान सम्बीध कियत् । . खधर्म दत्तं . पाचवां वावति , वृत्वा मुनीना remove the unnecessary signs of punctuation.
A Metre: Sardalavikridita. Strike out the unnecessary punotuation after मय: and| " Read भूमि read प्राचिन नौवितं.
20 Metre : Kiska (Anushtubb), and in the two following - Read बुहुदा सारतर. - Read याचामुगाय वन्धुखाघमर्ष
म Read बहुभिर्व° . यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिसम्म तस्य नदा -Read नागानन्द यजुर्वेद
| फखम् । ___n Rand श्रीमहीविन्दचन्दवन . . सम्यगाइया' . Read निर्माल्यवानप्रतिमानि तानि ब्रामचाय . . 'रात्मनः .. पदाौदधिचितिपव- Metre : Indravajra
verses.

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BENARES COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF KANAUJ. 361 L. [21] सुदारसुदाहरजिरनैश्च दानमिदमच । णुमादनीयं । लझास्तडिमलिलवुवुदचंचलाया
दानं फलं परयशःपरिपालनं च ज (12)." पंखभदासन .. [22.] छत्र वरावा वरवारणाः । भमिदानस्य चिह्नानि मसं * • पुरंदर"। (13). स्वदत्ता पर
दत्ता वा यो दरत वर्मधरा । स विसायां क्वमिदंला पितृभिः स. [28.] मध्यति । (14). प्रतीहारगौनमश्क बागकच पुरोहितः । बननी राल्हदेवी च वालणच महत्तकः । (15). एतेषां संमत्तिं प्राप्य सम्यग्लिखित
Reverse. [24.] वानिदम् । नाना विजयदासाख्यः शासन राजसंमतम् (16).
No. II.-Dated Samvat 1196. This inscription is engraved on a single plate, which measures 1' 33" in length by 1' *" in breadth, and weighs 5lbs. 15oz. The plate is perforated at the top margin to take the ring of a seal; and it is likely that one of the loose seals now in the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, belongs to this plate. The orthography calls for no special remark. Verses 1-7 correspond with the opening verses of the Chandradeva and Madanapala grant (see Ind. Antiq., vol. XVIII, p. 11) : verses 8 and 9 are found again in a grant of Jayachchhandra (ibid., p. 130).
L. 13.-Govindachandra while at Benares conveys the village of Janakadevi. pura in the Råna pattalà (the latter name I read doubtfully owing to the plate being injured).
LL. 16. 17.-Contain the date, and mention a lunar eclipse on that date, viz. Monday, the 15th day in the bright half of Asvina, 1196 Samvat, corresponding to 9th October 1139 A.D.
19, 20. The donee was the purohita Jaga Sarman, the son of the donee in the preceding grant.
TEXT. 1. [1] स्वस्ति । भकुण्डेबलवैकुण्ठवाडपीठलुठवरः । संरभ सुरतारम्भे स श्रियः
__ श्रेयसैस्तु वः ॥ (1). पासीदसीतयुतिवंसजातच्यापालमाला[2.] सु दिवङ्गतासु । साचादिवसानिव" भरिधाना नामा यशोविग्रह इत्युदारः । (2)."
ततो भाहीचन्द्रचन्द्रधामनिभबिजं । येनापारम[8.] कूपारपार" व्यापारितं ययः ॥ (3)* तस्याभूत्तनयो नयैकरसिक: क्रान्सहिषमण्डलो
विवस्तीतधीरबोधतिमिरः श्रीचन्द्रदेवो नृपः ॥ येनो- Read मुढाहरन्य दानमिदमयनुमोदनीयम् । बयात-morthern expired year; the lunar eclipse occurred ish. 21 m. डिविवादचञ्चवाया . . °परिपाचनश्च ।
after mean sunrise." ॥ Metre : Vasantatilakh.
म Rend चनुष्की संरणः .. - Read अर्थ भद्रासनं कर्ज बराचा वरवारचाः । पर्व वर्ग: *Motre : Bloka (Anushpubh).
• Rend पामीदशौत 4. - Metro: Sloka (Anushtubb), and in the three following
• Read साचाहि vernon.
4 Metre : Indravajri * Bad हरव बसुन्धराम् । स विहायां पृमि वा.
• Read - Read प्रदौहारमोवमय
Metre: Bloka (Anushtubb). Dr. Kielhers again kindly notes - "The year is the
पुरन्दर।

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L. [4.] दारतरप्रतापसमिताशेषप्रजोपद्रवं श्रीमहाधिपुराधिरायमसमन्दोविक्रमेणार्जितं" (6)."
तीर्थानि काशिकुशिकोत्तरकोशलन्द्रस्थानी । [5.] यकानि परिपालयताभिगम्य । .हेमात्मतुल्यमनिसन्ददता हिजेभ्यो येनाहिता वसुमती
सतशस्तुलाभि: ॥ ()." तस्यात्मजो मदनपाल इति क्षितीन्द्रच[6.] डामणिविजयते निजगोत्रचन्द्रः । यस्याभिषेककलसोलसितैः पयोभिः प्रचालित कलिरजः
पटलं धरित्रवाः ॥ (6) यस्यासीहिजयप्रयाणस[7.] मये तुङ्गाचलोच्चैश्चलमाद्यत्कुम्भिपदक्रमासमभरभ्रस्यन्महीमण्डले । चडारबविभिन्नतालु
गलित: स्त्यानासृगुद्भासित: शेष: पेषवभा[8.] दिव" क्षणमसौ क्रोडे निलीनानन: ॥ (7).७° तस्मादजायत निजायतवावशिवधावकहनव
रायगजो नरेन्द्रः । मान्द्रामृतद्रवमुचाम्पभवो ग[9.] वा यो गोविन्दचन्द्र इति चन्द्र इवाम्बुरासै: ॥ (8)." न कथमप्यलभन्त रणक्षमास्तिसषु
दिक्षु गजानथ वचिण: । ककुभि वचमुरचमुवल्लभप्रति[10.] भटा इव यस्य घटागजा: ॥ (9)" सोयं समस्तराजचक्रसंसेवितचरण: स च परमभट्टारक
महाराजाधिराजपरमेखरपरममाहेश्वरनिजभुजो[11.] पार्जितश्रीकान्यकुमाधिपत्यश्वीचन्द्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर
____परममाहेश्वर श्रीमदनपालदेवपादानुध्यात[12.] परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वराश्वपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजचयाधिप
तिविविधविद्याविचारवाचस्पतिश्रीमही[18.] विन्दचन्द्रदेवो विजयी ॥ रानपत्तलायां । जनकदेविपुरग्रामनिवासिनो निखिलजनपदा
नुपगतानपि च राजराज्ञीयुवराजमन्त्रिपुरोहि[11] तप्रतीहारसेनापतिभाण्डागारिकाक्षपटलिकभिषग्नैमित्तिकान्त:पुरिकदूतकरितुरगपत्तनाक
रस्थानगोकुलाधिकारिपुरुषान् समा[15.] ज्ञापयति बोधयत्यादिशति च यथा विदितमस्तु भवतां ययोपरिलिखितग्राम: सजलस्थल: .
सलोहलवणाकरः समस्याकर: सगर्तो[16.] पर: समधूकामवनवाटिकाविटपतृण्यतिगोचरपर्यन्त: सोधिश्चतुराघाटविसुतः स्वसी
मापर्यन्तः संवत् ११८६ आस्विनसुदि १५ सो[17.] मदिने श्रीमहाराणस्यां राहुग्रस्तचन्द्रमसि गङ्गायां स्नात्वा विधिवमन्त्रदेवमुनिमनुजभूत
पितृगणांस्तय॑यित्वा तिमिरपटलपाटनपटुमहस[18.] मुष्णरोचिषमुपस्थायौषधिपतिसकलसेषरं ममभ्यर्थ त्रिभुवनत्रातुर्वासुदेवस्य पूजाम्बिधाय"
प्रचुरपायसेन हविषा हविर्भुज हुत्वा माता[19.] पित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्खयशोभिवृदयेऽस्माभिर्गोकर्णकुशलतापूतकरतलोदकपूर्वम् वधुलगोचाय
वधुल । अघमर्षण । विश्वामित्रत्रिप्रवराय दीचितपुMRO नपः । प्रतापशमिता गाधिपुराधिराज्यममम तम् | dra: seo Kielhorn, Ind. antig., vol. XVIII., p. 129 ; and read Metre: Sardalavitrilitar
बाई . बन्धा' . नवराज्य प्रभवी राशः 0 Read तुल्यमनिश . . शतम'
Metre : Vasantatilakh. 1 Metre: Vasantatilaků, and in the next verse.
Read °धमान् ति वध 4 Reid faro
" Metre : Drutavilambita. Read according to Kielhorn शेषः शेषवशादिव and seel
* 01 doubtłul. lad Antiy., rol. XV., p. 12. note 97.
ss Read मोडवि विमुखः पाश्विन " letre: Sinlalavikrilita.
* Rend "चरम् . . पूजा विवाद This verse is found in len.coil. srant of Jayaeliebhan-|

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PALI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MAHARAJA LAKSHMANA. 363 L. [20.] रासपौत्राय दीक्षितवील्हापुत्राय दीक्षितपुरोहितश्रीजागूसर्मणे ब्राह्मणाय आदन्द्रार्क यावत्
शासनीकत्व प्रदत्त मत्वा यथादीयमानभागभी[21.] गकरप्रवणिकरतुरुष्कदण्डप्रमतिसमस्तादायान पाजाविधेयीभूय दास्यथेति ॥ ४ ॥
भवन्ति चात्र । लोकाः । भूमि यः प्रतिरक्षाति यश्च भूमि [22.] प्रयच्छति । उभौ तौ पुस्खकमाणौ नियतौ स्वर्गगामिनी ॥ (10). संखं भद्रासनं च्छत्र
वरावा" यरवारणाः । भूमिदानस्य चिह्नानि फलमेतत्परन्दर । (11). सर्वानेता[28.] न् भाविन: पार्थिवेन्द्रान् भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः । सामान्ययं धर्मसेतुनृपाणा" काले
काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः ॥ (12). वहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राज[24.] भिः सगरादिभिः यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलम् ॥ (13). सुवर्णमेकं गाभेका
भमेरप्येकमङ्गलं हरबरकमानोति यावदाइतसम्म[25.] 4 ॥ (14) तडागानां सहस्रेण अस्खमेधशतेन च । गवां कोटिप्रदानेन भमिहर्ता न
मुध्यति । (15). स्वदत्ताम्परदत्तावा यो हरत वसुन्धरा । स विष्ठायां कमि त्वा
पितृ[26.] भि: मह मजति ॥ (16).
XXX.-PALI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MAHARAJA LAKSHMANA.
DATED SAMVAT 158.
By A. FÜHRER, Po.D. The original plate containing the inscription now published was found, in May 1891, buried underground in the house of a goldsmith at the village of Pali, close to Kosâm, the ancient Kausambi, the chief town of the Karari pargana in the Manjhanpur tahsil of the Allahabad district. It was obtained by me from the Magistrate of Allahâbâd, and is now in the Lucknow Provincial Museum.
The plate, which is inscribed on both sides, measures about 7' by 61". It is quite smooth, the edges having been neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims to protect the writing. The average size of the letters is about *'; they are cut neatly and deeply, and the inscription is in a state of perfect preservation throughout. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets, and are of the peculiar "nail-headed ” type current in the 5th and 6th centuries A.D. The language is Samskrit, and with the exception of the benediction and imprecatory verses in lines 9
- Read 'तलीदकपूर्वम् . . पुरवासपौवाय | Metre : Salint. शीये . पाचन्द्राई । प्रदत्तः । . and remove unnecessary | Metret Sloka (Anushtubh), and in the throe following signs of punctuation.
Read TATTT-The asterisk is represented in the Readey 41 Pega plate by a character like . (cf. Ind. Antiq., vol. XVIII, p. 12). • Read प . . अध्यवि
-Metre : Bloka (Anushpabh), and in the following verse. + Read खदचां परदत्ता वा . . बसुन्धराम् • Read .. वरावा ।
See ante, vol. II, page 240 • Read भूपाचा
Verses.
.

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364
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
to 14, the inscription itself is in prose throughout. In respect of orthography we bave to notice : (1) the doubling of dh in conjunction with a following y in maddhyandináya, line 5; (2) the doubling of t in conjunction with a following r in pittror, line 4, and in gottraya, line 5; (3) the doubling of », g, th, bh, 0, and sh in conjunction with a preceding rin paurnnamásyam, line 15; in svargge, line 13; in artthe, line 8; in vidheyair bhbhavitavyam, line 7, and krimir bhbhutoa, line 10; in parovatiká, line 2, and bahubhir odasudha, line 11; in varshsha", line 12; (4) the doubling of o after the anustára in sanovatsara, line 15; (5) the use of o for b in kutumvinah, line 3.
Towards the proper right side of the plate, about the centre, a circular copper ring is fastened through a hole to an oval brass seal, about 2)" by 2". In the upper part it bears a rather good figure of a lion, squatting on its haunches and brandishing its tail, facing to the right; below it, separated by two lines, is in relief the legend érímahárája-lakshmanasya, "of the illustrious Maharaja Lakshmana." The seal itself rests on two low leg-fashioned supports. The weight of the plate is 37* tolas, and of the ring and seal 271 tolas; total 65 tolas.
The inscription is one of the Maharaja Lakshmaņa, and the charter recorded in it is issued from the city Jayapura. The date of the writing of the charter is given in words as the year one hundred and fifty-eight, and the full-moon day of the month Jyaishtha. There is no indication as to the era; but in all probability it refers to the Gupta era. The corresponding European date can, however, not be calculated as the week-day, nakshatra, or other astronomical details are not given, which could be utilized in checking the calculation. The object of the charter is to record the grant, by the Maharaja Lakshmana, of an agráhara in the village Phelaparvvatiká, -undoubtedly the ancient name of the modern village Påli, -to the Brahmana Revatisvâmin of the Kautsagotra. The dútaka is the Maharaja Naravå banadatta. Neither the capital Jayapura nor the names of the two feudatory princes are known to us from earlier or contemporaneous inscriptions.
TEXT.
Obverse. L. (1.) a enfor paycry CHATEXT: TATITE
[2.] : gut feruaffarantera arwaret[3.] rufaarfagref : Ha f ar fafen digu [4.] वैष ग्रामो मया मातापिचोरात्मनश्च पुण्याभिवृहये [6.] कौत्ससगोचाय वाजसनेयिसब्रह्मचारिणे मान्दिनाय [6.] बाबणीवतिस्वामिनेग्राहारीतिसृष्टस्तधुभाभिर[7.] स्थानावणविधेयर्भवितव्यं समुचिताय प्रत्यायाः [8.] Aufpreneut zut:[]efa for Tact:
[9.] at wafer cui ucent at targardt [ (10.) a favrei afazafant fuafa: up werfer [n] From the original plate.
• Metro: Anushțubh, and the following two verin. • Bend 'rbbhuvilaryum.
. Read orbbasitra.

Page #428

SEAL.
Scale: 3-4ths
GRANT OF MAHARAJA LAKSHMANA.
হ
wha
লথউঁ ষ& লীইি
प्र
शि * N के मुpri फुर 98,
फ़ार गरे : न Sup কফT
Epigraphia Indica, vol. II, p. 364.
श: ग
NEXYjzy & ফল शुभे সसुসংবইসমঠিক STARTS SunPENnger: ART QA সলमदे में 16
Scale: 4-5ths of original.
पल
ফ

Page #429


Page #430

PALI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF MAHARAJA LAKSHMANA
Reverse.
I. [11] बहुभिर्व्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिरागरादिभि: [1] यस्य यस्य [12] यदा भूमि तस्य तदा फल [i] पटि वस
[13] बाथि समीदति भूमिंदिः [1] चाच्छेत्ता चातुमन्ता च तादेव [14] नरके वसेत्[] इतकचाच श्रीमहाराजनरवाचनदत्तः
[16] संम्बशरमतटचादुत्तरे पेटमा पौ
[16] मास्यां लिखितं बलदेवेनेति १५८ [ ॥ ]
365
TRANSLATION.
Om! Hail from Jayapura! A most devout worshipper of the god Maheśvara, the illustrious Maharaja Lakshmana, being in good health, issues a command to the residents, beginning with the Brahmanas, and to the cultivators, at the village of Phela-parvvatika:-"Be it known to you that, for the purpose of increasing the religious merit of my parents and of myself, this village is granted by me as an agráhára to the Brahmana Revatisvamin, of the Kautsagotra, a student of the Vajasaneya-Maddhyandina (sákha). You shall be obedient to his commands, and you shall render to him the customary taxes, that which is to be measured out, gold, etc." And on the same subject there are also the following verses by Vyasa :"He who confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another, becomes a worm in ordure, and sinks into hell together with his ancestors. The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; whosoever at any time possesses the earth, to him belongs, at that time, the reward (of this grant that is now made, if he continue it)! The giver of land enjoys happiness in heaven for sixty thousand years; (but) the confiscator (of a grant) and he who assents (to an act of confiscation), shall dwell for the same number of years in hell!" The dútaka (is) the illustrious Maharaja Naravahanadatta. This charter has been written by Baladeva in a century of years, increased by fifty-eight, on the full-moon day of the month Jyaishtha, 158.

Page #431

366
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
XXXI. FURTHER INSCRIPTIONS FROM SÂNCHI.'
BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.
In the course of a tour through Eastern Rajputana and the Central India Agency in March 1893, Dr. A. Führer again visited the famous Stupas of Sânchi, recté in Sanskrit Kâkanada or in Prakrit Kå kanava (see I, No. 378) and took impressions of those inscriptions which had not been found on his former visit. He also used the opportunity to clear away the rubbish round the two Stupas and to make a few excavations. As in all former cases, his operations have yielded highly satisfactory results. The fragment of the Asoka inscription has been recovered; the number of the small donative inscriptions has risen, if all the fragments and almost effaced pieces are counted, to nearly 500, against Sir A. Cunningham's 240. Finally, a valuable Indo-Skythian inscription has turned up on the base of a statue of Buddha, and in a similar position have been found two inscriptions in later characters, the latest of which shows the Någari of the 9th or 10th century A.D. These new finds prove that the Stupas were visited by Buddhist pilgrims both during the interval between the times of the early Andhras and of the Guptas, and long after the latter had passed away. Moreover, the late Nagari inscription may also be considered to furnish additional evidence for the fact that Buddhism survived in India until very late times, long after the period when the stupid legends allege it to have been drowned in a deluge of blood. The recovery of the fragment of the Aśoka edict does not quite fulfil the expectations which I thought might be reasonably entertained. I am not able to decipher the whole or even to suggest a complete plausible restoration of the portion with which I declined to meddle in my former article. But I am able to settle two points. First, the two signs indistinctly visible in the beginning cannot have formed part of the word devanam, nor can the word piya have followed. The first sign of the line, which, counting from below, I number as line 7, has been lost, the second is illegible, and the third is either yam or yam. The ya is plain and certain, and so is the Anusvåra, but the vowel is doubtful. The next consonant is certainly bha, and the syllable probably was bhe. This is suffi cient to prove that line 7 does not contain the beginning of the edict, but that a probably not inconsiderable piece has been lost at the top.
Secondly, at the end of line 7 stand not only, as Sir A. Cunningham has stated (Bhilsa Topes, p. 260), the letters mag, but mage, and after it quite distinctly kate. This new reading removes the possibility that the Samgha of Magadha can be mentioned or addressed. The words mean, without a doubt, "a road has been made." The next line 6 tells us for whom this road was intended. The first sign has again been lost. Next follows a fairly distinct khu, and after two indistinct signs the syllable bhi. The two following consonants have been lost in a large abrasion, to the right of which the vowel í appears and immediately after it nam. Then comes an indistinct sign and next ti. Thus, we obtain-. khu . . bhi.. inam. ti. It is almost certain that the reading was bhikhunam vá bhikhunínam vá ti, and that the road was prepared for the monks and the nuns of the Buddhist order. A comparison of the phrase at the end
1 Continued from ante, p. 87.
In his letter Dr. Führer states that it is now lying in the jungle. It is on a frustum of a stambha or pillar which probably stood near the Southern gate, and might be placed in
some museum in order to keep it safe. See place of facsimiles. About thirty very small fragments and illegible inscriptions have not been transcribed.

Page #432

SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
367 of the edict (11. 2-3) "for my wish is,-what?--that the road of the Samgha may last a long time” removes even the possibility of a doubt regarding the correctness of the reading adopted, with which the shape of the remnants of the third, fourth and ninth signs of the line agrees. Though at the end of line 6 the letters ta pa are quite plain and again in line 5 towards the end the letters ka or ke, ye, as well as the word sangham, I do not dare to propose a restoration. I must content myself with putting down the few signs I believe to recognise. The better preserved remainder of the inscription, as I have stated formerly, indeed corresponds in part with the middle of the Kosambi edict on the Allahabad Pillar, and there is very little to alter in the readings which I have given in my former article.
TRANSCRIPT. Allahdbad.
Sánchi. . samgham . y[an] bhse?] .. mage kate (71 bbokhati bhikhu-va bhikhu-nî vå
khu[nam vâ] bhi .. Ânam [vậ] ti [1] .ta Pa [6] [pi cha]o—(2) data---ni []-uskuinaṁ dhåpal .[. ikhi(?)tan) .m. .ri (?) . [ke?] ye yitu anape.
samgharn (5) bhokhati bhiku vá bhikhuni va odatani du[s ].i sanat . . yitu ana . [3] sasi v[is. petaviy. [.) Ichha bi me kim- [2] ti samghasa mage chilatbitike siya ti [1]
TRANSLATION. ... "A road was made both for the monks and the nuns . . . ..the community will dine, both monk and nun, (and), causing white cloth to be put down (for them), you will order it to be spread; for my wish is-what?-that the road of the community (of the Buddhist monks) may endure for a long time."
It is now evident that the road (mage) is something material. Possibly the expression refers to the procession path or “terrace for circumambulation" which surrounds the Stupa (see Bhilsa Topes, p. 184). But the road may also be one which made the Stapas more conveniently accessible.
The characters of the small donative inscriptions offer various points of interest. Among those the alphabet of which in general agrees with that of Asoka's Edicts we find
(1) Some like I, Nos. 172, 174, 185, 203, the letters of which are very small, with short vertical strokes, giving one the impression of an attempt at reproducing the Maurya characters, used for literary purposes;
(2) Two-II, No. 61 and another,-illegible with the exception of the word dánarh, in which throughout thin double lines are employed instead of single ones;
(3) Many, which present cursive forms for one or two consonants, or even only for some medial vowel marks. Thus, da has frequently (see, eg., I, Nos. 129, 177, 186 and 188) a very shallow curve open to the left and otherwise abnormally bent strokes. Here and there ja, too, is irregular. In Ujeniya (No. 159) it has the angular shape, which is the usual one in the Andhra inscriptions, but occurs once in the Girnar version of Asoka's Rock-Edicts. In Rájuka (1, No. 177), and sometimes in the word pajávati, ja looks • The word ti indicates that the sentence is at an end. has not been restored completely, this is, of course, merely
I am inclined to take sarkghath As A neuter nominative tentative. with the lingavyalya-ya, se common in the Aboka inscrip- Usually called Pradakshind by the Binhmans and tious, and as the subject of the sentence. As long as the text Blinti (Bhramanti) by the Jainas.

Page #433

368
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
almost like ţa. In Yakhadásiya (I, No. 194) the letter sa has been made with a single stroke, the left-hand limb being formed by drawing from the right hand upstroke a continuous line across the letter. Among the vowels á and e often slant upwards, as in the Kålsi version of the Rock-Edicts and in the later inscriptions. The vowel i very commonly consists, as in the Girpår version, of a small semi-circle and occasionally (see, e.g., I, Nos. 141, 286) of a long stroke, rising straight upwards. I may add that the vowel d is attached against the usual practice to the inner side of the left prong of ma in the word Mahisatiya, I, Nos. 313-14, and that the vowel i occupies a similar position in Sirimiláyá (I, No. 355).
The unusual cha, with a little tail, known from Mr. Rea's Bhattiprolu Stupa inscriptions, appears in I, Nos. 269 and 284. A la, intermediate between the form of the Bhattiprolu Stupa and that of the Andhra cave inscriptions, is used in the name Váļi. cahana, a vicarious form for Vidivahana in I, No. 199. This is one of the few certain instances of the occurrence of la north of the Narmada before the times of the Guptas.
There are also, just as in Sir A. Cunningham's collection, a certain number of inscriptions, showing later characters than those of the Asoka Edicts. To these belong
(1) the long imprecatory document, I, No. 377, which shows the dagger-like ka, the angular gha and a peculiar short da, with a shallow curve, but has no serifs or nail-heads;
(2) a few inscriptions with short vertical strokes and nail-heads, but otherwise with archaic forms, like I, Nos. 288, 334, 377;
(3) likewise a small number of inscriptions with still more advanced forms, like I, No. 237; II, Nos. 25, 59, 66, among which the first shows curves to the left attached to ka and ra, while the third offers an almost circular ba and the looped ta, common in the southern inscriptions of the second century A.D. and of later times. It seems to me that these facts confirm the remarks made in my former article regarding the age of the Stúpas, and show that the bulk of the work belongs to the 3rd century B.C. and to the beginning of the 2nd, as well as that some additions and repairs were made in later times.
With respect to the language I have not to add anything to the notes given in my former article. The type is that of the Pali of the Asoka inscriptions and of the Buddhist scriptures. Anomalous forms of the kinds noticed before are also numerous. If my reading of the second word of I, No. 263, is right, there is one instance of the use of a double consonant.
As regards the contents I may state that the new inscriptions mention also a number of the collective donations,
Thus, I, No. 214 registers a gift of the village of Asvavati; No. 124 one by the nuns of Vadivahana ; Nos. 147 and 231 those of the female lay worshippers of Nava. gâma and of Ejavati; No. 276 one by the family of Dhamu [tara) and No. 366 one by the family of Ajitiguta. The number of single monks making donations now amounts to more than eighty. Among them there is (II, No. 59) another sutátiku or teacher of the Satras, a thera (I, No. 266), and, it would seem, a tápasa or ascetic (I, No. 260). This designation is usually not adopted by Buddhists, who despise the performance of austerities. Possibly this person may have belonged to some other sect. One of the most prominent personages among the monks apparently was Gotiputa Bharaka, who occurs twice (1, Nos. 16. 256) and had four pupils ... ka, Budharak hita, Aya-Kana and Dhamadata. The names of nuns making donations

Page #434

ST. I, 301. p. 388.
ON MEDIEVAL IMAGES.
JUPIJCASE
ST. I, 358.
Scale: 1-5th.
p. 369.
A. Führer, imp
Scale: 1-5th.
p. 370.
SANCHI INSCRIPTIONS.
敏
13
HAITH QIZ BITNANG
ST. I, 377. p. 396.
RELUS XF XJ Ib
ST. 1, 878. p. 396.
OF LAW flt Lane MIBARE SÄÄTE
Lħu diflank U x ƒ db ↓·
Scale: 2-5ths.
Scale: 1-6th.
Scale: 1-3rd.
188 Crale
Soale: 1-4th.
JUJS

Page #435

STUPA I, 21. p. 99.
ff Izdnodly I JO
JBurgess, impress
ST. I, 50. p. 102.
A Fuhrer, impress
ST. II, 1. p. 110.
CELYTJA
A Puhrer, impress.
SANCHI INSCRIPTIONS.
SCAELE
Scale: 1-5th.
ASOKA FRAGMENT
Scale: 1-4th.
IKYAL
ST. I, 256. p. 384.
AKU^Ureter¢ISE
p. 367.
Jox 70
ST. I, 230.-p. 381.
Scale: 1-5th,
Scale: 1-4th.
ST. I, 257.
ST. I, 288.
شمال چھ سمجھ
Epigraphia Indios, vol.
Scale: 1-5th.
ST. I, 285. p. 387.
نه بار ایک
Scale: 1-4th.
Scale: 1-5th,
Scale: 1-5th.
UOTUM BILALA?= QO JAV H‡ 25 L
Scale: 1-5th.

Page #436

SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
369
now rise from thirty-seven to nearly seventy. One or two among them mention their children, and must bave been married before they entered the Samgha, see, e.g., I, No. 234 and II, No. 29.
Among the lay donors the Sheths and their relatives now take a still more promi. nent position than in the smaller collection formerly accessible, and it may be pointed out that in several instances the Sheth of a village is mentioned without the addition of his proper name. Thus, I, No. 140, records the gift of "Någå, wife of the Sheth of Kamdadigama," and No. 167 that "of the mother of the Sheth." Among the other professions of the donors there are some new ones. Thus, we have a sotika, i.e., sautrika, "weaver," in I, No. 195; vadaki, i.e., probably vardhakin, “carpenter" in No. 311, and a rajuka in No. 229. The term rajuka or rájuka is known from the Asoka edicts and from the Kalpasútra of the Jainas, where, as Professor Jacobi has shown, it occurs in the form rajjuya, and is explained to mean 'a clerk or accountant,' what is now called in India a karkun. The word is an abbreviation of rajjugáhaka, literally, a ropeholder and is an ancient name for a Revenue Settlement officer. Rajalipikara "a royal scribe" (I, Nos. 48, 49), apparently differs in meaning from lekhaka (I, No. 143), which latter means "a writer who copies manuscripts or copyist." Among the proper names there are various new ones, pointing to the worship of the Nakshatras, and a few like Ajarâni, i.e... Ajira or Durgå, indicating the existence of Paurâņik worship.
There are fifteen new names of towns or villages mentioned as the homes of doncrs, but none of them ocours more than a few times. It would seem that the inhabitants of Arâpåna, Bhogavadhana, Kuraghara, Kurara, Madhuvana, Nandinagara Navagama, Pokhara, Tumbavana, Ujjain and Vedisa defrayed nearly the whole expense of the ornaments of the two Stupas, the lion's share falling to Ujjain, which is mentioned thirty-five times.
If we now turn to the three later inscriptions incised on the bases of statues which Dr. Führer has discovered, the first records the dedication of a statue of Buddha by Madhurika, daughter of Khara or Vera in the Vihåra of Dharmadeva during the reign of the [mahárája] rájátirája [deva putra Shâ hi Vâsushka. The name Vâsushka is new. But it looks as if it were formed of the first part of Vasudeva and the last syllable of the names Kanishka and Huvish ka, and one feels tempted to consider it as another name of the third Kushana king. If the first sign of the date is read, as Sir A. Cunningham, I think, correctly proposes, as 70, the identification of Vâsushka with Vasudeva becomes quite unobjectionable ; for the year 78 certainly falls within Vasudeva's reign and the characters of the document fully agree with those of the inscriptions which bear his name. The inscription is unfortunately mutilated in the beginning of each line and the third line has almost entirely disappeared. Wbat remains may be read as follows:L. 1. . . . .. . sya" râjâtirajasya . . putrasya Shah[i] Våsushkasya 10
sam (70) " 8 he 1 [di 5] [e]tasy [am] [p]u[rv]vCâyår) bhagava1 See my notes on the Pillar Edict IV, and the Rook "I read thin sign first as 20; Sir A. Cunningham, Edict III, infra, and my article in the Deutschen Morgenlän- whom I consulted, suggested that it is a looped riga for dische Zeitechrift, vol. XLVII, p. 466.
70. I agree to thin, as the Mathura Inrer. No. XX (Epigr. Rostore, Sir A. Cunninghata suggests, Maharaja. Ind., vol. II, p. 214), which belongs to the same period, or perhaps Siddhan mahdr djasya.
has a very similar sigo. (See fusimile on the plate.) Restore deoa putrasya.

Page #437

370
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 2. . . . .sya " jambuchhâyásailâgra . sya Dharmadevavihåre
pratisbțåpita Kharasya" dhitare " Madhurika. L. 3. . . . . . . [na]m deyadharma . . i. . . . . . . .
The second novelty, which shows letters of the 8th or 9th century need not be transcribed, as it contains nothing but the Buddhist creed. The third inscription, which, as already stated, is in Nagari characters of the 9th or 10th century, originally consisted of a Sragdharà verse, of which only two Pâdas are at present completely legible :L. 1. Om Pra-. ayushy - -
vvvvv - - - - v - - [Ta]syåkhyâyâh kilânte Sugatagunavritaḥ samsthito bhadra. . . .
. . . . . . L. 2. savdah [1]
o râo v - -vvvvvv--u--sam
sam- -dedharmoyam" k[ri]tasya pravarasuk hakarajñanasanL. 3.
prâptaye saḥ (1)
DONATIVE INSCRIPTIONS FROM SANCHI.
TOPE I.
No. 124 = C. 2. (alfs*]axat fagfaat eta [*] The gift of the nuns from (Vadi)vahana.
No. 125 = C. 6. aforge ETAT ()*]" The gift of Vajiguta (Vajrigupta).
No. 126 = C. 7. HTTTT [A]yafaat[ty] fugfare erat [*] The gift of the nun Devabbâgå, inhabitant of Madhuvana.
No. 127 = C. 8. 91919 fall ffAGA[* #*]" (The gift) of the Vakala queen, the mother of Ahimita (Ahimitra).
"Probably to sakyamunisya to be restured.
Führer's impression shows a faint a before hand. The res. * Read pratishthapitá.
toration is not doubtful, as Vadirahana is mentioned in 1 Or Verasyu.
Nos. 101, 116, and so forth. # Read Thitari.
11 The letters are beautifully carved and about half a 15 This seems to be a contraction of deyadharmo, made foot high. Vajrin may be, Indra, a Buddla, or one of the for the sake of the metre.
Virve Deras. Sir A. Cunningham has only Iland bkichkoniya. Dr. Possibly fauta.

Page #438

SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
No. 128 C. 10.
नमदिनस भिडनी दान []
The gift of Nagadina (Nagadatta or Nagadatta), the monk.
No. 129 C. 17.
सोपदेवाय [प] रिजय अमिदेवा[य च दानं [1]
The gift of Sonaderà (Suvarnadeed)," Parijà (?) and Agideva (Agnideed).
No. 130 C. 18.
सुभगाय सभगिनिकाय दानं [*]
The gift of Subhaga and her sister.
No. 131 C. 21 (?).
=
yeffort नाव [गा ] मकस दानं [ ॥ * ]
The gift of Pussgiri (Pushyagiri), inhabitant of Navagama (Navagráma).
No. 132 C. 26.
[T]तिकाये भिकुनि वेदिसिकया" दानं [ ॥ *]
The gift of Odatika (Avadátiká), a nun of Vedisa.
No. 133 C. 27.
यसोपालस दानं भर्दा [] कड़िय स ] (१) [n]
(The gift) of Yasopala (Yasabpála), pupil of the venerable Kada (?).
No. 134 C. 28.
मात्रम []]रगिन्हा सोमिरिनो दन [1]
The gift of 8thagiri (Simhagiri) from Mahamoragi."
No. 135 C. 29.
घुसस चहटियस भिकुनी दानं [["]
The gift of Puss (Pushya) the Chahatiya monk.
No. 136 C. 32.
[ग]पतिमी बुलिस दा[* *]
The gift of the gahapati Budhila (Buddhila).
No. 137 C. 37.
=
[र]लिस साफिनेयकस" मातु दानं [0]
The gift of the mother of the venerable Rahila (?), the Sâphineyaka.
371
19 Suvarna, i.e. the Gandharva of that name.
20 Compare the note to II, No. 33.
21 See ante, No. 77.
"Possibly "inhabitant of Chahata."
23 This might be rear, but below (in No. 161), the f is distinct.
3 B 2

Page #439

372
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 138 = C. 42.
L. 1. नवगामका दिसारखि
L. 2. तस दानं [u*]
The gift of Disarakhita" (Dihirakabita) froon Navagamska (Nasagrawa).
No. 139 = C. 44.
पीठदेवाय दानं [i)
The gift of Pothadeva (Proshthadevá).
No. 140 = C. 45 (?) 2.
I. 1. कंडडियामियस नि
I. 2. पजावतिया नागाय दानं [ ॥ *]
The gift of Naga, the wife of the Sheth of Kardadigama (grāma).
No. 141 = C. 46.
I. 1. कंडडिगामियस सेविनी
L. 2. पजावतिय पुसाय दानं [ ॥]
The gift of Pusa (Pushya), wife of the Sheth of Kamdadigama.
उजेनिय From Ujjain
No. 142 = C. 47.
कंदडिगामा बढस दानं [*)
The gift of Vadha (Vriddha) from Kamdadigráma.
No. 143 = C. 48.
[1]
मुलगिरिमी दान The gift of Mulagiri ( Milegiri), the copyist.
No. 144 = C. 49.
No. 145 = C. 50.
यसदिन भिक्षुनी दानं []
The gift of Yakhadina (Yakshadatta), the monk. No. 146 = C. 51.
उजेनिया उपासिकाय दानं [1]
The gift of a female lay worshipper from Ujjain.
No. 147 = C. 53.
नावगामिकाना उपाधिकाना दानं []
The gift of the female lay worshippers of Navagama (gráma).
24. The deities meant here are the disah, the nymphs of the quarters of the horizon.
25 Sir A. Cunningham's identical inscription is in one line. Hence this may be a different one.

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SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS,
373
No. 148 = C.55. उजेनिया रो[]णिय दानं [*] The gift of Rohaại (Rohini) from Ujjain.
___No. 149 = c. 56. उजेनिया धमगिरिनी दानं [*] The gift of Dhamagiri (Dharma") from Ujjain.
No. 150 = 0.57. उजेनिया सोनस दानं [॥*] The gift of Sona (Suvarna) from Ujjain.
No. 151 = C. 58. उजेनिया तापसियानं []सानजाय" दानं [1] The gift of Naja, the daughter-in-law of the Tapasiyas, from Ujjain.
No. 152 = 0.59. उजया तापसियना इसिमितस दानं [*] The gift of Isimita (Rishimitra) of the Tapasiyas from Ujjain.
No. 153 = 0.60. उजेनिया मुलदतये दानं [*] The gift of Muladata (Maladalta) from Ujjain.
___No. 154 = C. 61. उजेनिय बलकय दानं [*] The gift of Balaká from Ujjain.
No. 155 = 0.62. [उज]निया पोपददतस पजावतिय वयुदतय दानं [a] The gift of Vayudata (Vayudatta), wife of Opedadata (Upendradatta), from Ujjain.
__No. 156 = C. 63. उजेनिय उपददतस भगिनिय हिमदताये दानं [॥*] The gift of Himadata (Himadatta), sister of Upedadata (Upendradatta), from Ujjain.
No. 157 = C. 64. [उज]निया उपददतस भगिनिय बुधाये दानं [*] The gift of Budhå (Buddha), sister of Upedadata (Upendradatta), from Ujjain. * The reverse shows clearly that the apparent w-stroke under is due to an accidental scratch. # The little horizontal stroke, denoting the is placed rather high up and detached from the vertical line.
Rend उनिया. Possibly fre to be read.

Page #441

374
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 158 = 0.65. उजेनिया काडिये भिछुनिये दानं [*] The gift of the nun Kadi (Kandi), from Ujjain.
No. 159 = 0.66. उजेनिया छतमातु दानं [1] The gift of the mother of Chheta (Kshetra), from Ujjain.
No. 160 = C.67. उजेनिया तापसियना सिंहदतये दानं [*] The gift of Simhadata" ("dattá) of the Ta pasiyas from Ujjain.
No. 161 = 68. उजेनिया सफिनेयकाना इसिकस दान [*] The gift of Isika (Rishika) of the Saphineyakas from Ujjain.
No. 162 = C. 69. कुरघर इसिमितय दानं [*] The gift of Isimita (Rishimitrá) from Kuraghara.
__No. 163 = C. 70. उजेनिया वा[स]लाया दानं [*] The gift of Vasula (?), from Ujjain.
___No. 164 = C. 71. कुरघरा नरय दानं [*] The gift of Nara* from Kuraghara.
No. 165 = C. 72. कुरघरा नगमितया दानं [*] The gift of Nagamitå (Nagao or Nágamitrá), from Kuraghara.
No. 166 = C. 83. अखदेवाय समिकस मातु दानं [॥*] The gift of Asvadeva (Asvadevā), mother of Samika (Srāmika).
No. 167 = C. 85. सेथिनो मत कनिय[सि]ये-- (The gift) of Kaniyasi (Kaniyasi), the mother of the Sheth,
.) In this and similar compounds Simha may possibly staud for atfer, shortened bramarat > Possibly fayory to be read. * i.e. probably Naradatta.
In this and similar compounds पख probably stands bhimarat for पश्यु जJ4 The vowel of fe is indistinct.

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SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
375
No. 168 = 0. 88. वसुलाय दानं [*] The gift of Vasula.
No. 169 = 0.89. ईददतस पाविडकस दानं [*] The gift of Idadata (Indradatta), inhabitant of Pavida.
No. 170 = 0.94. कुबरस सेधिभातु दानं [*] The gift of Kujara (Kuñjara), the brother of the Sheth.
No. 171 = c. 96. L. 1. -[सि]दताय सकदिन पजाव
L.2. -य दानं [*]ss The gift of Isidata (Rishidatti), wife of Sakadina (Sakradatta).
No. 172 = 0.97. __ भदगुतस सानुकगामीनस दानं [1] The gift of Bhadaguta (Bhadragupta), inhabitant of Sanukagama (gráma).
____No. 173 = 0. 98. धरकिना सातिलस दानं [*] Thegift of Satila (Santila or Svatila) from Dharakina (Erakina or Eran).
No. 174 = c. 106. म[घाय दानं [*] The gift of Sagha (Saring hā).
No. 175 = c. 118. वाघुमता काचा-- (The gifi of Kacha . . . . . from Vaghumatu.
No. 176 = c. 119-21. L. 1. समिकस वानिकस L. 2. पुतस चस सिरिपालस
L. 3. दान ३ [*] Three (rails) *, the gift of Samik a (Svámika), the trader, and of his son Siripala (Sripala).
* Restore सिदताय and पजावतिय. * Probably far to be read. म Diminutive from Santideva, Santivarman, or Srátidatta. » As the inscription is mutilated, its identity with C. 118 is not absolutely certain.
» As Sir A. Cunningham (The Bhilsa Topes, p. 252) states, the three lines are carved on three different rails, which probably were given by the two persons named.

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376
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 177 = 0. 122. भादतराजुकस [दाना [*] The gift of Bhâdata-Rajuka (the venerable Rájuka
No. 178 = C. 123. विसाखस भिछुनो दानं [1] The gift of the monk Visakha (Visakha).
No. 179 = C. 130. नंदस कुररती-- (The gift) of Nanda from Kurara.
___No. 180 = C. 132. मधुव[ना] [सि]दसये भिकुनिये दान [] The gift of the nun Isidatà (Rishidatta) from Madhuvana
___No. 181 = C. 133. [६]सिदताये भिखुनिये कुररिये दान [] The gift of the nun Isidata (Rishidattá), inhabitant of Kurara.
No. 182 = C. 134. धमपालस कोथुकपदियस दानं [*] The gift of Dhamapala (Dharmapála), inhabitant of Kuthuka pada.
No. 183 = C. 147. नंदिनागारिकय इसिदिनाये भिकुनिये [-] (The gift) of the nun Isidina (Rishidatta), inhabitant of Nandinagara.
No. 184 = C. 151. अयधमकस भिकुनी दान [*] The gift of the monk, the venerable Dhanaka.
No. 185 = C. 157.
धनगिरिगो दानं [] The gift of Dhanagiri,
No. 186 = C. 159. L. 1. बलिकाये भिछुनिया मडलाछिक
L. 2. टिकाय दानं [*] The gift of the nun Balika, inhabitant of Madalachhikata.
• Or Kothu kapada, i.e. either Kunthu ka or Kroshtukapada or padra. 4 Read मंदिनागरिक

Page #444

I. 1. भटिकियस
SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
No. 187 C. 163.
संघिलस दानं [ ॥*]
The gift of Samghila, a pupil of Bhaḍika."
No. 188 C. 164.
अरहतपालितस भि- [*] (The gift) of the monk Arahatapâlita (Arhatpálita).
No. 189 C. 165."
L. 1. अरहकस परि
I. 2. पनकस दानं [ ॥*]
The gift of Arshaka (Arinka), the Paripanaka."
No. 190 C. 166.
=
धमगिरिकमातु दानं [*]
The gift of the mother of Dhamagiri (Dharmagiri).
No. 191 C. 168.
feruera fa-
....of Sidhatha (Siddhártha) . . . .
No. 192 C. 169.
इसिदासिये नादिनागरिकाये भिकुनिये दानं [ ॥ *]
The gift of the nun Isidâsi (Rishiddst), inhabitant of Namdinagara
No. 193 C. 170.
=
sifenner zuurfuyforit ærdi [0′′]
The gift of the nun Dupasahâ (Dushprasahá ?) from Namdinagara.
No. 194 C. 171.
यखदासिया दानं [भिकुनिया] [["]
The gift of Yakhadâsi (Yakshadást), the nun.
No. 195 C. 172.
=
दतकलिवतस दानं [ ॥ * ] 40
The gift of Datakalivata (?)
42 Sir A. Cunningham's identical inscription has only one line and may be different. Compare No. 306.
"Sir A. Cunningham's identical inscription is given in one line and may be different. This possibly means an inhabitant of Paripana, i.e., Pariparna or Paripána! "The inscription may be mutilated in the beginning.
8 c
377

Page #445

378
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 196 = C. 174.2 L. 1. दमकस सोतिL. 2. कस कुसुकपितु
L. 3. दानं [*] The gift of the weaver Damaka, father of Kusuka.
No. 197 = C. 179.48 L. 1. इसिपालीतस च
L. 2. समणस च दनं [*] The gift of Tsipalita (Rishipálita) and of Samaņa (Sramana).
No. 198 = C. 186. वीरस भिखुनो दानं [*] The gift of the mouk Vira.
No. 199 = C. 187=88. L. 1. यखिय भिखुनिया वाळीव =
L. 2. हनिकाया दानं ४ The gift of the nun Yakhi (Yaksht), in habitant of Vaļivahana.
___No. 200 = C. 189. वेदिसकेहि दंतकारहि रुपमं कतं [*] The workers in ivory of Vedisa have done the carving.
__ No. 201 = C. 192... . कुरराय नागपायस पछावडे सेथिस पतस च संघस [दा]] [*]° The gift of Nagapiya ('priya) in Kurara, Sheth in Achhavada, and of (his) son Samgha.
No. 202.00 अछावाटा चिरातिमातु दानं [*] The gift of Chirati (Kiráti) from Achhâvâta (? Ma').
No. 203. अज[स]निय दानं [*] The gift of Ajarani (Ajira).
No. 201 []ठकनगरस गगंद]तस भिखुनो दानं [*] The gift of Gagamdata (Garigadatta), the monk, inhabitant of Athakanagara.
4 Theis are four impressions bearing these letters. Though perfectly identical, they may set belong to two different inscriptions.
* Sir A. Cunningham's identical inscription is given in one line and may be different. - Read कररिय नागपियम. As there are four impressions with these letters, it is possible that they refer to two separate inscriptious.

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379
SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
No. 205. पप-यह दनं [*] The gift of Apa-yaha (2)
No. 206. अपा[कानिया दानं [*] The gift of Apakant.
No. 207. भयकनस भिछुनो दानं पयमंडुकियस [*] 'The gift of the venerable Kana, pupil of the venerable Bhamduka.se
No. 208. भयजे[स]स भिछुनी दानं [*] The gift of the monk, the venerable Jeta (Jayanta).
No. 209. L. 1. पयफगुनस साधिविहारिनो
L. 2. खेमकम भिछुनो दानं [*] The gift of the monk Khemaka (Kshemaka), the fellow-wanderer of the venerable Phaguna (Phalguna).
No. 210. परपना पसाडस दानिं]ब-- The gift of Asada (Ashadha) . . . from Arapana.
No. 211. परपना पदा--- From Arapana . . . . .
No. 212. []रपानिया सिहय दानं [*] The gift of Siha (Simhá), inhabitant of Arapana.
No. 213. पसगुतस दानं [1] The gift of Asaguta (Afvagupta).
No. 214. पसभये उजेनिकाय भिनिये दान [*] The gift of Asabha, a nun of Ujjain.
No. 215. [प] खवतिय गामस-- (The gift) of the village of Asvavati (Asvavati).
* Inoised on the procession path. » Sec ante, p. 98, No. 16, and below No. 256.
302

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380
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 218. L. 1. इसिदसिय नादिनागरिकाये भिछु[निये]
L.2. दानं [*] The gift of Isidasi (Rishidast), a nun of Nandinagara.
___No. 217. L. 1. इसिनदनस दानं [*]
L. 2. पाञवढनियस [*] The gift of Isinadana (Rishinanduna), inhabitant of Puñavadhana (Punyavur. dhana).
No. 218. इसिरख्तिस दानं [*] The gift of Isirakhita (Rishirakshita).
____No. 219. उजेनिये अस्वरखिताये दानं [*] The gift of Asvarakhità (4 svarakehita) in Ujjain.
No. 220. उजनाया उपसिकाये सिरिकाये दानं [*]" The gift of the lay worshipper Sirikå (Sriká) from Ujjain.
No. 2215 उजेनिया प्रोपेददतस पजावतिय वायदताय दानं [1] The gift of Vayudata, wife of Opedadata (Upendradatta) from Ujjain.
No. 222. L. 1. [*उ] जेनिय कलुरप
L. 2. तस बुमुस दानं [*] The gift of Bumu, son of Kalura, from Ujjain.
No. 223. L. 1. डनिया तापसियाL.2. नं - -
-धम ___L. 3. [दताय दानं [*] The gift of Dhamadata (Dharmadattā) . .. . of the 'Tapasiyas from Ujjain.
No. 221
[उ*]जेनिया धमयसाया मतु भिक्षुनिया दा[न* ॥"] The gift of the mother of the nun Dhamayasa (Dharmayasas) from Ujjain.
** This is identical in words with No. 192 (C. 169), which however is in one line. " Read उर्जनिया.
This is identical in words, but not in spelling, with No. 165 (C.82).

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SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
381
No. 225. ___L 1. उजेनिया बलिकाया .। L. 2. मातु दानं [*] The gift of the mother of Balikå from Ujjain.
No. 226. उजनिये मितये भिछु---- (The gift) of the nun Mità (Mitrd) in Ujjain.
No. 227. उजेनिया वसुलय दानं [*] The gift of Vasula from Ujjain.
No. 228. - उजेनिया संघदतस दानं [*] The gift of Samghadata (°datta) from Ujjain.
___No. 229. उजेनिया मुलासस दानं [*] The gift of Sulåsa from Ujjain.
No. 230. उतरस रजुकस दानं [*] The gift of Utara (Uttara), the Rajuka.
No. 231. एजावतिय उ[पा] सिकाना-- (The gift) of the female lay worshippers from Ejavati.
___No. 232. एजावतिया वाहिलस दानं [*] The gift of Vahila from Ejavati.
No. 233. कटकजु[य] कस [*]ददेवस दानं [*] The gift of Idadeva (Indradeva), inhabitant of Katakañu.
No. 234. कटकजुया अरहसदानं [*] The gift of Araha (Arhat) from Kațakañu.
No. 235. कटकजुया ध--- From Katakalu . . . . . . .
" See facaimile on the plate.

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382
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
aicfemer afar.
From Kamdaḍigâma (gráma), of the Sheth
No. 237.
No. 236.
I. 1. कंदडिगामियस सेठिनो
I. 2. पजावतिया देवभागाव दानं []
The gift of Devabhaga, wife of the Sheth of Kamdadigama ("gráma).
No. 238.
L. 1. काणस भिडनो
L. 2.
[1]
The gift of the monk Kâņa.
No. 239.57
कुरघरा घोसकस दानं [n]
The gift of Ghosaka (Ghoshaka) from Kuraghara.
L. 1. कुरराती घरच [गु] तस
I. 2. दानं [॥ *]
No. 240.
कुरघरा नगमिताय दानं [ ॥ *]
The gift of Nagamità (Naga or Nágamitra) from Kuraghara.
No. 241.
I. 1. [कु]र घरिय स [T ति] सिरिय
L. 2. -खुनि ---
58
(The gift) of the nun Sâtisiri (Sántiéri or Svátiérí), inhabitant of Kuraghara.
No. 242.
L. 1. कुररातो अरहगुतस
L. 2. दन [ ॥ * ]
The gift of Arahaguta (Arkadgupta) from Kurara.
No. 243.59
No. 241.
L. 1. कुरराय अछावतिय
L. 2. भिखुनिय दानं [ ॥ * ]00
The gift of the nun Achhâvati (Rikshavati) in Kurara.
7 There are two illegible lines above that given here.
Restore भिखुनिय दानं.
The inscription is identical in words with the preceding, but the last three letters of line 1 are almost destroyed and the spelling differs.
It is not impossible that the
in this inscription and in Nos. 241 and 244 is meant for feu.

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SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS,
383
No.245. कुरराय गागादिनाय दानं [*]n The gift of Nagadina (Nagadatta) in Kurara.
No. 246. कुरराय धमकस दानं [॥"] The gift of Dhamaka (Dharmaka) in Kurara.
No. 247. कुरारय वस----
No. 248. L. 1. कुरराय सघारखिताया
L.2. भिनिय दानं [*] The gift of the nun Sagharakhita (Samgharakshita) in Kurara,
No. 249. कुररिय परहगुता [य दा]The gift of Arahaguta (Arhadguptá), inhabitant of Kurara.
___No. 250. कुर[रिय [पर] हदिनाय दानं [u.] The gift of Arahadina (Arhaddatta), inhabitant of Kurara.
No. 251. [क]ररियस संघा -----
No. 252. L.1. गडाय भिछन
L. 2. य दानं [*] The gift of the nun Gada (Ganda?).
No. 253. गड[]या भिछनिया वेदिसिकाया दा[नं ॥] The gift of the nun Gada (Ganda P), inhabitant of Vedisa.
No. 254. .. गिरिकस पजावतिया-लिया दानं [*] The gift of . . ti, wife of Girika.
No. 255. गीतमिये इसिनिका---- (The gift) of Isinika (Rishiká), the Gotami (Gautamí).
. Read yra. GRead सघर.
There are four impressions, which seem to refer to the same inscription.

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384
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
infy
you forgaft æri [0°]"
The gift of the monk Bhaḍuka, son of the Goti (Gaupti mother).
No. 257.
जितमितय दनं [1]
The gift of Jitamità (Jilámitra).
No. 256.
No. 258.
जोकस भिछनो दानं [ ॥]
The gift of the monk Jonhaka (Jyotsnaká).
No. 259.
साकारापदा संघरखितस दानं [ ॥*]
The gift of Samgharskhita (rakshita) from TAkArapada.
No. 260.
तसच दानं [*]
The gift of Tisa (Tishya).
तापसस गोनंदकस दानं ["]
The gift of the ascetic Gonamdaka.
No. 261.
तिरिडपदा नागाया उपासिकाय [द]ा नं [u]
The gift of the female lay worshipper Någå from Tiridapada.
No. 262.
No. 263.
तुम पुजाक (जि]वस दानं [**
The gift of Tuda (Tweda), inhabitant of Phujakapalli (P).
No. 264.68
[[ब]वना महपतिनी पतिठियस दान [1]
The gift of Gahapati Patithiya (Pratishthita) from Tumbavana.'
No. 265.
तुंबवना महपतिनी पतिठियस भातु [जा]याय (] दानं [*]
The gift of Dhaña (Dhanya), wife of the brother of the gahapati Patithiya (Pratishthita) from Tumbavana.
This is identical in words with the inscription No. 16 (ante, p. 98), which however has three lines, see facsimile. "See facsimile.
"Identical in words (but not in the size of the letters) with No. 75, ante, p. 105.
7 The consonant of the bracketed syllable is very doubtful.
Identical in words with No. 23, ante, p. 99.
Tumbavana occurs in Hemachandra's Parifishta Parvan, (see Professor Jacobi's Introduction, p. 71).

Page #452

SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
385
(10)
N
268.
No. 266, घेरस प्रयनागस भिकुनो उजेनिकस दानं [*] The gift of the Thera, the venerable Naga, a monk of Ujjain.
MANO INTERNET L. 1. दताये भिकुनिया म --किटिकाये"
L. 2. दानं [*] The gift of the nun Data (Datta), inhabitant of [Madalachhikata.
No. 268. देवरखितस मोरजहकटियस भिकुनी दानं [*] The gift of the monk Devarakhita (rakshita), inhabitant of Morajahakata.
.. .. thi No. 289. ..
धनगिरिनो [चडि]पियस च भिनं दानं [॥"] The gift of the monks Dhanagiri and Chadipiya (Chandipriya ?).
No. 270. _L. 1. धमकस वेजजक-:hvar.
४१४ L. 2. स दन [*] The gift of Dhamaka (Dharmaka), inhabitant of Vejaja.......
।
Feativity N Q.371.. __ धमगिरिनो च धमसेनस च दानिं] [*], The gift both of Dhamagiri (Dharmad) and of Dhamasena (Dharma').
No.272.
45 में पर धमादनाव दान MONTEREST The gift of Dhamadina (Dharmadatta).
No. 273. L. 1. धंमपालस L2. महिपालस दान [] The gift of Dhammapala (Dharma and) of Mahipala.
No. 2740ो L. 1. धमरखितस
L. 2. - रकरकस दानं [1] The Dhamarak hita (Dharmara Reshita), inhabitant of-rakara(6).
No. 275. धमरखिताय मधुवनिकाये दानं [*] . to the gift of Dhamarakhità (Dharmarakshita), inhabitant of Madhuvana
To Restore मडलविकटिकाये n This may also be intended for चढिपियस or पति 72 The second vowel has been obliterated.
3D

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386
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
No. 276. L. 1. धमु---
L. 2. कुलस द[न ॥*] The gift of the family of Dhamu[tara] (Dharmottara).
No. 277. L. 1. नदिनगर प्रचल
L. 2. भिछुनिय दा[नं ॥*] The gift of the nun Achala from Nadinagara (Nandii).
No. 278. L. 1. नंदिनगरा अम[ग य]
L. 2. दानं [*] The gift of Amagà (Amatá, i.e., Amritá?) from Namdinagara.
No. 279. L. 1. नंदिनगर[7] उतरदतय ___L. 2. दानं [*] The gift of Utaradata (Uttaradatta) from Namdinagara.
No. 280. नंदिनगर [उतर]मितय दानं [*] The gift of Utaramita (Uttaramitra) from Namdinagara.
No. 281. L. 1. [नं]दिनगर उपास
L. 2. [कस यमदस दन [*] The gift of the lay worshipper Yamada[ta] (°datta) from Namdinagara,
No.-282. L. 1. नदिनगर रोहणदेव
L. 2. य [दानं [*] The gift of Rohanadeva (Rohinidevā) from Nadinagara (Nandinagara).
__No.283. नं[दु]तरय दनं वे[दि]सिकय भिछुनिया The gift of Nandutara (PNandottara), a nun of Vedisa.
___No. 284 L. 1. नागदतस सघरखितस च कोरघरानं
L. 2. दानं [*] The gift of Nagadata (°datta) and Sagharakhita (Samgharakshita), inhabitants of Kuraghara.
» Probably are to be restored. * Above the first syllable stands another न. is Read यमदवस 2. This inscription has to be read from below, see ante, p. 107, No. 93.

Page #454

SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
387
No. 285.7 ना[गिल]स सेठिनी दानं [*] The gift of Sheth Nagila.
No. 286. नाटिय भिखुनिय [कोरघरिय द[नं ।"] The gift of the nun Nåti, inhabitant of Kuraghara.
No. 287 नादिनगर काबीज
स भिकुनी दानं [*] The gift of the monk Kaboja (Kamboja) from Nadinagara (Nandi?).
No. 288.79 L. 1. पंधकस भिछुनो उ[भ]यका --
L. 2. बधपालीतस भिछुनो दान [*] The gift of the monk Pamthaka (Panthaka) . . . . (and) of the monk Badhapalita (Buddhapálita).
No. 289. [पा]तिठानस दानं [*] The gift of Patithana.
No. 290. पुरविडा दिसागिरिपुतानं दानं ॥ ] The gift of the sons of Disågiri" (Diśágiri) from Puruvida.
No. 291. पुसकस दन [*] The gift of Pusaka (Pushyaka).
No. 292. पुसदतस नवगमकियस दन [*] The gift of Pusadata (Pushyadatta), inhabitant of Navagama ("gráma).
No. 293. पैमुतिकाय सुपठामाये भिकुनिये दानं [*] The gift of the nun Supathåmå (Suprasthámá ?), inhabitant of Pemuta.
___No. 294. [पा ]खराती सिदताय लेवस पजावतिया दान [*] The gift of Isidata (Rishidatta), the wife of Leva from Pokhara (Pushkara).
07 See facsimile.
Given among the facsimiles
See above, note 24 to No. 138.
302

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388
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
No. 295. पोखराती रसिदताय दानं------- The gift of Isidata from Pokhara .....
No. 296. [*पोखरातो तुडाया तुडस च दानं ले----- The gift of Tuda and Tuda (Tunda) ... from Pokhara.
No. 297. पोखरा संघ[खि]सदानं [*] The gift of Samgha[ra]khi[ta] from Pokhara.
No. 298. पोडविझकस इसिदिनस दानं [*] The gift of Isidina (Rishidatta), inhabitant of Podavijha.si
No. 299. बधकस भिछुनो को[डि]जिलकस - - (The gift) of the monk Badhaka (Daddhaka), inhabitant of Kodijila.
No. 300. L. 1. बलदताया चुड[फ]
L. 2. लगिरियाय दानं [*] The gift of Baladata (dattá), inhabitant of Chudaphalagiri (Kshudra).
No. 301. - [बोहु मुलपितु दनं [*] The gift of Bohu (Bhoddhri ?), the father of Mula (Mála).
No. 302. बुधरखितस [दानं] [*] The gift of Budharakhita (Buddharakshita).
No. 303. बुधरखितस [भिखुनो भय भंडकियस दानं The gift of the monk Budharakhita (pupil) of the venerable Bhamduka.
_
No. 304
L. 1. बुधरखताय भिखु -
L. 2. य दानं [॥*] The gift of the nun Budharakhatá (Buddharakshita).
Read संयरखितम. Professor Jacobi suggests that this may be derived from a Sanskrit cotupound gersforan. " This may be a misspelling for बीधक or बधक UPerhaps meant for बहुमूलपित. See the fucsimile.

Page #456

SANCHI STOPA INSCRIPTIONS.
389
No. 306. बोषिया दान [*] The gift of Bodhi.
No. 306. L. 1. भडिकस भिखुनी L. 2. कुरघरा
L. 3. सदानं ]n+]* The gift of the monk Bhadika, inhabitant of Kuragh ara.
No. 307. मा---खुनी वारघरसहन [*] The gift of [the monk] Bhad[ika], inhabitant of Kuraghara.
No. 308. मडुनी पणाबलिय दानं [] The gift of the wife of Bhadu (Bhandu).
_No. 309. [मोमबहना पत्रिकाय-- (The gift) of Dhañika (Dhanyaká) from Bhogavadhana (vardhana).
No. 310. माया गादिगिया दानं [r"] The gift of Nadini (Nandini) from Machhavata (Matsyavarta).
No. 311. मनोरमस पडकिनी पी---- (The gift) of the carpenter Manorama ...... .
No. 312.
Of Mahåndman.
No. 313. मारसतिय परिषदताय दानं [*] The gift of Aribadata (Arhaddattá) from Mahasati (Mahishmall).
No. 314 माहिमलिय जि--- सदानं [*] The gift of Ji. . . . from Mahishmati (Mahishmati).
* Probably कुरघरियस to be read. - Restore मटिकस भिड्नी .
. * I take vaďakino to stand for raddhakino, just as we have in No: 210 Aadilasa for Asadka.
Meant for मासिनियthe blurred letters of the inscription might be taken to represent माइमतिय.

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390
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 315.
मितसिरिया दानं भिक्षुनिया कोररिया []
The gift of Mitasiri (Mitraért), a nun of Kurara.
No. 316.
यदि भिgनिये वेदिखा दानं [*]
The gift of the nun Yakhi (Yakesht) from Vedisa.
No. 317.
रतिनय माहितिय दानं [1]
The gift of Ratina from Mahisati ( Mahishmati).
No. 318.
I. 1. रेविस मंदिनगारकस
I. 2. दानं []
The gift of Rebila," inhabitant of Namdinagara.
No. 319.
I. 1. रेवतिमिताय बलक
I. 2. स पजावति [या दा]नं [*]
Tho gift of Rovatimita (Revatimitra), wife of Balaka.
No. 320.
I. 1. वजिनिय भिखुनिया I. 2. दानं [ ॥]
The gift of the nun Vajinl (Vajrint).
Nos. 321-22.
I. 1. वरदतस दानं
I. 2. भगिनिया वरसेनाय
I. 3. दानं
The gift of Varadata (datta); the gift of (his) sister Varasena.
No. 323.
I. 1. वरदतस पजावतिय
L. 2. इसलय" दानं [ ॥ *]
The gift of Isala (Rishild), wife of Varadata (Varadatta)..
38 Meant for रविनिय, diminutive from रति or रत.
Probably meant for मंदिनागरकसः
90 This probably stands for Bebhila, like Aodda (No. 210) for Asddha. Mount for सिवाय.

