Epigraphia Indica Vol 32

Author(s): D C Sircar, B Ch Chhabra,
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032586/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXXII (1957-58)
अन्नकीर्तिमपावृश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXXII
मनकामना
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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Reprinted 1987
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : 140.00
Printed at S. Narayan & Sons, 7117/18. Pahari Dhiraj,
Delhi-110 006

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ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME XXXII
1957-1958
EDITED BY
Dr. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph. D., F. A.S., F. R. A. S., F. R.N. S.,
Government Epigraphist for India (Parts I-III, VIII, and Articles 39-42 of Part VII)
Dr. B. CH. CHHABRA, M. A., M. O. L., Ph. D. (Lugd.), F. A.S.,
Government Epigraphist for India (Parts IV-VI and Articles 34-38 of Part VII)
Ooo
अन्नवासिमपावश
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Prens, Calcutta, India
1962

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CONTENTS
A. Articles
No. 1. Erragudi Edicts of Asoka. By D. C. Siroar, Ootacamund . . . . » 2. Sopara o'ragment of Rock Edict IX of Asoka. By D. C. Sircar. Ootaca mund „ 3. Kalegaon Plates of Yadava Mahadeva. By D. G. Koparkar, Ahmednagar. „ 4. Rashtrakuta Charters from Chinchani. By D. C. Siroar, Ootacamud . .
1. Grant of the time of Indra III, Saka 848 . . . .
2. Grant of the time of Kţishņa III . . . . . „ 5. T).ree Grants from Chinchani. By D. C. Siroar, Ootacamund . . .
1. Grant of Chāmundarāja, Subordinate of Silāhāra Chhinturāja, Saka 956. 2. Grant of Vijjala, Saka 969 . . . . . . . .
3. Grant of Vijala (Vija, Vija or Vijja), Saka 976 . . . . . „ 6. Gold Coins of Dandinagova. By P. B. Desai, Dharwar . . » 7. Sacrificial Inscription from Sonda. By P. B. Desai, Dharwar . . . » 8. Two Inscriptions from Guntur District. By D. C. Siroar, Ootacamuuà .
1. Velpūru Inscription of Aira Mā[na]sada . . . . . .
2. Mañchikallu Inscription of Pallava Simhavarman . . . . . » 9. Vunna Guravayapalem Plates of Paramesvaravarman I, Year 19. By D. C.
Siroar, Ootacamund, and P. Seshadri Sastri, Guntur . . . . „ 10. Kilur Inscription of Nandivarman, Year 19. By K. G. Krishnan, Ootacamund ;, 11. Inscriptions of Chandras of Arakan. By D. C. Sircar, Ootaoamund .
1. Inscription of the time of Nitichandra . . . . . .
2. Inscription of Virachandra . . . . . . . . . ., 12. Velur Inscription of Vijaya-Narasimhavarman. By K. D. Swaminathan,
Madras . . . . . . . . . . . . , 13. Indragadh Inscription of Nannappa, V. 8. 767. By Krishna Deva, Bhopal
112

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
PAGE
No. 14. Three Chandella Chartötte. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund.
1. Plates of Madanavarman, V. 8. 1192 . . . 2. Plate of Paramardin, V. 8. 1239 . . . . .
. . .
. . .
. .
119
3. Plate of Paramardin, V. S. 1247
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
10
„ 15. Javakheda Plates of Amoghavarsha I, Saka 742. By D. R. Bhat, Dhulia . . 16. Fragmentary Grant of Paramaras of Abu. By Sadhu Ram, Delhi . . , 17. Mandhata Plates of Paramara Jayasimha-Jayavarman, V. 8. 1331. By D. C.
Siroar, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . . 18. Jharika Grant of Rashtrakuta Govinda III, Saka 725. By V. B. Kolte, Nagpur .
. . .
.
. . 19. Kalyana Inscription of Sultan Muhammad, Saka 1248. By P. B. Desai,
Dharwar , „20. Hosur Inscription of Vira-Ballala, Saka 1129. By B. R. Gopal and Shrinivas
Ritti, Ootacamund. . . . . . . . . . . ,, 21. Amudalapadu Plates of Vikramaditya I, Year 5. By D. C. Siroar, Ootacamund 22. Two Inscriptions of Parantaka, Year 9. By K. A. Nilakanta Sastri and
T. N. Subramaniam, Madras . . . . . . . . . , 23. Sirrambakkam Inscription of Paramesvaravarman, Year 1. By P. B. Desai,
Dharwar . . . . . . . . . . .
„24. Pattali Grant of Yuvaraja Rajendravarman, Ganga Year 313. By D. C.
Sircar, Ootacamund .
, 25. Fragmentary Maurya Insoription from Mathura. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
„, 26. Nelkunda Grant of Chalukya Abhinavaditya. By P. B. Desai, Dharwar. 27. Knntagani Plates of Kadamba Ravivarman, Year 12. By G. 8. Gai, Oota
camund . . . . . . . . . . . . ,, 28. Grant of Maharajakula Jaitrasiinhadeva, V. S. 1347. By Sadhu Ram, Now
Delhi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... 29. Bhubaneswar Insoription of Ganga Narasimha. By D. C. Siroar and K. G.
Krishnan, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . , 30. Vilasa Grant of Prolaya Nayaka. By N. Venkataramanayya and M. Sama
sokhara Sarma, Medras . . . . . . . .
239

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CONTENTS
PAGE
268
274 275 277
283
293
299
No. 31. Two Pandya Inscriptions from Dindigul. By H. K. Narasimhaswami and
K. G. Krishnun, Ootacamund . . . . . . .. . 1. Ramanathapuram Inscription . . . . . . . .
2. Perumbulli Inscription . . . . . . . . . 32. Rajghat Inscription of Bhimadova. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . 33. Howraghat Plates of Balavarman III of Kamarupa, Year 5. By D. C. Sircar,
Ootocamund . . . . . . . . . . . 34. Mudhol Plates of Pugavarman. By P. B. Desai, Dharwar . . . . „ 35. Barla Inscription of the time of Prithviraja III, V. S. 1234. By D. C. Sircar,
Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . . 36. Labadapura Inscription of the time of Jayachchandra, V. S. 1230. By D. C.
Sircar, Ootacamund. . . . . . . . . . 37. Arasavalli Plates of Vajrahasta (VII), Saka 982. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund 38. Shiggaon Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Saka 630. By G. 8. Gai, Ootaca
mund . . . . . . . . . . . . 39. Sonopur Inscription of Bhanudeva. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . .
40. Silver Coin of Bhairavasimha. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . .. 41. Aivarmalai Inscription of Varaguna II, Saka 792. By S. Sankaranarayanan,
Ootucamund . , 42. Two Inscriptions of the time of Ganapati. By D.C Sircar, Ootacamund
1. Surwāvā Inscription of V. S. 1350 . . . . . . . 2. Narwar Inscription of V. B. 1355 . . . . . . .
305
310
317
326
329
337 339
339
343

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B. Authors
(THE NAMES OF THE CONTRIBUTORS ARE ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY.)
Page
129
.
79
..
165
...
.
. .
317
D. R. BHAT, Dhulia
No. 16. Javakhoda Plates of Amoghavarsha I, Saka 742 . . . . P. B. DESAI, M.A., Dharwar
No. 6. Gold Coins of Dandinagova . . . . . . . No. 7. Sacrificial Inscription from Sonda. . No. 19. Kalyana Inscription of Sultan Muhammad, Saka 1248 . No. 23. Sirrambakkam Inscription of Paramesvaravarman, Year 1 No. 26. Nelkunda Grant of Chalukya Abhinavaditya. . .
No. 34. Mudhol Plates of Pugavarman . . . . . . KRISTINA DEVA, M.A., Bhopal
No. 13. Indragadh Inscription of Nannappa, V. 8. 767 G. 8. GAI. B.A.,Ph. D., Ootacamund--
No. 27. Kuntagani Plates of Kadamba Ravivarman, Yoar 12 . No. 37. Arasa valli Plates of Vajrabasta (III), Saka 982
No. 38. Shiggaon Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Saka 630 BR. GOPAL, M.A., and SHRINIVAS RITTI, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 20. Hosur Inscription of Vira-Ballala, Saka 1129 . . V. B. KOLTE, M.A., Ph.D., Nagpur
No. 18. Jharika Grant of Rashtrakuta Govinda III, Saka 725 . . . D. G. KOPARKAR, M.A., Ph.D., Ahmednagar
No. 3. Kalegaon Plates of Yadava Mahadeva . . . . . . K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 10. Kilur Inscription of Nandivarman, Year 16 . . . No. 29. See under D. C. Sirtar and K. G. Krishnan, Ootacamund
No. 31. See under H. K. Narasimhaswami and K. G. Krishnan, Ootacamund H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, B.Sc., and R. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 31. Two Pandya Tnaoriptions from Dindigul . . . . . K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, M.A., and T. N. SUBRAMANTAM, Madras No. 22. Two Ineoriptions of Parantaka, Year 9 . . . . . .
(vii)
.
.
.
.
.
.
209
.
186

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vüi
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII
Page
186
387
SADHU RAM, M.A., New Delhi
No. 16. Fragmentary Grant of Paramaras of Abu . . . . . .
No. 28. Grant of Maharajakula Jaitrasimhadeva, V. S. 1347 . . . . S. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 41. Aivarmalai Inscription of Varaguna II, Saka 972 . . . . . P. SESHADRI SASTRI, Guntur
No. 9. See under D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund, and P. Seshadri Sastri, Guntur M. SOMASEKHARA SARMA, Madrás
No. 30. See under N. Venkataramanayya and M. Somasekhara Sarma, Madras D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., Ootacamund
No. 1. Erragudi Edicts of Asoka . . . . . . . . No. 2. Sopara Fragment of Rook Edict IX of Asoka . . . . . . No. 4. Rashtrakuta Charters from Chinchani . . No. 5. Three Grants from Chinchani . . . . . . . No. 8. Two Inscriptions from Guntur District No. 11. Inscriptions of Chandras of Arakan .. . . .. . .. No. 14. Three Chandella Charters . . . No. 17. Mandhata Plates of Paramara Jayasimha-Jayavarman, V. 8. 1931 . . No. 21. Amudalapadu Plates of Vikramaditya 1, Year 5 . . . . . No. 24. Pattali Grant of Yuvaraja Rajendravarman, Ganga Year 313 No. 25. Fragmentary Maurya Inscription from Mathura . . . No. 32. Rajghat Inscription of Bhimadeva . . . . . . No. 33. Howraghat Plates of Balavarman III of Kamarupa, Year 5 . . . No. 35. Barla Inscription of the time of Prithviraja III, V. S. 1234 . No. 36. Lahadapura Inscription of the time of Jayachchandra, V. S. 1230 . No. 39. Sonepur Inscription of Bhanudeva . . . . . . . No. 40. Silver Coin of Bhairavasimha . . . . . . . .
No. 42. Two Inscriptions of the time of Ganapati . D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S. and K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A.,
OotacamundNo. 29. Bhubaneswar Inscription of Ganga Narasimha . . . . . D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., Ootacamund, and
P. SESHADRI SASTRI, Guntur-- No. 9. Vunna Guravayapalem Plates of Paramesvaravarman 1, Year 19 . . K. D. SWAMINATHAN, M.A., Madras
No. 12. Velur Inscription of Vijaya-Narasimhavarman N. VENKATARAMANAYYA, M.A., Ph.D., and M. SOMASEKHARA SARMA Madras
No. 30, Vilasa Grant of Prolaya-nayaka . . . . . . . .
201
299

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C. Plates
No. 1. Erragu... Ediots of Asoka-Plate I .
.
between pages
6 and 7
10 and 11
-Plate II -Plato III .
: .
.
16 and 17
-- Plate IV.
.
22 and 23
- Piate v .
.
.:
26 and 27
6. Sopara Fragment of Rock Ediot IX of Asoka
.
.
to face paye
7. Kalegaon Plates of Yadava Mahadeva, Saka
- Plate I. . .
1182
.
between pages
38 and 39
-Plate II.
.
.
42 and 43
9. Rashtrakuta Charters from Chinchani -- Plate I .
52 and 53
10.
-Plate II
de 58
. .
. .
to face page between page
11. Three Grants from Chinchani— Plate I
.
66 and 67
- Plate II
70 and 71
- Plate III
74 and 75
→ to face page
14. Gold Coins of Dandinagova
.
.
.
.
..
77
15. Sacrificial Inscription from Sonda
.
16. Two Inscriptions from Guntur District
between pages
86 and 87
, 17. Vanna Guravayapalem Plates of ParameAvaravarman I, Year 19. . . . .
. . . .
: .
96 and 97

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
No. 18. Inscriptions of Chandras of Arakan.
between pages
108 and 109
A. No. 1.-Inscription of the time of Nitichandra
No. 2.-Inscription of Virachandra
B. Fragmentary Inscription from Arakan
» 19. Velu Inscription of Vijaya-Narasimhavarman .
.
to face page
111
116
» 20. Indragadh Inscription of Nannappa, V. S. 767 21. Three Chandella Charters -- Plate I .
-Plate II .
belweer
,
.
.
126 and 127
23.
Javakheda Plates of Amoghavarsha I, Saka 742 -Plate 1 . . . . . . . .
.
130 and 131
-- Plate II
132 and 133
--Plate III
to face page
134
,, 26. Fragmentary Grant of Paramaras of Abu
137
,, 27. Mandhata Plates of Paramara
Jayavarman, V. S. 1331-Plate II
Jayasimha.
. .
.
.
between pages
148 and 149
—Plate II
.
.:
:.
150 and 151
-Plate III
.
.
.
."
164 and 155
-Plate IV
.
.
.
:
to face page
Jharika Grant of Rashtrakuta Govinda III, Saka 725 -Plate . . . . . . .
between pages
160 and 161
-Plate II.
»
162 and 163
33. Kalyana Insoription of Sultan Muhammad, Saka 1248.
to face page
168
. 84. Amudalapadu Plates of Vikramaditya I, Year 5
:
betrocen pages
182 and 183
.. 36. Two Inscriptions of Parantaka, Year 9
196 and 197

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LIST OF PLATES
to face page
200
No. 36. Sirrambakkam Inscription of Paramesvaravarman,
Year 1 . . . . . . . . , 37. Pattali Grant of Yuvaraja Rajendravarman, Ganga Year 313 . . . . .
. . Fragmentary Maurya Inscription : . : . „ 39. Nelkunda Grant of Chalukya Abhinavaditya . .
Kuntagani Plates of Kadamba Ravivarman, Year
12 . . . . . . . . . . 41. Grant of Maharajakula Jaitrasimhadeva, V. S. 1347 -Plate I . . . . . . . .
-Plate II
between pages
to face between pages
204 and 206
211
216 and 217
218 and 219
>
222 and 223
to face page
225
234
43. Bhubaneswar.Inscription of Ganga Narasimha . .. »
Vilasa Grant of Prolaya-nayaka . : . between pages 45. Two Pandya Inscriptions from Dindigul, Plate I . to face page
--Plate II . between pages 47. Rajghat Inscription of Bhimadeva . . . to face page 48. Howraghat Plates of Balavarman III of Kamarupa,
Year - Plate I . . . . . . between pages
260
are 269 274 and 275
281
288 and 289
- Plato 1
290 and 291
.., 60. Mudhol Plates of Pugavarman .
.
.
.
.
to face page
297
303
... 61. Barla Inscription of the time of Prithviraja III, V. S.
1234 . . . . . . . . . 52. Lahadapura Inscription of the time of Jayachchandra,
V. S. 1230. 53. Arasavalli Plates of Vajrahasta (III), Saka 982-Plate I
-Plate II
309
between pages
312 and 313 314 and 315
55. Shiggaon Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Saka 630 -Plate I
--Plate II
320 and 321
324
to face page

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
028
336
No. 57. Sonepur Inscription of Bhanudeva . . . . to face page „ 58. Silver Coin of Bhairavasimha . . . . .
59. Aivarmalai Inscription of Varaguna II, Saka 792 ,, 60. Two Inscriptions of the time of Ganapati - Plato I .
- Plate II.
338
342
346

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
VOLUME XXXI
Page 55, foot-note, 3.-Read 1953-54 for 1954-55 , 55, foot-note, 4.-Road 424-25 for 224-25 „ 230, line 23.--Add note : The year 108 when the Kailvan inscription was engraved undoubtedly
relates to a date long before the rise of the Imperial Guptas and the foundation of the Gupta era in 319 A. D. This fact shows that the theories assigning the beginning of the Kanishka era to 248 A.D. and later are improbable and that it should better be ascribed to the second half of the first century A.D. and not to the second century. That the Kanishka era is identical with the Saka era of 78 A. D. is further indicated by the following evidence. The Chorasmian archives from Toprakkala in Central Asia contain documents dated in the years 207 and 231 of some era. Archaeological data suggest that the local palace and the archives were abandoned at the end of the third century and the beginning of the fourth. The capital of Chorasmia was transferred from Toprakkala to the city of Kyat on the Amu Darys during the reign of the Chorasmian king Afrig who came to power in 306 A.D. according to Biruni. Thus the era used in the documents started in the last quarter of the first century A.D. This must be the same as the Saka era of 78 A. D. and the years in the said documents referred to dates between 286 and 309 A. D. The use of the Saka era in Central Asia can only be satisfactorily explained if it is identified with the Kanishka ora. See Modern Review, December 1959, p. 452.
VOLUME XXXII
N. B.-We have ignored a large number of misprints in which the umlaut sign has been printed
for the macron. Page 2, line 11.- Read Brāhmi for Brāhmi
8, lino 12.- Read (XVI) for (XVII) „ text line 21.- Read (XVI) for (XVII)
9, line 22.-Read Rāshtrika for Răshtrika
11, line 23.--Read Opiya[sā] for opiya[aa] » 15, line 36.-Rond Dharma for Dharms
22, line 6.-Read maste] „ „ line 7.-- Read (yansa]kio ,, 25, foot-noto 6.—Read bhumika

Page #17

xiv.
Page 29, line 27.-Read boulders for slabs
line 29.-Read Deva- for Devä
30, foot-note 1, line 4.-Read in line 26
31, line 6. Read to know
,, 32, note 1, line 1.-Read chandra for candra
foot-note 2, line 2.-Read °räs-te for räs-te
وو
33
27
31
31
"3
39
37
33
33
33
31
39
13
33
33
""
39
33
95
35
33
33
33, line 4.-Read Kakatiya for Kakatiya
line 9.-Read kaumudi for kaumuḍī
foot-note 3, line 2.-Read Singhana for Singhala foot-note 6.-Read Jñanakosa for Jñunuka
33
دو
46, line 30.-Read 814-78 for 814-80
48, lines 14 ff.-Add note-The word hañjamana occurs in Kannada inscriptions in the sense of the five artisan classes'. (cf. SII, Vol. IX, Part ii, No. 459) Cf. Tamil añjuvanam in T. N. Subramaniam's SITI, Glossary. For Fleet's views on the subject, see above, Vol. XII, pp. 258-59.'
52, text line 22. Read tari-dvayēna
53, text line 41.-Read danach for danach=
,, 54, text line 60.-Read samva(samva) for samva(samva)
55, line 8 from bottom.-Read 814-78 for 814-80
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
34 line 13.-Read mrite for myite
37, text line. Read mürvim yath-ai
38, text line 15.-Read at the end nya for nya
foot-note 2.-Read 2 Read for Read
39, foot-note 1, line 2.-Read Hammira for Hammin
40, text line 47.-Read sthiti for sthipi
text line 55.-Read uddhuta for uddhata
foot-note 4, line 5.-Read king's for kings
41, foot-note 3, line 5.--Read to krishta for to krista
43, text line 110.-Read at the beginning: for 1
33
33
[VOL. XXXII
56, foot-note 2.-Read p. 383 for p. 283
58. foot-note 1. Read Purana for Purana
63, line 4.-Read weak for week

Page #18

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 63 last line.—Read born for horn „ 65, last line.--Read mathikā for mathika
69, line 23.--Read Kautuka for Kutuka » , text line 6.-Read yu(yau)varājya for yuvarājya ,, 70, foot-note 3.-Read Vasishtha for Vasistha
75, text line 20.-Read=dhavalita for dhavaliža » 76, text line 38.- Read ēva for eva , 79, line 18.-Read pratipālisi for pratipāļisi , ,, foot-note 3.- Read note 3 for note 2 , 80, foot-note 1, line 4.-Read note 3 for note 2 , 81, line 2.- Read Text- for Textil „ „text line 3.-Read Sthiravārada’llü for Sthiravārada'llü
foot-note 3.-Read 1932-33 for 1232-33
, 82, foot-note 1.--Read 1944-45 for 1944-55 , 83, line 6.-Read Palnad for Paland „ 87, line 31.-Read line 4 for line 5 ,, 88, line 17 and 25.- Read propitiatory for propiciatory
,, line 19.-Read Jivao for Jivao 89, line 7.-- Read Dharaạikõta for Dharaņikota 91, last line.-Read Tarun- for Tarnn92, lines 6 and 8.--Read Kūram for Kurram 93, lines 2 and 7.-Read Kīram for Kurram
94, foot-note 1.--Read Sātavāhanas for Sātavahanas , 95, line 12.--Read Brāhmanēbhyah for Brühmanēbhyah » „ foot-note 1.-Read have for veha , 97, text-line 10.-Read [Mu] for (Mul] „, 101, foot-notes 8 and 9.-Read 8 for 9 and vice versa. ,, 102, text line 11.-Readridu. for=idu,, 104, foot-note 8, line 6.-Read rock for roke ., 111, line 6.--Read Alappirandān for Alappirandan

Page #19

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
Page 111, line 24.-Road Papaiyamaliyar for Paraiyamaliyar
» line 28.- Read Mēl-Vēļūr for Mēl-vēļūr „, 117, foot-note 1.-Read-abhimukhah...dattah for -ābhimukhah...dattah „, 120, line 27.-Read Olhaņa for Uhēņa , , line 40.—Read Davēha for Davēha ,, 123, text line 41.- Read Västavya for Väratvya » , text line 42.-Read Olhano for Chēņo , 130, foot-note 3.-Read merely for Merely. „ 132, text line 28.-Read bhrukufi for bhrikuti ,, 133, text line 49.- Read -paramëśvara for para-mësvara „ 135, foot-note 1.—Read does for dose , , test line 51.—Read (kān) for (nakān) „, 137, text line 3.- Read bhüpālah for bhapälah » , text line 12.-Read rano(nő) for rane ,, 139, line 26.- Read considerable for consisderable ,, 141, line 10.--Read Tēņi for Tēni „, 147, foot-note 2, line 13.-- Read book. for book » , » line 17.-Read conquerors for conquerorrs , 151, foot-note 5.-Read patta for patta „ 153, text line 100.-Read padam- for padom=
154, text line 105.-Read Osarmmanah for "farmmanah
, text line 107.-Read - Pārāsary- for Pārāsary156, text line 145.-Read harēta for hareta 160, line 4.-Read he figures for the figures
161, text line 5.-Read -āhavē for -ahavē „, 163, text line 48.-Read tata for fata
i foot-note 6.-Read Ed. for ED. ,,164, text line 73.-Read mah-aksha for ma-aksha ,, 165, foot-note 2, line 2.-Road Vijñānēsvara for Vijkande vara ,, 167, foot-note 4.- Read Vol. III for Vol. II.

Page #20

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Ivü
Page 171, line 10.-Read Yēļu-nūrvvara for Yolunürv-vara
», 172, foot-note 5.- Read Nala for Nala ., 176, line 8.-Read Polikēsivallabha for Polikäkivallabha
„ 180, foot-note 8, line 1.- Read Sākta for Sākta ,, 182, line 14.- Read Vamgūravāời for Vanguravādi » » foot-note 3.-Read tanayah for anayab „ 183, foot-note 4.—Read doaya for draya „, 188, line 22.-- Read 1079-80 A.D. for 1078-79 A.D. „, 193, line 17.-Read Ādaturai for Adutturai , , line 7 from bottom.- Read Bellary for same », 194, line 2.-Read Guntur for same „ 195, line 26.-- Read Krishna for Guntur ,, 196, text line 4.-Read Judan for Sudan ., 137, line 4 from bottom.-Read -effu)mil for ffu md) , 198, foot-note 3.-Read letter for letters
199, foot-note 3.-Read meaning for meanin „, 200, page number:– Read 200 for 290 „ line 15.-Read Tirukiculukkunram for Tirukkalikungam
foot-note 4.--Read Alavāyil for Alavail ,201 line 35.- Read bhattārikā for bhattārikā
202, foot-note 6.-Read 4. R. Ep. for R. Ep. „, 205, text line 25.-- Read -eriksha° for vriksha ,, 216, text line 22.-Read -[pau]rnnamão for (pau) rnama ,, 917, line 33,- Read caused for casued ,, '919, text line 8.-Read =ānaya(ya) for zānaya(yāl) ,, 920, line 17.-Read records the grant for records of the grant ,, 228, foot-note 1.-Read Brāhmaṇas for Brāhmaanas „, 231, line 41.- Read Chaitra for Chatira „, 234, foot-note 25.- Read clearer for cleare , 237, text line 22.- Read āga(gai)yit for -aga(garlige

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Iviii
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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Page 237, foot-note 6.-Read revised ed. for reviseded.
,, 243, line 31.--Read Malik for Nalik , 244, foot-note 1.- Read taken for took ,, 245, lines 24-25.-- Read Mussalmans for Eussalmans . .. foot-note 4.-Read Goiachalamo- for Golachaları
253, line 19.-Read - vähini- for -vähini255, line 14.—Read āgamas foz āgames ,, line 15. --Read scholiasts for scholarists to line 21.-Read subsequent to for subsequently to
line 30.-Read Tilinga- for Tilingaline 34.--Read Kona-răshtra or for Kõna-rashtra of
line 36.- Read Namdampūndi for Namdampūmdi , line 38.- Read Krishņā for Krishņā , 256, line 6.-Read Warangal for Warangai 257, head line. ---Read Vilasa Grant for A Grant
269, lines 28 and 29.-Read - Nakkan for -Nakkan „ 271, column 3, item 4.-Insert a comma after Simhalaraja
288, line 7.-Read Kāmarüpa for Kamarupa „ 294, line 8 from bottom.-Read family for famiy „, 296, fooi-note 4.—Read Appendix B for Appendix A
» foot-note 5.-Read - Bhatjārikāyāḥ for Bhaffärikayah , 301, line 2.-Add note: The reading of the name read Sadhadovu may also be Sahadova. in 303, text line 1.-Read janma for jannma . , text line 3.-Read Prithvībhate for Prithvibhate , , foot-note 2.-Read Expressed for Expressed „ 311; line 7.—Insert full-stop after Monday , line 27.-Add note: The reading of the name read as Apitana may also be Ayitama. , 312; line 11.-Add note: The reading of the namo read as Apitama-nājaka may also be
Ayitama-näyaka. 313, text line 25.-Road-vim satin for vimatinn

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 316, text line 70.-Read chaturttha for-cha turttha
318, last line.---Read shrouded for shrounded 319, line 26.-Read - pralhä(hlā)dana for pralhadana 320, line 11.-Read-bund for - bound „ line 11.--Rec + Chăņdāla for chandāla „ text line 4.-Add kshana after-ekshana321 – Add foot-note numbers 1 and 2 326, line 2.- Read are for is
„ line 22.-Read -vījae- for -vijač , 329, foot-note 1.-Read Darbhanga for Dardhanga , . page number -- Read 333 for 33
330, line 21.--Read 1108 for 1119
331, line 7.-Read bright for dark „ 334, line 29.-- Read their for his 335, line 15.- Read Brāhmana dynasty of Champaran for Karnāta dynasty of Simraon
(Samara-grāma) , 337, line 2.- Read Palni for Paluni .. , line 8.-Read Mārasjadaiyan for Mārañjadaiyan , , foot-note 5.-Read Mārafijadaiyan for Mūrafijadaryan Plate facing p. 338.-Real 792 for 972

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Page #24

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXXII
1957-1958
No. 1-ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA
(5 Plates)
D. C. STRCAR, OOTACAMUND The village of Erragudi lies approximately at 77° 39' E. and 15° 12' N. in the Pattikonda Taluk of the Kurnool District of the Andhra State, near the southern border of the District. It is about eight miles to the north-west of Gooty, headquarters of the Taluk of that name in the Anantapur District of the same State, on the Gooty-Pattikonda road. Gooty is a station on the MadrasRaichur line of the Southern Railway. The name of the village is often written in English as Yerragudi in accordance with a peculiarity of regional pronunciation. The inscriptions of Asoka! are incised on six large boulders in a range of low hills stretching towards the west from the neighbourhood of the village. The hill containing the boulders is locally known as Yenakonda (i.e. 'elephant hillock') or Nallayenakonda (.e. "black elephant hillock'). It is difficult to determine whether this name was due to the existence of the figure of an elephant in the vicinity of the inscriptions as in the case of the Rock Edicts of Aboka on the hills at Dhauli, Girnär and Kälsi. No representation of an elephant could be traced on the hill near Erragudi.
About the end of the year 1928, A. Ghose of Calcutta, an officer of the Geological Survey of India, discovered the inscriptions on the rocks near Erragudi while prospecting for precious minerals in the Kurnool District. He recognised the letters Devānam.... Piyarkasi in one of the inscriptions and realised that they belong to the great Maurya emperor Asoka (circa 272-232 B.C.), whose records of the same kind are known from various places. In January 1929, Ghose communicated full information regarding the whereabouts of the inscriptions to H. Hargreaves, then officiating Director-General of Archaeology in India. A photograph of one of the inscribed rocks received from Ghose was supplied to D. R. Sahni, then Deputy Director-General of Archaeology for Explorations, who was deputed to examine and copy the inscriptions and submit a report on them to the Director-General. Sahni accompanied by H. Sastri, then Government Epigraphist for India, visited Erragudi in the second week of February and examined and copied all the inscriptions on the rocks excepting Rock Edicts VI and XII which were traced and copied in the following August by S. V. Viswanatha, then Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, attached to the Madras Circle. The discovery was announced by the Director-General of Archaeology in the newspapers in a communiqué dated the 11th February 1929.
Sahni and Sastri prepared transcripts of the edicts from the rocks and it was proposed that Sastri would edit the records in the Epigraphia Indica. Sastri's article on the subject, however, was not complete before his retirement from the post of Government Epigraphist for India in December 1933. Sabni then wanted to edit the records ; but he passed away without finishing the work. N. P. Chakravarti, who succeeded Sastri as Government Epigraphist for India, then under
1 Macron over e and has not been used in the article.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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took the responsibility of editing the inscriptions. Chakravarti also visited Erragudi and prepared fresh transcripts of the ediots from the original rocks. But he was transferred from the Epigraphic Branch in May 1940 before the completion of his article on the records. About this time, B. M. Barua of the University of Calcutta appears to have received from Chakravarti & set of impressions of the Erragudi inscriptions and possibly also his tentative transcripts of the edicts. Barua's translation of the records appeared in his Inscriptions of Asoka, Part II, which was published by the University of Calcutta in 1943. But he could not publish Part I of the said work (pp. 1-178), in which he had incorporated the text of the Etragudi version of Asoka's odiots, as Chakravarti himself was inclined to publish them. After his retirement from the Department of Archaeology a few years ago, Chakravarti found time to complete his articles on the Hatun rock inscription of Patoladeval and the Brāhmi inscriptions from Bandhogarh and was going to take up the Erragudi inscriptions for study. In the meantime, in the first half of 1956, I was advised by the Director-General of Archaeology in India to arrange for the publication of all the unpublished inscriptions of Asoka as early as possible. Consequently I began to write on the Rājula-Mandagiri and Gujarrā inscriptions myself and was pressing Chakravarti for his article on the Erragudi inscriptions. I received from Chakravarti for, scrutiny a copy of his transcripts of the records, which he had prepared long ago. Unfortunately, before the completion of the article, the cruel hand of death snatched him away from us in October 1956. I then tried to secure from Chakravarti's table whatever notes he might have left on the inscriptions, but received only 21 pages of sparsely typed matter dealing with the story of the discovery of the Erragudi records and the circunstances leading to the delay in their publication.
My association with the study of the Erragudi inscriptions of Asoka dates back to my student days. About the end of 1929, shortly after I had been admitted to the post-graduate classes of the University of Calcutta in Ancient Indian History and Culture, my teacher, the late Professor D. R. Bhandarkar, showed me a copy of the Telugu periodical Bhārati for September 1929. That issue contained a rather unsatisfactory facsimile of an inscription on one of the Erragudi rocks and I was advised to transcribe the epigraph. My tentative transcript of this inscription, containing a version of Asoka's Minor Rock Edicts I-II, was published in the Inlian Historical Quarterly, Vol. VII, 1931, pp. 737 ff. B. M. Barua later published an improved transcript of the edicts in the same journal, Vol. IX, 1933, pp. 113 ff. About this time, D. R. Sahni's transcript of the same inscription appeared with a good facsimile in his paper on the discovery of the Erragudi version of the edicts of Asoka in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for the year 1928-29, 1933, pp. 161 ff. Barua again dealt with the insoription in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIII, 1937, pp. 132 ff. It will thus be seen that the text of the Minor Rock Edicts I-II found at Erragudi has been published, but that the Efragudi version of the fourteen Rock Edicts remains as yet unpublished.
For the sake of convenience the inscribed boulders have been designated A, B, C, D, E and F by Sahni who has provided us with a good account of the whereabouts of the inscriptions that are scattered on the hill. Boulder A is the largest in size and occupies the summit of the hill. The other boulders lie on its eastern slope. The inscribed surfaces of the boulders are very rough and there is no trace of any attempt to smooth them before the inscriptions were engraved. With the exception of the records engraved on Boulders A (northern face), B (right half), D and F, the others are very unsatisfactorily incised or preserved and parts of them can be deciphered with very great difficulty. Many letters of some of these records are unrecognisable on the impressions. Some letters may be somehow discerned on one impression hut not on another.
1 Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 226 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 160 ff.

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No. 1]
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA Boulder A lies above a precipico about 20 feet high. Its lower portions are cut away at both the inscribed faces in the north and east. The eastern face is 17 feet 6 inches wide and contains Rock Edicts I-II at the left ond, Rock Edicts III and VI in the middle and Rock Erlict XIV in a depression at the upper right corner. Rock Edicts I-III and VI are not separated from one another and, owing to the unsatisfactory preservation of the writing, it is difficult to determine the end of one.cdict and the beginning of another. The northern face of this boulder (designatel A-1) is J5 feet 6 inches wide and contains Rock Edicts XI, V and VII. Rock Edict XI is engraved at the left end. It comprises six lines of writing, of which lines 1-5 measure between 3 feet 3 inches and 4 feet in length while the last line is only 2 inches louy Rock Erlict V, consisting of seven lines of writing, covers a rectangular space measuring 8 feet 6 inches hy 1 foot 8 inches, although the last line is only 3 feet long. A blank space, about 3 feet in width, separates this area from the space occupied by Rock Eclict XI. Rock Edict VII is engraved on the upper right corner and is separated from Rock Edict V by a blank space only 6 inches wide. It consists of five lines of writing which cover an area measuring 3 feet 3 inches by I foot 2 inches. The preservation of the writing of these cdicts is fairly satisfactory although a portion at the right end of Rock Edict V is defaced.
Boulder B lies a little to the cast of the eastern face of Bouliler A. The inscribed eastern face of this boulder is 13 feet in width from north to south. It is pointed towards the top and is divided by a roughly chiselled line, running from top to bottom, into two triangular sections. The portion at the right contains Rock Edicts IV, VIII and X. These odiots are well preserved although three letters at the beginning of line 2 of Rock Edict VIII are clefaced. The three edicts contain respectively fourteen, four and five lines of writing and isro separated one froin another by short chiselled horizontal lines at the left end. The lines of writing are fairly straight in the upper part but irregular in the lower. There is a crack which runs from the left just above the last line of Rock Edlict IV upwards to the right. This may have cxisted before the incision of the edicts as the letters appear to bare been engraved outside it. The preservation of the wriving on the triangular section in the left part of this boulder (lesignated B-1) is unsatisfactory. It contains the first 29 lines of Rock Edict XIII, the writing being continue on Boulder ('which is 5 et 6 inches wide and lies a few feet to the south of Boulder B. The lines of Rock Erlict XII! on Boulder B are very closely engraved and difficult to decipher. The decipherment is also rendered difficult by the existence of the crack referred to abovi. Boulder C.contains the last seven lines (lines 30-36) of Rock Edict XIII.
Boukler D stands 27 feet to the south-east of the eastern face of Boulder A. It contains Rock Edict XII written in twelve lines. The preservation of the writing is fairly satisfactory. Sahni speaks of faint traces of one line of writing below the last line of the oclict at the right extremity.
Boulder lies 27 feet to the cast of Boulder B. It contains Rock Edict IX on its vertical face looking west. The lines of writing (lines 1-11) are not straight and parallel.
Boulder is situated between Boullers (and E; but its position is lower (i.e. nearer the ground) than that of the latter. It is the most easily accessible among the inscribed rocks near Erragudi and the inscription on it, representing a version of Minor Rock Edicts I-JI, seems to have been engraved earlier than the series of the fourteen Rock Elicts engraved on Boulders A-E. It is indeed worthy of note that the Minor Rock Edicts, which appear to have been issued earlier than any of the knowi edicts of Asoka, are engraver! here on a boulder at the bottom of the hill while Boulder A, bearing the first few edicts (Rock Edicts I-III) of the series of fourteen Rock Edicts, stands on its summit The Minor Rock Elicts on Boulder are the most satisfactorily preserved among the odicts of Asoka at Errayudi.

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The characters employel in the Eyragudi edicts are Brähnt and do not call for any special remark. But the writing of Minor Rock Edicts I-II on Boulder Fexhibits some unique characteristics not hitherto noticed in any inscription discovered in India. In the first place, while most of the lines have to be read from left to right as is usual in Brahmi and its derivativos, some of them are to be read from right to left as in Kharoshthi. Secondly, there are some half lines to be read from left to right or from right to left. Thirdly, there are some lines, oite part of which has to be read from the left but the other part from the right. Fourthly, there are several cases where * group of letters is engraved not in its proper place but elsewhere in a different line. Besides these peculiarities, the writing also exhibits several cases of the total omission of groups of letters. These irregularities show that the engraver of the inscription did not do his job carefully. The tendency to write passages to be read from right to left may have been due to the fact that the scribe or engraver was a person, who, like Chapadal of the Mysore versions of the Minor Rock Edicts, hailed from North-Western Bhäratavarsha and was used to write in Kharoshthi.
As regards the Prakrit language of the Erragudi edicts of Asoka, a remarkable difference is noticed between the Minor Rock Edicts on the one hand and the Rock Edicts on the other. This seems to be due to the fact that the two sets of edicts were received at the place separately on different occasions and dates.
In respect of language and orthography, the Errayutli text of the Minor Rock Edicts resembles that of some other South Indian versions of the saine records, such as those in Mysore, while the text of the Rock Ediots at Erragudi resembles their Dhauli and Jaugada versions and also in many points the Kälsi version. There are some cases of inconsistency in the use of case-endings with reference to the number and gender of particular words in both the sets. This feature is also noticed in other versions of the edicts of Asoka.
The language of the Minor Rock Edicts of Asoka is what is called the Magadha dialect. The Pillar Edicts and Pillar Inscriptions of Asoka, the Dhauli and Jaugada versions of his Rock Edicts and his Barabar Hill (ave Inscriptions are couched in this dialect, although the Kālsi text of the Rock Edicts also exhibits some features of the same dialect. But, while the chief characteristic of the Magadha dialect is the change of r of Sanskrit to I, the consonant r is retained in the text of the Minor Rock Edicts at Eyragudi as also at some other places in South India. In this respect, the language of the Erragudi version of the Minor Rock Edicts resembles that of the Girnar, Shahbāzgarhi and Mansehra texts of the Rock Edicts.
In spite of the close rosemblance of the language of the Erragudi version of the Minor Ruck Edicts to that of their Mysore texts, referred to above, some differences are also noticed betwoen the two. While the consonant » is used in the Mysore versions in some places for Sanskrit y or , it is conspicuous by its absence in the Erragudi text of these edicts. In a few cases, the use of $ for Sanskrit s is noticed in the Mysore versions ; but is invariably used for the three sibilants in our text. In these respects, the language of the Erragudi version of the Minor Rock Edicts is closer to the Magadha dialect, in which ạ is replaced by n and é and sh by 8. The interesting case of Sandhi in the expression hem-cva (Sanskrit eram=eva), exhibiting the elision of va, is found in both the Erragudi and Mysore versions ; but the Erragudi text offers another similar case in the expression hey-āha (Sanskrit eram-āha) not found elsewhere excepting the Rājula-Mandagiri copy of the same records. The Brahmagiri text of the Mysore versions has hervarin ūla in its place.
* This may stand for Sanskrit Chapala (cf. mahida for Sanskrit mahila in the Gimnár version of Rock Edict IX, line 3).
*Cf. chira-thitiku.. pabane (Minor Rock Edict I, lines 9-10), lipi likhita (Rock Edict I, line 5), osadhani cha wwwnie-opaka (Rock Edict II, line 3), eto.
The Rajula-Mandagiri text of the Minor Rock Edicts closely resemblos thoir Erragudi vorsion. Soo above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 211 ff.

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No. 1)
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA
The Erragudi text of Minor Rook Edict I closely foilows the text of the Mysore versions. But the passages samūnā, kāmam tu kho, iyam cha athe and vadhisiti are absent from our text (V, VIII and X), while we have sakiye (VIII) for sakye orsake, etäyu cha athāya (IX) for etāy-athāya, and khudaka-mahalaka (X) for khudaka cha mahätpä сht. There is considerable difference between the Erragudi text of Minor Rock Edict II and its Mysore versions, from which mumber of sentences as found in the Errayudi copy (II-IV, X-XII, etc.) are omitted. For rpā(pra)nesu drahyitavyari of the Mysore texts, we have rpi(pra)nesu dayituriye (VII). The sentencc mentioning the scribe is wanting in the Erragudi version.
A marked difference between the language of the Minor Rock Edicts and that of the Rock Edicts at Erragudi is that the latter exhibits the change of r of Sanskrit to l in all the cases. The Erragudi version of the Rock Edicts also exhibits other characteristics of the Magadba dialect. It uses n for both ñ and ?, and s for śand sh. The nominative singular case-ending for both masculine and neuter words ending in a is generally e and the locative singular case-ending for the same is si. In point of language, the Erragudi copy of the Rock Erdicts closely resembles that of the Dhauli and Jaugada versions, but its draft is in some places closer to the Kälsi text, although it does not exhibit the use of sand sh and of the redundant subscript y noticed so often at Kälsi. An interesting fact about the vocabulary of the Erragudi text of the Rock Edicts is that the word mana, mina or minā standing for Sanskrit punah occurs in it for no less than seven times.' In many of these cases, the corresponding passages in the other versions of the edicts have pana or puna for Sanskrit purih. But pana or puna (Sanskrit punal) itself occurs several times in the Erragudi text of the edicts; cf. Rock Edict XIII, line 30 (XX): Rook Edict XIV, line 4 (V); and Minor Rock Edict II, line 21 (XV). The word mina or minā, however, occurs in the third sentence of Pillar Ediot III of Asoka and it is generally taken to stand for Sanskrit memāk.But the sense of Sanskrit punah in these cases would suit the context equally well.
The relation of the Erragudi text of the Rock Edicts with other versions of the records, cspcially the Dhauli, Jaugada and Kälsi texts, and some of its linguistic features may be illustrated by an analysis of a few of the edicts, Rock Edict I at Erragudi generally agrees with the Dhauli, Jaugada and Kälsi texts. But we have alabhisu (lines 4-5, VI) and alabhisanti (line 6, IX) instead of alabhiyisu and alabhiyisanti respectively. The forms of the verb in our text may be compared with those found in the other versions, such as ārabhisu (Girnar), arabhisu (Mansehra) and arabhisanti (Shahbāzgashi). Similar is the case with Rock Edict II. But we have Satika-prile and tasa sāmartā Amtiyogasa (lines 1-2, I) and not Satiya-pute (or Swiya-pute) Keula-pute and tasa Amtiyogasa samantā, as also munis-opaka cha pasu-opaka cha (line 3, II) instead of manus-opagāni pasu-opagāni cha. The change of g to k in upaka (Sanskrit upuga), found also at Shāhbāzgarhi and Mänsehira, is not a characteristic of the Magadha dialect. Our text (lines 4-5, 1V) has lukhāni loppitāni udupānāni cha khānapitāni after Kalsi and not wilu panāni Khanā pitāni lukhani cha lopäpitāni as in Dhauli and Jaugada. In line 4 (III), we have savala ata ala nathi instead of the
1 In a few cases, our version exhibits the influence of the language of the Shahbazgashi and Mansehra texts ; of, the use of the word upaka noticed below.
. Cf. mana in Rock Edict XII line 8 (VIII), Rock Edict XIII, line 22 (XVII); mina in Rock Edict VI, line 5 (X), Rock Edict IX, lines 8 (XII) and 9 (XVI); mină in Rook Edict VI, line 3 (VI), Rock Edict IX, line 10 (XVIII).
* Of. pana in the Shahbâzgahl Rook Edict VI, lines 14, 15; Mänsehra Rock Edict IX, line 7: Dhawi Rock Ediot VI, line 5; Jaugada Rock Edict VI, line 5; puna in the Girnar Rook Ediot VI, linos 6 and 10. Rock Edict XII, line 6, Rock Edict XIII, line 10, Rock Edict XIV, line 4 ; Kálst Rock Edict IX, line 26, Rock Edict XIV, line 21 ; Shahbāzgarhi Rock Edict IX, linos 19 and 20, Rock Edict XII, line 6, Rock Edict XIII, lines 8 and 10, Rock Edict XIV, line 13; Mansehra Rock Edict VI, linos 28 and 30, Rook Edict 1X, lines 6, 7 and 8. Rook Edict XII, line 18 , Rock Edict XIII, line 9, Rock Edict XIV, line 4.
. Above, Vol. II, p. 281, noto 21; Hultaach, Corp. Ind. Ind., Vol. 1, p. 122, noto 1.

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[VOL. XXXII
expected ataata nathi savata. Rock Edict III of our version has vijite (line 2, III) instead of vijitasi after Girnar and Shahbazgarhi and nikhamamtu (line 2, III) after Kälsi in the place of nikhamāvā at Dhauli and Jaugada. The passage imaye dhamm-anusathiye atha amnaye pi kammane in the Erraguḍi text (line 3, III) follows the order of the expressions as at Kalsi, while Dhauli and Jaugaḍa have atha amnaye pi kammane imaye dhamm-anusathiye. But Kälsi has kammāye for kammane. Instead of the compound mata-pitu-sususā (line 3, IV), the Dhauli, Jaugada and Kālsi texts have pitisu separately. For mita-samthuta-nätikānam (line 4, V), Kalsi has nätikyanam and Dhauli and Jaugada natisu. Similarly our text has samana-bambhunanam (line 4, V), while the order of the two words in the compound is the reverse in all the other texts, and Dhauli and Jaugada have bambhana-samanehi (Sanskrit brahmana-śramanebhyah). The word pānānam (line 4, VI) follows Kalsi, while Dhauli and Jaugada have jivesu. The order of the words in the expression gananasi yutani (line 5, VIII) is the reverse at Dhauli and Jaugada.
TEXTI
MINOR ROCK EDICTS*
(BOULDER F)
Minor Rock Edict I
6
1 (1) Devanaṁpiye hev-aha [*] (11) adb[i]kāni
2 ya hakam upasak[e] [*] (III) no tu kho ekam samvachharam paka[n]to?
3 husein [*] (IV) satirekle] chu kho savachhare yath maya Samghe upayi
4(a) te badham cha me pakaite [*] (V) imina chu kälena a
(b)10 misa [ye] munisi
511 devehi te dani misibhūtā [*] (VI) pakamasa hi
6(a) [i]ya[m] [*] (VII) "mahapten-eva sakiye [*] (VIII) khu
(b)15 dakena pi paka
1 From impressions. Chakravarti's readings have boon quoted from his unpublished transcripts of the edicts, But in some cases his readings, originally preferred by us but discarded at a later stage on re-examination of the impressions, could not be indicated.
While quoting variant readings, we have reforrod to Sahni's and Barna's transcripts of those two edicts published respectively in ARANI, 1928-29, pp. 166-67, and in 1/1Q, Vol. XIII, pp. 132-34. The text of these edicts quoted in my Select Inscriptions follows Barua's transcript.
Before de there is a triscoles symbol as in the Rajula-Mandagiri vorsion of theso edicts. Salini and Chakra. varti take it to be the akshara se standing for Sanskrit let or sah.
1 Sahni hevan ha; Barua hewan ha (hecam aha).
The words adhatiyani samvachharani appear to have been inadvertontly omitted aftor this by the scribe or engraver.
This entire line has to bo read from right to left.
Barua pakate.
cha.
Sahni and Barua "The following sixteen aksharas have to be road from right to loft. 10 The following six aksharas are ongraved slightly above at the left end of line 4(a) and havo to be read from left to right. The akshara ye is not visible on the impressions. The last akshara of line 4(a) is contiguous to the last akshara of line 4(6).
11 This lino actually commoncos from below the last akshara (i.e. s) of line 4. The six aksharas, viz. dakena pi paka, moant for the beginning of line 7 (actually the line immediately following the present lino, if the begin ning of the lines is considered), occupy the space before this akshara at the beginning of line 5.
This is a half line to be read from right to left.
1 Barun na. The word phale has been omitted after this by the scribe or engraver through oversight.
14 The words no hiyam havo similarly been omitted before this.
15 The following six aksharas are engraved at the beginning of line 5 before devchi and below misa in line 4(b).

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No. 1]
7(a) maminena sakiye vipule svage ārā.
(b) dhetave [*] (IX) e
(e) taya cha athaya iyan
8 [salvane sävite [*] (X) athi khudaka-mahalaka imati pfi] [pajkamevu ai
95 ta cha me janevu chira-thitika cha
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA
10 iya pakame hota vipulan pi cha vadhasita aparadhiya divadhiva i [*]
11 (XI) ilyam cha savane sa
12 [apite vyuthena10 200 50 6 [*]11
Minor Rock Edict II
(1) he[vam] Devanam Devanaṁpiye iha [*] (II) yatha De
va[nam]piye aha tatha kaṭaviye [*]
131
14 (III) rajuke napetaviye [*]
15 (IV) se dani janapada[m]18 ann
16(a) payisati rathikani cha [*] (V) mātā-pitūsu
(b)20 susu
17 sitaviye [*] (VI) hem-eva garūsu sususitavive [*] (VII) гpa(pra)nesu2 dayitavive [*] (VIII) sache vataviye [*] (IX) [i]
1 The following four aksharas are engraved above this line in line 6(a) after (i.e. to the left of) khu. The following aksharas are in continuation of line 7(a).
3 Barua ra.
Barua mahadhana.
5 This is a half line to be read from right to left.
The Mysore versions add here iyan cha athe with which a new sentence begins.
Sahni hotariyu cha ipi madhisi vi; Chakravarti: hotari [*] pu[ua] pi cha radhusita; Barna: hotu [*] vipule pi cha vadhusita. The rest of this line is incised below the previous line (line 9).
The Mysore versions add the word vadhisiti here. Some letters in this line and in lines 11, 12 and 14 are not clear on the Plats due to defective pasting of two pieces of the impression.
This half line has to be read from right to left.
10 Barua rynṭhena.
11 The rest of line 12 from here is incised below line 10.
12 This word is redundant.
13 The half line consisting of the following twelve akshara
has to be read from right to left. Chakravarti: "The line is very unevon due to a few aksharas being engraved on the chipped portion of the rock."
14 In Chakravarti's opinion, what looks like medial a in ha is a crack in the stone.
1 This is a half line consisting of nine aksharas to be read from left to right.
14 Barua rajuūke.
:
7
17 The following nine aksharas, incised below line 14, have to be read from right to left.
18 Sahni janapada: Barua: bherina janapada.
19 Sahni pitusu: Chakravarti: pitamsu.
20 The following two aksharas are ongraved at the beginning of line 18. Barna ignores this fact and reads the word susuma at the beginning of that line.
Sahni and Chakravarti garuan.
2 Sahni and Chakravarti: janeau.