Page #458

वरुणस दनं [ ॥ *]
The gift of Varuna.
SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
I. 1. वरदतस पववतया
I. 2. रोहाय दानं []
The gift of Bohs, wife of Varadata (datta).
No. 325.
No. 324.
लादनं [1]
The gift of Vasula.
L. 1 [व] सुमिताय भि
I. 2. दुनिय [दानं ]
I. 3. उजेनिकय
The gift of Vasumita (mitra), a nun of Ujjain.
No. 327.
No. 326.
No. 328.
वाडीवहनातो मोडकस दानं [॥*]
The gift of odaka (Ardraka) from Vadivahana
No. 329.
वासवये नंदिनगरा मिनिये दानं [*]
The gift of Vasava, a nun from Namdinagara.
No. 330.
I. 1. [वि] तिरिमय भूत
I. 2. रचितसदनं [1]
The gift of Bhutarakhita (Bhadrababita) from Vitiriäaha (?).
No. 381.
I. 1. वितिरिनहिय महि
L. 2. रखितस दनं [ ॥ *]
The gift of Mahirakhita (Mahirakshita) from Vitirinahi (?).
No. 332.
I. 1. विपुखाय कापालिमा
I. 2. मतू भिक्षुनिया दानं [1]
The gift of Vipula, a nun from Kapasigama (grāma).
391

Page #459

392
No. 333.
विरोहकट वरिनिये [स]झाये दानं [ ॥ *]
TSHEET WEB
The gift of Sijhi (Seikled), a bouse-wife from Vitolasta
bez
boli,eduli 20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICAMA
faurerfere er [n]
The gift of Visakharakhita (Fikharakshita).
वीरसेनायें दानं [*]
The gift of Virasenâ.
No. 334.
No. 335.
विससरस्थित भिकुन दानं [४] The gift of the monk Visakharakhita (Visakharakakitaal
ord
No. 336.
[T] at wawas
ama daria) &lowee to
No. 887.
वी[राये] भिकुनिया तोबवनिकाय दानं
The gift of Virà (?), a nun of Tumbavana.
Miks seap JTAT
No.: 339.
वेदस” दतस कलवडस दानं [*] *
No. 338.
वेदिसा रहतरखित - दानं [॥ *] [br
The gift of Arahatarakhita (Arhadrakshita) from Vodisato
[*] * T***
Alvary to
No. 342.
med en 67 lo
No. 340.
वेदिस दतस कलवडस दानं [] The gift of Data (Datta) Kalavada from Vedia) [*] is wher Adenhet wat No. 341) ciderseil afer fra fagfari eri [1]
The gift of the nun Mohikå from Medisa.
- Bethelp *NS BAS सकरखितस दनं [*], The gift of Sakarakhita (Sakrarakebita)) idi.
M lo
No. 343.
-mains preps) संघरखिताय कोरमिकाय भिकुनिया [दने] [॥*] The gift of Samgharak hits (rakebita), a nun of Küta Kurum (og god moal analogy to 92 Meant for afer.

Page #460

संघाये
Of Samgha.
-
SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
No. 344.
संघायदासकमातु दान []
The gift of Samgha, mother of Dasaka
No. 346.
No. 345.
सतिस दानं [1]
The gift of Satiguts (Saktigupta or Seátigupta).
No. 347.
I. 1. समणस भिकुनो अयुतरस अतेवसिनो
D. 2. दानं [+]
ANAYA
The gift of the monk Samaya (Sramasa), pupil of the venerable Utara (Titara).
छो
No. 348.
समिकस अयनगस अतेवसिनो दानं [ ॥ *]
The gift of Samika ( Soámilca), pupil of the venerable Naga (Nága).
No. 349.
समिया भनि
Sat bread fort
I. 1. समिकस पनि [क] स
I. 2. पुतस च सी(देव
L. 3. स [दा]नं [*]
The gift of the trader Samika (Svámika) and of (his) son Sihadeva (Simha).
No. 350.edu
I. 2. य दानं [ ॥ *]
The gift of the nun Samika (Svámiká).
No. 351.
सामिकाय भिकुनिया दानं
The gift of the nun Samika (Svámiled).
No. 352.
[सा* ] मिदतस भिकुनो दानं [॥ *]
The gift of the monk [84]midata (Soámidatta)..
tant fe
No. 353. way the
सिरिदिनाव भिकुनया नादिनागरिकाय दानं [ ॥ *] 4 pres The gift of the nun Siridina (Sridatta) of Nandinagara.
393
12 10

Page #461

394
सिरिभागस सं
Of Siribhaga (Sribhaga)
fifa
No. 355.
सिरिमिताया नादिना [ग]रिकाय भिकुनिय दानं [ ॥ *] The gift of the nun Sirimità (Srinitrd) of Nandinagara.
No. 356.
सिरिया भिड़निया दानं [1]
The gift of the nun Siri (Sr).
Of Sivati.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
favo
Of Siha (Simha).
•
Of the wife of Subâhita.
No. 354.
सुबाहिस पजाव[तिय]"
No. 357.
L. 1. सिहाय देवदताय
I. 2. दानं []रवरा भि I. 3. निनं [*]
The gift of Siha (Simha) and Devadata (dattá), nuns from Kuraghara.
I. 1. सुरियय बुधदेवय पेमलिक
L. 2.
No. 358.
No. 360.
सिहाय समानिकय वजिनिकय दानं [n]
The gift of Siha (Simba), Samátika" (Samaptik P) (end) Vajinikk (Vajrişikā).
No. 359.
No. 361.
No. 362.
यदानं [0"]
The gift of Suriya (Sáryá and) Budhadevi (Buddha") of Pemata.
Incised on the procession path and surrounded by four sacred symbols, among which that on the right hand looks like a large . See facsimile on the plate.
Possibly samatikaya may stand for samâtrikaya and be intended to indicate that Tajinika was the mother of Siha. If so, the construction is of course ungrammatical.
Compare No. 48, ante, p. 102.

Page #462

SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
395
No. 363. L1. सुरियाय भिखु
L.2. निया दानं [1] The gift of the nun Suriya (Surya).
No, 364 L. 1. सेतपथियस
L. 2. योनस दानं [*] The gift of Yona (Yavana), inhabitant of Setapatha (Svetai).
No. 365. L. 1. हालाय दखिणाजि
L. 2. य दानं [॥*] The gift of Håld, the Southern (?).
No. 368. ----कस भजितिगुतकुलस --
No. 367. [स]ककछ पखदे[वाय']--
No. 368. लेवस [भि:]
No. 369. - [मतिनो] [?] कुररस दानं [1]
No. 370. --नागिलस दानं [1]
No. 371. L.1. ----तय एजावति[य] L. 2. पू-न
No. 372. दान सपजावतिकस [*]
No. 373. ----स कुथुपदकस [दानं] [*]
No. 374. L. 1. ----रा संघपालि[ताय] L. 2. भिखनिय दा[नं] [*]
* The explanation of fouroit by faqat is, of course, werely tentative. » On the analogy of Gujarati Vikamájit for Vikramaditya, Ajitiguta may stand for Alitigupla.
32

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396
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 375.
L. 2.
-य सुभगाय पुसाय नागदतस सघरखितस कोरघ[रका][ना?]
L. 1.
hàng hải
[*] The gift of.... Subhagá, Push (Pualgd) Nagadats (datte) Sagharakhita á) (Samgharakshita), inhabitants of Kuraghara.
No. 376.
———
-- उत[ राय ] द
-
I. 1. [यो] इतो काकणा I. 2. उपादेया उपादा I. 3. संकामेय सो म L. 4. अरहंतघातिन
L. 5. [कम] उपायकानI. 6. [ कर] न सेव
He who takes away or causes to be taken away from this Kakanâ[va] an ornamental arch or rail, or causes it to be transferred to another temple of the teacher [shall incur the guilt] of murderers of mothers, of murderers of fathers, of murderers of Arhats
——
———
तो तोरण वा वैदिक वा
- या वा धनं वा (va) पाचरियकु - fara fufaar
———
——
No 274 wote No. 377.
न
- [म मो] [स पापा]
ww
—
No. 378.
भी [चा नगरियकारकान [म]त मछे यो इती काळयावाती सेल कर्म उपादेव' ] [तपा]दाय वा
अनं या पाचरियकुलं संकामेया तस से पातका भवेयुः [13])]---
A pillar (the gift) of the workmen, inhabitants of Pamchânagara (P). . . . . on him,. who takes away or causes to be taken away from this Kakanâ va the stonework or causes it to be transferred to another temple of the teacher, shall fall (the guilt) of those mortal
sins.
TOPE II.
==
No. 22 C. 1 - dikarferit [1*]
af
en
The gift of Nagila, the pupil of Aya (Arya).
No. 23 C. TOP STS PE
धमरखितस सेकस कु
. . . of Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshita), the pupil.
The inscriptions must be read from below.
"Identical with Sir A. Cunningham's No. 183. There is a large abrasion in the centre, and the right sides of lines 1-4 have been somewhat defaced by a large diagram which has been carved over them. Restore 1. 1 art; 1.2. Trifa, 1. 3 Trufa fafafa. All the bracketed right are indistinct and their vowels doubtful. See facsimile on the plate.
1 This explanation, which requires TT to be taken in the sense of art, has been suggested to me by Professor Jacobi. With refuge in the sense of temple of the teacher, compare.
This inscription, which may be identical with Sir A. Cunningham's No. 195, is incised on a long band. See facsimile.

Page #464

SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
397
No. 24 20.7. संघमितस भिखुनो दानं [[*] The gift of the monk Saghamita (Samghamitra).
No.25 30.8. बुधपालितस सेठिनो पडुकुलिकियस दनं [*] The gift of Sheth Budhapalita (Buddha), inhabitant of Padukulikå (Pándukuliká).
No. 26 = 0.15. L. 1. वलाय कोररिये भिखु. L. 2. निये दान [ ...
] The gift of the nun Vala, inhabitant of Kurara.
No. 27 = C. 19. L. 1. बलकस अयस परहगुतम सासा
दकस अतेवासिनो दानं [*].. The gift of Balaka, the pupil of the venerable Arahaguta (Arhadgupta), inhabitant of Sasada.
No. 28 = C. 21. मुलाया दान थभी गडाय प्रतवासिनिया [-] A pillar, the gift of Mula (Mala), the pupil of Gada.*
No. 29 = C. 22. L. 1. सघरखिताया मातु--कडिकाया
L. 2. इसिदासिया भिकुनिया दानं []
The gift of the nun Isidasi (Rishidāst), inhabitant of -- kada, mother of Saghatakhita (Samgharaleshita).
No. 30 = 0.23. यस बुधरखितस पोखरीयकस दान [*] The gift of the venerable Budharakhita (Buddharakshita), inhabitant of Pokhara (Pushkara).
___No. 31 = C. 26. सिदकडा टिकिसस दानं [॥* ] The gift of Tikisa (?) from Sidakada.
No. 32 = 0.27. -य सिदकाडिया दानं [*] The gift of . . . 1, inhabitant of Sidakada.:
See ante, p. 110, No. 1. * The syllable ya stands in 1.2 after दान.
The letters da and ka look rather modern, the da is of the Andhrs type.

Page #465

398
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
No. 33 = C. 28. बुधपालिता सिदकडियाय दानं [*]° The gift of Budhapalita (Buddha'), inhabitant of Sidakada.
No.34 = 0.29. सदकडियाय गोलाय दानं [*] The gift of Gola (Godavart), inhabitant of Sadakada (Sidakada).
No. 35 = C.31. बधगुताय सेदकडिय दानं [*] The gift of Budhagutå (Buddhaguptá), inhabitant of Sidakad a.
No. 36=C.54. अरहकस भिकुनी भाणकस दानं [*] The gift of the monk Arahaka (Arhat), a preacher.
No. 37= 0.35. बहुलस दानं [*] The gift of Bahula.
No. 38 = C. 39. नागरखितस भिछुनो पीखरेयकस दानं [॥"] The gift of the monk Nagarakhita (rakshita), inhabitant of Pokhara (Pushkara).
No. 39 = C.40. L. 1. संघरखितस भिछुनो दानं कोरर
L. 2. स [*] The gift of the monk Saghara khita (Samgharakshita), an inhabitant of Kurara.
No. 40 = C.43. अोडिय भिखुनिय थभी दानं [॥"] A pillar, the gift of the nun Odi.
No. 41. अयस पोखरेयकस दानं [*] The gift of Aya (Árya), inhabitant of Pokhara (Pushkara)
No. 42. ___ असदेवाय भिखुनिय द[7] नं [*] The gift of the nun Asadeva (Afvadevá).
• This seems to be one of the cases where only one of two words standing in the same case is inteeted-see also abnte. I.No.132.

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SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
399
No. 48. L. 1. पाजनावा पावासिL2. कस दानं [*] The gift of Âvasika from Âjanava.
No. 44. इसिटतय भिखनिय दन [*] The gift of the nun Isidata (Rishidatta).
No. 45. ईददतस उपसकस दन [*] The gift of the layman Idadata (Indradatta).
No. 46. गंधारस भिखुनो दानं [*] The gift of the monk Gamdhara.
No. 47. गोतमिया भिखुनिया दनां [*] The gift of the nun Gotami (Gautami).
No. 48. चिरतिय भिकुनिय दयं [[*]io The gift of the nun Chirati (Kiráti).
No. 49. चुं[व]मोरगिरिनो गामस द[1]न [*]1 The gift of the village of Chumvamoragiri (?)
__No. 50. दानं मोरयहिकटियस [*] The gift of the inhabitant of Moraya hikața.
No. 51. L. 1. धमरसिरिय उपसिक
L. 2. य दन [*] The gift of Dhamarasiri (Dharmasri ?)," a iay worshipper. * The letters are somewhat blurred. • The letters are blurred and only just recognisable.
• The s-stroke of khu is very faint, and there is also an d-stroke at the top, which seems to have been afterwards obliterated.
• Read दानं 11. The second sign is abnormal. I suspect that guitafafcft is intendel. n This is probably intended for भसिरिय; compare धमपविin the Mathura inseriptions,--ante.p.210, No.37.

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400
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 52. [ध]मसेनस भिखुनो दन [l"] The gift of the monk Dhamasena (Dharma').
No. 53.
L1. नदिनगरा L. 2. असदवय भिख्य दन [*]" The gift of the nun Asadava (Aévadevd), from Nadinagara (Nandinagara).
No. 64. L. 1. नदिनगरा L.2. -निमितय भिखुनय दनं [
0 21 The gift of the nun . .imita from Nadinagara (Nandinagara).
___No. 55. नं[दुकस भिछुनो दन [*]" The gift of the monk Namduka..
No.56. पलस भिखुनो दन [*]" The gift of the monk Pala (Pála).
No. 57... L. 1. ब[ध]कस कुररस भिखु
L. 2. दनं [*] The gift of the Badhaka (?) (Baddhaka), a monk of Kurara.
___No. 58. बुधि गति]स उदुबरघरियस [दान [*] The gift of Budhaguta (Buddhagupta), inhabitant of Udubaraghara (Udunbaragriha).
No. 69. बुधरखितकस सुतातिकस पर पानकस दानं [॥ PATI The gift of Budharak hitaka (Buddharakshitaka), the Sutåtika (Sautrántika) inhabitant of Arapina. ma
l ini
13 All the letters are much blurred, and the first is not certain. "Meant for पसदेवाय भिखुनिय. - Restore मिमितय. 10 Possibly नंदकस, but compare above, No. 16.
All the letters are much blurred, and the first may have been r. ...
The second letter is not closed at the top and not certain. The name inay be intended for Balaka,-sta abova, No.26.

Page #468

SANCHI STUPA INSCRIPTIONS.
बुधरखित [कु]
I. 1. बुधरखित" भिक्षुनि [य]
L. 2. दनं [
The gift of the un Budharakhità (Buddharakshitá).
बोधिया भू-(The gift) of Bodhi
No. 60.
...
बुधरखितस भिखुनो दन [ ॥ * ]
The gift of the monk Budharakhita (Buddharakshilá).
No. 61..
No. 62.
No. 63.
The gift of the monk Vipula.
No. 64.
[र]भूतिनो भिखुनो दानं [*]
The gift of the monk Bharanabhati (?) (Bharanibhuti).
No. 65.
निकाय दानं [1]
The gift of Bhichhunika (the little nun ? )
No. 66.
रोहणकस उदुवरधरियस दनं [n]
The gift of Robapika, inhabitant of Udubaraghara (Udumbaragriha ).
No. 67.
विपुलस [] [दा]नं []
No. 68.
L.1. विसकस रानिपदिवस
I. 2. दनं [u]
The gift of Visaka (Visvaka), inhabitant of Rohanipada.
No. 69.
समय मातु साफिनेयिकाय [ ॥*)
(The gift) of the saphineyika, mother of Sagha (Sanghi ).
401
19 The is made circular, the has the looped form of some Andhra and Mathura inscriptions. The last letter is uncertain.
* All the lines of the letters are double.
3 P

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402
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 70. सोणसिरिय भिखुनिय दानं [1"] The gift of the nun Soņasiri (Suvarnasrt).
No. 71. ---तय सगिरेयिकाय धम--[सक सय दान [1"]
No. 72. L. 1. ----रस भिखुनो मातु कोडुय
L. 2. ----या दानं [*[. The gift of Kodu, mother of the monk . . .
.
ra,
.
.
.
No. 73. L. 1. - [म]र[खि]ताय" ----- L. 2. दानिं] कोर[मि काय [प्रतवासिनिया [a] The gift of Dhamarakhita (?), pupil of Koramika.
No. 74. --एस भिकुनो दानं [1] The gift of the monk . . . . na.
No.76. -
-
-छनय स
-
-
No. 76. L.1. ---य भिखुनिय
L. 2. --कोर रिय [*] (The gift) of the nun . . . inhabitant of Kurara.
No. 77. ----भिखुनी दानं [1]
No. 78. --- तया धवदेवय दन [1] The gift of . . . . ta, Dhavadeva (Dharmadevi).
" Bestore पमरषिवाब.

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403
INDEX OF NAMES.
1.-Monks. Arahadina I, 89, 90.
Mahagiri I, 62. Arahaguta I, 18; (Aya) II, 27.
Nadiguta I, 58. Arahaka II, 36.
Naduka (Aya-) II, 16. Arabatapâlita I, 188; (Aya) II, 22, 41.
Naga (Aya) I, 348. Badbaka () I, 299; II, 57.
Någa (Aya-, thera) 1, 266. Balaka II, 27.
Nagadina I, 128. Balamitra I, 88.
Nâgarakbita II, 38. Bhadika I, 306, 307.
Nagila (bhadata-) I, 84; II, 23. Bhadikiya I, 187.
Nanduka II, 55. Bhanduka I, 16, 256.
Pala II, 56. Bhandukiya I, 103, 122, 207, 303.
Parthaka I, 288. Bbaradiya 1, 74.
Pasanaka (Aya-) I, 5. Bharanabhûti (?) II, 64.
Patuda (?) I, 97. Budhapalita I, 288.
Phaguna (Aya-) I, 209. Budharakhita I, 71; (Aya) I, 308 ; II, 31, 59, 62. Pothaka I, 87. Chadika I, 116.
Pratithana I, 12, 70. Chaclipiya (?) I, 269.
Pasa I, 185. Chahatiya I, 135.
Pusagiri I, 131. Chuda I, 68; (Aya) 1, 88.
Pusaka I, 67. Devagiri I, 66; (Aya) I, 112.
Pusarakhita II, 17. Devarakhita I, 268.
Rahila (Aya-) I, 137. Dhamadata 1, 103.
Rájuka (bbâdata-) I, 177. Dbarnagiri I, 149, I, C. 178.
Sadbana I, 29. Dhamarakhita I, 9, 58, 68; II, 23.
Sagbamila II, 24. Dhamasena II, 52.
Sagharakhita II, 39. Dhana, I, C. 31.
Samana I, 347. Dhanagiri I, 269.
Sardhana I, 54. Dhanaka (Aya) I, 184.
Samghila I, 187. Gagamdata I, 204.
Samika I, 348. Gamdhara II, 46.
[SA]midata I, 352. Gotipata,-see Bhanduka.
Sumana II, 19. H&tiya, I, 12.
Tisaka (Aya-) I, 70. Isika I, 92, 93.
U pasijha I, 63. Isila II, 4.
Utara (ayutara) I, 347. Jeta (Aya) 1, 208.
Vijha II, 5. Jonaka I, C. 152.
Vipula II, 67. Jonhaka I, 75, 258.
Visakha I, 178. Káboja I, 7, 287.
Visakharakhita I, 335. Kada I, 4.
Vîra I, 198. Kadiya (bhadata-) I, 133.
Yakhadina I, 145. Kana (Aya) I, 207.
Yakhila I, 112; II, 6. Kâna I, 238.
Yasogiri II, 14. Khema 1,-209.
Yasopala I, 133.
Acbalå 1, 6, 277. Achhavatî I, 244. Arabadasi. I, c. 175.
II.-Nuns.
Asabha I, 214. Asadevå II, 42, 53. Avisina 1, 79, 80.
a This index includes also the names giveu on that appended to the former paper. necessary to alter a number of words and to exclude some
The new impressions made it
3 2

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404
Balika I, 186.
Bodhi I, 104; II, 63. Budhapâlîtâ I, 86.
Budharakhitâ I, 110, 304; II, 61.
Chiratî I, 28.
Chirâtî II, 48. Datâ I, 267.
Devadatâ I, 359. Devabhaga I, 126.
Dhamadeva II, 3.
Dhamarakhitâ I, 52; II, 73.
Dhamasenâ II, 9.
Dhamasiri I, 78.
Dhamayasa I, 224. Dupasaha I, 193.
Gada I, 252, 253; II, 15 (?), 28.
Girigutâ I, 100.
Gotami II, 47.
Isidâsî I, 192 216; II, 29.
Isidatâ I, 181; II, 44.
Isidinâ I, 183.
Isimità (?) II, 54.
Jitamità I, 101. Kadi I, 158.
Koramika I, 343; II, 73. Mitasiri I, 315; II, 3.
Mita I, 226.
Mohika I, 341.
Mula II, 28. Namdutara I, 283. Natî I, 286.
Agila II, 13.
Abimita I, 127. Ajitiguta I, 48, 366. Apa-yaba (?) 1, 205
Apathaka I, 42.
Araba I, 40, 234. Arahadina 1, 44, 90. Arahaguta I, 242-43. Arabaka (paripanaka) I, 189. Arahadâsa I, C. 100. Araharakhita I, 338. Asâḍa I, 72, 210.
Asaguta I, 213. Atha (kamika) I, 10.
Avâsika II, 43.
Bahadata I, 30.
Babula II, 37.
Balaka I. 319. Bhadagnta I, 172.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Od[A]tika I, 182. Odi (I, 82?); II, 11, 40. Phagulâ, II, C. 18. Piyadhama I, 104. Pusâ I, 105. Saghadinâ I, 37. Saghârakhitâ I, 248.
Samghapâlitâ I, 374. Samgharakhita I, 33, 343. Samika I, 350.
Sapaki II, 8.
Sâmika I, 357.
Sâtisiri I, 241.
Siha I, 359.
Siri I, 356.
Siridinâ I, 119, 353.
Sirimitâ I, 355.
Sonasiri II, 70. Supathâmâ I, 293.
Suriya I, 363.
Vajinî I, 320.
Valâ II, 26.
Vâsava I, 329. Vasumita I, 326. Vipulâ I, 332.
Vîrâ I, 337. Yakhadâsî I, 194. Yakhi I, 38, 199, 316. Yamarakhitâ, II, C. 20 Yasila I, 33.
III.-Males not marked as clerical.
Bhadaka I, 41.
Bhadu I, 308.
Bhichhuka I, 56. Bhutarakhita I, 330. Bohu (?) I, 301. Budhaguta II, 58.
Budhapâlita (sethi) II, 25.
Budharakbita I, 302; II, 60.
Budbila II, 2; (gahapati) I, 136.
Bulika I, 114.
Bumu I, 222.
Chbeta I, 159.
Damaka (sotika) I, 196.
Dâsaka I, 845.
Data (-kalivata I, 195); (kalavada 339-40).
Devabhaga I, 111..
Devaka I, 89.
Dhamadata I, C. 173. Dhamagiri I, 149, 271.
This is the distinet reading of Dr. Führer's new impression.

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405
Dhamagirika 1, 2, 190. Dhamaka I, 246, 270. Dhamagata II, 20. Dhamapala I, 182, 273. Dhamarakhita I, 274. Dhamasena I, 271. Dhamasiva I, 1, 107. Dhanagiri I, 185. Dhamu(tara) I, 276. Disagiri I, 290. Disarakbita I, 138. Ghosaka I, 239. Girika I, 254. Gobila I, C. 77. Gonamdaka (tâpasa) I, 260. Gopala I, C. 12. Gotiputa, see Subåhita. Himagiri I, 106. Idadata I, 169; II, 45. Idadeva (?) I, 239. Isidâta (?) I, C. 52. Isidina I, 298. Isiguts (vånija) I, 91. Isika 1, 92, 99, 161. Isipalita I, 197. Isimita I, 152. Iginadana I, 217. Isirakhita I, 14, 218. Kalavada I, 339-40. Kalivata I, 195. Kalura I, 222. Kekateyaka I, 1, 3. Kujara I, 60,** 170. Kusuka I, 196. Leva I, 294, 368. Mabånama I, 312. Mahida I, 109. Mah(i)påla I, 273. Mahirakhita I, 3331. Manorama (vadaki) I, 311. Mula I, 301. Mulagiri (lekhaka) I, 143. Nadávu I, 24. Nådivirobi I, 24. Någadata I, 284, 375. Nagadina (sethi) I, 115. Någapåya,- see opiya. Någapiya (sethi) 1, 85, 201; II, 7. Nagila I, 990; (sethi) I, 285. Nagadina I, C. 74. Namda I, 179.
Nardigiri I, 108. Nigadi I, 113. Odaka I, 328. Opedadata I, 155, 221. Patithiya (gahapati) 1, 22, 23, 264-65. Patitbåna I, 289,-see L. I, Prag). Phaguna I, 63. Pusadata I, 292. Pusagiri I, 55, 131. Pusaka I, 291, Pusarakbita* I, 117. Rebila I, 318. Rohanika II, 66. Sachamita I, 96. Sagbadeva I, 81. Saghamita II, 12. Sagharakhita I, 284, 375, Sakadina I, 171. Sakarakhita I, 842. Samaņa I, 196. Sangha I, 201. Samghadata I, 228. Samgharakhits I, 269, 297. Samika I, 166; (vånika) I, 178, 319. Samvalita I, 98. Saphineyaka, see 84o. Satiguta I, 348. Såmanera I, 11, 57. Såpbineyaka (race) I, 137, 161; II, 69. Satila I, 173. Sidatha 1, 191. Sihagiri 1, 77. Siribhåga I, 354. Siriguta (våņija) 1, 47. Siripala I, 178. Sivapadi I, 45. Siha (sethi) I, 99. Sibadeva I, 849. Sihagiri I, 134. Siharakhita I, 13. Sona I, 150. Soyasa I, 120. Subåhita (-Gotiputa-rå jalipikara) I, 48, 49, 361, Subhaga I, 19. Sulasa I, 229. Svatigata I, 31. Tápasiya (race) I, 73, 151-52, 160, 228. Tikisa (?) II, 31. Tisa I, 262. Tuda I, 269, 296. Upedadata I, 156-57. Upidadata I, 36.
* This is the reading of Dr. Führer's new impression, -compare ante (Note).
» This is the reading of Dr. Führer's new impression, instead of Hamsao?.
According to Dr. Führer's new impression it is possible to road Soyasa.

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406
Utara (rajuka) I, 230. Vadha I, 142. Vahila I, 232.
Vâkiliya (race) I, 271. Vajiguta I, 125.
Varadata I, 321, 323-24.
Varuna I, 325. Vijita I, 3.
Agidevâ I, 129. Agis[i] må I, 69. Aja[râ]nî I, 203. Ama [ga] (?) I, 278. Apâ [kâ]nî I, 206.
Arabadinâ I, 250.
Arahagutâ I, 32, 249.
Aribadatâ I, 313.
Asvadeva I, 30, 166, 367. Asvarakhitâ I, 219.
Baladatâ I, 300.
Balaka I, 154.
Balikâ I, 225. Bhichhunikâ II, 65. Bodhi I, 305.
Budhadeva I, 362.
Budhagutâ II, 35. Budhapâlitâ II, 33.
Budha I, 157.
Chirâtî I, 202. Devabhâgâ I, 237.
Dhamadatâ I, 223.
Dhamadinâ I, 272.
Dhamarakhitâ I, 15, 45, 76, 275.
Dhamarasiri II, 56.
Dhamatâ [data] I, 102.
Dha[ñâ] I, 265.
Dhanika I, 309.
Dhavadevâ II, 78.
Gaḍâ II, 15.
Gola 11, 34.
Gotamî I, 255.
Hâlâ I, 365.
Himadatâ I, 156.
Isalâ I, 328.
Isidatâ I, 171, 294-95.
Isimitâ I, 162.
Isinika I, 255.
Isirakhitâ I, 64.
Jitamitâ I, 257. Kâ[ka]na (?) I, 21.
Kaniyasî I, 167.
Kodu II, 72.
Kurarî 1, 39.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Vimala, I, C. 188. Visa I, C. 77. Visaka II, 68.
Visakha I1, 21. Visakharakhita I, 334. Visvadeva I, 95.
Yamada [ta] I, 281. Yona I, 364.
IV.-Females not marked as nuns.
Majhimâ I, 48. Mità I, 73. Muladatâ I, 153. Mulâ I, 95.
Nâdinî I, 810.
Någå I, 50, 140, 261. Nâgadatâ I, 117. Nagamitâ I, 165, 240. Nâgapâlitâ II, 10.
Naja I, 151.
Narâ I, 164.
Nâgâdinâ [ga] 1, 245. Odî I, 82.
Parija (?) I, 129. Patolâ (?) II, C. 28.
Pothadevâ I, 139.
Pusâ I, 141, 375. Pusinî II, 20. Ratinâ [ni] I, 317. Revatimitâ I, 319.
Revâ I, 121.
Rohâ I, 324. Rohapadevâ I, 282. Rohani I, 148.
Sagha I, 174; II, 69. Sagbarakhitâ II, 29. Samâtika (?) I, 360.
Samgha I, 344.
Sâmidarâ[tâ] I, C. 176. Samika I, 46, 118.
Semâkâ (?) I, C.
Sihâ I, 212, 358, 360; II, 18.
Sijha 1, 333.
Simhadatâ I, 160.
Sirikâ I, 220.
Sivati I, 357.
Sonadevâ I, 8, 129.
Subhagâ 1, 130, 375.
Suriya 1, 362.
Tâpasî I, 39.
Tudâ I, 296.
Utarâ I, 376. Utaradatâ I, 279.
Utaramitâ I, 280.

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407
Vayndata 1, 155,- Vayu. Vajinika 1, $60. VAkaladevi I, 187. Varuseni I, 322. Vasula I, 168, 227, 387. VAsula I, 168.
Vậyadatâ I, 226,-see Vayu." Vesamanadatà I, 22. Vinhuka II, C. 24, Virasenâ I, 386. Vudina I, 20. Yasild I, 34.
1.- Geographical Names. Abbeyaka (adj.) I, 11, 57.
Kuragbara I, 162, 164-65, 239-40, 359. Achbârada (adj.) II, 7.
Kuraghariya (adj.) 1, 241. Achhavada I, 85, 201.
Kuragbaraka I, 875. Achbâvâta (%) 1, 202.
Kurara, or Kuråra I, 98, 179, 242-48. Adhaporika (adj.) II, 13.
Kurara, . f-. (adj.) I, 39, 181, 249-50, 369; Ajandra II, 43.
II, 37. Anarmitaka ? adj.) II, C. 10.
Kurariya (adj.) I, 201, 256. Arapana 1, 210-11.
Kuthupadaka I, 878. Arapana 1, 59, 72, 89.
Machbavata I, 310. Arpanaks (adj) II, 59.
Madalachbikatika or 'lâchhio (adj.) I, 78, 79, Arapaniya (adj.) I, 212.
80, 186, 267 (?). Asvavati I, 91, 216.
Madhuvana I, 61, 180, Athakanagara I, 204.
Madhuvanaks .f. ika I, 15, 76, 110, 126, Bedakara, 1, 108.
275. Bhadanakatiya (adj.) I, 120.
Mahamoragi I, 77, 184. Bhagikada I, c. 156.
Mahisatî 1, 111, -see Mhi. Bbogaradhana I, 45.
Mabisati I, 813-14, 317. Bhogavadhana, I 64, 309.
Morajabikatiya I, 268, and compare below Bhogavadhanaka (adj.) I, 43, 109; II, 2.
Ramorajahikati ... Chahatiya (adj.) ? I, 135 (see l. I.)
Morasibikata I, 44. Chadaphalagiriya (adj.) I, 300.
Morayabikatiys (adj.) II, 50. Churvamoragiri (?) 11, 49.
Nádinagara 1, 7, 287. Dhamavadhanana (vadhana) I, 25-26.
Nadinagara I, 6, 277,282, II, 58-54. Dharakins I, 178.
Nadinagaraka, Namdio, Nadie. Ej&vata (adj.) I, 71.
Nadinagarika fika, (adj.) I, 82, 105, 119, Ejávatt I, 231-32.
188, 192, 216, 318, 353, 356; II, 15. Erakina,-h Dharakina.
Nardio I, 143, 278-81, 929. Gardbira (o. pr.) II, 46.
Navagâmska I, 198. Kiboja (n. pr.) I, 7, 287.
Navagamaka, ogâmaka, or Nåvagamaka, OgâmaKichapaths (adj.) I, 62, 68.
ka f-iks (adj.) I, 46, 55, 181, 147. KAkaniva, I, 877 (R), 878.
Navagamakiya I, 292. Kardadigâms I, 236.
Padâniya (adj.) I, 56; II, 21. - gimiya (adj.) I, 140-41, 237.
Padukolikå II, 1. Kapasigama I, 40, 532.
Padukolikiya (adj.) II, 25. Koramika (adj., n. pr.) 1, 343; 11, 78.
[Pd] tithâna (adj.) I, 289. Katakanayaka (adj.) I, 97, 233.
Påvidaka I, 189. Katakanu I, 41, 234-35.
Pematika (adj.) I, 362. Katakaregaka I, C. 100.
Pemutikå (adj.) I, 293. Kekateyaka (npr.) I, 1, 8.
Phuj&kapalliya, I, 263. Kodijilaka (adj.) I, 299.
Podavijhaks I, 298. Konghan (adj.) I, 19, 99, 104, 284, 286, 807. Pokhara I, 106, 294-97. Korara .f. i (adj.); I, 85, 815; II, 8, 9, Pokhareyaka I, 88; II, 80, 38, 41. 26, 89 76.
Poravijhaka" 1, 107,- See Podavijbaks. Kothukapadiya (adj.) I, 182.
Pratithana (n. pr.) I, 12, 70. » This is the did.inot reading of Dr. Führer's new impression, instead of Poravikhika. It is confirmed by the form Podlavijheka in No. 298.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Pufavadhaniya (adj.) I, 102, 217. Puruvida I, 290. Ramorajahikaời . . . (?) I, 90,—see above
Morajabikada. Rohani nadiya (adj.) I, 93. Roba ņipadiya (adj.) I, 113-15; II, 88. Sadakadays (adj.) II, 34,50€ Sida. Sagireyika (adj.) II, 71, Sakakachha (?) 1, 867. Sånukagâmina (adj.) I, 172. Sasadaka (adj.) I, 18; II, 27. Sedakada .f . -. (adj.) 11, 35. Setapathiye (adj.) I, 364. Sidakada, II, 31. Sidakadiya (adj.), II, 33. Sidekade (adj.) II, 32. Sonaraka (adj.) II, 12. Takara pada I, 259. Tambalamada I, 60. Tiridapada 1, 50, 281. Tobavanika I, 337.
Tuba- or Tumbavana I, 22, 23, 264-65. Udubara. or Udumbaraghariya (adj.) I, 13,
96; II, 58, 66. Ugireyaka (adj.) I, 31. Ujeni I, 27, 69, 73, 95, 144, 146, 148-61,
163, 219-29. Ujenika (adj.) I, 121, 214, 266, 326. Vadi Vadivahana I, 116, 124, 328. Vadivabanika (adj.) 1, 101. Vadyao (adj.) II, C. 24. Våghumata 1, 87, 175. Vaļivahanika (adj.) I, 197. Vedisa I, 38, 316, 338-41. Vedisaka, f. ikå (adj.) 1. 117, 182, 200, 253,
283.
Vejaja I, 17. Vejaja (adj.) I, 270. Verohahata (adj.) I, 81. Virohakata I, 838. Vitiriñahå I, 330. Vitirinahî, I, 331.
XXXII.-CHITORGADH STONE INSCRIPTION OF MOKALA OF MEWAD.
THE VIKRAMA YEAR 1485. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. Dr. Burgess has furnished me with good impressions, by Dr. A. Führer, of three inscriptions of the Guhila princes of Mewad, which are at Chitorgadb in the Udaypur state of Rajputana. Of the earliest of them-it is dated in the Vikrama year 1381—I have already given an account in Indian Antiquary, vol. XXII, p. 80, from a rubbing of Mr. Garrick's that had been sent to me by the late Sir A. Cunningham. I. here publish the text of the second inscription, the only one of the three that is complete, of the Vikrama year 1485.
This inscription is on & slab of black marble, inside a large carved stone temple which according to local information was built by Mokalji. It contains fifty-three lines of writing, which cover a space of about 4' 2" broad by 28' high. In the midst of the writing, causing a break in the lines 21-29, is an ornamental device, 53" square, enclosing a circle which is about 3?" in diameter; and inside this circle again is an open flower with eight leaves. Near the periphery of the circle is a verse in the Anushţubh metre, which apparently invokes the blessing of the God Hara (Siva), but the letters of which are too faint in the impression to be read with confidence. And in the centre, and on the leaves of the flower and around them, seventeen other aksharas are engraved, three of which clearly give the name Mokala. The writing of the inscription is generally
A photo-lithograph of it is given in Sir A. Canning and I do not think that it would be worth while re-publishham's Archaol. Survey of India, vol. XXIII, plate wiv. ing the text of it.
In Dr. Führer's impressions the name of the 14th See Archæol. Survey of India, vol. XXIII, p. 106, prince, Imrapraedda, is quite distinot. Otherwise, I have and plate xxxiii. nothing to add to my previous scoount of the inscription,

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CHITORGADH INSCRIPTION OF MOKALA OF MEWAD.
409
well preserved, so that, with the exception of about a dozen aksharas, the actual wording of the text may be made out with certainty. The average size of the letters is between 3" and 11". The characters are Någari of the period to which the inscription belongs. The language is Samskrit, and, excepting the introductory words Om Oin namah Sivaya and a date at the end, the whole is in verse. Considering the great length of the inscription, the historical information conveyed by it is very ineagre indeed; and the author has tried to make up for the want of substance by lengthy and exaggerated descriptions of the valour, fame, piety and munificence of the princes of whom he is treating. His language is sometimes obscure, and not free from actual mistakes. The orthography does not differ from that of an ordinary Samskrit manuscript.
The object of the inscription is, to record the erection, at Chitra kuța (the modern Chitorgadh), of a temple of the god Siva (Samiddhesa or Samadhiša) by the prince Mokala of Medapata (or Mewad). After the words "Om, Om, adoration to Siva," the inscription has four verses invoking the blessings of Gajâsya (Gaņeśa), Ekalinga (Siva), the daughter of the mountain (ie. Siva's consort Pârvati) who dwells on the Vindhya, and Achyuta (Visbņu). The poet then in verses 5-6) glorifies the pious and famous family of the prince Gubila. In that family was born the lord of Medapata Arisimha (vv. 7-12). His son was the prince flammira (Hammira-vira, Hammira-deva; vv. 13-23). From him sprang the prince Kshetra (Kshetra-mahipali, Kshetra-kshitisa; vv. 24-33). His son was the prince Lakshasimha (Laks hasimha-nripati, Laksha-kshitića; v. 34-43), who according to verses 38 and 41 freed the holy place Gayà from the distress brought upon it by the ruler of the Sakas i.e. the Muhammadans). And Lakshasimha's son was Mokala (Mokala-kshmápali, Mokalendra; vv. 44-60), whom his father appointed his successor, and of whom in verse 51 it is intimated that he defeated Peroja, the king of the Yavanas (meaning, again, the Muhammadans). Mokala, according to vv. 61-64, had already before built a splendid temple of the lord of Dvaraka' (ie the god Vishņu-Krishna), near which he also had a tank excavated. And it is now recorded by this inscription (vv. 65-73) that on the Mount Chitrakata, situated in the prince's dominion, Mokala also built a temple of the god Siva (Samiddhesa or Samadhisa) and provided for its proper maintenance. Verse 74 gives the date on which this temple was inaugurated ; and the Prasasti closes (in verse 75) with a prayer for the continuance of Mokala's rule. Five additional verses record that the preceding Prasasti was written (i.e. composed) by Ekanátha, a son of Bhatta Vishņu, of the Daśapura clan;' that the temple was constructed by Mana, the son of Vijala ; and that the inscription was written on the stone by Visala, a son of Mana, and engraved by Visa, who also is described as a son of Mana, and is perhaps identical with Visala. And the inscription ends with a date which differs from the date given in verse 74.
+ The text, in verse 72, actually has Samidvaisah, which must be altered to either Samiddhofah or Samadhifah. Sumadhifa occurs, as a name of Siva, in line 53 of this inscription and in other inscriptions at Chitorgadh and Mount Abu , and Samiddhesvara I find in another Chitor. gadh inscription of the Vikrama year 1207. See below, p. 422.
See Indian Antiquary, vol. XVI, p. 346.
• Verse 46 states in a general way that Mokala subdued the Angas, Kamarupas, Vangas, Nishadas, Chinas, and Turushkas; but there can be no doubt that that verse has been
put in solely for the sake of poetical ornamentation.
7 The original has alikhat, which must here mean composed, because the writer's name is given afterwards, and because the name of the composer would hardiy have been omitted.
Dasapurajñati occurs again in the Nagari inscription of Mokala's grandson Rajamalla; Journal Beng. 48. Soc. vol. LVI, part 1, p. 82, v. 25. On the town Dasapura se Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 79, note 2.
3. G

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Neither the date in verse 74 nor the one at the end of the inscription works out satisfactorily. According to verse 74 the temple built by Mokala was inaugurated on the day of the preceptor of the gods, i.e. on a Thursday, the third lunar day of the dark half of the month Tapasya, i.e. Phålguna, of the Vikrama year made up of the arrows (5), eight (8), the Vedas (4) and the earth (1), i.e. 1485, under the nakshatra of Aryaman, i.e. Pärva-phalgunl, while the sun was in the sign Makara and Jupiter in the sign Ghata, i.e. Kumbha. Here the statements that the sun (on Phálguna-vadi 3) was in the sign Makara, and that Jupiter was in the sign Kumbha, show that the scheme of the lunar month was the púrnimánta scheme, and that the date must fall between the 25th February A.D. 1428 and the 20th February A.D. 1429 (i.e. in the Jovian year Rakshasa, as determined by the northern mean-sign system); and accordingly the true equivalent for Phålguna-vadi 3 of Vikrama 1485 can only be the 23rd January A.D. 1429. On that day the third tithi of the dark half ended 18h. 29m. after mean sunrise, the nakshatra at sunrise was Purvå-phalguni, and the sun was in Makara and Jupiter in Kumbha, all as required; but the day was a Sunday, not a Thursday, as stated erroneously by the inscription. The date at the end of the inscription is Thursday, the 3rd of. the bright half of Magha of the year 1485. In the impression the figures for the day is not as clear as one could wish it to be. But, under any circumstances, this date, on which the inscription is said to have been engraved, would precede the date recorded in the body of the inscription; and assuming my reading to be right, the possible cquivalents of the date would be Monday, the 19th January A.D. 1428, and Saturday, the 8th January A.D. 1429, which shows that this date too cannot be correct.
Notwithstanding these errors, there appears to be no reason to doubt that the temple which was built by Mokala, was finished by him in A.D. 1428-1429, and that this inscription furnishes a true date for the reign of that prince. Mokala, therefore, could not have been succeeded by his son Kumbhakarņa (Koombho) as early as Vikrama 1475 = A.D. 1419, as was stated by Tod in his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan vol. I, p. 286. And if there be any truth in the statement of our inscription that Mokala defeated the Yavana King Peroja, who could only have been the Sultan Firuz Shah (A.D. 1351-1388), the commencement of his reign, too, must be placed at least ten. years before the time assigned to it by Tod. As regards Mokala's predecessors, I can only say that the list furnished of them by this inscription agrees with the one given in the Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan and in Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 257.
Text." L. 1.
î" THfara सिद्धार्थामरसुंदरीकरवलसिंदूरधारारुण
श्रीगंडस्थलमंडलीयुगलसद्दानांबुपूरोज्व(ज्ज्व)ल: ॥() संध्यानच्छुरिताग्रसानुनिपतवाकापगौघहयः
स्वर्णोर्वीभृदिव प्रयच्छतु शिवं देवो गजास्योव्ययं ।।"
वेदा वागिति शिष्टतामुपगतो यः कर्मणामीक्षिThe earliest certain date of Kumbhakarna's reign Lakha Rana, and Mokul. Annals, vol. I, pp. 267-277. known to me is of the Vikrama year 1492 ; see Peterson's "From an impression, prepared by Dr. Führer. Third Report, Appendix, p. 203.
12 Expressed by a symbol. • The names given by Tod are Ursi, Hamir, Khaitsi, "Metre of verses 1-4: Sård úlavikridita,

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L. 2.
CHITORGADH INSCRIPTION OF MOKALA OF MEWAD.
ता
साक्षी तत्प्रतिभूः पुनर्भवति सन्मिहार्थसंदर्शनः । जात्यैवेषु" विनश्वरेषु सकलं दाता विविक्तः फलं
देव: स्वस्तिकरः परः स सततं स्तादेकलिंगाभिधः ॥ २ ॥ भूमीभृत्स्वयमे [धि]तस्थितिरियं गुर्वी नगा बंधवो विध्योगस्ताचरितो न चकितः प्राखापयद्राह्मणान् "। कन्या मान्यतमा महोत्सबविधा
3.
बित्येक
/ यामानीनयदर्चनाय गिरिजा विध्यालया सावतात् ॥ १ ॥ कालिंदीतटकुंजबञ्चवसतिः सेयं प्रिया राधिका
स्मर्त्तव्यं ननु रुक्मिणी न भवती हुं चारुहासिन्यसि । युना[सि] कलावती सुविदितं त्वं सत्यभामेन्यया नोक्तासोति विनिङ्गुतोक्तमुदितश्लेषोच्युतः पातु वः ॥ ४ ॥ स्फारन्यायीन्ववायो गुहिलनरपतेर
6.
तिति व्यंस्तीभूतांतरायो वसतिरिह युगे धर्म्यंकर्योदयस्य । शवद्यागानुरागे (ग) स्थिरविमलनिधौ भूरिभोगोनभागां भूवोननां विधत्ते सपदि मतमखी" यत्र संभूय शक्रः ॥५॥ याव्हेतोरचलन्मतिर्दिशि दिशि प्रातमानीपति
निर्यविवनवाहिनीपरिवृतो नानाधनकाकरः । अत्यक्तचितिविग्रहो मुनिकथागीतादिगोवस्थितिविंध्यी वं
5.
बंधुतां वितनुते यच्चीपपचत्रियः ।[1] 4 u" वंशे तत्रारिसिंहः चितिपतिरजनि क्षत्रनचवलक्ष्मीवीक्षादक्षोरुयुत्क्ष्माबहुलजरज निध्वंसभास्वद्गभस्तिः । विंध्यावंध्यप्रदेशस्फुरदमलखनिव्यक्तरत्नाकरत्व
स्कारश्रीमदपाटचितिव (व) लयवन्धपायोदचंद्र नरपतिररिसिंहः शस्त्रास्त्रोपदेष्टा वितरणर
णकर्णो विश्वविख्यात वर्णः ॥ ( 1 ) स्फुरदमलगुषोधः पुष्यमच्योरुनामा नयविनयवियेकोद्यानपुंस्कोकिलः सन् ॥८॥ विभ्यसिंहपदादमुच सकरी ननं मघोनो यतो
वाजी स (च) वितताध्वरभु" नीचेः यया गच्छति ।
आइतः कयमेरु" वाहनमृतं देवापीबहा
14 Rend जल्येनेषु..
14 I should have expected प्रस्थापयन्त्रा.
16 The reading of this line is perfectly clear in the impres sion, but the end of it yields no suitable sense.
17 Read शतमणी.
38 Metre : Sragdhara.
19 Metre: Bardalavikridita
20 पाथोद ‘cloud' is apparently used here in the sense of पायोधि ' ocean' Originally 'हुग्धा' was engraved.
22 Metre : Sragdhara.
22 Metro : Malini.
* Originally 'सतोवर was engraved.
24 Read कथमेतु.
411
3 G 2

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8.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. __ मेघं वाहनमातनोदयमत: सद्धोमधमोद्भवं ॥४॥
कीर्तिः कौतुकिनी दिगंतमगमत्क:L.'7.
रपूरोज्व(ज्ज्व)ला खेलती निजवासिताभमवशादालिंगिता दिग्गजैः । क्षीरांभोनिधिगाहनं तु विधिना कत्वादरादुस्थिता
ब्रह्मादीननुयोक्तुमुत्तमगुणस्यास्य प्रगल्भा दिवं ॥१०॥ विशिष्टजनसंगतौ व्यतरदेकलक्ष्यं यतस्ततोधिकतरं यशोलभत भोजभूमीपतिः । अयं कथमदःसमः कविभिरुच्यते वाददाहिशेषविधिनान्वहं विविधलक्षभीजानपि ॥११॥ निभेडी न महेश्व
रोन कठिनी नाचेतनश्चिंतितं दातानेकगवीखर: परिवृढो नो भारती दुभंगा। सेनानीनं विपक्षसंगतिरतो नोच्चैःश्रवा वा हयो
नारामः कतिचित्तरुः कथमदः पुर्या: स धुर्या दिवः ॥१२॥ शूरः सूतवागनूनविभ[वो] वंशावतंस: सुत
स्तस्य न्यकृतरत्नसानुगरिमा हम्मीरबीरो जयी। विख्यातः स्मररूपजित्वरवपुर्लक्ष्मीनिवासाच्युतो वाग्देवीचतुराननो रिपु
कुलप्लोषोग्ररूपो महान ॥ १३ ॥ हम्मीरः किल वेभवोचितविधिर्दित्सुः सहस्रं गवा
मित्याकर्ण्य सहस्रगू रविशचीनाथौ भयं जग्मतुः । शश्वत्तद्रहसि स्थितान्मुररिपोः श्रुत्वा सहस्रं पुन
धैननां समुपागतावतिमुदा तद्दानमेवेक्षितुं ॥ १४ ॥ कर्णादीनतिशय्य दिग्जयविधावादाय दिग्मंडली
दंडं दूरमपास्य कालमसक्तदाता स्वयं दक्षिणां । इत्याकर्ण्य 10. जनश्रुती: परिभवं खं शंकमानोंतक
दृष्टुं न क्षमते प्रजा मनुनये यस्मिन्महीं शासति ॥ १५ ॥ प्रासादमासादितशातकुंभकुंभं वसद्देवमचोकरद्यः । अचीखनत्मागरकल्पमल्पेतरत्सरशतवनीभिरिद्धं ॥ १६ ॥ संग्रामग्रामभूमौ सदिदमसिलता संगता पंचशाखे
सच्छाये श्यामलांगी क्षतजजलवलत्पुष्टिरिष्टप्रचारा । चित्रं सूत विकोशा कुसुम11.
मतिमहत्कीर्तनीयं टिगंते धा[नाम्माता नितांतं दलयति नियतं वारणांगे पतंती॥ १७ ॥
** Metre of verses 9 and 10: Sárd ûlavikrilita. " This may have been altered to°लक्षं.
Perhaps altered to बाददहि, read यीददादि (:). " The ineaning of this is not clear to me.
Metre: Prithvi
___ " Perhaps the original has हिव:. Read धुर्यो दिवः (१).
"Metre of verses 12-15: Sardalavikridita. "Metre: Upajati. Plhead खाता (P) and पतंतो. "Metre: Sraglbari.

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413
CHITORGADH INSCRIPTION OF MOKALA OF MEWAD. हम्मीरवीरो रणरंगधीरो वानाधुरीतजितकेकिकीरः ॥0) धराधवालंकरणैकहीरस्तत्तद्दनीभूषितसिंधुतीरः ॥१८[*]95 एतत्याणी कपाणी विषदसुपवनाहारतोषं दधाना
कालाकारोरगीव स्फुरति सचकितं वीक्षिता भीतिहतः ॥0)
नाL. 12. ध कार्य कथंचिद्दयति बहुमता नो बिभीते विपक्षा
स्वर्गे वासंघ[तानां वितरति रमते न हिजिहेन चित्रं ॥१८[*]3m पायं पायं सुपीनः] परभटरुधिरं तमहीगर्भजाता
खाः कालः कुतोयं कथमियमपरा कीर्तिरत्यज्व(ज्ज्व)लास्य (0) एकनासायि ननं रुददरिवनितानेवतोयेंजनाये। तासामुद्दर्तितेयं मृदुभुजब(व)लयस्वच्छचूर्णैरजस्त्रं ॥
उद्यत्प्रौढप्रतापानलमुषितमहाविबशेषो विवस्वा
न्पश्चादुहामकीर्तिच्छरिततरतनुः शोतरश्मित्वमति (1) के रूपांतरं खं कलयति स वपुर्भेदभीतो रणमा
धीरे हम्मीरवीर घृति परसुभटान्संगर संमुखस्थान् ॥ २१ [*] कुर्वन्पो जनुः स्वं विधिरिति विधिदग्दृष्टसृष्टाग्रदिष्टो
नो पंके जन्म दोषं व्यजगणदतुलं तस्य रतोतरस्य ॥(1)
भूत्वा ह14. मीरदेवक्षितिपतियशस: स्वच्छवर्णोपमेयो
गंता पुण्यीपमानं दिशि दिशि सुचिरं सत्कवीना मुखेषु ॥ २२ [*] गौरी गौरीशहासादपि रुचिररुचिश्चंदनाचंद्रती वा
कात्या कर्णाटकांतासितदशन[चतुष्कानुमेया सुरीया (0) शेषस्याशेषवेषस्फुरदमृतरचश्चारुसौंदर्यर्धर्या"
कीर्तिर्यस्येंदुमूर्तेः किल चरति दशाशातवियांतयात्रा ॥ २३ [*] तस्मात्क्ष15. वमहीपतिः समभवत्ख्यातो गुणांभीनिधिः
शौर्योदायमहत्व(च)सत्व(च)महितो धर्मो वपुमानिव ॥(1) शक्रा सनभाजि येन जनके रत्नाकरालंक्वति
भूभुक्ता जितपूर्वराजगरिमप्राप्तप्रभाशालिना ॥ २४ [*]3° हदि विनिहितरामो योस्त्रविद्याभिरामो मदनसदशमूर्तिविश्वविख्यातकीर्तिः ।
समरहतविपक्षो लीलया दत्तलक्षी नयनजित16.
सरोजः प्रक्रियाक्रांतभोजः ॥ २५ [*]" संग्राम दंतिदंतज्वलनकणमुचि प्रोल्लसद्दीरयोध
स्कारोन्मुक्ताशगालीनिविडकवलिताशेषकाष्ठांतराले ॥(1) * Metre : Upajati.
* Read शौयोंदा. * Metre of verses 19-23: Sragdhara.
>> Metre : Sárdúlavikridita. म Read 'य .
40 Metre: Alini.

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18.
414
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. जित्वा दुर्ग समय नरपतिमपित साधुवाद सम्ब
क्स्तंभ योधापरियामरिवसपतगवेपिउनदीप [] भाक्रांता वृषपुंगवेन विलसनासा चतुर्भिः पदैः
सम्यग्वीक्षणपासिता L.17.
नवनवप्राप्तप्रकर्षादया 10 प्रासोष्टामरनचिकीव बहुमो रखाचन चि गौः
शूर कीर्तिपयो धराशतमखे यस्मिनहीं मासति ॥ २७॥" कीर्तिधीरोदपूर बहुविधविरुदयोलसहीचिमाले
वष्णः तेस्व सङ्गः सुखमुक्समर शेषमासाद्य शवोः । . दश्यते राजहंसा दिशि दिशिन ततो मानसे लीयमा
ना: सीदत्पचा विलचाः स्फुरति न कमलोभेषितापचितेषां ॥ २८॥ पस्यासि: कालरात्रिः स्फुरति किल भवनमंडल वैरि---
-- [प्रोडासिवेश्म प्रभवदहिभयं भूतराजोरतापं ॥(0) पदोनोधी न चैषां भवति विघटते चक्रयो गो] नियोगा
हरिर्जागति भीति: पतति निजपथो 19.
नीजिझत: पंकपातः । २९॥ भ्रातः कल्पतरो किमाथ भगवन्हमाचल श्रृयता
कतुं क्षेत्रमहीपतिः प्रयतते दानानि पुण्याशयः । वर्त[हे स्वा]करे यहांगणभुवि त्वं वत्तसे नित्वमः
क्रीडार्थ यदि [वा] ददाति हि तदा वक्तुं कईष्टे जनः । ३.॥ प्रत्वं दानकथा मियो विजयते चिंतामविस्वर्गवी
मुख्या20. नामपि दानमास्वविखसबाबाममुख प्रमोः । उनीलच्छरदंबु(बु)जामलदलखच्छायताधिस्फुर
कोणस्थायुकमिवरिपरिषत्संपहिपहर्त्मनः ॥ ११॥ माद्यतंडचंडध्वनिभरविणलहीरवोधैर्य
स्फूर्जत्कोदंडदंडप्रपतदिषुचयच्छवसैन्येप्यनन्थे ।
जन्ये प्राणकपणे गषयति न यणं विहिषां पु21.
स्वराधिधन्यः क्षेत्रचितीयः प्रतिभटकपतिमाकराष्टिदृष्टिः ॥ १२॥" मूळलं तु जडीभक्च्छुतिपथं संशष्कितैकत्वचं
मीलंतं च मुहमा शिथिलित यांत नवा मुखितं ॥0) • Read 'ख', and प्रदीपं.
- Here foar akshards are broken away. • Matre : Sragdhari
"Metre of verses 30 and 31: Bardalarikridita Metre : Bardalavikridita
* Perhape altered to कष्टदृष्टिः Metre of vernes 28 and 29: Sragdbart.
Metre: Sragdhara.

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415
CHITORGADH INSCRIPTION OF MOKALA OF MEWAD. दारिद्रग्रोपहत विबोधयति यद्दष्टाहिदष्टं यथा
जाप्यं करणंपधाधितं मुविमलं यबाममंबा- . L22.
धरं॥ ३३ ॥ तत्सूनुः किल लक्षसिंहनृपतिः ख्यातो गुणग्रामणी-"
रुद्यहानफलामलार्जुनयशोवनीमतन्नीतमः । यत्तेजःशिखिनो [विपक्षवनितानेबांबुजातधुते:
काष्ठांताक्रमणं [भ]टित्यनुदिनं नाभूहिचारास्पद ॥२४॥ रामः किं जितदूषण: सुभरती रामानु
रागास्पद शबुधः किमु लक्ष्मणोदयभरः सुग्रीव इहांगदः । तारावलभ उत्तमेन वपुषालंकारमा[यादतो
यो रामायणनायकैकतनुतां द्रष्टुं विधावा कृतः ॥ २५ ॥ दानादुहामसामा शरणगतजनबाणपाषाणसीमा भीमासीमैकधामा शतमखपुरतो विहिषा गी
तनामा। पचामारामदामा मखमुखविलसमधमोच्चसामा"
सामाशेषरोमा धरणिसुरतरुर्लक्षसिंहःस धीमान् ॥ २६ ॥ वैरिक्षोणींद्रमत्तहिरदमदनुदा सिंहतः शुइसारा
दारादुहीतकीर्तेरमरपुरभिष[काति]निरीतमूर्तेः । दाने माने कपाणे यमसि 25.
महसि [वा] साधुवाण्यां वपाण्यां वीरामचचितीशानगति न हि परः ख्यातभक्ति: सुभुतिः ॥ ३७॥ नीतिप्रीतिभुजार्जितानि [लक्ष]शी रत्नानि यनादयं
दायं दायममायया व्यतनुत ध्वस्तांतरायां गया । तीर्थानां करमाकलय्य विधिनान्यत्रापि युक्त" ध.
26.
27.
प्रौढयावनिबहतीर्थसरसीजाग्रद्योभोरुहः ॥ ३८॥ संग्रामेषु गतागतानि विद[धम परैर्लचितो
दत्वा(चा) लक्षमपि स्वयं न तनुते संतोषममेक्षणः । कुर्वाण: किल कानकीमपि तुला तत्खंडबिंबच्छला. [M] खाँ तनुमातनोदिति नृपो लक्षप्रथो
जायन ॥३८॥ दाने हेनस्तुलायां मखभुवि बहुधा शहिमापादिता*]नां
भावजांबनदानां कुकिजनभरैस्तर्किता राशयीस्थ ॥(1) • The word बह before दुष्टा appears rather superfiuous, Metre of vernes 36 and 37: Sragdhara. Metre of versea 33-35: Sardalavikridita.
" Read 'नुदः Originally car was engraved.
57 The sign of antsvdra of is very faint. One would expect f.
58 Metre of verses 38 and 39: Sardalavikridita. -Originally 'तपयंत wwengraved.
Read जाबत. * Rand 'भमभूमी.

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416
L. 28.
29.
31.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
ir [n] लंटितानां प्रतिनृपमहसां राशयस्ते किम
विंध्य बंधुं समेतुं किमु समुपगताः साधु हेमाद्रिपादाः ॥ ४० ॥ ०
रुजा
32.
शेषपदां शकाधिपकरव्यग्रोभवज्जीवनां धोरोममुचदर्जुनीमिव गयाँ मायाविमुक्राशयः । धचाव समस्तलोकमहितः का डां परामागतो निःसच्ची [?] कतधराजयस्तेः पद्मालयासझनः ॥ ४१ ॥ * मत्तुल्या [न*]नु नाभवत्किल तुला पूर्वेति गर्व तुलामुष्य
30. लब्धा" नोद्दिजते वनीपकगणान्दत्वा (वा) न यत्कीर्त्तयेपावं प्राप्य मुदान्वितयतुला" वर्ष समारोपयेत् ॥ ४६ तस्य क्ष्मावलयं नयेन नयतः संतोषमायु[म]तः
[] भूत: कारसुंदरी गुरुनतः पुत्रः सुभीमकलः । यतया भूति दारुणं वित[ते] यत्तत्कुमारः पुर सर्वज्ञोस्ति यतस्ततीचलभुवी नाथ
चीणिपतेर्भुवं कृतयतो गर्वासहिष्योः पुरः । तस्यास्तस्य मुदानुदां विदधता धीरेण दत्तापरा
मी मानादधिकाधिकीकृतविधियो विधाका ४२ ॥ संख्यातुं कथमीशते कविजना दानानि नानाविधान्यस्याकृष्टसमस्तराजवसुधावित्तस्य चित्तोत्रतेः ।
स्तु पित्रा कृतः ॥ ४४ ॥ प्रासादा बहुशः समुदतियुजः घोषीभुजा कारिता: राजमानकनकपस्कार कुंभयियः ।
नागेंद्रा नु शिरस् हाटकघटाना[धा]य लीलत्सुधान् यातुं नाकमिवोत्थिता मखभुजां पोषपानोत्सुकाः४५ ॥ अंगाः संप्राप्तभंगा: स्मृतघनविटयाः कामरूपा विरूषा
वंगा
गंगैकसंगा गतविरुदमदा जातसादा निषादा: । चीनाः संग्रामदोना: खलदसिधनुषो मोतिष्तष्का भूमीपृष्ठे गरि स्फुरति महिमनि आप 8 ॥ मूर्ड्स:"" मिंटूररेखाशतमखधनुषा राजमाना गभीरं
कुर्वतः शब्दमुचे रदचिचपलाः खिन्धतन्या कचाभाः । मंग्रामग्रामयाता रि
60 Metre : Sragdhara.
61 Metre of verses 41-45 Earldlavikridita.
2 I should have expected here सम्मान, but am doubtful about the exact sense of the second half of this verse.
This is quite clear in the impression, but the sense of the word is not apparent.
6 Here again the exact construction of the line is TOL clear.
6 Read
तुला.
65 Metre of verses 46-51: Sragdhara liead मूर्खा

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CHITORGADH INSCRIPTION OF MOKALA OF MEWAD. 417 L. 38.
पुकरिजलदा प्राप्तकालोपयोगा यस्येषुवातभिवाः खलु रुधिरजलं पूरि" वर्षति सद्यः ॥ ४७ ॥ . अस्य प्रौढप्रयाणक्षणरणरण*]कहेषमानोरमान-r0
स्मगर्विव[य]क्रमणभरभवलिधारांधकारं। ना[शं ने?]ता विवस्त्रानिति तु विरमतु ध्वस्तनेवप्रकाशः
स्वानखानखवर्णान्यदि परिचिनुते तत्स भाग्यं महीयः 34.
॥४८॥ वासो नाशासु भाखत्कररुचिररुचाभासिताखस्य वैरात्
पारावारांतरायादपि न हि गमनं दूरममादकस्मात् । सेवाहेवाकमेवाचरत बहुमतं दत्त वित्तं नितांत
[मंत्रीमात्यैरकारि प्रतिषिमतसदी भूपतेमोकलस्य"४८॥ प्रष्टप्रौढारिवर्गप्रथितपुरब(व)लमधूमप्रचारै
धुमं व्र(ब) मां35.
डभांडीदरमतिविपुलं वीच्य दक्षेषु मुख्यः । कीगलपं सुधीत्थं कलयति बलवान्दिग्वधूकिंकराभि
"स्तारातबिंदुवृंदच्छुरणबहुरुचा योबरणावृताभिः ॥ ५ ॥ नेता पातीत्तराशा यवननरपति लुंटिताशेषसेनं
पेरीज कीर्तिवल्लीकुसुममुरुमतिर्योकरीसंगरस्थः । पनीशाक्रांतिवार्ता
कलयति कलया कीर्तिता यस्य हेला पंचास्यस्येव माद्याजदलनरुचेर्लीलया रंकुभंगः ॥ ५१॥ पारूढः सविता तुलां कलयति दाडीचतां कन्यया
दूर मुक्तपरिग्रही बहुरुचा चित्रीशसहस्तया । धोरोयं पदमुत्तमं तु विधिना प्राप्तस्तुला गाहते
कन्याभिवियतेतमा क्षितिभुजां श्रीमोकलमापतिः (।) ५२॥" 37. मानवाणमना मनागपि मनोरन्यननीतिव्रती
नो जानाति निजप्रतापमतुलं सिंहो यथा विक्रम । मन्ये भास्वरहेमराशिमिषतो धाता तुलायामधा
देतस्मादपि सोगमञ्च गुरुतामद्यापि जा[ना]ति किं ॥ ५३॥ दृष्ट्वा हाटककोटिकूटमतुल दानाय मानाधिक
सद्यः शोधित[सूत्र तैकमतयः संशेरते शाब्दिकाः । शक्रप्रार्थित
हेमदे सुरतरौ किं किं नु चिंतामणौ
हेमाद्रौ शकलीकृते किमु तुलाशब्दस्तु संकेतितः॥ ५४ ॥ * Read 'नखदाः .
is not clear. Perhaps the intended reading my be 5 Read भूरि.
ताराबहि. - Read रुपमाची.
This is not quite clear in the original. 71 Read wat
* Perhaps altered to 1. 1 Here, again, the reading is quite certain, but the sense! 15 Metre of verses 52-54: Sa dal vikridita.
36.

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418
पाना
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. दीव्यत्तहीरतुंगत्तरतुरगवरवातजातोरवात-70
चुभ्यत्तत्मीस्थरेणुचतनयनकजाबमभूता: खरायोः । मंदायते गतेखास्तत इव वनिता वैरिणां तहिनाना
यामान्जानंति" दीर्घानवितथविरुदे मोकलें रणस्खे ॥५५॥"
को वा नो L. 39. वेद विहांचरमयुगकलावेकपादेव धर्मः
खंजबष्टावलंबः किल चरतु कथं पीनपंके जनेस्मिन् । सोयं सइंशयष्टिं वहिरवहिरथो शुद्धसारोपपत्रं
प्राप्य थीमोकलेंद्र प्रविधति विपुलां मंडली पंडितानां ॥५॥ ननं धूतविधावधामखभुजामीश: सुमरं पणं
गण्यस्तव मनखिनां व्यजयत श्रीमीकलमापतिः ॥(0) तादृ40. चाः क[थ ]मन्यथावनितले हेमासमी रामयी
नैषां दानविधावमुष्य च मन:पीडाकलापि कचित् ॥५॥ वहावहाय सर्पि:पतननवरचौ भूमधमायमाने
दूना-म[वि.]पंतौ कथमुपकुरुते यागभागो मघोनः । पुण्येनास्येव जाने दिनमणिरयते सत्कराणां सहसं बिभ्रत्सद्यास्ततंद्रः स्थगयति विधिना योयम
क्ष्यां सहनं ॥५॥ पारधामलमंडलोकृत तुला यः पुष्करद्योतनं
पुण्यश्री: स कथं तथा प्रथमतो गण्यो न तेजस्विना । (1) नि:पका करलालिता वसुमती सद्राजहंसा यती
वं(ब)धनामुदयस्ततस्तदुदये स्यात्संपदामौचिती ॥५॥ पारावारस्य वेलातटनिकटमनु प्राप्तशैलाधिवासा
शत्रुश्रेणी समग्रा नि42.
वसति सततं भीतभीता नितांतं । जतं यावादसीया यदि भवति तदा वाजिराजीखुराम
ब्रुष्यत्माधूलिधारा स्थलयति जलधिं पारयानाय तस्य ६ ॥" भासाद्यातिथिमात्रयं त्रिजगतां बीहारकानायक
प्रासादं रचितीपचारमकरोङ्गमीपतिौंकलः ॥(1) देवेनांबुजबांधवेन चकित यो वीक्षित: शंकया विंध्यादेर्गि
41.
7* The word per is apparently used here in the sense of वंगत्
77 Read यामाचा 76 Metre of verses 55 and 56: Sragdhark. - Read बाममी. - Metre : Berdalavikridita
Read भूमिधु (). $Metre : Sragdhart. NRead निर्थका. * Metre : Sørdalavikridita, 86 Metre: Sragdhart.

Page #486

CHITORG ADH INSCRIPTION OF MOKALA OP MEWAD. 419 L.43.
रिसत्तमस्य नियते मुक्तस्य वाग्बंधनात् ॥१॥ यस्य प्रत्युप्तकर्मद्रवदखिलमहाधातुसंभारधारा
पातक्ष्मातापशष्यालेविलविलसल्लोललाला फणींद्रः । व्याचष्टे स्पष्टमिष्टं ध्रुवमयमधुना भाष्यमाभाथ शिष्यं ।
स श्रीमतः प्वरस्ताज्जयति खगपतिर्मोकलेंद्रस्व कीर्तिः ॥२॥ सोढुं नेश: पयोधि: क्षणमपि वि44.
रहं हारकानाथ(य)कस्य प्रेम्णा पादीपमूलं स्वयमुपगतवान्यत्तडागच्छलेन । नोदन्या कुंभयोनेरतिपततितरामंतरणेनमेष्यन्
शापांते मे विदध्यादयमिति विनयाविध्य एवानयद्यं ॥६॥ विंध्यस्कंधेकबंधुनिजविततिभरादंधुतानीतसिंधु
र्नीरक्रीडत्परंध्रिप्रसभकुचतटाघातसीदत्तरंगः । सतुष्यत्तीयजंतुर्विविधनगन45.
दीवेगसंरोधतंतुः सन्तुर्नेतुरस्य स्फुरति वसुमतीसिवितुः सुकेतुः ॥१४॥ अमुष्य धरणीभूतो विषयमध्यवर्ती महादरीवृतवपुष्टया [वि वृतदूरगंभीरतः । म[हो]दर इवापरः परमनीनगम्यांतरः" पवित्रतरकीर्तनो जयति चित्रकूटाचलः ॥१५॥ जायतां नाम कामं कुलधरणिभृतः सप्त शंगौघतुंगा
वैचित्या चित्रकूटं तुलयि46.
तुमनलं तीर्थभूतप्रदेश । मा भूवनिरिण्यो मदुदितजनुषी नीचगामानशौंडः 1100
शृंगे यः क्षीरवारांनिधिमधिततरामुद्यदंभोजवासं ॥६६॥' उहामग्रावनियंभरभरकणिकाजातसेकातरेकनिह्यच्छालप्रवालप्रभवदुरुतराभोगसूनप्रसूतात् । मध्वासारादपारादुप[]तजनुषो दाववङ्गेर्निदाधे विष्वन्द्रींची वनानि प्रसभपरिभवं ने
हशैले विदंति ॥६॥ एतस्मिन्मरिदस्ति निर्मलजला यस्यां निवापांजला
वुन्मीलत्तिलजातपातकवलव्यग्राः शर्यश्चलाः । क्रीडासंभ्रमविस्मृतान्मुबहुशो मज्नबधूनामहो नेवाणीव विलोपिकज्जलकणांश्चेतुं स्फुरति स्फुटं ॥१८॥
Read नियतं. * Metre: Sardûlavikridita * Originally प्रत्युप्ति' was engrared. - Read °खविल° and °लाल:- Read पुरी " Resd कौवें:# Metre of verses 62-64: Sragdhart. - Read शापात. ** Read oftv.
Is Read संतुष्य 25 Originally cafezig: was engraved. T Rend परममान ). 58 Metre: Prithvi.
- Read भवनि. 100 This sign of punctuation is superflueu.
1 Metre of verses 66 and 67: Sragdhari. - Read °काविरकs Read विश्वद्रीची. • Metre: Bardflavikridita.
312

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420
नो।
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA लंका किं नाम दुर्ग जलनिधिरविता यत्र सा काल[काका
[प्रा] वृटका[ले विवगैरपि गलितमदर्या वियतेति माL.48.
यो धत्ते क्षीरवारांनिधिमुपरि पर राजहंसैरगम्य
स्तदुर्ग चित्रकूटी जति वसुमतीमंडनं भूरिभूमिः ॥ ६ ॥ सौभाग्यैकमहौषधिर्भगवती यस्मिन्भवानी स्वयं
जागर्ति प्रियसविधानवसतिः साध्वीजनानां गुरुः ॥(1) देवः सोपि समस्तनाकरमणीसंतानदामव्रज___प्रश्चयोतमकरंदबिंदुसुरभिप्रस्फारनृत्यांगण: ॥ ७० ॥'
सेवा49. हेवाकदेवस्तुतहरचरितप्रोबसद्धावसंप-10
सद्यःखिद्यद्वानोकतसुरवसवनस्कारसौरभ्यहारि" यहारि प्रातिभाव्यं वहति मुगदृशां मज्जतीनामजलं
पातिव्रत्ये समंतात्ममधिकसुभगंभावुकत्वेपि शखत् ॥ ०१॥" गिरिः कैलासो यहशमुखभुजोछासनदिनालझूलस्थामा प्रभवति न नाव्यं विहितुं ॥(0) 50. प्रदेशप्राग्भारप्र[*]तिरमणीये तदधुना समिशः श्रीमानित वसति गोरोसहचरः ॥७२॥ एकैकग्रावतावत्वतिमुषितमहासर्वकर्मीणमा
क्वत्वा प्रासादमाशामुखमुकुरमतिव्योमसीमानमस्य । यस्याशेषोपचारक्षमधनमुदितारी-16
होरः श्रीमोकलेंद्री धनपुरमुचितं ग्राममायामिसोमं ॥ ७३ ॥"
अब्दे बाणाष्टवेदक्षितिपरिकलित 5l.
विक्रमांभोजबंधोः पुण्ये मासे तपस्ये सवितरि मकर याति जीवे घटस्थ ॥(1) पने शुक्लेतरस्मिन्मुरगुरुदिवसे चार्यमद्धे तृतीया
तिथ्यां देवप्रतिष्ठामयमकततरां मोकलो भूमिपाल: ॥ १४ ॥ उम्मीलद्यागयात्रोद्यतसुरतरुणीगीतसंग्रामधामा
सुत्रामा यावदीष्टे त्रिदशपरपरीपालनस्पष्ट नीति: । पर्यायोपात्तभूनां स्फुरति दशशती शेषमूही च याव52. तावप्रस्फारलक्ष्मीरवतु" वसुमती मोकलेंद्रस्य बाहः ॥ ७५ ॥
श्रीमद्दशपुरज्ञातिर्भविष्णोस्तनवः । नाकनाथनामायमलिखत् कतिमुच्च (लव)ला ॥१॥
• Read रचिता. • The aksharas in these brackets are damaged.
Kend भूतिभूमि:(?) • Metre: Sragdhara. ' Metre: Sirdalavikridita. • Red मेवाहवाकि ; originally देवास्त° was engraved. " Read तमुखवसमा 19 Metre : Sragdbar.
- Read समिशः or ममाधौनः, which are both names oi Biva.
Metre: Sikharini. 15 Six aksharas of this line are omitted; the last word of the line must have been marcha.
16 Metre of verses 73-75: Sragdhari, - Read तावत्प 1 Metre: bloks (Anushtubh).

Page #488

CHITORGADH INSCRIPTION OF THE CHAULUKYA KUMARAPALA
L. 53.
whaurarė: afganfanized forêtaurare arcanendegat: 11(1) मनाच्यो विख्यातः सकलगुणवान् वीजलसुतः सुतः शिली जाती गुपगचयुतो वीसल इति ॥२॥ *
अतिप्रशस्तरलिख
unferetta afw:mká:"1
श्रीसमाधीममहारस्य प्रसादतोसो चिरजीवनोस्तु ॥ २ (३)" वो[जलस्य ] सृतः शिल्पी मनाख्यः सूत्रधारकः । नस्यात्मजेन वीसेन प्रशस्तिरियमुत्कृता ॥ ३ (४) ॥ रुचिराचरमुत्कीच प्रयस्तिरियमुल्य (ब) ला । निलेश बीसल: मिथी समाधीमप्रसादतः । ४ (५) ॥ ॥ संवत् १४८५ वर्षे माघसुदि [३] गुरुदिने"
....
XXXIII. CHITORGADH STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE CHAULUKYA
KUMARAPALA.
1 Metre: Sikharini.
20 Read प्रशस्ति.
421
THE [VIKRAMA] YEAR 1207.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
This inscription is on a slab of black marble which is preserved in the temple of Mokalji1 at Chitorgadh, in the Udaypur state of Rajputâna. I edit it from Dr. Führer's impressions,
The inscription contains twenty-eight lines of writing which cover a space of about 1' 8" broad by 1' 3" high. Lines 1-14 are generally well preserved; but in the subsequent lines part of the writing is entirely gone, in consequence of the peeling off of the surface of the stone, on the proper right side; and from the same cause a number of aksharas has also disappeared on the left side, in lines 24-28. In the midst of the writing causing a break in lines 17-23, is an ornamental drawing, about 33" square, which encloses a circle about 3" in diameter. Near the periphery of this circle and across the square, both vertically and horizontally, there is some writing (apparently a verse) the greater part of which is too faint to be made out. The size of the letters is between" and ". The characters are Nâgari. The language is Samskrit; and nearly the whole inscription is in verse. It is carefully written and engraved, and in respect of orthography it is only necessary to state that b is denoted by the sign for v, and that the dental sibilant is
Read बहिष्कृ Originally Metre: Upajati.
fit was engraved.
1 Metre of verses 4 and 5: Sloka (Anushṭubh).
Kend fur. *Read r.
This word is engraved beneath the preceding and
appears to have been followed by three or four other aksharas, which are illegible.
See above, p. 408. [I took impressions of the inscriptions at Chitorgadh in January 1873; Mr. H. B. W. Garrick copied several of them in 1884 (Arch. Sur. Reports, vol. XXIII, pls. xx, xxi); and again Dr. Führer on a tour in Rajputana took fresh impressions, one of which is used for this paper.-J. B.]

Page #489

422
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
several times used instead of the palatal and the palatal once instead of the dental sibilant.
The inscription is dated (in line 28) in the year 1207, corresponding, as a year of the Vikrama era, to A.D. 1149-50 or 1150-51; and its object is, to record a visit of the Chaulukya king Kumarapala to Mount Chitrakuta, the modern Chitorgadh, and some donations which on that occasion were made by the king in favour of a temple of the god Samidd heśvara (Siva) on the hill. After the words "Om! Adoration to the Omniscient," the inscription has five verses, three of which glorify the god Śiva under the names of Sarva, Mrida, and Samiddheśvara, while the others invoke the assistance of the goddess of eloquence, Sarasvati, and celebrate the compositions of poets. The author then (in line 5) eulogizes the family of the Chaulukyas. In that family the king Mularâja was born (line 6), and when he and many other kings of the same lineage had gone to heaven, there came the king Siddharâja (line 7), who again was succeeded by Kumarapâladeva (line 9). When this king had defeated the ruler of Sakambhari (line 10) and devastated the Sapâdalaksha country (line 11), he went to a place named Salipura (line 12), and having pitched his great camp there, he came to view the glorious beauty of the Chitrakuta mountain; the temples, palaces, lakes or tanks, slopes and woods are extolled in lines 13-19. Kumarapâla was delighted with what he saw there, and having come to a temple of the god Samiddheśvara (line 22) which was on the northern slope of the mountain, he worshipped the god and his consort, and gave to the temple a village the name of which has not been preserved (line 26). Other donations (a ghanaka or oil-mill' for lights, etc.) are spoken of in line 27; and line 28 tells us that this Prasasti was composed by the chief of the Digambaras Råmakirtti, a pupil of Jayakirtti, and records the date, already given above.
It will be seen from this abstract of the contents that this inscription is not of a very great importance; but it shows at any rate that Kumarapala's well-known victory 2 over (Arnorâja), the ruler of the Sapâdalaksha country, whose capital was Śâkambhari (Sâmbhar) in Rajputâna, must have taken place in the Vikrama year 1207, or very shortly before it. The place Sâlipura at which Kumarapala is said to have been encamped, and which must have been near Chitrakuta, I am unable to identify.
Text.9
J
I. 1. श्री ॥ नमः सर्व[]यः ॥ नमी' [स] सार्थिर्दग्व (ग्ध) संकल्पजन्मने । शर्व्वाय परम ज्योति[[ई]स्तसंकल्पजने ॥ जयताका डः चीमाडा 2. दनाम्बु (म्बु) जे । यस्य कण्ठच्छवी रेजे से (शे) वालस्येव वल्लरी ॥ यदीयशिखरस्थितोल्लसदनव्यदिव्यध्वजं समंडपही वृषामपि वि[]
४. रतः पश्यतां । अनेकभवसंचितं चयमियत्तिं पापं द्रुतं स पातु पदपंकजानतहरिः समिद्धे श्वरः ॥ यवोल्लसत्यङ्गु तकारिवाच: ' स्फुर [न्ति चि]
4. ते विदुषां सदा तत् । सारखतं ज्योतिरनंतम॑तर्विस्फूर्जतां मे क्षतजायवृत्ति ॥ जयंत्यज (ख) पीयूषविदुनिदिनीमला" कवीनां [सम
1
See ante, vol. I. p 295.
From impressions prepared by Dr. A. Führer.
Expressed by a symbol.
• Rend "ज्ञाय.
Metre: Bloks (Anushtubb) and of the next verse.
7 The missing aksharas area. Metre: Prithvi.
Metre: Upajati.
Metre: Sloka (Anushtubb); ard of the next three verses

Page #490

CHITORGADH INSCRIPTION OF THE CHAULUKYA KUMARAPALA. 423 L.B. कीत्ती(ती)ना वाग्विलासा महोदया: । न वैरस्थस्थिति: श्रीमान जलाना" समाश्रयः ।
रखराशिरपूर्वास्ति चौलुक्यानामिहान्वयः ॥ तबी8. दपद्यत श्रीमान्मइत्तस्तेजसां निधिः । मूलराजा(ज)महीनाथी मुक्तामणिरिवोच्च(ज्य)
लः ॥ वितन्वति भृशं यत्र क्षेम(म) सर्वत्र सर्वथा । प्रजा राजन्वती नून(न) - 7. सौ चिरकालतः ॥ तस्यान्वये महति भूपतिषु क्रमेण यातेषु भूरिषु सुपर्वपतैर्बिवास।
प्रोण्णुत्य वीभ्रयशसा ककुभा मुखानि श्रीसिद्धरा8. जनृपतिः प्रथिती व(ब)भूव ॥ जयत्रिया" समाविष्टं यं विलोक्य समंतत: । चत्वा जगंति
यकीर्तिज(ज)गा[६]मरमंदिरम् ॥ तस्मिनमरसामा9. जा(ज्य) संप्राप्ते नियतवसात्" । कुमारपालदेवोभूत्यतापाक्रांतशात्रवः ॥ स्वतेजसाप्रसहोन
न परं येन थानव: । पदं भूभृच्छिरस्मच्चैः कारि10. तो वं(ब)धुरप्यलं । पात्रा यस्य महीनाथैश्चतुरम्बु(म्बु)धिमध्यगैः । ध्रियते मूहभिर्ब (मे)
देवशेषेव सन्ततम् ॥ महीभृविकु(क)जषु शाकंभरी11. शः प्रियापुत्रलोके न शाकंभरीयः । अपि प्रास्तशत्रुर्भयात्कंप्रभूत: स्थितौ यस्य मत्तेभवाजि
प्रभूत:" । सपादलक्षमाम नमी12. तभयानकः । [ख]य[मयानहोनाथो ग्रामे शालिपुराभिधे ॥ सनिवेश्य सि(शि)विरं एषु
तत्र वासितासहनभूपतिचक्रम् । चिवकू13. टगिरिपुष्कलशोभा द्रष्टुमार नृपतिः कुतुकेन ॥ यदुश्चमरसमाग्रीपरिष्टाबपतन्मदा
रथं नयत्यलं मंदं मंदं भंगभयाद्रविः ॥ य14. सौधशिखरारुटकामिनीमुखसविधौ । वर्तमानो निशानाथो लक्ष्यते लक्ष्मलेखया ॥ प्रफुल्त
. राजीवमनोहरानना विवृत्तपाठीनविलोललोच- - - [ ] गावलिरोमराजयो रथांगवक्षोरुहमंडलश्चियः ॥ परिभ्रमत्मारसहंसनि
स्वनाः सविचमा हारिमृणालवा(बा)दुका: । वृ(बृहवितंवा(बा)मलवारि-~-मुद सतां यत्र सदा सरोजनाः ॥ स(स)रभिकुसुमगंधाकृष्टमत्तालिमालाविहित
मधुररावो यत्र चाधित्यकायां । स्खलिततरणिभानुः सम- मयिषति अखत्कामिनः कामिनीभिः ॥ शभे यहने शाखिशाखांत
राले प्रियाः क्रीडया सबिलीना निकामं । घने [प]-[] [तानगंधसक्तालयः सूव(च) यति ॥ प्राप" कदापि न या
जदये शं सानुनयं समया हृदयेशं । यहनमेत्य सु[सं.]19. - -~ - - [रतरागं । एवमादिगुणे" दुर्गा स्वर्गे वा भुवि [सं]
स्थिते। राजा जिष्णुः परप्रीत्या संचरबिजलोलn pivide; also, वैरस्थ स्थिति:
Motro : Sloka (Apushtubb); and of the next verse. Wise, also, जडाना.
21 Metre : Vamastha ; and of the next verse 13 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
# The aksharas, here broken away, are probably माः । प्रम. Metro: śloka (Anushtabl), and of the next three * The aksharas, here broken away, are probably tradit.
24 Metre: Málini. - Read "तबंधात्
Metre: Bhujangaprayata. " Metre: Bhajabgaprayata.
36 Metro: Dodhaka. 11 Originally was engraved.
17 Metro: Sloka (Anushpubh); and of all the following 19 Metre: Sloka (Anushpubi). 1 Metre: Srågatå.
verres.
verses

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L. 20. या । ति . . . . . . . . . [ता?]श्चर्यसंकुलम् । ददर्शागाधगंभीरस्वच्छ स्वमिव मान
सम् । निर्मलं सलिलं यत्र पि21. हितं प[धि]- -। . . . . . . .जे नीलाम(म)राग[भू]श्रियम । विमुच्च व्योम
पातालरसा यत्र विमार्गगा। लोका22. न् पु[नाति] . . . . . . .v-v-॥ [त]स्योत्तरतटेद्राचीवमामरसमर्चितं । श्रीस
मिहेश्वरं देवं प्रसिहं 28. जगती-- . . . . . . . . . . . .~- ते। वेसंध्य[तूर्यनादेन कलि(लिं)
निर्भमयविव । य[त्स्ता]वस्थाधिपत्येस्थात्पुरा भ24. शरिकोत्त[मा।] . . . [वो पाभ्य[?] . . . .v-0-तस्या: शिष्याभवत्साध्वी
सुव्रतवासभूषिता । गौरदेवीति वि[ख्या] . . .[ता]कतोद्यमा। सु[मनो?] . . 25. संसेव्या [मा ?] . . यविनाशिनी। दुर्गा हि . . . . . . . . . .-.[ता ॥ यत्तपः पावनं वीच पवित्रीकृतसज्जनं । सम्मकः पूर्वयमि . . . . . - -
भिवं प्रपूज्य त[य] . . 26. . . [म]गमत्युभुः। प्रणम्य [तावुभौ?] भत्या सि(शिरसा -- -. . . . . . [तखा]त: पूजार्थारपादयोः । कुमारपालदेवोदाडामं श्री .----.. . . स्या
दियाराम .. 27. . टा दक्षिणपूर्वोत्तरपश्चिमत: सर:पालो भूणादित्य ..... राज ...दीपार्थ घाण
कमेकं सब्जनीप्यदात् दंडनाथ . . . . . . . . . . . . मतहानम . . . 28. श्री[य]कीर्तिशिष्येण दिगंव(ब)रगणेचिना । प्रशस्तिरोदशी चक्र . . श्रीरामकीर्तिना॥
संवत् १२०७ सूत्रधा . .
XXXIV-MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE SOBA OF DIHLI.
_No. II.
BY PAUL HORN, PH.D., STRASSBURG. The following inscriptions are in continuation of, and in addition to those contained in a previous paper, ante, pp. 130 seq. I begin with Fathåbåd, which was there represented by the inscription from Firoz Shah's famous pillar.'
FATHABAD. 1. To the left of the mihrāb of what is now an 'fdgah in the fort of Fathahad, is a light-coloured rectangular sandstone, with an inscription of ten lines, measuring 2'3' by
* In the prose passage, from here up to the end of line 27, it is impossible to say exactly how many akaharas are broken away in each place.
> Metre : Sloka (Anushtabh).
Below this line some more akahara, have been roughly engraved; but they are quite illegible in the impression.
Mr. H. B. W. Garriok, in General Cunningham's Archeological Survey Reporta, vol. XXIII, p. 11, remarks that Maulawi Ziya uddin Khan has been successful in deciphering the long inscription on the above-mentioned monolith (ree plate II there); bat, no far as I know, the translation has not yet been published.

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1' 2", of which Mr. Garrick gives a good copy (Arch. Sur. India Rep. vol. XXIII plate iii)
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم وان المساجد الله ] فلا يدعوا [sio] الله الحدا وانه لما قام عبدالله يدمو[1] [1] يعولي مع عليه ابدا قال عليه السلام من بني الله [sic] مسجدا يبتغي به وجه الله بني الله له في
الجنة مثله تمام شد این مسجد در ایام مرات شاه اعظم والخاقان المعظم مالك الرقاب طوايف الاسم من الهلي والترك والعرب والعجم رافع رايات [1] المجاهدات محمد همایون بادشاه غازي خلد الله تعالي ملكه في بحار الطف [sic] والمغازي فلکه بسع [sic] جناب سعادة فرجام زبدة فضلاء التام نتيجة الامراء العظام امیر رستم بیک بن
في التالي: ماه رمضان
جلاب المغفور المرور المخلص امير محمد علي الله تعالى مهام . . سنه خمس [ر] اربعين وتسعماية كارفرماء فقير عبد الكريم مرند برای جراغ بر مردم [؟] تعیین کرده شد
طلق است او را هرکه منع کند
"In the name," etc. (Qorán, Sûra lxxii, 18, 19). "The prophet,-upon whom be peace, says, 'He who builds, etc.' This mosque was finished in the days of the reign of the great king, the exalted prince, the master of the necks of crowds of nations among the Indians, Turks, Arabs, and Persians, who raises the standard of holy strife and war, Muhammad Humâyûn, Bádisháh-i-Ghází,-May God Almighty perpetuate his kingdom [and guide] his ship in the seas of His favour!-through the exertion of the auspicious dignitary, the cream of the accomplished among men, the issue of great Amirs, Amir Rustam Beg, son of his highness the pardoned and purified chosen Amir on the Muhammad 'Ali,-God Almighty. . 2nd of the month Ramazan A. 945 (the 22nd January, 1539). The superintendent of the work (was) the poor 'Abdul-Karim."
The verse at the end of the inscription cannot be fully deciphered. The whole has a striking resemblance to the inscription of Amir Muhammad's mosque at Hişâr (ante, p. 155).
2. Into the outer wall of the mosque enclosure in the fort of Fathâbâd a rectangular sandstone is let containing a well-known invocation of 'Ali in Arabic, in four lines, size 1' 29" by 62"
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم ناد عليا مظهر العجائب نجده مولالك في الأرانب كل
هم رقم سينجلي بنبرنک یا محمد برايتك يا علي يا علي يا علي ثم ثم تم
"In the name, etc. Invoke 'Ali, the manifestor of miracles; thou wilt find him
31

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
for thy help in adversities. Every care and every sorrow will surely vanish through thy prophetship, O Muhammad, through thy saintliness, O 'All, O'All, O'Al, O 'Ali!"
His.'
3. Near the Nâgôr-Gate, outside the town, is a sandstone (measuring 5' by 4"), on four sides covered with inscriptions. It belonged to the tomb of Shaikh Muhammad Chishti, but it is now on a wrong grave, where it was placed a short time ago, on being dug up. The inscription, in one line, on the west upper side, runs—
نقل ابن سلطان المشايخ والزليا شيخ محمد بن شيخ محمود چشتي في التاسع من شعبان سنه اتلى وتسعين وثمانماية
"The departure of this king of the Shaikhs and the Saints, Shaikh Muhammad, son of Mahmud, the Chishti, (took place) on the 9th Sha'bán, 802 (31st July, 1487)." Since the tomb of so highly revered a man as Shaikh Muhammad Chishti was may claim some interest, I give also the Arabic inscriptions of the lower west side and of the east face
يا من بدنياه اشتغل قد غره طول الامل الموت يأتي بغتة والقبر صندوق العمل
Metre: Rajaz. "Ah! He that is occupied with his earthly life and the length of his hope (ie., his hoped life-time) deceives himself! Death comes unexpectedly, and the tomb is the coffin of his work."
الله الرحمن الرحيم لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله صلى الله عليه بس
الشبم راحل وهو في ا الا انما الدنيا كمنزل راكب اينام عشيا
"In the name, etc., station of a camel-rider? morning?"
4. Outside the Nâgôr-Gate is also the enclosure known as Shaikh Junaid's tomb. The stone on the west contains the name of the builder twice, who, in spite of the omis sion of any title, may nevertheless be identical with the Shaikh named, from his also being
there is no God but, etc. Is not the world verily like the Will he sleep in the evening when he is to depart in the
This formula is very popular for amulets all over the East. It is engraved on bracelets just as on swords (see Proceed. ings 48. S. Beng. for November 1872, p. 169). Mr. Blochmann gives it in his Ain-i Akbari Translation, p. 507, with an unmetrical alteration in the second line. But see also Proceedings As. S. Beng. (loc. cit.)
Some of the following inscriptions were published by Blochmann, in Proceedings As. 8. Beng. for April 1877, pp. 94, seg.
The most extensive essay on the whole branch of the Chishti Saints (see ante, p. 145) is in the Sawdți" ul-anuár, a copy of which work is in India Office library in London. The contents of this large volume (481 pages of 17 lines each) have been copiously described by Prof. C. H. Ethé in his Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts of the India Office Collection (No. 654), for access to the proof sheets of which I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. R. Rost. It is known that biographies of single Chishtis are likewise given in other works and that there are writings treating of single members as the Matlub uttalibin, which is restricted to the life and deeds of Nizamuddin Auliya. Compared with such books those of the princess Jahânârâi about Shaikh Mu'in uddin and of her brother Dårå Shukôh (Safinat ul-auliya) are very dilettante. I have perused the whole of the first and looked over the latter in the manuscripts at the British Museum. This is not the place to speak at large of the value of the literary products of the two princely authors, but I may mention that I was disappointed with them, and the most by Dârâ Shukoh's, which pretends to be more serious than Jahânârâi's unassuming book. They do not furnish us with original information of importance concerning the Chishtis, as one would be disposed to expect, considering the close relation of both with Shaikh Mu'in uddio.

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born at Ajôdhan, the name for Dipâlpûr,- too striking an accord. But then the date of the latter's death, as given in the Khazinat ul-asfiya, which Blochmann has extracted, must be too early. The size of the two inscriptions is 7' 6" by 7", and 6' by 41, respectively.
الرحمن الرحيم الغرة من ربيع الأول سنة سبع وعشرين وتسع ماية باليه جنید بی چندان لله
"In the name, etc. On the first Rabi'ul-awwal, 927 (9th February, 1521). The builder of it (was) Junaid, son of Chandan."
الغرة من شهر ذي القعدة سله احدى وثلثين وتسع ماية بانيه جنید بی چندن بن محمود اجودهنی
"On the first Zi'l-Qa'da, 931 (20th August, 1525). Its builder (was) Junaid, son of Chandan, son of Mahmud, of Ajodhan."**
There are some other inscriptions from the same Mausoleum, but of no value. One, measuring 2' 1" by 6", contains, in two lines, the Bismilláh and the Kalima; two others from the north and west sides of the N.-W. pillar of the tomb, each measuring 1' 1" square, bear Qorán, Sûra cxii, adorned with flowers."
5. Over the western arch inside a tomb, west of the road leading from Hisar to Dâna Sher, outside the town half a mile from the Dihli-Gate, is an inscription in stucco; it measures 1' 2" by 1' 13", and contains eight lines, but very much damaged
بن
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم الله .
در عهد ميمون ودولت
خلد ملکه و سلطانه
همایون
راعلی امره رشانه این
عمارت ازان والفرقان
.
بسم
.. بن مير
سلطانمللیک در سیم [1] ماه رمضان
•
سنة ثلاث واربعين وتسعماية تمام شد
"In the auspicious time and reign of Humayun (the king, etc.)-May God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule, and elevate his condition and dignity!—this building of Waltû Khân. . . . ., son of Mir..... son of Sultan Malik Bêg, was finished on the third [?] of month Ramzân, A. 943 (13th February, 1537)."
Along the right-hand side, almost in the same line with the above, are the following
words: -
بیست هزار تنکه سيه [؟] باهتمام شیخ منور بن قاسم [؟] اتمام شد
این . . . . بادشاه
* Shaikh Farid uddin Mas'ud was also born at Ajodhan,-see W. Pertsch, Verzeichniss der persischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothekzu Berlin, No. 590, p. 556.
Mr. Ghulam Husain, who prepared the impressions of all these inscriptions with the same care as those of the former Panjab series, remarks that both have been published by Amin Chand in his Settlement Report, a work which is not to hand. In the neighbourhood of this Mausoleum also the pre-Muhammadan pillar stands which, according to Captain W Brown, Journal of A. S. Beng. vol. VII. (1838), p. 429,-" has the appearance of having been partially worked by Ferez's orders, and probably some inscription was cut upon it by his workmen, but of which there is now no trace owing to the peeling off of the exterior surface." Cf. Gen. Cunningham's Archeological Survey Reports, vol. V, p. 140 et seq.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
20,000 copper-tankas (1,000 rupees) was completed under the superintendence of Shaikh Munawwar, son of Qasim. "
Owing to the bad condition of the stone all the words are not certain.
6. The following two inscriptions come from the same place as No. 5. Their sizes are 3′13′′ by 1' 9", and 3' by 1' 6", respectively, each containing seven lines. The tomb itself is in poor condition and greatly neglected, but the inscriptions have been well preserved
الرحمن الرحيم در عهد میمون ودراست همایوی سلطان الله سم
الهند و الخراسان رافع رايات المجاهدات والمغازي محمد همایون
خلافته این عمارت بتاريخ ماه رجب رجب قدرة سنة خلد بادشاه غازي .
اربع واربعين وتسعماية تمام شد واین گنبد
بر ترسي كوجك بن مير برنطق مغل شده است
راین جوان در لشکر گجرات شہادت یافت
و مبلغ بازده هزار تنکه سیاه خرج شده است
"In the propitious time and august reign of the king of India and Khorâsân, who raises the banners of holy strife and war, Muhammad Humâyân, Bádishah-i Ghart,-- May (God) perpetuate his khalifate!-this building was completed in the month RajabMay its dignity be magnified!-of the year 944 (began the 4th December, 1537). And this cupola (was made) for the sake of Tardi Kuchuk, son of Mir Barantaq, the Moghul; and this youth attained martyrdom in the army of Gujarât. The cost was 15,000 copper-fankas (750 rupes)."
بسم الله الرحمن الرحوم در مهد ميمون ودولت همايي سلطان الهند و اخراسان رافع رايات المجاهدات و المغازي طہیرالدین محمد همایون بادشاه غازي خلد خلافته بتاريخ ماه رمضان سنه اربع واربعين وتسعماية این عمارت از برای [؟] ر شاه علی شد راین بن ميرن مير عاشق محمد
جوان در لشکر گهرات شهادت بافت
و مبلغ دوازده هزار تنکه سیاه خرج شده
"In the propitious time and august reign of the king of India and Khorâsân, who raises the banners of holy strife and war, Tahir uddin Muhammad Humâyân, Bádishah-i Ghazi,-May (God) perpetuate his khalifate!-this building was completed during the month Ramazan of the year 944 (began the 1st February, 1538). It was made for the sake of Mir 'Ashiq Muhammad, son of Mir Shah 'Ali," and this youth attained martyrdom in the army of Gujarât. The cost was 12,000 copper-tankas (600 rupees)."
Mr. Blochmann has wrongly read Humayun's common kunya Naşir uddin; but here Tahir uddin has been enaravel. Zahir uddin was Babar's kunya.
Here 'Alab has been engraved, but this is no name.

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Both youths probably served in the Gujarat war that ended with Bahadur Shah's victory, A.H. 942. Then, or. perhaps in Muhammad Zaman Mirza's attempt to overpower the country, their death may have occurred, and they afterwards found a tomb at home, Gujarat being lost to Humayun.
7. Over the mihráb of an 'fdgáh at Dana Sher, one mile south of Hişår on the old Hånst road, is an inscription of four lines in stucco, measuring 1' 9' by 44". It is in very bad condition, being exposed to wind and weather. I try to read it thus
w? [us]ly ........ wy! W oy...... [] Uso well
سروانی ............. مسند عالی دولتفاده در عهد شیرشاه
ادریس
...
•••••. đá
* [?] silyo ile
cao, [sic] đi thu ................
“This mosque of ... Bêg, son of Palad Sarvani .... son of Idris Sarvani . .. the high Masnad of the Daulatkhana, was finished in the reign of Sher Shah, the king, in the year 947 (began the 8th May, 1540) . .. The cost was 12,000 . . ."
With Messrs. Ghulam Husain and the late E. Rehatsek (who made rough versions of many of these epigraphs) I have supposed that we have here & barbarous construction, contrary to the Arabic usage, the date beginning with the hundreds instead of the units. would then be for @lo 'hundred', scarcely for 2; 80 I read the monarch's name as Sher Shah, which is possible. And surely, if u were only a blunder, perhaps of the stone-cutter, & reiterated lis', only with a shortening of the long stroke of the sin, and the date in this case were 749, one could not read the king's name as Muhammad, as would then be necessary, or the word after sab' as mi'at. Besides, there are some words, especially 'in masjid', that I cannot warrant as certain,
HÂNSE. Mr. H. B. W. Garrick (ut sup., pp. 15, 16) gives a list of the principal inscriptions found at Hansi. Some of them have already been published by Blochmann, that of the Dini mosque, also ante, p. 159. There are several others perhaps also deserving notice that are not mentioned in Mr. Garrick's list, but I miss also some inscriptions of his in Mr. Rodgers's collection."
Because Hânsi was an important place in the times of the early Pathân Sultâns, it is not surprising that numerous old inscriptions of that dynasty are found there. If we do
20 In the Ma'askir ul-Umard, vol. I, p. 583, it is mentioned by the way that the ddrághagi of the daulatkhana was bestowed only upon trustworthy men. The author of the Tarikh-i Shershdhi, 'Abbâs Khan, son of Shaikh
All was also a Sarwani, an Afghan tribe tracing its lineage to the mythic Batan (nee Mini Albari, I, 591), likewise 'Azam Humayun (who lived in Sultan Ibrahim Lodi's time, cf. Babar's Memoirs, pp. 347, 302; Akbarndma, vol. I, p. 109) and therefore also his son Fath Khân Khánjahan (Babar'. Memoirs, pp. 390, 392, Akbarndma, vol. I, pp. 103, 104), and grandson Mahmud Khan (Babar's Memoire, p. 393, Akbarnama, vol. I, p. 104), or Bahadur Khan, whose tomb Babar visited at Sagandpur (Momoirs, p. 491), and others. For another Sher Shâh inscription of the same year (at Sakit) see Proceedings of At. Soc. Beng. for May 1874, p. 105.
o.g. Nos. 1, 3, 4. I leave it to the reader to correct Mr. Garrick's little mistakes concerning the single inscriptions and their readings.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. not take into account the Dihlt inscriptions from the years 587 (E. Thomas, The Chronicles of the Pathán Kings of Dehli, p. 22 or Journal Asiatique, V série, vol. XVI (1860), p. 274) and of 592 (E. Thomas, Chronicles, p. 24, and Jour. Asiat., p. 240), we have here the oldest dated Muhammadan one in India, viz. of 593 (of the same year is also a Dihli inscription,-see Jour. Asiat. u.8. p. 240). Shaikh Ni'mat Ullah's tomb has no original inscription relating to this pious man, and is a remnant of even an older period for the saint in 559 A.H. became a martyr in Sultan Shihab uddin Ghöri's attack upon the fort of Hånsi (see Mr. Garrick's Report, p. 13). Not a few inscriptions evidently are also very old, but they bear no dates.
8. The rectangular sandstone, with the following inscription of one line, measuring 4' 11" by 6", serves now as a lintel to the doorway of the third enclosure of Shaikh Ni'mat Ullah's tomb. Formerly it belonged to a mosque built by 'Ali, son of Isfandiyar; it is of the 5th year of Muhammad ibn Sam's reign :
ماية
امر ببنا هذ المسجد العبد علي بن اسفندیار في عشر ذي الحجة سنه ثلث وتسعين وخمس
“This mosque was ordered to be built by the slave (of God) Ali, son of Isfandiyar on the 10th Zil Hijja, 593 (24th October, 1197).”
9. The masjid walls of the second enclosure of Shaikh Ni'mat Ullah's tomb contain also other inscriptions that originally had nothing to do with it. Into the outer western wall & rectangular light-coloured sandstone has been built horizontally, bearing one line (size 3' by 1), and mentioning the monarch's name under whose rule the inscription falls. Originally it was the jamb of a door. It is frightfully decayed, but the following is quite legible :
ابر المظفر محمد بن سام ناصر امیرالمومنین ...
“[Abu'll Muzaffar Muhammad, son of Så m, the helper of the Khalif of the faithful."
The other jamb contains also one line (measuring 3' 7}" by 11"); the lintel has not been found :
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم من بنا لله مسجدا في الدنيا بنا [الله له قصرا في الجنة ......
"In the name of the merciful and compassionate God! Who builds a mosque in this world for God, God will build for him a castle in paradise......"
Other inscriptions from Muhammad ibn Sam's reign, besides the above-mentioned Dihli ones, have been published by E. Thomas in his Chronicles of the Pathán Kings, pp. 24 (A.A. 594) and 25 (A.H. 596).
Of no historical value are the inscriptions over the doorway inside (l' by 11"), only a fragment, in large characters, containing two words, being a part of a king's title
1.1: over the northern window in the outer wall (% 5" by 31"), the first half of Qorán, Sara ü, verse 215–, and in the northern inside wall (1' 7" by 6'), a fragment,
lly airy wolwe dla small (Qorán, Sara ix, verse 9). But there is no reference to the age of all.
10. South-east of the town, about 150 yards from the walls, is the tomb of the four Qutb or Saints (cf. Mr. Garrick's Report, p. 14, and plate vii). In the wall of the

Page #498

MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE SUBA OP DIHLI.
431
enclosure is the following inscription, which originally belonged to the grave of some unnamed noble lady. It consists of two lines and measures 4' 3' by 11"
.
جثة الماري تمت القبر المستورد الجليله نور الله قبرها رغفر الله لها في
بالتاريخ الحاسي غزت ذوالقعده سنه اثني عشرين ستملية یا ارحم الرحمين [ate] وذلك
"Finished was the tomb of the veiled noble lady,-May Allah illuminate her tomb and may Allah pardon her in the garden of the asylum (Paradise)! O most merciful of the merciful! This took place on the 1st Zil Qa'da, 622 (4th November, 1225)."
It is curious that the word qabr is used as feminine, of course only from its being occupied by a woman. The year 622 falls in the reign of Sham s-uddin Altamsh, as does that of the following inscription, No. 11.
Entering the courtyard of the tomb one meets an undated fragmentary inscription, which has found a place in the wall, facing south, its original position not being known. It is much decayed, and consists of two lines (1'101' by 1'15"). A complement of it must be Mr. Garrick's sixth one
سلطاني گيلاني ] ریفردوس بنده مسعود محمد صفهاني برد
"[61]lani and to Firdaus Sultâni. He was a slave of Mas'ad Muhammad of Isfahan."
In the wall of the mosque of the four Qutbs is a fragmentary inscription of two lines, measuring 1'4'' by 1
بتوفيق حضرت كمال [جمال or] ابن .....
"By the grace of his highness Kamal, son of ........."
11. At the mosque of Bů Alt Bakhsh in the Moghulpara-Quarter of Hansi is a rectangular sandstone, measuring 2' 6" by 6", with two lines
هذا عمارة المسجد العبد الضعيف احمد بن محمد اسمنتي
ربيع الآخر سنه ثلث والعشرين وستماية في المنتصف
"This building (is) the mosque of the feeble slave (of God) Ahmad, son of Muhammad, of Asmand. In the middle of Rabi' II, 623 (began the 1st April, 1226).
Mr. Blochmann remarks that Asmand is a small place near Samarqand.
There are also two other inscriptions over the north and south arches of the same mosque, the first (1'}" by 73) containing the Bismillah, with the Kalima, the second (1' by 7") being a fragment.
12. Half a mile to the west of the town, in the fields, is an 'Idgah and on the left of its central arch (mihráb) is an old fragmentary inscription of two lines (measuring 2' 10%" by 1'), very much damaged. It runs--
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم قال عيسى ابن مريم اللهم ربنا انزل علينا مائده | ناصر الدنيا والدین ابوالمظفر [2] محمد بن السلطان ..........
"In the name, etc. Jesus, the son of Mary, has said, "O God, our Lord, send down to us a table from heaven (to be to us as a festival, cto. ),- Qorån, Stra v, verse 114.

Page #499

432
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Because the inscription is so worn there may be doubts about the king's name. I think it was Nasir uddin Mahmûd, second son of Altamsh of that name, who reigned A.H. 644-664, of whose time only one inscription has yet been published, viz. by Blochmann in the Jour. As. Soc. B., vol. XLII, p. 248, note [ A.H. 652, at Aligarh]. In spite of the want of any date we are scarcely allowed to think of his elder brother, owing to Mr. Thomas' remarks in his Pathán Kings, p. 84.
In the central arch of the same 'Idgah another old inscription of two lines of Altamsh's reign is said to be, size 2' 9" by 1'.
13. On a loose stone in the courtyard of Bû 'Ali Bakhsh's mosque is a fragment, (the right half not being found) of three lines, size 1' 4" by 1' 23":
محرم سنه سبع وثمانين وستماية
شاه گبهل معزالدنيا سلطان خان ملکه در نوبت بهلول بن مهرابک الانی بر.
The king of the world Muizz ud dunya..........the Sultan,-May (God) perpetuate his reign !-in the time of.........Bahlal, son of Mihrâ (?) Bêg, Alâni... Muharram, 687 (began the 6th February, 1288)."
The name of the grandee is not certain. For other inscriptions of Kaiqobâd see Ep. Ind., vol. II, p. 158, and note 42.
14. About a quarter of a mile north of the fort of Hânsî is the tomb of Walayat Shah Sultan Shahid. Here are two inscriptions of no value; one mentioning the date 713, measuring 1' 10' by 1' 2", in three lines, the other measuring 1' 10" by 5", in one line, being a portion of Qorán, Sara ii, verse 256.
15. At the mosque of the Qutbs (see No. 10) a rectangular sandstone bears eight lines in coarse and indistinct characters; size 3'8" by 11":
الملك لله
تعالی بنده درگاه سبحاني ابا بكر نام جلوانی که پلی الله بتوفيق سرة العزيز است از مریدان پیر دستگیر سلطان المشايخ شيخ ابوالفتح قدس الله . در پایان قطب اقطاب عالم شيخ جمال العمل والشرع والدين طاب ثراه وجعل
الجنة مثواه ونورالله مراقده در وقت جلوس سجاده بندگي سلطان المشايخ
عمره این مسجد راس کنانید هرکه درین مسجد نماز بگذارد بدعای الله شيخ فريد مد اینان [?] یاد کند كاتب حروف رضي قطب نائب قاضي هانسي .
الهامس والعشرين من ماه رجب رجب قدره سله ست وتسعين وثمانماية ستاراش امین [7] بهرال [۴]
ناگوري
"The Kingdom belongs to God!
• By Almighty God's grace, the slave of the glorious court, Aba Bakr by name Jalwâni," one of the disciples of the guiding spiritual chief, the king of Shaikhs, Shaikh
13 In Babar's Memoirs occur also Jalwdnis, by name Isma'il (pp. 338, 486, 487) and Mubarak Khan (p. 491), or RAI Husain, a partisan of Shêr Khan (vide Akbarnama, vol. I, p. 164), and others. I have read Inán (first word of the 7th line) instead of fbds, as has been engraved on the stone.

Page #500

MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE SUBA OF DIHLI. 433 Abu'l Fath,-May God sanctify his dear secret!-has laid the foundation of this mosque at the feet of the pole of the poles of the world, Shaikh Jamál ul-haqq washshar' waddin (ie. Shaikh Jamål uddin),-May his grave be fragrant! May (God) make Paradise his mansion, and may God illuminate his resting place !--at the time when the king of Sbaikhs, Sbaikh Farid,-May God lengthen his life 1-ascended to the throne of the spiritual rule. Every one who prays in this mosque should remember these men in his prayer.
"The writer of the words (was) Raza Quțb, the representative of the judge of Hansi . . . On the 25th Rajab, -- May its power increase ! -896 (3rd January, 1491). The stone-cutter (was) Amin() Bir Lal of Någor."
In the first line, to the left of the words “ The kingdom belongs to God," in smaller characters, the name of the reigning king is given
در عهد بادشاه زمان [2] سکندر شاه بن بهلول شاه سلطان خلد الله ملکه رسلطانه
"In the time of the king of the age, Sikandar Shah, son of Buhlal Shah, the king,--May God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule !"
16. In the north inner wall of the Barsi gate in Hânsi is a rectangular sand. stone, measuring 1' 0" by 1' 1", on which are five lines
بناء عمارت این دروازه متین علوی با مرمت حصن حصین علائی که مورخست سنه اثني رسبعمائة در عهد سلطان السلاطين ابرالمظفر ابراهيم شاه سلطان خلد الله ملکه وسلطانه رد عمل مسند علي حمید خان
مرکل بن کمال [1] مانتتان کمال ردر شقداری خواجه شیخ [!] محمد و بفرمایش
.. في الخامس من شهر ذي القعده سنه ثمان وعشرين وتسعماية كاتب خانزاد نصر مفتی هانسوي
time of the per fort, dated 702 of this solid, high
“The building of the edifice of this solid, high gate, together with the repairs of the strong upper fort, dated 702 A.H. (began 26th August, 1302), (took place in the time of the king of kings, Abu'l Muzaffar Ibrahim Shah, the king,-May God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign l-and during the governorship of the high Masnad Hamid Khan, son of Amanat Khån Kamål and during the shiqdary of KhwÀja Shaikh Muhammad, and by order of Muwa kk al, son of Kamal...., on the 5th Zi'l Qa'da, 928 (26th September, 1522). The writer (was) Khanzada Nasr, the Mufti of Hânsi.”
Hamid Khan is known to have been governor of Hişår Firoza; he was defeated in battle by Prince Humayan A.H. 932 (Akbarnáma, vol. I, p. 94, and Babar's
As we learn from an inseription on the same gate, to the left of the entrance, published by Plochmann in the Proceedings of As. Soc. B., for May 1877, p. 122, and mentioned by Mr. Garrick (No. 6), the correct year of the first fortification of Hanaf was 708, not 702. The repairing of the fort which most probably Muhammad Shh had intended be an outpost against the Moghuls, was wel ons against their final invasion under Akbar.
3K

Page #501

434
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Memoirs, p. 339, where he is styled Hamida Khán Kháspa Khaili, shiqdár of Higår Firóza).
The following inscription refers also to Muhammad Shah's fortification of the place." Originally it consisted of three parts that are now scattered. The larger portion, given here, is at present doing duty as the headstone of a grave near the Husain Gate; & smaller one has been let into the brick wall of a well, near the same gate, and is fast being destroyed. The inscription, in heavy characters, is a very fine one, and ought to be preserved. Two lines, size 3' 3" by 1' 6" —
بناء عمارت این حصن حصين ودررازی متین در عهد [ سلطان السلاطين ] جم نشان رسليمان تمکین سکندرزمان ابوالمظفر محمد شاه السلطان
« The building of the edifice of this strong fort and solid gate (cas) in the time of (the king of kings) celebrated like Jamshed, of high dignity like Solomon, the Alexander of the period, Abu'l Muzaffar Muhammad Shah, the king......" 16
17. Inside of the mihráb of the mosque of the Makhdům Şahib Asbraf in the Weavers' Quarter of Hansi, is a very old inscription in square Kufic characters that must be of the first Pathan period. It measures 1' 1" by 9' and consists of the Kalima only. Over the outer gateway of the enclosure of the same mosque is found a poor inscription of three lines (93" by 6"), giving the date, “Month Şafar 989," (began 7th March, 1581). The old mosque therefore was repaired in Akbar's time.
18. Outside the stables of Haidar Bég, high up in a wall is a rectangular sandstone, bearing an inscription of nine lines (size 1' 9" by 1' 7"). It is frightfully worn and can be deciphered only with the greatest difficulty. But the following is certain :
...... vies
در عهد ردولت سلطان السلاطين ابوالمظفر شهاب الدین محمد صاحب
* Perhaps also to the Barsi Gate (Blochmann No. 3, Garrick No. 6).
15 Other inscriptions of 'AlA uddin Muhammad Shah's reign (A.H. 695-715) have been published in General Cunninghan's Archæological Survey Reports, vol. XX, p. 76 (A.H. 705, at Bayana), by E. Thomas, Chronicles of the Pathan Kings, p. 173 (A.H. 710, at Diblf), and by Blochmann, Proceedings of As. Soc. B. for August 1873, p. 156 (A.H. 711, at Rápri), (also No. 22 below). I would here call attention to a work that may be very important for the history of another monarch of the Khilji tribe, viz. of Mahmud Shah I. of Malwa. The Royal Library at Berlin possesses a M8. that seems to be unique; At least I have found no second copy in the accessible catalogues of manuscripts, and the late Mr. . Rehatsek did not know of one elsewhere. Its title is Ma'dthiri Mahmudshali na siyari khildfale pandhi, written in the lifetime of Mahmud Shah I. of Malwa, as the author 'Ali Ibn Mahmud u l-Kirmani states, by Mahmûd's own order. The writer shows himself well acquainted with many private adventures of his sovereign, especially with his dreams before the occupation of the throne, and be describes fully these inviting divine messages as justifying the rebellion of the subject against his former master. Although partly composed in a very bombastio style, it would still be worth publishing, all the more mit is a proof of the taste then reigning at the court of Malwa. Mahmud is related to have been always a favourer of learned men. It is stated in this work that for the engraving of the inscriptions on the splendid Madrasa B & m-i Bihisht, built by Shah Mahmúd A.H. 845 in his capital, he employed Persian artists because of their higher dexterity, and these applied the thalth and muhaqqaq kinds of writing (Fol. 89). This may be a hint in cases where nothing is related concerning the nationality of the stone-cutters. It is remarkable how many of the modern' Indian caligraphiste mentioned in the 34th chapter of the first book of the dini Akbari (cf. also Mr. Blochmann's translation, p. 100, et seg, and notes) ware strangers by birth and only afterwards settled in India. The Kufic style that has fourished in Arabia, Egypt and Spain bas produced only some scanty flowers in India, but this is easily explained by the later date of Islam in India, the Kufie period then already having passed. Some remarks about the caligraphy of the inscriptions are to be found in the Jour of 41. 8. B., rol XL, p.257-8, and in Ravenshaw's Gaur.

Page #502

MUHAMMADAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE SUBA OF DIHLI.
قرآن ثاني شاه جهان بادشاه غازي
ر سلطانه ملکه خلد الله.
این جاه زنان شد
بتاریخ هفتم ماه شعبان المعظم
سنه سبع رخمسين والف
"By the favour of ... in the time and reign of the king of kings, Abu'l Muzaffar Shihab uddin Muhammad, second lord of the conjunction, Shahjahan, Bádishahi Gházi-May God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule! . . . of this well for women . on the 7th of the honoured month Sha'bân in the year 1057 (7th September, 1647)."
435
The words chah-i zanan-"well for women," seem to be certain, so that there can be no uncertainty about the establishment the inscription refers to. In the fourth chapter of the third book of the Ain-i Akbart, vol. I, p. 284, it is stated amongst the duties of the Kotwal, to reserve separate ferries and wells for men and women.
19. On the east wall of the enclosure of a tomb in the court-yard of Makhdum Sahib Ashraf's mosque is an inscription, measuring 1' 2" by 8", in a very bad condition; only the dateli jo A.H. 1087' (began the 16th March, 1676) and the name of the architect by the effort of the architect Sharif' are legible. The reigning monarch was Aurangzeb Alamgir.
20. There are also some fragments of inscriptions, found at Hânsi, that for want of any characteristic indications, cannot be ascribed to a certain epoch, e.g. a portion of the so-called throne-verse (Qordn, Sura ii, 256) engraved on a sandstone that has found a place above the outer doorway of the courtyard of the mosque, a little west of the fort, or a part of the well-known hadith about the building of mosques, on the well in the Dâk Bangla compound (size 8" by 20", one line).
BHATINDA.
21. Bhatinda, the Bhatti's city, according to the very probable etymology of Mr. Garrick, p. 5, has always had a strong fort. There is preserved a large cannon of Aurangzeb's time bearing two inscriptions:
هو الغالب
محمد در عهد ابوالظفر محی الدین
اورنگ زیب بہادر عالم گیر بادشاه عالی توپ اورنگ شاهی مرتب شد سنه یکهزار رهفتاد رسه هجري
باهتمام مرید ندري باخلاص معتمد خان في سنه و جلوس
مبارک را
16 Bhatinda is mentioned in the 1ín-i Akbari amongst others as a place where Akbar often hunted leopards vol. I, 207, and near which camels were numerous, vol. I, P.
146.
3 x 2

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436
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
"He (God) is the conqueror! In the time of Abu'l Zafar Muhyiddin Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur 'Alamgir, Badisháh-i Gházi, the Aurangaháhcannon was set up in A.H. 1073 (began the 16th August, 1662). By the efforts of the devoted and sincere subject Mu'ta mid Khan, in the 5th year of the blessed reign."
در عمل متهراداس دلارامبی .... ترب ......... در قلعه گرالیار مرتب شد
و
« During the office of Mathuradas Dilaramj 1......... the cannon has been placed in the fort of Gwaliår."
The cannon, consequently, was placed at first at Gwaliår, where Mu'tamid Khan was commandant from the 24th Jumadi I, 1071.7 Afterwards it was brought to Bhatinda.
Inscriptions from other cannons have been published by Major St. G. D. Showers, Shahjahan's gun Jahánkushá by name, see Jour. As. Soc. B., vol. XVI, (1847), p. 689,and by Blochmann--a trophy gun formerly belonging to the Bengal Artillery, A.H. 1186 (began 4th April, 1772),-see Proc, Ag. Soc, B., for November 1872, p. 169.16
ROHTAK.19
22. Over the mihrab of the Adina mosque in the town of Rohtak are two lines, size 4' 6" by 1' 2"; the letters partly are very much damaged :
حصرد مردانی در خدرات ... محماسي ..... بالمله مسلمانا ..... حاد[ی] حامی سروس
معالي علا الدیا رالدیں ... سلاطیی جهاں ملي لاعب تجار ایرالطعر محمد ساه السلطاں خلد الله ملکه ... اس مسجد میمنار و درب های اهل ایماں
اربع عره ماه رمضان سال هفتصد هشت از هجری بود عمارت فرمود
« Through the grace of the sublime God............. Alá uddunya uaddin,.........of the kings of the world..........Abu'l Muzaffar Muham. mad Shah, the king,-May God perpetuate his kingdom !-has deigned to build this mosque of the true believers and......place of the people of the faith. It was on the 1st Ramazan A,H. 708 (12th February, 1309)."
23. Over the outer archway of a small mosque in the fort of Rohtak, near the Dihli Gate of the town is a rectangular sandstone, with an inscription of two lines, size 3' 09" by 8}", the right end of which is missing :
بادشاه غازي سلطان السلاطين غياث الدنيا والدین سکندر زمان ابوالمظفر تغلق شاه السلطان خدایگانی محمد علی سلطانی غره ماه مبارک رمضان عم بركاته سال بر هفتصد بیست و چهار
"(In the time) of the Badishah-i Ghází, the king of kings, Ghiyath uddunya waddin, the Alexander of the period, Abu'l Muzaffar Tughluq Shah (this mosque has been
17 See the particulars concerning this officer given by Blochmann from the Ma'athiri 'Alamgiri in the Proceedings of 43: Soc. Beng. for August 1874, p. 179.
18 I have collected considerable materials respecting the artillery of the Moghuls, for an essay on their army and warfare, now in the press (E. J. Brill, Leiden).
19 see E. I, vol. II, pp. 113 et se.

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SRIDHARA'S DEVAPATTANA PRASASTI.
437 built, through the grace of the Lord, by) Muhammad 'All Bultant. On the first of the blessed month Ramazan,-May its blessings be general |--A. 724 (22nd August, 1324)."
This inscription is the second as yet published of Tughluq Shah's reign (see Blochmann, Proo. As. Soc. B., for August 1873, p. 187; A.H, 722, at Mahoba).
Perhaps the mosque was repaired in Båbar's time; there is at least an inscription over the central archway (measuring 1' 10" by 1' 1") outside, that seems to mention such a fact, but it is too much injured to allow a decisive judgment. The first line is nearly altogether gone, also the beginning of the second and the whole third of the line are illegible; almost all dots are missing.
....
p wel all] prenos alle wil whá cojledwo !! das Wappes .... ....wewe.... .........älarming WW .........wlany ............
"This mosque............in the time of............His Majesty Zahir uddin Muham. mad Babar, Badishah-i Ghazi...............Ramazan......98." • The date, of course, must be between 932 and 937.
XXXV.-SRIDHARA'S DEVAPATTANA PRASASTI.
BY DR. G. BÜHLER AND VAJESHANKAR G. OZHA. The subjoined inscription is the same as that noticed by Colonel Tod in his Travels in Western India, p. 513 f. and by Mr. Postans in the Journal Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soc., vol. II, p. 16 f. According to both these authors it was found at Devapattana or Somnathpatan near Verával on a pillar near the Qazi's house. At present the slab on which it is incised is built into the wall of the fort, to the right of the great gate of the town. Both Colonel Tod and Mr. Postans give what is said to be a translation of the document, prepared, "with the assistance of a learned Jain priest," by Mr. Wathen, according to an eye-copy made by Råmdatt Krishpadatt Puråņi. Mr. Wathen's translation teems with the most extraordinary statements regarding the Chauluky& kings of Anhilvåd, which, however, fortunately have received little attention. The present edition has been prepared according to a rubbing by the late Pandit Girja. shankar Såmaljt, which Mr. V. G. Ozbå forwarded for publication to the first-named editor, together with a transcript,' a Gujarati translation and some explanatory notes in the same language.
The slab measures according to the rubbing 30 inches in breadth and 27 in length, a space of 5 inches having been left blank at the lower end. At the upper left-hand corner a piece has been broken off. To the right considerable portions of a good many
This transcript seems to have been done According to the original on the stone, as it contains moob that is not mad able in the rubbing. All this, as well as a number of misreadings, has been given in the footaotes to the edition with the sigorture V. G. 0.-[G. B.)