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[Vol. XXXII 18(a)? ma dharma-gunā pavatitaviya [l*] (X) hevam tumphe Anapayātha Devānampiya
vachanena (I*] (XI) he(b)* vam anapa19 yātha hathiy-ārohāni kä[ra]nakāni' yūgy-achariyāni barbhanāni cha tu[ii]phe [l*] (XII)
hevari nivesayi20(a) tha amtevāsīni yārisā porānā pakiti [l*] (XIII) iyar sususitavīye [l*) (XIV) apachāyanā
| ya vũ ấchari(b)? ya[sa]
(d) '[he]m=eva [1*1 21 (XV)10 yathì vi puna ichariyasa!1 nātikāni yathārahan nātikāsu!? rpa(pra)vatitaviye [1]
(XVII) hesī pi 2213 [aru]tevāsīsu yathārabaṁ pavatitaviye yarisă porānā pakiti [l*) (XVII) yathāraham
yathā iyani 23 saltiro(re)ke siya hevan tu[m]phe anapayātha nivesa[yä]tha cha amtevāsini [l*) (XVIII)
hevam De24u vānampiy[o) anapayati [[*]
TRANSLATION
Minor Rock Edict 1 (I) Thus saith the Beloved of the Gods.
(II) It is (now) more than two years and a half] that I have been an upāsaka (i.e. a lay follower of the Buddha).
1 The aksharas susu are engraved here before ma (which Chakravarti reads as me), although their proper place is at the beginning of the previous line.
* Barua : Devinampirasa.
The following four aksharas, which are inoined below the conoluding part of the lino, have to be road from right to left. What has been read hevah may be hem-eta also
Chakravarti: yatha.
Sahni and Chakravarti : karunakäni. • Chakravarti ends the sentence after cha. Chakravarti and others road tuphe here as well as in X above.
+ The following two akaharas aro engraved at the beginning of the next lino (line 21), ya being at a higher level than 8a.
# This letter stands at the end of line 20(a).
The following three aksharas, at the end of line 20(a)-(c), have to be read from right to left. 10 The aksharas yasa engraved here before yatha should have to be read at the beginning of the previous line.
11 Sahni : apachayanāya va achariyasa [he]meva se yatha va puna achariyada, etc.; Barua : apachayana ya wa sava mo dchariyasa yathacharina achariyasa [1]
11 Barus : natiker which is the word found in the Mysore versions of the odiot.
13 The damaged akshara sa, incised before ash, should have to be read at the beginning of the next line. This osoaped the notive of Sahni, Barua and Chakravarti.
14 This akahara is engraved at the beginning of the previous lino. Sahni and Chakravarti: tiroke: Barua : arobe.
16 This line has to be read from right to left.

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No. 1]
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA (III) I was, however, not energetic (in the practice and propagation of Dharma) for one year (at the beginning of the above period).
(IV) It is (now) more than a year that I have indeed been intimately associated with the Sangha (i.e. the Buddhist Clergy) and have been excessively energetic (in the cause of Dharmu).
(V) Those men, who were unmingled (with gods) during this period, have now been mingled with gods.
(VI) This is [the result] of (my) exertion (in the cause of Dharma). (VII) [Indeed, it is not] attainable only by the rich man.
(VIII) Even the poor man, if he is energetic (in the cause of Dharma), can attain even the great heaven."
(IX) It is for this purpose that the proclamation has been made by me).
(X) So that the poor and the rich should also be energetic in this exertion (in regard to the practice and propagation of Dharma), that the peoples living beyond the borders (of my empire) should know (this matter) and that this matter) will increase to a great extent (at least) roughly to one and a half times.
(XI) This proclamation is being issued by me (when I have been) on tour (for) 256 (days).
Minor Rock Edict II. (I) Thus saith the Beloved of the Gods. (II) You should do as (you have been) told (to do) by the Beloved of the Gods. (III) The officers entitled) Rajjuka should be ordered (by you in respect of this mutter).
(IV) He (in his turn) will then order the people of the countryside as well as the officers entitled) Răshtrika? (in the following words);
(V) "One should be obedient to one's parents. (VI) “One should likewise be obedient to one's elders. (VII) "One should be kind to the living beings. (VIII) "One should speak the truth. (IX) "One should propagate these attributes of Dharma." (X) Thus you should pass orders in the words of the Beloved of the Gods.
1 The word wpayita (Sanskrit upeta) seems to have boon used in the sense of aangala, although it has been varioualy Interpreted by scholars. See my Maski Inscription of Adoka, Hyderabad, p. 24.
• dr. op. cit., pp. 26-27. • The great heavon was possibly regarded as higher than the world of the gods.
• The word mahalaka means 'big',1.e. 'rich' in the present context. Cf. Rook Edict XIV. lino 3 (IV). Wo Are ipelined to take the word khudaka, i.e. kshudra, in the sense of 'poor'.
Soe my Maski Inscription of Aboka, PF. 29-30.
The Raffukas were probably governors of districts. The present order was apparently addressed by the king to the Mahamtras stationed at Suvarnagiri.
* The Råshtrikas appoar to have been governors of parts of a district,

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10
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII (XI) In this way you should pass orders on the elephant-riders, the scribes and charioteers and the teachers of the Brāhmana (community).
(XII) Thus you should instruct your pupils in accordance with what is the ancient usage. (XIII) This (order) should be obeyed. (XIV) Whatever honour is (enjoyed) by the teacher (lies) really in this.
(XV) Then again, this (principle underlying the order) should be propagated in the proper manner by the teacher's male relations among the females relations (he may have).
(XVI) This should also be propagated (by the teacher's relatives) in the proper manner among (his) pupils in accordance with what is the ancient usage.
(XVII) You should thus guide and instruct your pupils in the proper way, so that this (principle underlying the order) grows (among them) abundantly." (XVIII) Thus orders the Beloved of the Gods.
ROCK EDICTS I AND IIS
[BOULDER A (EASTERN FACE-Left HALF)]
Rock Edict I.
1 (I) iyam dhamma-lipi Devānampiyena Piyadasina la[ji]na [likhā]pi(tā) [1*] (II) [hida no]
kimchi (jive] 2 hlabhitu pajohitaviy[e] [l*) (III) n[ol pi cha samājes kațaviy[e] [!*] (IV) bahukaṁ [hi]
Devā(nampiye samāja[si] 3 do[sa] dakhati [!*] (V) athi eka[t]iy[á] samājā sādhu-matā Devānam(piyasā] Piya[da]sine
lājine] [l*] 4 (VI) pule mahānasasi Devānampisya]sa Piyadasine lājine anu-divasam bahuni pāna-sata
sahasāni (āla)
Sahni : "Thus should you command the Karunakas riding on elephants and the Brāhmaṇas driving in vehicles." Barua : "Thus instruct the elephant-riders, the Karunakas, the chariot-trainers, and the Brahmina" (Inscriptions of 4 soka, Part II, p. 200). At p. 345 of this work, Barua prefers to read karanakani and equates karanaku with käranika used in the Mahabharata (II, V. 34) in the sense of a teacher of the princes'. This meaning also suits the context. The sentonco refers to several classes of people who used to initiate pupils in particular professione.
* The Mysore versions havo relations' instead of 'female relations'.
Sahni : "Thus should you admonish the pupils : he (i.e. the teacher) should be obeyed according to the ancient rule and so also the relatives of the teacher by way of showing veneration to the teacher, they should also behave in a suitable manner towards (their own) relatives." Barua : "You should thus establish your pupils socording to the good old rule : This is to be hearkened to: whatever is estimable (in me), all that is due to my teacher, the teacher acting proporly as teacher. The neighbours are to propound it to the neighbours as far as practicable."
• Sahm : "Thus should you direct and admonish the pupils that he (i.e. the teacher) may enjoy three-fold comfort (n-r-okn ). Barua : "As it may remain unimpaired as far as practicablo so should you instruct and establish the pupils," "This is to be respectfully attended to indeed for the sake of the honour of the teacher. Or again, if (there be) relatives of the teacher, this should likewise be fittingly propounded to (his) relations, 40 also among the ujtizens should (it) be fittingly propounded, so that it may be excessively bright" (Inscriptions of Afola, op. cit., p. 200).
. Many of the letters of these and the other edicts transcribed below Aro indistinot on the imprumlona, . At first ke had heen written and it was then changed into je.

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No. 1)
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA 5 [bhi]gu sūpāthāy[e] [I*] (VII) (se) idāni ad[ă iyaṁ dharma-lipi likhita tada ti[m]ni [yeva
pā]nāni alabhiyanti (duve majūlā] 6 eke [ma*]g[e] [I") (VIII) se pi (ma*]ge no dhuvaṁ [l*) (IX) [e]tāni pi chu ti[m]ni pānāni pachha n[o] alabhisamti [l*i
TRANSLATION (I) This record relating to Dharma has been caused to be written by king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods.
(II) Here no living being should be slaughtered for sacrifice. (III) And also no festive gathering should be held. (IV) For the Beloved of the Gods sees manifold evil in festive gatherings.
(V) There is, (however,) one kind of festive gatherings, which is considered good by king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods.
(VI) Many hundred thousands of living beings were formerly slaughtered every day in the kitchen of king Priyadarkin, Beloved of the Gods, for the sake of curry.
(VII) But now, when this record relating to Dharma is written, only three living creatures are killed (daily) for the sake of curry, (viz.), two birds and one animal.
(VIII) Even this animal is not (slaughtered) regularly. (IX) Thade three living beings too shall not be killed in future.
Rock Edict II
(belor Rock Edict I) 1 (I) savatā. vijitasi Devānampiyasa Piyadasin(e) lājine e cha antă athā (Chloda Pampiyā
Satika-(pute. Tambapamni Amtiyo)2 ge [nāma Yona-1&jā] e cha anne tasa (sāmamta] Amtiyogasa lājāno savatā Devānampiya[a]
Piyadasine släjine du ve*] [chikisa 3 kață munisa-chikis[] cha pasu-chikis[@] cha [l*) (II) O[sa]dhāni (cha munis-o]pakā [cha]
pasu-opaka cha ata ată nathi savata [hāläpitä сha lopapi) - 4 ta cha [*] (III) [home]va (mūlāni cha] phalāni (cha savata) ata ata nathi (hä]lāpitia]
oba lopäpitä сha [l*] (IV) ma[ge]su lukhāni lopăpitāni udupānān[i] cha 5 khä[nā]pitani paţibhogāye pasu-munisānam [l*]
TRANSLATION (I) Everywhere in the dominions of king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, and likewise (in) the bordering territories such as those of the Chodas (and) Pāədyas (as well as of the Satika-putra (and in) Tāmraparņi (and in the territories of) the Yavana king named Antiyoka and also (of) the kings who are the neighbours of the said Antiyoka-everywhere king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, has arranged for two kinds of medical treatment, (viz.), medical
1 This edict is separated from Rock Edict II by a short line at the left ond. - This is generally taken in the sense of two peacocks and one door'. But see Select Inscriptions, p. 17, noto 4.
Chakravarti: "The letter looks like ta on the rock."
• Otber versions have dariya or Satiyao. The original form of the name may have been Satika or Santika. The reforonoo to Keralaputra has been omitted in this toxt.
• Tho letters are not cloar on the impressions. Chakravarti: "The letters chalopapi are traceable on the stone."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. Xxxtt
treatment for men and medical treatment for animals.
(II) And, wherever there were no medicinal herbs beneficial to men and beneficial to animals, everywhere they have been caused to be imported and planted.
(III) In the same way, wherever there were no roots and fruits, everywhere they have been caused to be imported and planted.
(IV) On the roads, trees have been caused to be planted and wells have been caused to be dug for the enjoyment of animals and men.
POCK EDICTS III, VI AND XIV [BOULDER A (EASTERN FACE--RIGHT HALP)]
Rock Edict III
(to the right of Rock Edict I) 1 (I) [Devanampiyo] Piya[dasi läja hevam) a[hjā [l*] (II) duvādasa-vas-abhisitena (me]
iýam ānapayite [l*] 2 (III) (savata] vij[i]t[ejo mama yutā lājuke pädesike (oha) pamchasu pamchagu cha väsesu
anusamyānam nikhamamtu 3 et[@]ye athāye i[mā]ye dhamm-ānusathiye atha amnāye pi kammane [l*] (IV) sadhu mātā
pitu-susus[á] [l*] 4 (V) mita-sathuta-nātikānam cha samana-bambhanānam cha sådhu dāne [l*) (
V pānānam anālambhe sādhu [l*] (VII) apa-viyayatā (a)pa-bha[m]data[m] 6sādh[u] [I*] (VIII) (palisā]* picha gananasi yutāni (ana]payisamti hetute cha viyamjanate cha [I**
TRANSLATION (I) Thus saith king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods. (II) The (foltóiving) was ordered by me twelve years after my coronation.
(III) Everywhere in my dominions, the officers, (called) Rajjuka (and) Prädebika, shall set out every five years on a circuit for inspection (throughout their charges), as much for their other duties as for this (special) purpose of preaching Dharma (in the following words) :
(IV) " Meritorious is obedience to mother and father.
(V) Meritorious is liberality to friends, acquaintances and relatives and to the Sramaņas and Brāhmaņas.
(VI)" Meritorious is abstention from the slaughter of living beings. (VII) " Meritorious is to spend little (and) to store little."
(VIII) And the Council of Ministers) shall order the officers' about the observance of these rules with reference to (both my) intention and (my) words.
1 The letters in some passages of the following lines of the odiot are not clear on the impressions. • The form expected is vijitasi. * Chakravarti : Oviydgata apao. • Chakravarti: p[w]liad picha.
There is a short line dividing this edict from Rock Ediot VI. • The expression may possibly also mean in the twelfth year after my coronation.'
The Yuktas are regarded generally as a class of officers like the Rajjuka and Prādesika. Of. Ind., Oulle Vol. I, pp. 308 ff.
The Prädekika appears to have boon the ruler of a group of districte and the Rajjuks that of a single distriot.

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No. 1)
13
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA
Rock Edict VI
• (below Rock Edict III) 1 (I) (Devānampiye) Piyadasi lāj[a] hevan āha [l*] (II) (atikamtam amtalam] no hūta..
puluve savam kalan atha-ka[m]me pațive[da]nā (vā] [l*] (III) se mamaya hevam kate
[I*] (IV) (savam] kālam 2 [adamānasao]lodhana[si] [gabh-āgālasi] [va]chasi vinitasi uy[ā]nasi savatā pațive[dakā]
a[tham) ja[nasa) pati[ve]dayatu me [[*] (V) savata cha janasa) a[tham] 3 [kachhāmi hakam] [I*(VI) [yam] pi [cha kichhi mu]khate a[napa]yāmi hakari
dā[pa]kam vă săvakam vā [e] vă minā mahām[ā]tehi atiyāyike alop[i]te hoti tāye athāye 4 [vivade) nijhati sva) samtam pasligāye fanamtalile yenā [pa*ltivedataviya-mate? mle savata]
savam kālam [l*] (VII) hevam anapayite mamayā [l*] (VIII) (nathi) hi mo tose uthānasio 5 atha-sa[m]ti[lanāye cha)' [I*] (IX) kațaviya-mate [hio me sava-loka-hite] [l*] (X)
[tasa) cha mina esa müle uthäne astha]-sarutilană cha [l*] (XI) nathi hi kammatalo
sava-loka-hitena [l*] (XII) am cha kicbhi 6 palakaināmi hakain kiti bhūtānam ananiye yeham hide cha käni sukhāpayāmi palat[a] cha
sva(su)vagań [ā]lādhaya(tu) [1*] (XIII) se etāyel: [i]yam dham[ma-lipi] [le*]khita chila
thiti[ka]13 hotu 7 tathā cha me puta-natāle palakama[m]tu sava-loka-hitāye [I*] (XIV) dukale chu kho
iyam amna[tā] agen[ā] pala kamena [l*]
TRANSLATION (I) Thus saith king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods.
(II) Formerly, in the ages gone by, there was no transaction of state-business and no reporting (of incidents to the king) at all hours.
(III) So I have made the following (arrangement).
(IV) The reporters should report to me the affairs of the people at any time and place, whether I am engaged in eating (or) in the harem (or) in the bed-chamber (or) on a promenade (or) in the carriage (or) on the march."
(V) And I am now attending to people's affairs at all places.
* Many of the passages of the edict are indistinot on the impressions, * Chakravarti: aha. • Chakravarti. huta.
Chakravarti: "These letters are indistinct on the rock." The word me is added before this word in the other versions. • According to Chakravarti, these letters are partly visible on the rook Chakravarti : [ho]ti vedataviya-mate. Chakravarti: uthanasi. He also reads uthäne in line 5 (X) and afhaye in line 3 (VE).
Chakravarti: "Those letters are faintly visible on the rook." # Chakravarti : "The letter is indistinot on the rock." 1 Chakravarti: Sragam. 1. The word athaye is omitted here. 1 Cakravarti : thitik[e]. 14 The word uyana (Sanskrit udyana) is generally taken to mean's pleasure garden."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
(VI) And, when I issue an order orally in connection with any donation or proclamation or when an emergent work presses itself upon the Mahāmātras (and) in case there is, in connection with that matter, a controversy among (the Ministers of) the Council or an argumentation1 (in the Council in favour of a particular view), the fact must be reported to me immediately at any place and at any time.
14
(VII) Thus have I ordered.
(VIII) I am never complacent in regard to (my) exertion and the dispatch of people's business (by me).
(IX) I consider it my (only) duty (to promote) the welfare of all men.
(X) But exertion and prompt dispatch of business (lie at) the root of that.
(XI) There is verily no duty which is more (important to me) than promoting the welfare of all men.
(XII) And whatever effort I make is made in order that I may discharge the debt which I owe to all living beings, that I may make them happy in this world, and that they may attain heaven in the next world.
(XIII) Therefore this record relating to Dharma has been caused to be written by me (on stone) for the following (purpose, viz.) that it may last for a long time and that my sons and grandsons may exert themselves for the welfare of all men.
(XIV) This, indeed, is difficult to accomplish without the utmost exertion.
Rock Edict XIV
[BOULDER A (EASTERN FACE-UPPER RIGHT CORNER)].
1 (I) iyam dha[m]ma-lipi Devanaṁpiyena Piyadasin[a]2 lājinā
2 li[kha]pitā [*] (II) athi yeva sam[khi]tena athi majhimena athi vitha
3 [tena] [*] (III) no hi savatā sa[ve] gha[ti]te cha [*] (IV) mahalake hi vijite bahu cha
4 likhite likhapay isami cb-eva nikayaṁ [*] (V) athi chu heta [pu]na [pu]na la
5 [pite tasa tasa] aṭhasa mādhuliyāye ena [ja]te(ne) tatha
6 [patipajeya] [*] (VI) [se siya ata ki]chhi asamati likhite
7 desam vā sam[khā] saṁkhāyāyā kālanaṁ va' alochayitu
8 lipika[l-apala]dhena vā ti [[*]
TRANSLATION
(I) This record relating to Dharma has been caused to be written by king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods.
(II) (In the series of records) there are, for sooth, (texts written) in a concise form, or in a medium form, or in an elaborate form,
1 The word nijhats is derived from the verb nijhapayati meaning to convince'. The verb is the same as anunijhapayati in the passage anunayati anunijhapayati in Rock Edict XIII, lines 18-19 (XIII).
* According to Chakravarti, the letter looks like na on the rock.
Chakravarti: onkhitena.
Chakravarti sami.
• Chakravarti: : yena.
These two aksharas are redundant.
* Chakravarti : và

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No. 1]
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA (III) And all the items of the series) have not been put together in all places.
(IV) For (my) dominions are wide, and much has been written, and I shall certainly cause still a lot (more) to be written.
(V) There are some topics which) have been repeated over and over again owing to their sweetness, so that people may act accordingly.
(VI) Thus there may be some (topics which have been written incompletely either as the (particular) place of a record) was considered (unsuitable for them) or as a (special) reason for abridgment was believed (to exist), and also owing to a fault of the scribe.
ROCK EDICTS XI, V AND VII
[BOULDER A-1 (i.e. NORTHERN FACE OF BOULDER A)]
Rock Edict XI
(at the left end) 1 (1) Devāna[m]piye hevam ābā [l*) (II) nathi edise dane adise dhaṁma-dāne dhamma
sa[m]thave 2 dhamma-savibhāge dhamma-sabadhe [l*] (III) ta[si]* esa dāsa-bha[taka]si sa[m]ma
patipati māta-pitu-susūsa 3 mita-sam(thuta-nātikānam samana-bambhanåna[m] dāsnel panānam anālambhe [l*]
(IV) esa vataviye pitinā pi 4 [pu]tena pi bhāsti]nā pi suvamike[na*] pi mita-samthutena pi A-pațivesiyenā [pi*] iyan
sādhu iyam kataviye [l*] 5 (V) se tatha kalarıtu hida-loke cha kar äla[dhe holti p[ā]lata cha anamtam (pu]nam
pasavati tena dha[ima)-da6 nenā [l*1
TRANSLATION (I) Thus saith the Beloved of the Gods.
(1) There is no such gift as the gift of Dharma, (no such acquaintance as) acquaintance through Dharma, (no such act of dividing as) the separation of Dharma (from what is not Dharma), (and no such kinship ax) kinship through Dharma.
(III) The following (are comprised) in them, (riz.) proper courtesy to slaves and servants, obedience to mother and father, liberality to friends, acquaintances and relatives as well as) to the Brāhmaṇas and Sramaņas, (and) abstention from the slaughter of living beings.
(IV) (In respect of this), (whether one is a person's) father, or son, or brother, or master, or friend, or acquaintance, or (even) a (mere) neighbour, one ought to say (to him): “This is merito rious. This ought to be done".
(V) Thus, if he acts in this manner, (happiness in) this world is attained (by him) and endless merit is produced (for him) in the next world by the said gift of Dharms.
1 Chakravarti : tasa. * Chakravarti says that the letter looks like tuh on the rock. . According to Chakravarti, the letter looks like nein on the rock. Chakravarti : palata.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Rock Edict V
[VOL. XXXII
(in the middle)
1 (1) Devanampiye Piyadasi lajā hevam a[ha] [*] (II) kayane dukale [*] (III) • [a]di-kale kayanasa se duka[la]m kaleti [*] (IV) se mamay[a] bahu kayane kate [*] (V) [ta] mama pu[ta]-natale [palam cha te hi1 apa]tiye me
2 ava-kapaṁ tatha anuvatisamti se sukaṭam kachha[mti] [*] (VI) e chu heta desam pi [ha]payisamti se dukatam [ka*]chhati [*] (VII) pape hi nama supadalaye [*] (VIII) se atikamtam amtalam no huta-pu[lu]ve [dha]mma-[mahama]tā [nama] [*]
3 (IX) se tedasa-vas-abhisitena mamaya dhamma-maham[a]tā nā[ma] kata [*] (X) to sava-pasarḍesu viyapata dhamm-[a]dhithanaye cha dhamma-vadhiya hita-[sukha]ye cha dhamma-yutasa Yo[na*]-Kambo cha]-Gam[dha]la[na]m [Lathika-Pe
4 tinikanam [e] va pi amne a[pa]lamtā. [*] (XI) bhatam-ayesu bambhan-[i]bhiyesu änäthesu vuḍhesu hita-sukhaye dha[mma]-yutanam apal[i]bodh[a]ye viyapata te [*] (XII) bamdhana-badhasa paṭividhanaye]
5 apalibodhaye mokhaye cha i[yam*] anubandha paja[va*]. [ti]. va kat-abhikāle ti vā mahallake ti va viyapa[tā] te [*] (XIII) hida [ba]hilesu cha nagalesu savesu [cha] olodhanesu [bha]tinam [pi cha me bhagini]nam cha
6 e va pi amne [na]tike savata viyapata [*] (XIV) e iyam dhamma-nisite ti va dhammaadhithane ti va dana-sayute [ti*] va sa[valta vijitasi mama dhamma-y[u]tasi viyapata] te dhamma-ma[ha]ma[ta] [*] (XV) etaýe afṭhāya]
7 iyam dhamma-lipi likhita chila-thitika hotu tatha cha me paja anuvatatu* ti [!*]
TRANSLATION
(I) Thus saith king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods.
(II) It is difficult to do good (to others).
(III) He who starts doing good (to others) accomplishes what is difficult (indeed).
(IV) Many a good deed has, however, been performed by me.
(V) And, (among) my sons and grandsons and the generations coming after them till the destruction of the world, (those who) will follow (this course) in the said manner will do an act of merit.
(VI) But whosoever amongst them will abandon even a part of it will do an act of demerit. (VII). It is indeed easy to commit sin.
(VIII) And formerly, in the ages gone by, there were no (officers) called Dharma-Mahāmātras. (IX) So indeed I created the (posts of) Dharma-Mahāmātras thirteen years after my coronation.
Chakravarti: tehi e.
There appear to be no letters before this. The Shahbazgarht version reads here the word vrakshanti additionally.
Chakravarti: sukhaye va.
Chakravarti notices that the letter la looks like le on the rock.
Chakravarti: yutaye.
Chakravarti: pajaviti. Chakravarti: abhithane. Chakravarti: anuvatatu,

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(X) These (officers) are occupied with all the religious sects1 for the establishment of Dharma and for the promotion of Dharma as well as for the welfare and happiness of those who are devoted to Dharma (even) among the Yavanas, Kambojas and Gandharas, the Rashtrikas and Paitryanikas and other peoples dwelling about the western borders (of my dominions).
(XI) They are occupied (not only) with the welfare and happiness of the servile class and the Aryas (i.e. the traders and agriculturists) as well as the Brahmanas and the ruling class and likewise of the destitute and the aged, (but also) with the release of the adherents of Dharma (amongst them) from fetters.
(XII) They are (similarly) engaged with the fettered persons (in the prisons, for working in) the following order: for the distribution of money to those amongst them who are encumbered with progeny, for the unfettering of those who have (committed crimes) under the instigation (of others), and for the release of those who are aged.
(XIII) They are engaged everywhere-here and elsewhere in all the towns, in the households of my brothers and sisters and other relatives.
(XIV) These Dharma-Mahāmātras are engaged everywhere in my dominions amongst the adherents of Dharma (to determine) whether a person is (only) inclined towards Dharma or is (fully established in Dharma or is given to charity.
170
(XV) This record relating to Dharma has been written (on stone) for the (following) purpose, (viz.) that (it) may last for a long time and that my descendants may conform to it.
Rock Edict VII
(at the upper right corner)
1 (I) Devanaṁpiye Piyadasi laja savata ichhati
2 sav[e] p[a]sarida vaseyu [*] (II) save hi te sayamam bhava-sudhi cha
sichhamti [*] (III) jane chu uchavucha-chhamde ucha-mamgale [*] (IV) te savam eka
desam
4 pi kachhamti [*] (V) vipule pi chu d[a]ne asa nathi sayame bhava-[su]dhi kiṭanata cha
5 didha-bhatita cha niche baḍham [[*]
TRANSLATION
(I) King Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, wishes that all religious sects should live (harmoniously) everywhere (in all parts of his dominions).
(II) In fact, all of them desire (to achieve) self-control and purity of thought. (III) People, however, are of diverse inclinations and diverse passions.
(IV) They will perform either the whole or only a part (of their duty).
(V) However, even if (a person practises) great liberality but does not possess self-control, purity of thought, gratitude and firm devotion. (he is) quite worthless.
1 The word pasamda stands for Sanskrit pärshada.
For this interpretation of the four classes of people, see Select Inscriptions, p. 24.
Cf. Ind. Cult., Vol. VII, p. 489: Select Inscriptions, p. 25.
The Girnär text has at Pataliputra' in place of this word.
Better read uchavucha-läge in conformity with the other versions,
The reading intended is savash va eka-desam vā.

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[Vol. XXXII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA ROCK EDICTS IV, VIII AND X
[BOULDER B (RIGHT HALF)]
Rock Edict IV
(at the top) 1 (I) [ati]kam[ta] A[mta]lam bahuni (vasa-sa]tani vadhite va 2 [pan-alambhe] vihis[4] cha bhūtānam nātinam [a]-sampatipati 3 samana-barbhan[äJna[m] a [sampatipati] [11 (11) se a[ja] Devilnemhpiyasa 4 Piyadas te lajine dhamma-cha[lanena) bheli-ghose aho dhamma-ghose [*] 5 (III) vimāna-w.sa[nä сha]bathini agi-kam[dhā]ni amnāni cha diviyāni (lū]pāni 6 dasayi[tpā]" ja[na* Jsa ūdise bahu[hi va]sa-satehi no huta-puluve tādise 7 ajās vaļhite Deväsna]órnpiyasa Piyadasine [la]jine dhamma-anusathiya? 8 anālam[bhe) pānānam avi[hi]sā [bhū]tānam nātinam (sampa]tipati samana-bambhananam 9 sampasti]pasti mā]tū-pitu-gusūsā vudha-sū[susă] [1*1 (IV) e[sa] amne cha [bahu-vi]dhe dham
ma-chalane vadhite 10 vadhayisati yeva cha Davāna[mpiye Piyal dasi lä]ja imam dhainma-chalanam (1") (V)
putā (cha kam) natale cha (pa]nātikā cha 11 Devanampiyasa Piyadasino [läj]ine [valdhayisanti yeva dhamma-[chalanam (imamlava
[kapar) dhammasi (sila]si cha chithitu 12 dham[ma] anu[sā]s[i]samti[l*] (VI) [e]sa hi sethe karma am dhamm-[änu"}sāsanā (l*] (VII)
dhamma-chalane pi cha no hoti a-silasa [l*] (VIII) se imasa athasa 13 vadhi ahini cha sādhu []*] (IX) etāye athāye iyam li[khite) imasa [a]ţhasa [vadhi yu]jamtu
hini cha mă alocha[yi]su [1] (X) duvăţasa-vas-a*}14 bhisitēnāli Devānampiyonā Piyadasina länajinata iyaṁ likh[i]te! [l*]
TRANSLATION (1) In times past, for many hundreds of years, slaughter of lives, cruelty to living creatures, disrespect to relatives and disrespect to the Sramaņas and Brāhmaṇas increased indeed.
(II) But now, as a result of the practice of Dharma on the part of king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, (every) proclamation by the beating of drums has become the proclamation of Dharma.
1 Chakravarti: onane. * According to Chakravarti, the letter cha is faintly seen on the rock. * Chakravarti: dasiyiptu. It appears that the engraver had first written te which he later changed into ...
Chakravarti: aja. • Tho letter is chipped off as stated by Chakravarti.
Chakravarti: sathiya ni. • Chakravarti: said.
Chakravarti: natábe. 10 Chakravarti: "There is a stroke above nu; but it does not soom to bothnigu of molirli connectel with m."
11 Chakravarti : "Some space is left between ni and De. This could not be inscribol owing to the rough of the stone."
12 Read lajina. 18 There is a short line below bhisitend in line 14 to soparate this edict from the next record (Rock Fit VIIT).

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(III) Abstention from the slaughter of life, absence of cruelty to living creatures, seemly behaviour to relatives, seemly behaviour to the Sramaņas and Brahmaņas, obedience to mother and father (and) obedience to the aged have increased now owing to the instruction in Dharma (imparted) by king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, in such a degree as was not possible to achieve for many hundreds of years in the past by (means. of) showing to the people the (representations of) celestial cars and (celestial) elephants, masses of fire (i.e. hell-fire) as well as (many) other heavenly forms.1
19
(IV) The practice of Dharma of the above kind as well as of various other kinds have increased and king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, will certainly cause such practices of Dharma to increase (still more).
(V) Further, the sons, grandsons and great-grandsons of king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, will promote this practice of Dharma till the time of universal destruction and, (themselves) abiding by Dharma and good conduct, will instruct (people) in Dharma.
(VI) Verily, instruction in Dharma is (considered by him to be his) supreme duty.
(VII) But the practice of Dharma is not possible for a person devoid of good conduct. (VIII) Therefore, in the matter (of Dharma), an increase is good as also its non-decrease. (IX), This (record) has been caused to be written for the following purpose, (viz.) that the promotion of Dharma should be adhered to and that no decrease of it should be countenanced.
(X) This record has been caused to be written by king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, twelve years after his coronation.
Rock Edict VIII
(in the middle)
1 (I) atikamtam amtalam Devanampiya vih[ā]la-yātaṁ nāma nikhamisu [*] (II) heta migaviyā amnani cha hedisāni ābhi[la]mani
2 h[u]su* [*] (III) se Devanaṁpiye Pilya]dasi laja dasa-vas-a[bh]isi[te] samtam nikhamitha [Sambodhi] [*] (IV) tena ta dhamma-yātā [*] (V) heta iyam hoti
3 samana-bambhanānam da sane dane cha vuḍhānaṁ dasane hilamna-pațividhāne cha janapadasa janasa [da]sane dhamm-anusathi"
4 dham[ma]-palipuchha tad-opaya [*] (VI) esa bhuye-lati hoti Devanampiyasa Piyadasi[ne] lajine [*] (VII) bhage amne [*]
TRANSLATION
(I) In the ages gone by, (kings styled) 'Beloved of the Gods' used (only) to go out on tours of pleasure.
1 Cf. my Maski Inscription of Asoka, p. 26. In the place of 'fire', the Shahbazgarhi version has 'light', possibly meaning 'divine light'.
Chakravarti: husu.
Chakravarti: lājā.
4 Chakravarti: ta..
Chakravarti: "There is a depression after da which looks like m on the impression; but it is too high up." There seems to be a letter between cha and ja.
Chakravarti: "There is no letter on the rock after thi."
*There is a short line below dhamma-pali showing the division of this edict from the next (Rock Edict X).

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20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
(II) During such (tours), hunting and other pastimes of the kind used to be (enjoyed by them).
(III) Now, king Priydarsin, Beloved of the Gods, visited Sambodhi ten years after his coronation.
(IV) Thence started these pilgrimages for Dharma.
(V) During these (pilgrimages), the following take place, (viz.) visiting the Sramaņas and Brahmanas and making gifts (to them), meeting the aged and making provision of money (for them), and contacting the people of the countryside, instructing (them) in Dharma and discussing (with them) the principles of Dharma, this being conducive to the (above, i.e. their initiation into Dharma).
(VI) This is the supreme delight to king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods.
(VII) (All his) other (pleasures) are inferior (to this).1
Rock Edict X
(at the bottom)
1 (I) Devanampiye Piyadasi laja yaso va kiți va no mahaṭha-vaham manati amnata tadātāye ayatiya cha jane dhamma-s[u]susam
2 sususatu me dhamma-yu(vu)tam cha anuvidhiyatū [ti] [*] (II) etākaye Devanampi[ye] Piyadasi lāja yaso va kiți va ichhati [*]
3 (III) [yam] chu kichhi palakamati Devanampiye Piyadasi lāja savaṁ tam palatikā[ye vā] kiti sakale apa-palisave [siyā]ti
4 [ti] [*] (IV) esu chu palisave e apune [*] (V) dukale [chu kho] esa khudakena va vagena usatena va aina[ta] agena palakamenā
5 savam palitijitu [[*] (VI) heta chu kho usaten-eva dukale [[*]
TRANSLATION
(1) King Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, does not consider either glory (in this life) or fame (after death) as of great consequence, except (in regard to) the following, (viz.) that, at present as well as in future, the people (of his dominions) would practise obedience to Dharma (as instructed) by him' and also that they would act in accordance with the principles of Dharma.
(II) On this account (alone), king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, desires glory and
ame.
(III) Whatever endeavours are made by king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, all those re made only for the sake of (the people's happiness in) the other world (and) in order that all nen should have little pollution.
(IV) And what is sinful is pollution.
1 For this interpretation, see Select Inscriptions, p. 28; Ind. Cult., Vol. VII, p. 487.
* Chakravarti: "A little space is left after ham which could not be inscribed owing to a depression in the rock." Chakravarti: "Before de a little space is left, enough for one letter which could not be engraved." But the impressions do not indicate this.
Chakravarti: ichh[a]ti. Chakravarti does not notice this letter. Chakravarti: vagena.
The original has me, i.e. 'by me', here.

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21
No. 1]
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA (V) This (freedom from pollution) is indeed difficult to achieve both for the poor class and the rich if they do not make great efforts by renouncing all (other aims).
(VI) Between the two classes), (this) is certainly (more) difficult for the rich (to achieve).
ROCK EDICT XIII [BOULDER B-1 (i.e. LEFT HALF OF BOULDER B) AND BOULDER CJ
(Boulder B-1 ; text lines 1-29) 1 (I) (atha)-vas-abhisitasa Devānampiyasa piyadasino 2 [lā]jine Kaliga [vi]jitā [1*(II) diya[dha)-m[i]te pāna-[a]ta-(sa)3 [ha]se [ta]ph[á] apavādhe sata-sahasa-m[i]t[e] tata hate bahu4 tā[vata]ke [va] mate [1*] (III) [tato) pachhā a[dhu]nā ladhe[su Kallig[6]su 5 [tive] dha[m]mā-v[a]ye dha[mma)-kāmastā] dha[m]m-[anu]sath[i] cha Devānampi[ya)
6 (IV) se ath[i] [2*][nusaye) Dov[a]nampiya[sa] vijini(tu] Ka[ligāni] [1*] (V) [a]vijitai [hi] 7 [vi]ji[na]mane [e] tata vadha [vă ma]lane va apa[va]"he [vā ja]nasa se bālham vedaniya
maste] 8 [gu]lu-[mate) cha Dovānampiyasa [l*] (VI) [iyan) pi chu tat[o] gulu-ma[ta-talle Devanan
pisya]sa 9 e tata vasati bā[bha]nă v[a] saman[3] v[a] a[m]ne va pasam[ļā giha]thā va [yo*]su
vihistā]
10 [esa agabhutijo-s[u]s[ū]s[a] mātsā]-[piJtu-[susū]sā gulu-susüsă mita-[sa]mithuta-sahāya11 nātikesu d[ā]sa-bha[ta kasi sammyā-paţipati. didha-bhaltita cha te[sa] tata hoti [upaghā]to
va vadhe vă 12 [abhilatā[nam va vini) khamane) [l*) (VII) Eyesam vă pi) suvi[hi]tā[nam) [si]nehe ev[ipahine)
e tānam (mita-sam): 13 thu[ta-sabaya-nātike) viyasanam pă[pu]'n[ā]ti (tata) se (pi tanamm-eva u]paghāte [ho]ti [l*]
(VIII) peti[bhäge] cha esa 14 [sava-manusānam gulu)-mate cha Dovanerspiyasa [l*) (IX) nathi cha [se] jānapa[de] a[ta
nathi] ime ni[k]āyā am[natā)'
1 The word wafa literally means the people of high status'. • Chakravarti : "The letter va is completely effaced on the rock."
Chakravarti: "The letter bhuti is very faintly traceable on the rock."
It seems that has been corrected to ti. Chakravarti: samyd-pafipals • Chakravarti says that the letter looks liko sam on the rook. He reads leaa leia. • According to Chakravarti, the letter looks like pe on the rook.
Chakravarti: "The first four letters of the line are rubbed off on tho rook." • Chakravarti roads ta and remarks, "The last lotter looks like is due to protrusion on the rock."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII
15 [Yone'su bä]bhane cha samane cha [l*] (X) nathi nathi cha kuväpi janapada[si] a[ta' na]thi
[munisā]nam e[kata lasi pi] 16 [pasamda si no nāma pasāde] [1*] (XI) [a]s se a[va]take jane tad[ā] Kaliégesu (ha]te cha mate
cha apavudhe cha tato? sata-bhäge va] 11 (sahasa-bhāøge va a'ja gulu-mate vĀ] Devānampiyasa [I*] (XII) e pi aja a[pa]kaleya
khamata[viya-ma (telo va Devānam[płyena] 18 (yam sa[ki[ye khamitave) [1] (XIII) [ã pi cha) atavi Devänampiyasa vijitasi hoti (tam pi
anunayati anunijhapaya)19 11ti112 [11 (XIV) Canutäpe] pi cha pabhāve Devānampiyasa vuchati tesam [kilti avata
peyu no pi [cha ham]ne20 [yu) [l*) (XV) [ichhati] hi Devānampiye sava-[bhū]tānam achhati sayaman sām-acha[li]21 [yaṁ mādavam] [I*] (XVI) iyaṁ (chu mokhyn]-mu(te) vija[y]e Devānampiyasa e dhan-18 22 ma-vijaye (1*] (XVII) se mana ladhe Devānampiyasa hida [va] bacha) (save)sū cha an
[tesu] a [sasu yol23 [jana-satesu]" Amtiyoke nama Y[o]na-[lā]ja (palan] [p]i10a t[e]nā Artiyokenă chatā[li]
[lā]j[i]ne 24 [Tula]maye [nāma]? Amt[i]k[e]ni n[āma] 25 [Maka nimu] Alka"[suda]le nama nitiya Cho[da] Pardiya i Ta[m]bapaniye [l*]
(XVIII) hem=eva hi[da]*2 26 la[ja-vigavasi] [Yo]na-Kambochesu [Na]"bha[ka]-[Nā]bhapamtisu Bhoja-Pitinikesu
[Am]dha-Pala[desu]25 1 Chakravarti : "The first two letters aro rubbed off." * These two aksharas are redundant. • Chakravarti : "The letters kata have boon rubbed off."
Chakravarti: "The first throe letters are faintly traceable on the rock." $. This akshara is engraved superfluously. • Chakravarti : "There is a dot which may be meant for an annsvara though it is too high up."
Chakravarti: "The letters tato are rubbed off ; but the rest is readable on the rock." • Chakro arti: "The letters saha and bha are faintly traceable on the rock."
Chakravarti: "This letter is completely rubbed oft." 10 Chakravarti: "The letter te is rubbed off."
11 Some passages in the following lines on the boulder are indistinct on the impressions and, in some casos our reading has been influenced by Chakravarti's transoript.
13 Chakravarti : "The letter ti is rubbed off."
18 This is not a complete line. This shows that the crack and the hole in the rock were in existence at the time of engraving.
14 Chakravarti: "The first letter looks more like va than cha; the second is a cortain ba. There does not soom to be any other letter in between. I cannot connect bå with any word in tho context."
16 Chakravarti: "The letter ja is completely rubbed off." 16 Chakravarti :-"I cannot trace ata after this on tho rock."
162 Chakravarti : cha. 17 Chakravarti : "Only the lower portion of ma is visible on the rock." 16 Chakravarti: "This is only a half line which could not be continued because of a deep dopression on the
rook: "..
19 Chakravarti : "Makā is faintly visible on the rock." 10 Chakravarti: "This letter looks like ka on the rock." The following akshara may be sth.
1 Other versions have nicha or nichar, i.o. nicham, towards the south'. The reading intended here may bo nichiyam, i.e. nichyam, in the same sense.
» Chakravarti : "The letter da is faintly visible on the rock." # Chakravarti : "These letters are visible on the rock." * Chakravarti : "The letter ni is chipped off." * These two letters are engraved on the otber side of the crack.

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23 27 [savata Deva]'nampiyasa dhamm-ānusathi anuvatamti [l*] (XIX) [ta' pi] dūta Devel
na[m]piyasa no yamti 28 te pi sutu Dev[a]nampiyasa dhamma-vutam vidhanaṁ dhamm-ānusathi 29 dhammam anuvidhiyi[samti] anuvidhiyisa[m]ti* [ch-e]va [I*] (XX) [se ladhe] eta [kena lioti]
[Boulder C ; tect lines 30-36] 30 sa[valta vijaye savathie pana vijay[e] piti-lase se [l*(XXI) ladhā să pïti h[o]ti dhariima-v[i]ja31 yasi [l*] (XXII) lahuk[a] chu kho sā pīti (*)(XXIII) palatikarnm=eva mahā-phala[m] mannati
Devānam32 piye [l*] (XXIV) etāye cha [a]thāye iyam dhamma-lipi likhită kiti puta-papotā (me] 33 am nam? nasvam] vijayam mio vijetaviyam maṁnisu sayakasi yeva vijaya[si] 34 [khan]ti cha lahu-[damda]tam cha lo chaya[n]tu tam-eva [cha] vijayari mamnamtu a
dham35 ma-[vi][ja*lye [[*] (XXV) se hilo hidalokika-pā[la*l[lo]kike [[*] (XXVI) [yā] va cha k[ā] n[i]
lati hotu 36 [a dham]ma-lati [l*] (XXVII) s[ā]hi hidalokika-pălalokikā [l*]
TRANSLATION (I) (The country of) the Kalingas was conquered for king Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, eight years after his coronation.
(II) (In this war in Kalinga), men and animals numbering one hundred and fifty thousands were carried away (captive) from that country), (as many as) one hundred thousands were killed there (in action), and many times that number perished.
(III) After that, now that the country of the Kalingas has been conquered, the Beloved of the Gods is devoted to a zealous discussion of Dharma, to a longing for Dharma and to the inculcation of Dharma (among the people).
(11) Now, this is (due to the repentance of the Beloved of the Gods on having conquered (the country of) thg Kalingas.
(V) Verily, the slaughter, death and deportation of men, which take place there in the course of the conquest of an unconquered country, are now considered extremely painful and deplorable by the Beloved of the Gods.
(VI) But what is considered even more deplorable by the Beloved of the Gods is (the fact that) injury to or slaughter or deportation of the beloved ones falls to the lot of the Brāhmaṇas, the Sramaņas, the adherents of other sects and the householders, who live in that country (anal). among whom are established such (virtues) as obedience to superior personages, obedience to mother and father, obedience to elders and proper courtesy and firm devotion to friends, acqunintances, companions and relatives as well as to slaves and servants.
1 Chakravarti : "These five letters are faintly visible on the rock."
Chakravarti : The letter ta is chipped off." . Read vidhiyanti. Chakravarti : "The sign for in is not clear on the rock." He omits okru. The last three letters are engraved on the other side of the crack. . Read savatha.
* Chakravarti: asu. Ho oraita me. • Chakravarti: ma vijio. Chakravarti: "The letter si is not clear on the rock,"
10 Chakravarti omits this, 11 Chakravarti: 1a.

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[VOL. XXXII
(VII) And, if misfortune befalls the friends, acquaintances, companions and relatives of persons who are full of affection (towards the former), even though they are themselves well provided for, (the said misfortune) as well becomes an injury to their own selves.
(VIII) (In war), this fate is shared by all classes of men and is considered deplorable by the Beloved of the Gods.
(IX) Excepting the country of the Yavanas, there is no country where these two classes, (viz.) the Brāhmaṇas and the Sramaņas, do not exist.
(X) And there is no place in any country where men are not indeed (sincerely) devoted to one sect (or other).
(XI) Therefore, the slaughter, death or deportation) of even a hundredth or thousandth part of all those people who were either slain or died or were carried away (captive) at that time in Kalinga, is now considered very deplorable by the Beloved of the Gods.
(XII) Now the Beloved of the Gods thinks that, even if a person) should wrong him, the (offence) would be forgiven if it is possible to forgive it.
(XIII) And the forest-[folk] (who live) in the dominions of the Beloved of the Gods, even them he entreats and exhorts (in regard to their duty).
(XIV) (It is hereby) explained to them) that, in spite of his repentance, the Beloved of the Gods possesses power (enough to punish them for their crimes), so that they should turn from evil ways) and would not be killed (for their crimes).
(XV) Verily the Beloved of the Gods desires (the following) in respect of all creatures, (viz.) non-injury (to them), restraint (in dealing with them), impartiality (in the cases of crimes committed by them, and) mild behaviour towards them).
(XVI) So, what is conquest through Dharma is now considered to be the best conquest by the Beloved of the Gods.
(XVII) And such a conquest has been achieved by the Beloved of the Gods not only here (in his own dominions) but also in the territories bordering (on his dominions), as far away as (at the distance of) six hundred Yojanas, (where) the Yavana king named Antiyoka (is ruling and where), beyond (the kingdom of) the said Antiyoka, four other kings named Turamāya, Antikeni, MakA and Alikasudara (are also ruling), and towards the south, where the Chodas and Pandyas (are living), as far as Tamraparpi.
(XVIII). Likewise here in the dominions of His Majesty, (the Beloved of the Gods),- in (the countries of the Yavanas and Kambojas, of the Nabhakas and Nabhapanktis, of the Bhojas and Paitryanikas and of the Andhras and Paulindas,' everywhere people) are conforming to the instructions in Dharma (imparted) by the Beloved of the Gods.
(XIX) Even where the envoys of the Beloved of the Gods have not penetrated, there too (men) have heard of the practices of Dharma and the ordinances (issued and) the instructions in Dharma (imparted) by the Beloved of the Gods, (and) are conforming to Dharma (and) will continue to conform to it.
XX) So, (whatever) conquest is achieved in this way, verily that conquest (creates an atmosphere of satisfaction everywhere (both among the victors and the vanquished).
(XXI) In the conquest through Dharma, satisfaction is derived (by both the parties). (XXII) But that satisfaction is indeed of little consequence.
1 Cf. Ind. Cult., Vol. VIII, pp. 309-400. For the change of I to r in this name in the Girnår version, of, below p. 80.

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No. 1]
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA (XXIII) Only happiness (of the people) in the next world is what is regarded by the Beloved of the Gods as a great thing (resulting from such a conquest).
(XXIV) And this record relating to Dharma has been written (on stone) for the following purpose, (viz.) that my sons and great-grandsons (who may flourish after me) should not think of any fresh conquest (by arms) as worth achieving, that they should adopt (the policy of) forbearance and light punishment (towards the vanquished, even if they) themselves achieve the conquest (of a people by arms), and that they should regard the conquest through Dharma as the (true) oonquest.
(XXV) Such (a conquest) brings happiness (to all concerned both) in this world and in the next.
(XXVI) And let all their intense joys be what is pleasure associated with Dharma. (XXVII) For this brings happiness in this world as well as in the next.
ROCK EDICT XII
[BOULDER D] 1 (I) Devānampiye Piyadasi lājā sava-påsa[m]dāni pavajitāni 2 [gihathūni va pūjayati dāne)na vividhāya cha p[ūja]yā [l*) (II) no chu tathā dānam
va 3 [pūjā] va Devānampiye manasti] a[tha] [kiti sāla-vadhi] s[iyā) sava-pāsandānam [l*]
(III) sāla-(va)4 dhi chu bahu-vidh[ā]* [I*] (IV) tasa chu [i]yar m[@]L[e] a vacha-gusti) kiti ata-pāsam[da]
[pūjā] va pala-pāsarda-galahā 5 (vā no] siyā a-pakalanasi la[hu]kā (va] [si]yā ta[si] ta[si palkala[na]si [l*) (V).[pū]jestaviya)
va chu pala-pāsamd[ā] tena [te]na 6ākälenu ()*] (VI) hevam kalantar ata-pasamda[m] bā[dhari] vadhasya]ti pala-pā[san]dasa
pi cha upakaleti (I*(VII) tad-aminath[ā] kala[nita) 7 a[ta*)-pāsaídam cha chhanati pala-pā saņ[dasa) pi cha apakalesti] [*] (VIII) e hi kechhi
ata-pāsamdam pūjayeti (palla-pasamdan v[a] galahati 8 Bave ata-pāsaņda-bhastiya va] kisti ajta-pāsam[da]i di[paye]ma [ti] se cha mana tatha
kalamtain b[a]dhatale upahamti ata-pasamdam (1") (IX) se sama9 vāye (va] tādhu ki[ti) annam-anāsa [dhammam sunevu) cha susūseyu cha [l*] (X) hevam
hi De vâ]nampiya[sa i]chhà kiti dava-pasamda 10 bahu-sută cha kayan-agama cha huvey[u ti] [1*] (XI) e [cha) tata tata (pasaṁnā) te hi vata
viy[e] [*] (XII) Devānampiye no tathsā) dānam v [X] [pū]ja v[ä] mamnati 11 ntha kiti sāla-vādhi si[yā) sava-pāsa[m]dānam ti [*] (XIII) [ba]huk[ä] cha etāye a[thälye
viyāpatā dhamma-[ma]hāmātā ithi-dhiya[kha)-mahām[a]tă 12 vacha-bhūmiko(kā) cha aṁne cha nikāyā [l*] (XIV) iyam (chu e tasa phale [ata-pāsaṁda
vadhi] cha hoti dharmasa cha d[i]panā ti (1)
1 (hakravarti: "This letter is not clear on the rock." * Chakravarti : " The à sign is not clear on the rook." • Chakravarti : " These two letters are not clear on the rock." • Chakravarti: "There sooms to be a lottor like wa on the rook at the end of the line after ti." Chakravarti: “ The letter a is not oloar on the rook."
Chakravarti: thimild.