Page #505

438
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
lines have been half or entirely effaced,' the injured spots becoming larger and larger towards the end of the inscription.
The workmanship is good. In the first line some of the anusváras have been made highly ornamental, being surrounded by three semi-circles, to the uppermost of which a stroke resembling a mátrá is attached. At the end there are two signs of good omen, the second of which is a Svastika. The name of the first is not known to me. It consists of an oblong with two small circles at the top and one in the centre and a triangle attached below. The characters are ordinary Devanagart of the 13th century. It must be noted that va does duty for ba and oa, and that the groups like jiy, ttva, ddya are invariably spelt jy, toa, and dya. In verse 45 we have the curious word Gurjarátráḥ corresponding to the modern Gujarat. In my opinion it has been coined out of the latter just like Suratrana out of Sultan and Garjanaka out of Ghaznav. Gujarat itself is probably a hybrid formation, the Arabic collective affix at, being added to the name of the Gurjara or Gujar clan.
The contents of the inscription, which, with the exception of the first and last words, is throughout metrical, are as follows:
(1) A mangala, verses 1-3, the first two being addressed to Siva, identified with the Bupreme Brahma.
(2) A eulogy of the temple and town of Somanátha, which the Moon founded in order to escape from the intolerable disease of consumption, verses 4-5.
(3) A eulogy of certain members of the Vastrákula race and of the Chauluk ya kings of Anhilvåd, verses 6-25.
(4) A eulogy of Sridhara, the representative of the Vastrákula family in Vikrama Samvat 1273, who built several temples at Devapattana, verses 26-51.
(5) A eulogy of an ascetic, Vimalasiva (?), who seems to have been the spiritual head of the Saivas or priest of the temple, verses 52-57.
(8) A notice of the author of the poem, whose name is lost, a prayer for the duration of the new temples and a notice of their architect (name lost) verses 58-60 and the date.
The eulogy of the Chauluk ya kings teaches us nothing new. They are all there from Malaraja I. to Bhimadeva II. with the exception of Bhimadeva I., whose name has been lost by a break in the first Pada of verse 16. Their description is almost entirely conventional. The only historical fact mentioned (verse 23) is that Bhimadeva II. built a Somekvaramandapa, or a hall connected with the temple of Siva, which bore the name Meghadhvani. The description of the Vastrákula family possesses greater interest. Verse 7 informs us that its Vedic gôtra was that of Sandilya, and that its home was Nagara, i.e. Vadnagar in northern Gujarat. To this race belonged yabhatta (verses 7-8) a pious astrologer, through whose benedictions king Mala, i.e. Mularaja, 1. enjoyed, untroubled by foes, for a long time his kingdom, which might raise envy in Inura's breast. Possibly this may mean that Uyabhatta was Mälaraja's Joshi or court-astrologer. This man had three sons, Madhava, Lala and Bhabha, whom the king charged with the supervision of his charities and commissioned to look after the digging of square and round wells and tanks as well as after the erection of houses of
• Thon letters, which are very faint or doubtful, have been enclosed between brackets.-[G. B.]

Page #506

SRIDHARA'S DEVAPATTANA PRASASTI.
439
refuge, colleges, temples and alms-houses, gilt flagstaffs, arches, markets, towns, villages, drinking-fountains and halls (verses 9-10). King Chamunda continued to show them favour and bestowed "the village of Kanheśvara on the great councillor (mahamantrin) Madhava, «his father's friend" (verse 12). The line of the Vastrákulas was continued further through the offspring of Oyabhatta's second son, Lula. The latter had a son, called Bhabha or also Lala(?) (verse 24), who was a friend of King Bhimadeva I. Bhabha-Lala begat Sobha," the dear friend of him who was called Jayasinha" (verse 26). His son Valla became an official (sachiva) under Kumâra påla (verse 25) and married Rohiņi. "She bore to him Sridhara, who caused his race to unfold just as the moon makes the night-lotuses open their blossoms" (verse 26), and "was honoured among the officials of illustrious King Bhima," i.e. of Bhimadeva II. (verse 27). The poet then goes on to lavish the most extravagant praises on this person with which are mixed a few apparently historical statements. Verse 40 inform us that Sridhara was much married and had three wives, Savitri, Lakshmi and Saubhagyadevi. Accord ing to verse 42: "He quickly made again stable by the power of his mantra (i.e. his political wisdom or charms) the country, that had been shaken by the multitude of the (impetuous) war elephants of Malvå resembling a forest of dark Tamala trees, and he protected glorious Devapattana by his own power."
From this statement it would appear that he somehow assisted his sovereign to get over the troubles with King Arjunavarman, who some time before A.D. 1216 effected the bhanga of Gujarat, and that he was governor of Devapattana. The latter point seems to be hinted at also in the next following verse, where it is asserted that " Sridhara the pride of the fort made like to much grass the host of heroic Hammira, that moved like the high rising waves of the ocean which on the dissolution of the world inundate the shores,—that smashed the hills by the impetus of the mere movement of its feet and that split in twain the circle of the earth.”
“Heroic Hammira" is probably one of the Musalman generals, who more than once attacked and temporarily conquered Gujarat during Bhimadeva's reign. How great and important these successes in politics and war really were, must remain doubtful, as a little goes a long way with the composers of Prasastis. Verse 44 informs us that Sridhara built in Somnathpatan two temples, at Rohiņis vámin, sacred to Vishnu, in memory of his mother and a temple of Siva, called after his father Valla. The remaining verses are so badly mutilated that it is impossible to speak with any certainty as to their contents. The date Vikrama Samvat 1273, Vaisakha budi 4 Friday corresponds, according to Professor Jacobi's Tables (ante, volume I, p. 403, ff.) to Friday, April 22, A.D. 1216.
TRANSCRIPT. L. 1. --- fare
मनीमन्यादिभूम्यंततत्वमालावलंबनं । E T
4 [**]* वियहायुर्वहिर्जलमवनिरिंदुर्दिनकरविदाधारवेति विभुवनमिदं यत्रयमभूत्।
* ut AT
Or, pomibly," he whose pride was the fort."
• Restore sit
: faru
Metro, Anushitubb.

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440
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L.2.
----रनाथ: सुरनदी सरूपा विधाण: शिरसि गिरिजाक्षेपविषयः ॥२ [॥"] पुणातु स्फुरदधविश्वमभृतः कृष्णस्य वक्षस्थलघेखत्कौस्तुभकांतिभिः कवचिता लक्ष्मीकटाक्षावलिः ।
या संभोगभरालसा तनुत13.
-- जन्यविन्यासभूर्दारिद्राद्रुमदावपावकशिखाकारानिशं व: श्रियं ॥३ [*] श्रीसोमनाथायतनस्य रेखा भूमरिवोहागुलिरत्र भाति । अनन्यसाधारणशोभमेतत्पुरं पुराररिति सूचयंती॥ ४ [*]' महीवदनपंकजंभुवन
--भूषाविधिनिधिः सकलसंपदा त्रिपुरवैरिण: सम्मतं । तदेतदतिदुःसहक्षयविनाशसिद्धौ पुरा शशांकरचित पुर जयति वारिधः सविधौ। ५ [*] अस्ति स्वस्तिमदंबुजासननिभैरध्यासितं यज्वभिधूमध्यामलिता
-लांवरतलं स्थानं बयोकेलिभूः । अभ्यर्थं हिजपुंगवाबगरमित्य.दुचडामणिः । प्रादादष्टकुलान्वयापरचतुःषध्यस्व तुष्टय च यत् ॥ [*]° शांडिल्याख्योदप्रवंधायकेतुर्गोत्रं ख्यातं नाम वस्त्राकुलं यत् ।
ऊया, 8. - हा देवयुस्तत्र जज्ञे दैवज्ञत्वं यस्य सान्वर्थमासीत् ॥ ७ [*]°
यदीयाशीर्वादैरमरपतिकाप्पण्यजनक भुनक्ति स्मायत्तं निहतरिपु राज्यं चिरतरं । निहत्य मापालानणहिलपुर मूलनृपतिः प्रभुत्वं तत्पुवेष्ववत सुकृतार्थव्यवसितं ॥ ८ [*]" गंगाप्रवाह7. प्रतिमा बभूवुस्तस्यात्मजा माधवललभाभाः।
ते मूलराजन पुरस्कृताच भगीरथेनेव यशोऽवतसाः ॥ [*]" वापीकूपतडागकुट्टिममठप्रासादसत्रालयान् सौवर्णध्वजतोरणपणेपुरग्रामप्रपामंडपान्। कीर्तिश्रीसुक्तप्रदावरप
5 Merre Sikharint- Restore देयात्परमसुरी-[V. G.0.2 'क्षेप-विषयां erroneously,-[V.G.0.]
• Metre, Kardalavikridita. - Restore तनुवटे सौजन्य - [V. G.0
TMetre, Upajati.-Read योहागुपि. • Motre, Prithvi-Restore अपनवास-[V.G.0.]
Metre, Sardulavikridita-Restore ध्यामलितामला| Dele stop after °चूडामचिः | Metre, Salint-Restore कयाभही;- या(वय erroneously -[V.G.O..
II Metre, Sikharint ] Metre, Upajati.-Dele Avagraha in यशीवतंसाः

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SRIDHARA'S DEVAPATTANA PRASASTI. L.8.
तः श्रीमूलराजस्त्रिभिस्तैरपासनिभैयंधापयदयं चौलुक्यचडामणिः ॥१. []" यद्यावास तुरंगमोडुरखुरक्षुबचमामंडलक्षोदच्छबदिगंतमंवरमभूदेकातपत्रावति । पाशाकुंजरकर्णकोटरतटीरप्यु
चगंडोपलाभिंदान: पटहध्वनिः क्षितिधरवेणीषु वचाम च । ११ [*]" तस्मिन्भूभुजि नाकनायकसभामध्यासिते भूपतिः प्रत्यर्थिचितिपालशैलकुलिशचामुंडराजो ऽभवत्
प्रीत्या ग्रामवरं ददौ निजपितुर्मिवा,, 10.
य कन्हेबरं यः श्रीमाधवनामधेयकतिने ती महामविणे॥१२॥" यस्योत्तुंगतुरंगतांडवभवः पाशूकरः सैनिक: खःसीमासु महणाभयमहावप्रप्रकारोभवत् ।
शक्रेणासुर--कप्रशमनं दृष्ट्वातितुष्टा, 11.
मना निःशंक निदधे शचीकुचतटे चेतश्चिरेण ध्रुवं ॥ १३ [*]" तस्यात्मजस्तदनु दुर्लभराजनामा यस्थारिराजमकरध्वजयंकराख्या। पृथीं वभार परिपंथि -----
------णितभद्रपीठः ॥१४ [*]" तदनु तदनु
जोभूदलभो भूर्भुवःस्वस्त्रितयपठितकीर्तिमूर्तिमहिक्रमबी:। यदरिनुपपुरेषु स्थलताफलांका मृगपतिपदपंक्तिलच्यते चत्वरेषु ॥ १५ [*]" बोणीचक्रकशके -------- -- पंखप्रतापप्रतिहतनि
खिलारातिराजन्यसैन्यः । तस्मिन् देवांगनानाबिविडतरपरीरंभभाजि क्षितीये कर्णः कीर्थाभियाति वमत भुजे भोगियसरीण ॥१॥"]"
, 12.
, 13.
------ रभूजयसिंहदेवः ।
. यखबपाकMetre Bardolavikridita ---Readyfa:- (V. G..] Metro, Vasantatilakt--aftafefitefatetayfa fa
14 Metre Bardalavikridita.Read X -(V. G. 0.] Afar [V. G. O.), which is against the metro. बीतर' erroneously.-[V.G.0.]
| "Motre, Malint-Read स्व मुनाफखांबा.-[V.G.0.] Metro, Bardalavikridita- Torroneously.--[V. G. Metro, Sragdhard.--V.G.. reads after wa0.]
----चंद्रकांत--01) Read बार -[V.G. MMetre, Eardalavitridita-प्रयासरगोष्टिक-[V.G.0.] | 0.]. The same corresots erromeously कौनिया. af to be read.

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"
16.
.16.
, 17.
442
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L.14
रकप्रतिमनमूर्तिः कीर्तिजगत्सु नरिनति नटांगनेव ॥ १७ [*]° पाणौलत्य जयत्रियं चितिभुजामग्रे समा महीमेकच्छवपरिच्छदां विदधता वीरेण वि-रितः । येनारातिनपा--------दृढाभि संधुच्य भि
तौर्वसंनिभसमुत्क्षेपः प्रतापानल: ॥१८ [* तस्बुिपेंद्रत्वमनुप्रवृत्ते वैलोक्यरचाचमविक्रमांकः । सोकपणेरामगुणैरलंघाः कुमारपाल: प्रवभूव भूपः ॥ १८ ॥ यदरि-------स-तप्रसमरपटुकी
लालीढदिक: प्रतापः । कथयति घनफेनस्कारकझोललोलं जलनिधिजलमद्याप्युत्पतिणु प्रकामं ॥२. [*]gs पाखंडलप्राणिके च तस्मिन् भुवं वभाराजयदेव--। ------तरप्रकांडानुवाप यो
नैगमधर्मवक्षान् ॥ २१ [२१]" यत्खङ्गधाराजलमग्ननानानृपेंद्रविक्रांतियशःप्रशस्तिः । वनाज तत्पुष्करमालिकेव श्रीमूलराजस्तदनदियाय ॥२२ [* ]ps [तस्वानुजन्मा जयति क्षितीश: श्रीभीमदेवः प्रथितप्रतापः ।
प, 18. कारि सोमेखरमंडपोयं येनाऽत्र मेघध्वनिनामधेयः ॥ २३॥]
लूलात्मजः समजनिष्ट विशिष्ट मान्यो भाभाख्यया सुभटभीमनृपस्य मित्रं [1] लला --- वजीवन ----
-----पतिसभासवपूर्णचंद्रः । , 19.
२४ [*] तस्याभवद्भवनमंडलमंडनाय शोभाभिध: प्रियसहजयसिंहनाम्नः । यस्थात्मजः सचिवतामधिगम्य वन्नः म[म्मान]यां सुचिरमास कुमारपालं ॥ २५ [...] पथोप -------हिणी
सुमामिवेश: कम20 Metre, Vasantatilaka. -V. G. O. reads after af ” Metre, Upajáti.
भवनामिनय - - -]; read चपाकरकर.-[V.G.0.] | "Metre, Upajati.-The first Pidain very indistinct. ___" Metre, Sardalavikridita-V. G. O. reada पिस्ता(स्था) " Metre, Vasantatilaks.-सूखाबस्य]या तु भवजीवन पूर्वभः रित:. पा.- - - -र-चि- - -
| श्रीभीमभूप-[V.0.0.] The same correctoपूचाबन: 0 "Metre, Upajati.
मूखाग्मजः। -Metre. Malint-यदरिपुरषु व्याविनासवान-[V. G.. "Metre, first three Padan Vmantatilaka. सुधिर standant
Matre, Upajati.-राजयदेवभूपः। उच्चारयनभूपवर-|the end of the inscription with the figure 19 added. [V.G.0.]

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L.20.
"
21.
, 22.
SRIDHARA'S DEVAPATTANA PRASASTI.
443 सामिवाचुतः। पनायतास्वा कुलकरवाकरप्रवोधकः श्रीधरनामचंद्रमा :२६ [*] धीरोदपूरपरिपांडुरपुथकीर्ति
रोगमेष मुरु--बमातनोति । ---------नमंशतिः श्रीभीमभू
पतिनियोगिजनकमान्यः २० [*]° पाशी परंपरा सेयमूयाभट्टस्य तायते [1] चौलुक्यवस्नाकुलयोराकल्यं प्रीतिरक्षता ॥ २८ [urn कात्या चंद्रति तेजसा----------- --त्तानपदामजत्यखि
लसंपत्त्या धनाध्यति । [वृत्त्या] सागरति प्रभावविधिना नित्यं विरचत्य सौ की रामति रूपसंदरतया कंदप्पति श्रीधर :२८[..]m नि:सीमसं---------- --------गुरुभिर्निबधः।
सौजन्यनी,28. रनिधिवतसत्वसीमा
जागतिं चास्य हृदये पुरुषः पुराणः ॥३० [.] श्रीधरोपि न वै कुंठः सर्वञोपि न नास्तिवित। ईखरोपि न कामारिरि-------[॥३१ त[वानिशं विबुध]पादपकामधेनुमुख्या:स- मस्तजनवांछितदा भवंतु। किंवच्य संत्यभयदानवशंवदवविस्मेरवनविनयप्रमुखा विशेषाः ॥३२ [*]3s जंबालस्तुहिनायते [पिकतति: श्रीराजहंसायते]
[कालिंदी]--दायते हरगलः धीरोदवेला"25.
यते। शौरिः सीरधरायते जनगिरिः प्रालयलायते यत्की. सुपयस्यते क्षितिगवी राहुः प्रयांकायते॥[.] निर्मात्यं [चंद्रदेवो] ------------
क्षीरोदः पादशौचास* Motre, Vaniastha.-भबीपयेम इयिका रीपिपी.-1 - Metre, bordelavikridita-मुलौतानपदा-[V.G.03 [V.G.0.]
Metre, Vasantatilake-नि:सौमसंपदुदयेवनिधानीतुरा. WMetre, Vuantatilaka.-पुरुषायुषमा,-वासरावपरि-कल्पमानजनतागु -[V.G.0.] नवनमंड-[V.G.0.]
* Metre, Anushtubh.-"रिदीपि न पाहा.-[V.G.0.] - Metre, Anushtubb, संयंत्रयाभूदनवायते (नव्याभूदिव| Motre, Vasantatilate रखी)-[V.G.0.]
* Metre, Barddlavikridita.-कबिंदी मबहावते.-[V. G.0.]
3.
"
24.

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444
L28.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
तमचलपतिदेहसंवाहपंक। उहिष्ट पांचवन्यं सुरसरिदमबखेदतोयोदयत्रीरित्येवं यस्य कीलें खयमकत नुति सोम----[२४."
-------सी विखोकीमालोक्य , 27.
संवीसनिवासमस्याः [.] वेधा पिलच स्तुतिमाततान तवास्ति नान्या सदमीति नूनं ॥२५[.] पसौ वीरो दान्तः सुचरितपरिमंदसुभगः ------ परिणवगिरा कोपि मुक्तती [1]
पूर्वेल.
.28
"29.
- अधखिलगुणविस्तारमधुरं नुनाव खच्छदं विमलमिव वाल्मीकिरसक्छत् ॥३॥[..] यदीयगुणवक्षनववशकौतुकोच्छेदया।
-------------- गमा। मनः किमिव रज्यते
नुचितवंदिभिर्वेधससदस्य कविमानिभिनं च चरिखमुद्योतते । ३७ [..] दिग्दंतावलकीतालविलसत्तत्कुंभरंगांगरे यत्वोत्तिकदमत्त - - - - - - - - - नृत्यति[। .]
रोदकंदरपूरण, 30.
प्रणयिनी नि:शंकमामंभरिभिदंती तमसा कुलं कलिमलमध्वंसबहोत्सवा १८ [*]" खोकालीकालवाला जलनिधिसलिलासिता[मुखा वहती] [शंभोमविसंविधसिलगुणमये
रंकुरैः कीर्तिवली यस्य प्रालयभानुपविकचकुसुमोदारतारापरागैदिशक व्यापयंती जयति फणिपतिप्रांशमूला जगत्यां । [u.]"
-----सावित्रीलमीसौभाग्यदेव्याख्याः [*] , 82. एखानानक्रियाख्येया यहदीशस्य मतयः ॥ ४. [*]
ताभि वनवंद्याभिः संध्याभिरिव वासरः [1] [श्रीधरः योभते मखशोकव्याप्येकदीपकः ॥ ४१] ---[मालवतमाल]वनायमान
सिनागज,, 38. प्रकरभंगुरितां भुवं यः []
[भ]यः खिरा सपदि मंबवलेन वत्वा Metre, Sragdhara-चद्रदेवी रघुपविरचिवः सेतुबंधः प्रचाची। -[V.G.0.]बी:---सीमनाथी तिर- [V. G.0.]| भिगमान-[V.G.0.] Band "मरचीवते. -Metro UpajAti-(बत्तीर्णानामु) यसो (सि) विक्षीको [V..0.1
a Motre, Sirdalivitrdita-मच(पारपषिवावडंपदा).-. माची.-V.G.OJ Read विखच:
| Metre, Sragdhara * Metre, Bikhaript Metm Prithri---बम--बानी--बयवा
• Metre, Anushtubh (बसपा ) सापिया-[V.00)
" 81.

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SRIDHARA'S DEVAPATTANA PRASASTI.
445
"36.
"36.
श्रीदेवपत्तनमपालयदात्मशक्त्या ॥ ४२ [*]" प्रलयजलधिवेलोलोलकल्लोललोलं ----------संपिष्टशैलं [1x ]
दलितधरणिL.34.
चक्र वीरहमीरचक्र बहुतृणमकरोद्यः श्रीधरो दुर्गदर्य: ॥ ४३ [*] मातः कैवल्यहतो ररिपुभवनं रोहिणीस्वामिनामा ----------------- केशवायः [1] नाना ता
तस्य तहच्छिवभवनमपि ------- [धाम] श्रीमच्छिवस्त्र प्रतिहतदुरितं कारितं भूरियोभं ॥ ४४ [*]" वलो दौवारिकोभूद ------------- --- गूर्जरावा निजनिपुण
गुणै. सूनुना ----[1] [येने[१] श्रीधरीयो]रनगरपदे योजितस्तस्य नाना प्रासादः श्रीधरणाप्ययमवनिजयः कारितः --- [४५॥*]"
----------धनस्तोमाचमत्कारिणः , 37. किंचिच्छीनृपमायिकाभिरभित -------[ix]
गीर्वाणाधिपचा[पसा दरमहारबस्फरज्योतिषां - नैते मेरुमहीधर ---------- [meani] f---मा-हिजवृधिभाज:
___समानदीर्घा सगुणाः --- [1] ------माहेश्वरव्याकरणोपमानाः ॥ ४७ [*]" - - - ------[1] वैशेषिका इव ॥
॥४- [..] -----[I ]
सुनयो यथा ४७ [1] वि---
----ः
"39.
चित्तहत्ति
E
, 40.
धूपोद्वतधा ----[1]
--------देते।५० [..] ------[कथाश्रयाय मठं वि--------[]
------ ----------चेतः ॥५१[.] पथ क
।।।
-
-
-
-
-
-
" Metre, Vasantatilaka-सत्तानमालव -[V. G.0.] | 48 Metre, Sardilavikridita 'पवन'त:-कोयनाचातरा Probably ताब° to be read. भंगुरितांबुदं य। सूर्यः स्थिरा(२) महौधरः शशिदृशामाकार--[V.G.0.] erroneously-[V. G. 0.]
* Metre, Upajati.-दिजीचमीभूपिन, तारखा माविर "Motre, MAlint.-परणधरणमावापावसपिष्ट-[V. G.0.1 -[V. G.0.] "Metre, Bragdhara.- - -
___w Motre, Anushtubh.-Beginning of first line, पाथीदया: ममिती मंदिर -[V.G.0];-मपि ---- नयाच्यं | कैपिसुंधा वै ।-[V. G.0.] [V.G.0.]
si Metre, Anushtabh. Metre, Sragdhara-भूदरिगिरि------- Metre, MAlint. विभवा; म्यवर्गाः चारा -[V.G.0.] --दामटा गुर्ग-[V. G. o] गुणेः Om-[v. G.
O M otre, Trishtubh-एषां मसिहाय कथाश्रयाय मढ़ विधाय राजनाबाधिनस्य बारित: अंबरख.-[V. G. 0.]
खपर्दन वना। [V.G.0.]

Page #513

446
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 41.
थमवि देवादागतः ----
----श्रीधरण [1 ] ------------
-----[॥५२॥*]* --भूपालकुलसहु
"42.
जीमूतवाहन
---[॥५३॥.]
------ -------[*] पावनो यतिपति
यस्याहिपूजाविधि:] . ------------॥५४ [1]in ---दूर प्रसरपरिणते ------- . ----षणिकमतमहाव्याल
संरंभसिंधुः [*]
" 45.
लशिवमुनिभाननीयो [नवेंदुः] ॥ ५५ [॥ * ]
- - - - च पादप
सौ [*] अंगीक्वता - - - -
--[॥५६॥ *]58 ------ [नि:शेषपापंडिमृणालपंडः] [भक्त्यास्य तुष्टः प्रतिपबदर्य:] [प्रशस्तिमेतामयमुद्दधार] ॥ ५७ [[*]
याव46. विष्णोरसि ----------
---------- ---[I ] [यावहाणी विहरतिवि] -------- ता--------------॥ [५७ [*] [एते] ----वेन प्रासादाः
सूविताःशुभाः। लिखिं--------------[॥4॥.] श्रीमविक्रमनपसंवत् १२७३ वर्षे वैशाख शुदि ४ शुक्र [नि:पादितमितिभिवमस्त छ।
मंगलं महाबी: गतः (श्रीनिवासी), प्रदिनुपतिमतं यः एंडितमन्य-third | V Metres Sragdhara.- दबद्रदूरी, चणितमन-[V.G.0.: pada): भिवजवधि-[V.G.0.] Metre, Malini. .
* Metre, Vasantatilaks?-वीस्थ चपादपद्यी-[V.G.0.] 55 Metre, Anushtubh.
» Metre, Upajati. At the end of pada1 प्रभूत-[V.G.0] MMetre, Sarddlavikridita. ------दधिपरि Mandakranta विहरति विधुर्वपिडांतरासता--- --- सचिवः सुधीः सविधा---वीजित | वलयमखिलं गंडयंती यमस्य-[V.G.0.] -[V.G.0.]

Page #514

ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS.
XXXVI.-ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS ACCORDING TO THE GIRNAR, SHAHBAZGARHI, KALSI AND MANSEHRA VERSIONS.
447
By G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.
For the subjoined edition of the four full versions of the Rock Edicts the following materials have been used :
(1) Girnár, a new most excellent estampage, taken by Dr. Burgess during the working season 1887-1888, from which the accompanying facsimiles have been prepared.
(2) Shahbázgarhi, a very fine estampage, taken by Dr. Burgess in 1886,' and a second estampage (B) of Edicts XIII-XIV, prepared by him in 1888. Both have been collated afresh with the text, published formerly.
(3) Mansehra, an estampage, taken by Dr. Burgess in March 1887, as well as a second one (B) prepared by Ghulam Husain in 1889. The latter has been collated for all those passages where its state promised good results.
(4) Kálsi, an excellent estampage, taken by Dr. Burgess in October 1887, according to which the accompanying facsimile has been prepared. With respect to the latter it must be noted that the readings of the transcript occasionally, though rarely, differ. And it must be borne in mind that in difficult passages the reverse of the estampage has been consulted, where the letters appear in high relievo and where sometimes those superficially damaged on the obverse are perfectly plain. In the most important cases the discrepancies between the facsimile and the transcript have been pointed out in the notes.
The gain which the new collations yield for the texts is most considerable in the case of the Kâlsi version. There a good many alterations had to be made, which mostly however refer to very minute points, such as á-strokes, Anusvåras and the like. In some cases new word-forms have come out, but only very little that affects the sense. The new transcript gives for this version also the grouping of the words, indicating by short strokes between the words, those which have been written continuously by the scribe, and there are some cases where the grouping is important for the translation. Thus, in Edict V, 1. 14, the position of the syllables desam-pi hápesati, proves that we have to transliterate delam api hápayishgati, not delam apihápazishyati. Unfortunately the grouping becomes irregular in the more negligently written lower portions of the inscription where in some lines vertical strokes, sometimes placed wrongly, have been used to show which words belong together. Next, the new estampage B has furnished some valuable new readings for the thirteenth Edict of Shahbâzgarhi version. Quite a number of new letters, not recognisable in the earlier estampage or not included owing to the shortness of the sheets, are readable on Ghulam Husain's squeeze B. of the Mansehra version. It is now perfectly certain that the Mansehra version is most closely related in its wording to that of Kâlsi.
1 This was used for my German article in the Zeit- Also used for my German articles in the Zeitsch, der schrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol, D. M. Gesellschaft, vol. XLIII, p. 274, and XLIV, p. 703. XLIII, p. 1288.

Page #515

448
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
The new facsimiles of the Girnar and KAlsi versions, which give the letters in rather larger size than any others published before, are also very instructive for the palæography of the 3rd century B.O. Everybody who pays even slight attention to the alphabet, will now see that the Southern Maurya characters certainly do show a good many various forms, and among them cursive ones or such as are usually considered marks of later periods. Thus, an initial a, consisting of two verticals and a crossbar or of a curved line open to the left, and a vertical on the right connected by a crossbar, occurs occasionally in the Kalsi inscription (see, e.g., Ed. XIII. 2, 1. 15 pápotá me a). The second form is observable also in the Indo-Skythic documents, and perhaps is the parent of the modern Devanagari a of Western India. Andhra forms are found in ka, which has the dagger. like form, (see, e.g., Kalsi Ed. IV, 1. 11, putá-cha kam.); in chha, which sometimes consists of two circles with a vertical line standing on the point of the junction (e.g., Kalsi Ed. V, 1. 14, kachhati) in ja, which is angular (e.g., Girnår Edict IX, 1.1, rájá); in da, which is round in atapasamde, Kalsi Ed. XII, 1. 31, and occasionally shows acute angles in other words of the same line; in ta, which very commonly has a rounded left-hand limb, both in the Girnar and in the Kalst inscriptions; in da, which is triangular in the superscribed vijaye Kalsi Ed. XIII, 2, 1. 13. As peculiarities of the vowel-notation commonly observed in the later inscriptions may be noted (1) á-strokes running upwards or downwards (see, e.g., Kalsi Ed. XIV, 2, 11. 21-23 passim, (2) e-strokes, slanting downwards, much like the modern mátrás (see, e.g., Kalsi Ed. XIII 1, 1. 39, Satabháge, and Ed. XIV, 2, 11. 21-23 passim); and (3) a looped o in no hutapuluvá, (Kälsi Ed. V, 1. 14). Finally, the Anusvåra is occasionally placed above the letter to which it belongs, (see, e.g., the first of dhammam, KAlsi Ed. XII, 1. 33, dharmamahámátá, Kalsi Ed. XII, 1. 34), and it seems not improbable that the short strokes which sometimes (e.g., in the third syllable of sálavadhi, Kalsi Ed. XII, 1. 34, and in the second syllable of katabháge, Kalsi Ed. XIII, 1, 1. 39) are attached to the tops of the consonants, in reality are serifs. These points, to which others might be added, in my opinion leave no doubt that in Asoka's times much more developed forms of the Southern alphabet were used in everyday life, which conclusion has an important bearing on the question whether the art of writing had then been newly introduced into India or had been cultivated for a long period. With respect to the Northern or Kharoshthi alphabet, it may also be safely asserted that its characters show numerous vacillations."
TRANSCRIPTS.
EDICT I. Girnar.
Shahbázgarht. fyath dbammalipi devinar priyena (1) Priyadasina [A]y[m] dhramadipi d evana priasa råña lek håpitâ (!) idha na kim-[2]chi jivaṁ raño likhapitu[:] bida no kichi jive Anbbitpa prajůbitayvam [8] na cha småjo ara [bbi]t. prayuhotave no picha samaja katayo [.] Babukarn hi dosam [4] sama jamhi pasati kata[va] [:] [Ba]huka bi dosham sama. Sa
. For the present I will only point to the introductions of Read arabhilse; the last vowel has been lost. my two articles in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- The vowel of the second syllable has been placed too high ländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XLIII, p. 12, and 276ff, where but to read ye is not correct. some remarks on the Kharoshthi lipo have been published.
Possibly krafava. • The Anuskrs is probable according to the reverse, but not certain.

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Page #517


Page #518

ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS.
449
Girndr.
Shahbázgarhit. devinar priyo Priyadasi ráj& [.5] Asti devana priyo] Priadragi raya d.khati [.] Asti pi tu ekach samają sådhumata devånam [6] priyasa picha ekatie samaye srestamati devana priasa Priyadasino rano[.] Pura mabanasamhio [7] devånam Priadrabisa raño[] Pura mahanasasi devanam priyasa Priyadasino råño anudivasam ba-[8]hůni prissa Priadrasisa raño audivaso bahuni pr&ņasztasabasrani
drabhisu pra[nasat asa] has [t]ani" a[rabb]i[yisu] 80sapathảya [.9] Se aja yada ayam (pathayle "[.) So ida[n]i yada asya] [2] dham malipi likhitå ti eva prá-[10]ŅA" drabhare dbramadipi likhita tada tra yol vo prapa sApáthaya dvo mordeko mago [.) So pi [11] humfamti majura duvi 2 mrugo 1 080 pi mago na dhuvolC.] Ete pi tri prânâ pacbbá mrugo no dhruvam(.] Eta pi praṇatrayo pacha na drabbisare! [12]
na arabhisanti (.)
Mansehra. Ay[i] 1 dhramadipi [de] vana (pri]yena (Pri]yadra- [bi] na ra, na, ikbapita[:] hida no kichi jiv(e) arabhi t.) pra(ya)-[1] [ho]taviye no picha sama (ja) kataviya[.] Bahuka hi [dosha samajas deva) na priye Pri(yadrasi ra]ja kha, 7 Asti pichu [2] [e]katiya samajs safdhulmasta) devana priyasa [Pri]yadrasi[ne]" rajine () Purs maba(nara) si (devana] pri. 84 Pri . . sisa rå-[3]jine anudiva . bahuni praṇasa- [tasa] hasrani, a[ra].isu supa[th]raye[.] Sesi. ni]" ..ayi dhrama[dipili]khita ta[da] ti[ni] ye. prașani . bbi. ti duCvje 2 maja-[4]ra eke l m [r]ige [.]" Se]pi chu]mrige no dhruvam (.) Etapil pi chustini pranani pacha no arabhi ..)
Kálet. Iyar dhammalipi devinań-piyen Piyadasin(a) lekh [it] [:] hidå nå-kichhi jive alabhi tu] Pajohitaviye [1] 20-pi-cbs samaje kataviye C.] Bahuk [8] -hi" dosl samajas[] devånarn-piye Piyadasi ja dakbati ( Athi-pi-oba ekatiya sa[m]aja sådb [u]mata dev&namh-piya & Piyadasis[4] lajine [2] Pule-mab&pasasi devånar-piyasa Piyadasiså lajine anudivasar tabuni på nasahasäni alabbiyisu supathây[e.] Se-idäni yadê [iya) dharmalipi lek hitå tada timni yevå pânâni alabbi ya]mti [3] duve majula eke mige[.) Se-pi-cha mige no-dbuve.] Etáni pi-cha" tini pânani no-klabbiyisurtir.1
EDICT II. Girnar.
Shahbázgarht. Sarvata vijitamhi devanam priyasa Priya- Savratra vijite devanam priyara Priyadragiga dasino råño (1) evamapi pracha mtesu yatha yo cha [a]mta'
l yatha (Chojda (3) Choda Pada Satiyaputo Ketalaputo Pandiya Satiyaputra Keralapatra a Tamba- [2] pampi Antiyako Yonarajê ye vê Tambapamni Amtiyokon nama Yonaraja ye chu pi tasa Amtiyakasa såmîpari [8] amne tasa Amtiyokasa samamta (ra)jano
The top of the letter da has been destroyed and it is » Possibly na or no to be read. impossible to say whether the word was dekhati or dakhati. Possibly baluka to be read.
• The obverso seems to show akatie, while the very thin Dosha samajasa is very indistinct. e-stroke is visible on the reverse.
# Samdjasd is more probable than samdjasi. 10 The sa has a serif which makes it look like se. At * The last syllable of Priyadrasine is not certain; it may the end of the line & second mki has been scratched in. have been sa. 11 The Boond ra-stroke is not certain.
* 1. ni, i.e. id dni is uncertain; the reading may be a. .. 12 Possibly supathraye.
i.e. adhuna. Possibly ayanh.
* The Anusvira is at least probable. # The long iis probable, but owing to an abrasion not » Tho ra-stroke of mrige is not quite certain. absolutely certain.
>> The ma bau besides the i-stroke two little horizontal * Owing to an abrasion the second 4-stroke is somewhat lines to the right and to the left, which, strictly interpreted, abnormal.
would give the nonsensical form mruige. The left one has 16 Possibly dhdvo is to be read.
probably been added by mistake. 17 It is possible to read drabhisathre, as there are two » Etani-pi-cha is distinot on the reverse of the impres. deep holes after sa. But both are probably accidental. sion.
* The lant vowel is uncertain, as the upper portion of the * Possibly Piyadasino is to be road. apparent 6-stroko is abnormal and less deep than the lower one.
* Ouly the lower part of the first sign of arhia has been Hence the reading may have been ayo.
preserved. "Only the right half of the fa of Priyadrasina is visi. The reverse of the impression shows distinctly that ble on the reverse.
I the last syllable is pathe
3 x
sion

Page #519

450
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Girnár.
rajano sarvatra devânam priyasa Priyadasino raño dve chikichha kata [4] manusachikichha cha pasuchikichhâ cha [.] Osuḍhâni cha yani manusopagani cha [5] pasopagâni cha yata yata nasti sarvatra hârâpitâni cha ropâpitâni cha [6] môlâni cha phalani cha yata yata nâsti sarvatra hârâpitâni cha ropâpitâni cha [7] Pamthest kúpân cha khanapita vrachha cha ropâpitâ paribhogaya pasumanusanam [.8]
88
Mansehra.
Sa.tra jitasi devana priya [sa Priya]drasisa rajine ye cha amta a [tha] [5] [Choda] Pa[m]diya Satiya [putr.] Keralaputr[e] bapani tiyo [ke] nama 40 Yona. ye cha
vratra
Savata 37 vijitasi devânam-piyas[a] Piyadasi [s] lajine ye-cha-amtâ atha Cho. ḍa Pandiya Sâtiyaputo Kelalaputo Tambaparhni [4] [Am]tiyoge-nâma Yonalájá samarta ye-châ amne tasa [Am]tiyogas sâmamtâ raja priyasa lajâno Bavatâ devânam-pi[ya]s Priya[dra] rajine [6] duve 2 chikisa Piyadasisa lajine duve chikisaka kata manusachi kisa cha] pasuchikisa cha [.] kata manusachikisa-châ pasushiki-cha[] Osha[dhi]ni manu.. ka[ni cha] Osadhân [i] manusopagani-châ ka[ni cha ya] tra yatra vratra gânicha a[ta]tâ nathi [5] savatâ harapi[ta cha] ropapi[ta cha] [7] [Eva] me- hâlâpita-châ lopâpita-châ [E]vameva mulani cha phalani cha atra atra vå mulani-châ phalini-cha ata[tâ] tra harapita cha ro[papi]ta nathi savatâ halâpita-châ lopâpitâ. cha [.] Ma[geshu] ru [chha]... pita- châ [-] Magesu lukhâni lopitâni udu[ku] tani [pa]tibhogaye pânâni-châ khản pitâni patibhogâye pasumunisânam [.]
pa
pasopa.
na
nasti
pasum [a]nusana [.8]
EDICT III.
Girnár.
Devanam priyo Piyadasi raja evam aha[:]dbadasavasâbhisitena maya idam âñapitam [:1] sarvata vijite mama yutâ cha râjake cha prådesike cba parichasu parichasu våsesu anusam-[2] yanam niyâtu etâyeva athaya imâya dhammânusastiya yatha añâ-[3]ya pi kammâya [:] sådhu mâtari cha pitari cha susrâsâ mitâsamstutañatinam "7 bamhana-[4] samananaṁ sadhu
Possibly savrathra to be read, as there is a hook above the ta, which, however, looks very abnormal.
Skákbdagar.
savratra" devanam priyasa Priyadrasisa raño duvi 2 [chiki]sa ki[tra] manusa [chiki] sa pasu [chiki] sa cha [.4] [Oshudhani manusopakani cha pa[4]pakani cha yatra yatra nasti savatra har [o]pita cha vuta. cha kupa cha khanapita pratibhogaye pasu-manusanam [.]
At the end of each of the lines 5, 6 and 7 the word cha has been inserted as a correction.
25 The first and the third signs of oshudhani are unoertain; likewise the vowel of the second.
Haropita is the apparent reading, but the o-stroke may be accidental. The reading harapita has, in any case, to be
restored.
Savatá, not savata, is the reading of the new impression. The reverse of the new impression makes the two la exceedingly probable. It confirms also the curious nomina tives in o.
30 The Anusvára is doubtful.
40 The first sign of nama has erroneously an upstroke to the right of the lower end,
Kálsi.
Shahbdagarht.
Devanam priyo Priyadrasi raja aha ti [:] [bada]yavashabbisitena" sava.[5] vijite yuta rajuko pradesik [e] pa(mcha] shu pa [mcha]shu 5 vash [e]shu anusamyanam nik[r]amatu etisa vo karana imisa dhramanusasti yatha añaye pi kramaye [:] sadhu matapitushu suśrusha mit[r]asamst [u]taña[ti]kanamh bramana [éra] mapa [nam] sa, pra. . .
Chikisaka is the distinct reading of the new impression (facsimile ki), which also shows that no other sign, but a hole, exists between kd and kafd.
Chd, not cha, is the plain reading of the reverse of the impression. "Possibly pasumunitana.
The first two signs of badaya are indistinot, but the reading baraya seems impossible. Possibly the correct form was badala.
The ra-stroke of nikramatu is not certain.
The tha is somewhat abnormal, the upright line being slightly bent.
47 Read mitra. An 4-stroke was probably not intended but in its stead the short upward-turned ra-stroke.

Page #520

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Page #522

ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS.
451
Girnar.
Shahbázgarhí. dånam prâpânam sådhu anârambho [6] apavayata apabha[m] data sadhu] Pari(pi] * apavyayata apabhåmdatà sådbu[.5] Paris&' pi yuta[ni Banavasi anapesanti hetato cha yute Añapayisati gañanayam betuto cha vañanato cha [.] vyanjanato cha [.6]
iyam
Mansehra.
Kalsi. [De]vana priye [P]riyadrasi raja eva aba [1] Devanam-piye Piyadasi lajá [he]vam-aba [: 6] dava(da)śavashabbisetenal me ayam duvadasavasábbisitena-me (a)napayi[t]e[:] savratra vijitasi (me). ta raju. anapayite[:] savata vijitasi mama yutå lajuke (pra]debike . chashu pam[chashu] 5 vasheshu [9] pådesike parichasu parchasu vasesu anusamyanar nikrama[m]tu," etayeb vam athraye anus[a]yânam," nikhamatu etâye-vå athaye imaye dhranianusastiye ya . am anayepi imây[e]," dharmanusathiya yathå am âye-pi kramane [:] sa
matapi . shu kammâye () sådhu (-7] mâtapitisu 67 Busrussba][mi]trasamstuta-[10] Hatikanam cha susus&
mitasamthutanatikyå namn-chà bra[ma)qasramananam sadhu dane praṇana bambhanasamananan-chå sådhu dâne pânanam a.rabhe sadhu apa (va)yata" apabhada[ta] avalambh[e] sådhu apaviyat apabhardata sadhu [.] Parisha picha yutani gañanasi sådhu [.]. Palisa-pi-cha yutá (ni) gananasi (ana)payisati betu(te) cha viya. [11] nate cha[.] anapayisaṁti hetuvatá-chå viyamjanat(o)-cha[.!
EDICT IV. Girnár.
Shahbázgarhi. Atikatan antara bahuni vasasatáni vadbito eva Atikratar artarar bahuni vashasatani vadhito vo pråņ&ram bho vihimså cha bhatánar ñátisu (1) asam- pranarambho vihisa cha bhutanam natinam (asa]mpratipati brämhaņasramanânam asamprati- pastipati" sramaņab[r]amananam] (asampraţi)pati [.) Ta aja dev&nam priyasa Priyadasino patio [.] [So aja dovanan) priyasa [Pri]ya (drasisa råño [2] dharmacharaneoa bherighoso ahoraño] [7] dhramacharanena bherig[b]osha aho dharmaghoso vimânadasaņa cha hastidasana cha [3] dhramaghosha vimananam draśanam shajstino agikhamdbâni cha añâni cha diyvani rûpâni jotikamdhani anani cha divani rupani dasayitpa janam [.] Yarise bahûhi vasasatebi [4] draśayitjanasa [.]Yadiśa[m]obahuhivashasatehi na bhůtapuve târise aja vadbite devânam priyasa na bhutapruve tadise aja vadbite devanam priyasa Priyadasino råño dharmânusasțiya anáram-[5] Priyadraśisa raño dhrammanuśastiya?l anarambbo pránanar avib isk7 bhàtanam nâtînan [bho] p[ramanam] avihisa bhutanar fatinam sarpatipatî
brahmaṇasamaņânam sampratipati bramaņa]-[8] sramananam sarnpatipatî matari pitari [6] susruså thaira- sarpati pati matapitushu (vudhanam susrush [.] Esa añe cha babuvidhe dhamma suśrusha [.) E[ta]anam cha bahuvidha (mjahrama.
4 The Anusvåra is not certain.
The vowel of the third syllable is not oertain. 9 Read parisha pi.
65 Only the lower portions of the first two signs are dis. Ånd, not tha, is the reading of the impression. tinet; the fourth looks like thi.
The third letter of duvadfafao is not certain and may "The first four signs are very indistinct. The same have been da or an abnormal ra. Perhaps abhisitena remark applies to the following bracketed words and syllables to be read.
with exception of the vowel of so, of the word aja and of the * Possibly anusanyánun to be read.
last vowel of raio. Possibly imaya to be read.
The syllable pa has been inserted afterwards. # The Anusvâra is very probable, but not absolutely | The syllable da has been inserted afterwards. certain.
The syllable ki has been inserted afterwards. The second sign is abnormal and might be read tru.
To the right of the lower end of da appears a curve. - Rend dharmanusathiya.
and the letter is probably the fore-runner of the later da, 47 The last syllable of malapitisu is distinct on the reverse. wbich looks like tra.
* Susued alone is the possible reading to the reverse of "The reading darhayitu is not impossible, but combithe impression.
nation of the na-stroke with the upstroke ou the left is more Cha ought to stand, not before, but after bramanas probable. ra nananath.
70 The Anusvåra is not certain. - Dåne, not dânerit, is the reading of the impression.
The form dramma', which occurs also below Ed. X a The reverse of the impression decidedly speaks in l. 21, seems to be owing to a mixture of the Northern favour of 4, not of ti.
drumao and the Magadhi dhatnao
3 a 2

Page #523

452
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Girnar.
Shahbázgarhi. charaṇe vadbite vadhayisati cheva devånam charanam vadhitam vadbišati chayo devanam priyo [7] Priyadni raja dhamma(cha) raman idam [.] priyasa Priyadrasisa raño dhramacharaņo im. (.] Putra cha potrå cha prapotrå cha devânum Putra pi cha ku nataro cha pranatika cha devanamh priyasa Piyadasino râño (8) Vadhayisamti idam priyasa Priyadraśisa raffio vadhe]santi dharmacharaṇam âva samvatakr på [.] Dhammamhi. ma charaṇam imam avakapar dbrame silamhi tistarto dhammar anusasisarti 1.9] si[le cha]" (9) tistiti dhramar anusasisarti (.] Esa hi seste kamme ya dham- Eta b[i sre]th[am] k[rjan(a ) ya[m]" dhramânusksanam [] Dhammacharaṇe pi [ma]n[u]sasanam (.) (Dhrama]charaṇam pi cha na bhavati asilasa [.] Ta imambi athamhi (10) vadbi na bhoti asilasa [] So imisa athrasa vadhi cha abîni cha sådhu. Etaya atha ya idam lekhápi- abini cha sadhu[.] Etaye athaye ima[m] dipitarh (
dimasa athasa vadhi yujamtu hini cha [iu] eta alimisa athasa vadhi yujarnt. hini cha má l ochetayvâ[] Dbadasa vâsâbhisitena ma loche[sb] [1.] Ba[daya) vasba[bhi]sitena" devånar priyena Priyadasivå råñå idar devanam priyena Priyadraśina raña [id]an. nani?" lekhâpitam(.12].
dipa[pi]tar [.] Mansehra.
Kálsí. Atikraltar [mta [ramn? babuni vashasa.ni Atikahtar artalar bahuni vasasatâni va[dbi]. 'vadhite vam prapara (mbb]e vi[h]i[sa]" cha bhu. te-vê på nålambhe vihist-ch bhutánarh
tanam natina asapa[t]ipati sramanabramananam nâtinam asampatipati samanabambhandnam asampa (ti] pati[.12] Se sja devana priyasa asampatipati[.] Se-ajá devânam-pivasa Piyadasine Priyadraśine ra,ne dhrama(cha)raạena bherighoshe lajine dharmachalanedá bhelighose aho dhammaaho dhramagosbess vimanadrasana hastine agikaṁ- ghose vimanadasanasi [9] ha]thiui agikardhani dhani ana ni cha) divani rupani draseti amâni-châ divyâni lupani dasayitu janasa [.13] [A]dise bahuhi [va]sha satehi na hu]ta- janasa [.] Adis[e] bahuhi vasa [sa] tehi nâ-hutapruve tadise [aja] vadhite (de) vana priyasa puluve tâdise aja vadhite devå nam-piyasa Priyadraśine rajine dhramanusastiya anarabhe Piyadasine lajine dbatmanusathiye apalambhe prananar avihisa bhutana natina (14) sampatipati pânâ nam avihiså bhutânam nâtissu]-[10] earpati. ba[maņasramañana [m] sampațipati matupitashu pati barbhana (sa) mananar sampaţipati matâpitisu suśru[sha) vudhrana subrush [.Kshe año cha ba- susus& [.] Esba-cbå$ anne-cha babuvidhe huvidhe dhramacharane valhrite.] Vadhrayišati yeva dharmachala[n]e vadhite vadhiyisati-chevê devana priye[15] Priyadrasi raja dhramacharaņa devånarn-piye Piyadasi l&j4® imar dharmachala. imal.] Putra picha ku natare cba paņatika nam () Puta-cha-kann natâle-chå pausati]kvadevanam priyasa Priyadrasine rajine cha devanan-piyasa Piyadasine lajinefill pavadhayiśamti dhramacharağa imar a va (pa) vadhayisarties-chev [0] 89 dbarmachalanam kapam dbrame sile [cha] [16] i[ma å vakapar dhammasi silasi-cha rtistita rahramari anususisa (m),() Eshe hi [chi]thi[tu]" dharmnm anusâ sisaṁtir. Ese-bi sre[tb]e a
d hramanu sa]śana(.] sethe karmam ar-dhammauusasanam.). Dhramacharaṇe pi cba na lioti asilasa (.] Se Dhammachalane-pi-ebâ no-hoti asilas&[] Se.
72 It is impossible to read cha.
Read dharmanusathiye. 13 The bracketed letters at the end of the line are very 4 The new impression seems to offer nation, instead indistinct.
of natinath. # The Apusvarm of this and of the two preceding words Esha-ch4, not asha-cha, is the reading of the new imare uncertain.
pression. 7 The second and third letters are not distinct; the fourth Lájd looks exactly like ldfd. may have been vra.
# Kath, not ka..., is the distinot reading of the new 76 The first omitted sign looks somewhat like chu, no or impression. di, but I am unable to find a suitable word. The Dhauli The additional pa is badly mutilated, but certain ; version has in the same place two illegible signs.
compare also the Manselira version. 77 Possibly atikrantan.
Chevu, potova, seems to be the reading of the ind75 The two Anusvåras are not certain.
pression. 7The third sign of vihisa is not quite distinct and the The first badly mutilated syllable may have been chi; reading vikissa pot absolutely impossible.
the second in according to the reverse of the impression, 90 Possibly ndtind to be read, but the abnormal shape of distinctly thi, not fhanh; the third seems to be tu. Compare the apparent d-stroke points to its original forun, an Anusvårs the reading of the Mansehrs version. joined with the na by an exfoliation of the rock.
91 Karman is now inore probable than me. 31 Read rimana laxand.
The Anusvåra is doubtful. * The voaspirated ga is very distinct.
The na is abnormal, and similar to a na.

Page #524

ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS.
453
Mansehra.
Kalsi. imasa athrasvadb[c]i ahini cha sadbu) imasi athash vadhi xhini-cb& s&dhu[] Etaye[17] athraye i[math] li[khi]te[:] [ta]sa [a]. Etâye athầye i(ya]mh likhite [: 12 )imaså a[th]asi SA vadhra yujattu hini cha ma anu [lo]chayisg"[.] vadhi yajanta hini-cha ma-alochayisa[.] Davadaśavashabhisitena devana priyena Duvadasa vasabhisitena
devånam-piyena Priyadradina rajina iyan likhapite [.18] Piyadasinan lajina lekhitam [.]
EDICT V. Girnar.
Shahbdagarhi. Devånam priyo Piyadasi raja evam eha [:)] Devana priyo Priyadrakil raya evam aha ti [0] kalånar dukaram(.] yel a ... kalânesa ka[laņam), ukaram(.) Yo a ..[ro] ka[la] pass 80 dukara karoti (1) Ts may& bahu kalânan 80 dukaram karoti[.) So maya bahu kalam katam(.] Ts mama puta oba potricha para kitram [.) Tarn ma [ba] putra cha nataro cha para cha tena ya me aparbam ava samvatakapå cha t. . [yal me apacha [a]chharti avakaanuvatisare tath [2] 80 sakata par tatham ye an.vatisati te sukit[r]ar kåsati(.) Yo tu eta desam pi håpesati so kashamti[.) Yo chu ato . [kam pi hapeśati]* so dakatar kåsati(.] Sukaram hi p&pam(.] [du]katam kashati(.] Papam bi sukaram(.] So Atikatan antaran (8] na bhätsprurvam dhammaatik[ram]tar antararh na [bhu]tapruva dhramamahåmåtâ nama[.] Ta mayê traidasavasábbisit. na mahamatra nama[.]80[tidaśavasha] bhisitena[11] dhammamahâmâta kata(.) Te savapasam- maya dhramamahamatra kit[r]"(.) Te savrap[t]desu vy&pata dhamadhistânåya" (4) .... ashamờesbuvapat[] dbramadhithanaye [cha] . . . . . . . dhammayutasadhramavadhiy[e] hidasukhaye oba dbramayutasa cha Yona-Kambo . Gamdharanam Ristika-Peteņik&- Yoda-Kamboya-Garndharanam Rastikanam Pitini. nam ye vâ pi anño aparata (.) Bbatamayesu va [5] . kanam ye va pi aparata(.) Bbatama[ye)shu .............. [8] khôya bramaạibbeshuanatheshu v[u]dheshuhitasukbaye dharmayutâna aparigodhlya vy&pata te[.] [dhra]may[u]tasa apalib[odhej" vapata [te] [.12] Bardhanabadhasa pațividhåndya [6] .. .. Bardhanabadbasa pati vidhanaye apa [li]bodhaye . ........... (pra)j&kata-mo[chhay]eliyam a[n]uba[dh]arno prajava kitabhikåresu va thairesn vâ vyâpatâ te (.) Påtalipute bhikaro va mahalakava viyapatra [.] IA" babiresha cha bâhiresu cha [7] . . . . . . . . . oba nagaresbu savreshu orodbaneshu bhratunam ............ và pio me añe fâtika cha me spasunam" cha ye va pi amne ñatika sarvata vyapata tol.) Yo ayam dhammanisrito savatra viyaput (s)[:] Y [arh"]yan dhramaniérite ti va [8] . . . . .. .. . . .. ti va dhramadhithan[0]" ti va danas[a]yuto ti ve
. . .e savatra vijite masha] dhramayutasi viyapata te dhammabâ mâta.) Etâya" atbâya ayam dhan- dhramamahamatra[ ] Etaye athaye ay(ar) malipi likhita [9] . . . . . . . . dbramadipi d ipist[@]" 0. chirathitika
. . . . . . . . bhotu tatha oba. praja" anuvatatu [.18]
# Read radhri.
* Read dhanddhistandya. The single ma is to be readas * Read alochayisu.
double. The reading Piyadafind is distinct also on the rubbing. 15 Possibly wadhahu. " The form of the Annsvåra is abnormal.
* The last sign has apparently also an Angsdra. 1 The second ra-stroke of Priyad rafi is abnormal. 17 The na has been added later as a correction.
• Possibly yo to be restored, as there is an abrasion at the # The second sign of mochhaye is not quite distinct. top of the ya
19 The last syllable of an badhan stands lower than the The tails and tops of the lost lotters are visible, and others. it is not difficult to see that the first was di.
10 Possibly mahalako. • Read kalánasa.
11 Possibly hia. * Read kalanarh.
** Regarding the first sign of spasunam, see the note to the • Read tena.
German edition. 7 Read anuvaikarti.
10 Restore ye vid pi. Before a there is only a vertical stroke, Read exarh ; karh and the following bracketed letters not a na are very indistinct.
» The vowel is not certain. Read Whitapirvath or purvak.
* The last vowel is not certain. 10 The first and sound letters are doubtful. The reading * The third vowel in not certain. tirao or toda is possible.
# The ya has been added later. The ra-stroke is doubtful.
* The lower end of the last syllable bus been destroyed. 11 The srcond ra-stroke is doubtful,
» The ra-stroke is abnormal. 1 Possibly wapatra.

Page #525

454
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Mansehra.
Kalsi. [Devanan) priye Priyadrasi raja evanhaha (:)kalanam Dev&pam-piye Piyadasi lAja ahá dl kayåne dukaram(.) Yo adikare kayaņasa se dukaram dukale [.) E-adik [al]et ka[y] naså se-dukalar karoti[.] Tam maya bahu kayaņe kato"[.] [Tam] kaleti(.] Se-mamaya babu kayâne kate[.] T[a-ma] - ma[x]" putra (cha) [19] Datare*param cha tena ye ma [pu]ta-châ natale-[cha 13) palar-[châ] teshi apatiye me aya par tatham anuva[t]isati se sukata yle- apatiye-me avakapam tatbå anuvatisarti sekashati[.] Ye chu atra deśa pi hapesati se sukatar kachhanti[.] E-chu betå deram-pi [hâ]padukata kashati [.20] Pape hinama supadarev[a]"[.] [y] isanti se-dakatam kachhati[.) Påpe-bi-nama Se atikratar antaram na bhutapruva dbrama- supadâlaye[.] Se-atikamtar artalam no-butamabamatra nama] Se tredaśavashabhisitena maya pulava dbanmamahå måtå-nama[.] T[e]dasavaså dhramamahamatra kata[.) Te savrapashadeshu [21] bhisitena mama ya] dharmamahamata [kalta [.) vaputa .dhramadhithanaye cha dhramavadhriya Te-savapasamdesu viyâ (pa]ța [14] dharmadhihidasukhaye cha [dhra] mayutasa Yona-Kamboja- thânâye-ch dhammavadhiya hi[da]sukhâye-châss Ga[n]dbaranam Ratrakra-Pitinikana ye va [P]i ane dhammayutaså Yona-Kamboja-Gandhå[l] name aparata [.] Bhatamaye-[22] shu bramaņibbyeshu ana- e-vê-pi ampe apalamta [.] Bhatamayesu bambbanitheshu vudhreshu hidamsu[khay]e dhramayuta apalibo- bhebu anathesu v udhesu hidasuk hâye dbaye viyaputa te[:] Badhanabadhasa pațivi[dhana]ye dharmayutâye apalibodbaye v iyapata-te [] apalibodhaye mochhaye cha) iyar"[23] anubadha paja Bandhanabadbaså patividhânâye apalibodhaye ti va kartabhikara ti va mahalake ti va viyaprata te[.] mokhâye-châ eyam anuba [dham) pajâva-tiHidarn babireshu cha nagareshu savresha [o]rodha- và [15] [kațâbhita]le-ti-va mabålake-ti-va viyâpaneshu bhatana cha spasuna cha [24) ye va pi ate tå-te [.] Hidå båbilesu-cha na [ga]lesu savesu [olo) natike savratra viyapata [.] E iyan dhramanisiti ti dhanesu bhâtinam-ch [a]-new bhagivina“ e-va-pi Va dhramadhitbane ti va danasamyuteti amne natikye savatå viyapata [.) E-iyan dharmava savratra vijitasi man d hramayntasi nisite-ti-vå då nasamyute-ti-vå savatá vijitasi mama vaputa [te] [25] dhramamahamatra [.] Etaye dhammayutasi viyapata-te dharmamahâmáta. athraye ayi d hramadipi l ikbita [:] Etâye athaye [16] [iyam dhammalipi chirathitikal hotu tatham cha me praja lekbita [:] chilathitikya hotu [ta]tbaanuvatatu [.]
ch[a]-e
pa[ja]
anuvata[rn]tu (.]
EDICT VI. Girnar.
Shahbázagrli. Devânam pri . .si raja evam Aha [d] Devanam priyo Priyad [ra]si raya eva[m] aba atikråtarn amtaram (1) na bhůtapurva sava. la ti () atik [ra] tam amtaram na [bhuta]pruvam atbakamme va pativedanå vå[.) savram kalam athakramam va pațivedana val.] Ta mayê evam katar [2] save kâle bhumjam knasa Tam maya evam kitam [!] savram kalam aśamana
The new impression gives distinctly and for and
Cha is much defaced and looks like che or je: the * The reverse of the impression gives adikale, which is Anusvara of igarh is not certain. supported by the reading of Mansehra adikare.
1 The first letter is much disfigured by several scratches Possibly kari to be read.
and looks nearly like a deformed cha. * Only the foot of the second sign of maa has been - The impression offers distinctly ne (i.e. nal) instead na, preserved.
and according to the reverse cha is more probable than chu. * Possibly natari to be read.
" Bhaginind is more probable than onar. * Possibly asuvatifati to be read.
4 The lingual of afhdye is plain both in the rubbing and » The impression has the Anusvårs distinotly, which on the impression. must probably be deleted.
| 4 Only the lower portions of the first letters are disThere is a stroke, abovo pa which, however, seems not tinct. to be a real e-stroke, but an accidental scratch.
Possibly Priyadarbi, but see the notes to the German >>. The impression seems to offer hidao, with a badly edition. blurred da instead of hita", and chd instead of vd.
4 The ra-stroke is doubtful. The impression shows no distinct letters, but merely "The tops of rua, va and la are gone. Restore ruum scratches, between oyutaad and Yonao.
savam kdanh. Read Rastika, the second letter has not been written completely.