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26
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
TRANSLATION
(I) King Priyadarsin, Beloved of the Gods, honours men of all religious communities with gifts and with honours of various kinds, (irrespective of whether they are) ascetics or householders.
(II) But the Beloved of the Gods does not value either the offering of) gifts or the honouring (of people) 80 (highly) as the following, viz that there should be a growth of the essentials (of Dharma) among (men of) all sects.
(III) And the growth of the essentials (of Dharma is possible in) many ways.
(IV) But its root (lies) in restraint in regard to speech, (which means that there should be no extolment of one's own sect or disparagement of other seots on inappropriate occasions and that it should be moderate in every case even on appropriate occasions.
(V) On the contrary, other sects should be duly honoured in every way (on all occasions).
(VI) If (a person) acts in this way, (he) not only promotes his own sect but also benefits other sects.
(VII) But, if a person) acts otherwise, (he) not only injures his own sect but also harms other sects.
(VIII) Truly, if (a person) extols his own sect and disparages other sects with a view to glorifying his own sect owing merely to his attachment (to it, he) injures his own sect very severely by acting in that way.
(IX) Therefore restrained speech is commendable, because people should learn and respect (the frondamentals of ) one another's Dharma.
(X) This indeed is the desire of the Beloved of the Gods that persons of all sects become wellinformed (about the doctrines of different religions) and acquire pure knowledge.
(XI) And those who are attached to their respective (sects) should be informed as follows:
(XII) The Beloved of the Gods does not value either the (offering of) gifts or the honouring (of people) so (highly) as the following, viz. that there should be a growth of the essentials of · Dharma) among (men of all seets."
(XIII) Indeed many of my officers are engaged for the (realisation of the said) end, such as) the Mahāmätras in charge of the affairs relating to) Dharma, the Mahämātras who are super intendents (of matters relating to the ladies (of the royal household), the officers in charge of my cattle and) pasture lands and other classes (of officials).
(XIV) And the result (of their activities, as expected by me,) is the promotion of one's own nect and the glorification of Dharma.
ROCK EDICT IX
[BOULDER E] 1 (1) Devanampiy[e) Pi[yada]si lājsā] hevar ā[hā] [l*] (II) (jajne [ch-āvucham)
1 e expression in the original is generally taken to stand for Sanskrit samaväya meaning concord'. It may, however, also suggest Sanskrit sámia-vāda meaning' restrained speech' which is apparently intended by the word sathyama used in the Shahbāzgarhi text. Cf. dharma-vaya for Sanskrit dharna-vdda in Rook Ediot XIII line 5. See PIHO, Hyderabad, 1941, p. 144 ; Select Inscriptions, p. 34, noto 10.
· Chakravarti: "The three letters are faintly visible on the rook."

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27
No. 1]
ERRAGUDI EDICTS OF ASOKA 2 mangalam [ka]leti (ābā]dha-si āsvā]ha[si] vivāhas[i] paj-upadāyer [l*] (III) et[@]ye 3 amnāye cha hed[is]āye jane ba[hu] maṁ[ga]lam [ka]laṁti [l*] (IV) (hetä сhuje arbaka-jac
. [nikā] ba[hul cha bahu-vidham cha 4 [khu]dā cha nila[thi]øyam cha mamgalam kal[am]ti [l*]: (V) [se] kata[viye ch-eva] kh[o] mam
gale [l*) (VI) apa-phale chu kh[0] es[e] [l*] (VII) iyam chu [kho] 5 maha-[pha]le [e] dhamma-mamgale [l*] (VIII) het[@] iyam [dā]sa-[bha]ta[ka]si samyā-pațipati
g[u]lune apa(chiti) pānānam saya(me] 6 [samana-bambhalnanam dāne] [l*] (IX) esa anne cha [he]di[se] dhamma-mamgale n[@]ma
1*] (X) se vataviye pi[t]in(á) pi pusto'na] 7 [pi] bhāti[ke]na pimita-samthu[tena] pi [ava-pațive]si[yena]' pi [1*] (XI) iyam sā[dhu] [!]
(XII) iyar kataviye mamga[le ava]10 8 athasa nisvu]tiya nivuta]si11 vă mi[na i]maṁ kachhami [l*] (XIII) e [hi itale mam]gale sa[m]
sayi[ke) se [l*] (XIV) siyā (vals tan ] 9 atha nivatayeyā [si]yā [se] no [l*] (XV) [hi]da-lokik[e] ch[=e]va [se] [l*1 (XVI) isyan) mina
dham[ma)-manga[le] akalike [*] (XVII) harch[e pi] [tam)"6 10 athan no nivatayati [hi]da atha (pala]16ta anaṁtam (pum]nam (pa]savati [l*] (XVIII)
[ham]che mina (taṁ pi]7 a[tham) nivatesti] [hi]da (tato] 11 [ubho] ladhe hoti hida cha se athe (palalta cha [anan tam pulnam pasavati tena [dhath
ma)-mamgalenā (l*]
TRANSLATION (1) Thus saith king Priyadaráin, Beloved of the Gods.
(II) People perform various (keinds of) auspicious ceremony on the occasions of illness, the weddings of sons, the weddings of daughters, (and) the birth of children.
1 Chakravarti : "A little space is left between ba and dha which could not be inscribed owing to a depression in the rock."
• Other versions have a word like pavasasi after this.
Chakravarti : " The letter chu is partly visible on the rook." Chakravarti : " The letter ja looks like jän on the rock." He reads janiyo. Chakravarti : " The ongraver soems to have inscribed ya at first and then changed it into thi." • Chakravarti: "The letter ne is faintly visible on the rock."
· Chakravarti : " The letter te is completely rubbed off." The following two letters also cannot be traced on the impressions.
Chakravarti : "The passage bhatikena pi is written between lines 6 and 7 about their beginning." The pasage suvämtkena pi has been omitted in this version.
• Chakravarti roads (pajferseJsi(yena) and says that the last two lettors look like lene on the rock.
10 Chakravarti: "The word tasa which occurs in other versions after this is not visible on the rook. It may have been chipped off.”
11 Chakravarti: "There is a little space between ta and si, which is left uninscribed owing to the roughness of the stone." Ho reads va.
11 Chakravarti : kach hāmi. 1 Chakravarti : "The letter va is only partly visible on the rook." 14 Chakravarti: "The letter tar is not visible on the rock." 15 Chakravarti: "The letter lan is only partly visible on the rook." 16 Chakravarti : "The letter la is completely rubbed off.”
11 Chakravarti omita pi. # Chakravarti : " This is not found on the rock and is probably ohipped off.” * Chakravarti: "The sign for th after pu is not visible on the rock." He rends ubhe and palate

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII (III) On these and similar other occasions, people perform many kinds of) auspicious ceremony.
(IV) And on such (occasions), the womenfolk (in particular) perform many and diverse (kinds of) ceremony which is trivial and meaningless.
(V) An auspicious rite, however, should certainly be performed. (VI) But the said (kind of rites) in fact produces mengre results. (VII) (On the other hand), such a ceremony as is associated with Dharma produces great results.
(VIII) In it are comprised the following, (viz.) proper courtesy to slaves and servants, reverence to elders, restraint in (one's dealings with) living beings, (and) liberality to the Sramaņas and Brāhmaṇas.
(IX) These and similar other (virtues) are indeed the ceremonies of Dharma.
(X) Therefore, whether one is a person's) father, or son, or brother, or friend or acquaintance, or (even) a (mere) neighbour, one ought to declare (to him as follows) :
(XI) This kind of rite associated with Dharma) is good.
(XII) "One should observe this practice until one's (desired) object is attained and resolve that) this practice) will be observed by him again (and again) even after the object is attained."
(XIII) The auspicious ceremony (of kinds) other than this is indeed of dubions (value).
(XIV) Perchance a person may attain his object (by performing those ceremonies), perchance he may not.
(XV) Moreover, (performance of those ceremonies) may produce results in this world only. (XVI) But the said) rite of Dharma is not restricted to time.
(XVII) If a person performs it but) does not attain his object in this world, even then endless merit (for him) is produced (by it) in the next world.
(XVIII) And, if a person) attains his object in the world, both the results are obtained by him, viz.), that the desired) object (is attained) in this world as also endless merit is produced (for him) in the next world by that ceremony of Dharma.
.
1 The orginal has by me

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No. 2-SOPARA FRAGMENT OF ROCK EDICT IX OF ASOKA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
In 1882 Bhagvanlal Indraji discovered a broken slab of basalt bearing parts of some lines of Rock Edict VIII of Asoka! (roughly one-third of the edict) in a place near the Bhātelā pond to the east of the town of Sopārā (ancient Sürpāraka in Aparānta) in the Bassein Taluk of the Thana District, Bombay State. The discovery suggested that a complete set of the fourteen Rock Edicts of Asoka must have originally existed near Sopārā. This possibility has received further support from the recent discovery of another broken slab of basalt containing parts (a little above half) of Rock Edict IX of the series in the same neighbourhood. On the 1st of January 1956, Mr. N. A. Gore, Librarian of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, discovered this fragment in the village of Bhuigaon near Sopārā. Both the fragments are now preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay. When I visited the Museum in January 1957, the authorities were kind enough to allow me to examine and copy the inscription.
The inscribed surface of the slab is oval in shape. Its length is about 26 inches and height about 22 inches. It contains eleven lines of writing. The number of letters in the lines is as follows: 1-13, 214, 3 20, 420, 5-21, 6-20; 7—19, 819, 9-18, 10-17 and 11-17. Each letter is about 13 inches in height. The preservation of the writing is on the whole satisfactory, although a few letters are damaged here and there in most of the lines. In several cases, flaws in the stone look almost like vowel-marks attached to particular consonants. Since there are what may be regarded as traces of two or three letters of a twelfth line beneath the concluding part of line 11, the preservation of all the letters in the other lines may be taken to suggest that only the lower part of the inscribed face of the slab has broken away. But we have to take into account the oval shape of the slab as well as the facts that none of the letters are lost at the beginning and end of any of the lines and that the lines about the middle contain more letters than those in the upper and lower parts of the inscribed face which is elliptical in size. These seem to suggest that the few marks beneath line 11 may not actually be traces of a lost line and that the face of the slab contains the whole of the original writing of the inscription which was continued on another slab. In any case, at Sopārā, the Rock Edicts were apparently engraved in groups on separate slabs just as at Erragudi.
As expected, the characters of the inscription are Brahmi and its language is Prakrit. The letter r is of the cork-screw type while y is of both of the Indian plough and tripartite types (cf. Devā nan piye Piyadasi in line 1 and annāye chu edisāye in line 4). Dh has its back to the right of the vertical. The text does not strictly follow the draft of any of the published versions of the edict. Thus pajūpadāye (line 3; instead of putra-lābhesu or pajupadane) connects it with Dhauli, Jaugada, Mānsehrā and Erragudi; annäye (line 4; instead añanhi or añaye) with the Dhauli, Jaugada and Kälsi texts (although, for anne in line 10, Mansehra has also ane insetad of añe); pitinā (line 11 ; instead of pitā or pitunā) with the same versions ; ambaka-janiko, literally 'mothers and wives' (line 5; instead of mahidayo, ithi or striyaka meaning 'ladies' or 'women') with the Erragudi, Kālsī and Mansehra texts; and bambhana-samanānam (lines 9-10; instead of samanabamhananan or sramana-bramanana) with the Girnar 'text which, however, retains of the
1 Macron over & And o has not been used in the article. * See JBBRAS, Vol. XV, p. 282 ; Hultzsch, Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. I, pp. xv, 118 and Plato.
( 29 )

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30 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
• (VOL. XXXII Sanskrit spelling of the words. The use of n for in bambhana-samana (Sankarit brāhmanaframana) also connects our record with the Kālsi, Dhauli, Jaugada and Efraguļi texts. But there are some peculiarities of the orthography of the present text of the edict, which are not noticed in any other versions. In retaining of Sanskrit without changing it to I, our text shows affinity with the Gimnār, Mansehra and Shāhbāzgarhi versions as against the Dhauli, Erragudi, Jaugada and Kálsi texts. But the present text exhibits the interesting feature of changing I of Sanskrit to r not generally noticed in any other version of the edict. Indeed this characteristic is found only in a few cases in the Girnār, Mānsehrā and Shāhbāzgarhi versions of the fourteen Rock Edicts (cf. the root ārabh for Sanskrit alabh in Rock Edict I). The Sanskrit words mangala and phala have been modified to mangara (six times in lines 2, 4, 6, 6-7, 8 and 10-11) and phara (twice in line 7). The word samiya in samiya-pa tipati (Sanskrit samyakpratipatti) in lines 8-9 is spelt in the other versions as samya, samyā or samma. The modification of k into y in nirathiyam (line 6) is noticed in several other texts of the edict ; but the elision of y in e (Sanskrit yah) in line 7 is noticed at Dhauli and Efragudi while the other texts (except Jaugada which is damaged in this part) have ye, although the same consonant in Sanskrit yavat is elided in all the versions except Shāhbāzgarhi which retains it in one out of two cases. The introduction of h in heta (Sanskrit atra ; cf.eta in line 5 ) in line 8 is noticed in the Kälsi and Errugudi texts. But edise (Sanskrit etādrisal) in line 10 is found as hedise in the Kālsi, edisa in the Mänsehra and etūrisan in the Girnar version. In dāsa-bhatakasi (Sanskrit dāsa-bhritake) our text differs from the Girnār version which has dāsa-bhatakamhi.
TEXT:
1 (I) D[o]vä[najompiye Piyadasi r[a]j[a] hevam. 2 āha (1*] (II) jane uch-āvucham mangara ka[ro]ti 3 [@]b[7]dhasi (ā]vāhasi* vivāhasi paj-ūpadāye pav[ā]sa4 si [!*] (III) etāye amnāye chu edisāye jane bahū maram' ka[ro]5 ti (I*] (IV) [e]ta chu ambaka-janiko bahū cha ba[hū]-vidham cha khudam cha 6 nisrathiyam cha margaran ka[ro]ti [l*] (V) se ka[ta]viye ch=eva kho mam7 gare [1] (VI) apa-phare chu kho es[0]*[!*] (VII) isyam) chu kho maha-phare e dham8 ma-mamgare (.*) (VIII) heta iyam? dāsa-[bha)takas i samiya-pati9 pat[i] gurun(o) apachiti pānānam saya[me] bambhana10 samaínā]nari: dāne' [l*] (IX)esa anno cha edise dhamma-ma[m)11 [gare) nama [l*) (X) [se] vatavi1o[y]e pitină pi putena pill
Seo Cirnar once in line 6 (Hultzsch, op. cit., p. 16), Kilai twioe in linea 25-26 (ibid., p. 37), Shahbazgarh in one of the two cases in line 19 (ibid., p. 60), Mansehra twice in line 6 (ibid., p. 78) and Dhauli once in line 5 (ibid.. p. 90). This part of Jaugada is damaged. But Kälsi exhibits the elision of y in e elsewhere in the edict, e... inline 26 (ibid., p. 37).
From impressions. • What looks like an a-matra of n seems to be due to a flaw in the stone. • What looks like an a-matrå of h appears to be due to a flaw in the stone. * Read mangaran.
• The intended reading seems to be ese. 7 What looks like an e-matra of y appears to be due to a flaw in the stone. # What looks like an anusvira After då seems to be due to a flaw in the stone.
The intended reading is possibly amne.. Cf. note 6 above. But it may be anna also, 10. What lonks like an a-matra nft seems to be due to a flaw is the stone. 11 A comparison with the text of the edict in the other versions (e.&., Erragudi, above, pp. 26-27) will show that
the extant part of the record contains a little more than a half of the edict. The lost part oontained a fow letters less than the number of letters in the extant portion.

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2
6
8
10
SOPARA FRAGMENT OF ROCK EDICT IX OF ASOKA
Scale: Three-seventh
2
6
8
10

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No. 3-KALEGAON PLATES OF YADAVA MAHADEVA
(2 Plates)
D. G. KOPARKAR, AHMEDNAGAR
Kālēgāon where the grant was discovered is situated on the southern bank of the Gōdāvari about sixteen miles east of Nevasã in the Ahmednagar District, Bombay State. The following account of Kālēgāon is found in the Gautami-māhātmya section of the Brahma Purāna. Saramā, the divine bitch, had two pups whom Yama fondled. She used to guard the sacrificial cows of the gods. The demons once enticed her with sweet words and bribes and stole away the cattle of the gods. Brihaspati came to know Sarama's disloyal behaviour and informed Indra about it. The latter in anger kicked her and she vomitted milk, a direct evidence of her faithlessness. Indra cursed her to go to the mortal earth. The two pups of Sarama approached Yama, their master, for help and he sought the advice of his father, the Sun, in the matter of getting the curse lifted. The Sun directed him to go to the Dandaka forest, bathe1 in the Gautami (Gōdāvari) and worship Brahman, Vishņu, Surya and Siva. Yama with the dogs did as directed and Sarama recovered from the effect of the curse. The place where Yama performed penance is called Yamatirtha and Siva is said to be present there under the name Yamesvara. It is believed to be a holy place having power to relieve men of all sins committed by themselves and their forefathers. Yamesvara is now known as Kālēsvara. The village seems to have been originally called Kalagrama, then Kälugaṁva and lastly Kālēgāon.
Kālēgaon was granted as an Inam to Rāvaji Mahādēva Vyasa by the Peshwa Bālāji Bājīrāva in 1756 A.D. In recognition of his integrity in submitting true accounts of the possessions of even those who lost their lives in the struggle, Rāvaji received a big prize. Out of it, he built the holy Kusavarta at Tryambakesvara. Kālēgaon continued as a hereditary Inăm till August 1955 with 181-5 acres of unarable and 2854-17 of arable land and a total assessment of Rs. 3,004.
Among the old sites in the village are the Waḍa of the Jahagirdar, the Kālēsvara temple (said to have been built by Shri Panse, a former Jahagirdar of Tuljapur), the dilapidated Gadhi of the Panses and a bastion and an extensive plinth of a building built after the Hēmāḍpanta style. This last site is locally known as madh, from Sanskrit matha, 'monastery, school'. Between the remains of the Gadhi on the one hand and the bastion on the other goes the trodden path which at this point is inclined. Heavy monsoon showers washed away the earth on the path and there was exposed to view, on the 22nd September 1955, a nicely chiselled slab of stone. The villagers dug out the slab and were surprised to hear a metallic sound from its interior when it was turned upside down. Or examination they found that the huge slab consisted of two pieces firmly joined together to form something like a safe. It was opened in the presence of the Panchas and three massive copper plates, strung on a stout copper ring bearing seal, were discovered inside the stone covers. The upper stone measures 1' 10"x1' 3-5"x7" and has a hollow (4.5" in depth) carved in it, while the lower measures 2'x1' 4-5"x7" with a similar hollow 1.5" deep. The plates measure 1' 3"x11" X.25" each and the three of them weigh 41, 41 and 4 seers respectively. They are made thicker
1 Even now the villagers point out one deep pool in the river-bed known as Kälyä doha or Kajali doha where Kala or Yama is believed to have bathed.
* Brahma Purana, Anandaérama ed., 131, 50-51.
⚫ An official report on this discovery was made by the village Patel to the Mamlatdar of Nēväsä and tho finds were first taken to Nevāsā and then transferred to the Collector's Office. [The plates are now in the office of the Director of Archives, Government of Bombay.-Ed.]
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at the edges with a view to preserve the engraved matter from friction. The soal bears the Yadava emblem which is a small copper image of Garuda sitting with hands folded and wings stretched out. The ring passes through the aperture at the base of the image and through the holes in the three plates. The Garuda image is 4-5' in height and 4" in width and weighs 59 tolas. The ring is 12" in circumference and 22.5 tolas in weight.
Being well-protected between the stones, the charter is quite legible. The Dēvanagari script employed in the document represents the peculiarities of the century to which it belongs. Prishthamātrās are commonly used. The following letters are sometimes confusingly similar: 1 and ba, da and da, tha and dha, stha and chchha, dva and ddha, vya and dhya. To the bottom of the vertical bar of p is, in some cases, added a sharp curve so that the letter looks almost like ē. The anusvära is generally a hollow circle. The language is Sanskrit.- As regards orthography, the consonant following r is often doubled. In a few places, & is substituted for 3. The details of the date, quoted in the record correspond to the 29th August 1261 A.D. Its importance will be discussed later on.
The first thirty verses of the charter are important as they depict the career of the donor and some of his predecessors. As the Yadavas are said to have descended from the moon, the Putānas are drawn upon by the court poet. Verses 1-5 give the genealogy of the lunar race from Brahman, born of Vishnu's navel, to Yayāti's son Yadu after whom the family came to be called Yadavavamsa. From their original home in Mathurā, some Yadava families migrated to Saurashtra and to Gujarat and Maharashtra. Dridhaprahāra (c. 795 A.D.), the son of Subāhu, is traditionally held to be the first ruler of Chandrädityapura or Chandrapura which is identified with Chandvad, Chándod or Chandör in the Nasik District. According to Hēmādri, however, the capital was Srinagara or Sinner in the same District, called variously Sindhinagara, Sindinagara and Sindineri in the inscriptions. In the beginning, these Yadaves were feudatories of the Chālukyas of Kalyans and protected their northern frontier.
Verse 6 speaks of Rāja (c. 850 or 900 A.D.) who is also called Rajagi or Rājugi in other insoriptions. Ten kings, placed after him by Hēmādri, are omitted by our poet. Verse 7 says how in this royal house was later on born Singhaņa (i.e. Simhana I or Simharāja, c. 1100 A.D.) who adopted the title Sähasānka. It is stated that he subdued the king of Karnāta, vanquished the Pandya chief and raised a pillar on the sea shore to commemorate the victory, and scared away the Gurjara leader from the battle-field by his superior valour.: Verse 8 introduces his son, Mallugi (also called Mailugi) who amassed much wealth belonging to the enemy kings. Verses 9-11 state that he was succeeded by Bhillama (i.e. Bhillama V, 1187-91 A.D.).• He is called a Sārvabhauma. He routed the lord of the Vindhyas and erected a column of victory on that mountain. He also put down the Chalukya monarch, conquered the south and uprooted the Käkatyas (i.e. Kakatiyas of Warangal in the northeastern Deccan). Bhillama's victory over the Vindhyan king and the Käkatyas, if real, is learnt for the first time from this grant. The other facts are already known. Thus in 1187 A.D. he is known to have founded the new capital, Dévagiri, after having defeated the Chalukya king somesvara IV. Similarly, the conquest of the south refers to the defeat of the Hoysala-Yadava king Narasimha (the father of Vira-Ballāla) who ruled at Haļēbid in Mysore. Later on, however, Bhilla
1 The Bassein plates (1069 A.D.) of Supacandra II has on two sides of the Garuda soal two conchs while the Haralahalli (Dharwar) plates of 1237-38 A.D. has the sun and the moon on the sides of Garuda. Soe JBBRAS, Vol. XV, p. 386; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIT, p. 119. Our seal has no such signe.
* Pergiter, Anc. Ind. Hist. Trad., p. 259. Cf. Hemidri's Vratakhanda : Sarut pi piruar Mathur-adhindihal Krishn-adito Dvdravat-Távaraste Subaru-vindranu dakshin-ada-prafasino Yadava-varda-vira) See R. G. Bhandarkar, E. Ii. D'ek., App. C (Majaprodaati I, verse 21).
* The details are also recorded in the Paithan plates (1271 A.D.) of Rimadēva (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV. p. 314).
On the authority of the Márdi inscription, Shri G. H. Khare pushes back the date of Bhillama's coronation to 1984 A.D. Vide Sourc. Med. Hj. Dec., Vol. I, p. 46. For the initial year of Bhillama's reign, see above, Vol. XXVIII, PP. 95-96.-Ed.1
. (No column of victory on the Vindhyas is mentioned in the text, Vindhya-bhabbrit may be Paramkra Vindhyavarman of Malwa.-Ed.]

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KALEGAON PLATES OF YADAVA MAHADEVA ma's imperial status was challenged by Vira-Ballala and it appears that his son, Jaitugi, who led the army, was completely defeated at Lakkundi near Gadag Bhillama also lost his life in this battle. Verges 12-13 state how he was followed on the throne by Jaitugi (or Jaitra pāla, 1191-1210 A.D.) who killed the king of Trikalinga (i.e. Kakatiya Rudra) and, instead of annexing that territory, liberated from prison Ganapati who was the nephew of Rudradēva and nominated him king.' According to verses 14-20, his son was Singhanadēva (i.e. Simhana or Simha II, 1210-47 A.D.) who defeated king Hammira. He was & redoubtable warrior, & royal s&ge, a benevolent and just administrator and a patron of poets and learned men.
According to the Kirtikaumudi of Sõmēsvara, Simhana II invaded Gujarat at least twice ; but he lost his commander Räma, son of Khõlēsvara, and made peace with the Väghēlā kings representing a branch of the Chaulukyas of Anahillapattana. Verse 21 introduces his son Jaitugi (i.e. Jaitugi II) 'whose feet were kissed by the crest-jewels of all the kings in the three worlds and who was irresistible like the sun rising with all its lustre'.
According to verse 22, Jaitugi's son was Srirāyanārāyana Krishna dēva (also called Kanhara, 1247-60 A.D.) who made a river of the blood of the Gurjara heroes flow. Verses 23-30 speak of his younger brother and successor, Mahādēva (1261-71 A.D.), who enjoyed the birudas : Rāyanārāyana', Rāyabhujabalabhima, Rāyapitāmaha, Rāyajagaddala, etc. He launched such an onslaught on Visala (i.e. Višala or Visāladēva, the Väghēlā king of Gujarat) that the latter lost all his wealth and fame of valour (as also his life ?) on the battle-field. This Visaladēva (1235-60 A.D.) was the son of Viradhavala and grandson of Lavanaprasāda. He had formerly offered strong resistance to Singhaņa II and was defeated by Krishna. Mahādēva seems to have helped his brother in the struggle and was held responsible for the defeat and death ?) of Visala. The reference is made here in connection with Mahadeva's assumption of purple robes. It appears that when the elder brother was the king, the younger acted as his general.' We are told that Mahädēva led a successful encounter on the sea against the Silähāras of the Konkan in 1260 A.D. Such victories in 1260 A.D. attributed to Mahādēva have led some historians' to believe that he became king some time before 1260 A.D. The present grant, however, proves that he ascended the throne in 1261 A.D. and that Krishna must have breathed his last some time the same year.
The prose portion after verse 30 mentions the date of the grant which is the expired Saka year 1182, Durmati (current), Monday, the second day of the bright halt of Bhadrapada. This corresponds to the 29th August 1261 A.D. The grant clearly states that it was made on the occasion of Mahādēva's coronation and with the belief that it would lead to the prosperity and expansion of his kingdom. We come to know this date for the first time from this grant.
* Imperial Gazetteer of India, Indian Empire, Vol. II, p. 339.
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 316. According to an inscription (above, Vol. III, p. 113) of 1222 A.D., from Bahal in Khandesh, Ganapati was the king of Andhradēta, while the Tangaon plates (Khare, Sourc. Med. Hist. Dec., Vol. III, pp. 9-16 ; cf. above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 208 ff.) of Yadava Krishna says that Jaitugi defeated the Andhra king.
• The Sanskrit drama entitled Hammiramadamardana, written botwoon 1219 and 1299 A.D., depicts him as a Mléchchha defeated by Viradhavala Väghola of Gujarat. [For the initial year of Singhaņa, see abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 317.-Ed.]
.R. G. Bhandarkar, E. Hist. Dek., p. 157.
These two titles along with Bhimaparakrama were adopted by Singhapa II according to Tailapa's insoription in the Ambabãi temple, Kolhapur (Quart. Bhar. It. San. Mand., Vol. XV, p. 17).
The Sil håra king Mallikarjuna (1156-60 A.D) also assumed the title Rajapitámaha. Vido Mardfhs Jaenuksia, 8.V.
As Mr. S. Sankaranarayanan points out to me, Amalānanda's Vedantakalpataru (Introduction, verse 13; Conclusion, verse 7) refers to the joint rule of Krishna and Mahadeva, B. K. No. 185 of 1933-34, dated Saks 1177, Rakshasa, ...... su. 18, Monday (Juno 21 or November 18, 1268 A. D.) also refers to Kanharadan Mahadeva-vljaya-rajya. Mahadeva was ruling as Yuvaraja jointly with Krishna till the latter's death-19d.]
. Vido Vijayanagara Smaraka Grantha (Marathi), p. 358. [The your was really Saka 1183 expired of. Kielhorn's List, No. 362.-Ed.

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Works on astrology dealing with the auspicious moments for particular functions give a number. of details regarding the mühürta of coronation. Tuesday. and Wednesday are to be avoided ; Sunday, Monday and Friday are all right if they are sabala ;' Uttarāyana is to be preferred but Chaitra, Ashādha and an intercalary month are to be excluded, as also Srāvana and Bhādrapada. The rikta-tithis 4, 9, 14 and 30 and the night are similarly to be avoided. It is generally believed that the first day of a month is not favourable for any auspicious undertaking. The period when the sun is in the Vșiśchika, Tulā or Kanya rāfi is recommended for coronation. We find from Pillai's Indian Ephemeris that the sun was in the Kanyā rāśi on the 29th August 1261 A.D. and the intercalary Bhādrapada was over two days earlier. Most of these general rules are found observed in the selection of the date recorded. The only question is about Dakshiņāyaṇa and Bhadrapada, during which the coronation should not take place according to the astrologers. The explanation of this question is to be found in the following remark of the author of the Muhurtaprakāka : mpite rajñi na kālasya niyamõ=tra vidhiyatë. In the case of a sudden death of the reigning king, the kingdom should not remain without a lord for a long time. It may be supposed that such an emergency arose and hence the coronation took place during the Dakshiņāyaṇa and Bhadrapada, though normally they are to be avoided.
The charter records the grant of the village of Kälugarva in favour of fifty-two Brāhmaṇas on the occasion of the king's coronation. The name of the gift village was changed to Pattavardhanapura apparently with reference to the occasion of the grant. The fifty-two donees of the grant belonged to twenty-two different götras. Thirty of them claim to be Bahvpicha or Rgvēdin, twentyone Taittiriya or Yajurvēdin and only one Chhandöga or Sämavēdin. The details are furnished in the following table.
Number
Götra
Sakha
of
Donces
. .
. .
.
1. Atrëya 2. Kapi . 3. Kädyapa .
Do. . 6. Do. . 8. Kaundinya . 7. Do. .
. . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . .
. . . .
. . .
. .
. Bahvrioha. . Do. . . Do. .
Taittirlys . . Chhandoga
Bahvpicha : . Taittiriya .
Bahvpicha . . Do. '
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .'.
. .
.
.
8. Kaukiks
.
. .
. .
. . .
. . .
. . .
. . .
0. Gärgya
.
.
.
.
1
1 Muhurtachintamani, Nirnayasagara Press, 1907, p. 324. . Cf. Vasishtha quoted in the commentary on the Muhurtachintamani, loo. cit. • Brihat Muhürlasindhu, Venkatisvara Press, 1885, p. 139. • Muhürtaprakäsa, Venkatēsvara Press, 1917, p. 45. • Hrihat Muhurtusindhu, loc. cit. Muhurtachintamani, loc. cit.
Brinat Huhúrtasindhu, loc. cit. • Tho commentary on the Muvirlachintamani also holds this view.

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KALEGAON PLATES OF YADAVA MAHADEVA
Gotra
Sakha
Number
of Donees
.
.
.
. .
. .
. .
. . .
. . .
. Bahvpicha . Do. .
Taittiriya .
. . .
. .
. . .
.
.
. .
. .
.
.
.
.
.
. .
Do. . Bahvpicha .
. ..
10. Gautama .. 11. Jámadagnya-Vatsa 12. Do. 13. Devarāta . . 14. Parādara. . 16. Bådarayana 16. Bhäradvaja . 17. Do.. : 18. Bhargava . . 19. Mitrayuva . 20. Mudgala. . 21. Lõhita . .
.
Do.
.
.
. .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
·
·
22. Vatas
.
. . . . . .
.
.
. .
. . . · · ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Taittirfya . . Bahvricha . 'Do. . . Do. . · Taittiriya :
Bahvřicha . . Taittiriya . . Bahvricha '. . Taittiriya . . Do. . . Bahvricha. . Do. . . Taittiriya .
Do. .
. . . . . . .
. . . . . . .
.
.
.
3
.
23. Do. . . . . . 24. Vásishtha . . . . 26. Do. . . . . . 26. Vābhryasva . . . . 27. Viávāmitr-Aghamarshaņa-Kaubika 28. Sandilya . . . . . 29. Do. . . . . . 30. Härt'a . . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
3
. .
. .
. .
. .
1 1
The usual convention was that the grants of older kings should be continued by later rulers even though they may have belonged to a different royal house. It is therefore interesting to note that the village granted to fifty-two Brāhamaņas in 1261 A.D. was again given as an Inām to the Vyasas by a Pēshwa. It seems that, for some reason or other, Kálēgaon was deserted by the decendants of the donees of this grant.
Among the privileges enjoyed by the donees of the grant, the expression ashta-bhoga normally stands for the following eight kinds of enjoyment fixed by usage (grāma-maryādā): nidhi (treasuro trove); nikshëpa (also called upanidhi, deposits on the soil); jala (water reservoirs); pashana (stones, mines and quarries); akshini (actual privileges); ägāmi (future profits); siddha or middhiya (what is already brought under cultivation); sādhya (waste land that may in future be

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(Vol. XXXII turned into a cultivable land). In our grant, however, eleven types of enjoyments are named and besides some more are implied by the expression ity-ādi, and still they are called ashța-bhoga. This means that all possible privileges or conditions with reference to the gift village were transferred to the donces. The donees of the brahmadēya grants used to receive all the taxes payable by the inhabitants to the king, but themselves had to pay nothing."
Of the above list, the first four bhogas occur in our grant. Among the other privileges, sulka is the same as bhut-Opätta-pratyāya, & tax on what has been produced or manufactured (bhūta) and what has been imported (upātta), i.e. some general excise and octroi duties. The terms vāt-ādēya, āvāta, võta-pratyāya and akara-vät-ottara ocour in inscriptions; but in all these upătta seems to have been Prakritised as āvāta or vāta. Danda is. dandāya, i.e. the right to receive the fines imposed upon the delinquents. Dāna seems to be some kind of customs duty; cf. Gujarāti dānackori (smuggling) and the Marathi surname Dāni. The latter is explained in the Mahārashtra Sabdakosa as the officer collecting the tax on corn', 'the officer to store the corn collected as tax from the farmers'.! Käruka is some tax on the artisans and craftsmen. Maulika means traditional or customary tax. Dr. Altekar explains maulika-arhanas, perquisites of hereditary officers', as the receipts of the headman who enjoyed the taxes in kind and used to receive a share of most of the articles produced or sold in their villages. Alternatively, we may connect maulika with Marathi moļi 'the burden of grass or fuel that a man can carry on his head'. In that case, the term may indicate some octroi duty in kind over the imported goods. Srotra® is a fiscal term of uncertain import. MM. D. V. Potdar suggested to me that it might be a Sanskritisation of flótra or silotra from Sanskrit filottara. According to the Mahārāshtra Sabdakota, silotarā, filotari or silotri means the tax ip kind (a maund per bighā) to be collected from the cultivator by the person (called ijārdār) taking possession of Government land on contract for a fixed period. Tēja, also written tëjas, 10 is a puzzle. In several inscriptions, 11 tēja-svāmya is mentioned over and above the ashta-bhoga.
The boundaries of the gift village are carefully noted in the grant : Gangā (Gödāvar) in the north; Näigaum and Khambhagaum in the west ; Nimbaravin in the east; and Rāñjanagaum and Dahimgaum in the south. The modern equivalents of these names are: Limbări or Nimbari (two miles to the east of Kälēgāon), Dahigaon and Rāñjani (four miles to the south), Khāmgaon (three miles to the west). Nāigaum is a difficulty. About four miles to the west of Kālēgaon there is an old village named Varakhēd which was formerly a centre of Brahmanic learning and where even at this day live certain Brāhmaṇa families belonging to the Rigvēda and the Vasishtha, Vibvāmitra and Jāmadagnya götras. In the list of the donees of this grant we do find Rigvēdins with these gotras and this fact may be regarded as supporting the identification of Varakhēd with
See the Nallur grant (1389 A.D.) of Harihara II, verses 26-27. Cf. above, Vol. III, p. 123 ; also p. 245 (verso 7).
1A. 8. Altekar, The Rashtrakūtas and their Times, p. 327. Ibid., p. 228.
Ibid., p. 235. In the expression sa-danda-dosha-das-aparadha, danda is wrongly translated as the measuremant, i.e. measuring rod' by R. G. Bhandarkar. Cf. Collected Works, Vol. III, p. 285.
Cf. sa-dhanya-hiranya-deya, ' assessment of revenue in the form of gold coins or corn (Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 228).
. Cf. karuk-adi-samasta-danda (M. G. Dikshit, Select Inscriptions of Maharashtra, p. 99).
Cf. the Marathi surnames Mālika, Mülaka (literally, 'first','original ') and Marathi mola (ir. müla, maylika), tradition', 'way of life', as in Marath-mala. The term malakava (or vur) occurring in an inscription (Sukthankar Comm. Vol. II, p. 238) is phonetically related to maulika.
• 7'he Rashtrakūtas and their Times, p. 194.
[The word may be the same as drotuka mentioned in the Chinchani platos of the time of Krishna III. Cf. below, p. 67.-Ed.)
10 Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 144, above, Vol. XIII, p. 34. 11 G. H. Khar, Sourc. Med. Hist. Doc. (Marithi), Vol. III, PP. 68, 90, 98.

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37
Näigaum. Varakhed is famous for its old shrine of Nägeévara. Its older name therefore may have been Nagagrāma modified later to Nayagama and lastly to Naigaum. This suggestion is borne out by the evidence of the Brahma Purana1 wherein the following story is told about the name of the place. King Surasēna of the lunar dynasty ruling at Pratishthana had no issue. After a time his queen gave birth to a snake named Nagēévara who was really a son of Sesha and had been cursed by Siva. He studied the Vedas and Sastras and was later married to Bhōgavati, the daughter of king Vijaya ruling in the east. Bhōgavati and Nägeśvara bathed in the Gōdāvari and devoutly worshipped Siva. The place where they worshipped came to be known as Nagatirtha and the linga worshipped by them as Nägeśvara.
Sōupadāśa, mentioned in verse 30 ( line 76 ), is the country named after Sōunachandra I (o. 800 A. D.), the son of Dridhaprahāra. The kingdom founded by his father was expanded by Seupachandra on both banks of the Godavari from Nasik to Devagiri so as to include the modern Districts of Aurangabad and East and West Khandesh as well as portions of Ahmednagar and Nasik. Our grant fittingly styles Godavari as the ornament of the Seuna country.
TEXT
[Metres: verses 1, 11, 13, 24, 29, 31, 32, 35-37 Anushtubh; verse 2 Mandākrāntā; verses 3, 4, 12, 15-18, 22, 27, 30 Sārdūlavikridita ; verses 5, 8, 20, 21, 23, 34 Vasantatilakā; verse 6 Sikharini ; verses 7, 9, 10, 25, 26, 28 Sragdharā; verse 14 āryā; verse 19 Prithvi ; verse 33 Salini.]
First Plate
1 ॐ स्वस्ति श्रीः । श्रो नमो वराहाय ॥ जयत्याविष्कृतं विष्णोर्व्वाराहं क्षोभि2 तार्णवं ( वम्) । दक्षिणोन्नतदंष्ट्राप्रविभ्रान्तभुवनं वपुः ॥ [ १* ] विष्णोर्ना भीकम
3 लकुहरादाविरासीद्विरिंचिन्चन्मौलिस्खलितकुसुमं वंदितो देव[4]
4 त्यैः । तस्मादत्रिः समजनि जगज्जातजैत्रप्रकाशश्चन्द्रस्तस्मादभवद
5 मृतोद्गारशृंगारिताशः ।। [२] वंशे तस्य पुरूरवास्समभवद्यच्चापमापद्गतो
6 देवानामधिपः स्मरत्यविरतं व्यालुप्तवजग्रहः । व्यालुप्तवज्रग्रहः । श्राब्रह्मांडमखंडतांड7वरथप्रस्थानी [लां] वहन्यश्चैको बुभुजे भुजेन विजितामुर्वी थैवोर्व
"
8 शीं (शीम्) । [३*]5 तस्मिन्नेव ययातिराविरभवद्भूमंडलाखंडलस्सर्वः स्वर्वनितानि - 9 तातसुभगप्रोद्गीतदोर्व्विक्रमः । यस्याद्यापि मखाहिताहुतिशतप्रोद्दाम
10
धूमोत्करैराकीर्णं परितः स्फुरत्यविरतन्तापिच्छनीलं नभः ।। [ ४* ] तस्मादजाय
1 Anandaérama ed., III, 86.
From the original plates.
Expressed by symbol. [The first symbol stands for Siddham.-Ed.]
4 This verse was quoted from earlier records (of. Khare, Soure. Med. Hist. Dec., Vol. III, p. 75).
• The third foot of the stanza contains Padartha-nidarkand as Tash vahan, l.e. ' possessing grace', leads to the following similarity : prasthana-iila-scarism lilam vahan. The fourth foot furnishes a simile and the two together offer a charming jingle.
• The stanza exhibite Atibayokti,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII 11 त. यदुर्यदुपग्रहेण वंशस्ततःपरमगाज्जगतिः [प्रतिष्ठा(ष्ठाम्) । तस्मिन्नथायमभवत्प्र12 भवः प्रजानां लीलामयं वपुरमन्दबलन्दधानः । [५* यदोस्तस्मिन्वंशे समज13 नि स निर्वापितरिपुप्रतापस्तापच्छिन्निखिलजगतो राजनृपतिः । यदीय14 प्रोदंचच्चरणनखरत्नांशुजलधौ निमज्जन्तश्चित्रं जगदुपरि वृत्तिप्रणयिनः ॥ [*]' 15 खेल]त्खड्गावतंसो रणशिरसि वशीकृत्य कर्णाटराजं यः पांडयं दंडयित्वा ण्य16 धित जलनिधे स्तंभमभ्यर्णभूमौ । यद्वाणव्रातपातैन समरमरगर्भजज्ज17 जरो गूर्जरेन्द्रः स श्रीमानाविरासीत्तुहिनकरकुले सिंघणस्साहसांकः ॥ [७*] त18 स्मादभूत्प्रभुरशेषमहीपतीनां श्रीमल्लुगिविजयकार्माणकार्मुकश्रीः । यस्य प्र19 तापतरणौ तरुणे तरूणां च्छा(छा)येव दैर्घ्यमजहादरिभूभृतां श्रीः ॥ [८* ] यस्मिन्
भ्रूभंग20 भीमे चलति वसुमतीमंडलं चंडभानोबिंब शैलेंद्रसंधिस्त्रिभिरभित इमे सं21 नियंते स्म सर्वे । वल्गद्भिर्वाजिबंदैस्तुरगखुरहतः पासुभिर्भीतिभिन्नैः क्षोणी22 ट्रैस्स प्रवीरस्तदनु समभवद्भिल्लमस्सार्वभौमः ॥ [*]* येनोद्यन्विंध्यभूभृत्प्रसभ23 नियमितः शूरमार्गन भेजे दृप्यच्चालुक्यवाताप्यपि च कवलितो येन जीर्ण- . 24 : क्षणार्धात् । येन प्रासाधि भूयो मलयपरिमलोद्गारिणी दक्षिणाशा स श्रीभि25 ल्लम देवो घटजमुनिरिवापीतकाकत्यसिंधुः ॥ [१०*]° येन सेनारजोराजिनिरुद्धे मि26 हिराध्वनि । वंध्यो विंध्यगिरिस्तम्भ: कुंभयोनेरकल्पत ॥ [११*' यस्संख्ये त्रिकलिंगरा27 जमवधीद्विद्वेषि।' सीमंतिनीनेत्रांभःप्रसरत्प्रगल्भलहर, निर्वाणवैरान- .
1 The subjects of king Rāja adored him so much that they longod for a [continued) stay on this earth only (and not for liberation). There is Atidayokti. [There are Rūpaka and Virõdhabhdsa.-Ed.)
Read samaram-abha'..
. There is Upama. The splendour of the enemy kings is compared to the shadow of trees. Pratāpa-larasi is to be explained as prata par taranih iva or pratapah laransh eva or prata pa yuklah larasih. The third foot gives Chhekānuprāsa due to the repetition of t,r and n. [Pratapa-tarani exhibits Rapaka only.-Ed.] There is Yathasankhya as well as Kriyadipaka as all the three nouns, varumati-mandala (which is the mattor
ba and sailendra-sandhi are connected with the same verb sa nuriyante. . .We may suggest Bhillamma° for the sake of the metre.
• Bhillama is here likened to Agastya. The points of resemblances are brought out by double-meaning expressions.
The verse implicitly suggesting the superiority of Bhillams over Agastya exhibits Vyatirika-dhean, • The dandals unnecessary.

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KALEGAON PLATES OF YADAVA MAHADEVA-PLATE I
12
धिसहिदाशनमा राहायडियद्याविपतविलाहजह आजाद
कितनागवि मान्न नवनवेजगाविलीनीतीका नलहरातानिरासायचिन्मोलिवलितकुसमरितादेवा चितस्याद:समनिडागनातावाप्रकाराबाट मरमादतवदः। 4 रहार गातारावार तथा स्वासयाजापमापाड़ना। वानामधिपस्मसटावितिया नवज्या बागाहमखई तो
पन्नानलीलावलयंशिका बुच चाडनावातानुबालाना की। LARभवयमातिरा विस्तवमंडला विडत मध यवनिका तातसुतगापाहात हीविकमाययाधाविनावाहिताहाताताबाहाम। भाकार राकापरित कायावर लावलनासनतातस्मादद्वारा परयंपगुहेपासपुरमगामातवातवालारमनवायमसन सापडानी लीलामयूवरमबल ट्वाक्षसायदानावासमा न सनिवापितरिपतीपमावा निरिवलकचातापाडवपत्तिहाददायक वातावरण नरवरजोधडा लवानिमा बाइपरिक्षण रवलाकडावतसारणपसिकायक्रमोटरायपाडा डायिवाना।
डालनिस्संतमत्यतिमाय हावापालनसामरमरगडना संग्रहारःसीमानाविपासाचाहनकरऊलासचणस्साहसाकशाता स्याट्सतराममहापतानाप्रीमलामा डायमा काकडीचा 20 तापतेरापातपोमणानायनारेमदारलाटताशयासन
तामिलतिवनम मंडलंबइ तानाविवादलेंडसाधाबालसितधाम । दियातहासावा हालिमुस्वारवरहातपातातहातात्तानका
सखवार सदनसमतवादतरमाहीतीमवासनाधञ्चिद्यतटमुसतार मित्र मानसई रानालमवातायनवकवासला पनडामा कपाही मनासीसियोधनालागरमला हारिपारणा योनीत मदेवाघरमुनिराज काकासात साजराजिनि उहमि। हरामनिविद्याविनाऊलयानरकला पायरियादकालासिता डमवादिदेवासामतिमात पसारवलइशानवीगावराना माया तिचा सामनराधमहर मनोजकतम्लाङन बादर सतावत्तवसरडातसाताहिर सकारावासिय मातापक
ਰਿ ਉUਵੀਵੀਪੈਰਵਾਈ ਸੀ। करा कितनाव लिपाताहमा तिमिर ताराणस्वर इयर्स क.मा कामातस्मादेवा गामा ऊ निवास 30
Scale : Three-fifths

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ima
REAC
32 व पाला तयार नवतावासविहानामधातमम 32
लापुकारिणी मलामणियालयातहजिसनगडलेलता मानवाणिबाध्याकार मुझे टोना वना पायामा भयमुहला ताडानाराकाच-सझिकावा राममात्र भए ले सच्चा दोहा रायणाभवखन गिरामानस माहाटामाया कानाडानि 36 जयरातारचिारपाया किलीमावस्यसमाधान निहाविनाश पामर कलकर दालविरतरालयविनिलयतजावो महानमनाम 38 नरवतामियनतीनों वे संघवाजतामिका या वयावा । किंवा कपात एतेति मात्रामउनयामाता मृतनकश्चिा
रामलावइलयादिको मदिवा निवांतकवलधसावधानटना रसाराचवायरसमसला नि म घाटासंघसकर यविनिहित ताविकतम मागीला किलो कि मितिनालवर वितरवाड व वाडबारिता NEYN/2:किंमनसिंघणडापारासचिव मदुस्समराला नाररान्समुपवालयमरतिगाठत्तावामानशासहवागलनमा प्रयतमावाकाटमुस्पा मगमयमाघबालवायुल्लताहत हत्तवयम46
पचिपा विवरविमानवातस्मादमायतनगी मानापाटपतापतपना र उनिबार/इंगिसमतावलयाविना सामलकर करविता धातम्मामालइविधासहवारत पारायला ग्रायपोडात:कातकाडकाविडायनाकालावियनागार्डन जोरशोणितसारवरघीपतिःपाधानमगाराहायस्यानि पीणा Mara|वधावडीनिवडा इतनामसारखवारमादितारासाठी
सोमभावासलसमर का किनासुमनामयसलावतवदलयातका शिराय मागायला राय पितामहातम डायहायताभयंदमहादेव Famalोवाती निन्नावलतिबलतरवासनामाइ वेगाहरनन्तल
लीट कक्लनाद मना कारसग यााकनवाणयाणसतिरजिना
डासरतामा उतासितिषाही खालमिश्विासमण्डामाजिता वन्यता 58 MEकल्पावसानघासना भविमानतवर्णमाक बनवामधासका।
डडागपातागलच्यानलहरमाड व तापवावलटमुरशा। बापतानसमारंवासिन्य मावस्यतिमहादै वरवश्व सय
रावासवासववार विजयसहस्त्रज्ञानामसाजन

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No.3]
KALEGAON PLATES OF YADAVA MAHADEVA 28 लः । यश्चतस्य समस्तराज्यमहरन्मत्तेभकुंभस्थलोकूजत्षाट्प]द29 गीतवैभवभरं जातस्ततो जैतुगिः ॥[१२*] का[रा]गारात्समानीय करु30 णावरुणालयः । प्रियंवदास्यमकरोत्क्षितेर्गणपति पति[तिम्] ॥ [१३*] हम्मीर31 तिमिरतरणिस्सरणिर्द्धर्मस्य संक्रमः कीर्तेः । तस्मादै (दे) वायमजनि श्रीसिं
Second Plate, First Side : 32 घणदेवभूपालः ॥ [१४*] कृष्यंते यदुराजरत्न भवता वक्षाभि (सि) विद्वेषिणामुप्यते सम33 रस्थलीपु (षु) करिणा (णां) मुक्तामणिश्रेणयः । वर्षन्ति स्तनगं (मं) डलेषु तरु34 णीनेत्राणि बाष्पोत्करैरुद्भेदो भुवनत्रयेपि [य*]शसामाश्चर्यमुज्जुंभ85 ते ॥ [१५] जाता[*] स्मः कविसंशिका व ॥ यममी भूमण्डले सिंघणक्षोणी[न्द्र)86 स्य गुणार्णवस्तु न गिरां गर्भेषु सम्मात्ययम् । यस्यैकस्य भुजे नि37 धाय धरणीभारञ्चिरेण प्रियालीमप्यवधूय सर्पशयने निद्राति नाराय38 णः ॥ [१६*7° मंदं मुंच करींद्र[शै]लशिखरे [श]ल्यं विनिर्भिद्य तद्ग्रीवामीनिमग्नमेव स39 मरे धत्तामियं [भू]न्त (स्त)तः । नो चेसिंघणदेव निःसृतमिदं क्रोडस्य शेषस्य वा 40 किं वा कूर्मपतेः [प]तेज़ (द) पुषि तन्मास्तामयं दुर्नयः ।। [१७*] स्तो (स्ना)तव्यस्त्वमृतेनं
कश्चि41 दपरो भूमण्डलाखंडल स्यादेको यदि वा निवातकवचध्वंसी पृथानंदनः । दू42 रे सोप्यथवास्तु यस्य समरे क्षोणीनिमज्जद्रथोदस्तिव्यस्तकरद्वये विनिहि
1 The first foot of the stanza exhibits Kevalaparamparita-rupaka: not based on pun. The superimposition. of timira on Hammira leads to that of tarani op the kirg. There is also Malā-rüpaka as tarani and sankrama are upamānas to the same Singhana. • The danda is unnecessary.
The heroic deeds of Singhaņa are compared with those of a farmer. The second and fourth feet of the verse jointly offer Asangati inasmuch as the cause (i. e. sowing) is in one place and the effect (i.e. crops) in another. [Threo causes of the same effect are given in the first three feet.-Ed.]
• The two dandas are unnecessary.
. The second foot of the stanza exhibts Adhika as gun-ārpara (the abrayin) is described as greater than speech (the diraya) though really it is not so.
• Singhana, the champion archer, is requested here to discharge his shaft at the enemy's elephant not with full swing: For the full force of the shaft will not only kill the elephant, but, says the poet with a hyperbole, also pierce the earth to the base and fall on the Boar (Vishnu) or Stoha or the Tortoise (i.o. tho mythological supporters of the earth). And would this not bean outraget

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII 43 ता वैकर्त्तमे (ने) मार्गणाः ॥[१८] कलौ किमिति नाल (भ)वत् क्षपितखांडवः
पांडवो रिपु44 त्रिपुरधूर्जटिः किमु न सिंघणो द्वापरे । इदं स विमृशन्मुहुस्समरदृष्टितृ45 ष्णातुरः स्व(श्व)रा(स)न्समुपवीणयत्स्म(न्स्म)रति गूढभावो मुनिः ॥ [१९*] सद्वंशजं
गुणिनमा48 यतमाप्तकोटिमुत्सृज्य चापमगमत्समरेस्य बाणः । युक्तं तदेताद]भवद्यदपि 47 प्रविश्य प्रणिपार्थिवहृदि स्थिपिमाप नैषः ॥ [२०] तस्मादजायत जगात्*]त्रयगीय48 मानप्रौढप्रतापतपनोदयदुर्निवारः । श्रीजैतुगिर्वसुमतीवलयाधिनाथचू49 डामणिप्रकरसंकरचुंबितांघ्रिः ॥ [२१*] तस्मात्कृष्ण इति प्रसिद्धचरितः श्रीरायना50 रायणो जातः कात्तिकचंद्रकांतिजयिनी कीतिञ्चिरन्नर्तयन् । गर्जत्गू(द्गू)र्जर61 वीरशोणितसरित्संगत्वरे श्रीपतिः पाथोधौ सघृणो यदीयहृदये निर्दूषणे 52 निद्रितः ॥ [२२*7 तस्यानुजो निजनु(भु)जार्जितभूमिभागः*] स्वच्छन्दचारमुदितोरगसार्व63 भौमः । यो वीसलं समरकौतुकिनां सुराणामग्रे समूलविभवं दलयांचका54 र ॥ [२३] रायनारायणो रायपितामह इति स्फुटं(टम्) । यथार्थन्नाम यस्येदं
महादेवस्य 55 गीयते ॥ [२४*] तेजोवाती निवृत्ता चलति बलभरे वाजिनामाजिवेगादुद्धतस्थूल56 धूलीपटलकवलनादर्णवाः कर्णगम्याः । किं च प्राणप्रयाणात्प्रतिधरणिभु57 जां संहृतो मारुतोसौ तेषां स्त्रीबंधुबालैगिरिगहनगृहास्त्याजिताः शून्यतां
1 Arjuna alone could have been regarded to be as brave as Singhana and could have been anointed by the amrit-Abhisheka. But he violated all rules of war in shooting arrow at Karna (Vaikartana) when the latter was busy lifting up (dasti) the chariot-wheel with his hands. The Niratakaruchas (literally, 'clothed in impenetrable armour'), destroyed by Arjuna, were a class of Daityas descended from Prahlada. [The correction inderted in the first foot is unnecessary.-Ed.]
2 Tie verse ex Hibits Atisa yõkti ard Arthi Utprēkshā. Arjuna's inferiority to Singhaņa is further indicated. The first two corrections inserted in the fourth fort are unnecessary-Ed.)
There is Samásokti. Bana in prastula and from it the aprastuta, 'one who deserts a gentleman', is in. sinuated by means of double-meaning adjectives.
•Kārttika-chandra-kānti-jayinirit kirtim gives us Vyatireka. Kirg Krishna was ever intent on killing the yelling Gurjara heroes. His (ocean-like) heart is therefore said to be eager (cf. tuara) to meet (cf. auinga) the river of Garjara blood. This is Atisayokti based on Rapaka. Ordinarily it is the river that flows to the ocean. King Krishna meditated on Vishnu and his heart was free from all sin (nirdushana). Hence Vishnu is poetically onn. ceived to repose in the kings heart as he detested (cf. naghrina) the ocean in compariron with the heart.
. Here is Atidayokti.

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No. 3]
KALEGAON PLATES OF YADAVA MAHADEVA
68 ।। [२५] इत्यं कल्पावसानव्यसनमिव महाभूतवर्गस्य कुर्वन् गुर्वीमुर्वी स्वकीये
59 भुजभुजगपती [प]लयन्सन्निविष्टां (टाम्) । स्वस्मात्तेजः प्रतापं प्रतिभटसुदृशा
60 म्बाष्पतोम्भः समीरं श्वासैः शून्यं निवासं विरचयति महादेव एवेश्वरो यः ।। [ २६* ]
61 निर्जित्योर्जितराजमण्डलमधः क्षिप्त्वा खिलक्ष्माभूतो यत्कीर्त्याखिलवाहि
62 नीपरिवृढप्रौढस्फुरत्सम्पदा । पाताले फणिनायकः क्षितितले कैलासशै
63 लः सुरावासे वासववारणस्तु विजयस्तंभस्समुत्तम्भितः ॥ [ २७* ] अध्यासीनेन्दु
41
Second Plate Second Side
64 सिंहासनममरसरिच्चामरोचितश्रीरुवै स ( स ) आपलक्ष्मीं कलयति [भु]
65 वनाह्लादिनी यस्य कीर्त्तिः । या संकोचं गताभिः प्रतननुपमिलत्कीर्तिभिस्ता
66 रकाभिर्जुष्टा यत्याग] (कृ) प्रविबुधगणंस्तूयते निस्तरंग ॥ [ २८*] सुदा (धांशु67 कलशो लक्ष्मत[]ल्ल लांछितः । यत्कीर्त्या त्रिजगद्वेश्मप्रवेशाय [निवे
68 शितः ।। [ २६*
यीरव्रतमाकलय्य मुदितो रामः कृपाणच्छलादागत्य स्वयमेव
69 यत्करतलं स्वैर्विक्रमैः क्रीडति । स्नाति स्वैरमुदारवैरिरुधिरे पृथ्वी [मप]
1 In verses 25-26, Mahadāva, like the great Siva, is said to have subdued and destroyed the elements. The lustre (lejas) of all the objects known to possess it (especially the lustre of the enemies) farles into insignificance when Mahadeva with the superior lustre of his white stallions is speeding on the battlefield. When his army is on the move, huge columns of dust arise and settle on the surface of the ocean. Thus the water element is destroyed (of. karaagamya) by Mahadeva. The element of wind is destroyerl (samhrita) inasmuch as Mahadeva withdraws (cf. samhrila) the life-breath of all enemy kings. The members of the royal families of the enemies are required to take shelter in mountain caves [and forest recesses] when the enemies are no more. This means that the akasa element which is nothing but sunyata (emptiness) is also destroyed in the caves. All this disaster of the deluge sets in because Mahadeva subdues the earth. But after that he creates tejas in the form of his valour, water (i.e. tears) from the eyes of the enemies' wives, wind from their sighs and akasa (void, loneliness) in their houses. Thus there is Vastu-dhvani (i.e. suggestion of the superb valour of the king). In verse 26, there is Anupräsa as also Sangarapaka in that there is the superimposition of Iévara and his divine deels on Mahadeva and bis achievements.
s There is Atiáayōkti of the asambandhe sambandhah type at the basis of Tulyayōgita (of. Phani-nāyaka, Kailana-baila and Vasava-varana with a single kriya). [There is Malarapaka, not Tulyayogita.Ed.]
* Mahādēva's fame ascended ( reached) the throne of the moon, had its glory heightened (udanichita-ári by the chowry in the form of the heavenly Ganges, possessed eminently (uchchaiḥ kalayali) the glory of sovereignty, gladden. ed the universe, was waited on (jushta) by the stars which were only the contracted forms of the reputations of former kings pooled together, and was eulogised by large groups of gods standing motionless (nistarangaih) [with admiration] as they were enamoured (krish) of [his skill in swordsmanship. [The correction of arisha to krista is unnecessary as it refers to the persons who died while fighting with Mahadeva and went to heaven (i.e. became gods).-Ed.]
• The idea that Mahadeva's fame had reached upto the moon is expressed by a Samasta-vastu vishaya-rupaka in which three upamanas are superimposed on three upamēyas.

Page #69

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VoL. XXXII 70 क्षत्रियां वारंवारमयं करोति कुरुते रत्नाकर स्वाश्रयं(यम्) ॥ [३० *] स खल्वेवंविधगुणग71 णालंकृतः रायनारायणः रायभुजबलभीमः रायपितामहः रायजगद्दले- : 22 स्यादिबिरि(रु)दावलीविराजमानः कुलक्रमागतं निजभुजबलपालितं चतुस्स73 मुद्रमेखलांकितमही[मण्डलसां(सा)म्राज्यपदन्दधानः श्रीमन्महादेवः । शकन74 पोपलक्षितसंवत्सराणां द्वा(य)शीत्यधिकेष्वेकादशसु शतेष्वतीतेषु वर्तमान75 दुर्मतिसंवत्सरांतर्गतभाद्रपदशुक्लद्वितीयायां सोमे आत्मनः पट्टबंधसम- . 78 ये राज्याभिवृध्य(य)र्थं सेउणदेशालंकरणगोदावरीदक्षिणतीरस्थं शुल्कदं77 डदाणकारुकमौलिकश्रोत्रनिधिनिक्षेपजलपाखा(षा)णतेजस्वा(स्वाम्यमित्या- . 18 यष्टभोगसहितं राजराजपुरुषरप्यनंगुलिनिर्देश्यं भवितश्रद्वा(द्धा)तिशयपू79. कं हिरण्याक्षतोदकसहितं कालुगंवनामधेयं ग्राम पट्टवर्धनपुरापरना80 मधेयं नानागोत्रेभ्यो द्विपंचाशत्संख्याकेभ्यो ब्राह्मणेभ्यः प्रादात् श्रीमहादेवः [*] 31 तत्र चैते ब्राह्मणाः । भारद्वाजतैत्तिरीयमाधवसुतपोतिः । बह्वचशांडिल्यजोगदे82 वसुतलक्ष्मीधरः । बह्वचशांडिल्यजोगदेवसुतप्रभाकरः । तैत्तिरीयकौंडि33 न्यमहादेवसुतनारायणः । तैत्तिरीयकौंडिन्यगोविंदसुतकृष्णः । बह्वच34. मुद्गलदेवतसुतजनार्दनः । बढ्च[व]त(त्स)शारंगसुतविष्णुः । बढ्चकौशि35 कसोमनाथसुतदामोदरः । तैत्तिरीयशांडिल्यजाकदेवसुतबोपदेवः । ते. 36. त्तिरीयजामदग्न(ग्न्य)वत्सपुरुषोत्तमसुतजनार्दनः । तैत्तिरीयपराशरदेवण7 सुतचांगदेवः । बढचकौंडिन्यश्रीवत्ससुतदामोदरः । बढचभारद्वाजविष्णु8 सुतमैरालः । तैत्तिरीयकाश्यपकूथिसुतविष्णुः । बढ्चजामदग्न(ग्न्य)वत्सवाम9 नसुतनारायणः । बह्वचवसिष्ठरेवदाससुतविद्याधरः । बह्वचबादरायणरा10 घवसुतसोमनाथः । बढ्चशांडिल्यतामणसुतविष्णुः । बह्व1 चगार्यवामनसुत प्रापदेवः । बह्वचजामदग्न(ग्न्य)वत्समैरालसु
There is Alidayökti, and kripdra-chchhalat gives Irti Apahnuti. (Not Artis, but Sábdi.-Ed.)

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KALEGAON PLATES OF YADAVA MAHADEVA—PLATE II
पोपलला महामामान ललाराजा सवा
SA
64सलमवार सरियामागवानालामाधाबलादनावला
नारनी ही या कामासंकोचंगवानियतन निलहान कोई मारवाडवावर विधाममा यानानवर विगामुदी Meोला ता जनजाति मायका यी गावशा यतिमा HETA:या रक्तमा कलामंदितारामः कृयागिन्तलादागास्यामा लिवियावार तार मय कति उचातरनाकर मोदी सरवन्तविधया।
मालातविकासका हाता मातीवर दासतारन र साधना गाल बतराय मा सयपरायजडीबलता से रायपितामह मायजगदमा याहिं बिरि ट्रावली निगडीमाना क कमागत निकडी व ललितवरमा 72 र मावली किस महामटलसाचारापान पिला दातासामआममपद्यसमा
HISTMEावापासुन शामन्महाष्ट्रवादक गिरायोतिष्यवासिउपदेगा-लकर गोदावरी हावाबार सल्कर 76
दा(एकाउकमा लिक चिनिधिनि केपङलपातागत हवामा मिया रातोगसहित राडराइघुधिर टोनगालना गलत पहातिशय 78 लको मायावती के सहितकामगावनामावयश्यामपद्धवहनपुरावरमा
जागो मोहला रोझरयाके याबारे प्राधा श्री महादेव तिलावतेवाहासारहाडातविरायमाझवसुतवा तिशबहान मोटिलालीपापा सितल नाराबइ डिल्यकामदक्क्तताकुरतिक्रियाको
धमहादेव सतनारायण तिनिरीय दिव्यागोविंदमतकसबिडवा 84 महल दिन नसतंहनाद नाबह सर्वत गारमा मत विमाबई वाला ।
मामाचस वटा मोटरसात (तराव गाविध्यताकतबापार वर्माता 86 माडामाद गवसञ्चषात म स्तरबाट नातेलियानावार देवता सतलीग देवाबद्ध कादिया कौशुतदा मटिहाबहिलबारदा डा विना
नामरा समान वरा यकाय व हाच पदावन बदमाश जमुतवारायाणहान हुन नसिधा उडास व नवधामावालसनामा
त
.
MARA
all
Calore
921 प्रापट व नवबस
घाबरला में दसव सायशाला
Pronde PAND
जूका नसतजाकामाबाब
का नया पाठापटेवल तपा महा। 94 , Bहानिया, बरसात कामवंबाला नमताक मापसिना
Scale : Three-fifths

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पोतमञ्चते पुढा
बाता व जाग 'हरित का लिासतदनि: 1 बड तितिरीय विहितपसनातम सुनास सुतमवधाते
तिनी का स्यष माधव स्व उत्त के मूल देवगतितिरी व्य भूमि क्युवाच पावत विनाय श्रतितिरीय वा श्वप तार डॉ डा. हरिहर बाहिरी यादव रात में लमु तापीति 100 मिरी यादवराव नारायण सुनवाड (स्वः तितिरीय वासना गावचनप मानवाने तिरीय की डिन्यड किपरिमल व यावर किंवा गत गारवा निरीयवासिष वा उदेवश्चन्त हमारा तितिरी 104 पाए कम गोवि२) द्वारा ग का पल स्त्रीरागब्रह विसार हा डा. माधव कृपा. (ए) बड़वार ठाडाना मन मुततमः तिरुव को डिम्परा विश्व नाव बाद कौडिन्याधनमषिधान यारा मां सदवगतख कारण परमसूदन सुतु के विहसित समोर तनाब व विश्वामिनामा कोयिका समतल गाधनः। वव ववामाघूम (एको थिकसों मनातनीलक बहता मदवस या हार। झाँद समाधाराः पूर्वतःल दही से पागीय मतः या लागों नागों उत्तर राधाविना रिंग परमतत्रमिवात ममावर्तनश दिनाथ धर्मास र फलायः गत पाँस टोल सिद्धिदेव नगण्य विनापि सं फलांब इनिर्वयुव नाराज नगरादितिः। यदातु मिश्र तराफलस नाविनः पाववडा न्यान्यो यावे ते रामचंद्रः सामान्या जसे जस ला काले का तेपा लनीयो नवह्निः महँ राजाः परमंदी शुजावी पापा दपतमन सोनुविता विनृपाः। ये पालयति ममद म में समग्र तेल्याम या पिडि लिरेषमू॥ि अपहरतः समधी परुक युवतए विपनीलमा अकामिकानि कामका कमला दावर कमातेतियाचदा तुतप्रवासद ताप दे यातायात सं रोषष्टिवर्षसमाविष्टाया जायते किमिः काकादिनः कृत सपायांतच योगनानां समन्तान पनितान सदा सन्मार्गात संवाद त
96
98
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106
108
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112
U
114
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500
126
वीधनीया पहा
तदेतद्राजा
96
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Page #72

No. 3]
KALEGAON PLATES OF YADAYA MAHADEVA
92 त आपवेवः । बह्वचवसिष्ठ आपदेवसुत[*] अण्णमः । बह्वचकषिपु
99 रुषोत्तमसुतलोकनाथः । बह्वचकाश्यप श्रापदेवसुतराम [ दे]
94 वः । बंहृच आत्रेयश्रीधरसुतकोमणः । बह्वचगौतमतीकमपेदिसुतवि
Third Plate
5 णुः । वहृचकाश्यपचंन्द्रसुत आपदेवः । तैत्तिरीयवाभ्यध्व' गुरुपोत्तम सुतपद्मना 96 भः । तैत्तिरीयकश्यप माधवसुतवासुदेवः । बह्वृचभार्गवचांग
-97 देवसुतकमलदेवः । तैत्तिरीय हरितकालिदाससुतहरिः । बह्न्
98
मि[]युवबोपदेवसुतविनायकः । तैत्तिरीयलोहितपद्मनाभसु
99 तलक्ष्मीधरः । तैत्तिरीयवा[य] श्व'पद्मनाभसुतमहादेवः । तैत्तिरी100 यभारद्वाजहरिहरसुतवासुदेवः । तैत्तिरीयदेवरात मैरालमुतपोतिः [1] 101 तैत्तिरीयदेवरातनारायणसुतवासुदेवः । तैत्तिरीयं वत्स नागदेव सुतप-102 प्रनाभः । तैत्तिरीयकौडिन्यजक्किपेदिसुतमलिदेवः । बह्वचकौशिकवाम103 नसुतजोगदेवः । तैत्तिरीयवासिष्ठवासुदेवसुत दामोदरः । तैत्तिरीयभा104 रद्वाज एकमसुतगोविंदः । च्छ ( छं) दोगकाश्यपलक्ष्मीधरसुतगोविन्दः । 105 चभारद्वाजमाधवसुतचक्रपाणिः । वहृचभारद्वाज[वा]मनसुतकृष्णः । 106 बह्वृचकौंडिन्यराघवमुतविश्वनाथः । बह्वचकौंडिन्यराघवसुत ऋषिः । तै107 त्तिरीयभारद्वाजदेवणसुतमांद्रदेवः । तैत्तिरीयकाश्यपमधुसूदनसुतकेशव
बह्न
108. : । व(ब)ह्न्ववासिष्ठदामोदरसुतनारायणः । यद्वृचविश्वामित्राघमर्षंण कौशिक[ः*"1 109 ण्णमसुतगंगाधरः । बं ( ब ) हृचविश्वामित्रात्रमर्षणकौशिकसोमनाथसुतनीलकंठ
अ
110 1 व (ब)ह्वचजामदग्न (ग्न्य) वत्सशांर्ग (शार्ङ्ग) सुतहरिः । सर्वे समवृत्तयः । अथाघाटा: [1] पूर्वतः नींब
111 रवीं । दक्षिणतः दहींगों रांजणगीं । पश्चिमतः खांभग नाइगौं । उत्तरतः गंगा 112 ॥ एवं चतुराघाटाः । चत्वारिंशन्निष्क' परिमिता भूमिः खांभग्राममध्यवर्त्तिनी प्रति
2 [The intended reading may be Vādhryasra or Babhravya. Ed.]
Cf. Monier-Williams, Sans.-Eng. Dict., B.r.
43

Page #73

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXXII 113 पूरणार्थ दत्ता। अस्य च धर्मस्य संरक्षणे फलमाहुर्मुनयः । गण्यते पांसवो भू114 मेर्गण्यंते वृष्टिबिंदवः । न गण्यते विधात्रापि धर्मसंरक्षणे फलं(लम्) [। ३१*]
बहुभिर्वसुधा lub भुक्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभिः। यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं(लम्).
। ३२*] सा116 नेतान् भाविनः पार्थिवेंद्रान भूयो भूयो याचते रामचंद्रः । सामान्योयं ध117 मर्मसेतुर्नराणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः ॥ [३३*] मद्वंशजाः परमहीप118 तिवंशजा वा पापादपेतमनसो भुवि भाविभूपाः। ये पालयंति मम घ119 मंमिमं समग्रं तेभ्यो मया विरचितोंजलिरेष मूनि ॥[३४] अपहरतः समर्थ120 स्याप्युपेक्षकस्य च त एव विपरीतं फलमाहुः । गामेकां रनिकामेका भू121 मेरप्येकमंगुलं(लम्)। हरन्नरकमाप्नोति यावदाभूतसंप्लवं(वम्) ।। ३५*] स्वदत्ता परद122 तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधरां(राम्)। षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते क्रिमिः ।।[३६] 123 विंध्याटवीष्वतोयासु शुष्ककोटरशायिनः । कृष्णसर्पा भि(हि) जायते ब्र124 दत्तापहारिणः ॥ [३७*] पण्यांगनानां सदनं न देयं द्यूतप्रचारोपि निवारणी125 यः ॥ स्वयं वसतिभिर्भाव्यं सदा सन्मार्गवर्तिभिः ॥ शुभं भक्तु मंगलं महा 126 श्रीः ॥ छ॥ छ॥ छ॥
1. In order to fill up , l.e. to add to the land originally included in the boundaries of Kaloglon.
The donnes should allow no courtesans to settle in the gift village. Similar conditions are also known from other grants (cf. Ind. Ant., VOL. XIV, p. 319).
This is half of a stanza in Indravajra. . This is half of a verse in Anushfubh.
* This is followed by two signs. I am indebted to Shri M. W. Desai, Collector of Ahmednagar, for making the copper platos available to me, to Dr. G. V. Devasthali of Nasik for his help in interproting the difficult portions of the grant, to my pupil Shri D, K. Kharvandikar for assisting me in evaluating the beauty of the stances and to Principal T. Barnabas for his generous help. MGIPO-81-23 DGA/56-7-1-59-450.

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No. 4-RASHTRAKUTA CHARTERS FROM CHINCHANI
(2 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND In its issue of the 28th of June, 1955, The Times of India, Bombay, announced the discovery of a number of inscriptions in the village of Chinchani in the Dahanu Taluk of the Thana District, Bombay State. It was stated that an agriculturist of the said village found nine copper plates bearing inscription while digging in his fields. The villager handed over the plates to the Mamlatdar of Dahanu, who brought the discovery to the notice of higher authorities. Ultimately the plates were transferred to the office of the Collector of Thana, from whom they were received by the Director of Archives, Bombay. In January 1957, I visited Bombay in the course of my annual tour in search of inscriptions. The Director of Archives kindly allowed me to examine the plates and copy the inscriptions in his office. It was found on examination that the nine plates formed five different records. One of the five sets consisted of three plates; two of the sets contained two plates each ; and the remaining two plates each contained a complete record. Two of the five charters belong to the Imperial Rāshtrakūtas, one pertaining to the reign of Indra III (915-28 A.D.) and the other to that of Kộishņa III (939-67 A.D.). These are edited here with the help of impressions prepared by me. The other three inscriptions belonging to the local chiefs of Samyana (modern Sanjan, 20° 12'N., 72° 52'E., in the Dahanu Taluk of the Thana District) are being edited in a separate article. My thanks in this connection are due to Dr. P. M. Joshi, Director of Archives, Government of Bombay, and Dr. Motichandra, Director of the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay.
1. Grant of the time of Indra III, Saka 848 This is a set of three plates each meaguring 9.6 inches in length, 5.8 inches in height and 115 inch in thickness. The plates are strung on a ring passing through a hole in them. The joint of this ring is secured beneath a seal bearing the blurred representation of an emblem which looks more like a recumbent bull facing the proper left than Garuda generally found on the seals of the Rashtrakūța emperors, together with the symbols of the sun and moon above. The first and third plates bear writing only on the inner side while the second plate is engraved on both the obverse and reverse. The inscription has altogether 67 lines of writing, there being 16 lines on the first plate, 19 and 16 lines respectively on the obverse and reverse of the second plate, and 16 lines on the third plate. The writing is neatly done and is in a satisfactory state of preservation. The three plates together with the ring bearing the seal weigh 236 tolas.
The characters belong to the North Indian alphabet of the tenth century. The letter 8 is indicated by the sign for u. The upadhmānīya is once used in line 22 and the avagraha once in line 60. The numerical figures 4 and 8 occur in line 60. The following initial vowels are found in the inscription : a in lines 5, 24, 44, 53 (twice) and 60; à in lines 20, 38 and 51 ; i in line 57; u in line 15; and è in lines 6 and 36. Finalt occurs in lines 10, 15 and 67, final n in lines 16, 21 and 25, and finalm in line 26. The language is Sanskrit and the record is composed in prose and verse. As regards orthography, mention may be made of the reduplication of some of the conEODAnte following r and in rare cases also those preceding r. The change of the final m to both the anustāra and the class-naral is noticed. It has been wrongly changed to u in one case in
( 45 )

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(VOL. XXXII line 18. It is often wrongly changed to anusvära and is found wrongly conjoined with the following v in a few cases in lines 26, 59 and 60. In one case in line 43, finaln has been wrongly changed to anusvära. The rules of Sandhi have in some cases been ignored.
The date of the charter is quoted in lines 58-60 as Saka 848, Vyaya, Vaisakha-su. 3, Akshata tritiya, (i.e. Akshaya-tritiya), Monday. The details correspond to the 17th April, 926 A.D.
The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol. Then follows an introductory section in four stanzas, the first of which is in adoration of Girisută and Hara (i.. Parvati and Siva). Verse 2 is also in adoration of Durgā, i.e. Pärvati. The sage Agastya is adored in verse 3 and the Arya-dēfiya Mahā-parshad in verse 4. Since Agastya was regarded as the leader of the Aryanisation of trans-Vindhyan India, he was an object of special veneration to the Brahmanists of the south. The Arya-dėsiya Mahā-parshad seems to have been an assembly of learned Brāhmaṇas hailing from what was called Aryävarta (roughly, India to the north of the Vindhyas) in ancient Indian literature. The contents of the record would suggest that this assembly belonged to the city of Samyana which is the modern Sanjan about 22 miles to the north of the findspot of the inscription. The same assembly is apparently mentioned in lines, 29-30 as the Pancha-GaudiyaMahā-parshad.
The next four stanzas (verses 6-8) introduce the Yadu or Yādava dynasty. This section speaks of the moon, his son Budha, his son Pururavas, and his son Āyus. It also mentions Yayāti as one of the imperial rulers born in the said family and Yadu as the son of Yayāti and the progenitor of the Yadu-vamsa. Verse 9 refers to the birth of Govindaraja in the same family otherwise called the Rashtrakta dynasty. This Govindaraja is the Rashtrakūta king Govinda I, son of Indra I and grandson of Dantivarman I. The next stanza (verse 10) mentions the following four kings who ruled successively : (1) Kakkarāja (Kakka I), son of Govindarāja ; (2) Indrarāja (Indra II), son of Kakkarāja ; (3) Dantidurga (Dantivarman II, 742-56 A.D.), son of Indraräja; and (4) Krishnarija (Krishna I, 756-75 A.D.), the younger brother of Dantidurga's father. Verse 11 similarly speaks of the following successive rulers of the Rashtrakūta dynasty : (1) Govindarāja (Govinda II, 775-80 A.D.), son of Křishộarāja ; (2) Dhruvarāja (780-94 A.D.), younger brother of Govindarāja ; (3) Jagattunga (Govinda III, 794-814 A.D.), son of Dhruvarāja ; and (4) Amoghavarsha (ie. Amöghavarsha I, 814-80 A.D.), son of Jagattunga. Verse 12 not only mentions Krishnarāja (Kfishna II, 878-915 A.D.), son and successor of Amöghavarsha, but also refers to his own successor who was the son of his son named Jagattunga.
The name of the grandson and successor of Krishna II is given in verse 13 as Indrarāja (Indra III, 915-28 A.D.) while the next stanza (verse 14) describes him as grihita-Dāhāla-nāyakakapāla and uttara-dig-baddha-tuchi. In the first of these two epithets, Dāhāla is no doubt the name of the territory under the rule of the Kalachuris of Tripuri near Jabalpur in Madhya Pradesh, and nāyaka possibly means a lieutenant of the contemporary Kalachuri king. The claim therefore may refer to the slaughter of a Kalachuri general. We know that Lakshmi, mother of Rashtrakūta Indra III, was the daughter of Kalachuri Sankaragana Ranavigraha, son of Kõkkalla I."
That the Rashtraktas did not originally claim the Yadava lineage seems to be suggested by the description of Govinda III in his records. It is stated that the Rashtrakata family became unconquerable to its foes owing to the birth of Govinda III just as the Yadava race had been after the birth of Madhu-ripu, i.e. KrishnaVishnu (of. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 66, verse 11) thereby making a distinotion between the two dynasties. The Banjan plates (above, Vol. XVIII, p. 243, verse 3) of Amoghavarsha I, dated 871 A.D., refer to the birth of Ri. shtrakata Govinda I in the Yadu dynasty thus suggesting the identification of the two families. The HuvinaHippargi inscription (862 A.D.) of the same Rashtrakata king mentions Krishna I as Yadav-and-odbhava, probably meaning an incarnation of Krishna, the Yidava par excellence. Cf. Bombay-Karnalak Inscriptions, Vol. I, part i, p. 6, No. 9, toxt lino 1.
Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 268,

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and that his own queen Vijāmba was a great-granddaughter of the same Kõkkalla 1.1 As yet there was no clear evidence of a struggle between Indra III and the Kalachuris. The other epithet pointing to his success in the north seems to refer to his conquest of Mahödaya (Kanaun in the Farrukhabad District, U. P.) which was the capital of the Gurjara-Pratibāras. According to a record of Govinda IV, son of Indra III, his father's cavalry crossed the Yamunā at Kalapriya (modern Kalpi in the Jalaun District, U. P.) and destroyed the city of Mahodaya. It is difficult to determine whether nāfita-kām-ātmā, destroyer of the licentious', alludes to any partioular event in the king's career.
Verses 16-20 introduce a subordinate of the Rashtra küta king. It is said that, whon Indra III (915-28 A.D.) was reigning, there was a ruler named Madhumati who belonged to the Tājika (i.e. Arab) community, and that he had received the entire mandala or territorial division of Samyāna from Krishparāja (Krishna II, 878-915 A.D.). Madhumati is no doubt the Sanskritised form of the Arabic name Muhammad." This Arab chief was thus appointed the governor of Samyana by Krishna II and was continuing in his post during the rule of Indra III. It ie stated that Madhumati conquered the chiefs of all the harbours (vēlākula) of the neiglibourhood, apparently on behalf of his master, and placed his own officials in them (verse 18). Verse 19 says that Madhumati's other name was Sugatipa and that he was the son of Sahiyåra hära or Hiyarahāra or Yärahāra. Unfortunately it is difficult to determine the Arabic forms of these two names under their Indian garb. Verse 20 says how this Arab governor of Samyina established free ferry on two streams (near Samyana, apparently on the Sanjan river] and also a feeding house [at Samyana) where Sāli rice, curries and ghee were catered free of cost. Verse 21 states that Madhumati Sugatipa's minister was Puvvaiya.
Verse 22 states that there was a Brāhmaṇa named Närāyana-bhatta who was the son of Va gudēva and belonged to the Bhärad väja gotra. This Näräyana-bhatta had a son named Annaiya (later also called Annammaiya) who was a friend of Madhumati-Sugatipa's minister Puvvaiya and an obedient servant of Nityavarsha (i.e. Indra III). Annaiya or Annammaiya constructed & mathikā, i.e. & monastery or temple, at Samyana. The next stanza (verse 23) says that he also created an endowment consisting of landed property with the permission of Nityavarsha (Indra III). The nature of his endowment is made clear in the following part of the record in prose.
The prose portion in lines 27 ff. states that, at the request of Annammaiya (the same as Annaiya of verse 22) who belonged to the Bhāradvāja götra and Maitrāyani sākha and was the son of Narayana-bhatta and grandson of Vasudēva, Sugatips alias Madhumati made & grant of the village of Kāņāduka situated in the Kolimahāra vishaya within Samyāna-mandala (cf. iha in line 32) together with half a Dhura of land in the village of Dövihara (cf. line 39). with the permission of Paramabhaffāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramēsvara Indrarājadēva (Indra III). The Dhur is regarded as yo of a Bisya wbich is of a Bigha. But the word used in our record possibly indicates a bigger area of land. The purpose of the creation of the endowment was that the income acoruing to it would be utilised for the repairs of the mathika constructed by Annaiya or Annammaiys and also for the offering of naivedya to the goddess Dasami (apparently a form of the Mother-goddess Durgā or Pārvati often called merely the
1 Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 250. * Abovo, Vol. VII, p. 38.
• The same Arabic name is Sanskritized as Madhumada in the Panjim platos of Kadamba Jayakedin I (circa 1050-80 A.D.) of Goa. Madhumada is stated to have belonged to the Tajiya (i.e. Täjiks or Arab) vardo add to have been the son of Aliyama and the father of Chhadama who was capable and popular administrator under the Kadamba king. See C.P. No. 3 of 1981-52; cf. QJ BISM (Markthi), Vol. XXXI, No. 4, pp. 27 fl.; Moraes, The Kadamba Kula, p. 396 (ol. pp. 172, 186-86).

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[Vol. XXXII
Dövi or Bhagavati) and the fooding of nino persons belonging to the Pancha-Claudiya-mahapurshad of Suryana. The goddess Dasami was no doubt worshipped in the mathikä сonstructed by Annaiys or Annammuiya. The Pancha-Giaruliya-maha-parshad neems to be the community of Caudiya or North Indian Brāhmaṇas settled at Sariyanu. The five classes of theso Brühmaņas are called : (1) Sarasvata, (2) Kanyakubja, (3) Gauda, (4) Maithila, and (5) Utkula.
Although it was Annaiya or Annammaiya who created the endowment according to verse 23, the proso part of the record refers to it as one created by the governor of Saryana. This is because the creation of a rent-free holding was the prerogativo of the government. The creation of the endowment was declared by the governor at an assemblage of the Hanyamana-paurus, Dhruvas and Vishayik-adhikūrikas of Saryana. Of these, the third expression indicates the officers of the various administrative offices of the district round Samyana. The Dhruvas were superintendents of the collection of the royal share of the produce of the fields from the farmers. The expression hanyamana-paura (or, hamjamana-nagara-puura) is met with in some records of the Northern Konkan region and it has often boon understood in the sense of the citizens of Haryamana, i.e. Sariyana'. Unfortunately Haryamana cannot be regarded as another form of the name of Sariyana since the latter name itself occurs in the compound immediately before hanyamana. J.J. Modi Heems to be right in tracing the origin of the word to. Avestic hanjumana and Persian anjuman and in taking it to indicate the settlement of the Parsees. Ho also thinks that this Parsee colony stood at Sanjan which was therefore called Hathjamana or Haryamana. No doubt our inscription may refer to the Parsee coinmunity of Saryana; but it does not support the suggestion that Haryamana was another name (or another form of the name) of Samyans. In the recorrly quoted by Modi, , the reference may be to the Parsee colony in different cities of the Northern Konkan and not
to a particular city of theirs, since the said charters appear to have had little to do particularly with the town of Sanjan.
The boundaries of the village of Käņāduka are quoted in lines 33-35 us: in the easthill and a stream in its western side; in the south-the stream flowing from the said hill, a locality called Sombaka and the southern part of Bhammaharörngarika to the west of Sombaka; in the west-certain trees at the eastern fringe of Kallagrára, a locality calle Chinanu and the stream to the south of Himguvāra ; in the north--the localities called Hiriguvära and Chavasi and the stream running by the south of Vaghavāsa and flowing from its eastern part.
The village was granted with the rights called udranga (i.e. major tax), parikara (i.e. uparikara, minor tax or cess), bhoga-bhāga (i.e. periodical offering of fruits, etc., and the royal share of the produce of the fields), danda-das-ūparādha (i.e. fines for the ten major crimes), dhanya-hiranyadėya (i.e. taxes in grains and cash), utpadyamana-vishți-pratyāya (i.e. tax payable in lieu of free labour), abhyantara-richlhi (i.e. enjoyment of things found underground) and a-châtabhaça-pravēša (i.e. inadmissibility of royal agents). But the rights did not include the following three : nidhāna (i.e. treasure trove), alīpaka (also called aliyaka, possibly meaning indestructible objects' or 'metal ores') and kumari-sahasa-dosha (i.e. fines for the violation of the modesty of unmarried girls). The gift lands were made a permanent endowment.
The name of the good loss reminds us that of Shashthi generally worshipped on the sixth day after the delivery of a child or on the sixth tithi of a fortnight. It also reminds us of the tithi called Vijaya Dalam Alvina budi 10), famous for its association with the worship of Durga Parvati.
See HQ, Vol. XXVIII, p. 133. Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 404, note 1; above, Vol. XXX, p. 168. • Boo Bomb. Co., Vol. I, partii, pp. 16-18; cf. also pp. 342.43 ; Vol. XIV. pp. 302, 418. - Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI. pp. 173-76. . 46. Res., Vol. I, p. 357; Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 276 ff.; Vol. IX, PP. 33 ff.

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No. 41
RASHTRAKUTA CHARTERS FROM CHINCHANI. Some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas (verses 24-34) are quoted in lines 4058, with a similar passage in prose in lines 45-50. The date when the charter was written is given in words and figures in lines 58-60. It is stated in lines 60-63 that the document was written by Sugata, son of Ajita who had been the Sandhivigrahika (minister for war and peace) of Dhruvarāja, with the cognisance of Vathaiya, a Dhruva of Samyāna, and under orders from Sugatipa who received instructions in this matter from Paramēšvara Paramabhatçriraka Mahārājādhirāja Nityavarshadēva (Indra III) meditating on the feet of his predecessor Akālavarshadēva (Kfishna II). As in many other records of the kind, the document is stated to be authoritative even if here and there a letter was omitted from it or unnecessarily put in it. Verse 35 prays for the continuous rule of the chief Sugatipa, represented as the donor of the village of Kāņāduka together with half a Dhura of land at Dēvihara, and for the rehabilitation of Annaiya (Annammaiya), Rēvana and Kautuka, apparently after their death, in the mountainous abode of the gods (i.e. on the Sumēru), through the grace of the Dēvi. This Dēvi is no other than Bhagavati Dasami who is mentioned in line 30 and whose image was installed in the mathika constructed by Annaiya or Annammaiya at Saryana. The mention of Rēvana and Kautuka along with Annaiya (Annammaiya) in this stanza suggests that they were also responsible for the construction of the temple and the installation of the Dēvi in it. Indeed the other inscription from the same place, edited below, seems to refer to the said mathika as built by Kautuka alone. This may have been due to the fact that Annaiya and Rēvaņa were the younger brothers of Kautuka. The last stanza (verse 36) of the inscription contains the prayer that the charter might last for ever through the grace of the Dēvī. There is a benedictory passage of the usual type at the end of the record in line 67.
The inscription raises several interesting points, the most important among them being its date. It shows beyond doubt that the Rashtrakūta king Indra III surnamed Nityavarsha ruled at least down to April 926 A.D. The Nausari plates of Indra III record a grant made on the occasion of his patta-bandh-otsava, or festival of coronation, on the 24th February 915 A.D. The Dandapur inscription of the 23rd December 918 A.D., referring to the reign of Prabhitavarsha (Govinda IV, son of Indra III), led scholars to believe that Indra III died before that date, even though the Cambay plates of Govinda IV were issued on the occasion of his own coronation (paffa-bandha) on the 10th May, 930 A.D. In The Rashtrakūtas and their Times, published in 1934, Prof. A. S. Altekar suggested that Indra died in 917 A.D.,. although Sewell's The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, published two years earlier, refers to Nos. 271-72 of 1918, dated 922 A.D., as belonging to the reign of Nityavarsha Indra III. But, some years later, R. S. Panchamukhi and A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar referred to certain inscriptions of Indra III, the latest of which (from Kamalapuram in the Cuddapah District) is dated the 23rd of December 925 A.D. They also suggested that the Haleritti inscription of Nityavarsha Nirupama-Vallabha, dated December 927 A.D., also belongs to the game Rāshtrakūta monarch. But none of the stone inscriptions quoted by Panchamukhi and Ayyar gives the genealogy of the king. Some of these inscriptions mention the king under his biruda Nityavarsha and it was sometimes believed that Govinda IV was also called Nityavarsha like his father.' Thus the inscription under study, which not only quotes a
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 253. * Ibid., p. 222. * Above, Vol. VII, pp. 27 ff. • Op. cit., p. 105. * Ibid., pp. 43, 383-84. 6 Annual Report on Kannada Research in Bombay Province, 1939-40, pp. 35 ff. ; above, Vol. XXVI, p. 162.
4. R. Ep., 1916, para. 38; ARASI, 1929-30, p. 173 ; ibid., 1930-34, Part I, p. 235. Even in a recent publioation, Prof. A. 8. Altekar suggests that Indra III died in 922 A.D. (cf. The Age of Imperial Kanaus, ed. Majumdar, 1966, p. 13).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
verifiable date but also a complete genealogy of the Imperial Rashtrakūtas from Govinda I to Nityavarsha Indra III, throws further light on the point of controversy and clearly supports the views of Panchamukhi and Ayyar. But the recent suggestion of Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, based on an inadequate appreciation of the evidence discussed by the said scholars, that Indra III ended his rule in the year 927 A.D. is apparently wrong. The Bhadana grant of Silāhāra Aparajita clearly states that Amõghavarsha II, elder brother of Govinda IV, ruled for one year, while, as already shown above, the coronation of Govinda IV took place on the 10th May 930 A.D. and he must have ascended the throne shortly before that date. Besides the Dandapur inscription, probably issued during his governorship over the region in question under his father, the earliest inscriptions of the reign of Govinda IV are the Gaonri plates and the Kalas inscription dated respectively the 17th and 30th January of 930 A.D.: He, therefore, does not appear to have ascended the throne much earlier than the beginning of the year 930 A.D. Thus the one year's reign of Amõghavarsha II may be regarded as roughly corresponding to the year 929 A.D. Indra III, therefore, seems to have ruled till the end of 928 A.D.
The governorship of a Tājika or Arab over Samyāna under the Rashtrakūta kings Krishna II and Indra III, known for the first time from the inscription under study, supports the statements of certain early Arab writers. The Balharás (Balla harrayas or Vallabha-rājas, i.e. the Rashtrakūta monarchs) of Mankir (i.e. Mänyakhota or Mālkhed) find mention in the writings of Sulaiman (851 A.D.), Abū Zaid (before 916 A.D.), Ibn Khurdūdba (before 912 A.D.), Al Ma'sudi (932-33 A.D.), Al Istakhri (about 951 A.D.) and Ibn Haukal (between 943 and 968 A.D.). These authors give the general impression that the Balharās and their subjects were extremely partial to the Arab Musalmans and , according to Ibn Haukal and Al Istakhri, Musalman governors of cities were employed by the Balharás. It is also stated by them that none but Muslims ruled over their co-religionists living in that empire, apparently meaning thereby that the Răshtrakūtas appointed Qāzis to look after the religious and judicial affairs of their Muslim subjects who were mostly of Arab nationality. Since, however, Muslim administrators did not so long figure in the epigraphical records of the Rashtrakūtas, Prof. A. S. Altekar considered the statements of the Arab writers as unreliable. But the present inscription proves the veracity of the statements of Ibn Haukal and Al Istakhri. Since Madhumati Sugatipa was appointed governor of Samyana sometime before the end of the rule of Kţishņa II in 915 A.D., he was continuing to hold the important post for more than a decade. He must have been a successful administrator capable to preserve friendly relations with the peoples of communities and creeds other than his own. The way he associated himself with the construction of a Hindu monastery or temple, the installation of an image therein and the creation of a permanent endowment in its favour throws welcome light on the outlook of the Arab Musalmans of those days. This is in striking contrast with the policy of most of the later Muslim rulers of India.
The Arab governor's rule over the district around Samyana during the reigns of the Rashtrakūta kings Krishna II (878-915 A.D.) and Indra III (915-28 A.D.) throws interesting light on the history of the Silāhāras of the Northern Konkan. We know that, during the roign of Amöghavarsha I (814-80 A.D.), the Silā hāras olaimed to be rulers of the whole of the Konkan as feudatories of the Rashtrakūța monarch and that they again became powerful in the
1 History of South India, 1955, p. 169. + Above, Vol. III, p. 267. * Above, VoL XXIII, pp. 106 ff.; Vol. XIII, pp. 329 f. • Elliot and Dowson, History of India us told by its own Historians, Vol. I, pp. 3 ff., o t., 13., 21 t., 27 tf., 34. The Rashfrakcfas and their times, p. 187.

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No. 4]
RASHTRAKUTA CHARTERS FROM CHINCHANI
area after the decline of Rashtrakuta power about 973 A.D.1 It now appears from the present inscription that, with the appointment of a governor over Samyana-mandala, comprising wide areas of the Northern Konkan, during the reign of Krishna II, the Silahāras became rulers of only parts of the territory over which they had been ruling as feudatories of Amōghavarsha I.
Among the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the reference to PanchaGauda is very interesting. The name Gauda has been used here to indicate North India mentioned elsewhere in the record as Aryadesa, i.e. Aryavarta. The name is known to be used variously as that of a city in Eastern India, of the country around the said city, of the countries of Eastern India collectively and of the whole of Aryavarta or Northern India." It is well known that the name Samyana, applied to both a city and a mandala or territorial division, is preserved in that of modern Sanjan in the Thana District of Bombay. Whether the district called Kōlimahāra-vishaya owed its name to the Koli tribe of the Northern Konkan or of the port of Kolai about 15 miles to the north of Sanjan cannot be determined. I am also not sure about the location of the villages called Kanaduka and Devihara. The names of certain localities are mentioned in the inscription in the enumeration of the boundaries of Kāņaḍuka, one of them being Kallagrāma.
TEXTS
[Metres verse 1 Drutavilambita; verses 2-7, 12, 17-18, 21, 24-25, 28-32 Anushtubh; verse 8 Upajāti; verses 9-11, 27, 33 Indravajra; verses 13, 16 Vasantatilaka; verses 14, 19, 23 Arya; verses 15, 35-36 Sragdhara; verses. 20, 22 Särdülavikriḍita; verse 26 Šalini; verse 34 Pushpitägrā.]
51
First Plate
1 Siddham [*] Girisutä-Harayör avibhinnayōr = vviharatör = nniyam-ärtham avantu vaḥ | sarasa-yavaka-bhasma-vichitritas Tri
2 pathagi-pulina pada-pamktayab [1] Sala-bhinnasya vinyasto Mahishaaya va(ba)läd galē | Durggāyāḥ pātu vaḥ pādas-ta
3 d-rakt-alaktak-ämkitaḥ || [2] Payan-munir = A[ga]styö vah(vas)-chuluk-apita-väridhiḥ | dakshin-asa-mukh-otum(ttum)sa (ga)-bhubhṛit-päli
4 ta-sasanaḥ | [3] Jayatām Arya-dēsiya maha-parshad=aninditaiḥ 1 vinay-ächārasaujanya-dharmm-5palamibhir-gunai
=
5 | [4] Abhūd-Bharga-jaṭā-juta-visan kata-kuți-oharaḥ | Chandrama jagad-änandakanda-kandalana-kshamaḥ || [5] Tasmad-Vu(d-Bu)dho vu(bu)dh-adhisa
6 s-tatas-ch-abhūt = Purüravaḥ | tasmad-Ayur-analp-ayus tato-nye chakravarttinab || [6*] Evam-achchhinna-santānam jāyamānēshu rājasu [|]
7 Yayatir-abhavat-a-pi
sutam Yadum-ajijanat || [7] Tatas-trilōki-tilakayamanaḥ prāvarttat-asau Yadu-samjña-vamśaḥ |
1 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, pp. 538 ff.
IHQ, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 123-34.
Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 127.
Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 202. From impressions. •Expressed by symbol.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
8 yatr=ābhilēbhë Harir=ātma-janma janm-antar-ochchhitti-karaḥ . prajānām(nām) | [8*]
Sad-Rāshtrakuş-para-nämny=amushmin=va[ın*]& Yadūnā9 m-ajani kshat-āriḥ Govindarājaś=chatur-avdhi(bdhi)-vēlā-kāmchi-guņāyāḥ patir=
urvvarāyāḥ || [9*] Sri-Kakkarājā=sya suto 10 hat-āris-tasmād=abhūd=Indra iv=Endrarājaḥ sri-Dantidurggő-sya suti va(ba)bhūva
Sri-Krishnarājā nu piţrivya āsīt ! [10*) Gö11 vindarājö-bhavad-asya putrah(tras=) tasy=ānujo nu Ddhruvarājadēvah | tasmāj-Jagattu
nga-dharadharēndras-tusy-ātmajah srimad-Amo- 12 ghavarshaḥ (118 Tasmāch=chhri-Krishṇarājā= bhūd=akrishņa-charito vibhuḥ 1
dhuran=tasy-odhavān=naptă Jagattung-ātmajo npipaḥ || [12*] A13 bhyuddhțit-orvvara-bharo hatha-dārit-āriḥ sach-chakra-nandaka-karo Narakasya satruh
| nirmmathya'vairi-vara-väridhim=āpta-la14 kshmiḥ sākshād=Upēndra iva sõ=bhavad=Imdrarājaḥ 1[l 13*] Yo nāsi(si)ta-kām
ātmā grihīta-Dāhāla-nāya15 ka-kapālah uttara-digva(g-ba)ddha-ruchi rājati lõke Mahēśvara-vat || [14*] Svēti
mnā mēdurēņa pravara16 gaja-ghatā divya-mātatnguyamti sailān=Kailasa (sa)yanti gagana-tala-gatān=hasayanti sa(sa)kurtān |
Second Plate, First Side 17 pātālē Sashayanti phani-kulam-akhila[m*) Ga[m]gayanti bra(sra)vanti ravvindu
chõdayantia bhramati nija-gu18 naiḥ sambhřitā yasya kīrttiḥ | [15*] Tasmin=prasāsati mahinsa(him sa)-mahidbare
ndrām=Indra-dyutau chatur-udanvad-a19 nindya-kirachiin(chim) | khal-abhighāta vijit-ihita-rāja-raja-samanta-māndalika-vandita
pada-padmē || [16*] Krishnara20 ja-day-āvāpta-kpitsna-Samyāna-mandalah l āsiu=Madhumati[h*) Srimā[n*] nfipatis
Tajik-anvaye || [17*] Vijitya kura-dandona sarvva-völäku21 l-adhipan | nyavivisat=saman kirtyā sarvvatra karaṇāni yaḥ || [18*] Ruchya ramjita
bhuvano=runa-maņir-iva Sugatipo dhari-vadhväḥ [1*] 22 bhūshana-bhūtasyām(sy=ā)bhūttat=suta[h*] Sahiyārahārasya ! [19* Krāṁtvā dba
mma-tar.-dvayēna saritau mamcha-pprapamchaih=parāḥ sāly-annam pravibhu23 jya sūpa-ghfita-vat-satrē(ttrē) samam shad-rasaiḥ nityam yasya nitānta-hşishta
inanasaḥ kirttim sašāmk-õjva(jjva)lām nānā-dēša-visesha-vē.. 24 di-pathik, vyāvarnnayamty=uchohakaiḥ [20*) Atulya-vudhy-atiśam(sa)y-anuksit
amara-rād-guruḥ | Sri-Puvvaiyō=bhavad=yasya mantri mantra-vidā. 25 m=varah | [21*] Bhāradvāja-kulasya mandana-vidhiḥ Sri-Väsudēv-ātmajaḥ Sri-Nārā
yana-bhatta ity-abhihitas-tasy=ātmajo jātavān
1 The word urvara h13 baon nada uruara for the sake of the metre. : The intended reading may be rav-indū chhidayanti, • Or sa Hiyaraharasya, or sa hi Yåraharasya.
A letter was engraved and erased after this . Read atalya-buddhyo. • Road vida varab.