Page #526

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TOKTYOYY.TO } K.VN PYS T V Y T T PÅ J ITKTYNY. In kill t}? P. + p ↑ Ÿ3 1 + f ? ? PENYOK PTST L X Y O T T P Y Y • \ ^ + Q Q Y & T Y + ? TI! → TO KRT? 114 J. J V J 4 K P Q 9 J L ‡ ? VY 8 7 8 TY < ? ? 1. !YIK, THAY THIS POTOK TY JINYJE KIT PK/ Y Y R Q R T A T + 1939+15 TYT KYS PPT tokat Py • T300 kу3+ Q Q √ Q ~ P Y I STRRY TI Pæta zer TX370797/7
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Page #527


Page #528

ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS.
455 Girnar.
Shahbázgarhi. me orodhanamhi gabhagarambi vachamhi va (9) vini. sa me orodhanaspi grabbagaraspi vrachaspi vinitaspi tambi cha uy&nesu cha savatra pațivedski stita athe uyanaspil savratra patrivedaka atham me janása [4] pațivedetha iti(.] Sarvatra cha janasa
janasa
pat [b]ivedetu me savatra cbs janass athra karomi[.] athe karomi[.] Ya cha kimchi mukhato[5] añapayam Yam pi [cha kichi mukhato anapayami svayarn dâpakam va sråvåpakam ve ya và puua [aham da)pakam va sravakar va yam va pana mahimatresu [6] achâyika âropitam bhavati tâya mabamatranam v[06+ achay]ika a. pitam athaya
bboti vivâdo nijhatî va samo parisayam [7] taye athaye vivade va nisjha]ti va samtam parisha
ye anamtariyena prațivedetavo me[14]savatracha atham janasa karomi a[bam] ] Yam cha ki (chi)" mukhato anapemi abam dapakar va sravaka va ya va pana mahamatranam achayikam aropitam bboti taye athaye vivade sarhtam nijbati
va parishaye anamtariyena patrivedetavo anamtaram pativedetayvamme sarvatra sarve kâlel.] me sa vatra sav[r]am kalam () Evar maya aña pita [.] Násti bi vam anapitam maya[.] Nasti bi me tosho uthame toro[8] ustânamhi athasamtîranêya va[.] Kata- nasi athasartiranaye cha(.) Kațavamata bi me yvamate bi me sarvalokabitam(.9) Tasa cha puna sav[r]alokahitam [.] Tasa cha mulam et[ra] esa mûle usțânaṁ cha athasartiraņå cha[.] Nâsti uthanam athasartirana eba[.] Na[sti] bi hi karmataram [10] sarvalokabitatpå [.] Ya cha kramataram[15] s[r]avalokahite [na]"[] Yam cha kimchi parâkramami aham(.) kimti [?] bhůtânar kichi parakramami [] kiti [?] bhutanam ånarņam gachheyam [11] idha cha nâni sukbâpaya. ananiyar vracheyam ia cha sha) sukhayami mi paratra cha svagarh arad bayamtu[.] Ta etâya paratra cha spagan" aradhetu (.] Etaye athaye athấya [12] ayam dhammalipi lekhâpit&L) kimti [?] ayi dbrama dipista [] chirathitika bhotu chirar tisteya iti tatha cha me putra potá cha tatha cha me putra nataro parakramarntu prapotrả cha [13] anuvataram savalokahitâya [.] savalokahitaye (.) [D]ukara[m] tu[kho] imam Dukaram tu idarn afata agena påråkramena[.14] amñatra agreb parakramena[.16] Mansehra.
Kálsi. Devana [m] priye Priyadrasi raja eva[m]" sha[:] Devånam-piye Piyadasi lêja hevar-aba [:] atikramtarin amtaram [26]n[0]@7hutapruvė savram kala stikamtam amtala no-hutapuluve savam kalar athrak[rama]" va pațivedana va. Ta maya evam athakarnme-vao (pat) ivedana-vå [.] Se-ma(ma) ya kitar []: savrakalam asatasa me hevam kate [.] savam kålam adam [a] nasa-me[18] orodhane grabhagarasi vrachaspil vinitaspi uyanaspi olodhanasi gabhågálasi vachasi vinistasi uyanasi savratra pa[t]i[veda]ka athra janasa [27] pațivedetu savatâ pativedaka] atham janasa (pati]vedertu me savratra cha janasa atbra karomi abam [.] me"(.) Savata? janasa atbam kachhami hakam [.] Yam pi kichi mukhati anapemi ahaṁ dapaka Yaṁ pi cha [kicbhi mukha]te ana(payâ]mi hava sravakam va yam va puna mahamatrebi kam* då (pakam]-vå [så vakar va) ye-vå-pana
Below fi stands a w-stroke.
• Possibly ayo to be read; read dhramadipi. # The final sign is probably intended for spi:-see the Read anuvateran. notes to the German edition of the Mansehra text.
6 Read agrena. 49 Possibly pana to be read.
The Anusvåras of devánast and crash are not quite • Possibly acháyikan or ke to be restored, as there are distinct. two large abrasions on both sides of the ka.
• The vowel is doubtful. The vowel of so is very indistinct.
• Possibly karma to be read. Complete aropilan.
* The lingual in afhao is more probable than the dental. 16 The jha is indistinct.
70 The now impression shows a tolerably distinct me at the 67 The passage from saratra down to parisha has been end of line 17, and only soratebos at the beginning of line 18. repeated by mistake.
In the third syllable of adamanasd a short a is more probable It looks, as if another sign had stood between ki and than md. chi
1 The last sign of this word and the next two show * A remnant of wa below the ya is visible.
the abnormal form, which probably stands for spi. # The stroke indicating the mpiration of sha is indis-1 " No letters seem to have been lost between me and savatd. tinet.
7 At least one syllable, probably cha, has been lost after 1 The ra-stroke of sara' is not quite certain.
savatd. “The initial sign of this word shows the same form as in Hakarh, not sakarh, in the reading of the new im orodhanaapi, above L. 14, and seems to be intended for spa. I pression.

Page #529

456
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Mansehra.
Kálsi. achayike aropita hoti[28] taye athraye vivade nijhat mabâmatehi[18]atiykyike [A. pitam]hoti tâyethâye va sarta parisbaye a[nam)taliyena pativedita viye vivâde nijbati-vårt samtam palisaye anamtaliyena me savratra savra kala [.] Eva[m] anapita maya[.] pati ...viye me savata savam kâlam hevam Nasti hi me toshe u(thanasi] athrasamntiraņaye anapayite mamaya[.] Nathi-hi-me dose-va uthanas& cba[.29] Kataviyamate hi me sayralokahite (.] athasamtilanâye)-chå[.] Kat[a]viyamute-hi-me Tasa chu (puna) eshe mule uthane athrasatiraņa chaí.] savalokabite [.] [Tasa-puna" es[e]-mule uthâne (19) Nasti hi kramatara sayralokahitena[] Yam cba atbasamtilanâ[ch]å [.] Nathi-hi karmatalâ sava[ki]chi para(kra] mami abam (1) kiti [?] bhuta- [loka] hitevå[.] Yam-cha-kichi palakamami hakar namn [30] apaniyam yeham ia cha sha sukhayami (1) kiti [] bhutânam [s]naniyam yehar bida-chaparatra cha spagram aradhetu tit.] Se etaye atbraye kâni sukháyâmi palata-cha" svagar klådhayitu?[.] iyan dhramadipi likhita [:] chirathitikam hotu tatbam Se-etây thâye iyam dhamalipi lekhità [.] Chilacha me putra (nata]re para[k]ramartes thitikya hotu tatha cha me putadâle palakamatu ravra-[31] lokahitaye [.] Dukare chu kho anatra savalokahita [ye) [.20] Dukale-ch[a]" iyarn anata agrena parakramena[.]
agenâ palakamena [.]
EDICT VII. Girnár.
Shahbázgarhi. Devånan piyo Piyadasi râjâ sarvata ichbati Devanam priyo Priyasi raja savatra ichhati save påsanda vaseyu (.] Save te savre [1] prashamda vaseyu [.] Savre bi te sayamam cha (1) bb&vasudbiṁ cha ichhati [.] Jano tu sayama bhavasudhi cha ichharti[.2] Jano chu uchåvachachhamdo uchânvacharâ go [.] Te sarvam uchavuchachbado ucbavucharago [.] Te savram va kásamti ekadesam va kasumti[.2] Vipule tu va ekadeśar va [8] pi kashamti(.) Vipule pi dâne yasa nâsti sayame bhêvasudhitå va pi chu dane yasa nasti sayama bhava-[4] sudhi katamñata va dadbabbatita cha nichà bâdhamn [.3] kitrañata didhabhatita niche padham (.5)
Mansehra.
Kálsi. Deva(na priye] Priyadrasi raja savratra ichhati Devânarn-piye Piyadasi lája [sa]vatá [i]chhati[.] Savra pashada vaseyu [.] Savre bi te sayama sav sa pâ]samda vas[e]vu(.] Save-hi-te sayamam bhavasudhi [cha] [82] ichhamti[.] Jane chubbâvasudbi-cha ichbamti[.] Jane-chu uchavuchachade uchavucharage [.] Te savram uchâvuchâchharde uchávuchalâge [] Te-savam ekadeśam va pi kashati[.] Vipule pichu ekadesam-pi k achhamti[.) Vipule-pi-chu dane yasa nasti sayame bhavasuti dân [am]" as& nathi (21) sayame bbá vasudhsil kitanata dridhrabhatita cha [33] niche badham (.] kitapâta didhabhatita cha viche-badham (J
EDICT VIII. Girnar.
Shahbázgarhí. Atikâtar antara râjâno v ihâra- Atikratnam amtaram devadar priya viharayâtâm fayâsul.] Eta magayvå añâni yatra nama nikramishu(.] Atra mrugaya anani cha etárisani[1]" abhîramakâri abumsu [.] So cha [h]edisani asbli]ramani abbavasu (.1 So
* Nijhati, not wikati, is the distinct reading of the re- no stroke or abrasion to the right of the da. verse of the impression.
85 Cha, not cha, is distinct. 7. The absence of the Anusvåra and the reading imute are The impression shows everywhere distinctly wchduucha, certain from the reverse of the impression.
dot uchdeacha. 17 Tasá is more probable than tass.
# Danasie is, according to the reverse of the impression, 75 Palata, not palata, is distinct.
more probable than dáre. 79 Read aladhaya tu.
Accurding to the impression the reading is kitandtd, for * Read parakramantu.
which kifanatd must be read. sl Possibly chu.
8 One of the ra-strokes in dridhrao is superfluous, and I The initial sa is again abnormal and the sign must be ought to be removed. The form was probably didirao, i.e. read spa.
dinlha. Read Priyadrasi.
90 This stands for atikrantai just like saura for varva. * The apparent second -stroke which makes the word "Read eldrisani. look like vipele is, to judge from the impression, an acci- "The koond vowel is not quite distinct, and the reading dental seratch.
abkuranu ia perbaps possible. Tie short final of [p] anda seems certain, as there is

Page #530

ASOK A'S ROCK EDICTS.
•
157
Girnar.
Shahbázgarhi. devinam piyo Piyadasi râjâ dasavasábbisito. devanarii priyo Priyadrasis raja daśavashabhisito sarto ayâya sarnbodhim [.2] Tenesa dharma- Batonikramisabodhi[ro] [] Tenandadhramayâtá (J Etavam hoti bâmhanasa mananam yatra [.] Atra iyan hoti [d] śramanabramañanar dasane cha dâne cha thajránam dasane cha [8] dramane danam va[dha)nam drasane hiramņapatividhå no clra janapadasa cha já nasa Chiral na pativitha[ne] cha (jana) padasa japasa dasanam dhamminusasti cha dhamanarinchbá drasanar dhramannsasti dhramapa (ri)puchba cha[4.1 Tadopaya esa bhuya rati bhavati devánann cha.] Tatopayani esh[a]'bhuye rati hoti devanam piyasa Priyadasino râño bhage amiñe (3.)
priyasa Privadraśisu raño bhag [ia]mñi (17.) Mansehra.
Kálsi. Atikratar antarar devana priya viharayatra Atikaritsath arintaları devânam-piya vibalayâ tanı. nama nikramishu[.] [ha)' mrigariya anani nám nikhamisu.] Hidå migaviya amani. cha ediśani a bhiramani husoch bedisaini abhilâmAn [i] husu [.] Se devana priye Priyadrasi (34) raja dasarashabhi. Devånarn-piye Piyadasi Aja dasavasábbisite samtam nikrami sambodhi(.] Tenadam site samitarna nikami[th & sarbodhi (.22] Tenata dhramayadra [.] Atra iya hoti[:] sramana dhamayatá! (Heltå iyam hoti samanabramanana drasane dane cha vadbrada drasane har bhanánari dasane-ch dane-chs vudhanam [cha] hiñapațividba[nell cha) [35) janapadasa dasane-cha bilamnapatividhäne-chå ja napadasa Anaga dragane dbramanusasti cha dhramapari- janash" dasane dbarn manusathi-châ" dhamapalipuchha cha [.] Tatopaya eshe bhuye rati hoti puchha-cha". Tatopaya ese bhuye låti hoti devana Priyasa Priyadraśisa [86] rajine bhage]" devånam-pivash Piyadasiså låjine bhage aņe [37]
anne 5.23]
EDICT IX. Girnar.
Shahbazgarhi. Davânari pivo Priyadasi råjá eram áha (1) asti Deranan prima Privadrabi rays evari aba ti [:] isno uchávachar mangalam karote âbâd besu và (1) jano uchavushari mangalar karoti abadhe å våbavivå hesu va putraláb hesu vâ prav&sarımhi và [. avahe rivale pajupadane pravase[.) Etamhỉ cha añambi cha jano uchâ vacham Etaye anaye chat edibiy ja{njo [bs] margalar karote [-2] Eta tu mahidâyo babukammamgalar karoti! i Atra tn striyaka bahu cha babuvidham cha cbhudam cha niratham cba bahuvidham cha rutika[m] cha nirathriyam cha mangalam karote[.) Ta katayvameva tu cha mangalam karetne . So katavo (cha kho mangalam (.] Apaphalam tu kho [3] etarisari 1 mangala [.] Araplalam ta khoetams. mangalam (.) Ayam tu mahåpbale mamgale Imam (tu) kho mahaphala ye mamangaya dhammamamgale[.] Tata dâsabhatakambi samya- la[rn]" [.18] [A]tra ima odasabhatakasa sammapratipati gurdnam apachiti sâ]dhu (4) pânesu pratipati garuna apachiti prananam savamo sadhu bambanasamaņânam sådhu da nam(.) samyama framanabramanana dana.] Eta cha aña cha etâ risar dhammamangalam nama[.] Etam anam cha dhramamangalam Dama[.]
* The dra looks very much like dann.
The impression makes the second Anusvåra very probable.
- Etayar stands for Eta iyant. According to the analogy yename for yena ime, eto. ee E. Müller: Simplified Pali Grammar, p. 60.
* The Anusvåra is doubtful. • Possibly tenadra to be read.
Read janasa. * The dra looks very much like dan.
Possibly eshe to be read. • The upper part of the i-stroke is very frint.
Porsibly is is to be read. • Chá, not cha, is the reading of the impression. 5 The impression shows no Anusvåra. • This looks like rajan.
* Possibly tenadra is to be read.
The obverse of the impression seems to give nate, but the reverse shows santan to be the right reading.
. Possibly nikhanitha to be read.
10 The impression shows no cha after janaed, only superficial scratches.
11 Read hirañapatividhane. 19 Read dhan andnusathi. # There is no Anusvåra in dhamapalipuchha. 44 Possibly the reading may have been bhagi. 16 Read edifiye.
* Read balu; only the lower ball of the first letter bus been preserved; the recond has been omitted.
11 Karotne stands for karonte. 18 For etárixan. Read daramamangalan.
8 N

Page #531

458
Girnar.
Ta vatayvam pita va [5] putena vâ bhâtrâ và svåmikena vâ[:] idam sâdhuidam katayvam mamgalam âva tasa athasa nisțânâya [.] Asti cha pi vutam [:6] Sådhu
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
danamiti[.] Na tu etârisam asti dânam va anagaho va yârisam dhammadânam va dhammânugaho va[] Ta tu kho mitrena va suhadayena vâ [7] ñatikena va sahâyana" va ovâditay vam tamhitamhi pakarane [:] idam kacham idam sâdha iti iminâ sakam3 [8] svagam âradhetu iti[.] Ki cha iminâ katayvataram yatha svagaradhi[.9]
Mansehra.
Devana priye Priyadrasi raja evam aha [:] jane uchavucha [mma]gala [m] karoti [1] abadh [a]si ava[ba]si vivahasi prajopadaye pravasaspis [.] Etaye añaye cha [edi] sa [yes ja]ne [2] bahu mamgalam ka] roti [.] A[tra] tu balika janika bahu cha bahuvidh [a] cha khud [a] cha nirathriya cha magala [m] karoti[] Se ka. vi. cha kho [3] [ma]gale[.] Apaphale chu kho e[she] [] Iyam chu kho mahaphale y [e] dhramamamgale [.] Atra iyam [:] dasabhaṭakasi samyapatipati guru[na apa]chiti [4 pranana sa [ya] me eramanabramaṇana [dane [.] Eshe ane cha ediée dhramamagale nama[.] Se vataviy [e]pit [u] na pi putrena pi bhatuna pi spamikena. [5] mitrasamstute [na a[va pativesiyena pi [] iyam sadhu iy [am] kaṭaviye magale ava tasa athrasa nivu[t]iya[.]
20 The first letter, which is badly damaged, seems to have been one of the abnormal signs, occurring Ed. VI in oro. dhanaspi and so forth, and is probably meant for spa.
The last sign is the same as in orodhanaspi and so forth, *Read danam.
23 Probably a mistake for anugaho.
24 The ra-stroke is not quite certain.
25 The second and fourth vowels are not quite distinct,
and one might possibly read nivuteyeti.
26 The last vowel is not quite certain.
27 The two signs of this word stand the one above the
other.
28 Read ñátikena.
29 Read sahayena.
Possibly pana to be read.
Possibly ia to be read.
Read sádku.
The Anusvåra of sakam is at least very probable.
31 Possibly pana to be read.
Read dhramamamgalena.
26 The Anusvåra is uncertain.
7 The Anusvåra is uncertain.
Thus distinct in B, instead of prarasasi.
Skálddagarbí.
So vatavo pituna pi putrena pi bhratuna pi [spa] mikena pi mi[tra] samstutena ava prativesiyena [:] imam sadhu imam kaṭavo [mam]galam yava tasa athasa nivutiya[.] Nivutaspil va paua [19] imam ke[sha] [?] Ye hi et[ra]ke" magale sa[m]sayike tam [] Siya vo tam atbam niv [a]tey [a] ti[,] siya pana ialokach [e] vo tithe [] Iya7 puna dhramamagalam akalikam [.] Yadi p[u] na tam atham na nivate [h]ia] [a]tha paratra anamtam puñam prasavati [.] Hamche p[u]na [a]tham nivate ti tato ubhayasa ladham bhoti iha chaso atho paratra chaanamtam puñam prasavati teua dhramamgalena" [20]
Kálsi.
Devânam-piye Piyadasi lâjâ âhâ [:] jane uchâ vacham mamgalam [kal]eti [.] Abâdhasi avahasi vivahasi pajopadâye pavâsasi etâye arnâye-châ edisâye jane bahu magalam kaleti[.] Heta-chu abakajani [yo] bahu-cbâ bahuvidham-châ khuda-châ nilathiyâm-châ" magalam kalamtis [24] Se-katavi-cheva-kho mamgale[] Apaphale-vu-kho es[e] Iyamchu-kho mahâphale ye-dhammamagale[.] He [tá]so iyam dâsabbaṭakasi samyâpațipâti-gulunâ61 apachiti på. ânam sayame samanabambhanânam dâue[.] Ese amne-châ hedise tam-dhamma. magale-nâmâ[.] Se-vataviye pitinâ-pi putenapiss bhâtinâ-pi suvâmiken [4]-pi mitasamthutenâ Ava-pativesiyenâ-pi [:25] iyam sâdhu iyam. kataviye [ma]gale âva-tasa athasâ nivutiyâ[.]
39 The vu in the third syllable is distinct.
40 The lower stroke is nearly straight and pajopadâne a possible reading, but see the Mansehra version.
The first and last syllables of editaye are very indistinct. This is the reading of the reverse, distinct except in the last syllable.
Khudd, not khudam, is the reading of the impression. Read nilathiya or "yam.
45 Possibly bahuvidhe to be read.
46 Possibly khude to be read.
The Anusvåra is uncertain.
4s Kalamti, not kaleti, is distinct.
49 Read katariye.
so The existence of this word is certain, the quantity of the last syllable doubtful.
51 Gulund not nam, is the reading of the impression.
52 Namd, not náma, is the reading of the impression.
53 Putena, not putend, is the reading of the impression.
5 Possibly pitina to be read.
55 The ya has besides the Anusvåra an apparent e-stroke, which must be accidental.
54 The third syllable of nivutiyd is superficially damaged. The reverse leaves no doubt regarding the reading.

Page #532

ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS.
Mansehra.
63
na
Nivutasi va puna ima k[e]sh [a]miti [?] E hi [a]trake68 ma [6] 6asayike se[] [Siya [va] ta[m] athram nivateya [,] siya pana no i[ba]ch [a] loki (cha] vase[] Iyam puna dhramamagal[e] akalike[.] Hache pi tam athram nivat [e] ti [hida] [a paratra.. [7] an [am] tam puñam4 prasavati[.] Hache [puna tam a].ra nivate ti hida tato ubhayasa [va la]dhe [bo]ti hida cha se athre paratra cha ana [m]ta[m]70 punam prasa [va]ti tena dhramagalena" [.8]
EDICT X.
Girnár.
Devânam priyo Priydasi raja yaso va kîti va na mahâthâvahâ mamñate añata tadâtpano dighâya cha
me jano [1] dhammasusrusâ73 susrusatâm dhammavutam cha anuvidhiyatâm [.] Etakâya devânam piyo Piyadasi râjâ yaso va kiti va ichhati[2] Yam tu kimchi parâkamate devânam Priya dasi raja ta savam pâratrikâya [;] kimti [?] sakale appaparisrave asa [.] Esa tu parisrave ya apuram [.3] Dukaram tu kho etam chhudakena va janena usaṭena va añatra agena parâkamena Eta savam parichajitpâ [.] tu kho usatena dukaram [4]
Shahbásgarhi,
Devana priye Priyadrasi raya yaso va kitri va no maha tha vaha mañati añatra yo pi yaso kitri va ichhati tadattaye" ayatiya cha [janje dhramasuśrasha suśrushatu me ti dhrammavutam cha anuvi[dhiyatu] [.] Etakaye devanam priye Priyadrasi raya yaso va kitri va [21] [ichha]ti[.] Yam tu kichi parakramati devanam priyo Priyadrasi raya tam savram paratrikaye va [;] kiti [?] sa[kale] 78 aparisrave siya ti[.] Eshe tu parisrave yam apuñam[.] Dukaram t[u] kho eshe khudrakena vagrena usatena va añatra agrena parakramena Etam paritijitu [.] savam usate 80 [22].
chu
Kálsi.
Devanam-piye Piyadasha lajâ yasho-vâ kiti-vâ no-mahathâ va manati anatâ yam-pi yasovâ kiti-vå ichhati tadatvâye ayatiye.châ jane ti dhammasusushâ
susushâtu-me-ti
Mansehra.
[8] priye Pri.drasi raja yaśo va kiți va n[a] mahathravaham mañati anatra yam pi ya [so va] kiti va ichhati tadattaye 3 ayatiy [a] cha jane su. [sha]tu dhramasuśrusha
83
me
57 This may be read ichale.
58 Possibly etrake or etake according to B., which also shows the ma.
This is plain in B.
The existence of this word, which is not found in the closely corresponding Mansehra version, is very doubtful.
61 The lingual of atham is plain in the impression both here and in the next sentences.
This may also be read ihache loki cha or ihachalokike.
63 Read nivate-ti and atha.
64 Thus according to B.
65 Read pasavati, as suggested by M. Senart.
66 Hida, not hidd, is the distinct reading of the impres
sion.
Tato, not tata, is the reading of the impression, though the e-stroke is short (compare Mansehra and Shahbazgarhi.) es Ubhaye is distinct on the reverse, but the following omitted syllable is very doubtful. It looks most like an original nath or nath. I would conjecture wbhayesam in accordance with the Mansehra and Shabazgârhi versions.
Hida, not kidd is the reading of the impression.
E-h
Kálsi. Imam katha]-iti ivale magale sathsayikye-se [hati][] Siya-va-tam atham" nivatey â siyâ-punâ-no hidalokike-cha-vase[.] Iyam-punâ dhammamagale akâlikye[] Hamche-pi tam-atham no-nite-ti hida atham's palata anamtam-puna pavasati"[.] Hamche-punâ-tam atham nivate-ti hidas tator ubhayes. [26] [la]dhe hoti hida-chase-athe palatâ-châ anamtam-pumnam pasavati teua dhammamagalena [.]
70 The two Anusvåras are probable, but not certain. 71 Read dhramamagalena.
73 The syllable de has been inserted between si and rá and the syllable vd between rd and ja.
75 The apparent Anusvåra after aru is too irregular in shape to be read. It is probably due to a flaw in the rock.
74 Regarding the sign see the remarks to the German edition. It is, of course, possible to read tadatmaye or tadatraye.
75 Read dhramasutrusha.
to
76 Restore priyo before Priyadasi.
77 The Anusvåra is faintly visible on the impression.
78 The ka has been added as a correction,
459
79 Possibly parákramena to be read, as the top of the
ka
is slightly bent towards the right.
The conclusion of the edict is missing and seems not
have been incised.
81 Read Piyadaski.
Possibly mahathavahd to be restored.
It is, of course, possible to read tadatmaye or tadatraye.
Possibly ayatiye is to be read.
A Vedic imperative.
3 N 2

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460
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Mansehra.
. . [9] [tam] a[nu] vidhiyatu ti[.] Etakaye devana priye Priyadra [si] raja yaso va kiți va ichhati[.] [E tu] kichi parakrama. i devana priye Priya [dra]si [raja tam] savram para [trikaye va] [] [kiti] [?]... [10][a]paparisave siya ti ti[.] Eshe tu parisave e[apu]ña [m] [.] Dukaram chu [kho] eshe khudrakena va vagre [na usa] tena va a[ña]tra [gre]na parakramena savram pariti. tu[.] E. [tu kho] usatena va duka[ra] [.]
Girnár.
Devânam priyo Piyadasi râjâ evam âha [ nâsti etârisam dânam yârisam dhammadânam dhammasamstavo vâ dhammasamvibhago va dhammasambadho va [1] Tata idam bhavati dâsabhatakambi samyapratipati mâtari pitari sâdhu susrusâ mitasastutañâtikânam bâmhanasamananam sâdhu dânam [2] prânânam anârambho sâdhu[.] Eta vatayvam pità va putrena va bhâtâ mitasastutañâtikena va âva pativesiyehi [:] idam sâdhu idam katayvam [.3] So tatha karu ilokachasa âradho hoti parata cha amnamtams pumñam bhavati tena dhammadâneua [4]
va
Mansehra.
ve
[pri]ye Priyadrasi raja evam aha [:] nasti. dise dane adise dhramadane dhramasa. dhra] masa [m) vibhage drama.. dhe [I.] Tatra eshe [:] dasa [bha] ta sa sa [mya] sampatipatis matapitushu ..[12] samstutañatikana śramanabramaṇana dane praṇana anarambhe[.] Eshe vataviye pituna pi putrena pi bhatuna pi spami.. pi mitrasam stutena ava pativeśiyena. [:18] iyam sadhu iyam kraṭaviye [] Se ta[tha] karamtam bida. ka cha10 aradhe.. ratra cha a. tam punam prasavati.. [dhra] madanena [.14]
Yasho, not yaso, is the reading of the impression. 87 Read ichhati.
ss Read palakamati.
EDICT XI.
Piyadashi, not si, is the reading of the impression. so Read lája.
Siya ti ti is also the reading of the Kålsi version. It stands for ititi, which occasionally occurs also in Sanskrit.
Probably anamtam.
Read apapalishave; shiyd, not siyd, is the reading. Eshe, not ese, is the reading of the impression here and in the next sentence.
94 The u-stroke is distinct.
95 A short final is more probable than a long one.
This looks like pitina, with two u-strokes.
97 The two apparent 4-strokes after ta are due to fissures
in the rock.
Kálsi.
dhammavatam-va anuvidhiyatu-ti[.] Etakaye devânam piye Piyadasi [27] lâja yasho-va kiti-va ichha [.] Am-châ-kichhi-lakamatis devânam-piye Piyadashi laja ta shavam palatikyâye-và [:] kiti [?] Sakale apapalâshave shiya-ti-ti[] Eshe-chu-palisave" e-apumne[.] Dukale-chu-kho eshe khudakena-vå vagena ushutena-va anat [a] agenâ palakamena shavam palitiditu [.] He[ta]-chu-kho [28] ushatena-vå dukale[.]
Shahbazgarki.
Devanam priyo Priyadrasi raya evam aha ti [: nasti ediśam danam yadisam dhramadanam dhramasamstave dhramasamvibhago [dhra] masambaṁdho [.] Tatra etar [:] dasabhaṭakanam sammaprațipati matapitushu suśrusha mitrasamstutañatikanaṁ śramaṇabramaṇanaṁ [23] danam anarambho [.] Etam vatavo pituna pi putrena pi bhratuna pi [sa] mikena pi mitrasamstutena ava prativeśiyena [] [] mam sadhu imam katavo [.] So tatha karamtam ialoka [m]" cha aradheti paratra cha anatara puñaṁ prasavati [24] [te] na dhrama danena [.25]
praṇanaṁ
Kálsi.
Devanam-piye Piyadashi laja hevam hâ1 [:] nathi heḍishe dâne [â]disham dhammadâne I dhammashamvibhage dhammashambadhe | [-] Tat[a] eshe [] [dâshabhatakashi | shamyâpatipati mâtâpitishu | shushushâ I mitashamthutanâ [ti]kyânam samanabambhanânam dâne [29] pânânam anâlambhe [] Eshe vataviye pitinâ-pi pute-pi bhâtinâ-pi [shavsmikyna-pi mitasamnthutânâ avâ pativesiyenâ [] iyam sâdhu iyam kataviye [.] Se tatha kalamta hidalokikye cha kam åladhe hoti palata-cha anamtall pumnâ pašavati tenâ dhammadânenâ [.]
99 This may possibly be hialoka.
1 Read aha.
2 Possibly adisham to be read.
3 Dhammashamvibhage, not vibhage, is the distinct reading.
The impression shows no Anusvåra in badhe.
The Anusvára is uncertain.
Possibly samma is to be read.
7 Read putend-pi.
Read shuvdmikyend.
Read mitatamthutená; the ta stands below the line. There is no pi after this word.
10 Possibly a sign (ku?) may have stood between cha aud aradhe.i.
Possibly anata to be read.

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ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS.
461
EDICT XII. Girnar.
Shahbdzgarhi. Dev&nam piye Piyadasi raja savapåsardani Devanam priyo Priyadrasi raya savra prashamdani cha' pavajitáni" cha gharaståni" oha pujayati pravrajital graba [tha)ni cha pujeti dånena cha vividbâya cha půjấya pájayati ne [1] danena vividhaye cha pujaye(.] Ns ta tatha danam va pâjâ va devinam piyo No chu tatha dana[n) va puja va [1] devanaṁ priyo mamiate yatha kiti[?], sâravadhi asa savapåsam- manati yatha kiti(? ) salavadhi siya savraprasham. dånam (.) Säravadbi tu bahuvidba [.2] Tasa tasa28 dana (min .) Salav[]dhi tu bahuvidha[.] Tasa tu idam mdlar ya vachiguti [:] kimti [?] atpa- tu iyo mula yam vachaguti (; 2] kiti(?) atapåsardapůjá va parapåsardagaraba» va no bhave prashandapuja va parapashamdagarana18 va no apakaraṇambi lahuka va asa [8] tamhi tamhi siya aprakaranasi () Jahuka va siya tasi tasi prakaraņe[.] Pajetay&' tu eva parapåsanda tena prakara[m]e[.] Pujeta viya va chu paraprasbam-[3] tana prakarañena (.) Evam karum åtpapåsandam [da] tena tena [a] karena"(.) Evam kara[n]tarir
vadbayati parapåsarodasa cha [8] taprashamdar vadheti paraprashamdasa pi cha upakaroti [.4] Tadamñatba karoto atpapasamdam upakaroti [.] Tada afatha karata cha) ataprashamcha chhanati parapåsardasa cha pi apakaroti[.] dam [4]chhanati paraprashardasa cha apakaroti [.] Yo hi kochi atpapåsardam půjayati parapåsamdam Yo hi k[O]chi ataprashadan pajeti paraprash[a]da vå garabati [5] savam atpapåsadabhatiya [:] garahati sayre ataprashadabhatiya va [1] kimti [?] at papåsarndam dipayems iti socha kiti [? 5] ataprashandam dipayami ti[:] so cha puna tatha karâto** &tpapåsandar puna tatba karantam so cha puna tatha karatam" badhataram upahanati () Ta samavâyo badhataram upaharti ataprashadam [.) So sayamo eva sådhu [; 6) kimti [?] amñamamasa dhammam vo sadhu[:] kiti[?] añamañasa dhramo [B] sruņâru cha sususera cha [] Eyam hi devânam śruneyu cha suśrusheyu cha ti[.) Evam bi devanaí piyasa ichha (1) kimti* [?] savapåsardå bahusruta priyasa ichha [:] kiti[?] savraprashamda bahuśruta cha asu kalknagama cha asu[.7) Ye cha tatra cha kala (nagama cha siyasu [.] Ye cha tatra tate" prasarana tehivatayvam (. ) devånam piyo tatra (7) prasana tesham vatavo[:)] devanam priyo no tatbå dånam va půjd va mañate yatha kimti[] Da tatha danam va puja va mañati yatha kiti(?] säravadhi asa s arvapåsadanan babakam salavadhi siya ti savraprashadanam bahuka cha [] cha [.] Etâya [8] atha vyâpata dharmamahâmâta Etaye a . . [8] vapata (dbra)mama [ba]matra cba ithijhakbamabâ mâtå eha vacbabhumika cha añe i[stridhi) yachhamahamatra vachabhumiks añe cha nikâyå[.] Ayam cha etasa phala ya Atpapåsam- cha nikaye [.] Imam chaetisa phalaṁ yamataprashadavadbi. cha hoti dhammasa cha dipana [9] davadbi [bhoti). [9] dhramasa cha dipanas. 10)
Mansehra.
Kálsi. Devana priye Priyadrasi raja savra prasha- Devåna-piye. Piyadashi [30] lâjâ sbavå påshardani pravrajitani gabatbani cha pujeti danena dani" pavajitáni gahathâni va pujeti-danenavividbay[e]" cha pujaya (.) No (ohu) tatha vividbena"-cha-(paja]ye ( No-chu-tathATM dana va puja va[1] devanam priye mañati dâne-vå puja-vê devånan-piye manati athể atha kiti (?) salavadhi siya savrapashadana ti[.] kita* [?] Salavadhi siya-ti savapkáanda na .]
11 Dele cha. 1 Possibly pravajitáni to be read.
Possibly gharia dni to be read.
u Praprajita, first read by M. Senart, stands according to a direct photograph above the line, just before grahathani.
# The apparent d-stroke after ra is probably an accidental scratch or a serif.
1 The first ta and the second sa of tasa tasa have been obliterated, as the sense requires.
1 The syllablo sath has been added as a correction. 15 Read "garaha.
Probably a mistake for pujetayud. » Read tena tona.
# Dr. Burgers' new facrimile shows more distinctly than the older materials this reading My former reading prakara.
nena is impossible; no is M. Senart's pakarona.
» Read karoto. » Dele the repeated words. 3. The syHable ti has been inverted as a correction. » Possibly the reading was tatra tatra. » Read bahukd. 37 The word cha has been added as a corretion. » The letter a has been added as a correction. * Only the right half of the anusvára is distinct, 13 Read pdshandani. * Meant for vividhdye. * Possibly vividhaya to be read. 36 Chw, not cha, is the reading of the impressica. 17 Possibly kiti to be restored. » Narit stands, as a correction, above the line,

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462
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Mansehra.
Kalsi. Salavrudbis tu babuvidha(.) Tasa chu iyam mule Salavadhi-nå bahuvidha" (.] Tasa-chu iyarb-rule am vachaguti (32] kiti [?] ataprashada- (a)-vachaguti [] kiti [?] ta atapåsande puja va parapashadagaraba va O siya paja" palapåsanda-galaba-va" no saya" (31) apakaranasi () lahuka va siya tasi (ta]si pakaranasi[.] apairalanasi labakd-vå siya tasi-tasi-pakalanabis Pujetaviya va chu paraprashada tena tena [8] [-] Pajeta viya chu palapásada tena-teda akarena[.] Evar karatam atmapashada87 badham akâlana"(.) Hevam kalata ata pasada bâdham vadhayati parapasbadasa picha upakaroti[.] vadbiyati palapåsada-pi-va upakaletin.1 Tadanatha karatar atmapashada cha chianati Tadâ-amnatbâs kalata atapasada-cha chbanati parapashadasa picha[8] apakaroti [] Ye hi kechi palapasada pi-va apa kaleti(.) Yo-hi kechba atmapashada pujeti parapaslada va garahati() atapåsada punati" [S2] palapashada-válgaslahati savre atmapashadabhatiya va O kiti [?] shave atapåsbarn[da] bhatiyA-v&[:] kiti (?) atmapashada dipay []ma ti[.]..pupa tatha Atapashandal dipayerna she-cha-puna tathả karatam [5] badhantaran upaha[ns] til atma- kalamitam bâdhatale upahantil atapashada (.) So samavayo v[0] sadbu (1) kiti ) påshamdashi [.] Samavâyo-va sbadhu [] kiti [?] aṇamanasa dhramam sruņey[u] cha suśrusheyu amamanasbâdharmam shuneyu-ebál shushusheyu cha tis) E[v]ar bi dovana [m] priyasa ichba châ-ti () Hevarn-bi devânar-piyasba-ichba[:] kiti(?) sayrapashada bahusruta cha [6] kayanagama kiti[733] Savapashandal bahushutâ-cb& kayanagå cha havoyu ti[.] Echa tatra tatra prasana cha/* buveya-ti [.] E-va-tata-tata I pasbarna) totehi vataviye [] dovana priye n[o ta]tha dana [m] va [hi] vataviye 1[:] devânâ-piye-no-tatba dânam-vå pujar va manati atha kiti (?) salavadbi siya puja-vê mamnatil atha-kiti [d] shâlavadhi siya savrapashada (na][7] [bahu]ka cha(.] Etaye athraye shavapásbandatim" | babuka-cha () Etåyåthâye vaputa dhramamahamatra istrij[b]ach hamaha- viyâpata dhammamahåmata ithidhiyakhamabamatra vrachabhumika añe cha nikaya [] lyom måtål vachabhumikyâsane-va-nika (ya) (84) Iyam cha etisa phale (8] yar atınapashadavadhi cha bhoti cha-etish& 1 phalel yam ata pås hamdavadhi-cha hoti dhramasa cha dipana [.]
dhamasha-cha-dipanå[.]
EDICT XIII. Girnar.
Shahbázgarhi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A[stava] sba" abhisita (sa de]vana priasa Priadra. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . si[sa] raño Ka[liga vijita.] [Diyadha) matre . .
. . dhe satasahasra- (prañabatasa] hasre yetato apavudhe satasahasramatram tatra hatam bahutâvatakar matam ] [ma]tre tatra hate bahustavatake) mutes. 1]
Tatá pachbâ adhana" ladbesu Kalimgesu Tato (palchha adhuna ladheshu [Kalimngeshu] tîvo dhammavây[o] [1] . . . . . . . . tivre dhrama(palanam]" dhrama[ka]mata dhra. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . manusasti cha devana pri(ya)sa(.) So asti anuso. . . .. .. .. .. .. . . chanarn] devana priyasa vijinit[u]" (Kalinga. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [ni]. 2] A vijitam hi [viji)uamansi ye) tatra .. . vadho va maraṇam va apavâbo va janasa [.] vadh[o]" va [ma]raņam va apava[ho] va janaTa[m]badbam vedanamatar cha gu rumatam sa[] Tam badhar vedaniyamatam gurumatam eba devâ[na]m . . (sa) [2] . . . . cha devagar priyasa (.) Imam pi chu tato
» Read tu for nd. Vi stands above the line. In the next » Read pujeti. sentence chu, not cha, is the reading of the impression.
Possibly dipayema to be read, if it may be assumed * Regarding the third sign of this word see the note to that the 6-stroke can stand at the top of ya. the German edition.
+ The na is a little indistinct and seems to be a correction Thus corrected by the scribe from ta apdfande-ed as it has been put quite close to the following letter. puja; dele first ta and change de to da,
Read kayandgamd. Thos corrected by the seribe bom ud ta nd anagaluha
* Possibly istrijachhao to be read; at all events the stroke Read fyd.
denoting the aspiration is very faint and short. * Read lakukd.
45 Sta is probable according to B. # The fa of the first tafi is imporfret.
* Read adhund. * Read Akdlona.
* The last three letters are not recognisable in B. »? It is, of course, porsible to read here and in the sequel * Possibly vijiniti in B. instead of almao, atrao or attao.
4 Thus B. instead of adhe " Dd stands above the line.
# Thus B. for ima picha.

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ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS.
463
role
.
51
.
.
.
.
.
.
prashanderer b
.
.
.
Girnar.
Shahbázgarhi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . gurumata. ram (deva nam priyasal.] Tatra bfil . . . . . . . . . . . . . [3] vasanti bramaia va framana va anne va
prasharda gra[ha]tha va yesu vibita esha agra. . . så måtâpitari susumn så bliusti]" suśrusha matapitushu subrusla gurugurususûså mitasamstutasahayañâtikesu dása [bha) . nam subrusha (mitra)samstutasabaya-[4] ñati
. [3] .. .. .. ... .. .keshu [da]salhata] kanarh sammapratipati . . . . . . . . . . . . . . didba[bhatita] [.] Teshar tatra bhoti apogra
tho va vadho va abbiratana va nikramayam(.] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yesh. va pi samovibitanam (nejho aviprahino .. .. . .. . [h]âyañatika vyasanam e[te]sha (miltrasarnstutasabayañatika vasana prapuņati[.] Tatra 80 pi tesam upaghato [5] prapunati[.) Tatra tam pi tesba vo apagrahoti (.) Patibhago cheså sa (va] . . [sân.) tho bhoti[.] Pratibhagam cha eta savram . . . . . . . . . . . . . . manubanan gurumatam cha devanan priya. ... . . . .. . [4] [mb]i yatra sa[Nasti cha ekataraspi 5 pi 55 prashandaspi nâsti manusånam ekataramhi pasamdamhi na nama na nama prasado. So yamatro [jano] tada Kalige prasa [a]0[.] Yêvatako jan. tada [5]. ...bato cha muto cha apavudb[O]chata]to [6] sa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tabhage7 va sahasrabhagam va aja gurumatam
vo devanam priyasa [.) Yo pi cha apakareya ti .
. . na ya sakam chbamitaviyamate vo devanam priyasa yam sako chhamitave[.]. Ya cha pi ataviyo devånam chhamanaye [.] Ya picha atavi devanan priyasa pijite påti (6)" . . . . . . . priyasa [vi]jite bhoti ta pi an uneti anunij[b]ape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ti[:] anutape pi cha p[r]abhave devanam priyasa [.]
• Vuchati tesha [o] kiti(?) a vatrapeyu na cha hamne
• savabhûtânar yagu [.] Ichbati bi devanam priyo savrabhutana achhatim cha sayamam cha samacherâm cha mâdavam achhati samyamam samachariyam rabhasiye [.] cha [7] . .... ... ... .. Eshe cha mu[kba) mute vijaye devanan priyasa
yo dhratnavijayo[:] to cha puna ladho devanan
priyasa iba cha sa (vrejsbu cha arteshu [8]
..... shasbu pi yojanaśa(te)shu yatra Amtiyoko nama . . Yonaraja param cha tena chatpâro Yonaraja param cha tena Artiyokeda chature 4 râjâno Turamâyo cha Amtekina cha Magâ cha [8] rajani Turamaye nama Artikini nama Maka . .. ..
vama Alikasudaro nama[.) nicha Choda Panda . . . . . .. . .ava Tambapanniya evameva Hidaraja[.] Vislia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vairi-Yona-Kamboyeshu Nabhake Na[bhi]tina [9] .
.mdha-P[i]ritdesu savata Bhoia-Pitipikeshu Ardhra-Puli[de] shu savatra devânam piyasa dhammânusastim anuvatare [.) devanam priyasa dbramanusasti angvatartis.) Yata, pi dati [9] . . . . .. Yatra pi devanam priyasa duta na vracharti te pi
Gru(tu) devanar priyasa dbramavuţam vidhenam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . dbramanusasti dbramam [an]uvidhiyanti anu. . . . .
. vidhiyisarti cha [] Yo [cha) ladhe etakena bhoti . . vijayo savat hå puna vijayo pitiraso savatra vijayo sa vatra puna] [10] vijayo pritiraso 800) Ladha sa piti hoti dharmavijayamhi [10] sol. Ladha (thoti) priti dhramavijayaspi[.]" La. . . . . . . . . . . . . . huka tu kho sa priti[.] Paratrikameva mabapbala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . meñati devanam priyo [.] Etaye cha athaye ayo
dbramadipi [di]pista[:] kiti[?) putra papotra me ..vijayam må vijetayvan maña" [:] asu navam vijayam ma vijetavisya]í mañishu [:] sarasako eva vijaye obháti[] cha [11] .ka . yo vijaye [obban]ti cha lahudam(da). - Possibly vikitas according to B.
pajapati for praj&vati. # This is probably according to B., instead of bhuti. 5* Possibly mukhyamute according to B. # Thus both A. and B.
" Possibly Astekini to be read. H Thus B. plainly for ekatare.
61 Read dild. - Looks like pri.
49 Thus B. plainly for ovijayasi. Thus plainly B., instead of prashamde juna nama. * Read mañashtu. Thus both A. and B., instead of bhago.
Not legible with certainty in B., where the first syllable Read hoti. With pijite for vijite compare Pali looks like apra.

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464
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Girnar.
Shahbázgarht. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tam cha rochetu tam e[va] vija maña.er (11) . . . .. .. .. .. . . . . yo dhramavijayo[.] So hidalokiko paralokiko [.] . . . . . . . ..
. . . . Savra cha ni
Savra cha nirati bhotu ya [s] ramarati[.] Sa hi hi. ilokika cha paralokika cha [.12)
dalokika paralokika[.12] κάlai.
Mansehra. Athavasha bhisita shå devånam piyasha Piyadashi. .
. . . . . ne 1 lajine Kaligya vijitá (.] Diyadham[&]te . . . . [Kaliga] . .
ya. på nashatashahase 1 yetaphâ apavudhe 1 batasbahas ba- . pranasa. . . . . . . . . . måte! tata hate bahutavamtake và mate [.] . Tata (pa]chha i adhupå ladhesbu | Kaligyeshui [1]" pachha adhuna la [dhe]sbu Ka[ligeslu . tive dhammavâye [35] dhammakamata dham. . . . . . . . . . mânushathi chá devånar piyashâ1 [:] She masnuba] . cba .. . athi anushaye | devânam piya(shå] | vijinitu Kali- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . gyâni [] A vijitam hi vijinamane etata . . . . . . . . . . . . . vadham vai malane vål apavahe va 1 janashål.. [a (pava]he va jana] . Se . . . 1. She badha vedaniyamute gulumute vedaniyama . . . . . . . . . . chá devåpar piyashå (.] Iyar pi chu tato . . . . . . . . . . . . . . galumatatale devânam piyashậ1 [.36] [Salvatâ
. yashati barbhana va shama våane vå påbamda . . . . . . . . . . . . . gihitha và yesu vihita esha ag [a]bh uta] shushushål . . . [3] . .. esha agrabhu . sukrusha matâpitishushushågalushusha mitashamthutasbabá- matapishu [subrusha]
susrusha)
guruyanâtikeshu darabha (ta] kashi shamyâpatipati sufrusba mi.s[arstu) . . . . didhabhatita[-] Teshan tata hoài [u]pagbâte và • • • • • • • • • • • • • vadbe và abhilatånar vå vinikhamane [37] [4] . va [abhi nam] va vinikramanel. Yesh[am] vå pi [sha]mvihitânam shinehe avi- Yesham va [pi) samvi . . Dari sinehe avipahine etânam mitaśarthutashahayanátikyal
prahi[ne eta mitrasa vivashane papunâtic.] Tata she pi [ta]nameva upa- . . . . . . . . . [5] . . . . ghâte hoti () Pațibhåge cbå esha shava manu.[nam] . . .. . .. Savram manuganam gulumate châ devânam piyasha (.] Nathi chå she gurumate cha [deva] nam priyasa [.] Nasti cha se janapade yatâ nathi ime nikâyâ ânartâ yenesha [38] janapade ya(tra] nasti ime nikaya a . yenesha barhmane cha shamane châ nathi cha kuvå pi [bramaņa cha bra[ma] ... janapadashi (ya) tå nathi manushậnam| ekatalashi pi (jana . si] . . . . 567 pi 1 pashadashi no nâma pasbâde 1 [] She âvatake no nama prasade [.] Se yavatake jane tada jane i tada Kalingeshu [la] . shu hate cba mate Kaligeshu (hate cha] . . . .
. cha / apavudhe chá i tata shatebhâge våsbahasha- (a)pavudhe cba (tata) batabbage va sahasrabbage bhage vâ I aja gulumate vâ devânam piyasha [39] aja guruma.e va . priyasa [.] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .ka .. . mitavi [7] .
: . . . . . . . . .
[Ya]pi cha atavi devanar
priyasa vijitasi (h)oti [ta] pi anunayati anu[n]i . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [jba)paye ti] anu(ta] pe pi cha prabhave deva.
[nam) priyasa [.] Vuchati (tesham] .. .. neyu.] Ichha . . . . . . . .[8] . . . . . . . . . . . . . shavabhui . . wayama shamachaliyam vanaṁ pri[ye) [8] .
O P
J .
. .
.
. . . . . . . madava ti[.] Iyar vu mu . . . . . [4] . . . . . . . .. . mute vijaye devânamn piyesh" ye dhammavijaye[:] she cha [de] vanam priyasa ye dhramavijaye[] [se cha puna ladbe devånam pi... [da] cha [5] shaveshu cha puna ladhe de] vanarh priyasa bida cha savreshu cha
65 The last Anusvåra seems certain according to B.
70 Read galushushusha. 66 Read vijayam mañantu..
71 The nd of ndikya stands above the line, and is indie47 It i. not certain, especially in the beginning, where the tinet. lines really end.
72 Read shatabhāge. 69 Read shamana.
| Read piaská. 69 Read mata

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ASOKA'S ROCK EDICTS.
Kálsi.
[ateshu a shashu [p]i yojanashateshu at [a] Atiyoge nama Yonapalam cha tenå [6] Amtiyogenâ chatâli lajane76 Tulamaye nama Amtekine? n[a]ma Maka na-[7] ma Alikyashudale nåma [,] nicham Choda-Pamḍiyâ avam Tambapamniyâhevameva hevamevâ" [8] [Hi]dalâjâ[.] Visa-Vaji-Yona-Kambojeshu Nabhake's Nabhapam. tishu Bhoja-Pitinikye [shu] [9] Adba-P.1 [a]deshu shavata devânam pi[ya]sha dhammânushathi anuvatamti[.] Y[a] tapi dutâ [10] devânam piyasâ no yamti te pi sutu devânam piyamyas1 [dham]mavutam vidbanam [11] dhammânusatbi dhammam anuvidhiyamti anuvidhiyisamti châ[-] Ye se [la]dhe [12] etakenâ hoti savata [vija]yes pitilase se[.] Gadhâ. så hoti piti piti dhammavijaya-[18]shi [.] Lahukâ vu kbo sa piti[.]Palamtikyameve mahaphalâ mamnam [ti] devenam pines [.14] Etâye châ athâye iyam dhamma.. lipi likhita[:]kiti [?] putâ pâpotâ me a. [15] navam vijaya ma vijayamtaviya manishu[.] Shay [a] kashi no vijayashi khamti châ lahu-[16] damḍatâ châ lochetu tameva châ vijayam manatu ye dhammavijaye[.] She bidalokikyapalalo-[, 17] ki.ye[] Shavá cha nilati hotu uyâmalati [.] Sha [h]i hidaloki [k]apalalo kiky. 18]
Iyam dhammalipi devânam piyenâ athi majhimeuâ athi vitbatenâ [] No hi
Mansehra.
amteshu a shashu pi y...t. shu . yok. nama. na . . [9]
74 The apparent e-stroke in the second syllable is accidental. 75 Read lajane.
7 The last syllable is perfectly distinct on the reverse. 77 Dele hevameva.
[Maka nama] Alikasu [dare] nama [ui] cham cha Choda-Pamḍiya a Tambaparniya evameva raja [.] Visha-Vaj [ri]-Yona-K.. shu [Nabba]ke [Na]bhapamtishu-.oja-Pitini, shu Amdha-P.....[10]
EDICT XIV.
The last vowel is distinct on the reverse.
The older impression reads [Nabha]ka.
The apparent 4-stroke in the first syllable is accidental. Read piyasa.
Vijaye stands above the line, the vi is triangular, the ja badly formed.
Bead "meva.
. [na priyasa] no y. ti te pi śrutu devanam priyasa dhramavutam vidhanam dhramanusasti dhrammam anuvidhiyamti anuvidhi [yisamti cha] [.] Y . takena [boti vija.]
.[1]
priye [.] [Etaye] ath [ra]ye iyam dhrama likhita [] kiti[?] putra prapotra me a
nava
Girnar.
Shahbazgarhi.
Ayam dhammalipt devânam priyena Priyadasi- Ayos dhramadipi devanam priyena Prisina 20 asti Vo samkhitena asti na râña lekhâpitâ asti eva [1] samkhitena asti raña dipapito Na cha Na hi sar- yo vistrițen3[-] majhamena asti vistatana [.] savratra vam sarvata ghatitam [2] Mahâlake hi vijitam [80] savre ghatiti[.] Mahalake hi vijite bahu cha lik hitam likhâpayisam cheva [] bahu cha likhite likhapeśami cheva [.] Asti cha eta kam [3] puna puna vutam tasa Asti cha atra puna puna [la] pitam tasa tasa athasa mâdhuratâya [] kimti [?] jano tatha tasa [atha]sa madhuriyaye [y]e [na] ja [na] tatha patipajetha [.4] Tatra ekada asamâtam likhi- [13] pratipajeya ti[.] So siya va atra kichi asaasa desam va sachhaya kâranam va [5] matam likhitam deśam va samkhaye karana va alochetpå lipikarâparadhena's va aparadbena [. 14] dipikarasa [6] alocheti
tam
va
465
[lokike][] Savra cha nirati hotu ya [8]rama [rati] [.] Sa [hi hida] lokika paralokika[-]
Kalsi.
Piyadashinâ lajinâ likhâpità athi yeva sukhi-[19] tena savata save ghatite [] Mabalake hi vi-[20] jite
be read.
[12]
Read mamnati devånam piye.
86 Restore asu.
Probably shayakashakashi yo (i.e. [e]vo for eva) to
87 Probably "kikye to be read.
88 Ayo according to B.
89 Read vistatena.
Read Priyadrasina.
"The syllable sa has been added as a correction. Probably a mistake for lipikaråparddhena
"The syllable fi stands above the line.
30

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Kálsi.
babu cha likhite lekhâpesâni cheva nikyam [.] Athi châ heta punampuna lapi-[21] te tashâ tasha athasha madhuliyâye yena jane tathâ patipajeyâ [] She shiya ata kichhi a-[22]samati likhite dishâ vå shamkheye kâlanam vâ alochayitu lipikalapalâdhena vå [.23]
TRANSLATION OF THE SHAHBAZGARHI VERSION.1
EDICT I.
This religious edict has been incised by order of King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods-No animal may be slaughtered and offered here as a burnt-sacrifice; nor shall any festive assembly be held; for King Friyadarsin, beloved of the gods, sees much evil in festive assemblies. There are, however, also some kinds of festive assemblies consi. dered most excellent by King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods.
Formerly many hundred thousand animals were slaughtered daily in the kitclien of King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, in order to prepare curries. Now, when this religious edict is incised, only three animals are slain daily, two (2) peacocks and one (1) deer; the deer, however, not even regularly. But in future even these three animals will no longer be slaughtered.
EDICT II.
Everywhere in the empire of King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, as well as among those nations and princes that are his neighbours, such as the Chodas, the Pamḍiyas, the Satiyaputra, the Keralaputa, Tambapamni, the Yona king, called Amtiyoka as well as among those who are the vassal-kings of that Amtiyoka,-everywhere King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, has founded two (2) kinds of hospitals, both hospitals for men and hospitals for animals. Everywhere where herbs wholesome for men and wholesome for animals are not found, they have been imported and sown by the king's order. And wells have been dug by his order for the enjoyment of men and beasts.
EDICT III.
King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :-When I had been anointed twelve years [this following order was given by me]:-"Everywhere in my empire both my loyal Rajukas' and vassals shall go forth, on a tour every five years, the reason of this
9 Shi stands above the line.
1 The subjoined translation of Edicts I-X, XIV differs only slightly, as the text requires, from that given, Arch. Survey, South Ind., vol. I, p. 121ff. The translation of Edict XII has been taken over almost unaltered from the first volume of this Journal, p. 19f. The translation of Edict XIII is based on my German rendering in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XLIII, p. 172f. The few notes given here mostly contain matter not given in my former articles on these inscriptions.
The Chodas are the Cholas of Kanchi; the Pamdiyas are the Pandyas of the extreme south; the Satiyapata is probably the king of the Satvats; the Keralaputa, the king of Kerala or Malabar. Tambapamni, or Tamraparni, is Ceylon, the Youas are the Yavanas or Greeks, and Autiyoka is Antiochos II (see below Edict XIII).
3 Two sentences had been left out, and the last has been mutilated (see the Dhauli version).
Rainka, in Pali rajjuka. literally, "rope-holder," means "Revenue Settlement officer;"-see the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XLVII, p. 4ccf.

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is the preaching the sacred law-as also for other business, (saying) :-Meritorious is the obedience towards mother and father[meritorious is the liberality) towards friends, acquaintances, and relatives, towards Brahmans and ascetics; (meritorious is the abstention from killing living creatures], meritorious is the abstention from reviling heterodox men. Moreover, the teachers and ascetics of all schools will inculcate what is befitting at divine service, both according to the letter and according to the spirit.”
EDICT IV. A long period, many hundreds of years, have passed, during which the slaughter of animals, the cruel treatment of created beings, the unbecoming behaviour towards relatives and the unbecoming behaviour towards ascetics and Brahmans have only increased. But now, in consequence of the fulfilment of the sacred law by King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, the sound of drums, or rather the sound of the law, has been heard, while the sight of cars of the gods, elephants, and other heavenly spectacles were exhi. bited to the people. As bas not happened formerly in many centuries, even so have grown now through the god-beloved King Priyadarsin's preaching of the law the nondestruction of animals, the good treatment of living creatures, the decorous behaviour towards relatives, the decorous behaviour towards ascetics and Brahmans, the obedience towards parents, the obedience towards the aged. Thus, and in many other ways, the fulfilment of the sacred law has grown, and King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, will make this fulflment of the sacred law grow still more. Moreover, the sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons of King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, will make this fulfilment of the sacred law grow until the end of time, and will preach the sacred law, abiding by the sacred law and by virtuous conduct; for that is the best work, viz. the preaching of the sacred law; but the fulfilment of the sacred law is not possible for a man destitute of virtuous conduct. The growth of this very matter and its non-diminution are meritorious. For this purpose, vie, that they may cause the growth of this matter and may not permit its diminution, this edict has been written. This edict has been written by King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, when he had been anointed twelve years.
EDICT V. King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :-Good works are difficult of performance. He who is the originator? of good works does something difficult of performance. Now much good has been done by me. If then, my sons and my grandsons and those among my descendants who may come after them until the end of time, will thus follow my example, they will do what is meritorious. But he who will give up even a portion of these virtuous acts will commit sin, for sin is easily committed.
Now a long period has passed, and the officials called the Overseers of the Sacred Law have formerly not existed. Now, when I had been anointed thirteen years, I appointed Overseers of the Sacred Law. They are busy among all sects with watching over the sacred law, with the growth of the sacred law, and with the welfare and happiness of my
. Compare Jataka, iv, 269.76: dhanmabherish chardpress. • Compare F. Hian's account (Beal, p. 106 ) of religions processions at Patna.
The word adikara-adikula bas been completely preserved in the launchra and Kalk versioon alone.
302

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
loyal subjects, as also among the Yonas, Kamboyas, Gandharas, Rastikas, Pitini. kas,' and all other nations which are my neighbours. Among my hired servants, among Brahmans and Vaisyas, among the unprotected and among the aged, they are busy with the welfare and happiness, with the removal of obstacles among my loyal ones. With the prevention of unjust imprisonment and of unjust corporal punishment, with the removal of obstacles and with loosening bonds, for these purposes they are busy, considering that there is a numerous progeny, or that the person concerned has been overwhelmed by misfortune, or that he is aged. Here, and in all the outlying towns, they are everywhere busy in all the harems of my brothers and sisters, and among my other relatives. These Overseers of the Sacred Law are busy with what concerns the Sacred LAW, with watching over the Sacred Law, and with what is connected with pious gifts, in my whole loyal empire. This religious edict has been written for the following purposes, vis, that it may endure for a long time, and that my subjects may act accordingly.
EDICT VI. King Priyadarbin, beloved of the gods, speaks thus :- A long period has elapsed, during which formerly the despatch of business and the hearing of the informers have not regularly taken place. Now I have made the following arrangement, that the informers may report to me the concerns of the people at any time, while I dine, in my harem, in my private rooms, in the latrine, in my carriages, and in my pleasure-garden and everywhere I despatch the business of the people Moreover, if, with respect to anything which I order by word of mouth to be given or to be obeyed as a command, or which as a pressing matter is entrusted to my officials, a dispute or a fraud happens in the committee of any caste or sect, I have given orders that it shall be brought forth with to my cognisance in any place and at any time; for I am never satisfied with my exertions and with the despatch of business. For I consider the welfare of all people as something for which I must work. But the root of that is exertion and the despatch of business. There is no more important work than to secure the welfare of all. And what is the purpose of every effort which I make? It is that I may discharge the debt. which I owe to the creatures, that I may make some bappy in this world, and that they may gain heaven in the next. This religious edict has been written for the following purpose, that it may endure for a long time and that my sons and grandsons may thus exert themselves for the welfare of all men. But that is difficult to carry out without the utmost exertion.
EDICT VII. King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, desires that adherents of creeds of all kinds may dwell everywhere; for they all seek after self-control and purity of mind. But men possess various desires and various likings. They will put in practice either the whole or a part only of what they profess. But self-control, purity of mind, gratitude and firm attachment are laudable in a lowly man, to whom even great liberality is impossible.
The Rastika I identify with the Rightiku, a southern nation. The Pitiniku, or Pitenika, probably had their seats in the same districts.
Compare Maldbadrata, XII. 56, 14 and 38, 14, where utthana "exertion" is prescribed for kings and declared to be the root of all good government
* The form nied in the Girkt version instead of nicko, may be explained as a contraction of nicháya i. nichdya ; compare Pillar Edict iv, note on nijhapayitd.