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RASHTRAKUTA CHARTERS FROM CHINCHANI-PLATE 1
1. Grant of the time of Indra III, Saka 848
6
काEN (हना या बादश्यान लिविया विदयालयमासमवश्व समय यावर त्यविधाता
खा-पुलिस के यजल दिया दिवायोमरि घसीबलासलागैयार थानवर वारसा काका काकापायाका दिमादयूल कापी रवायादाकागालामालमा सररवाला
सारयता मायेर नी या महाप.सेट मितिमावस्यावागायोगकावस्यायनामाइग MP मटर ऊरटतिसंकट कुटीयम समाजरायामम्कन कलरकम तथा हुचोवुदाधीन
पर एसवा तयादा युरल्या युगोको र कुवालिका व मातु कु समानंकायमाले पालया याचिका सीपियरमजीत
क सला की रिल काय मानपावई नायौयडरातारा।। निसा लाकडामा छ यो हकिकाम: पानां गाय यास करण्यास कामामुखी म यसमा LI का साजन उनधिविलाकांची मुलाया: वकि नायागाजाक कामियागार
(यरमार डरिए वे नाजीरनिउरेया तो वह वजी की या डीन (पटवा मासीन । सो विला जावदयापुरमा सोलुह दसागरे वसतरमा हाउसमावनेत यया बनली मटमें
को रया हीरालमा डोदरासनिमाविमार गोड यानाडाला दुगाबहाव पास राम रस्मोरछया दिशानिय सकन इनकमोकनकासाकमात्र विवरवा विहिला पत्ता मा झार पितुः सोर व दिंदात
या कातितकामा माधा दी राहालकारा के कपाल परिगृहसीना-
बगते सम्वकालत करम से लापता वरपरि वामा गयी गाँव
यामागील
10
12 14 16
पाताल पराजलकत्वमा तिराहा नवीयश्री नवदोरयवीर मलिक कायाकलापमा सास
की शपहीने का
मिलान नुकरवर शाकानी सारि माविमादि कालमा
म कसालकव पादपमेय हरयाचा प्रयया कलमातीकाममा पलिया(कावयाचिकाकररमय होय राम मावि पास का कवि नामंकीमा सरकाज तरक्की करामालावयग शापामा 28 १८ तस्या र य य दियारियाका बावकर्मीद्वापरयनजामणपथरावालालूपारा सयप प्यावशायम राजनित बयाँ नाममयःकालमा(का इलाका वारसविलपवला रिकावावबालकाला वाजियान्तामरमाउसाहायुत यादवरासामदुमयमा मरारारहात फुलयामा विविवीवास मिलकापायलरहदास्यूरा माजावा
(सारबरामयमरामापीरोयाम(ठका(स्वानुमलायानाकर I FAST मित्कातिललिनदीतलतले विरसीविरमातिरादिता पवारमिदायोयामायामा 180177 मामलापकरारदारमार्थिवावकाशमानमवायललाख या पत्राकिलरमयुखवावा
काराम राप्ती नारायणरहसगी महिमापौपायावाद पाठकायकानामधाचा कयायवलकर 30सायोटाळरा कागारममा राताराकारकाय करा छोपकमलापदोगामधाम
परपदा रकमदारालामालपरगनमीमदिनासारव (चापागरकुमार शनाया पोरश्वविवयकाविका पिकालायिाशवाकालिपटान विषया वाहकालार का विवाह
सायना प्याटमा :पर्यापरवाया गायनाच मानवाला मुकाम '' 17 साल कालापामगार महारागनिकामारहाकालमापशामाद रायाम प्रकका वारणावा
वानरचनात वासरालाला
47.7 तार
Scale: Two-Thirds

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-
--
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व्यापारकोप सहित यो सिप विक र सदा दायर एक्सा पास वा काहि
यह सामान किन्न पलाय: रसायसिदिता रद ट पाय सः सदर माला कुत्वः 38सटीमा पर्य : किपाकाली पहा मानीसासुरादापत्रयकर मार गुवाल व किलिम (क्यानका
कुंत्यात लसुमाकालीः आसार उस छ र ती नावा याममोड मनाई व दरामध्यमहाया राईन लोशामा दिनदिई मि पाल पालाय नवाजुमका अदा मासाश्व पति पदवावा । याबार कवि धामी गटीरताश याना हायाबुपालवतात घाला । वारिसुवाटुक्रा माउ टि स ग पारिदिः यमाय टया ये सारे मिस्सा नया तरा पत्य ।तबार रामदारला सा मा गोयिंच मानस तुर्क या ला काले काले पालकी यादय सिवा निगादाविलम्पाविद्या यास्यो यात ते मानद । मग उपां पयमन वाले डावे वा सूर्यमुकामगाय: लिक्विय
कर दिदाय: कात गाव महीनदया गयवहाक पर वाहन हलवलासरा। 46 सित गदंगुन तलाशत्व पावनगा यानवविकनिकलद कला बलाल माल विहनाल. पला
रु घिरता दर दि शंकप्त पक्कि लामावा स्वतंगति ही निरास मासीवादा 48 वरयससमोना किराया मात्पु ( संतत्यामला हा पत्ता नदिलादमी तिला
शायरादि रामा कैदा भारत मा परि माहाका तकारमाप पाकिस्ख समु। so रणदिर गवतावर पासवासनाचघरम्यालवया 50
यादाता कम गीत का दिन के तसे गंगा वि वाटवी पता
520 काट मासिक पाया हलाया महरा बदसलायम 52
लायक कमाइमिदा नसावाका नाममा में पाया वाटर सरसफल ।। रहरलां परीयार
नवागवानी रस राना पीछा किवि में लगने वंस गार वार्यतामिया मगर दिमत्रो माया विद्यालया।
पारादि (परिभायानीहरतालिममा किवम्मीद गरी मनी ला कर्मालाin तिमामा की आमसा:पुनसानामविकलरला पुलाला मियमसी। महुँचा जीवित । सतिविमलमनोस्निा में भी निहि.पुकाध पर की या किल्ला पाखा
कर पालिकाला. ही तवाय नमविषायलाचता विनर (क्क छु (व मता व नुहा कायस्था। 60सान कलापियामा वायसम सपरया घवम् कानहाय लिसित कामिरेमा
यक प्रमाण वसपन परक महान विभाउदा पर कालवछत्रय.पा. दादा ठडा (कास । 62.याय वा हा हाली मुगनपा अयायो नववार या नुकीलकमुगोलमा धमालयावावशी
का गलानियादा समय काकस यासपमा (मामलामा मःकाला एका (3 व नाई वादावी दनादन येत्यांकरसमी मुंहमीपत्रपतिध्ययनःपनामामायाका दरवा
मायकारतका कसुसाइदिवा पसागरमानावरसायुकास साधायावहीवाकरगपत्र नामक पाका कला(विवाहाहायकदिवालकलावावानदासमुस्सयाकवनगुहग 66
सालकमागम बायपापसाचारविराममलमाखकहासुरूया कामगसमस्यावयाय

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No. 41
RASHTRAKUTA CHARTERS FROM CHINCHANI
26 Annaiyo'-bhavad=asya mitram-asamam sri-Nityavarsh-anugaḥ Saryāno mathik-ābhidhā--
nam-atulam yõ=achikaran=mandanam # [22*] Ten=27 nila-vilulita-vichi-jala-chalé vibhava-jīvitē matvā [1*] vijñapya Nityavarsham
pravarttito bhūmi-dãyo-yam(yam) || [23*] Tēn=ayath sri-Madhu28 maty-apara-nāmnā sri-Sugatipāna Bhāradvāja-maharshi-gotra-tila kāyamāna-Maitrā
yani(nī)-Sākbay-opalakshita-savra(bra)hmachari-eri29 Väsudöv-ātmaja-sri-Nārāyaṇa-bhatta-suta-śrīmad-Annammaiy-öparödhäd-ota[t*)-krita-ma
thikā-Bamskār-ārtham tath=ātra-nivāsi-pamcha-Gau30 diya-inahā-parshadā nava-janānām Daśamyās=cha Bhagavatyā var-ākāra-nyāyēna sarvv.
õpakaran-õpabhõg-ārtham tathā dharmma-chi31 ra-sthitayë paramabhattāraka-mahārājādhiraja-paramēśvara-śrimad-Indrarājadēvarh
vijāapya tad-anumatēna sri-Samya32 na-hamyamana-paura-dhruva-vishayik-adhikarikān=mēlayitv=ēn=aiva Kolimahāra-vishay.
antarvvartti-Kāņāduk-ābhidhāna33 grāmaḥ śāsitos yatr=īghātanāni [l*] pūrvvataḥ parvvat-āpara-vāri-plavah | dakshiņēn=aitan
naga-nirggata-nadim=ārabhya päshāna -Sömva(mba)k-a34 para-Bhammaharomgarikā-dakshiņa-bhāgaḥ | paschimato Bhammaharðingarikām=drabhya
Kallagrāma-pūrvva-sīmānta-vata-madhūka-kumbhika35 Chinānu-Hinguvāra-dakshiņa-nadi[m*] yāvad-uttarato Himguvāra-Chavasa-Vāghavāsa
dakshiņa-vāhini-pūrvvāmga-bhavā nadi [l*]
Second Plate, Second Side. 36 áva chatur-āghātan-opalakshitaḥ s-ūdramgah sa-parikarahsa-bhoga-bhāyaḥ sa-danda
das-aparādhaḥ sa-dhänya-hi37 rany-ādēyaḥ s-otpadyamāna-vishți-pratyāyaḥ s-abhyantara-siddhir-a-chāța-bhața-pravēšaḥ
sa-vșiksha-māl-ākulah 38 sa-simā-paryantah nidhān-ālipaka-kumārisāhasa-dosha-traya-varjah ā-chandr-ārkk-ārņņava
kshiti-sarit-Sumēru39 kulāchala-sama kālinah grāmō dattas-tathā Dāvihar-ākhya-grāma-madhye bhūmni-dhur
ärddham cha [l*] tad=ayam=asmad-düyo= 40 smad-vamsyair-anyaiś=oh=āgāmibhir=bhūmipālaiḥ palagita vyõ=numanta vyaś=cha []*) yata
āha : Sva-dattām para-dattām vā 41 yatnād=raksha narādhipa | mahim mahibhțitām érēshtha danach=chhrēyö=nupälanam(nam)
[24*] tathā oh-oktam(ktam) | Va(Ba)hubhiruvvasudha bhuktā 42 rajabhiḥ Sagar-ādhibhiḥ | yasya yasya yadā bhūmis=tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) 11 [25*]
tathā ch=āktam Rāmabhadrēna !! 43 Sāmānyõzyam dharmma-sētur=nfipāņām kālē kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ sarvvāna
ētām(tän) bhāvinah pārthivēndrān=bhū
1 The name of the person (cf. also verse 35 below) is given as Annammaiya in the prose part of the record (line 29).
* This seoms to refer to the practice of offering naivedya arranged in a good shape. : I.e. basanikritya prudatlah. • The letter na, which was originally omitted, is written above the line. . This is the same as 8-Oparikarah of many other rcoords.

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[VOL. XXXII 44 yo bhūyo yachatē Rāmabhadrah || [26*] Aynēr=apatyam prathamam suvarnnamn bhūr=vvai
shnavi sürya-sutäs-cha gāvah | lūkazi(ka)-trayam 45 tēna bhavēd=dhi dattam yah kāmchanan gāṁ cha mahim cha dadyat || (27*) yas-tv-ajñāna
patal-andhita-drishtir=anila-va(ba)l-abata-sa46 rit-tarariga-bhamnguraih trin-āgra-lagn-āvaśyāy-unavasthirai kuri-kalabha-karņn-agra
lolarn branta-vihaga-gala-chapalar 47 prakupita-bhujaga-jihvā-tadit-kshaņa-dishtam nashta pratikshanam=anavasthitam gati
ji[vi]tam=anälöchya ibu48 mutra cha yasaḥ(sah)-saukhya-nidānam dānāt-punya-samchayam-anādřity=adříshta-phal
anabhijño durmmatir=āchchhi49 ndyād=āchchhidyamānam v=ānuinādēta sa pamchabhir=mmahā-pātakais-s-õpa'pātakais-cha
saiyu50 kta[h*) syād-ity=uktam bhagavata Védavyāsēna Vyjūsēna Shashţir=vvarsha-sahasrapi
svargē vasa51 ti bhūmidah | achchhüttă ch=ūnumamta cha tany=ēva nurakē vasēt || [28*] Vindhy-ātavīshv
s-to
Third Plate. 52 yāsu sushka-kõțara-vāsinaḥ Ll*) křishn-āhayo hi jāyanto bhūmi-dūyari harain(ra)nti yê
[29) 63 Anyāyēna hritā bhūmir=hāritā v=ānumădită | atīt-āgāmi pāpānām dahaty=ī54 saptaman kulam(lam) (30*] Sva-dattāṁ para-dattāın vi yo harēta vasundharām(rām)
gavam sata-sahasrasya ha[n]tuh 55 prāpnoti-kilvi(Ibi)shain(sham) | [31*] Jñātv=aivath mat-pradatto-yazi bhūmi-dâyo manishi
bhih n-öchchhēdyo bhūvi-bhūpālaih sa56 ryvair=ātma-hitaishibhih [32*] Yan=iha dattāni pura narēndrair-ddānāni dharmm-artha
yasa(sa)skarāni nirmmālya57 växta-pratimani tāni ko nāma sūdhuh punar=ūdadita ! [33] Iti kamala-dal-āmvu(bu)
vindu-lolam śriyam-avalo58 kya manushya-jivitam cha | ati-vimala-manõblur=ātmaninair=nina hi purushaiḥ para-kirttayo
vilõpyāḥ || [34*) $a59 ka-narapati-kāl-ātita-samva(sāmva)tsara-batēshy-ashţāsv=ashțāchatvārim'sad
adhik shu Vaisakha-buddh-akshata -tritiyāyām 60 Sömë arkatonpi samva(sarva) tsara 848 Vyaya-samva(samva)tsarea'vyaya
dharmma-kosa-vsiddhayē likhitam-idam sa61 sanam paramēbvara-paramabhattāraka-mahārājādbirāja-srimad-Akalavarshadēva-pád-ānu
dhyāta-sri-Nitya62 varshadēv-inujñāta-eri-Sugatip-ajñaya Samyana-dhruva-Vathaiy-inumatēna Sugatēna ért
Dhruvarāja-särdhivigraBetter read pätakair=upa. • Tho anusvära is wrongly placed on the provious akshara.
The usual name of the tithi is Akshaya.

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55 63 hik-Ajita-gutēn=ēti . yad=atrron-āksharam-adhik-āksharam vă tatăsarvvam pramāņamwiti
Grāmaḥ Kāņāduk-a64 khyo vara-dharani-dhur-ārddhaṁ cha Dēvihar-ākhyē dattam yen=ēha sa śri-Sugatipa-nsi
patiḥ sürya-tējah(jāh) prasasti Annaiyah kırttanēna 65 tribhuvana-jayini Rivanah Kautukas-cha sirddha Divyah prasadūd=Amaragiri-vara
sthāyukah santa(tu) arvvé ! 135*] Yavad-vichi-taraign pracha66 lita-makara-grāha-nakr-akul-ormniyāviddh-oddhūta-tõya-kshubhita-kalakal-ārāva-raudrah
samudrah yāvan=nakshatra-chandra-praha-ga67 na-kiran-ālamkțit-āmgaś=cha Mērus-tävad-Devyah prasādāc=avihatamamalam sāsanam
athāsnu bhūyāt 9 [36*] mamgalam mahati cha śrill
2. Grant of the time of Kộishna III This is a single plate measuring about 17.5" in length, 8.8" in breadth and l" in thickness. It weighs about 130 tolas. There is no seal fixed with the plate which is engraved only on one side. There are 50 lines of writing. The engraving is as neatly done as in the other epigraph from the same place, edited above. The preservation of the writing is satisfactory.
The characters belong to the North Indian alphabet of the tenth century A.D. and closely resemble those of the inscription of the time of Indra III, edited above. The initial vowels a (lines 21, 22, 27 and 39), a (lines 18, 40, 43 and 48) and i (lines 17 and 20) occur in the inscription. Finalt, n and m are found respectively in lines 50, 10 and 22, while the avagraha occurs in lines 37 and 38. The numerical figures 4 and I have been used in line 39. The sign for has been employed in indicating b.
The language is Sanskrit and the document is written in prose and verse. In point of orthography also the record resembles the record edited above. In a few cases, the rules of Sandhi have been ignored even in verses (line 10, 26). Although final mn has been used (line 22), it has often been changed wrongly to anusvāra. Certain consonants have been reduplicated in conjunction with
The inscription bears no date. Since, however, it refers itself to the reign of the Rashtrakūta king Krishna III (939-67 A.D.), it may be assigned roughly to the middle of the tenth century A.D.
The inscription begins with the Pranana which is followed in lines 1-35 by 19 verses. Verse 1 is in adoration of the Mother-goddess. The next stanza (verse 2) introduces the Yadu or Yādava dynasty, to which the Rashtrakūta kings are stated to have belonged. Verse 3 speaks of the following rulers of the family : (1) Dantidurga (742-56 A.D.); (2) his successor Krishnaraja (Krishna I, 756-75 A.D.); (3) Govindarāja (Govinda II, 775-80 A.D.), successor of Krishnarāja ; (4) Nirupama (Dhruva, 780-94 A.D.); (5) Jagattunga (Govinda III, 794-814 A.D.); (6) Amõghavarsha (i.e. Amoghavarsha I, 814-80 A.D.), and (7) Amõghavarsha's son Akālavarsha (Krishna II, 878-915 A.D.). The next stanza (verge 4) refers to Indrarāja (Indra III, 915-28 A.D.), while verse 5 speaks of Amõghavarsha (i.e. Amõghavarsha II, 928-29 A.D.) who succeeded Indrarāja. Verse 6 mentions Govindarāja (Govinda IV, 929-34 A.D.) surnamed Suvarnavarsha and verse 7 Amõghavarsha (i.e. Amoghavarsha III, 934-39 A.D.). The following four stanzas (verses 8-11) describe the reigning king Kệishnarāja (Kệishņa III, 939-67 A.D.), son of Amõghavarsha. It will be seen that all the rulers of the Imperial Rashtrakūta dynasty from Dantidurga to Krishna III are mentioned in correct order, although the relationship between the successor and his predecessor has not been indicated
1 Read prasastu,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
in all the cases. It is interesting to note that the reign of Amoghavarsha II has been recognised in the record.1
About the reigning monarch Krishna III, verse 10 says that he conquered certain enemies even when he was a crown-prince, while verse 11 enumerates the following as bowing down to his feet: the Pandyas, Odras, Simhalas, Chōlas and Parasīkas, the Andhra king, the Dravidas, Varvaras and Tajjikas, and the Vamkīņas, Hūnas, Khasas, Gurjaras and Malaviyas. The success of Krishna III against the Pandyas, Simhalas, Chōlas and Gurjaras (i.e. the Gurjara-Prathihāras of Kanauj3) is referred to in some of his records. The name Dravida seems to have been applied to the Pallavas. A Paliava king named Anniga is known to have been subdued by him. The Malaviyas were probably the Paramaras who owed allegiance to him. The Tajjikas (i.e. Tājikas) were the Arabs, some of whom, as we have seen above, were serving under the Rashtrakuta kings, while the Parasīkas or Persians appear to be the Parsees who had settled at places like Sanjan in the western coast land forming a part of the Rashtrakuṭa empire. The king's relations with the remaining peoples mentioned in the verse are not known from any other source.
Verses 12-14 speak of the god Bhillamāladēva, also called Madhusudana (i.e. Vishnu), worshipped at the unspecified place whence the charter was issued. The deity is stated to have been installed by the descendants of the merchants of Bhillamala which is the modern Bhinmal in the Jodhpur region of Rajasthan. Verses 15-19 state that, at the same place, there was another maṭhikā, i.e. monastery or temple, which had been constructed by Kautuka and at the gate of which the goddess called Bhagavati had been installed for worship. It is clear that the god Bhillamaladeva alias Madhusudana was installed in the temple standing near another made by Kautuka for the Mothergoddess. There is little doubt that Kautuka's mathika enshrining Bhagavati was the religious institution built by Annaiya (Annamaiya), Kautuka and Rēvana at Samyana and that the goddess is no other than Bhagavati Dasami installed in it, both mentioned in the grant of the time of Indra III, edited above. Verse 19 of the record under study refers to the Anagha-parshad (called Mahaparshad in line 35) in connection with the goddess and this is apparently the Arya-desiyā Maha-parshad or Pancha-Gaudiya-maha-parshad of Samyana mentioned in the other epigraph.
The following section in prose in lines 35 ff. records a vyavastha which means 'a legal decision in a dispute' in the present context. It is very interesting to note that, in this case, the decision emanates from a deity and his attendants and not from any judicial or administrative authority. In this respect, the inscription under study offers a peculiar instance.
It is stated that a vyavastha based on an order was offered to the mathika (i.e. the monastery or temple of the goddess) and the svadhyāyikas or scholars belonging to the Maha-parshad attached to it by the god Bhillamāladēva and his värikas. The word varika is known to have been used in the sense of 'an official' and, in the present context, it no doubt means a priest or Panda of the temple of Bhillamaladeva at Samyana. Apparently the decision of the temple authorities was passed as the order of the god; but whether any device was adopted to convince the people that it was really the will of the god is uncertain. The terms of the vyavastha, which follow, were that the mathikā of the goddess should pay forty drummas to the god Bhillamaladeva and his värikas as árōtaka for
1 Cf. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 416, note 5. The fact that Amoghavarsha II obtained the throne is also recognised in some other records of Krishna III (cf. above, Vol. IV, p. 283, verses 18-19).
The suggestion that the Gurjara contemporary of Krishna III was the Chaulukya king Mularāja (cf. Bomb. Gaz., Vol 1, part ii, pp. 283, 420) seems to be wrong as the territories of the Chaulukyas were outside Gurjaratrā in the age in question (cf. below, p. 58, note 5).
* Cf. verses 30, 31 and 35 of the Karhad plates (above, Vol. IV, pp. 278 ff.). See also Altekar, op. cit., pp. 115 ff. Above, Vol. IV, p. 289 (verse 29).
Cf. the Harsola plates (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 236 ff.).
See Smith, E. Hist. Ind., 1924, p. 444.
Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 171-72; cf. Vol. XXXI, p. 164, note 1.

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No. 4) RASHTRAKUTA CHARTERS FROM CHINCHANI
57 a small piece of land that belonged to the god but had been enclosed within the northern compound wall of the mathikā. The word śrotaka is not found in Sanskrit lexicons but was apparently a kind of rent, since the periodical nature of ite payment is indicated by the stipulation that the amouut was to be paid on each occasion of dip-otsava-bhanga, i.e. the end of the festival of lights, obviously in the mathikā of the goddess. The Dip-otsava seems to be no other than the dipāvali, a festival with illuminations held on the new moon of Asvina or Kärttika in honour of the goddess Pārvati. The dramma was a coin of copper or silver. The inscription seems to specify the payment in coins minted by a trader named śrēshthin Gambhuvaka. It appears that this tradesman of Samyāna enjoyed a license for minting coins on behalf of the ruling authority.'
It is further stated that, now that the vyavasthā was offered (cf. adhuna), if any devotee of the god (i.e. Bhillamāladēva), whether he is a Brāhmaṇa or'a merchant, commits suicide or creates any other trouble with a view to increasing the amount of the brotaka or to the removal of the wall of the mathikā enclosing the piece of land belonging to Bhillamāladēva, he should be looked upon as a dog or a donkey or a Chāņdāla even if he is dead. If a merchant was involved in such & case, his whole property should have to be confiscated by the government. On the other hand, in case the śrőtaka was not duly paid to the vārikas of the god Bhillamāladēva, if any one out of the persons belonging to the Mahā-parshad attached to the mathikā, who kept the door of the mathikä open to the public, or of outsiders who conducted worship of the goddess, committed suicide, he would also share a similar fate even if he was dead. It is stated that this vyavasthā, based on the sthiti or decree, was a permanent one and had to be observed by both the parties of the dispute, viz. the devotees of the god Bhillamāladēva and those of the goddess worshipped in the mathikā. To the above is added the statement that anybody who would appropriate the piece of land in his attempt to avoid the payment of the brotaka should be endowed with all the greater and minor sins.
It is clear from the words of the inscription that a small piece of land belonging to the temple of the god Bhillamāladēva, which seems to have been situated in the vicinity of the mathikā of the goddess, was lying within the compound wall of the latter and was in wrongful possession of the devotees of the goddess. It is also clear that, while the devotees of the god were trying to recover the land by all means including the offer of hunger-strike, the other party attached to the goddess was trying to obstruct the release of the plot equally obstinately in the same way. The decision to ease this state of tension by fixing an amount of annual rent for the piece of land, payable by the party in the possession of it, was therefore a good one. The respectful mention of the goddess in the present record exhibits a spirit of compromise which is commendable.
The above section of the record is followed in lines 46-47 by a sentence meaning to say that the giver of the decision, viz. the god Bhillamāladēva along with his vārikas, expressed his desire in the words of the document as written by the scribe. The following sentence saying that the god favoured the document with his assent is a well known formula with which the royal donors put their signature to a charter originally written on a perishable material and later incised on copper plates. This section is in the style of the charters issued by the contemporary rulers of the area in question.
The charter ends with a stanza (verse 20) followed by a short benedictory passage. The verge mentions the person who was responsible for writing the document with the consent of both the
1 For érölaka, see above, p. 36. For the meaning of bhanga, see Apte, Pract. Sans.-Eng. Dist., 8. v. nidra-bhanga, yātra-bhanga.
+ Of. above Vol. XXX, p. 213 and noto 2. *Cf. JNSI, Vol. VII, pp. 79 ff.
Similar statements are found, 0.8., in the grants of the Silåbäras of the Northern Konkan. Soo Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 279 (Plate III, lines 10-11); above, Vol. II, p. 275, lines 82-84, etc.

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[VOL. XXXII
parties, viz. the devotees of the god and those of the goddess. This writer was a Kāyastha named Sambhudēva who was the son of Ambaipa (Ambaiya ?) and grandson of Jõggapaiya.
The place where the temples of the god and the goddess were situated is not mentioned in the record. But, as we have seen, they must have stood at Samyäna within the dominions of the Rāshtrakūta king Kțishna III. As indicated above, Samyāna is modern Sanjan in the Thana District of Bombay. Among the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Bhillamāla, as already pointed out, is modern Bhinmäl about 100 miles to the south-west of Jodhpur in Rajasthan. It is interesting to note that there was a well-organised settlement of merchants of Bhinmāl origin at Sanjan and that they had installed a Vaishnavite deity of their own and named it after their home town. A large number of peoples of various countries are mentioned in the description of Kệishna III. Most of these tracts are wellknown. The Pāņdyas lived in the Madurai-Ramanathapuram-Tirunelveli region, the Odras in modern Orissa and the Sinhalas in Ceylon. The original territory of the Cholas was in the Tanjavur-Tiruchirappalli area and of the Pārasīkas in Persia. The name Andhra was apparently used to indicate the kingdom of the contemporary Eastern Chālukya king of Vēngi, while the name Dravida was probably applied to Ton daimaņdalam, the territory of the Pallavas in older times. It is difficult to locate the Varvaras known from early Indian literature as a people of the north-west of India. The Tajjikas or Tājikas were the people of Arabia and Vankiņa may be the same as Võkkāņa mentioned in Varāhamihira's Brihatsamhita (XIV, 20) and identified with modern Wakhan in Central Asia. The Hüņas: appear to have lived in the Punjab and the Khasas in Kashmir and Nepal. The Pratibāras of the Gurjara stock ruled over wide areas of North India ; but, even as late as the first half of the eleventh century, Al Bīrūni speaks of the Jodhpur-Alwar-Bharatpur region of Rajasthan as Gujarāt, i.e. Gurjaratrā or the home of the Gurjaras. Mālava, the land of the Mālaviyas, seems to have included in this age the territory around Ujjayini,
TEXT
[Metres : verse 1 Drutavilambita, verses 2-3, 20 Sragdharā; verse 4 Sārdūlavikridita; verses
5,8 Mālini; verses 6-7, 18-19 Upajāti; verses 9, 11, 14-16 Vasantatilakā; verses 10,
17 Anushtubh ; verse 12 Upagiti.] 1 Om Bhagavatyai namah | Bhagavati bhavatām bhava-bhi-bhidë bhavatu Surbha-Nisumbha
vināšani 2 suravar-āsura-kinnara-Nārada-prabhsitibhir=vvinutā varad=ābhavā || [18] Götra[m] bhitvā(ttva)
na bhūto na madhupa3 vasatir=nno sadā dharmma-vakro n=ākrānto dandakõ=s[y]a(yam) na cha para-pavan-ākampito
nā nu hinah 4 n=ādhastān=nita-mula-prakritir=ati-ghano no raņē datta-prishtaḥ(shthah) sõ=pūrvõ=st=iha
vambo Yadu-kula5 tilako Rāshțrakut-ēsvarāņām(ņām) !! [2*] Tatr=āsid=Dantidurggaḥ sakala-guna-nidhiḥ
Ksipņa(shna)rājag=tato=bhū1 Cf. Pargiter, The Markandeya Purana, p. 319, note; Ind. Cult., Vol. VIII, p. 62. * Cf. Ind. Cult., op. cit., p. 55. * Cf. Pargiter, op. cit., p. 379, note ; Ind. Cult., op. cit., p. 59.
See Pargiter, op. cit., p. 346, note; Stein, Rajatarangini, trans., Vol. I, pp. 47-48 (note on I, 317); Vol. II, p. 430.
Cf. INSI, Vol. VIII, pp. 135 ff. The Daulatpură plate (above, Vol. V, pp. 211 ff.; cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 28) of 843 A.D. includes the Jodhpur region in Gurjaratrā. In the seventh century A.D., the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-tsang mentions Pi-lo-mo-lo (i.e. Bhillamila or Bhinmäl) as the capital of Ku-che-lo (i.e. Gurjara).
• From impressions. * Expressed by symbol.

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20
2
* 21 22 2
10
14
16
18
20
24
26
28
30
32
34
36
38
40
42
44
46
48
50
RASHTRAKUTA CHARTERS FROM CHINCHANI-PLATE II 2. Grant of the time of Krishna III
देसी हितविप इतिकारी
कोकीका दी
वालयल
क
नाविक सामाग
জलोकम
शत्रुवत झालित विवियन या विद्यावत का मनुश्श का साज मासिक प्रम
नामादियादिवाद
क
विद
विकृती 1941 विमा पासमारभावही तारिसी अमित पदक मायामजिकता विकारात
काम नाशिक
अविष्कघात विस्तारिक बलमा जो श्रादाय दायराम मोदी का यदिवस हुआ योवनले वये करू रि परिक मारे लड़िया सदाका लपारसीकरीमाব
इसिं
ला
कायम डिविलिरु शाम काशीदलमा देवावरतानादिविरुदा
कान
मुलमुली
काल
हलका ठिकाना लैं कलिनाकविदिशा नाग बचाएं ि एसिस कलावंद देव दा सारे किल्ले यति॥ या के विलोकित मध्यान्यवनानि साते योदवस विस विदित ने वी दवदाश्रयप्रति व दामादा पन्त माविना जारि सिकिना या तिन लोकल दर्या वा৪ उकिन कट कोटि दलीतील ॥श्रविष्ठिताको टिसरुव वि नः स्थापना अनुदाने सुवेदक है। सर्व प्रतिः श्रीमाल यतो वानिक श्रीमदायरा यायिक समेत श्रीमठ का याः मास यतिधामका
दिग्दा यस्ताका गास्मदीया कय श्रावाभियाँ प्रविज्ञान संकुठिक या स्माकं तदीया सेवा कर विदयाव चारि राहतो ४० कायः कवितीयविद्यावान की - वह कुशाद का शाकालाकार काय काकतालीया कम रुष्ट दलालम
माठाचार"
Scale: Three-Fourths
कान लेकरलीयते सादिव द्वारिका तवती वाघां विदवना सँ अथवा यावा वारातिसम नावालक पारित या कम मावा कलिया व दुरुपর
पालकी या यजुक थान काल था विस पंवसायात के पाट यात्रा स कानामनारायन वाद का शायी कायद कुल नल (कॉइन
कशास के दाम लिया 110
6
8
221 222222222
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मा. श्री कैलाससागरसुरि ज्ञानमदिर श्री महावीर जैन आराधना केन्द्र मेवा, (गांधीनगर) पि. ३८२००९

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Page #92

No. 4) RASHTRAKUTA CHARTERS FROM CHINCHANI
59 6 thri(ch-chlori))mad-Govindarājas=tad-anu Nirupamaḥ śri-Jagattungadēvah prithvisõ=
inõghavarshaḥ sa[ma]7 jani vimalah khyata-kirttiḥ samantāt=tas[y]=ēh=Ākālavarshö=khila-bhuvana-patir=
ddhvasta8 éatrurvva(r=bba)bhūva ! [38] Lakshmy-ālingita-vigrahaḥ priyatayā vidyadhar-ēndr
aéritaś=chakr-arbhõja9 manödya(jña)-bhushita-karo vidhvasta-satru-prabhuh yaḥ sadyol-va(ba)ndhanācharcha
vimalām Hirttim parāri prā10 ptuvān śrīmān=Indra-nļipā gunaiḥ samabhavan=nūnam samāno Harēḥ | [4*] Vida
dhad=iha jana11 sy=Amõghavarshi=ti-harshamn tad-anubhuvana-dhātā jātavān=nishkalarkaḥ [l*]
vapushi vimala-[la*]kshmi[m*] pi(vi)kshya 12 s-ērsh=ēva kopāt=prati-disam=anavadyā yasya kirttir=jjagama || [5*] Purā-kram
üyätatarām sva-bhū13 mi[m*] rakshan-samantān=nija-vikramēņa i Govindarājö nsipatis-tato=bhūt=sam
. pcöchyatē yo= 14 ttra Suvarnnavarshah || [6*] Tatan pură punya-chayaiḥ prajānăm(nā)m=abhūdbha(d=bhu)vi
srimad-Amõghavarshah | nsi15 pah samānandita-vam(barn)dhu-varggo vikhyāta-kirttir=nihat-ari-sā[r*]tthaḥ || [74] Samajani
tad-apatyam Kri16 sh[n]arājö mahipo nija-ripu-janatāyā rmū(mūrdhni vinyasta-pādaḥ avani-pati-kirītaiḥ
padma17 rāga-chchhalēna dhriya'ta iha samūrttar visphurad-yasya [t]ējah || [8*) Khadg-abhighāta
nihat-ari-ka18 rīndra-kumbha-samprochchhalad-vimala-mauktika-vşim(vpi)ndam=ājau L ādāya hāra
karanāya sur-mga19 n-aughah apaptam (shtar) nināya divi yasya yaső-vad=uchchaiḥ || [9*] Yauvarājya-sthitēn=
aiva yon-ēha ri20 pavah kshayam(yam) | nītā bari-kiśõrēņa dvipā iva madótkatāḥ || [10*] Pāndy-Opra
Simgha (ha)la-sa-Cho21 laka-Pārasikā Andhrādhipa-Dravida-Varnva(rvva)ra-Tajjikā ś=cha Varkīņa
Huna-Khasa-Gürjjara-Mälavi22 kāḥ(yā) yasy=ārnghri-padma-yugalam praṇamanti nityam | [11*] Ast-iba tila ka-bhūtas=
tri-bhuvana-bhavana23 bhay-āpaha(hā)rah [l*) sci-Bhillamäladēvo vandyair=abhi[na]nditö-nindyah || [12*) Yah
samstuto dirija-da24 nava-nanav-ēndrair-gandharvva-kinnara-ganaih khachar-õragais-cha [I*] Srimat
surēndra-dharaņēndra-muni25 ndra-chandraih stötrair=mmano-mala-harair=Minadhusūdan-ākhyaḥ 1 [13*) Yo-dhi
shthito naya-paraih sa-dhanair-gu26.n-adhyaiḥ bha[k]ty-=ānvitaiḥ stuti-parair=amalair=udāraiḥ | Sri-Bhillamäla-vanijā.
kulajair=amāyaishj 27 dharmm-õdyatair-akhila-loka-kalair-agarvvaiḥ | [14*] Ast=tha Kautuka-kpitir=[in]mathik
inagh-aryyă durllam28 ghya-śālam(la)-kalitā Kalinā vimuktā [1*] svādhyāyikair-akhila-väúmaya-tatva(ttva)
vö(bo)dhād=udbhūta-vu(bu)ddhi1 Two short syllables are wanting in the stanza here.
• The word bandhana refers to the yamal-arjuna-bhanga episode in regard to Hari and to paffa-lundhana or coronation with reference to the king.
• Originally ya was engraved in the place of ya. * Read odhyair=. • Read milyairs.

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lalo
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII 29 patubhiḥ sakal-artha-dakshaih ! [15*] Vēd-artha-sāra-nipuņair=amitaiḥ parïtā
lokair=vvilokita-ka30 [1]air=amalais-cha ramya [I*] dēśyaiś=cha bhāņda-nichayair=nnichit=āti-sārair=ya
dēva-bhūmir=iva sad-vipu(bu)31 dhair=vvibhāti || [16*] Yasyāṁ Bhagavati Dēvi dēva-dānava-pūjitā [l*] varadā mānavā
närh tu Kalpāmghri32 pa-tar-ūpamā || [17*] Virājitā dvāri ghana-pravēša-vinirgat-ā‘yāsita-lõka-lakshaish *] ryālyä)
gopurai33 r=uchchhrita-küta-koti-kshaņa-dhvajibhūta-sitām(t-a)bhra-bhamgaiḥ [18*] Adhishthitä
köți-sahasra-ratnaiḥ śrut-ā34 nvitaiḥ(tai)s=ch=ānagha-parshadā v ā [*] Vimukta-māyair=ainadair=udārair=yā
bhū-surair=vvēda-parair-anindyai35 ” || [19*] sa cha pūrvv-oktaḥ sri-Bhillamāladēvó vārika-purassaras-tasyās=cha Sri-maha
parshat-svā36 dhyāyika-samēta-sri-mathikāyāḥ sāsana-pū[rv vāji vyavasthāṁ prayachchhati | yatha
mathik-o37 ttara-dig-bhāge sthita-prākār-ābhyantarē='smadiya kiyan-mātrā bhūmir=yā pravishță ta38 t-samva(ba)ndhë mathikayā='smäkam prati-dip-otsava-bhanga[m*] vyāvahāruka-srēshta -
Gambhuvaka-drammāḥ śrota39 kēs dēyā[h*] chatvārimsad=ankato=pi draø 40 [l*) adhunā yaḥ kaschid=dēvakiya-vipro vaņijõ'
vā brotaka-sam 40 varddhana-vyājēn=anyēna vā prakārēņa prākāra-bha[m*]janāya kākatāliyo bhūtvā ātna(tma)
hananam 41 vyājam vā karāti sa mṣitā=pi śva-garddabha-chāņdāla-vad=drashțavyaḥ [!*) vaņijae=tu
rājakulēna sa42 rvvasv-āpaharaṇam karaṇīyam tathā dēva-vārikānām(ņām) srotakam na dattam chēt=tada
mathikā-dvāram 43 dadatan Bhagavatim(tyai) va pūjyäm(jäm) vidava(dha)tām parshan-madhyavartty=anyo
vā ātma-hananam karoti sa mi44 tõ=pi śva-gardda bha-chāņdāla-da(va)d=anayā sthitya vyavasth=ēyam=ă-chandr-ārkka-kālam
yāvad=ubhaya-va45 rgēn=āpi pālanīyā [l*) yas=tu punaḥ śrotak-ollarghana-vyājēna bhūmy-apahāram karoti sa 46 pamohabhir=mmahāpātakair=upapătakais-cha sampriktóbhavēta(vēt) | yatha ch=
aitat=tathā vyavastha47 dātā sva-matam-äröpayati matam mama sri-Bhillamāladēvasya värika-purassarasya [l*] 48 Asīt=Kāyastha-gottri sasi-[ka]ora-vimalē Jõggapaiy-ābhidhānas-tasmād-Amvaipalo-sūnu
[r*]=nija49 kula-tilakon-bhüt=tatah sūri-sëvyaḥ jātaḥ sri-Sambhudēdõ(vo) vinaya-naya-yuta[h*]
sad-dhruvő va (ba)ndhu50 kānto dha[r*]mmajñaḥ sāsanam drāg=alikhad=anumatēn=7bhayā spashtam=ētat || [20*)
mamgalam=iti || 1 The dandas are superfluous. ? Better read vinirgam-ao. 3 Better read parshadiyaih. • Read vyavaharika-śrēshthi".
I.e. srolaka-rūpēna. . This is a contraction of dramma. 7 The word ww.nija has been used here in the sense of vanik which is, however, used in line 41 below. . We may add yah kaśchit here. • Originally ha was incised in the place of ka. 10 The intendod name may be Ambaiya,

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No. 5-THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCHANI
(3 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
Two of the five copper-plate grants discovered at Chinchani in the Dahanu Taluk of the Thana District, Bombay, have been edited in the foregoing article. One of them pertains to the reign of king Indra III (915-28 A.D.) and the other to that of Krishna III (939-67 A.D.), both the rulers belonging to the Imperial Rashtrakuṭa dynasty of Manyakheta (Mālkhed). Of the three other copper-plate charters discovered at the same place, two were issued by a Motha chief of Samyana (Sanjan in the Thana District). The name of the family to which the issuer of the remaining charter from Chinchani belonged is not mentioned in the record; but he was also a ruler of Samyana and seems to have been a Mōdha. The family name, viz. Mōdha, associates these chiefs of Samyana with the Brahmana and Baniya communities of the same name now residing in various parts of the Northern Konkan and its neighbourhood. No ruler of this dynasty was known so far from any other source. The three charters are dated respectively in Saka 956 (1034 A.D.), Saka 969 (1048 A.D.) and Saka 975 (1053 A.D.). Before the inscriptions are taken up for discussion, a few words may be said about the circumstances leading to the rise of the Mōḍhas at Samyāna.
We have seen above how an Arab governor was ruling over the territorial division of Samyana on behalf of the Rashtrakuta kings Krishna II (878-915 A.D.) and Indra III (915-27 A.D.). It is well known that the Silaḥāras claimed to be the rulers of the Northern Konkan with their capital at Puri since the days of Amōghavarsha I (814-80 A.D.). The founder of the Silāhāra house was Kapardin I whose son Pullasakti (843-44 A.D.) and grandson Kapardin II (851-78 A.D.) are known to have enjoyed the title 'lord of the Konkan' or ' lord of the entire Konkan' as feudatories of the said Rashtrakuta monarch. The Silahāra inscriptions give the names of the following rulers of the family after Kapardin II: (1) his son Vappuvanna, (2-3) Vappuvanna's sons Jhanjha and Goggi, and (4) Goggi's son Vajjada I. Little is known about these rulers, although Al Mas'udi speaks about 916 A.D. of Jhanjha as governor of the Lar (Laṭa) country and
1 See Bomb. Gaz., Vol. IX, part i, pp. 2-3, 11-12, for the Mōdha Brahmanas who are believed to have migrated to Gujarat from Upper India, and for the town of Mōdhera (cf. also ibid., p. 72; Vol. VII, pp. 608-09) which is supposed to have given the M5dhas their name. For the same sub-caste of the Brahmanas in Kutch, Kathiawar, Poona, Rewa Kantha and Thana, see respectively Vol. V, p. 45; Vol. VIII, p. 146; Vol. XVIII, part i, p. 163; Vol. VI, pp. 23-24; and Vol. XIII, p. 80. For the Mōdha Bäniäs in Gujarat, Kutch, Kathiawar and Thana, see respectively Vol. IX, part i, p. 72; Vol. V, p. 50; Vol. VIII, p. 148; and Vol. XIII, p. 112.
* For a Mödha named Kumyara who was the son of Vaijala and a Mahakshapatalika of Chanlukya Bhima II, see an inscription of V. S. 1256 in Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 72, text lines 41-42. See also Sankalia, Archaeology of Gujarat, p. 208 and note 1.
Cf. p. 50.
Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, pp. 538 ff. The identification of the city of Purt is not definitely settled. Different scholars have identified it variously with Thapa (chief town of the Thana Distriot), Gharapurt (Elephanta), Rajapuri in Kolaba and Rajapur in Ratnagiri. See ibid., pp. 283-84. Some of the Silahara records were issued from Sthänaka or Thapa. It is sometimes also believed that Thana was the capital of the Bilähäras while Puri was their secondary capital (Ind. Cult., Vol. II, p. 402).
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 136.
• Ibid., pp. 134-35.
( 61 )

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62
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
of Samur or Chaul as lying within his territory and Aparajita, son of Vajjada I, is known to have ruled in 993-97 A.D. The recently published grants of Chhadvai, who was a younger brother of Vajjada I and a feudatory of Rashtrakuta Krishna III (939-67 A.D.), seems to have been issued about the close of the Rashtrakuta king's reign. Chhadvai is not mentioned in the later records of the family and may have really been a usurper of the throne which rightfully belonged to his brother's son Aparajita. In spite of the fact that Aparajita ruled after the end of Rashtrakuta supremacy, he also clearly speaks of the subservience of his ancestors to the Rashtrakuta monarchs. It seems, however, that, during the reigns of Krishna II and Indra III and probably for sometime more, the territorial division called Samyana-mandala, comprising wide areas of the Northern Konkan, was under governors who were directly responsible to the Rashtrakuta monarchs and had little to do with the Silähäras. This fact appears to explain the temporary decline of Silahara power in the Northern Konkan after the reign of Kapardin II as indicated by the paucity of Silahara records of the period in question and also by the Chinchani inscription of the time of Indra III and Madhumati Sugatipa who governed Samyana-manlala on behalf of Rashtrakuta Krishna II and Indra III. In this period, the Silähäras appear to have been ruling only over parts of the territory held by Kapardin II. The Chinchani plate of the reign of Krishna III (939-67 A.1).) does not mention the local rule of any Silahara feudatory probably because it was issued at a time when the hold of the Silahāras over Saiyana had not yet been fully re-established.
The Silahara grants mention the descendants of Aparajita in the following order: (1-2) Vajjada II and Arikesarin or Kesideva (1017 A.D.), sons of Aparajita, and (3-5) Chhittaraja (102634 A.D.), Nägürjuna and Mummuņi or Māmvāņi (1049-60 A.D.), sons of Vajjada II. The earliest of the three grants of the chiefs of Saryana edited here was issued in Saka 956 (1034 A.D.). In this record, the chief, who appears to have belonged to the Modha dynasty, although it is not so stated in the inscription, acknowledges the suzerainty of the Silara or Silahara ruler called Chhinturaja which is no doubt a variant of the name Chhittaraja. It is stated that Samyanapattana was received by the chief from the Silahara ruler. That Silahara Chhittaraja was ruling at least down to 1034 A.D. is not only known from the present record but also from the Berlin Museum plates issued by himself. It is, however, interesting to note that the other two records
1 See Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 23; Ind. Cult., Vol. II, p. 404. The Yadava ruler Bhillams II married the daughter of Jhañja while his son Vêsugi married the daughter of Gogi. R. G. Bhandarkar was inclined to identify Jhanjha and Gogi with Jhañja and Goggi of the Silahara dynasty of the Northern Konkan (Bomb., Gar, Vol. I, part ii, pp. 232-33); but Fleet did not support the identifications (ibid., pp. 425, 513, 514 note 2).
Above, Vol. III, pp. 271 ff.: Gadre, Important Inscriptions from the Baroda State, Vol. I, pp.46 ff., 55 ff. Of. Vaidya, Hist. Med. Ind., Vol. II, pp. 349 f..
Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 282 ff.
The Ganga king Satyavakya Kongunivarman Marasimha II (circa 960-75 A.D.), who was a feudatory of Rashtrakuta Krishna III, claims to have defeated Vijjala, the younger brother of Pätālamalla, and Kielhorn is inclined to identify this Vijjala with Silahara Vajjada I (Kielhorn's Southern List, Supplemont, p. 6). If this identification is recopted, it may not be impossible to think that it was the Rashtrakuta king who subdued Vajjada I and placed Chhadvai on the Silahara throne although the reference to Pätälamalla cannot be explained in the present stato of our knowledge. Vijjala (i.e. Vijjala) and Vajjada, however, appear to be different names.
As. Res., Vol. I, p. 357.
Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 276 ff.; ZDMG, Band 90, 1936, pp. 265 ff.
Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 63 ff.; JBBRAS, Vol. XII, pp. 329 ff.
As will be seen below, Mahamatya Naganaiya and Mahäsändhivigrahika Naupyaiya, known from Chhittaraja's grants, served under Chhinturaja of our record, while we have a charter of Chhittaraja issued in the same year, viz. Saka 956 (1034 A.D.).
• ZDMG, Band 90, pp. 205 ff.