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EDICT VIII.
A long period has elapsed, during which the beloved of the gods used to go forth on so-called pleasure-tours." On such occasions the chase and other similar amusements used to be pursued. Now, when King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, had been anointed ten years, he went forth in search after true knowledge. Owing to this event, religious tours have become a regular institution here in my empire. On that occasion the following happens, viz. the reception of, and almsgiving to, Brahmans and ascetics, the reception of the aged, the distribution of gold, the reception of the people of the provinces, the preaching of the Sacred Law and inquiries concerning the Sacred Law. It is thue that, in exchange for past pleasures, King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, since then enjoys the pleasures which these virtuous actions procure.
EDICT IX.
13
King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, speaks thus:-The people performs various auspicious rites in misfortunes, at marriages of sons and daughters," on the birth of sons, at the time of starting on a journey. On these and similar occasions the people perform many auspicious rites. But at such times the women perform many and various despicable and useless rites. Now, auspicious rites ought indeed to be performed. But rites of this description produce no results. But the following, the auspicious rite, which consists in the fulfilment of the Sacred Law, produces, indeed, great results. " That includes kindness towards slaves and servants, reverence towards venerable persons, self-control with respect to living creatures, liberality towards ascetics and Brahmans. These and other similar virtuous actions are called the auspicious rites of the Sacred Law. Now a father, or a son, or a brother, or a master, ought to speak as follows:-"This is meritorious; this auspicious rite must be practised until the desired aim is attained." To the success of which auspicious rites does this refer? For every worldly auspicious rite is doubtful. It may be that it accomplishes the desired object; but it may be that it remains even in this world. But that auspicious rite of the Sacred Law acts without reference to time. If it does not secure here the desired object, it yet produces endless merit in the next world. But, if it secures the desired object both are gained; here that desired object, and endless merit is produced in the next world through that auspicious rite of the Sacred Law.
EDICT X.
King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, does not think that glory and fame bring much profit, except that he desires glory and fame with the view that at present and in the future the people may practise obedience to the Sacred Law, and that they observe the duties of the Sacred Law. For this purpose King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, desires glory and fame. But all the efforts of King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, are made with reference to the results for a future life. How so? It is his wish that all may be free from danger. Now the danger is sin. But assuredly the thing is difficult
The word vindraydird occurs in the sense of "pleasure-tour" in Asvaghosha's Buddhacharita, III, 3, and passim. For the use of dvdho and vivdho compare the Ambattha Sutta 2-1 (Dighanikaya, vol. I, p. 99). Compare the beginning of the Jaina Dadaraikalika sutra,-dhammo mangalam wkkattham, etc. Compare Jétakas, IV, 239, 9, mahantam puññam pasarámíti.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
to accomplish, whether for the low or for the great, except by the greatest.exertion and by the renourcing everything. But it is (most difficult] for the great.
EDICT XI. King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, speaks thus:-"There is no such gift as the almsgiving of the law, nor anything like the intimacy through the law, the charitable gift of the law and the connection through the law. This law includes the good treatment of slaves and servants, obedience towards parents, liberality towards friends, acquaintances, relatives, ascetics and Brahmans, and the non-destruction of living creatures. Therefore a father, or a son, or a brother, or a master, or a friend and acquaintance, or even a neighbour ought to give advice on this matter, saying :-" This is meritorious; this ought to be done." He who acts thus both gains this world and produces for himself endless merit in the next through this almsgiving of the sacred law.
EDICT XII. King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, honours men of all creeds, both ascetics and householders, by gifts and honours of various kinds. But the Beloved of the gods thinks not so much of gifts and honours as of what that an increase of essentials may take place among men of all creeds. But the increase of essentials may happen in various ways. But this is its root, viz. guarding one's speech-how so? "Honouring one's own creed and blaming other creeds shall not be in unimportant points, or it shall be moderate with respect to this or that important point." But other creeds must even be honoured for this or that reason. Acting thus, one exalts one's creed and benefits also the other creeds. Act. ing differently, one hurts one's own creed and injures the other creeds. How so? For he who honours his own creed and blames all other creeds out of reverence for his own creed thinking "I promote thereby the interests of my own creed," however, acting thus, injures his own creed exceedingly. Hence self-restraint alone is commendable. How so? "They shall hear each other's law and love to hear it.” 17 For this is the desire of the Beloved of the gods. What ?—" that men of all creeds shall have heard much and shall possess holy doctrines. And to those who adhere to this or that faith it must be said: "The Beloved of the gods thinks not so much of gifts and honours as of what ?_"that an increase of essentials may take place among men of all creeds and a large one." For this end are working the Overseers of the Sacred Law, the Superintendents of women, the Vachabhamikas and other bodies of officials. And this is its result, viz. the exaltation of one's own creed and the promotion of the interests of the law.
EDICT XIII. King Priyadarsin, beloved of the gods, being anointed eight years, conquered the country of Kalinga. One hundred and fifty thousand souls were carried away thence, one
» Compare Ittivuttaka, p. 98 (Windisch). where most of the terms used in this Edict occur, as well as the general views.
The reading of the other three versions samavdya "concord, harmony" is better than saya mo "self-restraint," i.e. with respect to opponents.
Or, possibly, (they shall obey (it as far as it is worthy to le obeyed).]
13 As the Mansehra version offers Trarhahú mil, the term may mean either "Oreracers of the latrines," or ju. bhumiku) - Overseers of cowpeus, "see Kámasúru, p. 290, 1. 1 (Durgapraså la).

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hundred thousand were slain, and many times as many died. Afterwards, now that Kalinga has been conquered, are found with the Beloved of the gods a zealous protection of the Sacred Law, a zealous love for the Sacred Law, a zealous teaching of the Sacred Law. That is the repentance of the Beloved of the gods on account of his conquest of Kalinga; for when an unconquered country is being conquered" there happens both a slaying and a dying, and a carrying-off of the people. That appears very painful and regrettable to the Beloved of the gods. But the following appears to the Beloved of the gods still more regrettable than that ; for there dwell Brahmans, or ascetics, or men of other creeds, or householders, among whom the following is practised, vis. obedience towards the firstborn (?), obedience towards parents, obedience towards venerable persons, becoming behaviour towards friends, acquaintances, companions, and relatives, slaves and servants, and firm attachment. Such men suffer there injury or destruction, or forcible separation from their beloved ones. Or mis ortune befalls the friends, acquaintances, companions, and relatives of those who themse'ves are well protected, but whose affection is undi. minished. Then even that misfortune becomes an injury just for those unhurt ones. All this falls severally on men, and appears regrettable to the Beloved of the gods. And men have faith not merely in a single creed."
Even one hundredth or one thousandth part of those men who were slain, died, or were carried off during the conquest of Kalinga, now appears to the Beloved of the gods a matter of deepest regret. Even, if a man does him an injury, the Beloved of the gods holds that all that can be borne should be borne. Even on the inhabitants of the forests. found in the empire of the Beloved of the gods he takes compassion, if he is told that he should destroy them successively, and the Beloved of the gods possesses power to torment them. Unto them it is said --what? "Let them shun doing evil, and they shall not be killed;" for the Beloved of the gods desires for all beings freedom from injury, selfrestraint, impartiality and joyfulness. .
But this conquest the Beloved of the gods holds the chiefest, viz. the conquest through the Sacred Law. And that conquest has been made by the Beloved of the gods both here in his empire and over all his neighbours, even as far as six hundred yojanas, where the King of the Yonas, called Amtiyoka dwells, and beyond this Amtiyoka, where the four (4) Kings dwell, viz., he called Turamaya, he called Antikini, he called Maka, and be called Alikasudara" further in the south, where the Chodas and Pamdas dwell as far as Taṁ ba paṁni, likewise where the Hida-king dwells. Among the Visas, Vajris,* Yonas, Kamboyas, in Nabhaka of the Nábhitis, among the Bhojas, the Pitinikas, the Amd hras, and Pulidas-everywhere they follow the teaching of the Beloved of the gods with respect to the Sacred Law. Even those to whom the messengers of the Beloved of the gods do not go, follow the Sacred Law, as soon as they have
* for the construction compare the reading of the MSS. A and B in the passage Jdlaka, III, p. 275:-Senako nám rajjarh kdrento Bodhisatto Sakkottar adresi.
20 The King means to say that on the occasion of conquests many creeds suffor, as there is no country where the people are contented with one only. The Kalst version, with which that of Gimer seems to have agreed, is more explicit, as it says:
And there is no country where there are not found these countless congregations into which these Brahmaus and ascetics are divided. And there is nowhere a country where the people have faith in one oreed slove."
According to Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, Bd. II, p. 254 f. the five Yons or Greek kings named are Antiochos IL, king of Syria (died 347 B.C.). Ptolemaios II., king of Egypt (died 248 B.C.), Antigonos Gonatas, king of Macedonia (died 239 B.C.), Magas, king of Oyren (died 258 B.C.), Alexander, king of Epirus (died between 262 and 258 B.C.).
The Visus are probably the Bais Rajpats, the Vajris the Vrijis of Eastern India.

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heard of the orders of the Beloved of the gods, issued in accordance with the Sacred Law, and his teaching of the Sacred Law, and they will follow it in future.
And the conquest which thereby has been made everywhere--a conquest made every. where--yields a feeling of joy. But this joy is indeed only something small. The Beloved of the gods esteems as precious only that which refers to the next world.
And this religious edict has been written for the following purpose. Why? "In order that my sons and grandsons as many as they may be, may not think a new con. quest desirable, in order that on the occasion of a conquest, only possible by the sword," they may find pleasure in mildness and gentleness, and in order that they may deem a conquest through the sacred law alone a real conquest. That yields bliss in this world and in the next. All their joy be the joy in exertion ; for, that yields bliss in this world and in the next.
EDICT XIV. These religious edicts have been written by order of King Priyadasin, beloved of the gods, under a form, whether abridged, or expanded. For not everything is suitable in every place. For my empire is large, and much has been written, and I shall write still more. Certain sentences have been repeated over and over again because of the sweetness of their import. And for what purpose has that been done? It is with the intention that the people may act thus. But it may be that something has been written here incompletely, be it on account of the space, be it on account of some reason to be specially determined, or through a mistake of the writer.
XXXVII.-A COLLECTION OF SANADS OF MOGHUL EMPERORS.
BY PAUL HORN, Ph.D., STRASSBURG. Mr. H. Blochmann remarks in his translation of the Ain-i-Akbart that the 19th chapter of the second book on the Sayurgháls is one of the most interesting in Abul Fazl's whole work. The collection of seventy sanads discussed here may therefore claim some interest' as almost all of them refer to the grant of such rent-free lands, and thus illustrate the formalities and usages of the institution in the most instructive manner, even if they fail to furnish much valuable historical information.
The general points concerning the granting of Sayúrgháls being well known, I shall restriet myself, after a few short remarks as to the age and origin of the sanads, to hint at some details that arise from their study, giving as specimens the text of three of them with translation. They belong chiefly to the pargana of Batala (spelt Batalah or Batala, and perhaps in the oldest of the documents Watâlah) in the Panjab, only a small number being from other cities or districts as Akbaråbåd, Jalalabad, Biah, Chamari, DAbhåwåla, and Patiha ibatpur. Occasionally we find mention of such villages a Bhagwanpur, Faizuddinpůr, Harpur, Kartârpur, Rahimåbåd, Rasùlpur
» The translation gives a free rendering of the Girnar reading, sararako eda, literally "only possible by arrows."
» The word dhramadipi or dharmalipi has here to be taken in a collective sense ; compare the use of Smriti, Sruti and similar terms in Sanskrit.
These mnado were obtained by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, of the Archeological Survey in the Panjab, and by the Government of India were ordered to be distributed among the British, Calcutta, Lahore and Lakhnaa Muume.

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and Shahjahanpûr, belonging to the pargana of Batala, or Padishahpor alias Kalankhurdpûr, belonging to Patihaibatpar, or with localities in Batala as the masjid-i-jámi'-i kalán the large jami-mosque' and the mahalla-i qazi Isma'a Muhammad
the quarter of judge Ism'ail Muhammad.' The sanads were written under the rule of the Emperors Babar, Jahangir, Shabjabån, Aurangzêb, Shah 'Alam, Farrukh Biyar, Muhammad Shah, Ahmad Shah, and Timûr Shah.
Among all the names of the persons on whom lands were conferred through these papers only a very few belong to important men. They are almost all small people, mostly women who scarcely would be found in the chronicles, not even the Shaikhs and Qazis that sometimes appear. No assignation of grounds to one person reaches a hundred big'has, an allowance that Badauni (vol. III, p. 205) states as too mean for a learned man, and in most cases the grants vary between 10 and 12 big'has or something more, except rare grants of 40, 60 or 70 to Shaikhs, or once to a wife of such a pious man. The big'ha is defined as a jarib-i shastgazi, i.e. 60 gaz long and by 60 broad;" if fractions of big'has occur we find bistoas, but no bisránsas. It was not customary, as appears from these sanads generally to execute a separate document for every single little allotment, but to take together several persons in one party. Sometimes an order extends even to several parties, the amounts of the property of individuals pot being specified in the text. But the statements, in question are given on the back, written in siyáqat-characters. Also, the individual members of each party are not enumerated in the text, but only one as a representative followed by the words wa ghairuhu, wa ghairuhá, or seldom wa jama'atuhu, with or without the added shuraka-i (for men and women), viz., sharikahá.i farmán. A farmán, e.g., generally concerns musammát Mauland Khatib wa ghairuhu, and after wards we learn that these others were Maulana Hamid, Maulana Ahmad, and Maulana Ya'qub; or it is about musammát Daulat Khátún wa ghairuhd, and on the back we find the other names Rahmat Khâtan, Bîbi Aima, Bibi Fatima, and Maryam Khatan, all written without diacritrical points and in very cursive characters, the representative person pointed at only by a mushár ilaihi. A farman of a first grant of lands naturally always prescribes the measurement and boundaries (paimtdan u chak bastan) of the new territory, & superfluous business if the grounds were already in the possession of somebody and if therefore the matter was only a re-investment. In this case in the beginning the date of the first grant is always mentioned. We seldom read that the donations took place at different times (batawárikh sanin-i mukhtalifa).
For a rent-free fee the Chagatai word saydrghál is only once used, diz., in the oldest sanad of Babar's time, and the Arabic aima seldom oocurs ; generally the Arabic-Persian madad-i-ma'ásh is used. If an owner has died it can be transferred to his heir, and so we find grounds that have been for some centuries in the possession of the same family. Likewise the heir succeeds to the testator in case of the latter undertaking at an advanced age the pilgrimage to Makka and Madina. Once the grant is renewed because one of two parties has died, the other being alive. In the new farmán therefore the dead person is replaced by his heirs and the lands are granted anew to those and the old surviving possessors, quite on the former conditions. A sanad of Shahjahan's reigo mentions
cr. Col. H. 8. Jarrett's note in hin translation of the 1x-i-Akbari, vol. II, p. 61, and the 10th chapter, p. 62. W learn from Baddunt (vol. II, p. 206) that the wary of a commander of twenty, lowest rank of an officer in the Moghul army, wm equivalent to the revenues of thousand big'has.
SP

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an order that restricted the right of the heirs in the Suba of Lâhôr to part of the property of the testators in sayúrghál-land, viz., to 58 big' has 8 biswas; in one case the number of 107 big' has 8 biswas is diminished therefore by 49 big' has that were again made domain lands (khálisa shartfa), and the rest was handed to the heirs. This may be one of the many tricks invented by the sadrs and qázis-who, as Abul Fazl says, wear a turban (as a sign of respectability), but are bad at heart, and who wear long sleeves, but fall short in sense-in order to injure people if they did not prefer even open force.
If a person gets a fee for the first time, it is always stated that he was a worthy one and could not gain his livelihood by other means, the latter formula also occurring in the re-instatement of a former possessor or on the succession of his heir. The former owners of these sanads therefore must be reckoned amongst the third class of men that lands were bestowed upon (Ain-i Akbart, vol. I, p. 198)-I may mention here that sayúrgháls are conferred on certain persons even in the so-called 'Institutes of Amir Timur,' (see Davy-White's edition pp. 235, 305). Besides, it was to be proved by credible witnesses that the people in question were alive, a function mostly performed by two Shaikhs, at Batåla often by the mudarras of the jámi'-mosque and the mufti. Before the sanad could be written a memorandum or a yaddásht-i wáqi'a was to be presented, and such papers are sometimes specially mentioned.
It is often said that the owners of a rent-free fee are to be assiduous in prayer for the perpetuity of the enduring empire.' This was also the common benevolent phrase for persons that were discharged from the service in the Moghul empire (conf. 'Alamgirnáma, p. 591).
In Akbar's time the rule followed in conferring land was, that all sayúrghal-lands should consist of one-half of tilled land and one-half capable of cultivation; in these sanads only land of the latter kind is granted (zamin-i uftáda-i la'iq-i-zirá'at) and sometimes banjar-land, i.e., such as has been uncultivated for five years or more (Áín-i-Akbarí, vol. I., p. 297).
Of course a certain order is observed in putting the seals on these farmánhá-i thabt. -such were issued for conferring sayúrgháls according to the Ain-i Akbart, vol. I, p. 194-as in all Muhammadan public documents; naturally with some differences under various kings. The sanad of Babar's time renewing the grant of a village with a revenue of 5,000 copper tankas (i.e., 250 rupees) to Qâzi Jalâl, judge of Batåla, in A.H. 933, has been signed only with the emperor's own seal-round the middle field hearing the words Zahiruddin Muhammad Bábar and the date 928, in five panels the names of his ancestors to Amir Timûr have been inscribed. Likewise the documents bestowing a first sayurghál, besides the tughrá, bear only the seals of the emperors, viz., Jahangir-a square, round the centre the names of his forefathers inscribed in circles, and in the four extreme corners four names of Allah; 'Alamgir-a square exactly like that of Jahangir's, only larger; and one with the seal of prince Aurangzeb before his accession to the throne, dated the 6th Jumadi'l awwal 1069 (30th January 1659), the julús being on the 24th Ramazan (the 15th June) of the same year. The seal of the king's son is a round one and contains the words Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur Ghází thání-i Sahibqirán thání. These sanads are all on paper about 33 inches by 17 (but the margins are
* See Ep. Ind., vol. II., p. 147, note 23.-A drawing of Aurangzeb's imperial seal is to be found in Sir Thomas Roe's account of his residence at the court of the Great Moghul (ef. Histoire générale des voyages Paris 1746 seq. vol. xi, p. 57.)

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now all more or less cut and torn off), and are handsomely written in fair ta'lig, except Båbar's one that measures 13 by 7 inches, and is in very cursive characters). In Akbar's and Jahangir's time we find the Ilahi era exclusively used, while later it is seldom mentioned, but that of the Hijra is employed.
There are also some sanads granting sayúrgháls sealed only by officials, and not by the emperor himself, whose name however is read on the seals of the latter. The size of these sanads is considerably smaller than that of the monarch's; it varies between 16 to 20 inches by about 81 inches; the writing generally is very irregular. Sometimes the Sadr ul-budúr commands the performance of an imperial farmán and gives orders for the assigned lands to be surveyed; such sanads in 'Alamgir's time bear only the seal of the functionary named, whereas under Jahangir and Shah Alam the seals also of the Diwan or of the Khán Khánån were affixed. In Farrukh Siyar's reign in these cases the Qazi's seal takes the first place accompanied by those of different lower officials and private people. If the matter is & re-investment, as in most cases, we always find two seals.
There occur as sealing Sadr ul-budur's:
Rizawi Bukhari, 24th year of 'Alamgir (who died in the same year,-conf. Ma'áthir-i 'Alamgiri, p. (207) and Ma'athir ul-Umará, vol. IÍ, pp. 308, 309);
Sharif Khân, 25th year of 'Alamgir (who was elevated to this dignity in the same year,--conf. Ma'athir-j'Alamgiri, p. 219);
Asad Khan, 15th and 32nd years of 'Alamgir (with the dates 1081, 14 and 1088, 20 on his seals), i.e., Asaf uddaula Jumlat ul-Mulk Asad Khân. He is styled Tarkhan in another farman (16th year); and
Amjad Khan Sadr Jahán, 49th year of Shah Alam.
Not bearing the title of Sadr ul-éudúr on their seals, as also Asad Khân does not, but in that function, appear:
Sivå dat Khân, 38th year of 'Alamgir (with the date 1096, 28 on his seal, in which year he, Sayyid Oghlan, received this title, cf. Ma'athir ul-Umará, vol. II. p. 495):
Amin Khan Bahadur, 47th year of 'Alamgir (with the date 1113, 46 on his seal); and
Amir ul-Umará, 48th year of 'Alamgir (with the date 1113, 45 on his seal).
In the re-investment-documents we find two seals : that of the Diwán (-i qul) and that of the Sadr, but generally without titles. That one of them must belong to the Diwán is (besides Áin-i-Akbari, vol. I, p. 195, line 6 et seq.) shown in a sanad of the 50th year of 'Alamgir which bears Hafiz Khan's seal, who is that year became Diwan of Lahor,-till then having been in the service of Gauharårái Bégum, younger sister of the emperor (Ma'athir-i' Alamgiri, p. 613). The same document has also the seal of Mir Khwaja Shab, who is here exceptionally styled Sadr. The dates of the entries of the sanads in the registers of the sadárat and the dirán (-1-sa'adat) are always noted, the latter falling one or more weeks later than the first. The badr's seal is placed outside the text in the vertical fold on the right, that of the Diwan is a little higher up, above the text itself and under a single line containing the name of the reigning
• The same was also the case during the Sassanian period (cf. Mitteilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen der koeniglichen Macen s Berlin, Heft IV, Savanidische Siegelatoine, herausgegeben von Paul Horn und Georg Steindorff, Berlin, 1891, p. 28.) The Sesanian high functionaries did not real with the portrait of the king, but often with his date.
3 P 2

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king (on the margin the monarch who had first granted the fee is shortly mentioned with his post-morter-title). The following Divans and Sadrs appear together :
Sabir 'Ali and Sayyid Ahmad, 11th and 13th years of Jahangir,
Diyanat Khan and Nizamuddin Hasan Qadiri, 23rd year of 'Alamgir (the first with the date 1084, 17 on his seal);
'Abd Ilahyarul-Husaini and Aslam Khânazad, 33rd year of 'Alamgir (with the dates 1089, 21, viz., 1093, 27 on the seals);
Mir Ahmad Khan and Aslam Khânazad, 37th year of 'Alamgir (the latter with the date 1094, 27 on his seal);
Abd (?) Kazim and 'Abd ul. Baqi, 44th year of 'Alamgir (with the dates 32, vie., 1110, 42 on the seals);
Sa'adatmand Khan and Sayyid Ashraf Khân, 3rd year of Shah 'Alam (with the dates 1120, viz., 1119, 1 on the seals);
Sa'adatmand Khan and Khwaja Futth, 2nd year of Farrukh Siyar (the latter with the engraved first year'on his seal, as also in the following case);
Fazl 'Ali Khan and Khwaja Futah, 4th and 6th years of Farrukh Siyar;
Zivå uddin Muhammad Khan and Futuh Khan, 7th year of Farrukh Siyar (the latter with the date third year'on his seal);
Sayyid Shahamat Khan and Mir Muhammad Salih, 5th and 8th years of Muhammad Shah (with the dates 1133, viz., 1134 and 1135 on the seals);
Sayyid Shahåmat Khan and Sayyid 'Aziz Khân, 10th year of Muhammad Shah (with the dates 1138, viz. 1139, 9 on the seals);
Sayyid Shahamat Khan and Sayyid Mirakshåb Khan, 14th year of Muham. mad Shah (the latter with the date 1142, 12 on his seal);
Sayyid Bhahamat Khan and Sayyid Sultan Husain Khan Mausawi, 15th year of Muhammad Shah (with the date 1138, viz., 1145, 15 on the seals);
Sayyid Shah amat Khan and Mir Muhyi'ddin Mausawi, 18th year of Muhammad Shah (with the dates 1138, vis. 1148 on the seals); and
Savvid Shah amat Khan and Khwaja Illah Khan, 19th year of Muhammad Shah (with the dates 1138, viz., 1149, 19 on the seals).
With one seal only (on the right) the same documents have been sealed in the 25th year of Muhammad Shah (Sayyid Mirak Khân, 1153, 22), in the 2nd year of Ahmad Shah (Shamsherbeg Khân Khánazad, 1161, 1), and in the first year of Timur Shah (Dawar Khan Sadr ul-sudur). Except the farmång sealed with the personal seals of the emperors a tughrá has but seldom been added the drawing of, which is then always very poor and artless.
Even the higher functionaries did not employ a new seal every year, that is to say, they did not alter the date. We often find seals therefore with years that considerably differ from those of the sanads themselves.
On some signets the possessors are styled murid or murid-i pádisháh, a title introduced by Akbar.
Nizamuddta Han Qidirlours as Sadr ul-fuddr also in the text of some sanads from Alamgir's 2nd year. The Qadirls were darwesh order. Nineteen principles of theirs are enumerated in the Berlin Porsian manuscript, Petermann, No. 721, (cf. Pertsch, Verzeichnis der perrischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek en Berlin, No. 283, 2, p. 276).-KhanazAds were a sort of pages educated at the imperial court (cf. Ma'athir ul-Umard, vol. I, p. 797).

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There are also some private documents in this collection of sanads, the most interesting of which concern the sale and purchase of lands. We learn from them the value of arable lands in the pargana of Batâla, viz., 251 rupees for 100 big'has, 20 rupees for 5 big has, 42 rupees for 15 big'has 17 biswas, 122 rupees 8 annas for 35 big'has banjarland, and 60 rupees for 20 big'has zamin-i bárání, the price of the big'ha varying therefore between 2 and 4 rupees. The sales took place under the rule of Muhammad and Ahmad Shah, the rupees and the annas being specified as 'álamgiri. In Shah 'Alam's time once Buhlulis or Dám-i 'álámgért's are mentioned. One-half of the fixed amount is always paid on account. As is customary in Christian countries by illiterates to draw a cross instead of the signature, we find a circle once adopted for this purpose by a woman obliged to sign the document about the sale of her grounds. These papers bear the seal of the Qází as of the competent official and the signatures and seals of a number of witnesses. Judges of Batala were according to our sanads:
Qazi Arjumand in the year 1115 (2), the seal with the date 1112; Qazi 'Ata Ullah, son of 'Azim Ullah, 1139, on the seal 1120; Qazi Ahliyat Ullah, 1141, on the seal 1138; Qazi Mir Muhammad, 1141, 1147, and 1161, and
Wali Muhammad, son of the dismissed Qazi Hibat Ullah, who, as his father extended the hand of oppression and tyranny over the inhabitants,' and for this reason, in the second year of Shah 'Alam's reign, the citizens presented a petition that he should be deposed and be replaced by their former just Qazi Ghulam Muhammad, whose seal with the date 48 appears on documents from 'Alamgir's 49th year. I am not sure if this request was entirely successful, at all events in A. H. 1120, 1125, and 1126 the desired Ghulam Muhammad was not judge, but Muhammad Wali Ullah, who is perhaps identical with the unjust Wali Muhammad.
In the 16th year of Muhammad Shah Mir Muhammad, son of Mir Muhammad Qâim, was appointed judge of Batåla, as successor of Amânat Ullâh, and he was confirmed in this office after Ahmad Shah's accession to the throne. The documents bear the seals of Mir Muhy'iddin Khânazâd, 1118, and Shamshêrbêg Khân Khânazâd, 1161. That Jalâl was Qâzi of Batala in A.H. 933 has already been mentioned.
Finally there are a few other sanads, e.g., one concerning the grant of a daily allowance of 12 annas to Shaikh Nur Muhammad and his companions in Patthaibatpur, to be paid by the fautadár of that town, or regarding the lease of the village of Pådishahpur alias Kalânkhurdpår in the pargana of Patihaibatpår, amounting to 550 rupees a year and being to be delivered to the fautakhána, which need not to be further described.
I now give as a specimen the text of three sayúrghál-sanads, together with their English translations:
مرینوقت میمنت عنوان فرمان والشان واجب الزمان صادر شد که چهل بیگھا زمین افتاده لائق زراعت خارج جمع از پرگنه چماري مضاف بصرية پنجاب در وجه مده معاش مسمات راج بيبي وغيرها حسب الشمي مقرر باشد که حاصل آنرا صرف مالختاج نموده بدعات بقالے دولت ابدطراز مواظبت نمایند باید که حکام و عمال ر جاگیرداران و کروربان حال و استقبال اراضی مزبوره را پیموده و چک بسته بتصرف آنها بازگذارند و اصل و مطلقا
I have spelt the Persian words more correctly than they appear sometimes in the originals.

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رجریبانه رضابطانه تغییر رتبدیل بدان راه ندهند ربعلت مال وجهات راخراجات مثل قتلغه رپیشکش
چک ر تکرار زراعت محصلانه و مهرانه و داروغگانه رپیکارد شکار ر مقدمي و قانونگوئي وضبط هرساله بعد تشخيص
ديراني مزاحم نشوند و اندرین باب هر سال سند مجدد نطلبند و اگر در محل و كل مطالبات سلطاني رتكاليف دیگر چیزے داشته باشند آنرا اعتبار نکنند بیست و نهم شال سال چهلم از جلوس والا نوشته شد،
TRANSLATION. "In this happy time the high order which is necessary to be heard came forth that 40 big'has of fallow land, capable of cultivation, allodial to the pargana of Chamari that belongs to the suba of the Panjab, according to the endorsement were bestowed as a rent-free fee upon P. P. Raj Bibi and companions. They may spend the revenues of it for their needs, being assiduous in prayer for the perpetuity of the enduring empire. The present and future magistrates, tax-gatherers, jágir-holders and króris having surveyed the stated lands and marked their boundaries should give them into their possession, and by no means allow any alteration or change. After the settlement of the boundaries and the new cultivation one should not trouble them for any demands of the Government and the levies of the court in the shape of quit-rent, taxes, and tributes, as qutlugha, presents, the rates of jaribána, zábitána, muhastilána, mahrána, dároghagána, for war and chase, the muqaddimi and qandngóyi, and the annual sequestrations. Regarding this no new order should be yearly expected and other eventual existing appointments not considered. Written on the 29th Shawwal of the 40th year since the sublime accession to the throne (viz., of Alamgir)."
On the back the text of the yádhásht-i waqi'a, dated Monday, the 13th Rabi II, of the 39th year (21st November, 1695) is given, and besides the dates of entry in the registers the names of Raj Bibi's companions, viz., Nar Bibi, Sahib Khatan, and Sharifa Bånd, each of them getting 10 big'has.
Another sanad concerning a re-investment runs :
حضرت محمد شاه پادشاه غازي خلد ملکه ابدا خلدمنزل
مری، پنجاب بدانند چون بموجب جاگیرداران رکروریان حال واستقبال پرگنه بتال مضاف گماشتهاي فرمانعاليشان حضرت مرقوم بتاريخ 3 شعبان سنة 3 مرازي پنجاه رنه بيگهه زمین از پرگنه مذکور در وجه مدد
مقرر
وغيره ورث محمد عاقل وغيره بتجويز صدور سابق مسماة نورخاتون وغيرها شرکاي فرمان وعبد الغني معاش است درینر بتصديق ثقات بوضوح پیوست که مشار اليهم مي رقائم و اراضي مزبوره را قابض و متصرف اند و از
دارند زمان باعث
بندگان حضرت خدیر جهان ممر دیگر رجه معیشت ندارند بنابر آن بتصدق فرق مبارک امن رامان ظل ظليل ایزد متعال نائب نبيل دادار بیهمال مظهر اتم پروردگار رحمت اعم آفریدگار مکین قوانين
و تصرف جهانداری ممهد مهاد کرم گستري خلافت پناه ظل اراضی مرقومه 10 از مجلقديم بدستور سابق بشرط فيض حسب الضمن مقرر ر مسلم داشته شد می باید که زمین مسطوره را در تصرف آنها را گذاشته اصلا و مطلقة متعرض
7 In other sonada the Chaudharis (I cannot understand for what reason Bloohmann han banished this spelling into the notes of his Ain-i Akbari-edition-9.e. vol. I, p. 198, line 15, instead of putting it into the text), Qdningbís, Muqaddam And Maliks are said to have taken part and consented to this act.
. These technical terms are all fully explained in the dictionaries
I know that this last phrase also could be translated if they should have possessed something in another place berider the above raytrghal) it should not be taken notice of, but I bare preferred the above translation as more harmonizing with the contents.
Corrected from margul ma-rd according to other sanade.

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مایحتاج خردها ساخته بدعاي درام دولت ابدطراز مواظبت نشوند تا حاصلات آنرا فصل بفصل رسال بسال صرف مینموده باشند و اگر در معتدیگر چیزی داشته باشند آنرا اعتبار نکنند شرح تحریر فی التاریخ دریم شهر جمادي الاول سنة 18 جاس متعتي مطابق سنی ۱۱۳۸ هجري المقدس شد ،
TRANSLATION. “Shah 'Alam.-His Majesty Muhammad Shah-i Ghazi, may God perpetuate his reign for ever!
“The present and future representatives of the Jagir-holders and Kroris of the pargana of Batala, belonging to the suba of the Panjab, may know: According to the high order of His Majesty, dated the 2nd Sha'bån of the third year (i.e., of Shah Alam), 69 big'has of the land of the pargana stated have been bestowed as a rent-free fee, by former Sadrs upon P. P. Nur Khatan and companions, partners of the farmán, and upon P. P. 'Abd ul-Ghani and companions, heir of Muhammad 'Aqil and companions. It now being evidenced through trustworthy testimony that the above-named are alive, really own and possess the stated lands, and do not get their livelihood otherwise, on that account as an alms of the blessed head of the slave (of God), His Majesty the sovereign of the world, the master of the time, the author of safety and security, the covering shadow of the sublime God, the excellent viceregent of the peerless distributor of justice. the most perfect manifestation of the all-nourisher, the universal pity of the creator, the founder of the institutions of the world-possessing, who lays the foundation of the carpet of graciousness, the asylum of the khalifate,-the possession of the stated lands, in the former place and on the former conditions, according to the endorsement has been graciously ratified and intrusted. One ought to restore the described grounds into their possession, hindering them not at all, and absolutely not from spending the revenues from season to season and year to year for their own needs and to be assiduous in prayer for the perpetuity of the everlasting empire. If there should exist any appointment, otherwise it is not to be taken notice of. Written on the 2nd Jumádi'l arwal of the 18th year since the sublime accession to the throne (i.e., of Muhammad Shah), bor. responding to the year 1148 of the holy flight (the 20th September, 1735)."
On the back the endorsement of Shah Alam is written, as always in these cases. The names of Nar Khatan's partners were 'Aziz Khatan, daughter of Shaikh Muhammad, 'Âmila, Shams Khâtûn, daughter of Ilyas, Hayat Bånů, those of 'Abdul Ghani's Jan Bibi, Saliha Bånd, etc.
Babar's sanad runs—13
هوالغالب فرمان ظہیرالدین محمد بابر غازي
نفان یافت که چون موضع مجهراکل بهروري از پرگنه درین دقت فرمان جهان مطاع راجب الاتباع شرف تاله که جمع رقمی آن مبلغ پنجهزار تنگه سیاه است برسم سيرغال تعلق بقاضي جلال قاضی پرگنه مذکور است
u Khuld-mansil ww Shah Alam's post-mortem-name. 4 Cf. note 9.
This farmán is very difficult to decipher. The characters want almost all diacritical dota; they are indeed not more fluently written than those of the other sabada, but the tenor is different, so that it cannot be understood by the help of the others. I am indebted for a very few hints to Mr. Jamt Khan Ghort at Berlin, who has seen the document, but notwithstanding there remain some doubtful words. My transcript of the naine of the village is quite tentativo.

Page #553

480
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
میداشته حالا بر همان دستور بدر متعلق شش سنه و بعلت مال وجهات و سایر متجهات مزاحم ومتعرض مشارالیه نشوند ربعرض شد رحوالی تزايد مي آمد که برین موجب مغرم [4] خاصه بتصریح شد رهرساله بفرمان و پرانچ مجدد محتاج ندانند در زمان [s] بقصرهما تحریر شد في شهر ني قعده سنه ۹۳۳ |
TRANSLATION. "He (God) is the conqueror! " Farman of Zahir-uddin Muhammad Babar-i-Ghazi.
"Now the order to be obeyed by all the world and necessary to be respected has the honour of setting forth that the village of Manchharakal, belonging to pargana Watâla, the total register of which amounts to 5,000 copper-tankas (250 Rupees) and which as a Sayúrghál has been bestowed upon Qazi Jalal, judge of the city named, is now-granted to him on the same conditions for six years. No one should molest nor trouble the aforesaid for quit-rents, jihát and edir mutatoajjihát." On request it was further enjoined that the imperial seal has been affixed for evidence, and every year a new farmån or order shall not be thought necessary. Written at........ in the castle Phoenix,' in the month Zi Qa'da, 933 (began the 30th July, 1527)."
On the back the following words are written :
"Order of the chief wazir of the cities of faithful mankind, Shaikh..............." Unfortunately the name of the Shaikh is not legible and his seal is also very indistinct.
XXXVIII.-FURTHER PÂBHOSA INSCRIPTIONS.
By G. BÜRLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.L.E. In addition to the three larger inscriptions, published by Dr. Führer (ante, p. 240ff), the Påbhos& cave contains & number of small and difficult ones, regarding whicb I offer some remarks at the request of the Editor, though I am unable to give in every case certain and complete readings or satisfactory explanations. All of them are somewhat carelessly incised on the hermit's bed and seem to belong to a period, when the cave was no longer occupied' by the original donee or donees. The characters show the types of the seventh or eighth century A.D. The language is incorrect Sanskrit, occasionally, it would seem mixed with Prakrit.
No. I.
TRANSCRIPT. L. 1. Sri-Prayagam var[e ?]uttam (?) [p Plodhaki(? )) L. 2. Suttadhara ?) akhamndataḥ L. 3. Suttadbårsa ?) yayyo ?[a?) ubba ? daya [n]
Above l. 1 stands high up in the left hand corner a large sign, which may be intended for jñá, and lower above the middle of the line two letters, the second of which
* Otherwise sáir jihát.

Page #554

Epigraphia Indica, rol. II.
PABHOSA INSCRIPTIONS: ON THE HERMIT'S BED INSIDE THE CAVE.
༥༽ངོ བ ན
E
!
༣ 1: བཅུ་
。
.
.
A
* ཆརྒྱུད་
Dr 4. Fikrer, impress.
Scale: 1 of originals.

Page #555

PABHOSA INSCRIPTIONS
ON THE HERMIT'S BED INSIDE THE CAVE.
X
Per
ON THE WEST WALL, INSIDE THE CAVE.
.
Senle : # of originals.
Dr. A. Führer, impress.

Page #556

FURTHER PABHOSA INSCRIPTIONS.
481
is ka. Below 1. 3 there is the representation of a conch-shell and to the right three rudely scratched illegible letters.
As regards the interpretation, the only certain facts are (1) the occurrence of the name of "glorious Pray[á]ga" and (2) the mention of two suttadhára or masons. Possibly the whole may be intended for: Sri-Prayág[ád Varaputtro Modhaki [or Podhaki), sútradháro' khanditaḥ sútradháro Yayya ubha[yoḥ] deyam or in English "From glorious Prayaga, the unblamed mason Modhakin (or Podhakin) son of Vara, (and) the mason Yayya (Jajja), -the gift of both these." If this is correct, the inscription probably records repairs of the cave, done by the two persons mentioned.
Sri-Kalase[bevaradisi(P)14 kuttia
The reading of the seventh and eighth consonants is uncertain; kuṭṭt is probably a mistake for kuți, the two dots, which I have taken for stops, may, of course, denote the Visarga, which however would be wrong. The translation is: "The cella (or temple) of glorious Kalaseśvara and the rest." Kalasa is the name of a Nága, and the inscription probably refers to the legend, which makes the cave the home of an enormous Nags, (see ante, p. 241).
No. II.
TRANSCRIPT.
No. III.
The only signs readable with any certainty are: revadatta towards the end of the line.
.....
[NandaJdattaprasido lolt
Deva.
No. IV.
No. V.
No. VI. TRANSCRIPT.
Oh Ke[Kiran[év Jarit(?)ila (?) kedali(?) va
sya [*]
The inscription seems to refer to a deity called Kiranesvarf, which seems to occur again in No. VII.
No. VII.
TRANSCRIPT.
Kirape[éva]riér[1]ka[r*]tta [*]
If the restoration is correct, the translation will be, "The maker of (the statue of) glorious Kiranesvart" and the inscription may refer to one of the masons, mentioned in No. I, see also No. VIII.
3 Q

Page #557

482
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. VIII.
TRANSCRIPT. Sri-Krishnagopirů pakartta [v]
The second ta of karttá looks like oa. The translation is, "The maker of the statues of glorious Krishna and of the milkmaids." The inscription probably refers to one of the masons in No. I.
Nos. IX AND X.
TRANSCRIPT. Vijayasenasyahsya) Kiraṇabhojak[a?]
These two pieces may belong together and may possibly mean, "Of Vijayasena, the temple-priest of Kirana (i.e. Kiraneštart)." If this interpretation is correct, the two notes may indicate that Vijayaseva visited the cave when the two masons, named in No. I, repaired it. The contents of the whole series may perhaps be connected as follows:- " Some time in the seventh or eighth century the Pabhosà cave was gratuitously restored by two masons of Prayaga and dedicated by Vijayasena, the Bhojaka of Kiranešvari, to the Naga Kalasa and other deities." This would account for the existence of the legend mentioned by Dr. Führer, according to which the cave is inhabited by an enormous Naga.
XXXIX.-AN ADDITIONAL NOTE ON THE BAIJNÂTA PRAŠASTIS.
By G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. During the Christmas vacation of 1892 Dr. M. A. Stein, the energetic and learned Principal of the Oriental College at Lahore, visited the Kangra district and spent some days at Kiragrama, where he studied tho Baijnath Prasastis on the spot and made enquiries regarding various facts they mention. After a certain show of resistance the temple-priests became communicative, no doubt, as Dr. Stein thinks, because they wanted to learn what their inscribed tablets contained. And the results of his enquiries are so valuable for the interpretation of the inscriptions that I am sure I shall render a service to the readers of the Epigraphia Indica if I publish here a translation of the portion of his letter, which contains them. Writing from Lahore on February 6th, 1893, he says:
"Navagrama, mentioned in the inscription (I, 33) is probably identical with the village of Naur,' where the temple still owns 21 halas of land. Nåur lies about 3 miles west from Kiragrama and belongs to the ancient pargana of Palam, which latter word I would identify with the name of the village of Pralamba, of which the inscription speaks (IT, 31). About thirty years ago, when the introduction of tea-planting induced many Europeans to settle in Kångra, Palam' was turned into Palampur,
The Sanskrit prototype of Naur would be Navapura, which probably was another name of Navagrama.-C.B.] • The Kangrå Gazetteer still mentious Palam.

Page #558

483
NOTES ON THE SIVASKANDAVARMAN GRANT.
"In the bazar of Kiragrâma I was shown the spot where, so late as two generations ago, stood a shop, belonging to the temple and where the two pious Banians, whom the local traditions too know as the founders of the temple, are said to have lived. This is clearly the panyasśáld mentioned in the Prasasti II, 34. Regarding the oil-mill which Manyuka and Ahuka dedicated I could not hear anything; and the god has long lost the income from the mandapiká. But there was formerly a custom-house on the frontier of the territory of Mandi which passes close to the village. On the rocky hill which rises near the village and is now occupied by the Dák bangalow, the Râne family is said to have had a fort. I do not dare to decide if these Rdnes, whose descendants are still Rajput zamindars in the parganâ of Baijnath, are identical with the Rájánakas of Ktragrama.
"But in illustration of what you have said on p. 102, vol. I, of the Epigraphia regarding the intermarriage of this Rajput family of Kiragråm with the RAjAs of Traigarta, I may mention that the Raja of Kapurthala quite lately married a girl from the house of a bitterly poor Rajput of the Gulherian Miân clan, who lives as zamindar not far from Baijnath. Though the man is so poor that his daughter, the present Rânt, used to work for wages in the tea plantations, his countrymen have not yet pardoned him that he contracted the alliance with the Raja.
"Your proposed identification of Susarmapura with Kot is fully confirmed by the local traditions.
"The temple [of Baijnath] is well preserved, and in my opinion it has not undergone such very great alterations as the earlier describers state. Thus, big statues of Gangå and Yamuna, which clearly belong to the time of the inscription, are found on the gateway pillars of the Puri, exactly as Râma describes them in the Prasasti, I. 29, and his other detailed statements regarding the building fully agree with the actualities. Only the roof seems to me modern; according to the statements of the Purohitas it was renovated about one hundred years ago by Raja Samsârchand.""
XL.-A NOTE ON THE PRAKRIT GRANT OF THE PALLAVA KING SIVASKANDAVARMAN (VOLUME I, pp. 2-10).
BY ERNST LEUMANN, PH.D., STRASSBURG.
Prakrit inscriptions always present particular difficulties. Dr. Bühler, with his usual sagacity, has removed most of those connected with Sivaskandavarman's grant, Some others of the same inscription can only be mastered when further documents of a similar type turn up. A few, however, may perhaps be dealt with now. We have
I consider the identity of the Rane family with the Rájánakas to be very probable. Rájánaka is also the parent of the title Rand.-[G. B.]
4 Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep., vol. V., p. 179 f.
I take this opportunity to note that Professor Kielhorn has published in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XX, pp. 114 ff, certain emendations of my readings of the two Prasastis in accordance with rubbings made by Sir A. Cunningham. The following among Professor Kielborn's proposals appear to me acceptable:-I. 6, eureshu ndetnám apareshu kurvatám; I. 29, bhaktitrutallobhamalena tena; I. 37, såstradrishtim anusritya; II. 2, ea patu vo Makádevo Brahmadya bhaktim dethitdh; and II. 9, Kritárthau. In addition, I would mention that I now translate astrijano in I. 13a by "arebers" instead of by "heroes," as astri is clearly the nominative of astrin; note 64 must be altered accordingly. 302

Page #559

484
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
to correct the following passages in Dr. Bühler's transcript (on pages 5-7 of volume I) :
1. 1, Read aggiţthoma. The irregular combination ith (for th) is a mistake of the engraver which has crept in on account of the similarity of the signs for th and th.
1. 3, Separate pisaye savattha, i.e. vishaye sarvatra everywhere in our (amham) country.'
1. 4, Read mádabika and restore it to mádambika. This word, which means 'chief of & madamba district' is often found in the older Jain literature ;' its base madamba occurs in the same texts and beside in some Niryuktis and Bhashyas.
1. 5, Read árakhadhikate, which stands for árakkhádhikate and is equivalent with árakkhiya 'guard' of the Jain literature; literally it means employed as a guard (draksha dhikrita). As to the sign khá, cf. lines 27 and 88.
1. 7, Read e instead of cha and of the sign for e in lines 27, 30, 34. The word ettha (atra 'here') opens of course a new phrase, and we need not follow Dr. Bühler in inserting a second verb; vitaráma is indeed the verb wanted and closes well the preceding phrase. The first verb (ánaveti), however, is certainly well supplied by Dr. Bühler; only we think its place is not before amham (in l. 3), but after ppayutte (in 1. 6). At any rate we are not to combine in irregular co-ordination the accusittives of lines 3-6 with the genitive samcharan-taka-bhada-manusána.
I would then translate the whole passage thus :. . . . . . ."Sivaskandavarman informs (ánaveti) in our country everywhere the royal princes, generals, -rulers of larger and smaller districts (ratthikas and madambikas), local prefects and others, the freeholders of various villages, valladas, govallavas, ministers, guards, captains' tathikas, neyikas and all others employed in our service : We grant an exemption from (any taxes that might be levied by or for) samcharantakas, soldiers or other persons.
1. 44, Read vasudhadhipataye (acc. pl. from opati).
1o.g. in the Aupapálika sdtra, Paryushandkalpa (Kalpasdtra'), eto.
The corrected reading drakhddhikate (in l. 6) makes it very probable that the word immediately following (gumiko) is also a military term.
In reply to Dr. Bühler's appended notes, I may remark that the persons favoured by the grant are undoubtedly "the Brahmans, who are the freeholders of the settlement (kodunka) called Chillareka." The gift is therefore a Brahmana parihara, i... an immunity granted to Brahmans. Honorific allowance, as Dr. Bühler proposes, does not change the sense, but is less appropriate, kodunka is apparently a contracted form of kodumbaka (Sans. kautumbaka): in the same way naiyyoka seems to me to stand for naiyogika, which would be a synonym of the term abhiyogika-'servant'-of the Jaina literature. The term kundra parihdra similarly denotes an immunity presented to a prince; the Jataka phrase adduced by Dr. Bübler means- " When, afterwards they noticed that he was a prince, they no longer gave him any work to do, but spared him, so to say, by princely immunity."
The inscription, of course, mentions, also, the persons who are to respect the grant, i.e. who are not allowed in any way to trouble the above-named Brabmans (by levying taxes, etc.). So the two cognate Pallava platex clearly state: Sarváyuktakd sarva-naiyyok dh rdjavallabhdh sancharantakas cha tat-sinash sarva-parikáraik pariharantu pariharayanta cha ayuttu savva-parihdreli pariharantu pariharayan (tu cha), "The persons of the king's service and party must spare and cause to spare the territory (described before) by all the eighteen) kinds of exemption. "In face of these parallel passages, the worde-sancharanta ka-bhadamanusána... pariharan vitarama, can only have the sense which I have given them, without pretending, bowever, that my translation reflects accurately the grammatical construction. Thin latter can only be made clear when the three syllables before parihdrarh are deciphered.
That sancharantakas are & nuisance to people, we learn, e. g. from the description of a model town given in the Nemicharita, 1. 14 (on Hemachandra's Bhavabhdvand, v. 5): in that town no sarheharandalas are allowed to stroll about (...vashcharantelis tirai na tattha bhamiuth,...). Another Prakrit word of the Pallava Inscription (which however necurs alio elsewhere) is bappa 'father :' this is found in Dafavaikálikasutra vii, 18,- See Zeitsch. d. Dent. Morgenl. Gesellach. vol. XLVI. pp. 628.

Page #560

NOTES ON THE SIVASKANDAVARMAN GRANT.
485
1. 45, Read mejáláye, Le, mejjátáye. In Jains Prakrit maryádá becomes mejjá, the last two syllables being contracted. The Sanskrit sounds arya in Prakrit generally are changed to era, sometimes to ejja or ariya or ajja.
1. 46, Separate cha si. The word si refers to mejátaye, and therefore represents a singular case like tasyáḥ; it is indeed a short form for the anaphoric pronoun se that is often met with in the Niryuktis and Bhashyas of the Jain literature. The function and origin of se has been well discussed by Professor Wackernagel in the Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Sprachforschung (vol. XXIV, p. 600). Though se and ef refer to all genedrs and numbers we find occasionally in the Niryuktis and Bhashyas a special plural form sim which, by the addition of the Anusvåra, has been formed after the fashion of plural genitives like tesim (teskám), etc.
What remains to be said is of less importance; we are probably to read vádaka for vátaka (in lines 13 and 30); misprints are apparently hiroga for hirogo (10), palibhago for palibhago (12), pattbhágo for pattibh-(21), ffivas" for firde (36), pila for pilá (40), dattá for datá (18), kada for kada (51), brahmana for brahmana, and lekhakha for lekhaka (52).
SOME FURTHER NOTES ON THE GRANT OF SIVASKANDAVARMAN. (VOLUME I, pp. 2-10.)
The corrections of my reading and rendering of Sivaskandavarman's grant, which Professor E. Leumann has proposed above, make, I think, a few further remarks from me desirable.
(Line 1.) Professor Leumann's statement that the plates have aggitthoma, not aggitthoma, is correct. I should say that the nonsensical form has been caused by a confusion between the two possible forms with tṭha and ttha. Both in literary and in epigraphic Pali, Sanskrit shța or shtha is represented occasionally by the dental tenuis and the tenuis aspirata. Thus, we have in literary works for kroshtri a jackal,' both kotthuka and kotthuka, or even kutthu, as well as forms in ttha for various past participles in shta. And the Sanchi votive inscriptions offer sethi and sethi for freshthin; Asoka's New Edicts both vivutha and vyutha for vyushța. In such words the Pali ttha probably goes back to originals with sta, similar to those in the Shahbazgarhi version of the Rock Edicts, where we find sresta for freshtha, dipista (3rd pers. sing. aor. Atm.) equivalent to a Sanskrit form adipiahla.
(L. 3.) Professor Leumann is right in separating visaye savattha, but the correction has already been given by me in the Addenda and Corrigenda to vol. I, p. 479.
(L. 4.) The plates have not máḍabika, as Professor Leumann asserts. The last sign is mutilated, the crossbar of the ka on the right having been omitted by mistake. The sign, which has thus come out, can only be read nu. Professor Leumann's restora.. tion máḍambika" governors of Maḍambas," instead of mámḍabika "custom-house officers," is possible, though, owing to the rarity of the word madamba (except in Jains works), somewhat doubtful. I add an explanation of the term maḍamba, which Professor Jacobi has kindly furnished to me from the Jaina commentaries: madambani sarvato❜rdha yojanát paralo'sasthitagramáni.

Page #561

486
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
(L1, 6-7.) Professor Leumann's readings árakhadhikate and ettha for my áranadhikate and chattha are certainly correct. His translation of lines 6-7, "We grant an exemption from any taxes that might be levied by or for) Sancharantakas (soldiers) and other persons" cannot stand, for °Shadamanusána is separated from pariharam by a not now readable word ending in o, and in all probability the two expressions do not belong together. Even supposing that sancharamtakabhadamaņusdņa pariharan ditardma had to be taken together, the meaning could only be, "We grant an exemption to Samcharantakas, eto;"it is against the custom observed in the grants to name first an exemption and afterwards the object granted. I must add that my translation of parihara by "an mmunity" ought to be changed to a honorific grant.' Of late I have found in the Jatakas several passages where parihara has a concrete meaning and is used for "appanage, honorific allowance, special grant." In several stories it is narrated bow queens receive or are deprived of their parihára, and there is the compound kumaraparihara "an allowance suitable for a prince."
(L. 40.) The correct reading is pilá (not pild, as Professor Leumann says), the short i being expressed, as is done very often, by a complete circle.
(L. 45.) Majdtdye is the reading of the plates, not, as Professor Leumann holds, mejátdye. The little stroke above the ma has been caused by a slip of the engraver's punch. A real me looks very different (see lines 1, 29, 41).
(L. 46.) As sim is permissible for tesin, etesim and esin, according to Hemachandra Prakrita Vyakarana III, 81, and occurs, as Professor Leumann says, in Jaina works, I agree with him that its equivalent si in cha si should be written separate. Si refers, however, not, as Professor Leumann thinks, to majátâye, but to the grantees. Compare the corresponding passages in the Sanskrit grants, e.g. Indian Antiquary, vol. V. p. 196, 1. 6; p. 207, 1. 9; p. 212, 1. 25; vol. XI, p. 113, 1. 43; p. 159, 1. 50.

Page #562

TABLES FOR CALCULATING HINDU DATES.
487
TABLES FOR CALCULATING HINDU DATES IN TRUE LOCAL TIME.
BY HERMANN JACOBI, PH.D., SANSKRIT PROFESSOR, BONN.
In my paper on the computation of Hindu dates, etc. (vol. I, page 403 ff.), I have given rules for calculating, according to the curiously inaccurate Hindu method, the corrections which must be applied to a date, computed for mean sunrise, in order to obtain the same for true sunrise at any given place in India. As this calculation is rather tiresome, I have computed the following tables, which will make the process easy without detracting from the accuracy of the results. As the problem, to solve which these tables serve, is somewhat complicated, a few remarks on the theory of true and mean time may not be amiss.
1. Suppose the sun to move with an equal motion on the equator (instead of on the ecliptic); then this equatorial sun will exactly regulate mean time. His rising will occur at 6 o'clock for every place on the earth the whole year round, marking the mean beginning of day. The interval between his risings at two distant places will be the time-difference between these places (see vol. I, Table XXV).
2. Now assume a second sun to move with the same equable motion on the ecliptic. This supposed sun is meant when the "mean sun" is spoken of. It is obvious that this mean sun and the first will not rise at the same time, except when they coincide at the two points of intersection of the equinoctial and the ecliptic. At every other time the second will, in places in north latitude, rise earlier than the first, when he is in the northern half of the ecliptic; and later, when he is in the southern half. Table XXVII, A-F, gives the interval in ghatikás and vináḍis between the risings of both supposed suns,' for every degree of the ecliptic as entered in the vertical index to the left and right of each table, and for all degrees of north latitude from 10°-35° as entered in the horizontal index at the top of each table. At the intersection of the horizontal and vertical columns is given the interval of rising for the tropical longitude of the mean sun and for the terrestrial latitude in question; e.g., in Table XXVII-B, we find that for 44° trop. Long. and 20° terr. Lat. the difference in rising is 1gh. 22v. If the trop. Long. O is entered in the index to the left, the ecliptical mean sun rises before the mean beginning of the day; if on the index to the right, it rises after the mean beginning of the day.
3. We thus find the time of rising of the mean sun (moving on the ecliptic), but what is really wanted is the time of rising of the true sun. The true sun only twice in the year coincides with the mean sun; at every other time he either precedes or lags behind the mean sun. Their difference in longitude is the equation of the sun's centre, the amount of which in degrees, minutes, and seconds is furnished by Table XXIV-B. If the equation has the sign, the true longitude of the sun is greater than his mean one, and consequently the true sun rises later than the mean one; if the equation in Table XXIV has the sign +, the true sun rises before the mean one; always by the time corresponding to the sun's equation of the centre. In order to compute the equivalent in time for the sun's equation of the centre, we must know how much time is occupied in rising by one degree of the ecliptic at the place where the sun is at the moment in question in a given latitude. The amount in vináḍis is furnished by the entries immediately below the degrees of terrestrial latitude in Table XXVII. Though continually changing, it is considered by Hindu astronomers to be constant throughout each single
'Or between the risings of a point on the equator and one on the ecliptic, which have the same distances from the
equinox.

Page #563

488
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
sign, and equal to the mean. As the different parts of Table XXVII represent the tropical signs, one entry serves for the whole part. Thus we find in Part B that on the 20th parallel one degree of the ecliptic (between 30o and 60° trop. Long.) takes up 8-79 vinádís in rising. Knowing the time taken up in rising by one degree, we can easily calculate the time corresponding to any given value of the equation of the sun's centre.
4. Table XXVII refers to tropical longitude, while the other tables yield sidereal longitude. The former is found by adding to the latter the ayanáméas (or amount of the precession of the equinox) for the year in question.
The rule for calculating the ayanáméas is given in section 39 of the former paper (page 421); to find them without calculation is the object of Tables XXVIII and XXIX, e.g., we find by Table XXVIII that in K. Y. 4683 the ayanámsas were-- 16° 14' 42", diz. K.Y. 4600 = 15° O O "
80 years= 1° 12' 0"
8 = 0° 2' 42"
Ayan âmía = 16° 14 49" Table XXIX serves for the Brahma Siddhanta and Siddhanta Siromani, Table XXVIII, for the other Siddhantas.
5. I shall now illustrate by examples the working of these tables in connection with the Special Tables; for when such accuracy is wanted, that the difference between mean and true time comes into consideration, the calculation must be made by means of the Special Tables."
1st Example.-Let it be proposed to calculate the true Tithi for true sunrise on the 7th (solar) Jyaishtha K.Y. 4128 at Aligarh, whose latitude is 27° 63' (or roundly 289) and time difference + 14 vin. We use for this and the following examples the tables for the Súrya Siddhanta:
(a) We calculate the elements : Distance ( etc., for the year and day in question, diz.
Dist. (-0 ('. An. O's An.
Corr. 4100 years . . 69° 48' 0" 217° 8' 30" | 282° 44' 18" 1 + 20 gk. 5+v.
117° 47' 3" 58° 38' 37" ... ... ... 14 gh. 480. 7th Jyai.. . 66° 40' 34" 97° 16' 26" 340 28 46'
254° 16' 37" 13° 3' 35" 817° 13' 52" + Bgl. 11o. (6) Add the time difference, with the sign changed, for the place in question, to the Corr. (+ 6gh. 110. - 140. = + 5gh. 570.) and find by Table XXII the corresponding increase of the elements, distance, etc.5g. = 1° 0' 57" 1° B 19"
4' 56 57v. = 11' 35"
18' 25"
56" Bgh. 570. = +1° 12' 32" +1° 17' 44" +5' 52" (c) Add or subtract, according to the sign) the increase from the first result.
254° 15' 87' 13° 3' 33" 317° 18' 52" + 1° 12' 32" 1° 17' 44"
6' 52" 256° 28' 9" 14° 21' 17" 317° 19' 44' (d) Find the equations for the anomalies of the moon and sun by Table XXIV
An. 14° 21' .. Eq. (= - 1° 15' 32" An. 317° 20' .. Eg. O= -1° 29 19"
Sum of eq'.s = -2° 44' 44* The same inaccuracy pertades all Hindu calculations of true suprise, and makes all figures in Table XXVI Wrong when compared with the true values. However, we do not require the latter, but those which the Hindus mume in their calculations.
Isball indicate below 37, bow these tables may be used in connection with the general tables for an etimate of the difference between mean and true local time.
28
.
.

Page #564

TABLES FOR CALCULATING HINDU DATES.
489
(e) Add the sum of equations to the distance; the result is the true distance at mean sunrise for the place in question, viz. 255° 28' 9"- 2° 44′ 44′′-252° 43′ 25′′. (f) Find the sidereal longitude of the sun by subtracting from the above the O's an., the same for beginning of the century. (Table XIII.)
Sid. Long. O
-
K.Y. 4128
(g) Find the ayanámsas for the year in question, by Table XXVIII
K.Y. 4100
= 7° 30' 0"
28 years= 25′ 12′′
7° 55′ 12
317° 19' 44" 282° 44' 16" 34° 35' 28"
(1) Add the ayanámsas thus found to the sidereal longitude of the sun, the result is the tropical longitude of the sun.
34° 35' 28"
7° 55′ 12′′
Trop. Long. = 42° 30′ 40′′
(i) Look out in Table XXVII the "interval of rising" of the degree of trop. now found for the latitude of the given place.
Long.
If the left-hand index (0-180) is used, the amount is subtractive; if the index to the right (180°-360°) the amount is additive.
In this case we get, for trop. Long. 42° on the 28th parallel,- 1gh. 460.
(k) Take, from the same part of the Table just used, the time required by one degree in rising, as given there immediately below the degree of latitude in question, and calculate the equivalent in time for the sun's equation. If the equation has the sign+, the amount is subtractive; if -, it is additive.
In the present case: 1° takes up 8-24 vináḍis, consequently 1° 29′ will take up 120. The equation being negative, the amount is additive. We put it down as + 120.
(1) Add (or subtract according to the sign) the vináḍts in (k) to the result in (); find the increase of Dist. -O for the sum, in Table XXII; add the increase (or subtract according to the sign of the sum) to the true Dist. - (found in e). The result is the true Dist. < for true sunrise at the place in question. Here - 1gh. 46v. +12v. =
1gh. 34v.
1gh. 34v.
1gh. = 12' 11" 84v. 6' 54" -19' 5
This, added to the result in (e), vis., 252° 4 52", makes 252° 24' 20".
(m) This result is not quite correct, because we have made use of the mean increase (or decrease) of Dist. <- O instead of the true, as the Hindus do. However, we may rest satisfied with this approximation when the true distance comes out larger or smaller, by 4 minutes or more, than an entire number of degrees marking the end of a Tithi. This is the case in the present example: 252° mark the end of the 21st tithi or the 6th tithi of the dark fortnight; but as we found the true distance to be 259" 24 20", which is more than 4' above the end of the Tithi, viz. 252, the final result is not affected by the slightly incorrect calculation.
In rare cases where the strictest accuracy is required, proceed as follows:Add the increase (or decrease) of the distance, etc., for the sum found in (1) to the
32

Page #565

490
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
result in (e); again, find the equations of and, as in (d), and add their sum to the distance, as in (e). The result is the true distance. In this case-1gh. 34v.:
Dist.-0 0° 12' 11" 6 54 19 5 255 28 9
255
9' 4"
84 V.
1 gh.
subtracted from makes.
1 gb. 34 v.
(c) + 6 gh.
45 v.
(e)
(@) 4100 years 28 4th Bhadra.
Sum of eq's. = Dist. -O
True dist.
This then is the strictly accurate true distance method was 47".
•
284 2
1 18
124 17 48 (4)+ 7 55 12
An. An.
132 13 " (i) trop. Long. O (*) Eq. O = () 282° 51' 48"
10 9
It may be borne in mind, however, that it is a waste of time to attempt this degree of accuracy, unless we know the Hindu value of the latitude and longitude of the place for which the date is to be calculated. This uncertainty is enhanced when we have to deal with dates in inscriptions; for we never know for what place the almanac was calculated, from which the date recorded in the inscription was taken, though in most cases we shall probably be right in assuming that the almanac referred to the capital of the kingdom.
"3
4th Marg..
The following examples will be understood without further comment. I use the same letters as in the first example to indicate the operations to be gone through :Ex. 2.-K. Y. 4128, 4th Bhadrapada; place: Ratnagiri, 17° Lat. and time difference -34 vin.
>10 69° 48′ 0′′ 8 117 47 96 2
D's An. 217° 8' 80' 58 38 37 216 11 10. 131 58 17
Cor. An. + 20 gh. 54' 14 43 + 6 11 (6) + 34
289 37 7
+ 6 45
14° 1' eq. 317° 18' eq.
9
9 9
59 25
7 39
•
•
=
=
1
-
133
18 23 9 48 26 28
2 43 57
+255 9 4
<'s An. 0° 13' 4" 7 24
1° 18′ 49′′
1 80
8
252° 25′ 7′′
124 46
20 28 14 21 17
+1 33 317 19 44
14 0' 49" 317 18' 11"
47
O's An. 282 44' 16"
...
O. The error in the preceding
11 9
55 25
282 51 46
407° 2' 4" (an. +360°). (9) 4128 K. Y., ayanámsa as above 7° 55′ 12′′ -282 44 16
(sid. Long. )
(trop. Long. ) 132°, on 17° Lat., 1° 36' (1°
5 55 44 4
2
Interval
10.97 vin.), time of rising. = Sum =
O's An.
0′ 59′′ 34
282 41 37. Result.
(a) 4300 years
Ex. 3.-K. Y. 4325, 4th Margasira. Srinagar, Lat, 34° 6', time difference 8 vin. 345° 24' 0" 276° 1' 30" 282° 43′ 59′′ 142 21 38 338 9 48 32 56
25
79 27 0
187 35 2
202 26 2
296
(d) eq. <= - 3° 43′ 44′′ eq.01 36 5 -2 7 39
Sum
32 vin.
18 vin.
50 vin.10 9 (1)
...
-
-
214 51 41 137 35 34
-24 gb. 10v.
-28
8
(b) +
52
52
18 8 10

Page #566

10
TABLES POR CALCULATING HINDU DATES.
491 (c) 52 gh.. = 10° 38' 55" 11° 19' 28" | 0° 51' 15" 10 v. .=
2
2 11 52 gh. 10 v.- -10 85 57 -11 21 84 -61 25 (d) eq. ( = + 4° 55' 16"
202 26 2 296 34 56 137 85 84 eq. O = +1 817 makes 191 50 5 285 11 22136 44 9 Sum = + 8° 26' 23" Sum of eq. . + 626 23
198 16 28 (f) 498° 44' gran. O + 360°) () 4800 ayanáthsa. - 282 43 53
25 years . = 22 30 214 0 16 (sid. Long. o)
4325 K. Y. ayanátusa . = 10° 59' 30" (1) + 10 52 30
224 52 46 (trop. Long. O) (i) trop. Long. o 225o on 34° Lat. Interval
= + 1 gh. 32 v. (4) Eq. = + 1° 31' (1° = 12. 18), time of rising E - 18
Sum = + 1 gh. 14 v. () lgh. . . . = 12' 11"
14 v. . . . = 2 51 + 1 gb. 14 v. . . . = 152 (added to e)
198 16 28 makes . . . 198° 31' 30" Result. 6. In $62 of my former paper I have said: "In the Siddhanta Siromani Golád. hyâya” IV, 20, Bhaskara states that the ancient astronomers • assumed that at Lanka (or on the Equator) the zodiacal signs rise in the same time with 30 degrees of the equinoctial, while in fact they do not. The tables give the interval according to Bhaskara's theory. If the value without Bhaskara's correction is wanted, it may be elicited from the tables, For that purpose the column 0° has been added ; in it are given what Bhaskara calls the udavántara. They must be added to, or subtracted from (according to the sign), the value in the table. Under this supposition, we shall get in () of the first example above 1gh. 240. instead of lgh. 46v., and in (k.) we find 827 vin. instead of 8.23 as the time taken up in rising 1 degree; the latter correction does not, in this case, sensibly affect the final result, while the former will
In calculating dates anterior to Bhaskara (K. Y. 4251) the value of the “interval" given in the table should be corrected in the way just explained.
7. The present tables may be used roughly to estimate the difference between mean Indian and true local time, as in the following example.
In $24 of my first paper we found that in K. Y. 4682 the 11th tithi of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha ended 46 ghatikas after mean sunrise in Lanká on the 18th Vaisakba of the Tables. What is the corresponding local time at Purniya (26° N. Lat. and + 1gh. 58 vin, time difference) ?
First add the time difference to the given Lanka time: 46gh. + lgh. 580. = 47gh. 58 vin. Then look out in Table VIII the sidereal Long. on the 18th Vaisakha: 16° 40'; add the ayanamsa for K.Y. 4682, viz. 16° 15'; the sum is the trop. Long. O, 16° 40 + 16° 15' = 32° 55' (or nearly 33°). Now look out in Table XXVII, Part B, the interval between the mean beginning of the day and sunrise on the 26th parallel and for trop. Long. = 38'; riz. lgh. 250. The left hand index being used, the true sun rises before the mean beginning of the day; accordingly we must add the interval to mean time. 47gh. 580. + 1gh. 250. = 49 gh. 23 v. This is the required true local time for the end of the 11th tithi in Purniya.
Our text of the Sarya Siddhanta III, 43, 44, is in accordance with Bhaskara's theory, and must therefore br later. From the error in the position of the Moon's node relative to that of the Sun, I am persuaded that the present text of the Surya Siddhanta was fixed not before the 13th century A.D. The bija is a still later addition
3.2

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492
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Page #568

TABLES POR CALCULATING WINDU DATES
Lanta XXVII, (Par B ehep. lems.o- 69, 880014) | at. | 10 | Il• | 1 | 18 | 1 | 16 | 8 | 1t 1 is ] # | # 1 we 1
। କ4 | ୫-୫ । | pg | -es | 17 | Dil | » | 8-98 | ୫୫ | 886 | ୫ | 72 | B8 | Bରେ
,
10 112
i1118
, s. Is s...lgas.
| 0 5] | 0 54 0 56 | 0 52 | 0 55 | 0 57 | 0 63 | 0 55 | 0 58 |1 0 54 | 0 56
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Part B,-continued. | ୫8• | Bu® | 81° | 8z
Lat.
|
A
|
26°
|
28° ।
| 27
|
28
| | 83
|
84° । | 86°0•
•
। ୫୫
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| 891
284
8:16 । | 8:08 |
8:00 | 7-1 ।
7-84 |
7-78 ।
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Long
c
:
3
ga, b. Jgk f.ga, c.] ga, 128 130 133 136 |1 29 |132 135 |1 38
'
,
|1 |116 |1
3
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24
y
142 11 5 |15 |18 |17 150
gh. Long: 0 22 । ୫୫୪
| 329 328 327 86
=
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Page #569
494 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. TABL XXVII. (PABY C.-Trop. Long.o=60deg-897, 300-127deg.) Lat. | 10deg | 11deg | 12 | 19 | 14 | 15deg | 16deg | 17deg | 18deg | 19deg | 20deg | 21deg 1 22 23deg Vi, 10-521 10-50 | 10-471 10-45 | 10-42 | 10-40 | 10-371 10-35 | 10.32 10:35 | 10-32 | 10-29 | 10-27 | 10-24 | 10-22 | 10-18 |136 | 131 001) 294 293 112111 250 285 1121 285 Long: gh. 94.0.1g4.0.19%,也。 gh.. 1 .lagh,物。 gh. t. 1.gth.. | gh. tl ga. lgh. t. 1811131116112011 24 1191133 |137 11 41 1146 1149 15413 13|18 8|113111611 13711 49 1154 299 8|113 |1151120 13711 |154 298 7111211 151119 136 |154 297 171112 |1 14 119 |1 54 296 1611111114|| |136 | 153 295 6|111 |1 14 1271131 |135 |1 51111 |1 13 |131 |135 |139 11 105611 |1 1711 13511 292 105610 |1171121 1134 | 13 291 11611 134 240 12 116|120 1121129 134 |152 1251129 134 |138 |l 152 54 1057 1111151120 53105711211 |10|115 | 119 |1 24 |1 28 4611 286 111 10 114 111911 |137 285 1056 11111711 32 |137 284 1055110|16119 114 |1181 32 136 |10 1611 113|11811 132 1136 41 1145 511054 |10|1511 113 |1 18 | | 131|13611 1054 1511 112 | 117 |1 26 11311136 |1 45 11 14117 112|117 126 |131 135 |1 41 279 1053 112 |116 [126 1131 135 |1 40 |1 44 |1 278 1111 |1 16 1125 135 140 277 081 1058 1111116 |125 135 |140 276 057 161110|115 125 134 |1 40 275 1051 056 511 10 1115 124 134 |139 47 10 50 1056 |12 |110|115 124 134 10 46 10 1050 105511 |191114 129 134 272 89 10 46 10 49 41] 114 |123 |13311 271 |137 W%a8888%88%刀仍仍以仍论們仍%8a%%%%%%的 如丝丝丝丝丝丝丝丝奶奶奶奶奶奶奶奶奶红红红红AAAA%%%% 1111111111111111 约约约&&&&约约约约约约约约约约约约约约地址 奶奶奶奶奶 4511 283 1055 &&&nnnnnam | 144 11 lo 57 1150 Tok 29 29 274 273 I19 1124 Part C.--continued. Lat. 24 | 25deg| 26deg| 27deg| | 289 1999 10月 | 30deg | 31 | 321 331 349 | | 35deg | 0| Vin. | 10-16 ) 10-13 | 10-10 | 10-07 10-04 110-0019-97 1994 1991 1987 19-83 | 979 |--0-75 gh.. . [gh. gh.. | gb.lah gA.,lgh.. | 59 2 4 +, gh, 22 022 Long. 1300 299 298 297 296 295 294 020 019 --0 19 018 017 016 016 -0 15 的的出%%%%%切切切切 293 292 11 1158 | 157 157 157 291 990 289 晚222222222222222222222222242222 54333333333 22222221111111100000 Sa88% 8%的88%儿归阴性为光灯仍归%8%%%%%%89 %222222222222222222222222222222 8888888888 77777777776666666666 %2222222222 22222 22222 2222222222 边以AMAHAMAHAHA 22222 2222222222222222222222228 BBBBBBnnnnn 422222 22222222222222222222 22223 422222 2222222222222222222222222 2222222222 22222222222222222222 012 2222222222 22222222222222222222 %%%%%明明明明的如如如如如如如如如如如红红红红红红红红红 %2222222222 22222222222222222222 性性化的的的的的的的的如如如如如如如奶奶奶奶奶奶奶奶&&& 9222222222222222222222222222222 如£mmmmmmmannnnn&&&&&&&%88%B站站 922222222222222222222 233.3333333 的的的的的的能切切的印切8888的的的的的000001111 0 11 | 287 286 285 284 283 282 157 156 156) 156] 1561 156 156 155 155 281 280 279 278 路站出此出出出的, 217| 12171 211217 1217 211 1217 012 211 012 619111217| 443311 277 276 275 274 273 272 271 114

Page #570
TABLES FOR CALCULATING HINDU DATES. 1953 TABLE XXVII. (Part D.-Trop. Long. O=90deg - 119deg, 270deg - 2110.) 10deg | 11deg 12deg 13deg 14deg 15deg | 16deg / 170 180 190 / 20deg | 21deg 22deg Lat. 23deg Vin. 10-98 11:01 11:03 11:05 11:08 11:10 11:13 11:15 11:18 11:21 11:23 11:26 1128 11:32 6. Long. 270deg 12 RC er 269 208 207 266 265 264 2633 202 261 260 2:39 2:53 257 10 57 Acer o voso Long lah. v. lah. o. l.gh. 0. lgh. 0. lgh, v. Igh. 0. gh. 0. I gh. 0. lgh. 0. lgh. 0. lgh. 0. lgh. t. lg. v. 90deg 0 45 0541 OTT 3 8 1 13 1 18 i 23 1 28 11 33 1 38 1 42 910 44 1 7 1 12 1 17 1 22 11 27 1 371 41 92 O 43 11 1 61 1 161 21 11 26 1 36 | 1 40 1 51 1 1 15 1 20 1 25 1 351.39 41 1 14 1 19 0 58 1 31 7 1 13 1 18 0 57 1 2 1 16 0 561 1 11 0 551 0 1 281 054 11 18 0 53 | 1 161 | 126 | 1 30 1010 340 38 10 52 6 1 11 1 15 1 20 1 25 1 28 11 34 10 33 0 370 11 14 1 19 | 1 23 1 27 11 33 1030 32 0 36 | 1 13 1 17 1 22 11 31 1040 31 0 35 1 12 1 16 1 21 1 15 1 201 106 0 29 0 33 541 1 14 1 181 1 107 1032 10 59 11 17 I 21 1080 27 0 58 111 1 16 1 20 109 0 26 0 57 1 10 1 15 1 18 1100 25 10 55 9 1 131 17 111 10 24 71 11 16 112 0 53 | 16 11 1 15 il 20 1130 22 11 18 1140 21 1051 0 55 10 i 4 91 12 11 17 i 150 20 0 37 13 71 ll 1 16 116 0 19 0 36 0 53 6 1 10 11 14 1170 18 10 35 0 380 42 0 52 10 56 5 1 8 1 13 1180 17 1034 0 370 41 0 510 550 591 31 7 11 12 119 0 16 10 33 0 36 O 40 0 490 530 58 Ti 21 6 1 6 1 10 1020 105 10 30 1 0 34 o SO NA en VOC 235 25-1 253 252 231 250 249 248 217 10 23 0 54 246 245 244 243 242 241 Part D-continued. 28deg 29deg 30deg 31deg tut. 24deg 26deg 27deg 32deg 33deg 31deg | 35deg / 0deg Vin. 11:34 11:37 11:40 11.43 11.46 11.50 1153 11:56 11:00 11:03 11:671171-0-75 Long gh. v. gh. o. gl. gr. o. 2 0 2 . i Long gh. v. gh. v. 1 2 29 | 020 H gh. 0. lgh. 0. 2 16 2 N N 270 gh. 0. 1 54 1 53 1 52 1 51 9. v. Lah v. gh. 0. gh. 0. 2 48 2 54 2 46 | 2 54 0 1 1 91 $1902 1 59 269 1 57 NON NON EPS # 203 1 56 ada 267 OD 206 1 54 1 53 1 52 a 1 48 1 47 265 1 57 1 55 1 54 264 203 262 NNNNNNNON IS N N N N AVANA GAI 2011 A A A 261 1909 1 59 : CICI 1221 ci | 0 10 lo ANA SANAAAAAAAAAA 260 259 258 2.37 256 2:55 25+ 10 11 11 1 38 1 37 25: 1 35 E 252 101 102 103 1 104 1 105 106 11 34 107 1 32 108 11 31 109 1 30 110 1 28 1 27 1 26 113 1 24 114 1 22 1 21 116 1 19 1 18 1 17 119 1 15 251 PE # $ 1 57 1 56 1 55 1 53 1 52 1 50 1 49 1 54 "1 471 1 461 51 1 441 50 1 43 1 411 47 1 401 45 1 381 1 37 1 42 1 361 41 1 34 1 39 cixacaaaaaaaa 250 1+0 11 012 10 10 1 0 14 27 +0 15 260 16 2 18 | 016 2 16 | 2 22 0 17 2 152 20 0 18 2 18 +0 19 2 170 111 ANOTTAA 2 20 249 248 112 1 27 1 26 217 246 245 1 1 1 1 aaaaaaa 12 115 10 244 243 117 118 PE 1 511 57 1 501 0 242 241

Page #571
496 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. | TABLE XXVII. (PART E. Trop. Long.o=120P - 149 : 840 - 2119) Lab | 101 11 11P] 189 1149 16deg| 17deg| 18 | 19deg| 20deg| | 21deg | 22degge Vim | 10-54 | 10-60 | 10-66 | 1071 | 1078 | 10-84 | 1091 | 10g | 1108 | 11-09 | 11-16 | | 11-22 | 11-29 | 1186 | 4,14,0.1g4.p.gd.. | Long, 240 299 125 o 2010 1 Long. g,.igs, v. IgA,.lg.w.lg.w.lg. ] g4.p. l g4.0.1gA.. 120deg 10 15 10 121 10.15 12 10 15 181014 14 10 13 To 13 26 lo 12 19 10: To 12 0191024 10 11 011 lo 017 10 lo12 017 181 91012 01610 02610 glo11 10 2510 133108 11lo 1510 lo 21 134 20 132 3000000000000000000000000000000 u99988776655443221100 27 n9Bung BB44S SSHHS998876655433221 0000000000000 Ang998876654 288 27 236 3 285 234 233 1059 1057 1056 10501054 1083 28 10 226 25 224 223 222 21 220 219 1034 | 218 0 1 217 216 n98754 11111110oooooooooo. $100000000000000000000000000000 8111100000000000000000000000000 185 36 137 188 139 0000000000000000000 10 1710 19 10 1710 18 lo 16 10 17 11 10 15 10 1610 14 10 15 lo 10 1510 10 14 10: 101410 1210 1310 1210 142 10. 111111111L 144 10 | 145 ) 时44BBANSN98 1410 17 215 214 147 10 0. 213 212 211 Part E,-continued. 28deg | 29 | 30deg | 31deg|| 32 Lat. | 24deg 1 25deg | 26deg | 27 | | 33deg 1 34 85deg 1 0deg WM.1 11-43 | 1160 1 11:57 1 1163 | 11-71 | 11-781 1186 | 11.96 112-03 1 12-11 | 12-18 | 12-27 | +008 | 114 + 0 239 104 0 0 124 Cops.lg.p,lgA.] gA.. | gh, 120deg 1119|| 123 128 121 | 113 1117 | 122 126 122 112 116 120 125 110 115 119 | 123 113 117 125 115] 120 114 | 118 127 116 111 | 115 113 112 1611 1411 131 10 1121 L | 0 | 0 + 111111111000 200 112 134 08753209 al.,lgl.,lgh.. gho.lg.t.lyh.. gh.. | gh. t.lyh.0.1gA.. Long. 137 |1 154 1159 240 131113611 |1 471152 |157 122| 134 |139 |150 155 288 |132 |137 43 14 |1 53 | 237 26|1311136 41 1146 15111 8 [129 1134 139 |1 43 |1 49 159 140 85 1 22 |1 27 132 37114111 156 24 121|151130 113911 49 1154 0 19 1241128 13711 47152 28 17| 122 126 138|140 451150 31 116 120|124 138 (0. 230 114 118|123 311136 0 228 11111151119 | 127 132 227 191113 117 |130 1134 |1381 0 28 26 1711111115 |123 136 +0. 911 13 11181121 10 224 |119 1320 223 1216 |191114|117 |1 29 14 |1 12 |115 1127 12 161110 |1 13 |117 115 40 220 057 | 10 4118 111 |1 15 0 219 0551059 12116 1911 116|120 218 0531057 lol14 1711 114.118 217 52 10 55 |12| 15191 1121116 216 10 1131 140 215 51 1055 214 047 49 lo 53|o [05010 212 46 | 0 49 | 052 1211 %222221 %222111111111111111111111111111 420%的让红丝切丝奶约%%%%%%%%9B4B98631 1974 225 5420 057 922 221 140 055 054 052 050 042 048 0 0 0 43 1 201a 145 146 147 1.48 0 0 213 [036

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TABLES FOR CALCULATING HINDU DATES. 497 Tablk XXVII. (Part F.- Trop. Long. O = 150deg -- 180deg, 210o - 180deg.) 11deg 12deg | 13deg 14deg 15deg 16deg | 17 | 18deg 19deg 20deg 21deg Lat. 109 | 23 Vin. 10:00 10:05 10:12 10:19 | 10:27 | 10:34 | 10:41 | 10:49 | 10:57 | 10.64 | 1072 10.80 | 10:88 | 10-96 LOD sco 151 152 10 25 153 154 500 000 ANNO 10 155 SO O O O O O O O O QA vuvoo OC OOOOO ooooo 156 10 204 157 158 159 10 13 **# 03 COD gh. v. gh. v.gh. u. gh. v.gh. v. gh. v. gh. 0. Long 120, 150 170 190 21 0 24 0 26 0 29 210 0 120 14 0 17 1019 10 23 0 26 0 28 209 0 16 0 18 10 27 208 160 17 10 207 150 17 206 14 0 16 0 10 205 015 0 15 022 203 10 14 0 16 0 19 10 21 202 100 0 18 020 201 0 18 0 19 200 To 12 170 18 199 0 17 198 1011 0 120 140 150 16 197 0 120 130 140 15 109 110 13 14 | 195 12 0 13 | 194 10 12 193 10 12 192 191 190 189 162 2010 10 12 10 14 163 crerer os von OOOO OOO 164 0000000000000000000000000000000 165 166 167 168 169 er er en s area ar 1011 170 ***CO CO COVAR 188 HHAHAHOO 171 172 173 174 175 176 0 0 17700 178 1919 N COW 187 186 e ovo 185 o o 1 1 179 00 00 OC ONCO 00 0 0 0 0 -HOO 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 00000000 0 0 18000 0 00100 Part F.--continued. LN 24deg 25deg 26deg 27deg 28deg 29deg 30deg 31deg 32deg 32deg 33deg 34deg35deg 0deg Vin. 11.04 11:13 11:21 11:30 11:39 11:48 11:57 11.66 11.76 11:87 11-97 12:07 +0-73 Long. 210deg 209 021 10 NES 208 207 206 205 204 203 158 202 0 36 201 200 199 198 0 13 0 13 197 196 Long. gh. 0. gh. 0. gh. D. gh. 0. gh. . gh . gh . gh .gh. 0.gh. gh. v. gh. v. 150deg 41 10 44 10 470 500 530 560 591 2 +0 22 1510 0 460 480 510 54 0 21 1520 0 440 46 153 020 154 155 +0 18 156 157 0 16 159 0 37 0 16 160 TO 35 0 390 41 1+0 15 161 0 37 10 39 0 14 162 10 32 0 340 350 37 163 0 320 330 35 1640 0 28 10 33 012 165 0 0 280 30 +011 1660 10 160 0 260 28 0 29 0 10 167 10 15 10 10 17 0 240 260 27 168 10 140 160 10 21 0 220 240 25 110 12 140 180 19 0 23 10 140 15 170 180 19 0 21 0 130 13 140 0 16 0 17 0 110 12 0 14 0 15 10 120 13 To 60 7 090 0 11 0110 1750 10 910 910 176 0 50 177 178 179 180 195 00000000000000000000000000000 194 193 169 OMDATO 100 GOES 190 189 188 187 186 0000000000000 ONCA 105 ܕܗ ܘܛ ܒܝܘ ܟܨܝܺܙܘ Ovo 184 183 182 181 38

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498 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. TABLE XXVIII.---The Ayandrhea for centuries of the Kali Yuga and for odd years.* TABLE XXIX.- The Ayandthea according to the Siddhanta Siromani, K.Y. Ayanamia, Years. Ayanamsa. K.Y. Ayanisa. Year. Ayanatiba. 3600 3700 3800 3900 3628 3700 3800 3900 4000 4100 4200 4300 4400 BOROVOCTA CON 4000 4100 4200 4300 4400. WOOooo 000000000 88888888 booow GTA W NOW ovo. et ORA W NOW W.000.00, 0000000009 68% 4500 4600 4700 4800 4900 5000 SE 4500 4600 4700 4800 4900 21 0 5000 * Before K.Y. 3600 the Ayanamsa are negative; but they were probably not yet known at that time.

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INDEX * 36 234 . . . . . 141 * 146 224 . . 41 30 u . 341 95 PAGS PAGE Alberunt . 304 Aba, Abeyaka, a village 96, 116 Alhanadevi, Chedi queen, her Bhera-Ghat insoription Abd-Bakr Jalwani 432 edited . . . . . . 7-9, 16 Ald as-Samad . 133-135 daughter of Visayasirinha and wife of the Abeyaka, Aba-, village 96, 115 Chedi Yasah karna . 304 Abeyaka Sheth . . 98, 103 Ah DoaKhan Barbegi . . . 142 Abbayadeva-suri . Alikasudara-Alexander of Epirus . . 471 Abhimanyu, a Kachchhapagbata prince 'Ali Khan Afghan * * abhisheka, inauguration ceremony . * . . 6n. Alinaka, pr. n. . . . . Abu'l Fath, Shaikh 827 . . . . . . 433 Allata, pr. 1. 117 Abu'l Fazl . . . . Alphabet of Bhattiprolu inscriptions 323f. Abul Ma'Ali . 130, 143 aluna . . . . . . 268 Achala, nun . * . 97, 385 Amaga, fem. 1. 386 Achhavada, Achha vata, place-name 106, 111, 115, 378 Amanta, scheme of months in dates Achhavati, nun . . 382 Amaraja . . . . Addai sakchd of Ofvals Amari, fem. n. . Adhapura, pl. n. . . 112 Amarodadhi-suri . . 39 adhikarika, an office, ambaka pilika . . . . 258, 259 Adhichhatra kings . . . . 243 Ambarasena, pr. 1. . 836 Adinatha tirthamkara . . 78, 81, 83 Ambasalavana Chaitya . . . . 320 Adisimha, a king of Magadha. * 344 Ambika devi . . . . : 37 Aditya-bhogika 19 Amohala gachchha . . . .si 38 39 izeze . 34, 36, 39, 78, 79, 83, 86 Adityasarma. . . . . 20f Amdhras (see Andhras) . . . . . 471 Advaitasata, a poem by Gangadhara . . . 332 Amoghavarsha III, Rashtrakuta k.. . . 168, 172 aggitthoma . . 484, 485 Amobini, fem. n. . . . . . . 199 Agideya, a female's name . . 371 Amraprasada, Gubila prince . 408n. Agidodeva, personal name Antikini-Antigonos Gonatas 471 Agila, pr. n. . 112 Amtiyoka-Antiochos II , . . 466, 471 Agisima, pr. n. . * 95, 104 Anahillspnrs. t. 41, 86, 304, 437 Agnisvamin, author . . . 23 Anamda Vasithipata . Agrotaka family, Jaina . * . 244 Anandakusala, pr. n. . Ahamadavad (Ahmadabad). . 41, 84 | Anandasagara-suri . . Ahihaya (=Haihaya) family . . 229 Anandavimala-suri . Ahimita, pr. 1. . . . . 93, 370 Ananta, country . . . . . . . . 118 Ahmad Sultan of Gujarat Dame' . .24, 28, 33 Anchala gachchha, Pattdvali of Anchala aache . . . 39 Ahmad Shah Durrani 136 (Amchala) . 34, 36, 78, 79 Ahmad Shah, emperor of Dehli . . . . 873 Andhra king defeated by the Chedi Yabah karpa : 2,7 aima . . . . . * 473 Anga, country . . . . . . . 193 Ahuka, pr. n. . . . a people , 4097.. Ajamera (Ajmir) . * 41, 80, 84 ANhilvad (Asahillapura), Bhimadeva I, of. 304 Ajanava, pl. n. . . 899 Chaulukya kings . . . . 438 Ajarani, fem. n. . . . . . . 369, 378 Appigere, town . . . . Ajayapala, k. of Bayang . . .275, 276 Antarapata, vill. . . * 176 Ajayasim hadera, Chedi prince 305 Antarapura, pl. n. . Ajitamana, pr. 1. . . . * . 344 Antarvedi Doab 240 A jitanaths, Jina . . . 85 Anagaha, pr. n. . 327 Ajitigata, pr. n. . . . 101, 368, 395n. apahat& . . Ajfvikas . . . . . . 272, 274, 323 Apaka, pr. n. . . Ajodban, Dipalpar, vill. . 427 Apekani, fem. n. . . . 379 Akbar, Moghul emp. 37, 38, 77, 86, 130-132, 137, 142, 146-149, apana . . . . . . . . . 274 Apathaka, pr. 2. . . . 101 Akbarabad, t. . . . . . . . 472 Araba, data, -dina,-dasa, &o. pr. nu., 95, 101 103, 108, 10, Aladeva, pr. n. . 18, 19 829, 881 Amalgir, emperor, see Aurangzeb . . . 435, 436 Arahadina, pr. D. .. . . . . . 383 3 s 2 * . . . 88 39 39 38 * * . . : * : 483 . . 170 . 41 268 327 . . . : . 2657, 280 Apathaka

Page #575
500 INDEX. 409 439 482 . 400 PAGE PAGB Arahaguta, -gata, pr. nn. 89, 99, 100, 382, 383, 397 Ayyabbyista kula . . . . . . . . 209 Arabaka, monk . . . . 377, 398 Ayyana I., W. Chalukya k. . . . . . 171 Arabatapalite, pr . . . . . . . 377 | Azam Khan Mir Muhammad Taqir Iredat Khan . 290 Arahatarakbita, pr. n. . 392 Arajunaji (Gedia) . . . . . . . 25, 30 drakhadikate, arakkhiya. 484, 486 Arapana, Arapina, Arapada, t. 103, 105, 107, 115, 379, 400 B aratinishudana, a biruda * 215 BAbar, emperor . 136, 141, 144, 148, 473-475, 480 Arbuda, mount a bu . . . . . . 181 Badal pillar inscription of the time of Narayanapala, Aribadata, fem. n. . . . . 389 edited . . . . Arisimha, Gubila prince of Mewad . . . . 160f. Bada vishaya . . . . . . 348, 357, 358 Arishtanemi, Jina . . . . 202 Badhaka, Badhika monk . . . 388, 389, 400 Arjuna Sahasrarjuna . . 9, 14 Bagadage or Bagadige nda Bagenad dist. 168, 170, 174 , a Kachch bapagbata prince 234 Bagumra, vill. Arjanavarman of Gujarat . . . . . .. . . . 23 . . Buhadata, pr. n. . . . . . . . 95, 100 Arjunondhika, vill. . . . 216 Bahadur Sultan of Gujarat . . 35f. Arnora ja of Sakambhari . . 422 Bahasatimittra, Brihaspatimitra, king .242, 243 . Aruna, river . . 217 Bahram Shah, emp. Arya-Hattakiya kula of Jainas . 137 . . . . 201 . Buhula, pr. n. . . . . 398 198 Aryanyista kula of Jainas . : Baijnath Prasasti, Note on, Aryarikshita-suri . 39 Baladata, fem. n. . . . 388 Asabha, nun . . . . . . 379 Balaharsha, Chedi king . 304 Asada, pr. 1. . . . . 95, 105 l'alaka, pr. n. . . . . 89, 90, 390, 397 A sadava, nun . Palaka, fem. n. . . . . . 373 Asadeva, nun . 398 Balamitra, pr. n. 242, 243 . . . . . . 95, 106 Asadhasena, pr. n. . Balasimha, pr. n. . . . . . . 8,17 Asaguta, pr. n. . . 379 Balatkaragana . 40 Asapuri devi . : . . 83 Balatrata, Balattrata, Aryya, pr. n. . 197, 308 asavara . . : 94 Balban, Abu'l Muzaffar, emp. . . 38, 139, 158 . . 'Ashiq Muhammad (Mir). 428 Balika, fem. n. . . . . . 285, 286 . * 376, 381 Ashraf (Saysid) Baluchara . . . . . . . 42, 79, 81 ashtapada-symbol . 86 . Bambadasia kula, of Jainas . 210 Asika. pr. n. . . . . 276 Banava, pr. n. . * Asmand, vill. . : . 327 . . 431 . Banavase, dist. 168, 169, 171 Asoka, edict of, at Sanchi . . . 876, 366, 367 , . pillar edicts . . . Bappabhatti . . . 245ff. . . . . 40 . ,, rock edicts at Girnar, Shalbazgarhi, Kalsi and Barada kshetrapala . . . . . . 83 Mansehra Barautaq (Mir) . . . . 417ff. . . . . . 428 . . Barbak Shab, k. of Bengal . Astaka (?) a surname . 284 . . . . . . 18, 19 . Asvadeva, fem. n. . . . . . . 100, 374 Barulamisana (?) gothi . . . . . 92, 102 Asvaraklita, fem. n.. . 380 Barwala, t. and Muhammadan inscriptions . . 158 Asvavati, vill. . . . 107, 115, 368, 379 Batala purgana and t. . . 472, 473, 479, (Watala) 480 . Aovira, first month of the year . . . . 299 Bayana, t. . . . . . . . . 130 Atha, pr. n. . . . . . . . . 98 Bayyu Ibrahim (Malik). . . . . 292 athamipakhaye . . . . . . 266 Bedakara, pl. n. . . . . . . . 109 Athakaragara, pl. n. . . . . . . 378 Belatur, vill. . . . 169, 173 Atri, son of Brahman ; the moon sprang from his eye. 5 Belrola or Belvala dist. . . . . 168, 170, 174 Atukur or Atakur inscription of the time of Krishna Benares copper-plate inscription of Karnadeva, edited. 297f. III. dated S.-S. 872, . . . . . 167ff. Bhabha, son of Uyabhatta . . . . 438, 439 Aurangzeb ('Alamgir) emp. 139, 148, 149, 152, 154, 473, Bhabha-Lula, son of Lule . . . . 439 474, 476 Bhadaguta, pr. n. * * 375 Auttare vara, a worshipper of Uttare vara (Siva) 127n. Bhadaka, pr. n. . . . . . 101 avalugika, aralagana, . . . . 343 Bha lanakata, pl. n. . . . 110 Avallacevi, Huna princess, md. the Chedi Karnadeva, 2, 6, l hallika, pr. n. . . . . 377, 389 304 Bhadrunadi, pr. n. . . * : 207 Avanivarman, Chaulukya chief, father of Nohala 301 Bhadrayasa, pr. n. . . 207 Avasika, pr. n. . . . . . Bhadu, pr. n. . . . . 989 399 . . . . . . Aresuni . . . . . . . . 91 Bhaduka, Aya, monk . . . . . . 108, 384 Asisina, pr. n. . . . . . . . 105 Bhagalpur copper-plate of Narayanapala, referred to 161 Ava, pr. n. . . . . . . 396, 398 >> Muhammadan inscriptions . . . 280F. a vagorata . . . . 200, 311, 313, 314 Bhagavata, king . . . . . . 243 a yarnamsaus . . . . . . Bhagwanpur, vill. . . . . . . 472 Avavati-Aryarat . . . . . . 199 Bhaileka, Maurya chief . . . . ... 223 Ayodhya, t. . . . . . . . . 3.14 Bhajikan itasvanin . . . . 22

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INDEX 501 332 . 491 . 22 203 23 103 401 234 . . . 340, 323 PAGB PAAS Bh&kamiera, minister of the Chedi Yuvarajadeva I. . 174 Brahmadeva-Haribrahmadeva 230 Bhamduka, monk . . . 93, 98, 110, 379, 384, 388 brahmandakhanda 181 Bhamduka, Gotiputa . . . . . . . 368 brahmapura . . 175 bhammaha-desi . . . . . . . 130n. Bsihat-Kharatara gachchha 77, 80-82, 85 Bharada, pr. n . 327 Brihatsamhita quoted . . 6n. Bharadiya .. .. . . . 105 Buba, pr. D. . . . 328 Bharadvaja, the first of the Maga Brahmans Bubu, fem. n. . 209 Bharadvaja gotra. . 216 Buddha, relios of, at Bhattiprola 327 Bharanabhati, monk . . . . Buddharaja, Kalachuri k. Bharata, a mythical king Buddhi, fem. n. . . . . Bharhut inscriptions referred to . . . . 89, 90 Budha, fem. n. . : . 373 Bhatinda Muhammadan inscriptions . . . . 435f. Budhadeva, pr. n. 349, 356 Bhattibhava, pr. n. . .. 210 Budhadeve pr. n. * 394 Bhattiprolu Buddhist inscriptions, edited Pref.ix., 323f., 368 Budhaguta, pr. n. . . 400 Bhatta Visbnu, pr. D.. . . 409 Budharakhita, monk . . 104, 368, 388, 397 Bhava, vill, . . . . . . 348, 357 Budharakhita, nun . . . . . 109, 388 Bhavadeva, pr. n. . . . . 211 Bud barakhitaka, pr. n. . 400 Bhavadyota, pr. n. 117, 118 Bud bapalita, Sheth . 95, 397 Bhavanagara, t. . . * 42,78 Budhapalita, nun . 106, 398, 401 Bhavarakta Allata, pr. n. . 118 Budhila, pr. n. . . .95, 111, 371 Bhavasagara-suri . . 39 Buhlal Lodi, emp. 139, 433 Bhavasvamin, author . . Bulika, pr. n. 109 Bhora-Ghat inscription of Alhanadevi, edited . 7f. Bumu, pr. n. . . . . . . . 380 bbichhuka, pr. n. . . . . . Ehich hunika . . . . . Bhillama I, Yadava chief 213 Bhillama II., Yadava chief; his Samgamner copper. plates edited . . . . 212f. Cbadipiga, monk . . . . . . 385 Bhillamala or Srimala, t. . 41 Chadobha, t. Bhima I., Maurya chief. . . . 222 Chaghana, pr. n. . 328, 329 Bhimadeva L, of Anbilvaa . . . 304, 439 ChAhamana princes, from Guvaka I. to Vigraharaja . 117 II., . * 438, 439 Chahata (?), pl. n. . . . . 371 Bhima-muni, image of chaityas 313 Bhimaraja II., Maurya chief . . . 223 Chajeda, gotra of the Jainas . 41 Bhimesvara, a god . . . Chakrahradi, vill. 175 Bhinmal, Bhillamala, t.. . . 41 Chakrapani, a poet . 332, 333 Bhogavadhana, t. . . 101, 104, 109, 111, 116, 369, 389 Challesvara, & god bhogika . . . . . . Chamari, t. . 19f. . * , 472 bhogikapala . . . . . . . 22f. Champa, fem. n. . . . 30 Bhojadeva, Paramara k. of MAlava' . . 181, 234, 235, 236 Champeranya, a locality . 9, 15 k. of Kanauj. . . . CLamunda, Chaulakya * 439 Bhojas, a people . . . 471 Chandana, Chabankua k. . 117 Bhoningadeva, a chief . . 229 Chandasiva, pr. n. . . 118 Bhramarasalmali, vill. . . Chandella king Harshadeva. Bhatarakshita, pr. n. . i , Kirtiyarman 304 Bhutisbandaka (P), vill. 314 >> Vijayapala 304 Bhuvanakirti . . . princess Natta, married by the Chedi Biah, t. . . . . . 472 Kokkalla I. . . 304 bigha, land measure . . . . 473 Chandra, Jaina teacher . . 38 Bibar Muhammadan inscriptions 291f. chandraka, the young moon' . 14n. Bijholi inscription of the Chabamanas, referred to . 118 Chandra-kula of the Jainas. 38 Bilbana quoted . . . . . . . 303 Chandraprabha, image of . .80, 83 Bilri, vill. in Gujarat . . . . . . 24 Chandraraja, Chahamana k. . 117 Birbar, raja . . . . . . . 146 Chahamana prince 117, 119 Bodhagothi-bauddhagoshthi . . chaturanga, a complete army 6n. Bodhana, son of the Moon and father of Paruravas chaturmasi . . . * 261, 262 Bodhi, & nun . . . . . . 95, 108, 389 chaturmukha bimba . . . : 80 Bodhideva, father of Vaidyadeva .: . 348, 355 Chaturvimsati-tirthankara-patta 79, 80 Bodi, pr. n. . 401 Chaulukya chief Avanivarman. . . . 304 Koher M Bobar vill., Muhammadan inscriptions at . 154, 155 kings . . . . 22, 437, 438 Bohittha race . . . . . . . . . 3 37 | Chedi kings, list of them . . . . . ], 304 Bohu, pr. n. . 388 >> kings of Tripuri . Bonthadevi, daughter of the Chedi king Laksl. manaraja, Chedi era, 20, 21 ; year begins with Agvina . . 299 warried the W. Chalukya Tailapa . . . 304 | Chedi country, called Pahala . . . . 304 . 77 * * 173 304 344 . 304 391 AO кокк . . . 174

Page #577
502 INDEX. 294 * 266 119 169 832 Ohhinein vill. ..rathitila . 216 * 23 386 199 * D 472 804 PAGE PAGS Chenla-Chaul, t. i Devapala a Kachohhapaghata prince . . . . Chhadika, a monk. M0, 329 . pr. n. 229 Chhallipataka, vill. . . 175 Derapattana prasasti of Sridhara 437f. okhanhdanhnini Devarakbita, pr. n. . . . 885 Chhattrad hard, vill. Devarayadurg, vill.. Chheta, pr. D. . . . 374 Devasarman, pr. n. Ohhidgale, vill. . . i 844 Devasena, pr. 1. . . 208 Chikhall, vill. . . . . a Jaina sage . 236 chilathitika-chirathitika . 88 Dovanvamin, author . . China, a poople . . . . 409n. | Devavarmadeva, Chandella k. 286 Chirati, a nun . . 94, 100, 378, 399 Devendra-stri . . 39 Chishti saints of the Muslims . . . 1451., 426 & * dedikumdla . 274 Chitorgadh inscription of Mokala of Mewad, edited 408f. Devila, pr. n. 203, 209 > of the Cbaulukya Kamarapala, Dhama-data, -guta, -rakhita, eto. . . 95 edited . . . . . 4217. Dhamadata, a monk . . . . . 108, 368 Chitrakata, the modern Chitorgadh . . 41, 409, 422 | Dhamadata, fem. in. . 380 Chitrakata, pl. n. in Bandbelkband . . . . 300 Dhamadeva, fem. n. 111 Choda or Chola, a people . . . . 193, 466, 471 Dhamadina, fem. n. Choli Begam . . . . . . . 38 Dhamaghosbe, fem. n. . Chuda, pr. 1. . . . . . . . 104, 106 Dhamagiri, pr. n. . . * . 873, 377 Chudap halagiri, pl. n. . . . . . . 988 Dhamagirika, pr. n. . . . . 97 Chumvamoragiri (P), vill. . . . . . 999 Dhamagata, a monk. i 103, 112-114 Dhamaka, pr. n. . . . . . 378, 383, 385 dhamakathika. . . 93 Dhamarakhita, monk . . . 98, 104, 106, 385, 396 Dhamarakhita, pr. n. . . . . 101, 102, 385 Dabhawala, pl. m. . . Dhamarasiri, pr. 1. . Dadda III. Gurjara k. . 20 . . . . . 399 Dhamasena, nun . Dadda IV.-Prasantaraga II. * 21 | Dhamasena, monk . . . 386, 400 D&bada, pr. n. . . . . 236 Dhamasiri, nun . 106 Dahala, the Chedi country . Dhamasiva, Dhammasiva, pr, D. 94, 97, 108 Damaka, & Weaver . . . . . 378 Dhamata, pr. 2. . . . 108 Damana-bardira, -bandira, Daman . 36, 42, 78 Dhamayadbanana, t. 92, 99, 115 Damodara, & poet . . 332, 333 Dhamayasa, nun . . . . . . Darbhakaksba vishaya 380 . . . dhammalipi Darbhapani, minister of Devapala . . . 268 * . 161 Dhammapala, pr. 1. : darbhatikd . . 886 130 Dhammasiva, pr. n. . 108 Dasaka, pr. n. . . . . 393 Dharmavadhanada, to Dars Por vals . 92, 99, 116 . 41 Dhamutara pr. n. . . . . . 386 Dasapura olan of Brahmans Dhana fem. n. . . . . . . Dasaratha, a poet . 384 . 332, 333 Dhanabhati inscription at Bharhut . . . 196 Data and Data, pr. nn. . . 205, 385, 392 Dhanaghosha, pr. n., . Datakalivata (P), pr. n. 199 . * 377 Dhanagiri, monk . . . dates in inscriptions, 160 years' 876, 885 9 Dhanaka, monk . . 3487f. * computation of Hindu 876 Dhanapura, pl. n. Datildphaysa, pr. D. . * 42,77 . . 811 Dhandhuka, pr. n. . . 119 Dattajina, image of . . . * 84 Dhangadeva, Chapdella k. 836 Daud Khan, Afghan: . * 181 Dhafika, fom. n. . . * 889 Danla Khan, Muhammad- Murld of Gudo. . 163 Dharakina, pl. n. (Eran) 116, 376 Daulat Kban Khaqan . . . 288 Dharanidhars pr. 1.. . . 8,16 Debli Sivalik pillar edicts . . . dharmachakra . . 313, 321, 828 Deopara inscription of Vijayasena . . 348 Dharmadeva's vibara * . . 369 130n, 175m. Dharmag hosba-stri . . . 39 Dova, pr. n. . . 206 Dharmam irti.suri . . . 39 Devabhaga and Devabhagi, pr. nd.. 109, 370, 888 Dharmanatha, image of . 80, 84, 80 Dondata, a pun Dharma[pala), Pala k. . * 161 Dovadbars, pr. 1. . . . * 296 Dharmapala, pr. n. . . . 376 Davagiri, -Danlatabad . Dharmaprabha-sari . . 99 Dovagiri, . monk . . . Dhayadeva, pr. n. . . 402 Dongrama, vill. . . 161 Dbavalahard district . . 176 Devabastin, Maarya chief Dhiracaga, pr. n. . . 117 Davaka, pr. D. . 26, 107 Dhorappa, a pripoo, probably Nirupama . . 214, 216 Deyalvarana, pr. n. . . . . 81 Dhartaspamin, pr. D. . . Dorpala, Pala k. ii. . . . . 101, 849 | Dhyanaganacharya, pr. 1. . . . . . 25 . 119 A09 * 246 * 104, 109 822 88

Page #578
INDRA, 509 . 9 37 * 899 * 286 $ 37 892 PAGE 1 PAGE Digambar Pattasali i 40 Changaigtugin hadeva, a Krobothapaghata prince . 284 Dalt saba, Muhammadan inscriptions from 190., 4844. gahapati . . . . Dihi . . . . . . . 144 Gajjana, t. (Ghazni) . . . Dtlarikan district . Gandbara, people . .. .. 468 Dilmal, vill. in Gujarat . 84, 285 Gandhara, a monk . . Dini, pr. n. 204, 308, 391 gangapuputaka . . . 258 Depalpur-Ajodhan vi gana Lata vagata . . . Dtrgha akhika, vill. . . 175 Gandadeva, Chandella k.. .. . . 295 Dindgiri, pr. n. 387 Gange, image 483 dian-nymphs of the quarters 872n, 387 Gangadhara, a poet ; his Govindpar insoription : 330 Diadrakhita, pr. D . . 397 Gangavadi dist... . . . 168-170 Dlad vala ruce . . . . Gangeyadeve, also called Vikramaditya, Chetti ki 8, 5, 9, 14, Dira-bandira-Dia . . 304 Divita (Aryya). . i. * 204 Gaokaran, pl. n. . . . . . . . 146 Driksharams in the Godavart distriot, Bhimadvar Garga, minister of Dharmapala * 161 tom ple at . . . . . 7 . Garuda, god. . . ". 319 dramma . . ' . . . . 180 Gauda country . . . . 181, 193, 832, 348, 355 Drivida, a people i ,, , kings of * . 161 Dubkund Insoription of the Kachohhapaghata Gaur, Muham. insoriptions 284f. Vikramasimha, edited . . 232f Gauradovi, fom. n. . . . 29 Dudh pani rook inscription of Udayamana, edit amang. edited . 343f. Gautama gotra . . 216 Dagada gotra . . . . . . Gays, the sacred place .. . . 409 du sadkya . . . . . . . . 130 Gayakarnadeva, Chedi k. . . 2, 8, 9, 16, 16, 18; 19 Dojjana (misread otujnana) 21 Gedi& family . . . 24, 28, 30-32 Dupasaba, a aun 977 galata . . . * 258 Durlabharaja, Cbahamana prince 117 Geographical or place names at Sanohi 116, 407 Darlabhasena-ghri, pr. n. . 296 Gbanghanipura, pl. n. Driravatipuravaradhisvara 816 ghanaka doindmatas . 128n. Ghandhara . . . . Ghastuhasti (Aryya) . 204 Ghandi (R) country Ghulam Muhammad Q&zii 477 Bolipoon, solar, in dates . . . . 22, 216, 224 Ghamli, ruined city in Katbia wad 812 Bjarata, pl. n. . . 104 116 Girigata, & pun 108 Bjavati, vill. . . * 368, 381 Girnar Rook edicts of Asoka . . 4476. Ekalinga, a name of the god Siva . . Gobhilaputra, founder of the Gubila family . 9,16 kanatha, pr. D. . . . 409 Godasa, pr. n. . 203 Erakina, vill. (Eran, vido Dharakids) Godavari, a riv. . . . 2,7 Erambarage, pl. . . . . . . 170 Gold, pr. n. 398 Kroyape, Ganga . . . . 168, 170, 171, 173 Golakunda-Golkonda 37 Gomati, riv.. 322 Gomukha Yaksba, image of 81 Gonamdaka, pr. D. * 384 Gopadri, bill . . Paizuddinpar, vill. . 472 . . Gopala, Thakurs . . . 27 Harld, Shaikh . , I., Pala k.. . . 346 farman . . . 473, 474, 476 Gopali Vaihedari, princess . . 242, 243 Farrukh Sigar, emp. . 138, 473, 476 Gosaka, pr. n. . . . . . . . 382 Fath Shah, k. of Bengal . 287, 288 Gosaladevi, Chedi queen; her Kumbhi copper plate Fatbabad, t. in Panjab . 169 inscription referred to . Bathabad Mubam. inscriptions . . 4.24. , 115, 403, 4 , wife of the Chedi k. Jayasimhadeva . females named at Sanohi, 403, 404; 406 Gosdlaka fam. Biroz Khan ibn Ahmad Khan . . . . 144 . . . . 327 Goshaka, pr. n. Firoz Mohammad Lutfallah Afghan . . . . . . . 207 Piroz Sbab, omp., 130, 169; (Peroja). Gotami, a nun . * . 383, 399 410 Goti race, etc. . . . 98, 102, 201, 384 k. of Bibar . . . 291, 292 Gotipatra or Gotiputra . 88n, 196 forost tribes .. . . . . . . . 471 gotra of Bharadvaja . . 216 Chajeda (Jaina). . 41 . 41, 79 Goyala , . . 244 Gabbala, vill. . Kacyaps Gada. pr. n., 112; Gada, & nun . Katyayada . 18, 19 Gaddag, t, in Dharwad . . . . . . 170 Kaundinya . . . . . 216 Gagamdata, Gangadatta, pr. n. . . . . . 378 Kausika . . . . . 316, 299, 357 . . 409 483 306 187 forest 'triben k. of Bibar Dugada >>

Page #579
504 INDEX. .: 41 41 na 41 . 98 41 . . 201 PAGE PAGE gotra of Kautsa * 22, 364, 365 Haribrahmadeva, a Kalachuri chief; inscription of his Kunkumalola (Jaina) . 41 reigo, edited . . . . . . 228, 230 Lalana Harihara, pr. n. . . . . . . 332 Lodha Harinegamesi, general of Indra , 317 Laniya 41, 80 Haripala, k. of Bayana . 276 Maniyana . 85 Hariti, fem. n. . . . . . . . 199 Magna 8, 16 Harpur, vill. . . . 472 Mummiya (Jaina) . Harsha, bill, 117; village . . . 119 Nadula Harsha inscription of the Chahamana Vigrabaraja, Nagada edited . . . . . 116f. Nabata Harshachanda Sheth . . 36 Nirvpiti Harshadeva, the god siva . 117, 118 Bandilya . . , , Chandella k. 304 Shota (Jaina) Hasan Shahid's tomb 134 Uhada , Hatakesvara, the god Siva i .. 230 Vandhula Hatim Khan Khagan . . . 291 Visa-frimela . Hatiya, pr. n. . Vibramitra . * . 948 . . hed Avika . . . . 130n. ,, Yadugada . Hemabhai Vakhatchand, pr. n. . . 83 Gottika, pr. n. 204 Hemachandra, referred to . 303 Govindachandra, k. of Kanauj 303, 347, 359, 361 Hemantah season 262, 263 grants of . . 358f., 361f. Hida king . . . 471 Govinda pala, Pala k. . . . . . . 349 Himadata, fem. n. . 373 Govindaraja, Chahamana prince . . . . 117, 119 Himagiri, pr. n. . . 108 Maurya chiefs . . . . 222-224 Hiranakara, pr. n. ; . .. 328 Govindpur inscription of the poet Gangad bara, edited. 330f. Hiranavag ha, pr. n. . . 327 Gogala gotra. Jaina . . . . . . 244 Hiravijasa, Jaina pontiff. . . 25, 86 Grahabala, pr. n. . . . . . . 204 Hiravijaya-suri . . . . . 38 Grahacheta, pr. n. . . . 201 Higar Muham. inscriptions . . . . 155f., 426f. Grahadasa, pr. n. . . . Hiuen Tsiang, Chinese pilgrim . . . . 240, 241 Grahamitra palita, pr. n. .. 211 htimkara-patta . . . . . . 79, 80 Grabasena, pr. n. . . Huksha for Huvishka . . . . . 197, 198, 206 Grahasiri, fem. n. . * 203, 205 Hurayun, emp. 145, 149, 150, 155-157, 425, 428, 433 grama-pradhana. . 19 Huna family . . . . . . . 2, 6 Grishmah season 262, 263 ,, , a people . 9, 15, 161 Gubila princes of Mewad 408, 409 Hupa princess Avalladevi, married the Chedi Karnadeva 304 Gujaratrah . . Husain Shah k. of Bengal . . . 285, 286, 288 Gunakirti, pr. n. . Huvishka, Kushana k. . . . . 196-198, 206 Gunanidbana-suri . . Guravamisra, pr. n. . : 161 Gurjara, a people . . . 161 Gurjaras of Bbaroch . . 19 Gurjara race of Jainas . . . 41 Ibrahim Husain Mirza . . Guvaka I., Chauhamana k. . . 117 . . 136 Ibrahim Khan Fath Jang ,, . . II., . . . 296 . . .117 Ibrahim Shah, Abu-l Muzaffar, emp. . . 140, 141, 433 Gwaliar, pl. n. . . . 436 Ichchha, pr. n. . . . 161 Ida or Ila, wile of Bodhana . . 5 Idadata, pr. n. . . 373, 399 Idadeva, pr. n. . . . . . 381 Hafiz Jamal's tomb . 136 Idra pala Gotiputra . * 196, 201 Haihaya princes 5, 22, 300 Iltimish, emp. . . . . 159 Haji Begum . . . . 149 Ilyas Shah, k. of Bengal . 282, 283 Hajirajadeva, a nayaka . . 230 Imam Nasir of 8011 pat . 139, 140 Hala, pr. D. . . . . : 395 Indra, Jaina teacher, . * 38 Haldra, Halar prant in Kathiavand . . 35 Intercalary month in date . 18 Hamid Khan. . . . . . . 433 | Isala, fem. n. . . . . . . 390 H&mma, wife of the Yadaya Bhillama III. . 215 Isanakupa, vill. . . 119 Hammira, Gubila prince of Mewad. . 409 Isidasi, a nun . * 377, 380, 397 a Musalman . . . 439 Isidata, Isidina, nun 375, 376, 387, 388, 399 Hamsa koncbi, pl. p. . . . 349, 358 Isidina, pr. n. . . . . . . . . 388 Hamsapala, Gubila prince . . . . 9, 15 Isiguta, pr. n. . . . . . . . 107 Hamsarakhita, pr. n. . 230 Isika, pr. n. . . . . . . 107, 374 Hansi, t. and Muhammadan inscriptions at : 169, 429f. Isila, a monk . . . . . . . 111 Haradasaji, Gedia. . . . . . 25, 30-32 | Isimita, pr. n. . . . . . . . 373, 374 208 . . * 438 40 39 . I

Page #580
INDEX 505 209 . 433 . 25 361 PAGE PAGE IsinaJana, pr. n. Jina (Mahavira) 232 Isinika, pr. n. . . . . 383 Jina images . 241 Isipalita, pr. 1. . 378.Jinabhadri 37 Isirakhita, -ta. pr. nn. * 104, 107, 380 Jinachandra-suri . . 36. 37 18lam Qazi Nasr . . . . . . . 143 | Jinadasi, Aryya Ism'ail Irah Raib . . . . . . 134 Jinadatta-suri . 36 Jinadaya-suri 37 Jinadeva-suri . 211 Jinahanga-suri . 37, 265n. ; instead of y . . . .2, 293 Jinabarsha-suri Jabalpur copper-plate inscription of Yabahkarnadeva, edited 1f. Jinakusala-suri Jagachchandra-suri . . . . . . 38 Jinalabdbi-8 ari . Jagatkirtti bhatjaraka . . . . . 244 Jinamahendra-stri Jahanara, princess. . . . 145 Jinamandana, author Jahangir, Nuraddin, emp. . 36, 37, 38, 134-136, 473, 476 | Jioamanikya-suri.. Jaina inscriptions from Mathura . . . . 195f. Jinamukti-suri Jaina sculptures from Mathura . . 311f. Jinapadma-stri Jajja, married to Dharme . . . . 276 Jinapatti-suri Jalalabad, t. . . . . . . 472 Jinaprabodha-suri Jalaladdin Muhammad Akbar, emp. . . . 131, 132 Jinaraja-suri . Jalal al Haq washshar'waddin, Shaikh . . 137 Jinasamudra-suri Jalalshah of Bengal . Jipasaubhagya-suri . . . . . 286 Jalwani family . . . Jina imha-suri. . . . 432 . Jamal Khan . Jinesvara-suri . . . . 36, 37 . . . 147, 148 Jinavallabha-sgri 36 * Jamal ud din, Shaikh Jambadvipa, the central division of the world, including Jiraja, an ascetic India Jitamita, & nun . . 108, 384 . . . . Jitamitra, pr. n. Jam valenimva, vill. . . 216 . . 203 Jivanada, pr. n. Janaka, pr. n. * 201 . 327 . . Jnanabhushana Janakabhumi,-Mithild. 40 350 . Janakadevipura, vill. : . Jnanamdrga i 246 Jonhaka, a monk . .. Jasadeva, pr. n. 105 . . 29 Jasau, pr. n. Jovian year Playa, in date 229 . . . 229 Jasavanta, Jam of Navanagar 36f. >> Barvarin . . . . . 216 Jasoji, Saumya . 224 >> >> 36 JAsuka, pr. n. . . 236 Junaid, Shaikh . . . . . . 426, 427 jatar, creatures. Jyeshtahasti, Aryys . . . . . . . . 210 jatuka, bat.. 258 Vauli pattaldi . 8, 9, 16 Jaunpur . . . 144 JAvalipattana' or Jaulipatan' district. Kaboja, monk . . . . . . 94, 97, 387 Jaya, fem. 1. . . Kachara race . 41 Jayabhata II. . . . 21 Kachchhapaghata princes . . . 234 Jayadeva, pr. n. . . 210, 236 Kachupatha, pl. n. . . 102, 115 Jayakesari-suri. * 39 Kada, pr. n. . 97 Jayakirti, pr. n. . . . 422 Kadambavana, vill. now Kaman . . . 195 Jayakirti-suri . . Kadi, nun . . . . . . . 374 Jayanaraja, pr. n. . . . 119 Kaiqobad, Balbani emp. . . . . . 158, 432 Jaya pani, pr. n. . * 332 Kakana . . 99 Jayapura, t. 364, 365 ; vishaya, i vishaya, . . Kakanada or Kakanava, old name of Sanchi . 119 87, 386, 396 Jayasapur, t. . . . . . . 236 Kalachuri (or Chedi) kings of Tripuri . . .2, 5, 6 Jayasena, pr. n. . . . . . 199 kings of Chedi . . . . . 304 Jayasimhadeva, Chedi k. . * . 8, 9, 16, 18, 19, 305 Kalachuti (=Kalachuri) branch of the Haihaya family. 229 >> ; his Tewer inscription edited . . 17f. Kalaha, pr. n. . . . . . . . 327 Jayasimha-suri . . . . . . . 39 Kalal Khan . . . . . . . . 136 Jesalamera, t. . . . . . . 42, 81 Kalankhardpar-Padshahpur * 473, 476 Jeshtahasti, pr. 1. . . * 197 Kalasesvara, g. . . . . . . . Jeta, a monk Kalavada, pl. n. . . . . . . . 392 Jhajhar, t. in Dihli Suba; inscriptions from 130f. Kalinga, people, 9, 15; country, 193; conquest of,. 471 Jhamtasaba. Kalsi rock ediots of Asoka . . . . . 447f. Jbanjha, Maurya chief Kalura, pr. n. . . . . . . . 380 Jhanjaraja, a prince . . . . . . 214n. Kalyanasagara-suri . . . . . . 39 jhata . . . . . . . . 130 Kalyanasamudra-suri . . . . . . Jiavati-pattala, dist. . . . . . . 359 Kainachanda, Malik of Mandal . . . . 24. 28 259 * ln * 208 . 39 481 . 379 * 27 222 3 T

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506 INDEX. 281 222 PAGE PAGE Kaman, ano. Kadambavana, vill. .. . 195 | Khalvatika, t., modern Khaldri . .229 Kamardpa, people, 409n; country, 348, 349, 358 Khambanagara, t. . . . . . . 41, 81 Kamauli, vill. . . . . . . . 347 Khamdhuji, Khandoji, of Palitana . 35, 36 Kamboyas, people . . . . . . . 488, 471 Khandkartola Muhammadan inscriptions . . . 288f. Kamdadigama, vill.. 116, 369, 372, 382 | Khandoji II., Gohel . . . . . . . 36 Kardhaji Gohel . . . . 80, 81 Khanjahan of Bengal . . . . . . 289 Kana, Ana, a monk. . . 379, 382 Khan Zeman * * * * * * * 136 Kanauj, t. . . . . 235, 347 Khara, pr. n. . . . . . . . 369 >> k. Bhojadevs of. . 304 Kharatara-gachchha , . 36, 79-81 Kan ukacharya, a biruda . 216 Pattavali of, 36f. Kanhapallika, vill. . . . . 119 Kharavela, k. of Kalinga . . . 88, 89 Kanhesvara, vill. . . 439 Kharoshtri alphabet . . . 448 Kanishka, Kushana k. . 196, 369 khasrevadh& . . . . 213 Kaniyasi, fem. n. . . . 374 Khattakupa vishaya . . 119 Kankali Tila discoveries . 195, 311, 322 Khemaka, a monk . . 376 Kanparadeva, Ktishna III. . . . . 168, 173, 174 Khetala (Mabarana) 25, 32, 33 Kanya sakha of Yajurveda . . . . . 216 Khimvapa, vill. . . . . 28 Kanyakubja-Kanauj. . . . . . 236 Khizr Khan . . . . . 138 Kapadavanaja, t. in Gujarat . . . 41, 85 Khokarakoc Muhammadan inscription of 1566 A.D. 164 Kapasigama, vill. . . . . 101, 115, 391 Khosru, prince . . . 35 Kapardisvamin, pr. n. .. Khurme Sultan, - Shah Jahan . : 23 : . . . . 35f. kara-ghatika . . . . . . . 236 Khurshed Khan * * * * * * * Karaha . . . . . . . . . 327 Khwaja Ahmad of Samarqand. Karamachandra, minister . . . . . 37, 40 Khwaja Khizr ibn Darya Khan Shirwani . . 140, 141 9 Khwaja-i Jaban of Jaunpur Karanbel inscription of Jayasinhadeva, referred to,. . . 295 karanika . Kikata, Maurya chief . . . . . . Karari pargana . . . . . . 363 , country : . . . . . . 94 Kimnaras, demi-gods Kardamakhata, vill. . . . . . . . 119 319 Kira, a people Karitaldi inscription of the reign of Lakshmanaraja, . 9, 15, 181 Kiragtma, vil. edited . . . . . . . 482, 483 . 174f. Kiranesvari, g. . Karkuhastha, Aryya, pr. n. . . . . . 204 . . 481, 482 Kirtiraja, a Kachchhapaghata prince Karma-raja, or-simba, minister . . . 35, 40 * 234 Kirtisagara-suri. 181 . Karna, Chedi king, defeated by Udayaditya of Malava . . 39, 79 Kirtisindhu-suri . . . Karnadeva, Chedi king, 9, 15; married the Huna princess * . 89 Kirtivarman, Chandella k. . . Avalladevi, 2,5; his Benares copper-plate 297, 304 . 894 Kiru-Narayangal, vill.Kodikop Karnata, a people . . . . . . . . . 181 . 170 Kisukad digt. Karnavati, town founded by the Chedi Karnadeva . 2. 6 68, 170, 174 Koohhi-Kautsi female . Kartarpar, vill. . . . . . . . 472 . 199 Kodijila, pl. n. . Kartavirya, ancestor of the Haibaya princes . .5, 300 . . . 388 Kodu, fem. 1. . . Kasi or Benares, temple built there by the Chedi * 402 kodunka . . . . . . . . Karnadeva . . . . . 484n. . 2, 5, 41, 85 Kokkalla I., Chedi k. . . . . . . Kaskapiya Arhats . . . . 304 . . . 2 Kokkella II., Kokkalladeva, Chedi k. . . 2, 5, 9, 14, 304 Kabyapa gotra . . . . . . . . 1 Kolala, t. . Katakanu, vill. . . . . . . , 101, 116, 381 . . . . . . 169, 172 Kolikupaka, vill. . Kathina country . . . . . . . . 37 . . . . . 119 Katyayana gotra . . . . . Korambika, pr. n. . 18, 19 402 Kosambi (vide Kausambi) Kaundinya gotra. . . . 216 Koshaka, pr. n. . Kausambi, or Kosambi now Kosam Khiraj 88, 240, 241, 243. . . . 327 Kosiki clan . 244, 363 . . . . 207 Kot, vil. anc. Susarmapura Kausika gotra 216, 219, 357 483 Koteyur, vill. .22, 364, 366 . . . . . Kautsa gotra . . 170, 174 Kothara . Kedaramisra, pr. n. . . . . . 161 . . . . 41 Kotikagana, Jaina sect. . 37 Kekategaka, pr. n. . . 94, 97 Kottiya gana of the Jainas 37, 198, 201, 202, 204, 205, 210. Kelale na . . . 3 Keralaputa,k. . .. * 211, 321 66 Kebava, pr. n. . Krishna, g. . . . . . . . . :18,19 482 Krishna III., Rashtrakata k. , Kesavasena, Sena k. . . 168, 169, 171, 172. 214 * 350 Krishna II., Krishnavallabha, Rashtrak Qta k. . . 304 Kebavasvamin, author . . . 23 Krishnadasa's Magavyakti . . . . . . Kesava-upadhyaya, pr. D... 331n . . . 217 Krishnaraja (Kalachuri P) k. . . . . . 22 kevatabhoga ii . . . 266 binstead of Ichy . Kepuravarsha-Yuvarajadeva I., Chedi k. . * 298 . . 304 Khauan Marjod Khan Kshatrapas of Mathura . . . . . 198 * * * * * 284 288 | Ksheraka, Aryy8- Khalari inscription of Haribrabn adeva, edited * * * * * * 210 228f. Kshetra Guhila prince of Mewa . . . . 409 88