Page #96

No, 5)
THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCHANI from Chinchani, dated respectively in Saka 969 (1048 A.D.) and Saka' 975:(1053 A.D.), in both of which the donor is described as a Mödha, are conspicuous in their silence about the allegiance of the ruler of Samyāna to the Silāhāras. This fact may suggest that, for some time about the middle of the eleventh century, Silāhāra hold on Samyana became week. This seems to be further indicated by the record of Saka 975 (1053 A.D.) in which the Mödha chief is endowed with the typical Silābāra title ' lord of Tagarapura' and is stated to have been ruling over the new kingdom' obtained by the strength of his own arms (line 8). In the inscription of Saka 969 (1048 A.D.), he calls himself Saranāgata-vajra-pañjara in imitation of the Silāhāras. We have also to note that the Samyāna chiefs enjoyed the same feudatory titles as the Silāhāra rulers and that one of them claimed to have ruled over nearly a half of the Northern Konkan. It was probably Silāhāra Mummuni or Māmvāņi who subdued or supplanted the Mòdhas and re-established Silahära authority over the Samyāna region shortly after the middle of the eleventh century. The Kharepatan plates (Saka 1016-1095 A.D.) of Anantadēva or Anantapāla, son of Nāgārjuna and successor of Mummuņi or Māmvāni, speak of his success against & calamity facing the Silahāres of the Northern Konkan owing to dāyāda-vairi-vyasana, although it is difficult to say whether the chiefs of Samyāna were encouraged to rule without reference to the Silahāras in the period of trouble referred to in that record.
1. Grant of Chāmundarāja, Subordinate of Silahāra Chhinturāja, Saka 456
This is a single plate measuring 10'5" in length, 7-5' in height and .1' in thickness. There are altogether 32 lines of writing, 20 on the first side and 12 on the second. A ring hole disturbs the continuity of writing in the first two lines both on the obverse and the reverse of the plate. But no ring or seal was found with it. Since the writing was completed on both sides of a single plate, no ring bearing seal may have been attached to it. The plate weighs 77 tolas.
The characters belong to the Northern Class of alphabets and closely resemble those of the Silābāra inscriptions of the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D.: The draft of the record as well as its engraving exhibits an amount of carelessness. The letter & has been written in two different ways; cf. savda and sri in line 2. Although medial é is generally of the prishtha-mātrā type, its siro-mātrā form is also used in a few cases (cf. mandale in line 6). The language is Sanskrit and the record is written in prose and verse. In point of orthography and style also the inscription resembles the contemporary Silähära records and little calls for special mention. The date of the charter is quoted in lines 15-16 as Saka 956 expired, Bhāva, Bhadrapada-badi 15, both in words and figures. The date seems to correspond to the 15th September 1034 A.D. It inay be recalled in this connection that the Berlin Museum plates of Silahāra Chhittarāja were issued only a few months earlier on Dvitiya-Chaitra-sudi 14 of the same year, viz. Saka 956, Bhāva.
The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham followed by the waigala : May there be victory and prosperity. Next follows a stanza in adoration of the god Gananāyaka (Ganosa). We know that many of the Silāhāra grants begin with the same passage and the saine stanza." Lines 2-4 introduce the reign (kalyāna-vijaya-rajya) of Mahämanlalēgvara' Chhinturäja described as 'the supreme lord of Tagarapura', 'the illustrious Silāra (Silābāra) king' and 'onu horn
Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 33 ff. * Op. cit., pp. 34-35, text lines 52-53. Cf. Ind. Cult., Vol. II, p. 411.
* See abovo, Vol. III, pp. 271 ff.; Gadro, op. cit., pp. 46 ff., 55 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 277 ; ahove, Vol. XXV, pp. 53 ff. ; Vol. XXVI, pp. 282 ff.; JBBRAS, Vol. XII, pp. 329 ff. : ZONG, Band 90, pp. 265 ff. . Seo ZDMO, Band 90, pp. 284-85.
Svo, 0.g., above, Vol. XXV, p. 55; ZDMG Band 90, p. 280 ; oto.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
in the family of Jimütavahana'. As in many other records of the Silähära dynasty, Chhinturaja is credited with the banner bearing the golden Garuda and endowed with the titles Abhimanamahodadhi and Saranāgata-vajra-pañjara. As already pointed out above, Chhinturaja of our inscription is no other than the well-known king Chhittarāja of the Northern Konkan branch of the Silahāra family.
Lines 4-6 speak of the Mahāmātya Nāganaiya and the Mahäsāndhivigrahika Näupyaiya, both of whom served under the Šilāhāra king and are already known to us, and of Mahamandaledvara Chamundarāja who was governing Sarayāna-pattana, i.e. the town of Samyāna, granted to him by Chhinturäja. Besides the usual feudatory titles Mahamandalesvara, Samadhigatāsësha-pancha-mahāsabda and Mahāsāmaniādhipati, Chamundarāja is endowed in lines 7-9 with the titles Nija-bhuja-vikram-āditya, Sāhasa-chakravarttin, Läta-prākāra-raya-dhvamsaka, Tribhuvana-nila and others. Among these, Lata-prākāra-raya-dhrannsaka seems to refer to Chamundarāja's success against some ruler or rulers of Lăța identified by scholars with the present NausariBroach region.
Lines 10-14 state that, while ruling over Samyana, Chämundarāja passed an order regarding a grant, to be made by him, to his subordinates and others including the elders (mukhya) of the hamyamana (i.e. the Parsee community), the courtiers and officials as well as the officers like Alliya, Mahara and Madhumata, the city elders named Srështhin Kesarin, Suvarnna and Kakkala, the merchants such as Uva, Suvarnna and Somaiya, the district officer (vishayin) Vērthalaiya, the sälā-sthāna-mukhya Yajñikara, the district officials such as Kshita, Limbaiya, Velaiya and Kēsavaiya, and the members of the Mahū-parshad such as Agasti, Gavi, Siluva, Bhaskara, Arjuna, Dinakara, Dēdē, Ārya, Sindūra, Adityavarņa, ctc. Chāmundarāja's officials called Alliya, Mahara and Madhumata appear to have been foreigners as the names are apparently of Arabic origin. The name Madhumata (Arabic Muhammad) is found in the form Madhumati in the Chinchani plates of the time of Indra III, which apply it to a Tajika or Arab governor of the Rashtrakūta king, while a Tajiya (i.e. Tājika or Arab) officer of the Kadambas of Goa is known to have borne the name Madhumata. Alliya appears to be the same as the well-known Arabic name 'Ali. Whether the word sālā in Sālā-sthāna-mukhya means 'a stable' is difficult to determine. The Maha-parshall is no doubt the same as the Pancha-Gaudiya or Arya-dësiya Maha-parshad of Samyana mentioned in both the Chinchani epigraphs of the time of Indra III and Krishna III, edited above.
Lines 14-21 describe the object of the record which was the grant of a ghāpaku or oil-mill, made by Chămundarāja in favour of the Kautuka-mathika, i.e. the temple or monastery built at Samyana by Kautuka and others and known from the two Chinchani records of the time of the Rashtraküța monarchs, referred to above. This section begins with the stanza Chalā vibhūtih, etc., found in so many Silāhāra records, and is followed by the date already indicated above. The purpose of the grant was to burn a lamp in front of the Bhagavati known from both the Chinchani inscriptions of the time of Indra III and Krishna III to have been worshipped in Kautuka's mathika at Samyana, as well as for besmearing oil on the feet of the svidhyāyikas or scholars apparently belonging to the Mahā-parshad attached to the mathikä and of the Brāhmana visitors
. Both the officers are mentioned in Chhittarāja's Berlin Museum plates. See ZDMG, Band 90, pp. 282-83 text lines 32 33). In the same king's Bhandup plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 278, text lines 6-7), the same passage occurs; but the name of the Mahasåndhivigrahika is quoted as Sihapaiya whom Näupaiya appears to have sucoecded.
. Above, p. 48. * Ibid., p. 47. . See pp. 45 ft., 55 ff. . Above, Vol. III, p. 273; Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 277 ; etc.

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65
No. 5]
THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCHANI
to the mathika. The svadhyayikas of the Maha-parshad or Kautuka-maṭhika of Samyana are mentioned several times in the Chinchani plate of the reign of Rashtrakuta Krishna III as well as in the last of the three grants edited here. One of the svadhyayikas, Chihada by name, received the gift which was made as a namasya-vritti (i.e. a permanent tax-free holding), free from all obligations. People were warned not to cause any obstacle in the enjoyment of the oil-mill by the donee. It is stated that the mill was granted together with the oil and oil-cakes (ghatika for Sanskrit khalika) produced by it probably meaning that the produces of the mill were free from taxation like the mill itself.
Lines 21-28 quote some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas together with certain prose passages of similar import, which are both generally met with in the Silahāra charters. The concluding part of the record in lines 29-32 states, in the style of the Silahara grants, how the donor made his decree known through the language of the charter as drafted by the scribe and how the authoritative character of the grant could not be challenged on the basis of mistakes creeping into the text. The sentence beginning with matam mama in this section refers in the usual way to the signature of the donor put on the original document later incised on the plates. But a peculiarity of the present inscription is that Chamuṇḍaraja's name is mentioned here together with a string of epithets. One of these refers to the 64 black horses received by him from an unspecified source. In the passage in question, Tribhuvana-nila Mahamandalesvara Chamunḍarāja is represented as the son of Ahava-nila Mahamaṇḍalēśvara Vijja-rāņaka. The charter is stated to have been written by Dhruva Mammalaiya. The official designation Dhruva is a contraction of Dhruv-adhikaranika, etc., which indicate an officer in charge of the collection of the royal share of the produce from the farmers.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it introduces Chamuṇḍaraja, ruler of Samyāna under Silahāra Chhinturaja (Chhittarāja), as also Vijja-ranaka, father of Chamunḍarāja and probably an earlier ruler of Samyana under the same Silahāra king. The family to which Vijja and Chamunda belonged is not mentioned. Since, however, the name Vijja-rāņaka or Vijjala was also borne by the Mōdha chief of Samyana who issued the other two charters to be edited below, it is not impossible that the two Vijja-ranakas belonged to the same family. Thus Chamunda may have belonged to the Mōdha dynasty. But it should be admitted that the relationship that may have existed between Chamunda, who issued the present grant in 1034 A.D., and Vijja or Vijjala, who issued the other two grants a few years later in 1048 and 1053 A.D., cannot be determined without further light being thrown on the subject by future discoveries.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Tagarapura, to which the Silahāras appear to have traced their origin, is now generally identified with Ter in the Naldrug District of the former Hyderabad State.1 Chamunda is stated to have been ruling over the pattana or town of Samyana (elsewhere called only Samyana), which had been granted to him by Silähära Chhinturaja (Chhittarāja). Samyana-pattana is of course the present town of Sanjan in the Thana District. But the exact extent of the land under Chamunda's rule cannot be determined, although it may have been much smaller than the Samyana-maṇḍala under Madhumati Sugatipa of the Chinchani plates of the time of Indra III and the Samyana-pattana 700 mentioned in the second of the two sets of Chinchani plates of Mōdha Vijja, to be edited below. Chamunda is also stated to have destroyed certain ruler or rulers of the Lața country in the present Nausari-Broach region. The inscription does not state where the Kautuka-mathika was situated; but we know from the Chinchani plates of the time of Indra III that the mathika was built by Kautuka and others at Samyana itself.
1 CL. JRAS, 1901, pp. 537 ff.

Page #99

66
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
TEXT1
[Metres: verses 1, 3-4, 6 Anushṭubh; verse 2 Vamsastha; verse 5 Salini.]
First Side.
1 [Siddham] jayas-ch-abhyudayaś=cha || Labhate sarvva-karyeshu pūjaya ganana yakaḥ | vighna[m] nighnain(ghnan) sa vaḥ pāyād-apayad-Ga
2 panayakab [1] samadhigatapañchamahāiavda(bla)-mahäskmantādhipati-Taganapurapara mēsva (sva)ra-sri-Silāra-na
3 rendra-Jimutavahan-akva (nva)ya-prasūta-suvarnņa-[Ga]rudadhvaj-[a]bhimanamahödadhi-sa
(sa)ranagatavajrapainjar-ēty-ādi
4 samasta-raj-avali-samalamkrita-mahamandalesva(śva)ra-śrīmach-Chhinturajadēva-kalyāṇa
vijaya-rajyē ētadiya-ma
hanatya-sri-Naganaiye mahasandhivigrahika-sri-Chäupyaiye nri(cha) na(va)rttamane mahā
mandalēśvara-śri(ma*]kchhi(ch-Chhi)nturājēna
sähasachakravartti-a
[VOL. XXXII
6 pradatta[m] mahamandales[v]a[ra]-sri-Chamunḍarāja (jaḥ) śri-Samyana-pattanam prahōkürisati [*] atha svakiya-puny-odaya[ta](yat)
7 samadhigataishapanchamahāśavda(bda)-mahāsāmantādhipati-nijabhujavikramaditta(tya)
8 rimandakdhisa•bhuja[th]ga-Lâḍā(ja)pra(prā)kārarāyad [v]n[th*]saka-vipaksharayabhunggarla-u bhayakuladhavala-vairi
9 gaja-amkusa (sa)-tri(tri)bhuvananila-prabhriti-samasta-raj-avali-samalamkrita-mahāmaṇḍalēsva
(śva)ra-śrī-Chamuṇḍarā[ja]
10 dēvēna samanuśra(sa)sati [Samy]ānam sarvvä[nye(ne)va] sva-samva(mba)dhyamanakān= anya[n=a*]pi [haliyamaniya-mukhya-vallana(bha)-vyavaharakavalkā1
11 smavyavaharaka11 Alliya-Mahara-Madhumat-adayah paura-mukhya (khyan) śreshṭhi-KesariSuvarnna-Kakkala(lan) vanijō(jah) Uva-Suvarnņa
12 Somaiy-adayaḥ tatha vishayi(yi)-Verthalaiyalı (yam) sala-sthāna-mukhya-Yajñikara[*] nnaishayi Kshi[ta]-Limvai(mbai)ya-Vēlaiya-Kesavaiy-a
1 From impressions.
2 Expressed by symbol.
Better read Nau" as in the Berlin Museum plates (ZDMG, Band 90, p. 283, text line 32).
The intended reading seems to be pratipālayati.
Sandhi has not been observed here.
Read k-adhisa".
The intended expression is bhuj-argala.
*Read dēvē or déval.
The words sa va are here required if dévena ia corected to deēvē.
10 Read vyarahari-karaṇikān.
11 Read samvyavahārikan.
12 Read "adin.
13 Read vishayinab

Page #100

THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCHANI-PLATE I
1. Grant of Chamundaraja, Saka 956
:
.
জেএল ।
मानवव्यायाम नायकगासम्म माल पर
मानावपतित पर जाना গলাকাল ,"
Aলল((হালাল একনেক নর বহননের ;- ১te|
রবীজ বুনানেজারকে ঘর. এর ৫ (ঘ) সকা এইবি-গ্রে' হেনরীর বদর নন-ললেন পরিবার তা এনভঃসঙ্গতার ( কাজ গুপ্ত জালাল মজন জতু তার
আত্রেয়ী
বসবাস বন
বিলজি সর
লাবে প্রি।
এই ছি!
l6xk
| সে অনুষ্ঠিত হবে।
Traian
.
লক্স ও জি আর দু লিলঃরালাহা ইত্যশৈলের আইন প্রয়েছিল
ক্তি ,সাসিংদী নীণ স্বচ্ছ হাহলি সাজানাে না গেলেও (!) মলুগুলো অবলোখি,
বিগত প্রায় নােঞ্জ অল্প বলেছিল , ৭ ও
কল করল ?]। বারবার লীক ফুল
ভাজা, : ।
মুজাহির। ভন Cদখুন গু
003). এজাজ ), तथा केन्द्र परिवाना
নীলর সখী বল (2) বীজে, মেয়েরা।
পেথােম ন ন বড় কি চুসেg/?প্রেক': ঠাঁই
किसान र त्यसकालाकि नमा নাসিরও বসলেন
সি এ জোবায়ের যত্মেণঞ্জে রাজ্জাল) এবং জাস্ট 20.
Scale : Four-Fifths

Page #101

* * রে ( 1.247যেv/ ট ক ৫. ক গুণ। (ঈ41 "কা 6 ) fe | হাজি শসা স্বাক্স || মংলা:) ভাষা gu /হান স্ত্রীর ঘা৪ে জন (রি। ও একজনের । ত প ব চ্চ দালা' কলবণ
ছিঃপন্থর সু } কৰিঞ্জিন R/E}}নের কারণে
স্থানে তডি কা) [ ভবন' জারি রোস্তাটি (
সন » স ল এডিশনেব:ফে% 109স রে, TITসনাবী কা(৯) তিন এবার গ্রাম স্ট্রেট মেনকাল কাটাতে "J .
. ;
। ওঠেলজে এল ইজাবরিত্রবাজারজীবনঃসম্বে
কাজে (ভাছগল্পকিত আবাসওলজিৰ কংকলন একজাত ৯৪ সহকাণ্ডে ' {ষ্ট বাস ধুবজী-ঈলযঃ ব্লজ্জ কাকে বলে , লেয়াবৰৰ অাছোৰি94; -

Page #102

No. 5]
13 dayaḥ1 maha-parshika Agasti-Gavi-Siluva-Bhaskara3-Arjjuna-Dinakara-Dēdē3-A[r]ya-Si[m]dür-Avi(di)tyavarppa-prabhṛitim-cha
14 sa[m]disa (sa)ty-astu vaḥ samvi(samvi)ditam yatha Chala vibhuti[h*] kshana-bhamga(gi) yau
vanam Kritanta-dant-antara-vartti jivitam(tam) | tadha(th-a)py-ava(va)jñā para
15 lōka-sādhanë nṛiņām-ahō vismaya-kāri cheshṭitam | (tam || 2) ity-avadhārya Saka-nṛipa-kāl ati[ta*]-samva (samva) tsara-satēshu navasu shaṭ-pamchāśa
16 [d-a]dhikeshu Bhāva-samva (samva) tsar-antarggata-Bhadrapada-va (ba)hula3amāvā[śy]ām (syām) yatr=āṁkatō-pi Samva (Samva)t 956 [Bhadra]pada-va(ba)hula 15
+
THREE GRANTS FROM CHINOHANI
17 samyātē apara-pakshe su-tirthē snātva devatā-pūjā-kritād=anantaram Kautuka-maṭh.k-ārtham śri-Bhagavatya(ty-a)grē dipa-prajvalan-ā
18 rtham svadhyayika-agat-[a]bhyāgata-Vra (Bra)hmaṇa-pad-abhyamga(ja)n-ārtham svādhyā
yika-Chihaḍa-hastē [kṛit]-ōdak-atisarggēna namasya
19 vrirttya(ttyä) paramayā bhaktyā ghāņakē samutpanna-tailya(la)-samutpanna-ghatika-samarh mahamanḍalēsva(śva)ra-sri-Chamuṇḍarājēna
20 ghaṇakaḥ pradattaḥ [*] tad-asya ghanaka[m*] bhuṁjatō bhōjayato vā na kēn-āpi paripaṁthana karaniya || chha" ||
Second Side
21 achata-bhaṭṭa-pravēsa (sam) anādēsyam-anasēdhyam | Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudha bhuktā rajabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ | yasya ya
22 sya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) ! [3*] Sadyō-danaṁ nir-āyāsaṁ s-āyāsaṁ dirgha-palanam(nam) | ata evava10
67
23 rshayaḥ prähur-ddänäch-chhrêyö-nupälanath(nam) || [4] Datvä(ttva) bhamizh bhāvinaḥ parthiv-emdra[n] bhuyo bhuyo yachate Ramabhadraḥ |
24 samanyō-yam dharmma-he(se)tu[r]=nṛipāņām kālē kālē pālaniyō bhavadbhiḥ [5*] iti munivachanany-avadharya(rya) samast-a
25 gami-nripatibhir-api palana-dharmma-phala-lõbha eva karaṇīyaḥ | na punas-ta[l]-lopanapapa-kalamk-agrēsa
26 rēņa ken-api bhavitavyam(vyam) || yastvam-elvam-abhyarthito-pi lōbhād=a[jñā]na-timira patal-vita-matir-achchhidya
1 Read "adin.
Read parshadakan.
Sandhi has not been observed here.
Better read mathikäyām.
5 The intended word seems to be khalika.
There is a visarga-like mark before this double danda.
out of place here.
7 This marks the end of a section of the writing. See above, Vol. XXX, p. 218.
8 Read a-chata-bhata. The passage quoting certain usual terms governing the grant of land seems to be rather
• Read sedhyam.
10 Read év-a.
11 Read yas-tv.
1s Bead r=achchhindyäd=a.

Page #103

,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII 27 månam=anumodēta vã sa pamchabhir=api pātakair=upapätakai[&-cha") sa[m*]lipto rauray
Aksha(ndha)tāmischä(sr-ā)di-narakā[*]s=ohiram=828 nubhavishyati || A[rä]māņām sahasrēņa tadāgānāṁ satēna cha | gavām köți-paradānē ghāņaka
harttă na su(bu)ddhyati (6*]* 29 yatha ch-aitad=ēvam tatha sasana-dātā gva-matama(m=)ropayati matam mama lavdha
(bdha)-chatu[h]shashți-sā(byā)ma-turamgama(in-a)dhyāsi-vā30 dya-pröddāma-ttrakkisa-t[ū]rya - Ahavanfla-unahāmandalēnava(dva)ra-Sri-Vija-ränaka-suta
Tri(Tri)bhuvananila-mahamanda31 lēsva(sva)ra-sri-Chamur(mu)pdarājēna. [l*) la(li)khitam säsanam dhruva-Mammalaiyah
(ya)-svahastēna [I*] yad-atr=on-āksharam-adhik-a32 ksharamvā(raṁ vā) tat=sarvvam pramāņam=iti || |
2. Grant of Vijjala, Saka 969 This is a set of two plates, each measuring 7-35" in length, 5.425" in height, and .l" in thickness. They have writing only on the inner side and are strung on a ring, the ends of which are affixed beneath a seal. The counter-gunk surface of the seal bears the figure of a standing deity looking like Vishņu or the Sun-god. The inscription consists of 30 lines of writing, 14 of which are engraved on the first plate and 16 on the second. The weight of the two plates together with the ring bearing the seal is about 140 tolas.
The characters resemble those in the grant of Chămundarāja, edited above. For the two types of 6 referred to in connection with the other epigraph, see lavda in line 2 and sayana in line 4. There is close similarity between the two records also in regard to language and orthography and little calls for special remark in these respects. The date of the charter is quoted in the last line (line 30) as the Saka year 969 (written in figures only) without any other details. But the occa sion of the grant is referred to as the Mägha-sankranti in lines 11-12. The grant therefore seems to have been issued on the 22nd January in the yoar 1048 A.D.
The record begins with the symbol for Siddham followed by the word svasti and the mangala : ‘May there be victory and prosperity. But there is no stanza in adoration to any deity as in the record edited above. Then in lines 1-6 Mahamandalētvara Vijjaladēva, also styled Samadhigatābēsha-pancha-mahasabda, is represented as flourishing at Vijayapura. Vijjala is endowed with several other epithets, of which Saranāgata-vajra-panjara was imitated from the Silāhāras, although it is found in the records of some other royal families as well. He is also described as the sun that opened the lotus hud which is the illustrious Modha family'. Another of his epithets soems to refer to his success against certain adversaries called Sadhāra, Sēlla and Sahasrabāhu. They appear to have been small local chiefs ; but their identification is uncertain. In the description of Vijjala, there is a stanza in lines 6-7, saying that he was successful against his enemies even when he was the Yuunraja. The same stanza is found in the Rashtrakūta records in the description of Krishna III (939-67 A.D.) and must have been adopted from the said source. But whom Vijjaln served as Yuvarāja cannot be determined.
There is a metrical defect in the stanze. • Bandhi has not been observed here. The word trakkina is diffioult to explain. • Road rajasya. • There are two concentrio circles between the doublo dandas, See below, p. 70, noto 8.

Page #104

No. 6]
THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCHANI
69
Lines 7-19 record the grant of the siridirkā (apparently a sort of tax or cess) relating to the village of Kanadda-grāma in the possession of the Kavstika-mathika in favour of the house-holders Bahudhara and Känkua as well as the scholars Mahādēva and Lakshmidhara, all of them apparently attached to the mathikā of Kavatika, on the occasion of the Magha-sankrānti. There is no doubt that Kavatika is a modification of Kautuka, the name of one of the builders of the mathika at Samyāna, which is not only known from the record of Chamundarāja, edited above, but also from the Chinchani plates of the time of Răshtrakūta Indra III and Krishna III. Lines 8-9 state that the grant was made in consultation with the ministers (mantrin) including Varish thaka Mummuraka and Thakkura Dombalaiya, the first of the two being the chief minister (sarv-adhikārdniyukta). It is also stated that it was made by the chief after having worshipped the lord Mayükhamālin, i.e. the Sun-god. This fact coupled with the possible representation of the Sun-god on the donor's seal seems to suggest that the Módhas of Samyāna were devotees of the said deity. The well-known stanza beginning with chalā vibhūtih is quoted in this seotion. The grant was made on a permanent basis (apparently as a permanent endowment) and people were warned not to create any obstacle in the enjoyment of the gift by the donees.
Some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses are quoted in lines 20-27. Another stanza in lines 27-29 prays for the continued rule of Vijjala, the donor of the grant. The date in the Saka year is quoted in lines 29-30. The charter ends with the statement that it was written by Limbāditya.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the record, Vijayapura seems to have been the name of the capital of the chief Vijja or Vijjala. The name, apparently coined after that of the chief, may have been applied to a suburb of Samyāna. I am not sure about the location of Kapadda-grāma (same as Kanāduka ?) in the possession of the Kavatika-mathika (Kutuka-mathikā). As stated above, the mathikā is known from other records to have been situated at Samyana, modern Sanjan in the Thana District.
TEXT:
[Metres : verses 1, 3-8 Anushțubh ; verse 2 Vasastha ; verse 9 Salini ; verse 10 Särdulavikridita.)
First Plate 1 Siddham svasti [*] jayas-ch=ābhyü(bhyu)dayas=cha Sri-Vijayapurð samadhigat-Asēsha
pamoha-mahā. 2 savda(bda)[h*) sri-Mödha-kula-kamala-kalikā-vikasa-bhāskara[h*) sa(sa)ran-agata-vajra3 pamjara[h*) ari-mandalika-rana-vijaya-lakshmi-svayamvara-dra(ra)nga-jalanidhi-jala4 sayana-pad-äkrätta(nta)-Lakshmi-vilāsa-Nārāyaṇa[h*) vidyādhart-urasthala-muktāphal-ā5 hāra-rāya[h*] Sādhāra-Sēlla-Sahasravā(bā)hv-ādi-vija -vijay-änka-mālā-viräjita[h*) 6 mahāmandalēsvara-sri-Vijjaladēvaḥ [I*] Yuvarājya-sthitēn=ēha yên=aiva ripavaḥ 7 kshayam(yam nită hari-kisõ(87)rēna dvipå iva mad-8tkatāḥ [i 1*]* tat-pada-padm-Opaji· From impressions.
Expressed by symbol. • Sandhi has not been observed here. • Read vira. • This danda is superfluous.
• This stanza is quoted from the description of Krishna III as found in the Rishtrakita records. See above, p. 19, text lines 19-20.

Page #105

70 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII 8 vi barvy-adhikāra-niyukta-varisathaka-sri-Mummuşakaḥ tathā ķhthakura--sri-Pomva(mba)
laiy9 dayah ātair=mamtribhit=martrayitva | Chalā vibhūtih kshana-bhamga(gi) yauvanam kritām
(tanta-da[**]t-ā10 tta(nta)ra-vartti jivitam(tam ). tath=āpy-avajñā paraloka-säva(dha)nēt aho nșiņāṁ visma
ya-k&11 richēshțitam(tam) || [2*) état-saṁsāt-āsāratām jñātvā bhagavan-Mayükhamālinē ch=ārghe
[m*] datvā(ttvĀ) MA12 gha-samkrāntau || Satam=idu-kshayē dānam sahasram tu dina-kshayēs [l*) vishuvē sata
.: sähasra[m*] vya-. . . 13 tipātēshv=anamtakam(kam) | [3*] srimat-Kavatika-mathikā-prabhujyamāna-Kaņādda
'gama14 siridirka srimat-Kavatika-mathika-gpihastha-Va(Ba)hudharah tathā
Second Plate 16 Kankuaḥ | tathā s[v]Ādhyayaka[h]* Mahādēvah tathā Lakshmidharaḥ | ēt&16 bhyo hast-odakēna pradatta X-chamdr-ārka-kālam yavata(vatna kēn-äpi khasoha 17 karaniya | yasatu punaḥ kāma-krõdha-lobh-antaritaḥ pāpa-timir-āvsita18 chakshuḥ asya pratighātam vidhäsyati vidhiyamānam ch=ānumõdayishyati sa 19 pańcha-mahāpātakair=upapātakais-cha samyuktā bhavishyati tathā cha Vyāsaḥ| 20 Prāsādā yatra sauvarņņā vasu-dhārās=cha kāmadāḥ [l*) Gandharvv-Apsaraso yatra tatra ti21 shțhati dänadah || [4*] Kalpa-kõti-sahasrāņi kalpa-kõți-satāni cha [l*] nivasõd=Vra(d=Bra)
hmano 22 lokë dharma-dāyam karðti yaḥ |(1 5*] Dhavalany=ātapatrāņi dantinas=cha mad-õtkatāḥ 23 sudhā-[dh]autāni harmyāṇi yuvatyo ratna-bhūshaņā[h | 6*] Dharma-dāyasya pushpāņi phala24 m=anyad=bhavishyati' [l 7*] Shashthi(shti)r=vvarsha-sahasrāņi svargē tishthati danadaḥ
[*]ãohohhētā(ttā) ch=ānu25 martā cha tävyofuy=)va narka[m*) vrajēt |[l 8*) Sarvvān=etāna(tān) bhāgi(vi)na) pā
rthivēn[d]rān bhūyo bhū26 yõ pä(yi)ohaté Rāmabhadrah [l*] sámānyo=yan dharma-sētur=nļipāņām kālē kālē pālant27 yo bhavadbhiḥ || [9*) • Yavat=töyam=apă[m]patēr=vvasumati sarntishthata ch=achalar
vinhvanchä[m*]drama1 Read' thabkura. + SandMi has not been observed here. Read arinam-aho.
• Hēmādri (Dänakhanda, Banaras, p. 76) assigns the stanza to Yajfiavalkya (sic. Laghu-Satātapa-smriti, vorse 160) and quotes (ibid., pp. 82-83) Vaginhtha and the Padma Purana interpreting dinakshaya as the day that wit. nosses the end of two tithis. If faks 969 is regarded as current, the Maghn-rankrinti day (January 22, 1047 A.D) witnessed such a phenomenon.
• Read sådhydyika.
Read badra. The intended word may be bhaslipad. • Better road rita-matib.
* This is only half of a stanza in Anushubh. The first half is sometimes quoted as Sankhan bhadr-daanan chhatram sar-dbud vara-edrands. The last foot of the stanza is sometimos quoted as phalash avargal Purandars.
* The danda la superfluous. :. Read bimbath.

Page #106

THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCHANI-PLATE II
2. Grant of Vijja or Viijala, Saka 969
रारद
साजरापुरतजविसलगपचरभास এ? এসবল ঐ সঁজুলি করে फलजलालब (अत्यलारतावं याऊलवाला सघन पदाकातलजीविलास नारायला विकावी लनु कापरला हासमा यसा कारने से सहखादिदिका विशया माला ति गाउन সাঞ্জকে সত্ৰ এইবয়ব বাহিনীর এক लयताकासोनेराजयो वाय-अत्पादपापा दीन दो विपनियुक्त निकजुन तपाइनुरागी झाल्या बचाजनिसियशिकारला कनिष्ठ मजलावरताकरता मदत लिागल्यामलोपास्ता बदलासोटावयाचका 10
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Page #108

No. 6)
THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCHANI 28 sa[m] ravēs=cha vimalan yāvat=tapēt(pēd) bhāsvaram(ram!) yavatvi(t-tv-I)nd[usikhân
maņēsr-yu]va-nasta nau dhanē(ttē) 29 dhpiti[m*] Pārvvati bhöya(gām )s=tāvad=ih=ānisam vitanutām sri-Vi[jja]lad$vabi sada
1[] 10*] Sa(a)kmu(ka)-vatsa! 30 969 likhitam-idam Limvā(mbā)dityéns |
3. Grant of Vijala (Vija, Vija or Vijja), Saka 978 This is also a set of two plates, each measuring 10" in length, 7.15" in breadth, and 15' in thickness. They have writing only on the inner side. A ring bearing the goal of the issuer of the charter passes through a hole made in the side of the plates. The ends of this ring are soldered beneath the seal. The figure on the countersunk surface of the seal is similar to that found on the seal attached to the second of the two insoriptions edited above. There are in all 50 lines of writing on the two plates, 24 of them on the first and 26 on the second. The two plates together with the ring and seal weigh 2784 tolas.
In respect of palaeography, language and orthography, the insoription resembles the two other epigraphs from Chinohani edited above. Initial i has been written for yi in linos 25 and 31. The draft of the document and its engraving exhibit considerable carelessness on the part of the soribe and the engraver. The date of the charter is quoted in lines 27-29 as the expired Sala year 978 (in words only), Vijaya, Kārttika-badi 16, and the occasion of the grant is stated to have been & solar eclipse. The details of the date work out oorreotly and it corresponds to the 19th November 1083 A.D.
The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham followed by the Pranava. Next follow the passages : 'Salutation to Vināyaka (Ganēta)', and 'May there be victory and prosperity'. The above is followed by the stanza in adoration of Gananayaka (Ganesa), whioh is also found in the Chinchani plate of Chāmunda, edited above, and several Silähära grants. Lines 3-4 introduce the chief Vija-rāņaka who is described as born in the Modha family and as having obtained the grace of the goddess Khadirāvati, apparently the family deity of the Mödbas of Samyāna. The nanje of the ruler also occurs elsewhere in the insoription in linea 4, 7, 8, 48 and 49 in various forms. In lines 8 and 48 it is spelt as Vijja, while in lines 7 and 49 it is written respeotively as Vijala and Vija.
In the sentence referred to above (lines 3-4), Vija-ränaka is stated to have been dri-Dimardkafri-Aigala-suta. This passage may mean to say that Vija-ranaka was the son of Aigala alias DImaraka. But considering the carelessness of the spribe and engraver exhibited by the inscription, it is not impossible that a word like pautra has been omitted through oversight after the mention of Dimarāka, so that the passage was really intended to indicate that Vija-ranaka was the son of Aigala and grandson of Dimarāka. No royal title is applied to either of the two names. The next sentence in the same ruler's description in lines 4-5, which is extremely corrupt, states that he was responsible for the prosperity of the Mödba family even when he was a child. It is, however, interesting to note that this sentence is a modification of a stanza in the desoription of the Silahāra ruler Ohhi. ttarāja as found in the records of the Silähāra dynasty probably suggesting that Chhittarāju asoend.. ed the throne fairly early in his life. The same may have been the case with the Mödba ohief who issued the charter under review. The following sentence or clause in lines 5-8 speak of Vijaladova of the Modha family, described as Mahamandalesvara, Samaulhigal-ūdèshu-pancha-mahasabda, Mahāsāmantadhipati and Tagarapura-paramēgvara. It is really unnecessary and uncalled for in the text. But apparently it was modified from a passage in the earlier reoords of the Malla
The akshara la in the name is in excess of the metrical requiroznont. This is a contraction of the word lears.

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72
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII family referring to the contemporary Silahāra ruler to whom the Moḍhas then owed allegiance. This suspicion seems to be supported by the typical Silähära title 'supreme lord of Tagarapura' applied here to Mōdha Vijala apparently through oversight. It was over-looked by the officer responsible for the draft of the present charter that, while replacing the name of a Silahāra ruler by that of a Mōdha chief in the passage in question, a title suiting only the former was left unmodified.1
It may be argued that Mōdha Vijala mentioned in line 7 is different from Mōdha Vija of line 4 and that the latter was a subordinate of the former. But I do not think it possible to agree with such a view. In the first place, Vijala is phonetically the same as Vijjala which is again a mere variant of Vijja. It is a popular Kannada name and is generally found in the various forms Vijjala, Vijjana, Vijjana, Bijja, Bijjana, Bijjala and Bijjala. Secondly, the issuer of the present charter is apparently identical with the Mōdha chief Vijjala of the Chinchani plates of Saka 969 (1048 A.D.) edited above, in which the chief does not represent himself as a subordinate of any other ruler. Since the Silähäras were still a ruling power in the Northern Konkan, it is difficult to believe that the ruler of Samyana, who issued the present grant, would have acknowledged allegiance to anybody other than a ruler of the Silahara dynasty. There is no evidence of the emergence of a Mōdha king in the Northern Konkan in the period in question, to whom the Modha chief of Samyana could have offered allegiance. Thirdly, we have to note the fact that, as will be shown below, the Modha chief of Saiyana seems to have been ruling over a wider territory in 1053 A. D. than he was holding without reference to a master five years earlier in 1048 A. D. While the chief now claimed to have ruled over the Samyana 700 division, the Silahāra king Chhittaraja, to whom the rulers of Samyana originally owed allegiance, claimed to have held the Konkana 1400 country." About 1053 A. D., the Mōdhas were thus ruling about a half of the Northern Konkan.
Lines 8-12 state that, when Mandalika Vijja-rāņaka was ruling over the Samyana-pattana 700 which was a Mandala or district consisting of 4000 drangas and extending as far as Ākäsikā, the burden of the administration of his kingdom lay on the head of Varishthaka Mummuraka and that of the administration of Samyana (apparently meaning the town which was the headquar ters of the Modha territory) on the head of Mahathakkura Dombalaiya, while there were other chief officers such as the Mahapradhana Buddhappaiya. As we have already seen, the chief minister Mummuraka and the minister Dömbalaiya are also mentioned in the Mōdha chief's earlier record issued in Saka 969 (1048 A. D.).
The chief's order in respect of the grant to be made was addressed to the following subordinates (lines 12-15): the future princes, ministers, priests, administrative officers (amalya) and chief officials (pradhana-niyōgika) as well as the officers in charge of the rashtras (territorial units), the cities and the Dhruvas, as also the people of the countryside. It was also addressed with due respect to the hamyamana (Parsee community), the citizens, and the Mōdha Brahmaņas of Śristhāna (i.e. modern Thana). The Mōdha Brahmaņas mentioned here probably hailed from Sristhana and were settled at Samyana. Then follows in lines 16-26 a long section in prose and verse dealing with the transitoriness of life and wealth, the propriety of giving grants, etc. It is found in some Silahara grants and, in a smaller form, not only in most of the Silähära charters but also in the two records edited above. It also contains some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas. Lines 26 ff. state how, on the date and occasion indicated above, the Modha chief made a grant after having worshipped Trailökyachakshus (i. e. the Sun-god) and Trailõkyasvamin (either
1 For a similar case found in inscriptions, see JAS, Letters, Vol. XX, p. 213.
See Bomb, Caz., Vol. I, part ii, pp. 222 ff., 468, 470.
Cf. Puri-pramukha-chaturdasa-grama-sati-samanvitäs samasta-Konkana-bhuram samanusäenti (e.g. in ZDMG, Band 90, p. 282, line 31).
Cf. above, Vol. XXV, pp. 59 f. (lines 44 ff.)

Page #110

No. 5]
THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCH ANİ Siva or Vishnu). The language of the passage recording the grant, which follows in lines 30 ff., is defective; but it apparently means to say that the amount of three drammas received by the government as siridika (the same as siridirkā of the previous record, meaning a sort of tax or cess) on account of the village of Köņasă-grāma in the possession of the Kautuka-mathika was granted in favour of the householders and scholars attached to the mathika in the form of a permanent endowment for the purpose of feeding 25 Brāhmaṇas probably per day. It will be seen that Kautuka's mathikā at Samyana is mentioned in all the five grants discovered at Chinchani, including the three edited here, although, in the second of the three epigraphs now under study, the name Kautuka is spelt as Kavatika. The endowment has been called a bhojan-akshayani or bhojanākshayani, the word akshayani or akshayani being & corruption of Sanskrit akshaya-nivi meaning 'a permanent endowment'. The expression thus means a permanent endowment created for the purpose of providing food free of cost. In line 42, the endowment is referred to merely as bhojana and in line 46 as grāsa.
The following section in lines 33-47 in prose and verse contains some more of the benedictory and imprecatory stanzas. Lines 47-48 contain the statement that the donor's decree was contained in the text of the document as written by one of his officers styled Dhruva (i. e. the collector of the royal share of the produce from the farmers). This is followed in lines 48-49 by the sentence : "Confirmed by me, the Mandalēšvara, the illustrious Vijja-rāņaka', in the well-known style of putting the signature of the donor on a document later engraved on copper plates. The next sentence says that Dhruva Mammalaiya wrote the document at the request of both the parties (i.e. the donor and the donees) under orders of Mandalesvaru Vija-räpaka. It is further stated in line 50 that the text of the charter was to be regarded as authoritative. The record ends with & mangala of the usual type.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the most interesting is the Saryanapattana 700 forming a mandala consisting of 4000 drangas. It was apparently the district round the town of Samyana (Sanjan). But it is difficult to explain the passage used in the inscription to indicate the territorial unit. We know that expressions like 'Samyana-pattana 709' normally meant 'the Samyana-pattana division consisting of 700 villages or hamlets' although the number may have been conventional or exaggerated. But the word dranga generally means 'a towa' and it is impossible to believe that a territorial division consisting only of 700 villages or hamlets contained as may as 4000 towns. It therefore seems that dranga in the inscription is a mistake for dramma. The intended meaning of the passage in question may therefore be that the annual revenue income of the territory under the rule of the Möạba chief of the Samyana district consisting of 700 villages or hamlets was 4000 rammas possibly meaning coins of silver. A locality called Akaśikā is stated to have stood on the borders of the said district. The donor seems to have made a permanent endowment out of the siridikā tax or cess amounting to 3 drammas, probably payable annually or periodically to the government by the Kautuka-mathika at Samyäna on account of a village called Kapasā-gräma in its possession. I am not sure about the location of this village.
TEXT:
Metres : verses 1, 3-9, 12-16 Anushţubh; verse 2 Vamastha ; verse 10 Pushpitāgrā, verse 11 Salini.)
1 Soo JBRS, Vol. XL, part i, pp. 9 f. . From impressions.

Page #111

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI . : First Plate 1 Siddham: Om Vināyak[a]ya [nama]ḥ | jayaschi(s=oh=ā)bhyudayas=shal Labhatë
sarvva-kūryshu 2 pājaya yangnü yskah El*) vighna[**] nighnāni(ghnan) sa vaḥ pāyād-apādas Gananāya3 kaḥ [] 1*] sit-Modh-anvaya-prasūta-sri-Khadirāvati-lavdha(bdha)-prasāda-bri-Di4 marāka-Srī-Aigaladēva-sutö(tah) sri-Vija-rāņako npipatirvva(r=bba)bhūva [*] Sri
Modh-anvaya5 p[r]asūta-vamba basinapim=unnatim=unnatēna' [l*) atha svakiya-puny-ödayat-samadhi6 gat[a]sēsha-panchamahāśavda(bda)-mahāsāmantāvi(dhi)pati-Tagarapura-paramēsva
(sva)7 ra-bri-Modh-anvaya-prasūta-mahāmandalēsva(sva)ra-ert-VIjaladēva[h*) pratipālass
(ya)tio [l*] 8 Mandalika-kri.Vija-ranaka (ko) nija-bhūj-Opārjjis-abhinava-rajyo chatuh-sahasra9 dramya-waridalam Samyama(na)-pattana-septa -sa(sa)tam(tam) Akasika-paryantam
anusa(sā)sati ota10 diya-rākā(jya)-samasta-chinta-bhāra[1n*) samudvahuti varishthaka-érf-Mummuraka! . . tathā Sam[y]a11 niya-chintam=udvahati mahāddhākura Domva(mba)laiyuh visēshēna samasta-rājya
dhana12 karfra-hita-kūriņā mahāpradhāna-sri-Vu(Bu)ddhappaiyah sarványė(n=7)va sva13 sariimva(ba)dhyamănakānu(kan) samāgāmi(mi)-rājaputra-natri-uparöhita-amatya
pradha14 na-niyogikāmcha (s=cha) răsht[r*Japati-ma(na)[ga]rapati-dhruvapati-janapadan hamya
mana15 paura-Sristhāna-Mödhavrä(brü)bınana-prabhifiti(tin) sa-pranati-pājā-samādāsai[h*)
sa[m]dišaty=astu vahi 16 Chala vibhūtih kshana-bhunga(gi) yauvanani tva(kți)tānta-dant-antara-vartti jivitam
(tam 1) tath=āpy=ava17 jñā paraloka-s[ajdhani priņām-ahū vismaya-käri ohēshțitan(tam || 2) tath=Intar-llina
jara18 rākshasi-priravdha(bdha)-crāsaih yauvan-ādikarh svarggő visānuraktapātasa mish
tasameExprossed by symbol.
Read Rapayad. The letter da had been at first onitted and was later invised beneath ga. . . It is not impossible that the word paura has been omitted here through oversight either by the scribe or by the engraver.
4 The name is apolt Vijja in linos 8 and 48, Vija in line 49 and Vijala in line 7.
Road "lina vama nitab bibun=api tena pardm=unnatiminnattnia. This is really takon out from a stanza in the dosoription of Bildhara Chhittarja of the Northern Konkan. Cf. T'ad-bhratrijo Vajjadadiva-sanubari-Ohnittardjo nripatir-babhiwa Stlara-vardab bibunadpi tena nitab param=unatimuunnatëna (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 277, text lines 14-16; Vol. IX, p. 34, text linen 38-39; JBBRAS, Vol. XXI, p. 608 ; above, Vol. XXV, 1.88, lines 26-27;
We may add the expression Sathyana-mandalam here.
The intended reading may be dramma. It is difficult to say whether nija......mandalam contains gonuino claim or not. Seo IHO, Vol. XX, p. 78. • Read maha thallura.
Houd " ty.ddayah. The words sa dva may be added after this, * 10 Read purohit-ao. The intended reading may bo upariku.puro
11 Tho words sutvidilan yatha are omitted here through oversight.
eto.).

Page #112

2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
24
THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCHANI-PLATE III 3. Grant of Vijala
meals सी दू खालका कोषि तलाक पदार का श्रीमा बचपनातील स नकुलदेवता पनि मात्र मुनिशनमा
गनशनमा मायानन वान श्रीमान मलेखु ॥ तीजलाप वर्षाय मलुलोक श्री विनालक निडर [आा पाहिना निवडा त्रःसদये दुर्गम लल संघाम पत्र नसः प्रसतं आशिकार्य न म कुसमति नः दीपानातिना मुनि श्री मुक्त छाया रविना मुद्धतिमा समान शनी कमलामी शेयः सव
मान कामाला मी मारमा उपमानाल मानिकाननाष्टपनि पनि पत्रनपदान यमन मिश्री सावामा जालमृतिमा विसि सलावितः कूलरुपमा विविनंत आलाकमान लामाहाविधकाविलीनता या मान वृथा मानविय मवायानवदेनमा कापी कंपनलिक
पुषी के नाम
मन मनमान
ज्यादा
को
लिपीनृपसुताः क्यानत्रिम यं त्रिविखितमभिपालितः नःसं
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
सब मंसुवल 22
24

Page #113

* ১ নলেদারুঘাসুল( সুঠুৱয় এ সুবেলজ্বলিয়াখালিস্টার্ন দামুদ্রা। 'ঐ {২} লিসাসফলন রানিমুনৰবুৰনি। [৭ একনিষধেনকনববধবার।
> শুম্ভ মাইনী এলাকাবাবুগ্নদদীনীকান্না 39 শাইন গীীকাচ না মুমূলতনামীৰ নেত্রীভে৭ি |
সঙ্গষ্টে ৰূমৰfsঠলােচনাৰে সুৰঞ্জ 32 তবে,55Qatীরা এফসিএলকোব্লাঙ্কা
- {{ctiবৈবর্ণযঃচষ্টান্ত । 2 wযুগিয়া ফাদান[[যাইব্যঞ্জন। 17”নহqনাযিযLলওনিৰূলধন্যৰি গীর 36 ] জীব হোলোবতারযাযান মোশ। | জার্মান বীর্যপ্রণালীদেব:নাসযান,
কাপল ; ফলসা জলসীঞ্জ = স্নান
যান 38 রসাশ্রয়ীমাবিলাযঘাষণ। 40 কত [0ওঠানাদিমানবেটিসানমহুদা। ( মনন বি@িসাবে মাতোদিনভর কপিরাধনামালিলাবিযাবিলিভিবড় এনৰীয়াৰূলোভেরাযাদ্ধা,
জনদালালরাউনরা রূপলওনx 44 বোস্লানি এবং প্লাগলান স্কুল নার্সান্তনানন। 46 aft449:6নুলিবিলীন 46
দিনগণীলীন ব্রাও৷0ষ্টাবলিঃ 48ss৫ণমানীযষনি:সমসগুল সংগ্ৰীৰেণ
মিলনুষ ষ্টনিক স্বাক্ষ্মীৰূী কথা । 50Tসলীলশিরীফললাপালগীশ্রীরা।

Page #114

76
No, 5]
THREE GRANTS FROM CHINCHANI 19 maviyögadushțakadali-gervbha-vadachasāraḥ samsāraḥ sahaja-jara-maraņa-sa20 dhäranakam se (sa)rfrakam pavana-dhavalifa-kamalini-dala-gata-jala-lava ity , 21 yushi matvā dșidhayamntis Kpitá-Trētā-Dvāparēshu tapā tyarthaṁ prasa(sa)syato
[l*]" däname 22 kam. Kalau yuqa ( 3*] tetka skriktar bhagavat. Vyana ( Antipastiyern
prathamam suvarnnan 23 bhūr=vvaishộavi Sūrya-sūtām(tā)s=cha gävaḥ | loka-trayaṁ tēna hi' dattam-aka
(ksha)yam(yam |4)* Āsphota[ya) TM24 ta pitaraḥ pravalganti pitāmahāḥ [l*] bhūmidõ=smin-kulē jātaḥ (sa) naḥ samtāra
Sepond Plate 25 iyi)shyati Ell 5*] Bhūmi-dānar su-pa[tr]ëshu su-tirthēshu su-parvvasu [I*] agådhi yatra
Bamsa 26 syattaraṇam bhavēt' [li 6*) Bhūmi-dānasya pushpāņi phalazh svarggė Puramdarah
(ra 1 7*)10 mātā-pitro27 -[tva]ni11[8=cha) érēyā(yo)-rthino(na) maya Saka-nfipa-kal-atita-samva(sarva)
tsara-satēshu navasu saptati28 parhcharadhiköshu' Vijaya-samva(sarva)tuar-anva(nta)rggata-Karti(tti)ka
vadi-panchada[6]yām samjata--surya-graha29 nə eu-tirthē snätvå Trailök[yjachakshushē nānávidha-kusuma-ślāghyam-argham datva
(ttvā) Trailokyastā(svā)30 minam(nam) abhyartha(rchya) Srt-Kautuka-ma[thi]kā-prabhujyamāna-Köpasa-grām
varshē trīņi siriļi31 ka-dramma-pratitheus svādhyāi(yi)ka-grihasthadinaṁ prati [bhõljan-akshayaņrus
paschavimsva(a)ti-Vvā(Brā)hma32 panām vidhaya uparovi(pi)ta-vi(nI) vi-[va(ba)ndha]kam kțit-odak-äti-sarggēna
parama-bhaktyä pratipādi
. Read ovarga-uddan=naraka-pata-samam-ishfa-samagama-viyogn-dukkham (C. P. No. 24 of 19 56-57 ; of, above. Vol. XXV, p. 59,text lines 46-47).
• Road garbbha-valasärab or vach-ch-äsärad. • Read prachalita.
Read 'lava-vad-ayur-iti. . Read muni-uachanani dridhayanti dana-phalam=ity-avadharya. • The passage munayotra pradamhsanti has been omitted here through oversight.
The danda is wrongly placed between va and the visarga. • The second half of the stanza should have been : loka-trayam tena bhavid=dhi dattarh yal-kaachanath gdsizcha mahtischa dadyat.
• Read agadh-apära-samsara-adgar- ottåranam bhavet (cf. above, Vol. XXV, p. 60, text lines 53-54).
10 This is only half of a stanza in Anush publ. The first half is sometimes quoted as dhavalanyadlupatrasi danti. na cha mad-8ddhalal (cf. loc. cit., text line 54).
11 Read Aimana. 13 Read panchosaptaty-adhi.
The language is defective hero. But the idon sooms to be "grama-hambaddhëna prati-varaha-datanya-tri-dramma. -metro-firidit-akhya-pratyayana krilath.
Road grihanth-adin. Rond 'akahaya-nfeft.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII 33 tah(tā) [l*) na kēn=āpi kshūdrādakāstrēna karaniyah | Bahubhir=[v]vasudha bhuktā
rajabhiḥ Sagar-a34 di[bhih /*] yasya yasya yadā bhūmiņ(mis-)tasya tasya (tadā*] phalam lam || 8)
Sadyo-dānam nir-āyāsam s-āyāsam dirgha-pala35 nam(nam ) ata év=avarshayaḥ, prāhu[r=dâ]nāch=chhrĒyõ=nupālanam(nam || 9) Iti
kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lol[ām 36 Sriyan-anu[chintya manu* Ishya-jsvitar suha || 10*]' Datvättva) bhūmim bhävina
[h*) pārtha (rthi)vēmdrā[n*] bhūyo 2 yachatē Rāmabhadrē(draḥ samā37 nyõ=yam dharma-hēssē)tu[r*]=nripāņām kālē 26 pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ [ || 11*) samast
aga(gā)mika-npipati[bhi*]r=adhi(pi). 38 pälana-dharmma-phala-lobha eva kata(ra)niyah 'na punasta löpana ēva karapiyaḥ na
pu39 nastā(s=tal)-löpana-pāpa-kalank-āgrēņa[sa]rēņa" kên=āpi bhavitavyan yas=tam-ēvam-a40 bhyartthitõ=pi lobhad=ajñāna-timira-patalām(1-ā) vfita-matirachchidyamānam
enumodē41 tu(ta) vā sa paṁchabhir=ułopapātakaiḥ sa[m]lipto Raurava(v-A)[ndha]ta(tā)miérõ(sr-a)di
narako(kām)Sachiram=anubha(vi). 42 shyati [l*] Sva-dattāṁ para-dattāmvā(ttām vă) yo [harē]d=bhājanan 11 [I*] (sa*] vish
thāyām tva(kļi)mir-bhūtvå krimibhish*) saha 43 pachyatē [ || 12*] Vindhy-ātavishv=a-tõyāsu supka-1koțara-vāsinah [l*] mah-ahaya
hi jāyantē [bho]44 jan-akshayani haram(ra)nti yêia [ 13*] Grā(GA)m=ēkām svarnam ēkam mvā(vā)
bhumi(mē)r=apy=ēkam=amgulam(lam ) haram(ra)n=naraka45 m=ipnoti yĀvadrāhūta-samplavam(vam || 14) Arâmaņām srē(sa)hasrēna tadagānärh
tuli satēna cha [l*) ga46 vāṁ kõți-pradānēna gräsa-harttā na su(su)ddhyati [.|| 15*] Sha[sh]țhi(shți)r=va
Teha-sahasrāņi svargge tishtha47 ti bhūmidaḥ [l*) achchhęttă ch=ānumantă cha tāny=ēva narakaṁ vrajētu(jēt) || [16*]
yatha(thă) ch=aitad=ēvam tathā 48 dhruv-aksharëņa sva-matam=ārōpayati [1*] matam mama mandalēgva(sva)ra-bri
Vítja-räpakasya [l*] 49 likhitam=idam=uha(bha)y-ābhyarthitēm(tē)na mandatē(lē)sva(sva)ra-sri-Vija15-rāņaka
(k-a)dēśāta (sāt) dhruva50 Mamvā(mbā)laiyēna [l*) likhita-sāsana tat-pramāṇam=iti | mangalam mahā
srih 11 1 Read kshudrospi vyaghatab. * Read &v=arshayah.
• This is only half of a stanza in Pushpitagra. The second half is generally quoted as sakalam=klam=udahritam cha buddhvi na hi purushaih para-kirttayo vilopyal.
1.e. bhayo bhuyo.
I.e. kalt kall. • The following 13 letters (from na to karaniyah 1) are redundant. * Read agrēsarēna. . In this context, we have often yasztvevam'. • Road rachchhindydd=ao. 19 Read or=mahapătakair=uo. 11 Read haréd=bhojana-nTuikan. 1Read fushka. 19 Better read bhojan-akshaya-nivihal for the sake of the metro. 14 Omit this syllable for the sake of the metre. 1 As already indiouted above, the name is spelt a Vijn in line 4 and as Vija in lines 8 nd 48, while it is spelt Vtjala in lino .
:

Page #116

No. 6-GOLD COINS OF DANDINAGOVA
(1. Plate)
P. B. DESAI, DHARWAR
In November 1956 plaster casts of ten gold coins were received for examination in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India from the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay. These coins with two more, according to the information furnished, were sent to the said Museum by the Mamalatdar of Ramdurg, Belgaum District, Mysore State. The details regarding the discovery of the coins as communicated by the Numismatist of the 'said Museum in his letter, dated the 24th January 1957, are as follows:
"The coins were found on the 16th June 1950 by one Shri Namadevappa Ningappa Badiger in a field belonging to Shri Shankarappa Devarayappa Badiger in the village of Mudakavi, six miles from Ramdurg, about a furlong from the Ramdurg-Badami Road. It is said that the man, while going through the field, noticed a small earthern pot lying there. On breaking it, he recovered the 12 gold coins which were later deposited at the Ramdurg Police Station."
These ten coins which are circular in shape bear close resemblance to one another in their mould and design. Their diameter is about 1-5 centimeter on average. Their weights ignoring talight variations are stated to be as follows: Nos. 1-2-60 grains; Nos. 3-8-59-75 grains; No. 9-60-25 grains and No. 10-59 grains.
On the obverse of the coins is depicted under decorations the figure of a warrior facing right, going for a fight. He wears a helmet and armour, holding in the right hand a long dagger pointing to the front and a hawk in the left hand which is bent and turned upwards. Figures of the sun and crescent moon are shown to the right and left of the warrior's head. This figure apparently represents the issuer of the coins, whose identity is discussed below. The reverse bears the legend in Kannada characters of the 12th century, inscribed within two circles, the outer one of which is dotted. The coins appear to have been struck from more than one die. On account of the difference in the arrangement of the letters in the legend, it is clear that at least two different dies were used for the two legends. The readings of the legend on the two types are as follows:
I
II
1 Nigalah
2 kamala-Damdi
Bri-NigaJa[th]kamala-Da[th]3 dinago[va*]
3 nagova
The above legend is a combination of two titles Nigalankamalla and Dandinagova. Both these titles are familiar to the students of Kannada epigraphy as having been enjoyed by different rulers of various dates. But, for the identification of the particular chief who issued these coins under his titles only, interesting information is available from an inscription of the area.
This inscription comes from Torgal in the Ramdurg Taluk. It is dated 1187-88 A.D. and describes the achievements of a local chief by name Barma-bhūpāla who was administering the areas round about Toragale (modern Torgal) which was his capital. By virtue of his valour,
Ind. Ant., Vol. XH, pp. 95 ff.
77

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GOLD COINS OF DANDINAGOVA
12
Scale: Actual Size

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78
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
this chief earned the distinctive title Dandinagova meaning 'the protector of the army like the Cowherd God'. He is also referred to in the record by another title Nigalanka which is an abbreviation of Nigalankamalla meaning 'a warrior adorned with the chain of distinction'. The inscription further relates that this Barma-bhūpāla proceeded at the behest of his overlord and suzerain on a conquering expedition along the four quarters and acquired the tracts of Lōkapura-Twelve, Holalgunda-Thirty, Doddavada, NavilgundaForty and Kolenūru-Thirty, all of which came under his direct rule. The areas mentioned above as being governed by Barma-bhūpāla embrace parts of the present Bijapur, Belgaum and Dharwar Districts.
An examination of the above details together with the provenance of the coins leads us to the conclusion that it was this Barma-bhüpala who issued them under his distinguished title Dandinagova. The period in which Barma-bhūpāla lived was characterised by a state of uncertainty caused by the decline of imperial power, both the later Chalukyas of Kalyana and their adversaries of the Kalachuri dynasty having virtually vanished from the political arena, making way for enterprising leaders like Bhillama of the Yadava family. It was under these circumstances that Barma-bhūpāla appears to have made a bold bid for territorial expansion and power and issued coins as an independent king.
As for the remaining two coins of the group, they appear to be what are known as Padma Tankas, generally associated with the rulers of the Kadamba family. One of them (No. 11) is identical with the coin published in Elliot's Coins of Southern India, Plate II, No. 67. The other coin (No. 12) is of a similar pattern, though not identical in all respects.
I am indebted to Shri Parameswari Lal Gupta, Numismatist, Prince of Wales Museum, who was kind enough to give me an opportunity for studying these interesting coins.1
1 Coin No. 2 could not be illustrated.

Page #119

No. 7-SACRIFICIAL INSCRIPTION FROM SONDA
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, DHARWAR This inscription was copied by me at Honnehalli, near Sönda, in January 1940, in the course of an epigraphical survey of the Sirsi Taluk, North Kanara District, formerly in the Bombay State, but now in Mysore. The slab bearing the epigraph was set up near the Narasimha shrine inside the Svarnavalli matha. The record is edited here for the first time with the help of impressions taken under my supervision. .
The slab measures 31 inches long and 28 inches broad. Its upper part is shaped into a broad curve. In the space at the top above the inscription proper are cut in relief the figures of the sun and the crescent. Above, below and to che right of these syinbols are engraved the two invocations in Kannada characters, Visvēsvarā jayati and Sri-Nrisimho jayati, and another in the Nāgari script referring to a third deity. About the middle of the slab are carved in relief four figures which are eminently conspicuous. The main figure at the centre is elongated and made up of four curves. The one to its north is almost & square ; another towards the east is a semi-circle and the third one to the south is a circle. The significance of these figures will be pointed out below.
The inscription is engraved in the Kannada alphabet and language. The characters are late being normal for the date of the record. Noteworthy is the form of initial ā (line 12), its length being denoted by a sign attached to it and looking like the medial a mark. In some cases a superfluous curve is appended to the lower limb of t giving the impression that it is doubled ; cf. sarasvati in line 3 and pratipäļisi in line 6. The doubling of the letter ? in halli in line 3 and belli in line 9 is denoted by a curve affixed to its lower part In line 8 the word frauti is misspelt as sraüli.
The epigraph commences with the date which is given as Salivāhana-Saka 1595, Pramadi, Māgha-gu. 4, Saturday. This date regularly corresponds to the 31st January 1674 A.D. It is stated that at this time Savāyi Ramachandra-nāyaka, the chief of Söde, was ruling the principality. The object of the epigraph is to commemorate the completion of a sacrifice which was caused to be performed by Sarvajña-sarasvati, a pontiff of Hornehalli, for the prosperity of the above chief. The ritual was conducted by Agnihotrin Kesava-bhatta of Kadatoke under the guidance of Srauti Viśvapati-bhatta who was specially invited for the occasion from the holy city of Kābr. The performance lasted for five days and was completed on Wednesday, the 8th of the bright half of the above month. The passage at the end of the inscription indicates that the stone bearing the record was set up to mark the sacred site where the sacrificial ceremony actually took place. From the duration of the sacrifice it appears to have been a Soma-yaga.'
An interesting part of the epigraph is the representation, on the commemorative tablet itself, of the sacrificial spot, which, as described above, consists of four figures. The central elongated figure stands for the Vedi or the raised seat intended for the performer. The adjoining three figures to the south, east and north respectively depict the three pits wherein the three sacred fires, known as Gārhapatya, Daskhiņa and Ahavaniya, are kept burning throughout the performance." The tablet thus presents a unique instance of sacrificial memorial.
This matha belongs to the pontiffs of the Havyaka or Havik community of Brāhmaṇas largely residing in the area.
B. K. Coll., No. 18 of 1939-40. . (See below. p. 81, note 2.-Ed.)
. . Cf. A. Chinnaswami Santri's Yastatattvaprakasa, ed. A. M. Ramanaths Dikshite, for illustrations of the merificial fire-pitu.
( 79 )

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII The chief Savayi Ramachandra-nayaka of Sōde who was instrumental for the sacrificial performance is not known from other sources. The principality of Sōde, more familiarly known as Svādi,1 played a significant role in the later period of Karnatak history and an authentic account of its Nayaka rulers remains to be worked out in detail with the help of epigraphical, literary and archaeological sources.
80
In this context it would be worthwhile to review briefly the contents of a few epigraphs bearing on the Nayaka chiefs of Sōndă, copied by me while conducting an epigraphical survey of the Sirsi Taluk. An inscription in the Sonda fort called Hosakote belongs to the reign of the Vijayanagara king Devaraya II and is dated 1432 A.D. It introduces his subordinate Mahaprabhu Arasappa of Sōvade, who was the son of Samkanna. This is the earliest epigraph mentioning the Sōnda chiefs so far known. This Arasappa appears to be the first ruler of the name who founded the principality and his father's name is disclosed here for the first time.
Arasappa-nayaka I, it appears, continued to rule during the subsequent reigns of the Vijayanagara kings. For instance, a record from Hulekal belonging to the reign of Virupaksha and citing the cyclic year Hevilambi (1478 A.D.) introduces Arasappa-nayaka of Sōde, and another from Chalgar, dated 1478 A.D., refers to a ruler of Sōde having the same name.
Arasappa-nayaka II was the next distinguished chief who is said to have ruled from 1555 to 1598 A.D. As the gap between Arasappa-nayaka I and Arasappa-nayaka II is fairly big, we have to assume that another chief whose name is not known to us ruled in the interval.
We have five records for Arasappa-nayaka II. The earliest from Honnehalli, dated 1556 A.D., speaks of Arasappa-nayaka as ruling at Sömadapurl. The next one is dated 1569 A.D. in the reign of the Vijayanagara king Sadasiva. The information furnished by this epigraph is that this chief claimed his descent from the solar lineage and had a daughter named Arasamma. The third epigraph, which apparently has to be assigned to this chief, belongs to the reign of the Vijayanagara king Venkatapati and cites the date 1593 A.D. The fourth record from Hulekal referring to the death of a warrior in the service of Arasappa-nayaka gives the date, Durmukha, Vaisakha-paurņimā, Sunday, corresponding to May 2, 1596 A.D. The last epigraph from Karasvalli10 is dated in 1602 A.D. and extends the rule of this chief by four years. Two more inscriptions on hero-stones, one at Hulekal and another at Pañchalinga," the dates of which cannot be determined with precision, may also be assigned to this ruler.
1 Sōde has become Sõnda under the influence of English. For the variants of this name and importance of the place, see above, Vol. XXVIII, p.292. In an inscription from Guttal, Haveri Taluk (B.K. Coll., No.51 of 193233), dated 1162-63 A.D., mention is made of a Vaddabyavahari (i.e. merchant-chief) described as an ornament of the Sonde family. This appears to be the earliest reference to Sonda so far known. [See below, p. 81, note 2.-Ed] B. K. Coll., No. 71 of 1939-40.
Ibid., No. 24.
Ibid., No. 10.
North Kanara Gazetteer, Part II, p. 120.
B. K. Coll., op. cit., No. 16.
7 Ibid., Nr. 76.
Ibid., No. 75.
⚫ Ibid., No. 28.
10 Ibid, No. 46.
11 Ibid., Nos. 32 and 59.

Page #121

SACRIFICIAL INSCRIPTION FROM SONDA
ot 3G ಯುಣಿಯದನ್ನಕ
2
:12
6 ದಿವಸವವು?
anಸುವ
ಓ ದೇವಳದ
ನಿಂಗೆ
12
:
ಇವತ್ತು Kು ರ್ಪಜೆ
Scale : One-Third

Page #122

No. 7)
SACRIFICIAL INSCRIPTION FROM SONDA
TEXT11 1 Svasti [*] Sri-jay-abhyudaya Salivähana-Saka-varsha 2 1595 neya Pramadi-nāma-samvatsarada Māgha-su 3.4 Sthira vārada'llü sri-Homn[e]halliya Sarvajña-sarasvati4 sripādamgaļu sri-mamgaļa-mahāprabhu 805 de Savāyi Rāmachandra-nāyakaru sukha-samkathā-vi6 nödadim rāja(jya)vanu pratipālisikom[du] baruttiraballi 7 avara appaņeyalli arasugaļa abhyudaya8 rthavägi Käsikshētradimda Sraüti Visvapa9 ti-bhattaranu karasi Kadatokeya Belli San10 bhudēvaru-bhattara maga Agnihotri Kāšava11 bhattara kayyallu Arasagalanā karasikomdu 12 yajñavanů arambhava māçisi a-bu 8 Budha13 vāra parisamāptiyimda yajõava mådisidaru 11*1 14 Agnihotrada mantapa-vēdi (1*1*
'From impressions, * This da which was omitted first is insorted slightly above the line between ra and Uu. Read 'dalu.
• The Nagari passage reads Sri Dhuerhdhirajayati....-The language of lines 3-6 seems to suggest that Sarvajña-Sarasvati and Ramachandra were ruling together and that the sacrifice was performed under their orders. The name of the sacrifice performed is not mentioned; but the ritu indicated does not seem to suit
Somayāga. The last sentence speaks of the redi (sacrificial altar) in the mandapa for the celebration of Agnihotra (a daily sacrifice), with reference to its representation on the stone.-The name Sõndā is not due to English influence since it is called Sonde and Somadā respectively in B. K. No. 51 (Saka 1084) of 1282-38 and No. 10 (1556 A. D.) of 1939-40. See also Sónda in SII, Vol. IX, part. I, No. 339 (Saks 1145), line 20.-Ed.)

Page #123

No. 8–TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUNTUR DISTRICT
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND It is now nearly a decade and a half that Mr. P. Seshadri Sastri of Guntur, who is an energetic student of the antiquities of the Guntur District of the Andhra State, published the tentative transcripts of two interesting early epigraphs in the now-defunct periodical entitled Journal of Andhra History and Culture. The first of these two stone pillar inscriptions was found at Velpůru in the Sattenapalle Taluk and Mr. Sastri's short note on it was published in the said journal, Vol. I, No. 2 (July 1943), p. 64, with a small facsimile. He published his short note on the second epigraph, stated to have been found 'at some distance from Rentachintala in the Palnad Taluk', in the same journal, Vol. II, No. 2 (July 1944), pp. 68-69, without any facsimile. On reading Mr. Sastri's notes, I, as one interested in the early history of the area in question, felt that the inscriptions should be properly edited with good illustrations. In January 1957, when I was camping for a few days at Guntur, Mr. Sastri showed me a few estampages of both the records and requested me to edit them in the Epigraphia Indica. This roused in me a special interest in the inscriptions. I visited Velpūru where I examined the original stone bearing the first of the two records and prepared fresh impressions of it. The pillar was found lying in front of the temple of the god Rāmalingesvara, although it is stated to have been formerly built into the shrine of the village goddess by the road-side in the neighbourhood of the other temple. I was told that the second inscription had been found in the village of Mañchikallu in the Palnad Taluk. But, on reaching the village, I learnt that the inscribed stone had been removed to the Taluk office at Gurazala some six months previously. I went to Gurazala but only to learn from the Tahsildar that the inscription had been transferred to the Bungalow of the Collector of the District at Guntur. I therefore came back to Guntur where the inscribed stone, which is the fragment of an octagonal pillar, was ultimately traced in the Collector's old Bungalow. In the search of the inscriptions, I received considerable help from Dr. R. Subrahmanyam, Superintendent of the Nagarjunikonda Excavations Project, who takes great interest in matters relating to the early history of Andhra.
1. Velpūru Inscription of Aira Mā[na]sada The inscription consists of six lines of writing covering an area about eleven inches in length and twelve inches in height. Individual aksharas are roughly about 1"X1" or slightly bigger. The inscribed surface of the stone is damaged at both the left and right ends of the writing and a better at the beginning or end of the lines is generally damaged or broken away. In a few cases, two letters at the commencement of the lines are similarly affected. The first three letters at the beginning of the last line are now completely lost; but the second and the third of them are traceable on the impressions of the inscription prepared by Mr. Seshadri Sastri in 1939. The layer of stone bad broken away even before the Epigraphic Branch copied the record in 1940-41. Some aksharas in the central part of lines 3-6 are also damaged. An original defect in the stone which compelled the engraver to leave some space further affects the same lines.
1 A few volumes (Volume I, 1943; Volume II, 1944) of this Journal were published from Guntur undor the editorship of Dr. M. Rama Rao. Both the inscriptions are noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epi. graphy w No. 468 of 1940-41 and No. 22 of Appendix E of 1939-40. See the Reports for the year 1989-40 to 1942-43, pp. 127, 229, and for the years 1943-44 to 1944-55, p. 85. Nooron uver long and o has not been used in this article.
(82)

Page #124

No. 8]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUNTUR DISTRICT
83
The characters resemble very closely those of the inscriptions of the Sātavāhana king Gautamiputra Satakarni (circa 106-30 A.D.) and his son Väsishthiputra Puļumāvi (circa 130-59 A.D.) from Nasik, Amarāvati and other places. The inscription may therefore be assigned to a date about the first half of the second century A.D. The alphabet employed in the inscription under study is decidedly earlier than the Jaggayapeta (Nandigama Taluk, Krishna District) and Nägärjunikonda (Paland Taluk, Guntur District) inscriptions of the Ikshvāku king Virapurushadatta who flourished about the middle of the third century A.D." The letter n has a straight horizontal base, while l has not the angular or flat base noticed in the Ikshvāku inscriptions. The letter t also does not exhibit the looped type noticed occasionally in the Sātavāhana epigraphs of the age of Gautamīputra Satakarni and Väsishthiputra Puļumāvi but generally in the Ikshväku records of the time of Virapurushadatta. The forms of the letters 1, t and n, as found in the present epigraph, may be compared with their forms generally noticed in the later Sātavāhana inscriptions discovered in the Krishna-Guntur region and its neighbourhood such as the Amarāvati inscription of Vāsishthiputra Puļumāvi, the Kodavali inscription' of Chanda or Chandra Sāta, the Myakadoni inscription of Puļumāvi and the Chinna inscription of Yajña Sāta karņi. The comparison would suggest that the inscription under study should have to be assigned to a date about the time of Vāsishthiputra Pulumavi and not to the period after the end of Sātavāhana rule in the said area about the close of the first quarter of the third century A.D.10
The language of the inscription is Prakrit and no influence of Sanskrit is noticed in it except in the use of the vowel ai in the word Airasa in line 2. As regards orthography, there is no case of the reduplication of consonants or the use of conjuncts. But the modification of j to y in the word mahārāyasa (lines 2-3) is interesting to note.
1 Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 60 ff. and Plates; Arch. Sury. 8. India, Vol. I, p. 100, Plate LVI, No. I.
. For the date of the Sātavāhana kings, see The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 202, 204. In spite of the great difference between the palaeography of this record and that of the Manohikallu insoription edited below, both the epigraphs have been assigned in the Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy, referred to above, to the third century A.D. The Manchikallu inscription no doubt belongs to the end of the third century; but the present record is certainly earlier by more than a century.
. Arch. Surv, S. Ind., Vol. I, Plates LXII-LXIII. . See, e.g., above, Vol. XX, pp. 1 ff. and Plates.
The Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 16; of. The Age of Inperial Unity, p. 325. 6 Arch. Surv. S. India., Vol. I, p. 100, Plate LVI, No. 1.
i Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 316 ff. and Plate. This insoription has been differently read and interpreted by Sten Konow and Krishna Sastri. Wo are inclined to disagree with the viows of both the scholars and to read the epigraph as follows:
1 Sidham ranño Vásithi2 putasa sami-sir[i]3 Cha[m]da[sāta]sa (sava]chhare 4 [10 1] he pa 2 diva[sa] 2 [1] 5 amacha-Sastemitjene(na) dhama
| 6 thẸP[i]ta | The inscription therefore seems to be dated on the second day of the second fortnight of Hemanta (i.o. winter) of the eleventh regnal year of Vásishthiputra Chanda Sata (or Chandra Sāta), when his amatya (i.e. a minister or executive officer) named Satyamitra ostablished a dharma in the vioinity of the inscription. The word dharma hore apparently means a religious object or institution, traces of which have been noticed noar the findspot of the record (cf. op. cit., p. 317).
Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 155 and Plate.
JASB, Vol. XVI, 1920, Plate XVI. The palacography of this record closely resembles that of the Ilahviku inscriptions of about the middle of the third century and does not look earlier than the Kodavali and Myakantowi inscriptions, although the rulers mentioned in these two records are generally apposed to have fuurishod later tban Yajña Satakarni.
1. Cf. The successors of the Salavahanas, p. 168

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[VOL. XXXII
Considering the length of the other lines, it is clear that two letters at the beginning of line 1 are lost, although traces of the second of these two are visible. These lost aksharas appear to have been sidha or sidham (Sanskrit siddham), the mangala found at the commencement of numerous early records. The above is followed by the words namo Bhagavato (Sanskrit namah Bhagavate), Obeisance to the Lord'. This kind of adoration without mentioning,the name of the deity in question is known from other inscriptions. The Ikshvāku inscriptions often begin with the mangala: namo Bhagavato Budhasa, Obeisance to the Lord Buddha'. But the word following the word Bhagavato in the present record is not Budhasa and does not appear to be the name of a deity. The first two letters of this expression, viz. gala, are engraved at the end of line 1 and the third letter at the beginning of line 2 is broken away, while the last two letters are clearly yasa. It is not possible to restore the word with any amount of certainty. But it is tempting to suggest Gala [velyasa (Sanskrit Galaveyasya), 'of the Galaveya', Galaveya possibly being the gotra or clan name of the king mentioned further on. The following letters of line 2 are Airasa Mahārāya with a partially damaged sa (completing the second of the two expressions) at the beginning of line 3. It is clear from this passage that the king, whose name follows, enjoyed the royal title Mahārāja and claimed to have belonged to the Aira family. Aira as a family name also occurs in the inscriptions of the Chedi-Mahameghavahanas of Kalinga. Some scholars think that the word stands for Sanskrit Aila (i.e. a descendant of Ila) while others equate it with Sanskrit äārya through the Prakrit forms ariya>ayira>aira. We are inclined to agree with the second group of scholars, especially because the change of r to l does not appear to be a characteristic of the language of the inscription under study. Moreover, the forms ayira and aira (for Sanskrit arya), from which aira seems to have been derived, are actually found in the Amaravati and Nagarjunikonda inscriptions.
84
The letters following the damaged sa in line 3 are: Hariti putasa sir[i-Ma]. The name of the king, who enjoyed the metronymic Hārītiputra, born of a lady belonging to (i.e. whose father pelonged to) the Harita gotra', cannot be determined with certainty as the letter following Ma at the beginning of line 4 is damaged, although the following three aksharas read sadasa. Traces of the damaged letter in the facsimile published by Mr. Seshadri Sastri, however, appear to suggest the reading na. Now, it may be supposed that the letters dasa go with the following expression and that sa preceding dasa represents the sixth case-ending added to the king's name in two syllables. The name of the king in that case may be Mana, if our view regarding the reading of the second letter is accepted. Since, however, dasa added to the following word scarcely gives any sense, the suggestion does not seem to suit the context. The other possibility is that the king's name was written in four syllables beginning with mã and ending with sada. In that c case, the name of the king may be taken, at least tentatively, to be Mānasada; but whether sada representing the second half of the name stands for Sata cannot be determined. A ruler named Sivamaka Sada
1. See Arch. Surv. S. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 85, 105 (Nos. 48-49). The god referred to in line 1 of the inscription under study seems to be the one mentioned by name in lines 5-6. Sometimes a god is mentioned by name in the adoration at the beginning of the epigraph and later only by the epithet Bhagavat (cf. JBRS, Vol. XXXIX, Parts 1-2, pp. 4-5).
Select Inscriptions, pp. 206, 214. See above, Vol. XX, p. 80. For a king named Arya-Visakhamitra who ruled over Magadha in the second century A.D., see above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 229 ff.
See Lüders' List, Nos. 1276, 1280; above, Vol. XX, p. 26.
In ancient India, marriage was often performed without gotr-antara, i.e. the change of the wife's paternal gotra to that of her husband. See Proc. IHC, Annamalainagar, 1945, pp. 48 ff.
It may be conjectured that the damaged letter is tu, so that the passage would read sirimatu Sadasa (Sanskrit arimatah Satasya), of the illustrious Sata. Cf. sirimato for Sanskrit śriman in a Nanaghat record (Select Inscrip. tions, p. 184). In the Prakrit epigraphs, however, the name of a king is generally preceded by the word siri in compound. Moreover the damaged letter at the beginning of line 4 does not look like tu.

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85
KO. 8)
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUNTUR DISTRICT is known from an Amaravati inscription and the latter part of the name is generally taken to stand for sātakarni or Sātavāhana. Consequently, Sivamaka Sada is assigned to the Sātavāhana family. The present epigraph, however, does not look like a Satavahana record and seems to show that a king of the Krishna-Guntur region bearing a sada-ending name belonged to the Aira (possibly also called Gälaveya) and not to the Sātavāhana family. Whether Sivamaka Sada, whose inscription has to be attributed to the same age as the epigraph under study on grounds of palaeography, belonged to the Aira family cannot of course be determined without further evidence."
The next word in the latter balf of line 4 reads: disidhārikāya (Sanskrit drißi-dharikayā), by the female torch-bearer'. The first letter of the name of this female official of the Aira king contained in the first word of line 5 is lost, the following two letters of the word reading (vā]ya, by ... v'. The name was therefore something like Revā, Deva, eto.
The following four letters of line 5 are damaged; but the second and third appear to read gava and the expression may be restored as Bhagavato, of the Lord' which is followed by what looks like Bhutaga[ha][ka*]sa containing the name of a deity. Of this name, which may be compared with the word Bhutagrihya meaning a class of domestic spirits, the fourth letter is partially damaged at the end of line 5 while the last letter was broken away at the beginning of the next line even when Mr. Sastri copied the inscription eighteen years ago. As already indicated above, sa (the last akshara of the above expression) and ma (the first letter of the following word mada(pā(po)]) were lost at & slightly later date. The above is followed in line 6, with which the inscription oombludes, by the words eko [nilvahito, the passage Bhagavato Bhulagāhakasa madapo eko nivahito (Sanskrit Bhagavataḥ Bkütagrāhakasya mandapan ekat nirvāhitah) meaning 'one mandapa of the gad Bhūtagrähaka has been completed.' The word mandapa may mean here a building conBhorated to a deity [in the vicinity of his templel' The inscription thus appears to record the construction of a building for a god called Bhūtagrābaka by a lady in the service of a Mahārāja of the Aira family and probably of the Galava gotra.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that the rule of the Aira(Arya) family over the Guntur District and the adjoining areas in the second century A.D. is known from it for the first time. We know that about the end of the first century B.C., the Chedi-Mahāmeghavāhans king Khiravels of Kalinga, who claimed Aira (Arya) descent, ruled over the territory lying to the immediate east of the dominions of the contemporary Satavahana king Satakarni and that the former besieged the city called Asikanagara (Sanskrit Rishikanagara) situated on the bank of the river Kanhavenā (Sanskrit Krishnavena, i.e. the modern Krishna) probably within the latter's dominions. In the absence of any reference to the Chedi-Mahämeghevāhana family in our inscription and of epithets like Haritiputra in the records of the Chedi-Mahāmoghavähanas of Kalinga, it is difficult, in the present state of our knowledge, to determine the exact relation of the Aira king mentioned in our epigraph with the family of Khåravela. But it is equally difficult
1 Arch. Suru. 8. Ind., Vol. I, p. 61, Plate LVI, No. 2.
Cf. Rapson, Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, etc., p. lii.
• According to some scholars, the Chinna inscription prefixes tho Prakrit word araka for Sanskrit aryaka to the name of Yajña Satakarni (above, Vol. I, p. 96, note 8; Vol. X, Appendix, p. 180, No. 1340), although thore are other soholars who disagree with this viow and hold different opinions on the subject (ARASI, 1913-14, pp. 213-14; JASB, Vol. XVI, 1920, pp. 329-80). Even if, howovor, it may be believed that arala of the Chinna inscription stands for Sanskrit äryaka and for Aira of the Volpůru inscription, it is difficult to determine whothor Yaju Satakarpi (not dosoribod as Satavahana in tho Chinna insoription) belonged to the Batav hana family but was No called because he was born of an Aira princess (of. The Successors of the Salandhanas, p. 316).
• Apto's Practical Sanskrit-English Dictionary (1924, p. 509) recognises 'light's one of the.moanings of the word drifi or drift. Cf. the official designation dipadhara in the Rajatarangint, VIII, 392.
Beo Select Inscriptions, pp. 206 ff.; The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 218.

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86
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
to dissociate the rule of the Airas over the Guntur region in the valley of the Krishna in the second century A.D. from the above facts of the early history of Kalinga especially in view of the title Mahārāja claimed by Manasada, which was popular with the Chedi-Mahämeghavahanas but not with the Satavahanas. It is thus not impossible that Aira rule was established in the Krishna-Guntur region as a result of one of Kharavela's expeditions in those areas.
In the second century A.D., the title Mahārāja, enjoyed by the Aira king in our record, indicated an imperial status. The Aira rule in the Krishna valley in the period in question seems to go against the suggestion that the Satavahanas, called Andhras in the Puranas, ruled over the KrishnaGuntur region in the heart of the present Andhra country from the post-Maurya age down to the beginning of the third century A.D. Elsewhere we have suggested that the Andhra people were originally living in the northern parts of the Deccan, that the early rulers of the Satavahana family belonging to the Andhra race ruled over territories to the north of the Krishna and that it was Vasishṭhiputra Pulumāvi (circa 130-59 A.D.) who conquered the Krishna-Guntur area in the second quarter of the second century A.D. The main argument in favour of the suggestion is that no inscription of the Satavahanas down to the days of Gautamiputra Satakarni (circa 106-30 A.D.) has been discovered in the area in question and that no land lying to the south of the Krishna seems to be included in the long list of territories quoted in the Nasik inscription of the ninteenth regnal year of Puļumāvi as comprised in his father's dominions. The present inscription seems to support our view. It now appears that the Airas ruling over the Krishna-Guntur region were supplanted by the Later Satavahanas. This is indicated by the existence of many Later Satavahana epigraphs in this region such as the Amaravati (Guntur District), inscription of Väsishṭhiputra Puļumāvi, Chinna (Krishna District) inscription of Gautamiputra Yajña Śātakarņi, Kodavali inscription of Chanda or Chandra Sata and the Myakadoni (Bellary District) inscription of Puļumāvi.
TEXT
1.. [*] namo Bhagavato [*] Ga[la]
2 yasal Airasa Mahārā[ya]
3 [sa] Hāriti[putasa] [s]ir[i]-[MA]
4 [sa]dasa11 di[s]i-[dh]ārikaya
5 [v]ayals. [gava].18 Bhutaga[ha]
+
6. [sa ma]ḍa[pa(po)] [e]ko [niva]hito [*]
1 Cf. K. Gopalachari, Early History of the Andhra Country, p. 5.
The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 193 f., 204.
Select Inscriptions, pp. 196, 198 note.
Arch. Surv. S. Ind., Vol. I, p. 100, Plate LVI, No. 1.
Above, Vol. I, pp. 95f.; JASB, Vol. XVI, 1920, pp. 327 ff.
Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 316 ff.
'Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 155.
From impressions and the facsimile published in JAHC, Vol. I, No. 2, Plate facing p. 64. We have also utilised one of Mr. Sastri's impressions for illustrating the present article.
The lost word may be sidha or sidham.
10 The intended reading may be Galaveyasa (i.e. Galaveyasa)-Sanskrit Galaveyasya.
11 Traces of the damaged letter at the beginning of the line seem to suggest the reading na. The name of the king thus appears to have been Manasada.
13 As suggested above, the name of the lady was something like Revd, Devd, etc.
18 The word may be restored as Bhagavato.
14 The intended reading seems to be Bhútagahakasa. The aksharas sa and ma are trae eable on Mr. Sastri's impressions but are lost now on the stone.

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUNTUR DISTRICT
I. VELPURU INSCRIPTION OF AIRA MANASADA (?)
Scale: One-halt

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2. MANCHIKALLU INSCRIPTION OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN
Bizing gew akeyys ag
GUTT
సంజ
Lyrici
Ta
guru వాయు నెలతో
Scale: One-halt
o p2230.J
ఆర్మోనుని

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No. 8]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUNTUR DISTRICT
TRANSLATION May there be well! Obeisance to the Lord. One Mandapa for the Lord Bhūtagrāhaka has been completed by vi who is the Drisi-dhārikā (i.e. the female torch-bearer) of the illustrious Mahārāja Māna sada, the son of Hārīti (i.e. the queen belonging to the Harita gotra), the Aira (and) the Gālaveya.
2. Mañchikallu Inscription of Pallava Simhavarman
The area covered by the writing measures about seventeen inohes in length and nine inches in height. The lower part of the inscription is broken away and lost. There are altogether five lines of writing. The first letter of Jine 4 is damaged and the last two or three aksharas of it are broken away, while only a few letters of line 5 are visible. The aksharas, each measuring about f"xfor more, are boldly and neatly engraved; but some of them about the middle of all the lines are severely damaged.
The characters very olosely resemble the Ikshvāku inscriptions from Jaggayapeta, Nāgārjunikonda and other places and little calls for special remark in this connection. The consonant t has a looped (of. vardharintike in line 2, kātuna in line 3, tethikana in lines 3-4 and kātam in line 4) as well as an unlooped (cf. sagottena in line 1, saṁnti in line 2 and kurttakao in line 4) form. The letter n generally exhibits the unlooped form (cf. vardhanhntike and sannti in line 2, tethikana in lines 3-4). But shows both the looped (cf. odharena in line 1, 'yāyanan in line 3) and unlooped (cf. Palavānań in line 1, ovarimaņa in line 2, kātūna in line 3) forms. Y is of two types ; cf. Bhāradaya in line 1 and vejayike in line 2. The medial u mark in kātuna in line 3 is interesting to note. Double danda has been used to indicate the mark of punctuation after siddhan in line 1. The record can be assigned, on palaeographical grounds, to a date about the second half of the third century A.D. to which the Ikshviku epigraphs have been attributed, although the language and internal evidence, as discussed below, would suggest the close of the century. The letters niya, in TeluguKannada characters of about the seventh century A.D., are found at the end of line 2 while there are traces of similar aksharas at the end of line 3 as well. These appear to have belonged to & different record which had nothing to do with the inscription under study and is now almost completely lost.
The language of the record is Prakrit ; but its orthography is considerably influenced by literary Prakrit and Sanskrit. Reduplication of consonants is noticed in siddhar and sagottena in line 1, apsplano in line 2 and bhattao in line 4, while in line 5 we have the word kurtaka which not only exhibits the influence of Sanskrit in its spelling but is also of lexical interest. In varmana in line 2, however, anusvāra has been employed instead of the reduplication of m. Double nasal nas been used in vardhamntike and sannti in the same line. In most cases, n has been changed to , although its use is noticed in a few words (cf. nti twice occurring in line 2 and na at the beginning of line 4). The seventh case-ending in e is used in pādamule in line 5 and in vejayike and vardhamntike in line 2 ; but in the last two words the seventh case-ending seems actually to be meant for the fourth. These features are also noticed in other records ; e.g., the Mayidavolu plates of Pallava Sivaskandavarman have the passage : Sivakhandavammo Dhannakade vāpatan āna payati amhehi dāni amhavejayike dhanm-ayu-bala-vadhanike ya........gāmo......sampadatto (Sanskrit Siva
1 Some scholars are inclined to take diva in the name as an honorifio and Skandavarman as the real name of the king. This is unwarranted not only becauso biva as an honorifio is scarcely used singly without any other honorito like bri as in the records of this ruler but also because the popularity of similar names like Sivaskanda, Bhavaskanda, Sivashanmukha, eto., in South India throughout the ages, can easily be demonstrated. Ct. The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 166-67.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII skandavarmā Dhānyakaļe vyāpritam=ājñāpayati asmābhiḥ idānim-asmad-vaijayrkāya dharm-āyurbala-vārdhanikāya cha..grämah sampradattah)'. A consideration of some of these characteristios of the language and orthography would suggest for the inscription a date about the end of the third century."
The inscription begins with the mangala : Siddhar, followed by a double danda. Then the Pallava king Simhavarman of the Bhāradvāja gotra is introduced in the passage (lines 1-2): Bharadaya-sagottena................(dha)rena Palavānam Sihavammana (Sanskrit Bhāradvājasagotrena........ dharena Pallavānāṁ Simhavarmanā), by Simhavarman who belongs to the Pallavas (i.e. the Pallava family), who is........ dhara, [and] who belongs to the Bharadvāja gotra'. The epithet of king Simhavarman ending in dhara cannot be satisfactorily restored.
The next passage in lines 2-3 runs : ap[p]ano vejayike............ [la]-vardhaṁntike sannti-sathiyāyanan kätūna (Sanskrit ātmanah vaijayikāya........la-värdhanikäya sānti-svastyayanań kritvā), having performed śānti-svastyayana for his own victory and increase of .......... The traces of the damaged letters before la-vadhamntike in line 2 appear to suggest dhamma-bao and probably not dhamm-ayu-bao as in the Mayidavolu plates. We may have here a reference to the increase of the merits and prowess of the king, for which the banti-evastyayana was performed. The expression sānti-svastyayana means certain propiciatory rites, fānti being a rite for averting evil and svastyayana for attaining prosperity.
The concluding part of the sentence in lines 3-4 reads : Bhagavato......Jiva sivasāmisa tethikāna kurttakā(k-o)pahārakādi kātam (Sanskrit Bhagavath........Jivasivasvāminah tarthikebhyah kurttak-opahārakādi kritam), 'made presents of kurttakas and other [benefactions) in favour of the tairthikas of Lord...Jivasivagvāmin'. The word lost before the name of the god seems to be siri (Sanskrit fri). The whole sentence in lines 1-4 thus means to say that the Pallava king Simhavarman of the Bhäradväja gotra made certain presents including the present of kurttakas in favour of the tairthikas of the god Jivasivagvāmin on the occasion of certain propiciatory rites apparently performed by the tairthikas for the victory and increase of merits, etc., of the king. The expressions tairthika and kurttaka used in the concluding section of the sentence quoted above are of lexical interest. The word tirthika or tairthika means 'an adherent or head of any other than one's own creed. In the present context, the word tethika=tairthika seems to be used to indicate the priests of the temple of Jivasivasvāmin who was probably a representation of the god Siva. The word kurttaka is not found in Sanskrit lexicons; but kuttaka is recognised in Pali in the sense of a woollen carpet'. Our inscription seems to use kurttaka in this sense. The word does not appear to have any relation to kurtā and kurti current in Hindi, Bengali, etc., in the sense of 'a shirt, tunic, bodice or jacket', as these are believed to be borrowed from Turkish during the Muslim period. Moreover, in India (especially in South India), the priests of a temple scarcely use such a garment.
The next sentence of the inscription in lines 4-5 cannot be fully read. It refers to the Bhattāraka (i.e. a male divinity) worshipped in a devakula or temple, the name of which is doubtful. The letters sa pādamūle, at the feet of........', in line 5 suggest that the king made a gift in favour of the deity worshipped in the temple referred to.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it is the earliest epigraphic record of the Pallava family. There is no doubt that king Simhavarman, to whom it belongs, was an ancestor
1 Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 434. The expressions amhavejayike and dhanm-dyr-bala-vadhanike were formerly taken by us to be adverbs standing for Sanskrit asmad-vaijayikam and dharm-dyu-bala-vardhanikam.
Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 170-71. Sach characteristion are notioed in few records of the time of Ikalváky king Ehuvula Santamala, son of Virspurashadatta. Cf. Select Inscription, p. 229.

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No. 8]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUNTUR DISTRICT
of Sivaskandavarman who issued from the city of Kanchi the Mayidavolu plates as a Yuvamahārāja (crown-prince) and the Hirahadagalli plates as a Dharmamahārājādhiraja. While the first grant was issued very probably during the reign of Sivaskandavarman's father, the second records the renewal of a grant originally made by his father mentioned as māhārāja-bappa-svamin (i.e. the lord who was the issuer's father and enjoyed the title Mahārāja) without quoting his personal name. The first record shows that Andhrapatha with its headquarters at Dhanyakata (Amaravati near Dharanikota in the Guntur District) formed a part of the Pallava empire when Sivaskandavarman was the crown-prince apparently during the reign of his father. The present inscription seems to suggest the presence of king Simhavarman in the said area. It is thus not impossible that it was he who extended Pallava power in the Krishna-Guntur region and annexed it to the dominions of the Pallavas of Kañchi. Considering the proximity between the date of the inscription under study (i.e. about the close of the third century A.D.) and that of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli plates of Sivaskandavarman (i.e. about the first quarter of the fourth century A.D.), as suggested by their language, it is also possible to conjecture that Sirihavarman was the father and immediate predecessor of Sivaskandavarman. The close resemblence between the palaeography and language of the present epigraph and those of the Ikshvaku records would further suggest that it was the Ikshvākus who were supplanted from the Krishna-Guntur area by the Pallavas about the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth century A.D. The presence of Pallava Simhavarman in the vicinity of the Ikshvaku capital of Vijayapura situated in the Nagarjunikonda valley, as suggested by the inscription under study, seems to show that it was he who was responsible for the destruction of that city together with its Buddhist establishments. The bull crest of the Pallavas, as indicated by their coins and the seals attached to their copper-plate charters, appears to point to their Saiva inclinations. In this connection it may be noted that many of the Pallava kings who flourished between the fifth and eighth centuries A.D. claimed to have been Kaliyuga-doshavasanna-dharm-oddharana-nitya-sannaddha which seems to refer to the fact that they were determined to revitalise their Brahmanical faith which had been encroached upon by heretical doctrines like Buddhism during the age of the Later Satavahanas and the Ikshvākus.
89
TEXT?
1 Siddha[m] || Bharadaya-sago[ttena].
...[dha]rena Palavāṇam Si[ha]
2 vammaņa ap[plano vejayike........ [la -va]rdham (rdha)ntike san(sa)nti-sathi-10
3 yāyaṇaṁ kātūṇa Bhɛ ga[vato]... "[Jivaś]ivasāmisa tethik[ā]
1 Select Inscriptions, I p. 433 ff.
Ibid., pp. 437 ff.
Some scholars take Bappa to be the personal name of Sivaskandavarman's father. But the use of the word in similar passages in numerous inscriptions clearly goes against the suggestion. Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 438, note 3.
Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 170-71.
Cf. ibid., Vol. XXIV, pp. 296-97; Vol. XXIX, p. 90.
• See The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 196-97; below, p. 94.
From impressions.
About four aksharas damaged here cannot be restored with certainty.
The faint traces of the letters suggest the reading dhamma-bala.
10 As indicated above, there are two Telugu-Kannada letters after this. They have nothing to do with the Inscription under study.
11 The damaged letters may be siri.

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[VOL. XXXII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 4 na kurttakä(k-o)pahārak-ādi kālam [l*] Kisha). "[d]evakulasa Bhatt[a]" 5 ........................[sa] pāda[müle]
TRANSLATION (Lines 1-4) May it be well. Presents of woollen carpets and other presents) have been made by Simhavarman who belongs to the Pallavas (i.e. the Pallava family), is. .dhara, and belongs to the Bhāradvāja gotra, in favour of the tairthikas (probably, priests of the temple) of the lord, the illustrious Jivasivasvămin, after having performed śānti and svastyayana for his own victory (and) the increase of his merits and prowess. (Lines 4-5)........at the feet of the Bhaffāraka.......
...... in the temple of Kibatthi(?)
1 The first akahara may also bo read as ka and the second as pa. The laat akahara of the name of the devakula looks like thi, so that the name may be Kihatthi. But, if the second lotter spa, there was possibly another abalara between this and the last lotter.
* The two lotter after this may be conjecturally restored a raba.

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No. 9_VUNNA GURAVAYAPALEM PLATES OF PARAMESVARAVARMAN I,
YEAR 19
(1 Plate)
D.C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND, and P. SESHADRI SASTRI, GUNTUR
Some time ago a set of three inscribed copper plates strung on a copper ring bearing a bronze seal was shown to Sastri by the son of the Village Munsif of Vunna Guravayapalem in the Podili Taluk of the Nellore District of Andhra. Sastri had prepared a transcript of the inscription and got the surface of the seal and the inscribed faces of the plates photographed before the record was returned. The photographs of the plates, however, were taken without outting the ring holding them together and taking them out of it. Thus some letters on all the inscribed faces of the plates are seen covered by a portion of the ring in the photographs. In January 1957, a set of the photographs was received by Sircar from Sastri. Sircar then tried to secure the original plates for examination with the help of the State Government; but the attempt was a failure.
Each one of the three plates is of almost the same size as any of the three inscribed plates of the Reyūru grant of the Pallava king Narasimhavarman II who, as will be seen below, was the son and successor of the issuer of the charter under discussion. But they have writing on the inner side of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second, while the Röyüru grant has writing also on the reverse of the third plate. The number of lines in the inscriptions on both the sets of plates is the same. The twenty five lines of writing in the present epigraph are distributed on the plates as follows: 1-6 lines, Ila-6 lines, IIb-6 lines and III- lines, whereas the Rēgūru grant has five lines each on the inner side of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second and six lines on the outer side of the third plate. The hole about the left border of the plates, for the seal-ring to pass through, was made in both the records before the incision of the documents in question. The space between the hole and the border of the plates is slightly bigger in the present set than in the Rēyūru grant. The size of the letters in the inscription under study is slightly smaller than in the other epigraph, although they are almost as neatly and carefully engraved.
The ends of the ring holding the plates together are soldered to the bottom of the seal having a circular surface. The central part of this counter-sunk surface of the seal bears the representation of a recumbent bull with its head towards the proper left and face slightly turned towards front. There appear to be a crescent and a linga above the head of the bull which is known to have been the emblem of the Pallavas. The upper part of the surface, above the back of the bull is occupied by the crude representation of what looks like a deity seated on a throne. Below the bull, there is a legend in three aksharas which appear to read Sri-nadi apparently standing for SriNandi. This was probably a biruda of the Pallava king Paramēsvaravarman I (sometimes called Paramēśvarapõtavarman or Isvarapotarāja) who issued the charter under review. It has, however, to be admitted that this secondary name of the Pallava king is as yet unknown, although we know many of his other birudas such as Atyanta kāma, Srinidhi, Sribhara, Ranajaya, Tarnn
1 The first letter of the lines is often found partially or fully cut off from the photographs.
Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 89-97 and Plates. There are two more uninscribed platos in this set. • The legend on the soal does not appear to refer to the bull represented on it.
(91)

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(VOL. XXXII ankura, Kāmarāga, Anugrasila, Kālakāla, Samaradhananjaya, Atiranachanda, Vidyāvinita, Lokāditya and Ugradanda.
It will be seen that, in spite of the bull emblem, the seal described above does not resemble those attached to the Sanskrit charters of the Early Pallava kings as they do not bear any legend." It is interesting to note that the seal of the Rēgūru grant of Narasith havarman II resembles in this respect the seals of the Early Pallavas of the Sanskrit charters, whereas the seal of the Kurram plates of Paramośvaravarian I, who was the father of the said king and issued the present charter as well, bears a legend. Still more interesting is the fact that the seal of the Kurram plates and that of the present charter, both issued by the same Pallava king, do not exhibit any close resemblance between them. The seal of the former grant has been described by Hultzsch in the following words: "The seal is about 21 inches in diameter and bears a bull which is seated on a pedestal, faces the left and is surmounted by the moon and a linga. Further up, there are a few much obliterated syllables. A legend of many letters passes round the whole seal. Unfortunately it is so much worn that I bave failed to decipher it."
The date of the record is quoted (lines 23-24) as Sunday, Pausha-su. 13 in the ninteenth regnal year of king Paramēśvaravarman I. In line 13, the Ayana or Uttarāyaṇa (i.e. the Makara-sankrānti) is mentioned as the occasion of the grant. The importance of the date will be discussed later on.
The characters belong to the Telugu-Kannada alphabet of the seventh century A.D. They generally resemble the characters employed in the Rēgūru grant, although some aksharas, e.g. nich, y, I, etc., have different forms, and on the whole the present record exhibits an earlier look. Of initial vowels, a occurs in lines 12, 15 and 17; ä in lines 13, 22 and 24 ; i in line 19; u in line 13; and in lines 17 and 23. The upadhmānīya has been employed many times in lines 4 (twice), 8 (twice), 9 (twice), 14, 15 and 18, while the jihvāmüliya only once in line 8.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The major part of it is written in prose, although there are three stanzas in the Anushţubh metre in lines 19-23. Two of these are the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. Tbe third stanza contains the name of the executor of the dooument and is also found in a modified form in the Rēyūru grant.
Among orthographical reculiarities, mention may be made of the general reduplication of many of the consonants following r. The rules of Sandhi, which are optional in prose composition, have not been observed in some cases. Cases of Sandhi in expressions like pāpat=śārirao in line 19 are interesting. The writing exhibits a general tendency to use the class nasal and, excepting a few cases (cf. samra[r*ljana in line 8, sambhūto in line 29), the anusvāra has been changed to class nasals in Sandhi. The final m at the end of a stanza has in one case (line 20) been wrongly changed to anusvāra. In another case (line 24,) it has been similarly changed before a vowel. Double nasal has been used in saṁncharantah in line 18.
Ip style, the record under discussion closely resembles that of the Sanskrit charters of the Early Pallava rulers. Among copper-plate charters of the Later Pallavas of Simhavishnu's line,
Cf. above, Vol. X, pp. 8-12 ; SII, Vol. I, pp. 13, 150 ; Sewell's List, p. 376. Hultzsch (SI1, Vol. I, p. 147) Becms to be wrong in taking Vidyāvinits to be the name of a relative of Paramēśvaravarman I. Some of these birudas aro also known to have been assumed by his grandfather Narasimhavarman I and son Narasimhavarman II. See SIT, Vol. I, p. 13; A.R.Ep., 1913, paragraphs 8-9; Sewell, loc. cit.
See above, Vol. XXIV, Plate facing p. 297. The Prakrit charters of the earlier Pallara ruler Sivuskandavarman (about the first quarter of the fourth century A.D.) have, however, seals bearing legend (cf. Select Inscrip.ions, pp. 433, note 3, 437).
SII, Vol. I, pp. 144 ff. Ibid., p. 144. See SII, Vol. XII, Plate VII.
Cf. the Chendalur grant of Kumāravishnu II (above, Vol. VIII, p. 233 ff.); Udayendiram 'plates of Nandivarman (ibid., Vol. III, p. 142): Omgodu grant of Skandavarman II (ibid., Vol. XV, p. 246); Uruvupalli grant of Vishnugopavarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. V. p. 60); Omgodu, Pikira, Mangalur and Vilavatti grants of Simhayumin (above, Vol XV, p. 240 ; Vol. VIII pp. 159 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 184 ; above, Vol. XXIV, p. 301).