Page #582
INDEX. 507 94 : 41 . . . . . 421f. . Kumarapala. Pala M . . 317 40 . . 0 - 299 909 299 PAGE PAGB Kubirako or Khabirako, early k. . . .325, 328, 329 Lalitakirttijit, bhattaraka . . . . Kujara, pr. D. . . . . . . . . Lasha or Lakba, pr. . 375, 405 . . 26 Kakeka, pr. n. . . . . . . 236 Lata family of ascetios . 8, 16 Kukkanar, t. in Dakhan . . . * 170 ldta . . . . . : 130 Kulabh Ashana, a Jaina sage . . . . . 236 Latavagata gana . . Kumirabhadra, Sreshthin . 236 . . . 26 Lavana, a chief or general 117 Kumeragupta, inscription of, . . 210 lekhaks . . . . Z maharajadhirdja . 198, 210, 263 Lodha gotra i . Kumarapala, Chaulukya k. 439; his Chitorgadh iuscrip Lohacharya, Jaida teacher 244 Lala, son of Uyabhatta . . : 438, 439 Kumara pala, Pala k. . . . . 348-350 355 Lumpaka sect . . . . . Kumarila, author . . . . . . . . . 23 38 Laniye gotra . . . . . : . Kumbha or ghata, Jupiter in sign of, in date 410 . 41, 80 Kumbhakarna, Guhila prince of Mewad . . . 410 Kumbharaja, of Mewad. . . . 35 Kumbhi copper-plate inscription of Gosaladevi, referred to 1 Kumthanatha, image of . . . 80 Macbhavata, pl. n. . . . . Kundagrama, vill. . . . . 389 Madalach hikata, t. . . . . Kundakunda, Acharya . . 105, 116, 376 madambika . . .. . . . . . Kundakandanavaya gachchha 484, 485 Mada phara-Muzaffar Shah. . . . . 9,15 Kunga, a people . . . . 35 Madhava, son of Ugabbatta . . . 41 . Kunkumalola gotra . . . 438, 439 Madhuvana, vill. Kurs, pr. n. . . 96, 98, 103, 105, 109, 115, 369, 370 . . . . . . 327 Kurama, pl. n. . . . . . 376, 385 . 392 Madhurika, fem. n. . . . . Kurara or Kurara, pl. n. 106, 108, 111, 115, 369, 376, 378, . 369 Madhuvatika, vill. . 382, 383, 390, 397, 398, 400, 402 . 224 Madhyandina sakha of the Yajurveda 216 Kuraghara, vill. 96, 99, 108, 115, 369, 374, 382, 386, 387, Madrapurika, vill. 389, 394, 396 . . . . . . 119 Maga Brabmans . . . 331 Karari, pr. n. . . . . 101 . . . . . Magadba kings 332, 344 Kurtakoti, t. . . 170 Magavyakti of Krishnadasa . Kushana kings. 331n. . . . . 196, 198 Maha, pr. n. . . . 378 Kusuka, pr. 1. . . . Mahaban Prasasti of Sam 1207 .. kutaka 275f. . . . . 130 . Mahabat khan * Kuthukapada, pl. a. * . * . . . . 376 . Mahachakra, vill. . . ky instead of ksh . . . . . . . . . 298 Mahagiri, monk 103 Mabakachchayana, pr. n. . Malakata pillar inscription mahallaka . . . 331 Labhapura, Lahor . . 38 mahamandala-natha . * 224 Lachchhiavva or Lakshmi, wife of the Yadava Bhillama mahamatra . . . II. . . . . . . . Y&hamoragi, pl. n. . . 105, 115, 371 Ladana . . . . . . . 31, 32 Mahanaman, pr. n. i 389 laghamti . . . . . . 255 mahapallapati . . . 22 Lagbt-arjunondhi, vill.. 216 mahapramatara Laghu-vavvulavedra, vill. . . * 216 Maharakhita, ascetic 199 Laghu poela, gachchha. . 39 Mahasati, pl. n. 389 Laghusakha of Osvals . . . 41 Mabavira, last Jina 200, 205, 315 of Porvals 41 mahayajnas . 22 , of Srimalis . . 41 Maldipur Muhammadan inscriptions . . 287 Lajuka or lajuka, rajuka, clerk 253, 254, 273 Mahendra-suri . . . . . . 39 Lakhnauti, t. . . . 291 Mahendrasimba-suri. . . 39 Lakkundi, t. in Dharvad! . . . . . 169 Mahesvara, pr, n. . 8,16 Lakshasimha, Guhila prince of Mewad 409 Mabi, pl. n. . . 390 Lakshmadeya, Paramara k. . . . . . 181 Mahichandra, pr. n. . . . . . 296 * Lakshmana, pr. n. . . . . . . . 236 Mahida, pr. n. . . . 95, 109 ., & Kachchhapagbata prince . . . 834 Mahidhara, pr. n. . . 8, 17 Lakshmana Maharaja, grant of . . . 363-365 >> & poet . . . . . . 332, 333 Lakshmanaraja, Chedi k. 304; KaritalAi inscription of Mabidesvariya Matha . . . 26 his reign . . . . . . 174. Mahim, t. and Muhammadan inscriptions there, Lakshme var, t. in Dakhan , . . 170 148-152 Lakshmisagara . . . . . . . 39 Mahimuda-Muhammad Shah . . . . Lakshmi=Lachchhiavva . . . . . . 214 Mahipaka pr. n. . . . . . . 33 Lakshmidbara, pr. 1. . . . . . . 181 Mahipala, pr. n. . . . . . . . 385 Lalana, gotra . . . . . . . 41 , a Kachchhapaghata prince 234 3 TL * 281 . 236 . 96 . 21 . . . 299 35

Page #583
508 INDEX. . 34 39 . 389 408 . 202 . 229 481 . . 89 ade . 79 . . , 27 332 409 . 9 Mana, pr. hy of Magadhai. PAGE PAGE Mahipala Pala k. . . 349 Merutunga, author. Mahirakhita, pr. n. . . 391 Merutunga-suri . Mahisati, t. now Mandal . 96 109, 115 Mesana, vill. . . . 42, 78 Mahishmati, pl. n. . . Mewad, prince Mokala of . Mahmad Shah, emp. . . . 131 Mibila, pr. n. . . 197, 210 k. of Bengal * 284, 288 Mihiravibara . . 212 k. of Jaunpur . ..280 Mimenisakas . . . . . 29 I. k. of Malwa . . . 434n. Misra Damodara, pr. n. . . 223 MAhmud of Ghazni . . 144 Mita, nun . . . 94, 95, 105, 381 Maitrayaniya sakhd of the Yajurveda . 216 Mitasiri, nun . . . 111, 390 Majbada-shans, minister . . . 35 Mita-Siri, pr. n. . . Majhama sakha . . . 205 | Mithila, co. . . . . 348, 350 Majhima, pr. n. . . . . . . 89, 102 Miyen Raib, pr. n. . . . 133 Maka=Magas of Cyrene. * * 471 mochi--'a shoemaker'. Makara, 320; sun in sign of, in date. * 410 Modhakin, pr. n. . Makarapataka, vill. . . . . 8, 9, 16 Moga, maharaja . 196 Makara-samkranti, in date . . . . .2, 265 Moggaliputa, pr. n. . . Maksudkyada, t. . . . . . 42, 81 Moghul sanads 472F. Mala group of 12 (villages) . . 175 | Mohika, nun . . . . . . . 392 MAlava rulers, Nagpur inscription of . 189 Mohota race . . MA[la]vaka, a locality or district . 18, 19 Mokala of Mewad; his Chitorgadh inscription 8, 409 Malik Beg, Sultan. . 427 Mokhalapataka, vill. . 181 Mallinatha, a Jins monks, names of, at Sanchi . . . . . 113, 403 Malijja kula of Jainas 198 months named in dates :Mamdanaji, Ramta , 30 Ashadha . . . 118, 224 Maidali, t.-Mandal . . 24 Bhadrapada . . . . 216, 234 Mamf, Bai Magha 2,229, 410 Mana family of Magadha kings. Margasirgha Plalguna . . . 299 Mapalarata--Permanadi . . 168, 169, 173, 174 Sravana . 18 Mandal, Mandali, t. in Gujarat . 24, 27n, 28 Tapasya=Phalguna . . 410 Mandara, vill. . . . . 348, 357, 358 moon, sprung from Atri's ege . 5 Mandhatri, ancestor of the Maurya family * 222 Morajahakata, vill. . . . Mandi, dist., . . . . . 483 . . Morasihikata, vill.. Mandya, t. in Maisur . : 167 Morayahikata, vill. . 399 Mangalaraja, a Kachchhapagbata prince . 234, 235n. Moshini, fem. n. . Margalisa, Chalukya k.. . 22 Mu'azzam Khan, governor of Bengal . 290 Manglaur, vill. near Rurki . . 139n. Mugdhatunga-Prasiddhadhavata, Chodik. 304 Manguhasti, Aryya, 204 Muhammad Akbar, son of Aurangzeb . Maniyana gotra : Muhammad 'Ali Sultani. . . . 425, 437 Manorama, a carpenter , . . 389 Muhammad ibn Sam 430 Manoratha, pr. n. . 332, 358 Muhammad Ibrahim 132 Mansehra Rock-edicts of Asoka. 447f. Muhammad Jamal Chishti, 145 Manyuka, pr. n. . . . . 483 1 Muhammad Shah, emp. . . . 436, 473, 476 Marupallika, vill. . of Jaunpur i . . , 292, 293, 295 Mas'ud Shah, emp. . . . * . 137 Muhammad Sultan of Gujarat . . . . 24, 35 Ma'sum Khan . . . . 143 Muhammad Zaman, Mirze . . . 429 Mathura . . . . 200 Muhammadans called Sakas, Yavanas and Turushkas 409 ,, Jaina inscriptions. 195f. Muhammadan inscriptions from Dihli Suba . . 130f. 424f , Jaida sculptures . 3!1f. from Bengal . . . 280f , gachchha of Jainas . 214 | Muktisagara-suri . . . . . . 39 M&tribbata . . . . 20 Mula, Mala, Mula, pr. n. . . . . 95, 107, 388 Matulingi, river . 216 Muladata, fem. n. . . . . . . . 373 Mauna gotra * 8,16 Muladeva, a Kachchhapagbata prince 234 Maurya alphabet. 323, 325 Mulagiri, pr. n. . . . . . . . 372 on era . . Mularaja, Chaulukya k. . . , 438 family . . : 222 Mulasamgha . . . Mayurapadra, vill.. . . 119 Mumbai, Mumbai-bindara, Bombay 3, 85 Meda pata, the modern Mewad . 409 Mummiya gotra . . . . . . . . 41 Meghadhvani temple . . . . 438 Munawwar, Shaikh . . . . . . . 428 Megbaji, head of Lumpaka sect . Muner or Maner, vill. in Bibar with Muhammadan Meghan, Gedia . . . . . . . 28 inscriptions . . . . . . . 294f. men's names at Sanchi . * 114. 404 Munjpur, t. in Gujarat . . 24, 28n. moru, a kind of tew ple . . . . . . 6, 15 Muzja, Maurya cbief . . . . 22 385 101 210 148. 85 . 119 * . 89 40

Page #584
INDEX. 509 . 9, 10 181 471 PAGE 1 PAGE Munija, Munjadeya, Munjaraja,=Vakpati, Paranara k. Nanagbat inscription referred to 88,91 of Malava . . 181, 214, 215, 304 Nandagiri Mt 169, 173 Munk pargana . . . . . 137 Nandapura, pl. n. . . 329 Murala, a people 9, 15 Nandi, pr. n. . . . . . . 205 Murad Qanghal Khan (Naw ab Mirza . . . 289 Nandiavarta, Arhat . . . 204, 321 murid . . . . . . . . 476 Nandika, monk . . . . . 212 Maotamid Khan . . . . . . 436 nandimukha. . . . 268 Muzaflar Sultan of Gujarat . . . . . 24, 35 Nandini, Vasishtha'e cow . Nandiuagara (v. Namdi-) pl. n. . . 369, 376, 393, 394 Nandivisalo, name of an ox . . . . . 96Naregal, vill. . . . . . . . 170 Narasimhadeva, Chedi k. . . . 8, 9, 16, 18, 19, 304 Narasing Thakura . . . . . . Narayahanadatta maharaja . . . . 364, 365 Nabhaka of the Nabhitis . . Naravarmadeva, Paramara k. . 181 Nabhinpura, t. in Kachh (Nalinapura ?) . . 42, 83, 85 Narayana, pr. n. . . 299 Nabhatishandaka (+), vill. . . . . . 344 Narayanapala, Pala k.; Badal inscription of his time 160 Nadavu, pr. n. . . . . . . 99 Nargund, vill. . . . . . . . 170 Nadiguta, a monk . . . . . . 95, 103 Narmada, river . . . . . . 7, 8, 16 Nadinagara (v. Nandinagara), t. 97, 106, 108, 110, 111, 386, Nasika, t. . . . . . . . 217 387, 400 Nasir 'Abidallah ibn Ahmad, a Saysid 138 Nadini, fem. 1. . 389 Nasir ud-din Mahmud . . . . . . 432 Nadir Shah . . 144 Nathi, fem. 1. . . . . . . . 31, 32 Nadivirobi, pr. n. . . . . . 99 Nati, nun . . . . . 387 Naduka, Aya., a monk 112 Natika, Nadika (P) kula of Jainas . . . 198, 207 Nadula gotra . . . 41 Natta, Chandella princess, wife of the Chedi k. Naga princes , 117 Kokkalla I. . . . . . . . 304 Naga of Prabhasa . . 240f. Naur, vil. . 482 Naga, t. . . . 322 Navagama, vill. . 93, 102, 103, 115, 388, 369, 371, 372, 387 Naga, Nagadatta, Nagila, etc., pr. va. . 95 Navagrama, vill. . . . . . . 211 Naga and Naga, pr. un. . . 102, 369, 372, 384, 393 Navahasti, fem. n. . . . . . . 208 Naga, Jaina teacher . 38 Navanagara, t. in Halar . . . . Nagada gotra . . . 41 . Navangi vritti . . . . . . . 36 Nagadata, Nagadata, & mouk . . . 206, 386, 396 Navinapura, Navanagar, t. in Halar . 35, 36 Nagadata, pr. n. . . . Nayapala, Pala k. . . . . . . 349, 350 Nagadina, Sheth, 109; a monk 371 nayaka . . . . . . . 18, 19, 230 Nagadina, fem. n. . . . . . . 383 Nayaki, wife of the Maurya chief Govindaraja II., 224 Nagamita, fem. a 382 Nazar Quli Turkman . . . . . . 155 Nagapalita, fem. n. . 111 Negamesi, Naigameshin, Nemesa, or Nemiso, god 200, 314-313 Nagapiya Sheth . . 88, 89, 106, 111, 378 nhusa snuish . . . 90 Nagara-Vadnagar, t. . . . . . 438 Nicaea . . . . . . . . . 137 Nagarakhita, a monk Nigali, pr. n. . . . . . . 109 Nagaraveda, vill. Nigamthas . . . . . . . 272, 274 nagavana . . 265, 266 nijkati . . Nagila, pr. n. 92, 106, 396 ; a Sheth . 387 Nikdyas, five Buddhist scriptures 104, 269 Nagor, t. 145, 150 nilakhiyati . . . . 266 Nagpur, inscription of the rulers of Malava, edited 180f, Ni'mat Ullah's (Shaikh) tomb, .. Nahata gotra . . . Nimbadika, vill 119 Naigameshin, god, at Elura 316n. Nima race . . . . . 41 Naimisha forest . . 322 nimsidhiya 274 naiyyoka . . . . . . . 484n. Nirgundipadraka, vill. . . . 22, 23 Naja, fem. n. . . . 373 Niribullaka . 22 Nalinapura, t. (v. Nabhinpura) . niruddham . . . . . 129n. nakshatras . . . . . . 266, 369 Nirvsiti gotra . . . . 23 nakshatra of Aryaman, i.e. Purra.phalguni, in date, . 410 ,, Jaina teacher . . . 38 Hasta, 18, 118 ; Rohini, . . . 22 Nishada, people . . . 409n nakshatra names . . . . . . 95 nivartana . . . . . . . . 224 Namaundi, vill. . . . . . . . 8, 9, 16 Nizam-ad-din Beg Mirak . . . . . 156 Namda, pr. n. . . . . . . 376 Noghataji of Palitana . . . . . . 36, 84 Namdigiri, pr. n. . . . 95, 109 Nohala, daughter of Avanivarman, and wife of the Namdinagara, Nandinagara, vill. . 96, 115, 376, 377, 380, 390, Chedi king Yuvarajadeva I. . . . . 304 391, 393, 394 nans, names of, at Sarshi . . . . 113, 403, Namduka, monk . . . . . . 400 Nusrat Khan . . . . . . . 130 Namdutara, fem. c. . . . . . . 386 Nasrat Shah, k. of Bergal . . . . . 286 85 110 398 23 274 . . 430 41

Page #585
510 INDEX. " P . ll. . . . . PAGB 391 327 . . . . 371 . 94, 106, 111, 398 * 206 Odaka, pr. 1. . . Odala, pr. n. . . OdAtika, nun . . oai, non . . . Ohanandi, pr. n. . Oisa race okapinda. . omkara patta .. Opedadata, pr. 1. Oba race. Osval race or gachchha . 258, 260 . 79, 80 373, 380 . 40,79 40, 82-85 . * * . . * . 93 269 80 30 . PAGE Pasaladevi, pr. n. 332 Pasanaka, Aya-, . . . . . 93, 97, 118n. Pasbanihrada, vill. 22, 23 Pasupata ascetic . . . 8,16 patakd . . . . . . 189n. Pataliputra Bauddha Council . . 89 Palia, monumental stone . 28 Patthaibatpur, t. . * 472, 473 P&titana, pr. n. . . 387 Patithiya, gahapati . 99, 384 Pattabaddhaka vishaya . . 119 Pattadakal, Kisuvolal, t. . 170 pattald, a district . . . . 8, 9,16 Patuda (R), a monk . . 107 Pauraaik worship, early occurrence of . 96 Pavida, pl. n. . . . ' ., . . . . Payachanda onhall. 375 Payaobanda gachchha . . . . . 39 Pemata, Pemuta, pl. n. . . . . . 387, 394 Peroje, 1.6. Sultan Firoz Shah, king of the Yavanas, i.e. Musalmans. . 409, 410 Permanadi.Butayya . . 168-171, 173, 174 Phaguna, pr. n. . . . . 95, 104, 379 Phalguyasa, pr. n. . . . . . 200 Phel&parvvatika, vill. 364, 365 Phujakapalli, pl. 1. . . 381 phuramana, firman : Pigalaka, Pingalaka, pr. n. . : 327 pigeons at Makka . . 289 pippalavalika . . : 130 Pippaliya, branch of Kharataragachchba 37 Piroji rupee . . . . . . 30 Pithe, pr. D. . . pithika, platform . . . 320 Pitinikas, people . 468, 471 Piyadasi (Asoka), pillar edicts of . 2456 , rock ediots of . . * 447f. Piyadhama, nun . . . . . . 108 Piyara Bebe . . . geographical names at Sanchi. . 133 . . 115, 407 Podarijha, pl. n. . . 388 Pokhara (Pushkar), t. . 96, 106, 108, 115, 369, 387, 388, 397. . 82 38 . P Pabhond, inscriptiong at . . . . 240f, 480 pachanekayika. . . pachchhupagamana . . . Padaliptanagara, t. . . Padamam, fem. n. Padana, vill. Padaniya. * 96, 103, 112, 115 paddnud hyata . Padmakara, Maurya chief . . . . . 222 Padmanandi. . . 40 Padmanatha, image of . Padmapala, a Kachchhapag hata prince. Padmaprabha, Jina . . . 244 Padshahpur,-Kalankhurdpur . . * 473, 476 Paaukulika, vill. . . . . . 92, 110, 115, 397 Pai, fem. n. . . . . . . . 348, 367 Pajja, pr. n. . . 276 Pala kings of Bengal, from Dharmapala to Vigrahapala III. . . . . . . . 161, 348, 349 Pala, pr. 1. . . . . . . . 199 Pala, monk . . . . . . . 400 Palaghosha, pr. n., Palakadujjana (misread Palakatujnana) Palam, vil., Pralamba ? . . . . . . 482 P&lanapura, t. in Gujarat . 28n, 42, 83 palasale-rhinoceros . . . 260 PAHI, vill. . . . . . 363 Palitana, t. in Kathiawad . 34-36, 42, 85 . . 344 pallika . . . . . 129n. Pamobanagara, t. . . . 396 Pamdas, Pandyas (q. v.), people . 471 pannasasa . . . 258, 260 Pamthaka, monk . PAnobala, dist. . . . . 161, 243 panchanahasabda . . . 216 panchaparameshlhi-pasta . . . Pancharthala dootrine. . Panduab (Hazrat), Muhammadan inscriptions at . 282f. Pandya, people . . . . . 9, 15, 193, 466, 471 Panipat, Muhammadan inscriptions at . . . 136 Pankajavasini, goddess of eloquence. Pappaka, pr. n. . . . . . 211 Paramabhattaraka . . . . . . . 22 Paramara kings of Malara, from Vairisimha II. to Lakshmadeva . . . . . 181 Paripanaka, (P) . . . . . . 377 Parava Paravapatba . . 78, 81, 85, 86, 207, 244, 311 Parvan days . 264, 265 Parwez, prince, son of Jahangir . . . 134, 281 8, 16 398 palli . . 387 80 Poravijhaka for Porayikhika . . 407 Portugal, -Puratakala . . . 36, 78 Porval race . . . . 41 posatha days 264, 265 Pota, Potaka, pr. nn. * 327 Pothadeva, fem. n. . 95. 372 Pothaghosba, pr. n. . . . 199 Pothaka, a munk. . . 95, 106 Pothaya race . . . 196 Prabhasa, Pabhosa, vill. . . 240, 244, 480 Pradyumna . . . . 314, 315 Pragjyotisha bhukti . * 348, 358 Pragvata vama, Porval race . . . . 25, 41,78 prarabdhi . . . .. . 343 Prasantaraga II.-Dadda IV. . . . . 21 Prasasta, pr. n. . . . 118 Prasasti : the following are called prasastis Bhera-ghat inscr. of Alhanadevi Harsha inscr. of Vigraharaja . Badal inscr. of Narayan pala . . . 160 Nagpar inscr. of the rulers of Malava . . 18 Kbalari inscr. of Haribrabmadeva . . . 228

Page #586
INDEX 511 . 232 330 * 943 229 PAGE Prasasti : the following are prasastis-contd. Dubkund insor. of Vikramasimba . . Govindpar inscr. of Gangadhara . . Dudhpani inscr. of Udayamana Chitorgadh inscr. of Mokala . . Chitorgadh inscr. of Kumara pala . . . 421 Devapattana insor. of Sridhara Prasiddhadhavala=Muydbatunga, Chedi k. . 304 Pratapasinghaji of Palitana . . . 36, 83, 84, 85 Pratithana, t. . . . . . 94, 96, 98, 104 pravara . . . 16, 299 Pravarasukara (?), Maurya chief Prayaga, the sacred place at Allahabad 2, 5, 244, 481 Premachanda, a Jaina . .. . . 78 Prithvidhara, pr. n. . . . . . . 8, 16 Priyadarsin raja-Asoka . . . 466-472 Palad Sarvani. 429 Pulidas, Pulindas, a people . . . 471 Punarvasu days . . . . . 259, 262, 266 Punsvadhana, t. . . 108, 116, 380 Pundarika, image of . . 82 Pangasagara-suri . . . . . 39, 79 Pungadadhi-suri. . Puratakala (Portugal) patasa hi Paravikha (P), pl. n. . . . . . . . 108 Purigere district. . . . . . 168, 170, 174 Parnimanta scheme of months in dates . 2, 299, 410 Pururavas, son of Bodhao& , Purushottama, a poet, 332, 333; & sacred place (P) . 239 Puruvida, pl. . . . . . . . . 387 Pusa, a monk, 95, 371; Pusa, & nun . . . 108, 396 Pusadata, pr. n. . . . . . * 387 Pusagiri, pr. n. . . . . . . . 103, 371 Pusaka, a monk . . . . 104, 387 Pusarakhita, pr. n. . . . . 112, 405 Pushkara gana, Jaida . . . . 244 Pushkaratirtha, sacred place at Pokbar, Pusiniya, pr. n. . . . . . . . 112 Pusyamitra, pr. n. . . . . . . 201 390 PAGE Rajendrasagara-suri . . . . . . 79 Rajubula, satrap. . . . . . . 196 rajuka, clerk . . . . . 369, 381, 466 &n Rajoka, pr. n. . . . . . . . 376 Rajula, mahakshatrapa. . . 196 Rajyapale, probably a king of Kanauj. . . 234, 235 Rajyavasu, pr. n. . . . 209 Ralladevi, pr. n. . . . . . . 161 Rama Guravamiera, pr. n. . 161 Ramachandra, the Kalachuri chief Ramaduva 230 Ramadasa, pr. D. . . . . . . Ramadeva, a Kalachuri chief . . . . . . . . 229 Ramakirti, pr. p. . . . . . . 40, 422 Ramanagar-Adhichhatra : . 243 Ramapala, Pala k. . . . . . 348-350, 355 Ramorajikadi, pl. 1. . . . . . . 107 Rampurva Asoka pillar . . . . . 245 Ramtek inscription of Kalashuri chiefs, referred to . 230 Ranaka, Rana, titles . . . . . 28, 483n. Ranagraba . . . . . . . . 20, 21 Ranapallika, vill. . . . . . . 118, 119 Ranapattala, dist.. . 361 Ranarangabbima, a prince, probably the W. Chalukya Tailapa. . . . . 214, 215 Rane family . . . . . . 483 Rashamalla, son of Ereyapa . . . . 168, 173 Rashtrak uta k. Krishna II. . 304 Rashtrakatas overthrown by the Chalukyas 215 Rastikas, Rishtikas, & people. . . . 468 Rasulpur, vill. 472 Ratina, pr. n. . . Ratnadeva, pr. n. . . 229 Ratnasimba of Chitor . Ratnasimha mahamantrin. 77 Ratnodadhi-suri . . . . ratthikas . . . . . . 484 Rautta, Gedia . . . 28 RAyabrahmadeya=Haribrahmadeva . . . . 230 Raypur inscription of Haribrahmadeva, referred to. 230 Reas (Mr. A) discovery of Bhattiprolu-Buddhist relios, etc. . . . . . . preface and 323f. Rebila, pr. D. . . . . . . : 390 rechaka . . . . . * . 344 Reva, pr. n. . . . . . . . . 110 a river . . . 193 Revatimita, fem. n. . . . 390 Rigveda, students of . 216 Rishabha, Rishabhasvamin, Jaina Tirthakara 81, 232 Rishi, pr. n. . . . . Ritunandi, pr. D. . . . . . Rizawi, Bukhari . . . . . . 475 Roha, fem. n. . . . 391 Robanadeva, fem. n. 386 Robani, fem. n. . . . . . . . 373 Rohanika, pr. n. . . . . . . . 401 Rohinipada, Rohani, pl. n. . . . 107, 109, 116, 401 Rohini, pr. 1. . . . . . . 95 Rohinisvamin temple. 439 * Robo, vill. in Gujarat . . . . 24, 29n. Rohtal Rohtak, Muhammadan inscriptions at . . 143f., 436f. Rudra, pr. n. . . . . . . . . 331 Rudramana, k. of Magadha . . . . 332 Rudrarasi, pr. n. . . . . . . . 8, 16 Rudrena, a Tomara prince . . . . 117 35 . 39 118 . . 146 Magim Ali Khan . . Qastayan's mosque at Mahim Qazizadas . . . . . . . . 150, 152 142, 143 . . . R 236 203 . . . 472 Radhanapura, t. in Gujarat * 42, 79 Rabala, wife of the Chedi Lakshmanaraja , 175, 304 Rabila, pr. n. . . . . . . . 371 Rahimabad, vill. Raja, Rajagi, Rajan, or Sriraja, a Yadava chief . . 213 rajadauvdrika . . . . . . . 216 Rajaditya Chola . . . . . 168, 169, 172 Rajakoshthagara family . . . . . 40 Rajakadraha, vill. . . . . 236 rajalipikara, royal scribe . : . 94, 369 Rajamalla of Chitor . . . . 35 R&janagara-Abinadabad . 41, 78-81, 84 Rajasagararsuri . . . . . . . 3a Bajasama-suri . . . . . . . 39 Rajasekhara, autbor. . . . . . 34

Page #587
512 INDEX. . Rumi Khan . . . . . Rapai, Bat . . . . . . Rustam Reg, Amir . . . . Rustam Khan bin Muhammad Khan Sarbant . PAGE . 132 . 27 425 134, 135 . . . . 23 . 31 118 . . . . 86 Sabarasyamin, author . sabha . . . . Sachamita, pr. n. . . Sadajharta, mandalika . Sadasaba, pr. 1. . . Sad bapa, monk . . Sad hyasika I., Maurya chief . . , . 100 222 . 23 * 39 375 PAGE Samidata, Sami-, monk. . 95, 104, 393 Samiddhesvara, a name of the god Siva . . 409, 432 Samika, Samika, nun . . . 102, 110, 393 Samika, trader . . . . . . 374, 375, 393 Sarkaragana, a Kalachuri k. . . . . . 22 son of the Chedi Kokkalla I. . . 175, 304 Sankarana . . 23f. Samkaranaka, vill. . . . . 119 Sampa . . . Sansarika doctrine . Samvalita, pr. 1. . . . . . . . 108 samvegapakshi. . . . . Samvijnayamargiya, Tapa gachchha. .39, 82 sanads of Moghul emperors . . 472f. SAnobi, anciently Kakanada or Kakanava. 87, 366 Sanohi votive inscriptions . . . . 87f., 366f. ,, sculptures . . . . 319 . Sandhi, pr. n. . . . 197, 208 sanditya, race of, 161 ; gotra . . . 438 Saniedart, vill. . . . . Sankchas . . . . 321 Sankaragana], Chedi prince 175 Sankheda Land grants . . , 19f. >> t. in Gujarat . 23 Santilla, pr. 1. . . . 22 Santinatha, Jaina tirthakers 81, 82, 232 Santipataka, vill. . . . 348, 367 santiraja, Maurya chief . . : 223 santisagara-suri . . . .39, 79 Santishena, a Jaina sage . . 236 gapukagama, vill.. . . . 375 Sa pa dalaksha country. . . Sapaka, nun . . . . 111 Sapha race . . . . . 38 Saphineyakas, Saphineyika 371, 374, 401 Saradasimbadeva, a Kachchb&pagbata prince 234 Sarahkotta vishaya . . . . . . 119 Sarasvati, river . . . . . . . 193 , gachchha . . . 40 Sarbuland Khan Khwaja Rahmat Allah . .. . 162 sarika, a starling . . . * 259 Sarkaradevi, pr. n. . . . Sarotra, vill. in Gujarat , * 24,32 Sarvastivada teachers . 212 Sarvasura, Maurya chief Sasada, Sasada, vill. 99, 397 Sasadaka, pl. n. . . * 116 fasana-patta . . . 217 sashtadasapraksityopeta . . . 216 Sasidhara, pr. 1... . . 8,18 Sat&ji, Satrusalya, Jam of Navanagar . . 36 Satakapi, Andhra k. . Sathisiba, fem. 1. . . . Satila, pr. n. . . . . . 95, 375 Satisiri, nun . . . . 382 Satiyaputra, perhaps k of Satvats . Satrumjaya Jaina inscriptions . 34f. ,, Siddhasaila, sacred place . 38, 86 Satrusalya, JAm of Navanagar . . 35, 39 sattra . . . . . . . 224 Satugha--Satrughna, pr. D. . . . . 327 Satyabhama and Krishna . . . . . 314 Satyavakya Konguoivarman, k. . . . . 172 Savithadesa, country . . . . . 559 392 Sadita, fem. n. . . . Sadr Jahan, poit . 290 Sadr ul-sudur . 475 Saduktikarnamsita of Sridharadasa . 332 Sagara gachchha, 36, 79-83; Pattavali of . Sagha, pr. n., 95; Sagha . . . . . Sagbadeva, pr. n. . . . . . . 106 Saghadina, nun . . . . . . 101 Saghamita, monk . . . . . . 112, 397 Sagharak hita, pr. n., 113n, 386, 396, 398; rakhita. 383, 397 Sahasrakuta, tirtha, 38; image or representation of . 78 Sahsaram, t. in Bibar . . . . . 161 Saiva names . . . . . . 95 Sajja, Bai . . . Sakas-Musalmans . . Sakadina, pr. n. . . Sakad vipa . . 331 Sakadvipica Brahmans 331 Sakalakirti, pr. n. . . Sakambbari, t. . . . 119, 422 Sakarak hita, pr. 1. . . . sakyamuni, image of 212 Salimnagar, fort . . . Salipura, t. . . Samadbisa or Samiddbesa, a name of Siva Sam adhya, fem. 1. . . . . . . : 210 Samana, monk . . . . 327-329. 378. 393 samanera . . . . . . . . 98, 103 Samantadeva, raja . . . . . . . 144 Samatika (?), pr. n. . . 394 Samaveda, students of . . . . 216 Samayaka, freshthin . 25 Samba, son of Kris na and Jambarati 332 xamcharanakas . . . . . 484, 486 Samdhana, monk . . . . . . . 103 Samgamanagara, t.=Samgamner . . Samgami, vill. . . . . Samgamner copper-plates of the Yadava Bhillama II. edited . . . . . . 212f. Samgba, pr. n., 272, 274, 378; Samgha. . amga. . . 393 Samgha of Magadha . . . . . 366 Surghadata, pr. n. . . . . . . 381 Samgharakhita, pr. n. . . . . 95, 381, 388 Samgharakbita, nun . . . . . . 100, 392 Samgbavala race . . . . . . . 41 Samghila, pr n. . . . . 95, 377 Samgrama-Rama, a biruda . . . . 215 Samgramasimba of Clitor. . . . 36 291 . . 161 . 222 . . 88 201 . * 466

Page #588
INDEX 513 102 380 * * 378 . . . 395 94 224 138 329 . . . 394 200 473 473 . . . . 146, 154 mah . . 291 230 . . . . 176 . 174 PAGB PAGB sayurghdio 472-476, 480 Siribhaga, pr. n. 394 Sayyid Havazid . . 138 Siridina, non 110, 393 . 262-266 Seasons . . . Sirigata, pr. n. . . sokyaka . 130 Sirika, fem. n. Sellavidoya, a biruda. 213 Sirimita, nun . . 394 Sena, pr. n. . . . . 206 Siripala, pr. n. Sena dynasty . 349, 350 Siri-Satakapi, Andhra k. 88 Senart's versions of the Aboka ediots. * 246 Sirohi, t. . . . . 42, 80 Sesha, chihna of Parfva . . * 311, 312 Sisodia clan sota la pote-grey doves . . . . 260 Sitalanatha, image of . . 81, 85 Sotapatha, pl. 1. . . . . Siva's eight bodies . . 14n. Sethi . . . Sivadasa, pr. n. . .." 229 Seuna or Seunachandra II., Yadava k. . Sivadeva, pr. n. '. . 208 Sounachandra I., Yadava k. 13 Siyag hoshaka, pr. R. . 207 Bewah, t. in Dihli Sabe Livajt of Palitana . . . . 35f. Shabhika-Sabhika, pr. n. Sivanadi, pr. n. . . . . . . 95, 101 Shagathi nigama 328 Bivasena, pr. n. . 208 Shah Alam, emp. . . 473, 475-477, 479 Sivaskandavarman, (Prakrit inscrip. of) Notes on, 483f. Shahbazgarhi Rock ediots of Asoks 447f. var. readings in, . . . 483, 485 Shahjaban, emp. 36, 143, 147, 151, 152, 281, 290, 435, 436, Sivati, pr. n. . . . . . Sivayasa, fem. n. . . . Shahjahanpur, vill. Siyaka, Paramara k. . . 181 Shaikh Nasir . . . 151 Sobha, son of Bhaba Lala . . 439 Shamsher Kban . . Sodasa, mahakshatrapa. . 195, 196, 199 Shams-uddin Altamsh . 431, 432 Sohada, Sreshthin . . . 26 Shamada-Samudra, pr. n. . 327 Somapatha, the god siva. 213n. Sbargi rulers Somanatha pagan or Devapattana. 437-439 shashtyabda . . Somasvamideya, -Vishnu . . Sher Bublal's mausoleum . . 157, 158 Somesvara, pr. n. . . . 161 Sher Sbah Sbarqi . 144, 150, 151, 429 >> minister of the Chedi Lakshmanaraja Sherpur, t. in Bengal . 288, 290, 291 . , I., W. Chalukya k. . . . 304 Shota gotra. . . Sona, pr. n. . . . . . . . . 373 Sidakada, Siddkada, pl. n. . 397, 398 Sonadeva, pr. n. . 97, 371 Siddhachakra . . . 77 Sonak, vill, in Gujarat, Sanaka 24, 331. Siddhantasamudra-suri 39 SonakAyana, k.. 243 Siddharaja, Chaulukya k. . 1. 422 Sonara, --Sonari, vill. . . . 96, 112, 116 Siddhasaila, or Satrumjays . Sonasiri, nun . . . . 402 Sidd beba patha or Siddhesvara, the god si Bonpat Muhammadan inscriptions . 138f. Sidbatha, pr. 1. . . . . . . . 377 Soyasa, pr. n. ..... * 110, 405 Siha, nun . . . . . . . 112, 379, 394 Gramanaka, pr. 1. . . . * 204 Siha, sheth . i 108 Sreshthin . . . Sihadeva, pr. n. . . 393 Sreyamsa, image of . . . 86 Sihagiri, Siha-, pr. n. . | Sridhara's Devapattana Prasasti . * 4376, Sihamitra, pr. n. . . 201 Bridhara, pr. n. . . . . . . 438, 439 Sihapadika, pr. n., . 207 >> Brahman . . . . 348, 349, 357, 358 Sibarakbita, pr. 1. . . 97. 98 | Sridharadasa's Saduktikarnamrita . . 332 Sijha, fem. n. . . . 392 Sridhantawana, pr. n. . . . . 344 Sikandar Shah, emp. . . . . . 137, 433 Srigriha sambhoga of Jainas , i 204, 209 1 of Bengal . . . . 282, 283 Brimali race . . . Sikha, vill. . . . . 18, 19 srimara . . . . 268, 260 Simgha-the Kalachuri chief imhana . . 230 Sriparnaka, vill. Paniu . 22, 23 Simbadata, fem. n. . . 374 Sripatta . . 344 Simhagoshtha, vill. . 118 Sripura, Brikastipura, t. . Simhana, a Kalachuri chief. . . 229, 230 B. 1-Sivali devi . . . 32, 33 Simhaprabha-suri. . fruta-devuta, .the goddess of eloquence' . 232 Simharaja, pr. n. . . Stambhatirtha,Cambay . 38 Simharaja, Chahamana k.. . 117, 118 Sthana, t. . . . . Sinha-samkranti in dale , 118 Stbauika kula of the Juinas * 204, 207 Simhatila ka-suri . . . . 39 Sthira, fem. n. . . . . . 210 Simbaraja, pr. n. . stupa, of the Jainas , 312, 313 Sinda chiels. . . 170 Subahita, pr. n. . . . 102, 394 Sindhuraja, Paramara k. . i 181 Subhachandra, pr. n. . Sindinagara, t. . . . . 214, 216 Subhuga, and Subhaga, pr. no. . 99, 332, 371, 396 Sirhind, dist. . . . . . . . 144 Subhashitavali of Vallabbadeva, quoted . . . 141, Siri, nun . . . . . . . 4 'Sugunasevadbi-suri . . . . . . 39 30 86 224 236 2900 * 39 276 . 211 276

Page #589
514 INDEX. Tit 881 112 38 319 * 204 161 PAGE Salapani, pr. 1. . . 831 Baldua, pr. n. . . Bumans, monk , . . Bumatikirti, pr. 1. . . Bumatinatha, Tirthakara 78, 84 Bumatisagara . . Bapaka, vill, now Senak . * 25, 33 Bonga dynasty . . . 196 Suparnas-demi-gods . . Bapdrivandtha, Tirthakara 82 Sapathama, pr. 1.. . . 887 Bapratibuddha, pr. n. . .. . . . 37 dara, a poet, 120, 181; family. . Barapala, Pala k., probably Vigrahapala I. . Bdrasiringhajt of Palitana . . . . . 86, 85 Burashtra, country . . . 222 Sarata-bandira,- Surat . . 49, 78, 79 Buriya, non . . . .894, 396 Bariyabha, god . . : 320 Sarpata, pr. 2. . . 296 Safarmapun, tn. aow Kot Susi or Susi, vill... . * 299 Busthita, Jaina teacher .. Satatika, pr. n. . . 400 mddti kini .. . sulfadhara, mason 481 Sutta-Pifika 93, 105 Savapamaha, pl. .. . 329 Styrattajma, imago of . . . 84 mdmin . . . . . . . 22 Srusaga (), t. or vill. mastika. . . . . . . . 312 Svatiguta, pr. 1. . . 98, 100 Qyamaladevi, daughter of Udayaditya of MALAVs and wife of Vijayasimba . . . . . 9, 16 410 PAGE Thorasisi-Sthaulafishi, pr. n. 327 Tikina(?), pr. D. . 397 Tilbana, pr. D. . . . . 232 Timgyadeva (r)), pr. n. 348, 355 Timar Sbah, emp.. 473, 476 Tiridapada, vill. . 102, 116, 384 Tisa, pr. 1. . * . 327, 384 Tirska, pr. 1. . . 93, 104 Tiskya days . . . . . 259, 262, 264-286 Tihana, pr.. D. . . . 232 Tithio in dates :-Bright half month, 8rd . . . . . 118, 234, 410 18 9th . . . . 229 11th . . . . 13th and 16th . 118 Dark half month -2nd 299 3rd . . 9th . . 299 10th . . 15th Tomara prince Radrena another chief 117 Traigarta, km. . . . . Traikalakaka, vill. . . . . . . 118 Trikalinga, country . . . 298 Tripuri, capital of the Kalachuri or Chedi kings . 2, 6, 18: Tribald, mother of Mahavira . . . 315, 317, 318 Irisala: . . . . . . . . 312 Triloobana paladeva, probably a k. of Sanaaj . 236 Tubavana, Tambavana, pl. n. , 91, 96, 99, 116, 369, 384, 392 Tada, Tuda, Tada, pr. nn.. . . . . 384, 388 Tughlaq Shah . . . . . . 169, 436 Tumbavana, pl. n. (v. Tubavana). . . . 369, 884, 392 Tanakupaka group of 12 (villages] . . . 118 Turamaya, Ptolemy II. . . . . . 463, 471 Turushkas-Muhammadans . . 181, 409n. 483 ..216 117 . 87 483 . 93 299 * . 884 * 168, 169, 172 * * 193 Tailapa, W. Chalukya k., married Bonthaderf , 904 Tikarapada, pl. . . . . . Takkola, t. . . . . . Uchenagari kak ha of Jainas . . . 205, 208, 210 Takshaka, Maurya ohief Udayaditya Paramara k. of Maluva ; his daughter Tamalipti, to . . . . . . . 344 Sramaladevi . 9. 16, 181, 304 Tambalamada, vill. . Udayamana, a chief ; his Dadhpani rook inscription 343f. Tambapannt, Tamraparpi . 486, 471Udayaraja, pr. n. . . . . . . 232 Timraparnl, river . . . Udayarnava-suri . . . . . . . 39 Tandalapadraka, vill. Tandalaja Udayasagara-suri . . . . . . . 39, 79 Tantrapalay & chief defeated by Chabamans Udaypur prasasti of the rulers of Malava, referred to 181 Vakpktiraja . . . . . . . 117 Uddbarana, pr. D. . . 331 . . Tape gaohohha of the Jainas . . 36, 38, 78, 80, 82-86 Udubaraghara, vill. . . 96, 98, 107, 116, 400, 401 - Pattavali of, Udyotana-suri . . . . . . . Tapasi, T&pasiya raco. . .94, 101, 105, 873, 874, 980 Uggahini, pr. n. . . . . . 207 Tarahga, vill. and tirtha in Gujarat . Ugira, t. . . . . . . . 100 Tardi Kuchuk . . . . . . . 428 Ugrasenapura, t. . . . . . . 41 Teja . . . . . . . . . 91 Whada gotra 41 Tejardja, pr. 1. . . . . . . . 276 Ujeni, Ujeni, Ujjain, cap. of Malwa . 92, 96, 100 Tevani, Traivarna princeus. . . . . 243 102, 104, 105, 107, 110, 269, 372-374, 379.381, 385, 391 Towar inscription of Gayakaradova, referred to . . 8 Ukesa race . . . . . . . 40 Towar inscription of Jaguinhadova, odited . 17 Ulugh Beg, Amir . . . . . . 157 Thabhaka, pr. D. . . . . . . 211 Unadaji, Uunad&ji, of Palitina ... . . 36, 79 Thaniya kula of the Jainus . . . . . 203 Unnata durga Data durga . . 38 . Thera Naga . . . . . . 886 Upakesa race . . . . . . . 40 Thiraka, pr. . . . . . . . . 117 Upasijha, monk . . . . . 104 ... . 87f.

Page #590
INDEX. 515 886 . . US 470 329 199 . 438 . 391 : 229 . . 891 PAOB PAGE Upedadata, Upidadata, pr. n. . . . 91, 96, 101, 373 Vallabharaja, probably ihe Rashtrakata Krishna II. or Urvast, wife of Purtravus. . . . 8 Krishnarallabba . . . . . 300 Uda rade . . . . . 40 vallava: . . . . . . . . 484 Unabha (Rishabha), pr. 1. . . . 206 Vamadeva, mentioned in Chedi inscriptions . . 2,7, 298 Usbkar-Hashkapura, vill. in Kasmir 198 Vamana, pr. D. . . . . . . . 299 Unitba(P), vill. . . 869 . Vamgapala, k. . . 243 . Utara, a Bajuks . . 881, 393 vanakufatabhimi. . . . 224 . . Utaradasakn, pr. . . . 198 Vanaraja, Gedia . . . 24, 88 Utaradata, and Utaramita, pr. an. . Vandhula gotra . . 359 Utkalx, . people . . . . . 161 Vanga, people, . 9, 16, 365, 409n. . Uttare vars-Siva . . 127 vanija, nila . . . . 94 Oyabhatia, an astrologer . . . . 438, 439 438, 439 Vaoksbu, river. . . . . 181 Vappairs, Maury cliet . . . . 223 Varadata, pr. n. . .' . 390, 391 Varana gana of Jainas 03, 204, 207, 209 Varanahasti, pr. D. . . . . . . 210 vachabhdmikas . Vararena, fom. 1. . . . . . . . . 390 . . Vachchbaliya kula of Jainas . . . 198, 202 Vardhamana-stri 36, 37 Vachha-Vatsa, pr. n. . Vardhamana Tirthakar : 199 205, 208, 209, 211 . Vaobbi (=Vatsl) mother. . . Varendri, country . . . . . . 348, 367 Varyatika tribe of Brahmans 214 . . . Vaddiga or Vandiga, a Yadava chief 118 Varnamana, k. of Magadha Vadhisiva, pr. n. . . . . 208 332 . . . . . . . varshdh, NO SOLI. 2, 263 Vadibhashana . . . 40 . Vadivahana, Vaai. and Vadi., t. 108, 110, 116, 368, 370, 391 Varuna, pr. . . . . 391 Vasave, nun . Vadnagara-Nagara . . . . . Vasithipata Apanda . . 88 vagaldkammatabhumi. . . 224 Vastasya family Vaghli inscriptions, oited . . . 221f, Vastrakula race . 438, 439 Vaghumata, geog. term . . . 101, 116, 375 Vasula, fom. 1. . 375, 381, 391 Tagvara, oo. . . . . 41 Vasumita, non Vahila, pr. n. . . . . . . 381 Vasushka, Maharaja=VAsndeva. 369 vaideha . . . . 129n. Vatagartika, vill. . . 176 Vaidyadeva, k. of Kamarupa . . . 348-360, 366-857 Vataga kahiniod ta . . . 224 >> inscription of . . . . 347f. Vataardja, Chabamans prince . 117, 119 Vaidyanatha, name of Siva . . 16 Varvi, pr, 2. . 161 Vairi, Vaires, or Verf sakhd of Jainas 203, 321 Varvulavedra, a group of three villages 216 Vairisimha, Gabila prince .. . . 9,16 Vayudati, fom. D. . . . . . 373, 380 > II., Paramara k. . 181 Vedanga. . . . . . . . . 341 Vaishnava names. . . * 95 vedadeyaka . . . . . . . 868 Vaidyas . , - 468 Vedikas . . . . . . 319 Vajanagari sakhd of Jainas 201 Vedisa, t. . 93, 98, 101, 102, 110, 116,369, 371, 378, Vajaraoadya, pr. n. . . 883, 386, 390, 898 Vajasaneya sakha . . Vejaja, vill. . . . . . 92, 98, 116, 385 >> Sarkita . 22 Veni, river . . . 299 Vajiguta, pr. n. . 370 Vera or Vaira sakha of the Jaipus . . '. 204 Vajini, nun . . 390 Verohakata, t. . . . . . . 116 Vajinika, pr. D. . . . 394 Vesala, vill. . . . . . . . 299 Vajradaman, a Kachobhapaghata prince , 234, 235 Vesamanadata, pr. n. . . Vajra-sdkha of Juidas . . . 38 Vidhipaksha gachchha . . . 39 Vajrasena, Jaina teacher . . 38 Vidyabdhi-suri. . . 39 Vajris, Vrijis, people . . . 471 Vid sadbara, Jaina teacher . . . 38 Vakalader . . . . . . 93, 94 | Vidyadharas, demi-gods . . . . 312, 321 Vakald, a queen . . . . . 370 Vidyadharadeva, Chandella k.. 234, 236 Vakhatoband, Nagarsbeth of Ahmadabad 36 Vidyad bari sakha of Jainas . . . . 198, 211 oakkulikshetra . . . . . . 224 Vidyananda-kari, Jaing' . . . . . 39 Vakiliya race . . . . . . . 92, 100 Vidya-suri . . . . . . . . 39 Vakpatirkja, Chahamana k. . . . 117 Vigrahepala, Plla k. . . . 348, 349, 365 Vikpati-Munja, Paramara k. of Malan Vigrabardjo, Chahamans k. 117, 119; his Harsha in. Vala, pr. n. . . . . soription edited . . . . . . 116t. Valabhi, city in Surashtra . . 222 Vijala, pr. n. . . . . . . , 409 Valabbi, 'lord of,' . 169, 173 Vijaya Anandasuri . . . . . . 79, 82 VAIAKA . . 29 vijayabharana, a biruda Vilaparaja, Maurya chief . . . . . 223 Vijayabharananatha, (a temple of 214 V&#vahana, pl. 1. . . . . . . . 378 | Vijayadana-suri . . . . . . 38 Valle temple . . . . . . . 439 Vijayadaya-sari . . . . . . . 38 SU2 208 299 96, 99 . 304 387 * 214

Page #591
516 INDEX. . 38 89 38 299n. 232 W 38 78 * . 213 PAGE PAGE Vijayadeva, Jaina pontiff . 25, 31 Voddiyavva, wife of the Yadava Vandiga (Vaddiga) 214 Vijayadeva-suri . . . . . 38 Vodva Stupa, Jaina . . . . . . 204, 321 Vijayaderendra-suri . . . . . 39 | Vsidhahasti, a preacher , 204, 321 Vijayadhanesvara-suri . Vriddha sakha of Osvals . 41 Vijayadhiraja=Vijayapaia the Kachchhapaghata Srimalis . prince . . . . 235 Vriddhisagara-suri . . . Vijayajinendra-suri . Vudina, fem. n. . . . . . 99 vijaya-kataka . . . . . Vugalaka, pr. n. . . . . . . 327 Vijayakirti, Jaina sage . 40, 236 Vsapura mandala. 181 , pr. n. . . . . vyutthanika . . . . . . 344 Vijayakshama-suri . . 38 Vijayapala for Ajarapala 275 Vijayapala, a Kachchhapaghata prince 234 Vijayapaladeva, Chandella k 235, 304 Vijayapaladeva, probably a k. of Kanauj. . . 235 Wali Muhammad . . . . . . . 476 Vijayaprabha suri . . .' . 38 Valtu Khan . . . . . . . 247 Vijayasena, Jaina pontiff . . . 25 Week days iu dates :, priest . . 4.82 Sunday . . . . . . . . . 9, 18 Vijayasena-suri Monday . . . . . 2, 118, 234, 299 Vijayasimha, Guhila prince of Mewad . . 9, 16, 304 Thursday . . . . . . . . 410 , Jaina pontiff. . . 25, 31 Saturday 229, 299 Vijayasimhadeva, Chedi k. . . . . 305 Western Chalukya Somesvara I, and Tailapa . . 304 Vijayasimha-suri . . . . 38, 39 Vijayasinya, Acharya . . . 211 Vijayasiri, fem. n. . . . 209 Vijha, monk . . 111 Vijita, pr. 1. . . . . 94, 97 y instead of j. . 298 Vijjahara-Parsvanatha . Yadava dynasty . Vikanera . . . . . 42, 84 Yadgar Taghai, Amir. 149 vikata . . . 126n. Yadugada gotra . 41 . Vikramaditya, name of the Chedi k. Gangeyadeva 2, 5, 304 Yakhadasi, nun . . 377 Vikramaditya I., Chalukya k.. Yakhadina, inonk . . 372 Vikramasimha, a Kachchhapaghata prince; his Dub Yakhi, nun. . . . 101, 378, 390 kund iuseription . . Yakhila, monk . . . . . . . . 109, 111 Vimalaharsha . . . . . . . 38, 86 Yakshas . . 318 Vimalasiva (R), an ascetic Yamadata, pr. n. 438 . . . . . . . . * 386 vinsopaka . . . . . . 130, 236 . Yamarakhita, pr. n. . . 95 . . . . Vinhuka, pr. n. . . 95 Yamuna, riv. . Vipula, monk, 401; Vipula, nun, . . 391 Yasahkarnadeva, Chedi k. 9, 15, 304; his Jabalpur Vira, monk, 378; Vira (?), nun,. . . 392 copper-plate inscription edited . . . . 1,8 Virabhadra, pr. n. . . . . . . . 118 Yasila, pr. n. . . . . . . . 100 Viradera, pr. n. . . . . . 161 . Yasogiri, monk . . . . . . . . 112 Virasena, pr. n. . . . . . . 392 Yasomati, pr. n. . 236 Virasimhadeva, a Kachchhap:ghata prince 234 Yasopala, pr. D. . . . 371 Virohakata, pl. n. . . . . 106, 392 Yavanas-Muhammadans Visa Osvals, V. Porvals . . . Yayya, pr. n. . . . 481 Visa, pr. n. . . . . . . 409 Years in dates :Visa tribe. . . . : 346, 391. 471 Chedi-samvat 20 . Visa-Srimala gotra. 793 . 299 Visakha, a monk 2, 327, 376, 401 872 . Visak barakhita, pr. n. . 392 874(?) Visala, pr. n. . . . . 409 907. . Visalanagara, t. in Gujarat , . . 42, 85 922 . Vishnu (?), pr. n. 928. 18 . . . Vishnubhadra, pr. 2. . . 160 Saka-samyat 213 922 . . Vishnubhava, pr. n. . 209 991. . 224 Vishnuvamsodblava : : 216 1059 . 331 Viaradera, pr. n. 95, 107 1334 (for 1336) Viavakarman, the architect of the gods 17 1452 . . . Visvamitra golra . . . . 348 1453 . Vi var upa, pr. n. . . . 1541 . . . . Vitaraga . . . . 1653, 1669. . Vitirinala (?), -hi, pl. n. . . . . . 391 1708, 1726, 1751. . , 78, 79 Vivekasagara-suri . . . . . . . 39 1754, 1755 . . . . 80 . 23 .. * 4:09 . 41 169 213 161 229 68 * 118, 299 ... 20

Page #592
INDEX. 517 . 82 85 118 930 182 937 944 960 293 142 * . 147 134 PAGE PAG. Years in dates-(continued) : Hijr dates: .891 . . . . 287 Saku- samvat 1758 . . . . 81, 82 892 426 1763 . . . . 896 . 433 1765, 1768, 1 904 137 1781, 1805 918 . (Gupta) samvat 158. 365 927, 931 Vikrama-samvat. 1013, 1027, 1030. 928 . 140 1145 . 234 . * 141 1161 . . 934 . 144 1162 . 359 936 . 148 1207. * 279, 422 . 149, 286 1217, 1282 . 28 939 . . 155 1273. * 439 942 . 150, 166 1293 ) . . 26 943 1299 . 438 1366 . 945 146, 425 1358 . . 947 . 4.29 1532 . 26, 27 949 . 160 1587 . . 951 . 157 1596 1470 (for 1471) 964 1485 . . 966 146 1620 . 969 . 143 1640 970 132, 286 1642 . . 973 . . 164 1650 975. 146, 157 1652 . . 976, 1002 . 133 1663, 1676 979 (P) . . 1674, 1678 989 . 133, 289, 434 1675 . . 60, 64, 67 1020, 1029, 1035 1682 1022, 1028 (R) 296 1684, 1686 1032 281 1685 . . . . . 31 1036, 1036 . 1889, 1696. . . . 32, 33 1039 136 1696, 1710 1042 . 290 1783, 1788, 1791, 1794. . 1044 1810, 1814, 1816, 1822, 1843 1860 1051 . 161 1860, 1861, 1867, 1875, 1885, 1057 . . . 435 * 1886 . . . . 1066. 143 . 1887-89 . 1071, 1073 . 438 1891-93 1078, 1090 . 162, 163 1893, 1897 82 1100, 1106 . 148, 158 1900 to 1943 83-86 1108, 1114 . . 153, 154 Hijrs dates : 1123, 1130, 1148 . 138, 281, 479 593 ... 1181 () . . . . 143 622 . . 431 Yoga Subba in date . . . . . 118 643 137 Yogadeva mantrin . . . . . .848, 355 670 139 Yona, pr. n. . . . . . . . 680, 688 * 158 Yona-Greek . . . 453, 463, 465, 463, 471 687 . 432 Yudhishthira-muni, image of . . . . 77 . . . 702 Yupas, sacrificial pillars . . . . . 313 708 436 YAsaf ibn Hasan Sar .. . . . . 160, 161 715 . 291 | Yusuf Shah, k. of Bengal . . . . . 284 724 4371 Yuvaraja, a Kachchhapagbata prince . . . 234 * 159 Yuvara jadeya I.-Keyaravarsha, Chedi k. ..174, 304 732, 753 292 * II., Chedi k. . . . 2, 5, 304 767. 169, 294 776 . 798 295 799 . 131 847 293 850 . . 280 Zafar Khan . . . . . 388 886 . . 384 Ziyasi-Mulk (European P) . . 282 . 37, 68 136 147 01.02 50. . * 430 * 396 * 433 725. 283

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518 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. Page 2, line 16, and page 7, line 16.-See page 298 | Page 162, 1. 13-read m . . note 7. ,, ,, I. 27-- , "fafeffor.. 7, 1. 31--for Tohwan read Tolman. ,, 175, 1. 29-- , eagro. 10, 1'3-read inscription. ,, ,, in note 7-read been . 15, in note 73,-road Sri. ,,, 176, 1. 32-read foy. , 17, 1. 25-for Tohwan read Tolman. ,, 180, 1. 28-- vashpambhahkana. 1. 35-read Vrahmadi.. ,,, 185, 1. 23-- ,,:. 19, 1. 5 fr. bot. for Aditya read Aditya. >> >> 1. 25-- ,, faratto. 25, 11. 1, 2-for Harada-ajt read Haradasa-ji. ,, 192, note7 add :-As pointed out to me by Prof. 13, 1. 2-from bottom, for Dev 4-karan a read Buhler, this verse evidently contains a reDevakarapa. ference to the towns of Kalyana, Athavalli 35, foot-note, prefix . and Ayodhya; but I cannot give yet an , 81, 1. 27-for n ayar a read nagara. entirely satisfactory translation. , 87, 1. 6--for twenty, read nearly seventy (68). ,,212, last foot note,-prefix !, and add :-Dr. Fleet >> 1.9--for hundred read hundred. informs me, that these copper-plates now ,, ,, 2nd foot-note, prefix 3. belong to Ganpatsingh bin Narayansingh , 94, 1.5--for Dham &- read Dhamasiva. Pattewala, of Samgamner. He also informs >> 126, 1. 7, and p. 127, 1. 1.-As suggested by me that the Garada of the seal is repreProf. Aufrecht in his Catal. Catalogorum, sented as a man, squatting, with his hands the word Sura of the original should be joined palm to palm, and with a high tiara taken to be a proper name, and the two on his head ; and that his wings are depictpassages should therefore be translted : ed in much the same way as on the Paithan * The following is a verse of Sura's,' and and other Rashtrakuta seals. "This is (a verse of) Sura's.' ,, 217, note 18 add :-Dr. Floet, after cleaning the , 128, 1. 41-before which add of. original plates, has kindly furnished the >> 131, 1. 18--for the pardoned deceased son of following notes on the printed text :-In read son of the deceased pardoned. line 16 the inserted letters (compare note 29) >> 133, foot-note, prefix 5. are syakhya; the anusvara is omitted.-In ,, 134, 1. 1-for read and I. 8, read line 29 the reading is madana-madyanIsm'ail, son of Raib. manini".-In line 30 read iha hi narendro., 134, 11. 24 and 28, delete" and." In line 31 for [nanu] read atha.--In line 31 for (tale] read bhtito.-In line 38 the Durgah Mall. bracketed aksharas ra and vra are quite 136, 1. 11--from bottom, dele of before the clear. - In line 40 read yen=ao. renowned. ,, 219, 1. 51-read facao. 148, 1. 13, from bottom-read newyd patio wif Lel ,, 223, 1. 6-, deg949. ,, ,, 1. 42-- ,, anvitah. siwili huo naill i.e. (1. 6, from bottom) ,, 226, 1. 3-- ,, ofera: "The poor, wretched Khan Yusuf Agha, son of Shaikh Yusuf. ,, ,, 1. 24 , fiato. ,, 229, 1. 41- , Surya-siddhanta. ,, 150, 1. 20--for Wiad w realueissa sisi.e., ,, 230, 1. 30- , degC5deg. (1. 29) his Solomon-like majesty. , 238, 1. 32-- , aracao. , 154, lines 25, 26, 27, for Buhm read Bohar. ,,, 240, note --for Laskshmana read Lakshmana ,, 255, I. 31-forf read (f). , 160, 1. 12, dele the sign of punctuation after ,,, 265, 1. 10-- >> Posaha read Posatha. Asiatic. ,,, 287, 1. 21--for Path read Fath. |--prefix ? to the first noto. 297, in note 3-read Lanman. .. درکه مل we may read درگهل for-18 .1 ,135 و for-6 .1 ,157 غازي read غاضي

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ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 519 Page 307, 1. 2+ read ote'. Page 411, 1. 7--read Arteco. , 334, 1, 15-add the sign of visarga opposite ,, ,, note 14 - , ortaq. the figure 8. >> 412, 1. 10-- ,, 07. ,, 335, 1. ferenido a. >> >> 1. 19- ,, analo. ,, l. 11- ,, fago. ,, 413, 1. 17 - ,, fafuere. 338, 1. 31-put a comma after was. ,,1. 32- ,, ETER. 339, 1. 13-put a comma at the end of the line. ,, 415, 1. 34-- , tuote. 343, 1, 9-for whch read which, ,, 416, 1. 16- , 09757deg. 345, l. 6-read 011o. >> 420, 1. 23-- , azer. ,, ,, 1. 21-- , TA. 1, 1, 23-add a comma at the end of the line. 361, note 36-for Kielhern read Kielhorn. 422, 1. 24-read Ramakirti and Jayakirti. ,, 366, note ?, last line-for See place reud See plate. , l. 25 for a read any, , 367, l. 16 (2nd col.)--for odata- gead odata-[4.] |

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