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No. 9) VUNNA GURAVAYAPALEM PLATES OF PARAMESVARAVARMAN I, YEAR 1993
this characteristio is noticed only in the Rēyūru grant of Narasimhavarman II and not even in the Kurram plates of Paramēšvaravarman I who issued the present charter. The records of the early rulers of the Later Pallava house (i.e. the branch represented by Simhavishnu and his descendants) are mostly on stone. The only copper-plate grants of this house, issued by rulers who flourished before Nandivarman Pallavamalla (a descendant of Bhimavarman, brother of Simhavisliņu), are only three in number, viz. the Kuram plates and the present record belonging to Paramośvara varman 1 and the Rēyuru grant of Narasiinhavarman II. Of these, the Kurram plates bear close atlinity in respect of the script and style with the grants of Nandivarman Pallavamalla such as the Udayendiram and Kasa kudi plates. It is an elaborate prasasti written in Sanskrit prose and verse and Tamil prose and in the Grantha and Tamil alphabets and contains, besides the details of the grant, three lengthy sections, viz. an invocation, a legendary account of the origin of the Pallavas and a description of the issuer of the charter and his ancestors. The style of the present record as well as of the Reyūru grant, on the other hand, is, like that of the Sanskrit charters of the Early Pallavas, much simpler. Many of the passages occurring in the Early Pallava grants have been used in these two records without any modification or with slight modification.” The same or similar epithets applied to different rulers in different records would suggest that the officers who drafted the documents were scarcely very scrupulous about the accuracy of statement. The number of epithets used with reference to the donor and his ancestors in the present record is smaller than in the Röyüru grant.
As in the case of the Rēyūru grant and many of the Sanskrit charters of the Early Pallavas the inscription begins with the auspicious word svasti followed by the mangala : jitan Bhagavatā, “Victorious is the Lord ". The next passage refers to the issue of the charter from Kāñchipura. Then (lines 1-2) the Pallava family, to which the donor of the charter belonged, is introduced as belonging to the Bhäradvāja gölra and as having performed many sacrifices including the Asvamēdha. As in many Early Pallava charters, this no doubt refers to the horse-sacrifice celebrated by two of the Early Pallava kings, viz. Sivaskandavarman and Kumāravishņu. In lines 2-10, the donor of the grant, king Paramēśvaravarman I, is introduced as the son of Mahendravikramavarman (i.e. Mahondravarman II, circa 668-69 A.D.), the grandson of Narasirihavarian I (circa 630-68 A.D.) and the great-grandson of Mahindravarman I (circa 600-30 A.D.). The epithets swa-viry-ādhigala-rājya, pratāp-opanata-rāja-mandala, madhyama-loka-pāla and loka-pālānām pañchama, applied in the present record to Mahendravarman I, are used with reference to his grandson Mahēndravikramavarman or Mahēndravarman II in the Rēyüru grant and in connection with some other rulers in the Early Pallava charters. It is difficult to believe that all the rulers called sex-viry-ādhigala-rājya succeeded in adding any territory to their paternal kingdom ; but the epithet seems to suit Mahēndravarman I (con of Sinhavishņu) better than his grandson of the same name. We do not agree with the view that the epithets madhyama-lukapāla and loka-pālānām- panchama refer to the god Varuna. As we have elsewhere shown, the four Loka-pülas or the guardians of the four different quarters were Yama, Varuna, Kubëra and Vasava, and the king's description as the fifth Loka-pāla means to say that he was a protector of the earth like those divine guardians of the quarters. In classical Sanskrit literature also the king is often called madhyama-loka-pāla or protector of the central world (i.e. the earth bounded by the four quarters guarded by the Loka-pālas).
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, pp. 273 ff.; SIT, Vol. II, pp. 342 ff. ? Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 91. * See The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 189, 201, 206. . Above, Vol. XXIX, p. 95, note 9. • The Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 196.
& Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 149; Dandin's Kavyadarsa, II, 331 : Lüders' List, No. 1112. For the four Lokapālas of the Buddhists, see Childers' Pali Dictionary, B.v. maharaja.
Cf. Raghuvam sa, II, 16. Madhyama-loka may also mean the earth lying between the heaven and the lower world.

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Among the three epithets applied to Narasimhavarman I in the present record, the Rōyūru grant applies bahu-samara-labdha-yaśaḥ-prakāśa and vidhi-vihita-sarva-maryāda to Paramesvaravarman I and vasudhatal-aika-vira (forming the latter part of a bigger epithet) to Narasimhavarman II. In the inscription under study, Paramesvaravarman I has been called praja-samramjana-paripulana-nitya-yukta and Kaliyuga-dōsh-ävasanna-dharm-oddharana-nitya-sannaddha while these epithets are applied to Narasimhavarman II in the Reyūru grant in the slightly modified forms: praja-samramjana-paripālan-üdyoga-satata-satya-vrata-dikshita and Kali-yuga-dosh-apahritadharm-öddharana-nitya-sannaddha. The claim of the Pallava rulers from the fifth century down to the age of the present charter to have up-lifted Dharma above the dōsha of the Kali age seems to suggest that their ideal was to revitalise their Brahmanical faith which had been encroached upon by heretical doctrines like Buddhism. The donors of both the Reyūru grant and the present charter are called 'devotee of the feet of the lord, the father'; but, while the Rēyuru grant describes Narasimhavarman II as a paramabhagavata (i.e. devotee of the Bhagavat or the god Vishnu), paramamahēévara (i.e. devotee of Mahesvara or Siva) and paramabrahman? a (i.e. devotee of the god Brahman or devoted to the Brahmanas), his father was a paramami esvara and a paramabrahmanya but not a paramabhāgavata according to the present grant.
Another interesting fact is that the Reyuru grant applies the epithet yathavad-äbhri(hri)tasvamedh-ady-aneka-kratu-yajin to Parameśvaravarman I. The present record of Paramesvaravarman I himself, however, does not credit him with the celebration of the horse-sacrifice. On the other hand, it applies the same epithet to the Pallava family. This shows that the epithet has been wrongly applied in the Reyuru grant to Paramesvaravarman I who did not perform the Asvamëdha till his nineteenth regnal year (i.e. the date of the present grant) and probably never at all.
Lines 10-17 record the grant proper. It is stated that the king made the grant on the occasion of the Ayana, i.e. the Uttarayana-samkrānti (Makara-sankranti) in this case since the month specified in line 23 is Paushya. The donee was the Brahmaņa Dēvasarman who was the son of Dōnasarman (Drōnaśarman ?) and grandson of Svamiśarman. The donee's family hailed from the village called Urpuțuru-grama and belonged to the Maudgalya gotra and Apastamba sutra. His grandfather is described as an expert in the Vedas, Vedāngas, Itihasas and Purāņas exactly as the grandfather of the donee of the Reyuru grant.
The gift village was Kubuņūru situated on the right or southern bank of the river Musuna within the Pümi rashtra. The village was made a brahmadeya and endowed with all kinds of exemptions. In the description of the village, there is an expression which seems to read Muvuvadya-margge which either means 'on the road leading to Muvuvaḍya' or 'in the subdivision called Muvuvaḍya'. The king's order was addressed to the inhabitants of the said village which is stated to have been granted for the increase of the longevity and health of the donor. This seems to suggest that the grant was made in connection with the king's recovery from an illness. The officers were ordered to exempt the gift village from the collection of taxes and other levies while on their tours of collection. The transgressor of the order was liable to physical punishment.
The above section is followed in the document in lines 19-21 by two of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas. Another verse that follows in lines 21-23 says that the executor of the grant was Kulavarman who was the son of Nagi° or Tagi-pallava and the ruler of Nandakurra. This stanza is also found in lines 20-21 of the Reyuru grant in the following modified form:
Somaditya-suta[*] briman-Nandakurra-nripesvaraḥ [*] ājñāptil-basanasy-asya Rājāditya[*] pratāpavān [*]
The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 196-97. Sec also above, p. 89.

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The executor of the Rēyuru grant was therefore Räjäditya who was the son of Somaditya and the ruler of Nandakurra. The word npipēšvara in these cases apparently means a ruler and not a king of kings' or 'a ruler named Isvara '.1 The chiefs of Nandakurra were no doubt feudatories of the Pallava kings of Kāñcbi at least during the reigns of Paramēbvaravarman I and Narasimhavarman II. Rājāditya, son of Somāditya, was preceded in the rulership of Nandakurra by Kuļavarman, son of Tagio or Nagi-pallava whose name seems to point to his descent
from the Pallava family. But what relations existed between the two cannot be determined without further evidence.
Lines 23-25 record that the document was written by Vibëshavidita belonging to the Ghanaskandha family (or, the family of Ghanaskandha who may have been an ancestor of the scribe) on Sunday, Paushya-sudi 13 in the nineteenth regnal year of Paramāśvaravarman I. The record then ends with the mangala : svasty=astu go-Brāhmanēbhyah, "Let happiness come to the cows and Brāhmanas. 2
The importance of the present inscription lies in its date. No dated inscription of Paramēsvaravarman I has hitherto been published and this happens to be the first record of the king, which offers a verifiable date. So long there was no means to determine the date of this king's accession with any amount of certainty. Now, with the help of this record and the Rēyuru grant which is the only dated inscription of his son, the reign period of Paramëśvaravarman I can be determined with a fair degree of precision.
The Pallava king Narasimhavarman I seems to have been living about the year 668 A.D. when, with his help, Mānavarman succeeded in seizing the throne of Ceylon,' whereas the Chalukya monarch Vikramaditya I is known from the Gadväl plates, dated the 25th April, 674 A.D., to have fought with the three successive Pallava kings named Narasimha (i.e. Narasimhavarman I), Mahēndra (i.e. Mahēndravarman II), and Isvara (i.e. Paramēbvaravarman I). These facts show that the death of Mahendravarman II and the accession of his son Para mēsvaravarman I took place sometime between 668 A.D. and the 25th April of 674 A.D. Now the charter under study was issued in the nineteenth regial year of Paramēsvaravarman I, that is to say, sometime between 687 A.D. and April 693 A.D. The exact date when the charter was written is Paushyasudi 13, Sunday, while the grant was made on the occasion of the Ayana or Uttarayana-sankranti (i.e. Makara-sankranti).
In his recent work entitled A History of South India, Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri gives the duration of the rule of Paramēśvaravarman I as 670-80 A.D. and of his son and successor Narasimhavarman II as 680-720 A.D., while we have suggested the following reign-periods for these two Pallava kings : Paramēsvaravarman I, circa 670-95 A.D.; Narasimhavarman II, circa 695-722 A.D. In the absence of any dated record of the time of the rulers in question, difference of opinion as regards the duration of their reign-periods was of course inevitable. But now we have a record of each of the two kings, both of them bearing verifiable dates. From the present epigraph we learn that Paramēsvaravarman I ruled at least down to his nineteenth regnal year and that, in the said year of his reign, Paushya-sudi 13, was a Sunday, although whether Uttarayana occurred on the same day or a few days earlier or later cannot be deterniined from the words of
1 The interpretation of the above verse of the Rēyuru grant ofierod elsowhere (above, Vol. XXIX, p. 93, noto 6) seems to be wrong. The name of the ajriāpti has been takon there to be Isvara who is supposed to veba been the son of Somāditya and grandson of Rājāditya..
* Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 441 (text line 55). * Sewell's List, p. 24; The Classical Age, p. 289. • Above, Vol. X, pp. 101 ff. • Op. cit., 1955, pp. 148, 163. • The Classical Age, 1954, pp. 280-81, 283.

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(VOL. XXXII
the epigraph since the dooument may have been written sometime after the grant had been made on the day of the Uttarāyaṇa-sankranti or a few days before to keep the document ready for the occasion of the grant to be made on the day of the sankranti. If therefore Paramēśvaravarman I ascended the throne about 670 A.D., he could not have ended his rule much earlier than 689 A.D. Similarly, the Rēyuru grant was issued on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on the full-moon day of Vaišākha in the twelfth regnal year of Narasimhavarman II and, about the approximate period of this king's rule, lunar eclipse occurred on the full-moon of Vaisakha only in the years 701, 702, 711 and 720 A.D. suggesting that his first regnal year roughly corresponded to 690, 691, 700 or. 709 A.D.
We have seen that the nineteenth regnal year of Paramośvaravarman I could not have fallen earlier than 687 A.D. and later than April 693 A.D. During this entire period, Pausha-eudi 13 fell on a Sunday only in the year 687 A.D., although the Uttarayana-sankranti occurred on the previous day. The date corresponds to the 22nd of December 687 A.D., while the sankranti took place on the 21st of the same month. Thus the 19th regnal year of Paramēśvaravarman I fell between December 686 and December 688 A. D. He therefore ascended the throne between December 668 and December 669 A. D. His first reynal year should probably be regarded as having corresponded to 669-70 A. D. His son and successor Narasimhavarman II seems to have ascended the throne about 690-91 or 700 A. D.
The following geographical names are mentioned in the inscription : Kanchipura whenoe the charter was issued ; Kubunüru-grāma which was the subject of the grant; Pumi-rashtra in which the gift village was situated; the Muvuvadya(?)-märga and the Musuna-nadl near the gift village ; Urputuru-grāma where the donee's family lived ; and Nandakurra which seems to have been the capital of the chief who executed the grant. Of these, Kāñchipura, the capital of the Pallavas, is well-known, while Nandakurra has been tentatively identified with modern Nandavaram in the Udayagiri Taluk of the Nellore District. The Musuna-nadi seems to be no other than the modern Mugi which runs along the boundary line between the Kandukuru Taluk in Nellore and the Ongole Taluk in Guntur and falls in the Bay of Bengal to the north of the mouth of the Pālēru. Since the village of Kubuņūru stood on its southern bank, it seems to have been situated in the present Podili-Kandukuru region of Nellore. The Pūmi rashtra, to which it belonged, appears to have comprised parts of the Nellore District lying to the south of the ancient Munda-rāshțra. Urputūru is apparently the present village of Uppuțūcu in the Bapatla Taluk of the Guntur District.
TEXT
First Plate 1 [Sva]sti [l*] (jita]øm Bhagavatá [i*) srimat-Kāñchipurāt=Pallavānām Bhāradvāja
sagotrāņām yathāvad-32 [hri]t-āśva[mējødh-ady-anēka-kratu-yājinām s va-vi[r*lyy-ādhigata-rājyasya pratāp-opan
ata-rāja3 ma]ndalasya madhyama-lõka-pălasya lokapālānām=pañchavrasya (fri)-Ma4 [hɔ]ndravarmmanah=prapautraḥ bahu-samara-labdha-yasah-prakākas[yla vidhi5 [vi]hita-sarvva-ma[r*lyyädasya vasudhātal-aika-virasya Sri-Narasiham'varmmapah 6 (paultrah diva-dvija-guru-vriddh-apachāyino vivriddha-vinayasy=&uěka-go
1 Above, Vol. XXIX, p. 92. . From a set of photographs.
* These letters are hidden under the ring in the photograph, while the first letter of the lines is either wholly or partially out off. Similar is the case with the other inscribed faces of the plates.
Road in hao. The ansvara has been incised away from its proper place.

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2
8
10
12
14
16
VUNNA GURAVAYAPALEM PLATES OF PARAMESVARAVARMAN I, YEAR 19
ii, a
వరా ఓ నిజాపి రాణపు గూదారి కర్మణినాుది క రి 25 గా మ్ ప్ర కార yoga ఒక డేను దాని ఫిబ్ర @బులా = ఒరపించ రుశదేవుడ త్రవ్వకCTR
SR
iii, b
కాల జామి గాలి 86
AP BLUE IOS E అజర్కెత్త బV Y ENTER PicDZRIమర్ ని శంకర్ అన్నది వివిధో (అ) కి పోర్చుగ కోరిన తెలుగ దేశికవేత్సరా నుండి సర్వగత కాC మరి గ్రామ గ్రామర్ : 12
ధరశ్రీరామూ అన్నిత 18 US$@ బ్రిహగ్ర
2
(From Photographs)
4
రాజ్
దారి
کت
14
విక్రం పురావస్తుక్స్ బ్ర& తన కెన్యాలో మల్ మిశ్రమ తెలియక గారి జో కాలుమాహాను ఈ కురుగా మునిమైసత్రం కక్ట్87: 2త్తున ఒమరిగి సర్వమింక సమము జరి మకామం త త్రిష అత అనిపి
స
8
10
16
18

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ਨੂੰ ਛੂਕਤਾ 8ਵਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਹਾਰ
ਹੋਲਸਣ ਦਾ ਉਦੇਰ ਨਾ ਲੁਹ ਜੋ ਫੌ
ਬ ਈ ਝੂ9 ਭਰਨ ਦੇ ਚ ਲਨ ਨੂੰ ਲੈ ਨ(ਰg 0:00 ਹੈ
ਚ ਨੂੰ ਤਾਂ ਨzar ne 136 15 08
ਜੂਨ 8 ਨਹ ਸ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਨਾ
।
(From Photographs)
SEAL
(From a Photograph)

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No. 9) VUNNA GURAVAYAPALEM PLATES OF PARAMESVARAVARMANI, YEAR 19 97
Second Plate, First Side 7 hiranya-bhūmy-ādi-pradānair=a har-ahar=abhivarddhamāna-dharmma-sanchayasya bri-Maho 8 ndravikramavarmmanah=putrah=prajā-samra[10*]jana-paripālana-nitya-yukta Kali
yuga-do[sh-ä]
9 [va]sanna-dharmm-oddharaņa-nitya-sannadhah-paramamāhēśvarah-paramabrahina.
10 [nya]h bappa-bhattāraka-pāda-bhaktal sri-Paramēśvaravarmmā Pūmi-rāshtrē [Mul)11 [vu?]va[dya)-mā[r]ggē Musuņa-nadi-dakshiņa-tatē Kubuņuru-nama-grāma(mē) gra(grå)
mēya12 [k]ān=i[ttham=ā]jñāpayati [l*) ayam grāmaḥ sarrya-kara-parihāraih brahmadēyi
Second Plate, Second Side
13 k[riltya [a]yana-nimittē Urpputoru-grāma-va(vā)stavyasya Maudgalyāyana-gotrasya
Apasta
14 vam(mba)-cha[rana]sya vēda-vēdātii g-ētilūsa-purāņa-tatva(ttva)-vidaSvāmisarmmaņah
pautrāya yama-niyama15 svā[dhyā]ya-tatparāyaṇasya sarvva-sāstra-tatva(ttva)-vidaḥ Dūņaśarmmanah-putriya
abhijana-vid[ya)16 vșitta-sampannāya satata-satya-vrata-samyuktāya shat-karmma-niratāya Devasarmma17 ņē asmad-yur-ārōgy-abhivriddhaya mayā pradattah [l*] évam-avaganya sar[v]v-ādhi
karaņa-Eniyu). 18 ktāk rāja-vallabhās=cha sam(sa)ñcharantah sarvya-kara-parihāraib-pariharantu parihāraya
[ntu]
Thirl Plate 19 (oha) [l*) ya idam-agmach-chhāśa(-u)nam-atikramēt--sa pāpak-säriran-dandam-arhati
[l*] bhavato-tra [slökauBahu)20 [bbir=vvasu]dhā dattā bahubhis.ch=ānula(pā)litā [l*) yasya yasya yada bhūmis-tasya
tasya tada phalam(lam !! ) [Bhūmi]21 [da]nā[t] pa[ra]n-dānan=na bhūtan--na bhavishyati [l*] tasy--aiva haraṇāt=rapan-na
bhūtan-na (bhavishyati] [ *] (Na(Ta?)]
The an u vāra has been engraved away from its proper place.
I.e. svadhyāya-para'. * The correct form of the name may be Drönao.
This obviously refers to the following two imprecatory and benedictory stanzas, without counting the third verne mentioning the ajrapti.

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[VOL. XXXII
27 gi-pallava-sambhutō Nandakurra-nripesvaraḥ [*] [jña]p[t]i[h] Ku[la]varmm=åsya sāsanasya ma
23 haya[a]ḥ[*] Paushya-mãsē
pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsarē
Vibesha[vi]di
ēkān-na-virhéatyām
24 [ukla]-[pa]ksha-trayödaśyāṁ(śyam) Aditya-dinē Ghanaskandh-anvaya-prasūtēna
25 [tus (khitam-idath(dam) svasty-astu gö-Brāhinaṇābhyaḥ||
The full-stop is indicated by a spiral followed by a few dandas and horizontal strokes,

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No. 10 KILUR INSCRIPTION OF NANDIVARMAN, YEAR 167
K. G. KRISHNAN, OOTACAMUND
The inscription1 edited here is engraved on a rock in the prākāra of the Viraṭṭāņēśvara temple at Kür, Tirukkövilür Taluk, South Arcot District. The text of the record has been published in the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VII, No. 925. Palaeographically the inscription may be attributed to the ninth century A. D. The script as well as the language of the record is Tamil. The inscription is dated in the sixteenth year of the reign of Ko-Vijaiya-Nandivikramaparuman and records a gift by Maravam Pudi alias Tennavan Ilangōvēlār. The gift consisted of twentyfour kalañju of pure gold weighed by Videlviḍugu, the standard stone, out of the interest of which the Nagarattar of Tirukkōvalur undertook to supply ghee for burning a lamp day and night in front of Madeva of Tiruviraṭṭāņam at Tirukkōvalür.
The record is important in that it proves the contemporaneity of Bhuti Vikramakēsari, the earliest well-known Koḍumbāļūr chief, with the Pallava king Nandivarman (III). The genealogy of the family of the Irukkuvels, to which this chief belonged, has been thoroughly discussed by Shri K. V. Subrahmanya Iyer and Shri K. S. Vaidyanathan.3
The name of the donor in this record consists of two words, viz. Maravan and Pūdi. While the former stands for his father's name, the latter is his own name and is only a Tamil variant for Sanskrit Bhuti. It is known from the Müvarkōyil inscription of Bhūti Vikramakēsari that Vikramakesari was a title earned by him for his success in battle against the Pallava king as well as Vira-pandya and Vañji Vēl (i.e. the Chera king). Maravan Pidi alias Tennavan Ilangōvēlār figures in a number of inscriptions of Rajakesarivarman who has been identified with Aditya I. Of these, a record from Tiruppalatturai, dated in the 27th regnal year of a Rajakēsarivarman, mentions one Tennavan Пlangōvēļār alias Maravan Pūdiyar. Karrali, the wife of Tennavan Ilangōvēļār alias Maravan Pudi who is the same as the donor of the present record, figures as the donatrix in another inscription" from Tiruppalatturai. It is not unlikely that the same Karrali is spoken of as one of the wives of Bhuti Vikramakesari in his Mūvarkōyil record. Varaguņā, his other wife, may be identified with the homonymous lady mentioned as the wife of Tennavan Ilangōvēļār in another inscription of Rajakesarivarman. Bhuti Parantakan, a son of this chief according to the Müvarkōyil inscription, built a stone temple for the god at Andanallur in the
1 A. R. Ep., No. 296 of 1902.
The final is changed to m in association with p of Pudi. This is in accordance with the rule Mellefuttes miginu manamillai in the Tolkäppiyam (Eluttadikäram, Pullimayangiyal, Satra No. 341).
3 QJMS, Vol. XLIII, p. 79 ff.
The best examples of such double names referring to both the father and the son will be found in A. R. Ep., Nos. 147 and 148 of 1937.
JOR, Vol. VII, p. 1 ft:
⚫ 811, Vol. VIII. No. 560. The identification of this Rajakesarivarman with Aditya I is supported by palaeography and the bigh regnal year quoted in the inscription. The absence of the prasasti of Rajarāja I, viz. Tirumagal pola, etc., in it would confirm this view.
811, Vol. VII, No. 581.
⚫ Ibid., No. 568. In the impressions the letters Te... can be read before the word llangóvēlär. (99)

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII fourteenth regnal year of Parakësarivarman' and gave land as kāņikkadamai five years later to Araiyan Vira-solan who in his turn gave it back to the urär of Andavanallur after a period of six years. The date of this last transaction is the twentyfifth year of Parakēsarivarman's reign, which is too high for any king bearing the said title and ruling in the period in question except Parantaka I. It follows that Bhūti Vikramakēsari, the father of Bhūti Parāntaka, was & contemporary of Aditya I. It will thus be seen that Maravan Püdi is the same as Bhūti Vikramakēsari who was the husband of Kaprali and Varaguņā and was a contemporary of both Nandivarman and Aditya I.
The donor's relationship with the Choļas may be examined here. His mother Anupama was a Chūļa princess according to the Mūvarköyil inscription. One Pūdi Mádēvadiga!' is mentioned as the queen of Kannaradēva who may be identified with the homonymous son of Aditya I, as she figures as the donatrix in an inscription dated in the 6th year of Maduraikonda Para kēgarivarman, i.e. Parāntaka I. This Pūdi Mādēvadiga! was probably a sister of Maravan Pūdi.' A recorde dated in the third year of the reign of Parāntaka I mentions Pūdi Aditta Pidäri, the wife of Prince Arikulakébari and the daughter of Tennavan Ilangāvēļār. Thus Bhūti Vikramakēsari seems to be allied to the Chola family through his female relatives, viz. his mother Anupamā, sister Püdi Mādēvadigal, and daughter Pūdi Aditta Pidāri. It is interesting to note that within a few years from the date of the present record, the Chola kings succeeded in weaning away the allegiance of the family ultimately from the Pallava side.
Magavan Pūdi alias Bhūti Vikramakēgari claims, in his Mûvarköyil inscription, to have fought against Vira-pāņdya who has been identified with Cholan-talai-konda Vira-pāņdya, the adversary of Sundara-chola and Aditya II. It may be noted here that Vira-pāņdya was a junior contemporary of Rājasimba, the opponent of Parantaka I. In one of Rājasimha's inscriptions, a servant of VIIB-pândya is referred to and hence it may be presumed that Vira-pāņdya continued the feud between the Cholas and the Pāņdyas after Rājasimha's flight to Ceylon. Therefore it is possible to surmise that Bhūti Vikramakēsari encountered Vira-pandya during the reign of Parāntaka I. This may very well explain the vigour with which Aditya II fought and ultimately killed Virapandya who was perhaps a continued source of trouble for the Cholas from the days of Parantaka I.
The Pallava king mentioned in the record under study may be identified with the last king of that name, viz. Nandivarman III. Of all the inscriptions referring to Maravan Pūdi, only the present record belongs to the reign of. Nandivarman III and therefore its date may be taken as the
1 811, Vol. III, No. 139. Parakēnarivarman of this record, is Parāntaka I and not Uttama-chola as is shown below.
Ibid., Vol. VIII, No. 668. The inscription refers to the nineteenth regnal year of Parakësarivarman. It may be noted that the transactions recorded in the inscriptions referred to in this and the next foot-note con. clusively prove the identity of the kings mentioned in them as well as the date of Bhati Vikramakēsari.
• Ibid., No. 669. • Ibid., No. 666.
Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 283 and n. 8. • SII, Vol. VIII, No. 634. She is first referred to (without her name being mentioned) in a record (ibid., Vol. XIII, No. 321) dated in the 27th year of a Rajakesarivarman who has been identified with Aditya I. Another inscription (ibid., Vol. VIII, No. 564) in which she figures as a donatrix is dated in the 23rd year of a ParakesariVarman who is no doubt Parāntaka I as the regnal year is too high for any other Parakēsari of this period.
? A similar example of both a brother and a sister bearing the same name may be found in Padi Aditta Pidári and Padi Aditta Pidaran, daughter and son respectively of Bhoti Vikramaksari (QJMS, Vol. XLIII, p. 94).
• SII, Vol. III, No. 96. This lady is first mentioned in an earlier record (ibid., Vol. VIII, No. 629), dated in the 23rd year of a Rājakësarivarman who may be identified with Aditya I on account of the high regnal your and the palaeography of the inscription.
. Abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 87; QJM8, Vol. XLIII, p. 87.

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No. 10] KILUR INSCRIPTION OF NANDIVARMAN, YEAR 16
101 earliest for Bhūti Vikramakēsari. Another epigraph, dated in the 3rd year of Para kasarivarman identified with Parantaka I and referring to Padi Aditta Pidāri, the queen of Arikulakësari and the daughter of Tennavan Ilargāvēļār, seems to provide the latest reference to this chief. The range of the period covered by these inscriptions, which is less than fifty years, does not allow us to suggest the existence of different chiefs bearing the same title Tennavan Ilangovēļār. Moreover every member of this family adopted a different title in order to distinguish himself from the others and Maravan Pudi was the only chief with the title Tennava, Ilargovēļār. In view of the identification of his Pallava overlord mentioned in the present record with Nandivarman III, Bhūti Vikramakēsari's claim to have defeated a Pallava king's army (cf. Pallavasya dhuajinyāb)* on the banks of the Kāvēri deserves to be studied in the context of Parantaka's claim to have conquered the Pallavas.
The association of Tirukkovilūr, the findspot of the present record, with one of the foreb:38:8 of the Vēlirs of Kodumbālür is clearly referred to in some of the verses in the Sangam literature. Malaiyamán Tirumudikkäri, & chief of this region, was famous for his philanthrophy. Very interesting is the statement that the three kings (i.e. the Chēra, Chola and Pandya) vied with each other in enlisting the support of this chief. We have already seen how the Kodumbāļür family Was wooed and ultimately admitted into the circle (varga) of the Chõlas. The common patronage bestowed upon Vikkiyaņņan, probably a Vēļir chieftain, by both the Chēra Sthāņu Ravi and the Chola Aditya I furnishes & clear contemporary evidences of the unique position enjoyed by the Vajirs in the Tamil country.
TEXT7
1 Svasti Sri [ll*] K[0]-Vijaiya-Na[n]divik
2 kiramaparumafku yāndu padi[nā]rāvadu
3 Malāttu-Kkurukkai-kkūgrattu-Tti4 rukkovalūr-Tti..........nat5 tu Mādē[va]rk ......... la....' 6 iravum pagalu................ 7 dasku Tennavaş-Ila[i].........
1 QJMS, Vol. XLVIII, p. 94 and table. : JOR, Vol. VII, p. 9, text line 11. * Ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 148 ff. • Ahanapüru, No. 85, Puranändru, Nos. 121-126. • Ibid., No. 132, lines 4-5..See slao No. 126, lines 10-17. • 811, Vol. III, No. 89. • From impressions. • This gap may be restored as rwolraffa. • This passage may be restored as oru nanda mifakku. 10 The missing syllables are om chandradillavarai erippao. u The missing syllables are 98-válar dyina.

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(VOL. XXXU
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 8 Maravam Padi vaitta .... "videl9 vidugu tīp-põkku-ch[chempon] 10 irupattu-năr-kalaõju ni..' 11 idan palisai kalañjir pērtt-idu?12 | uriy ney attuvadäga Tirukkova13 lūr-[na]garattar kaivaļi vaiytta14 du [l*]
!. The missing letters may be restored a peh. • The lost letter is no doubt rai. • The lotter lost here may be restored as na.

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No. 11–INSCRIPTIONS OF CHANDRAS OF ARAKAN
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND In February 1957, the Director of the Archaeological Survey of Burma, Mandalay, kindly sent to me for examination photographic prints of two small inscriptions recently found at Vēsäll near Mrohaung in the Akyab District, Arakan. While informing him of the results of my examinattion of the epigraphs, I requested him to send me a few inked impressions of the records for further study and publication. He was kind enough to comply with my request and estampages of the epigraphs reached me in March together with an impression of a third record from the same place.
The first inscription is engraved on a slab recovered from the ruins of a Stūpa on the Unhissa ka hill at Vēsāli. The slab bearing the second record belongs to what is called the Anandachandra Stūpa standing on a hill near Vēsāli. It is still in situ. The third epigraph is incised on an octagonal pillar six feet high. It belongs to a Stūpa traditionally known to have been constructed by a ruler named Süryachandra.
The slab bearing the first inscription is stated to measure eighteen inches in length, ten inches in height and six inches in thickness. There are only five lines of writing. The lines are about thirteen inches long, although line 2 is slightly bigger owing to two letters, criginally omitted through oversight, being engraved in the left margin. The highest number of letters in a line is 18 (line 2) and the smallest only 13 (line 4).
The second inscription, consisting of four lines of writing, covers an area about ten inches in length and four inches in height. The letters are slightly smaller in size than in the first epigraph. The preservation of the writing in both these records is fairly satisfactory although a few letters are damaged or rubbed off here and there. The third inscription, which is fragmentary, shows traces of six lines of writing covering an area about twentyfour inches in length and nine inches in height. In this inscription, only traces of a few letters in the first line remain while a number of letters in all the other lines are broken away. Some of the extant letters of the record are also worn out and difficult to decipher.
The characters of the first epigraph closely resemble those of a votive inscription in two lines on a monastery bell found at Vēsālī, which was published with an illustration by the late Prof. E. H. Johnston in the Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol. XI, 1943-46, pp. 358 ff. The alphabet of both the records has a close resemblance with that used in certain inscriptions of the fifth and sixth centuries A.D., discovered in Eastern India. There is, however, an amount of local development noticed in the palaeography of all the three epigraphs now under study. This element is just slightly exhibited by Inscription No. 1 which is the earliest of the three. It is a little more pronounced in Inscription No. 2 which is a few decades later than the first inscription, wbile Inscription No. 3 belonging to a still later date exhibits it in a more considerable degree than even the second epigraph.
In a careful analysis of the characters of the Vēsāli bell inscription which may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to the same age as our Insoription No. 1, Johnston observes that the date of the record 'is shown by its forms for the letters ka and sa and its tripartite ya to be probably not later than A.D. 650' and that 'other indioations, particularly the forms of sa and ma, suggest Soe Plate IV, figure 1.
(103)

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[Vol. XXXII
the unlikelihood of its being much earlier.' He further notes the close resemblance of the script with that of the Faridpur plate (A)' of Dharmaditya and the Faridpur plate of Göpachandra. He doubts the genuineness of the Faridpur plate (B)' of Dharmāditya and suggests that Gõp:chandra's inscription may be earlier than Dharmaditya's. In this connection, he observes, "Sa has the triangle on the left in both plates (Dharmāditya's A and Gopachandra's); but, while it is normal in Göpachandra's, there are two instances, 11. 14 and 19, in 1722 (Dharmiditya's A), where the triangle is enlarged and the apex reaches right up to the top line, as in the bell. Ma is nearly normal in 1724 (Gopachandra's plate), but shows the beginning of the process whereby the bell form is reached ; 1722, on the other hand, has it in a form even more exaggerated than the hell and in l. 20 for instance the point of the angle is only just below the main line." After pointing out a few more differences between Dharmaditya's and Gopachandra's inscriptions and comparing some of the letters in the bell inscription with those in certain other inscriptions of Eastern India, Johnston concludes, "These comparisons are sufficient to prove that we are dealing in the bell with a soript which was derived from Eastern Bengal, descending possibly from a variety slightly later than any of those describe l...........if the date is fixeil on the palaeographical evidence as somewhere in the first half of the seventh century A.D. the margin of error is likely to be small."
The above views on the date of the Vēsāli bell inscription (of the same age as our Inscription No. 1) do not appear to be fully justified as the inscription seems to be somewhat earlier. In the first place, the palaeography of our Inscription No. 1 closely resembles not only that of the Faridpur plates of Dharmāditya and Gopachandra who flourished in the sixth century A.D. but also in respect of most of the characteristics that of certain earlier records of about the middle of the fifth century A.D. such as the Kalaikuri-Sultanpur plates of the Gupta year 120 (439 A.D.) and the Baigram plate of the Gupta year 128 (413 A.D.) even though the affinity may be slightly closor with the epigraphs of the sixth century. Secondly, the suggestions that Göpachandra's plate 'is earlier than Dharmāditya's plates A and B and that the bell inscription is closer to the latter in respect of letters likes and m are both confusing. Pargiter seems to be justified in suggesting a later date for Gopachandra's inscription as compared to Dharmāditya's epigraphs on the basis of the forms of the letter y' while similar forms of s and m are also noticed in earlier records like the Baigram plate of 448 A.D. There is also no reason to doubt the genuineness of Dharmāditya's plate B. Thirdly, on the other hand, forms of lettors like y and hand signs like that of merlial i as exhibited by our inscription (as also earlier records like the Baigrann plate) are not met with in Bengal inscriptions later than the sixth century A.D. Of course h and medial i do not appear
1 Op. cit., pp. 360-61. • Bhandarkar's List, No. 1722; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, pp. 195 ff. and Plate.
• Bhandarkar's List, No. 1724; Ind. Ant., op. cit., p. 204 and Plate. See also the Mallasarul plate apparently belonging to the reign of Gopachandra (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 155 ff. and Plato).
Bhandarkar's List, No. 1713; Ind. Ant., op. cit., pp. 200 ff. and Plate. I IHQ, Vol. XIX, pp. 12ff. and Plate; above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 57 ff. and Plate. • Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 81 ff. and Plate. 7 See Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, pp. 206-07.
Cf. the Vappaghoshavata grant (end of the sixth century) of Jayanaga (above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 80 ff. and Plato), Midnapur plates (first quarter of the seventh century) of Sasanka (JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI, pp. 1 ff. and Plates), Tippera plato (Gupta year 344-063 A.D.) of Lokanatha (above, Vol. XV. pp. 306 ff. and Plato; IHQ, Vol. XXIII, p. 224), Kailan plato (last quarter of tho seventh century A.D.) of Sridhiraparāta (IHQ, Vol. XXXI pp. 221 ff. and Plate), eto. The script of our Inscription No. 1 may also be compared with that of the Umachal roke inscription of Surendravarman (circa 470-94 A.D.) and the Barganga insoription of Bhativarman (circa 518-42 A.D.), discovered in Assam and published above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 67 f.; of. Vol. XXX, PP. 62 ff.

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No. 11) INSCRIPTIONS OF CHANDRAS OF ARAKAN
106 in the bell inscription. Fourthly, the internal evidence of our Inscription No. 1 seems to go against Jobnston's dating if his own views on the date and evidence of the Mrohaung inscription of Anandachandra are taken into consideration. On palaeographical grounds and other considerations, Johnston places Anandachandra's epigraph 'in the first half of the eighth century' and more precisely to a date not much later than A.D. 700'. Now, as will be shown below, our inscription was engraved during the reign of king Nitichandra who ascended the throne, according to the epigraph of Anandachandra, 209 years before the incision of the latter's record. This would place Niticbandra's accession 'not much later than' 491 A.D. As a matter of fact, Johnston's dating of Anandachandra's inscription was influer.ced by his views that the coins of Dēvachandra (who ended his rule 266 years before Anandachandra's accession) and Dharmavijaya (who began to rule 55 years before Anandachandra) should be assigned on palaeographic grounds to the first half of the fifth and seventh centuries respectively. Our Inscription No. 1 as the Vēsāli bell inscription may be actually assigned on palaeographical grounds to the first halt of the sixth century A.D. In our opinion, their characters may have descended from a variety slightly earlier than the Faridpur plates of Dharmāditya and Gopachandra.
We have referred above to an amount of local development in the palaeography of the ingcriptions under study. Ju Inscription No. 1, the letter h is written with a vertical line and a curve opening upwards or towards the right and joining the vertical towards the left not at the latter's bottom but slightly or considerably above it. This form of h is not noticed in East Indian inscriptions, in which the letter has its bottom curved towards the left. A vertical similar to that of his sometimes noticed in ch as well (cf. line 2). Sometimes the form of m (of. mahā° in line 2) appears to be more cursive than noticed in the East Indian records. Inscription No. 2 exhibits the same type of h. Medial à in this inscription is in many cases indicated by a curve opened towards the right and placed at the head of the consonant. The vowel mark in jā in bhūbhujā (line 1) is also of this type, though this form of the letter is not found in Indian epigraphs. In several cases, medial ū sign ends in an inward bend almost making a loop. This resembles medial i as used in some Indian inscriptions as well as in the modern Tamil alphabet. The form of the lettern in svārthēna in line 1 (cf. also rāgena in the same line) exhibits a cursive form more developed than that found in Inscription No. 1. Generally, however, the palaeography of the present record resembles that of the other epigraph and appears to be only a few decades later than that of the latter. This is supported by the internal evidence of Inscription No. 2 which was inoised during the reign of king Virachandra, the successor of Nītichandra of Inscription No. 1 according to Anandachandra's epigraph referred to above although it quotes the name slightly differently. This record may be palaeographically assigned to a date about the last quarter of the sixth century. Nītichandra is stated to have ruled for 55 years and his successor, called Viryachandra in Anandachandra's inscription but Virachandra on his coins, for 3 years only. The palaeography of tho two records appears to suggest that Inscription No. 1 was engraved fairly early in Nitichandra's reign. It is interesting to note that the second epigraph writes Buddha with b while in Eastern India b was generally written by the sign for v from the seventh century A.D.
Inscription No. 3 exhibits the tripartite form of y as in the other two records as well as the same type of h. That, however, it was somewhat later than Inscriptions Nos. 1-2 seems to be suggested by the later danda-like medialā sign and the slightly more developed sign of medial u (of. also medial ů) resembling subscript y and rising to the level of the top mätrā of the consonant to its right. A local development seems to be exhibited by the serif at the top of these signs for medial u and u.
Op. cit., pp. 365 ff.; cf. ARASI, 1925-26, PP. 146-48.
. This form of the sign may be compared with that in certain East Indian records. See, e.g., shka in line 3 of the Batganga inscription (above, Vol. XXX, Plato facing p. 67).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII This tendency is noticed once in subscript y in Inscription No. 2 as well (cf. mya in line 2 with jyë in line 4). The form of min Inscription No. 3 also shows some modification when compared to the same letter as found in the other two epigraphs. This type of m is not generally noticed in East Indian inscriptions. The epigraph possibly belongs to a date not much earlier than the second quarter of the seventh century A.D.
The language of Inscriptions Nos. 1-2 is corrupt Sanskrit. The first inscription begins with the Buddhist formula which is a stanza in the Aryā metre and Pali language; but it is found in a Sanskritised form in our record as in some votive epigraphs discovered in India. The word paramOpásikasya has been wrongly used for param-8pāsikāyāḥ. Of orthographical interest is the fernale name Chandrasri(&ri)ya for Sanskrit Chandrasri. Chandrasri(Gri)yā of this record may be compared with names like Sriyādēvi found in Indian epigraphs. In ilēyya-dharmma (line 5), deyya is a Pāli word standing for Sanskrit dēya. The use of double nasal in dharmmojarim and natvānāṁm-anu (line 5) is noteworthy. The mute m at the end of the first of the two expressions has been retained before the following s of the word sarvoa. Some consonants following have been reduplicated.
Inscription No. 2 contains only two stanzas in the Anushtubh metre. The language is not faulty as in Inscription No. 1. But its orthography is characterised by the wrong use of forn in several cases. Final m has been wrongly changed to anusvāra in mandanari (line 3) and final k in the word samyak (line 2) similarly to n (instead of ii) before the following n in sandhi.
The language of Inscription No. 3 seems to be corrupt Pali. Its purport is, however, not clear, although it seems to contain a Buddhist tract. The passages that can be read in this fragmentary inscription are : dhamma cha at the end of line 2; "sēkino cha tu dayatu sampao about the middle and mahiddhiko at the end of line 3; [Salmvõ(lo)dhēm(dhi)m-avayan-niguo. about the middle and vishayam bhūtēna at the end of line 4; dvāre phusantu sivam=utlama[m] at the end of line 5; and sādhu sādhū til in the last line.
The first two lines of Inscription No. 1 contain the stanza ya dharmmā°, etc. The language of the remaining three lines (lines 3-5) is corrupt; but the sentence covering them appears to say that the stone bearing the insoription, apparently meaning the object or structure to which it belonged, was the gift (deyya-dharmma) of the param-opāsikā named Sävītāṁ-Chandrasriyā who was the queen (dēvi) of the illustrious Nitichandra. The letters in the king's name are damaged: but the reading is certain. Whether the anusvāra in the name Sāvītām is unnecessarily added cannot be determined. There is an epithet applied to the king's or queen's name, which seems to read chandravat-parchhīnāsya and is unintelligible unless the reading is amended. The purpose of the gift is quoted as the anuka(or kta) ma .... of all beings,' there being no space for more than two or three letters after anukama or anuktama at the end of the line (line 5), although the expression expected here is anuttama-iran-āvāptayē. The letters anuka(kta?)ma in our record possibly stand for anrıttama with the letters jñānāya lost at the end of the line.
The two stanzas in Anushțubh in Inscription No. 2 state that the illustrious Virachandradēva constructed a hundred Buddha-stūpas, out of his love for the Satya-dharma, with his own money. The expression Buddha-stupa appears to mean Stūpas built on the relics of the Buddha while Satya-dharma or the true faith refers to the Buddhist religion usually called the Sad-dharma by its followers. One of the epithets of the king says that he obtained his kingdom or sovereignty
1 For Sanskrit influence on the stanza in Indian epigraphs, see above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 223 ff.
See ibid., p. 64. * Cf Bullettin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, op. cit., p. 382 (text line 2).
Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 77 (text line 3) : Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, op.cit., p. 277 line 26 : p. 378, line 1.

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107
No. 11]
INSCRIPTIONS OF CHANDRAS OF ARAKAN throngh Dharma. This probably suggests that he normally succeeded his predecessor on the throne and was not a usurper.
The importance of the two inscriptions lies in the fact that they are the only epigraphic records of kings Nitichandra and Virachandra of the Buddhist royal family of the Chandras of Arakan although both the rulers are known from their coins as well as the Mrohaung pillar inscription of AnandachandraNītichandra's coins bear the legond Niti or Nitichandra wbile Virachandra is similarly called Vira or Virachandra on his coins. As pointed out above, the Mrohaung inscription of Anandachandra mentions Virachandra as Viryachandra.
The Mrolaung pillar inscription gives very valuable information regarding the genealogy and chronology of the Chandras of Arakan, who had their capital at Vēsäll. It is a prasasti of king Anandachandra belonging to a family called Dēv-āņdaj-anvaya or sri-Dharmaraj-indaja-vamsa. Anandachandra's father Dharmachandra seems to be described as belonging to the Is-anvaye, probably meaning 'a family of kings' or a royal family', while an ancestor of Anandachandra, named Vajrasakti, is called 'born in the Dēva family 'either to impart the same idea or to indicate that his mother belonged to the Dēva dynasty. The word andaja means a bird and dev-andaja possibly indicates the divine bird Garuda. The expression fri-Dharmarāj-ändaja-varsa possibly means the birit (Garuda) family of the illustrious and virtuous kings'. The inscription was written for recounting Anandachandra's pious activities in the first nine years of his reign and was apparently engraved in his ninth regnal year. While the second part of the inscription is a eulogy of Anandachandra, its first part contains three sections quoting the names of the kings together with the duration of their reigns, who were believed to have ruled over the area in question before Anandaobandra. The first of these three sections deals with certain kings who altogether ruled for 1016 or 1060 (sahasrar shad-las-ūdhikam) years. The beginning of this section is damaged ; but, as all the five kings at the commencement of the extant portion are stated to have each ruled for 120 years, it is clear that this section (or at least its earlier part) is mythical. The second section deals with the Chandra kings, sixteen of whom are stated to have ruled for 230 years. The list, however, enumerates only thirteen names although their reign-periods as quoted in it come up to 230 years. This is possibly because three kings of the dynasty, who may have ruled for a few weeks or months, were omitted from the list. The last of the three sections deals with the family to which Anandachandra belonged and quotes the names of his eight predecessors stated to have together iuled for 119 years and 9 months. While the first section reminds us of the mythical account of the ancient history of Kashmir in the earlier chapters of Kalhana's Rājatarangini, the second and third sections resemble the genealogical part of the inscriptions of such dynasties as the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi and the Imperial Gangas of Kalinga and have the appearance of being based on fairly authentic information. It has, however, to be pointed out that Indian inscriptions, earlier than Anandachandra's record, often quote the names of the predecessors of a king generally without the duration of their reigns.
The chronology of the Chandras of Arakan depende on the determination of the date not only of their coins and the inscriptions now under study but also of the Mrohaung pillar inscription of Anandachandra. Johnston points out how the script of Anandachandra's record is 'almost entirely identical' with that of the Nalanda inscription of Yasovarman both in the form of the
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, op. cit., p. 381 and Plato: Phayre, Coins of Arakan, of Pegu and Burma, pp. 28-29 and Plate II ; Smith, Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Mweum, Vol. I, Plate XXXI, No.9. Smith wrongly reads Sri-Sivasyn (or Givasya) for Ntlichandra.
*Cf. Stein, Rajatarangini, trans., Vol. I, Introduction, pp. 62 ff.; SI1, Vol. 1, pp. 36 ff.; above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235 ff.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 2105: above, Vol. XX, pp. 37 ff.

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108
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII letters and in the style of writing'. This Yasōvarman is known to have sent an embassy to the Chinese emperor in 731 A.D. and was defeated by king Lalităditya Muktapiḍa of Kashmir, who ruled in the period circa 726-60 A.D. He seems to have died in or shortly before V.S. 811-754 A.D. Yasōvarman's reign may thus be assigned approximately to the period 725-54 A.D. The Nalanda⚫ inscription seems to have been incised fairly early in his reign since Nalanda lay outside his own dominions in the territories of the Gauda king of Bengal and Bihar, whom Yasōvarman defeated and killed sometime before his own defeat at the hands of king Lalitaditya of Kashmir about 733 A.D. We may therefore assign the incision of the Nalanda inscription to a date in the period 72533 A.D., say, to 729 A.D. If Anandachandra's inscription is assigned approximately to the same date, his accession may be tentatively assigned to 720 A.D. On this basis, Anandachandra's eight ancestors' rule of nearly 120 years may be roughly assigned to the period 600-720 A.D. and the 230 years of Chandra rule approximately to the period 370-600 A.D. On the same basis, the rule of the individual Chandra kings may be tentatively assigned to the following periods:
1 Dvenchandra
2 Rajachandra
Kalachandra
Dirachandra
Yajachandra
• Chandrabandhu
7 Bhamichandra ..
8 Bhatichandra
9 Nitichandra
10 Virachandra or Viryachandra
11 Pritichandra
12 Prithvichandra.
13 Dhritichandra
55 years circa 370-425 A.D.
20
425-45
445-54
454-76 "
476-83
483-89
489-96 490-520
320-75 575-78 " 578-90
590-97 597-600
9
22
6
7
24
55
3
12
7
"
72
33
33
33
33
"
"
No. 1. Inscription of the time of Nitichandra
TEXT
1 Ye dharmmā hêtu-prabhava hētu[m] tesha[m] Tathaga[ta]
2 kha* [*] tesham cha yō nirodhō' ēvam-vādi(di) [Ma]hāśra mana[b] [||*]
3 sri-[Nitiohandra]sya chandravat-parchhi[nasya] devi-Sävitam
""
"
33
33
"
"
"P
1 Op. cit., p. 365.
See Stein, op. cit., pp. 67, 88-89.
Tripathi, History of Kanauj, pp. 196-97.
Ibid., pp. 204-05.
From a photograph and an impression.
These two letters seem to have been originally left out and later engraved in the margin.
Better read nirodha.
"
"
33
"
37
"
39
"
"
The reading and meaning of the passage are doubtful. It may be an epithet of the king in the sixth caseending (sya) or that of the queen ending in the word asya joined in compound with the following word. The word
intended may also be prarthyamāna.
Better read divyab.

Page #154

INSCRIPTIONS OF CHANDRAS OF ARAKAN
No. 1.-Inscription of the time of Nitichandra
**
8 กป จ ก ) dync 2 - 1192% 2
4
3
1 2 3 4 5 03 วัน * * * * 30นจาก
No. 2.--Inscription of Virachandra
. งงมาริโอ 54255
4 น่ าสงสง 5T8 9 10 11sgสนา -II ฤทษ! 184 บ ลาย
4
(From Photographs)

Page #155

B. Fragmentary Inscription from Vesali
Scale : Three-eighths

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109
No. 11]
INSCRIPTIONS OF CHANDRAS OF ARAKAN 4 Chandrasri(ári)ya-nāma-paro(ra)[in-o]pāsikasya! 5 dēyya?-dharmmõ=yammi sarvva-satvā(ttvā)nām(nā)manuka(tta)ma
TRANSLATION
The Sentient Being (par excellence, i.e. the Buddha) spoke of the cause of the conditions arising from a cause. The Great Ascetic (i.e. the Buddha) also spoke about their destruction.
This is the pious gift of the queen of the illustrious Nitichandra who is........,' (the queen) by name Sāvītām-Chandrasriya who is a devout lay worshipper (of the Buddha), for the acquisition) of the best [knowledge?] by all creatures.
No. 2. Inscription of Virachandra
TEXT
1 Satya-dharmm-āna(nu)rāgeṇa kritain sv-ārthēņa(na) bhūbhujā [l*] 2 [pa]r-artha-ghatan-õdyoga-samyanni(i-ni)hita-chēti(ta)si [11*] 3 Sri-Virachandradēvēņa(na) mahs-mandala-mandanam(nam 1) 4 dharmm-ādhigata-rājyoņa(na) Buddha-stūpa-sata[m*] (ch=óti] [1"]
TRANSLATION
A hundred Buddha-stūpas (i.e. structures enshrining relics of the Buddha), which are the ornament of the earth, are made owing to his love for the true faith (and) with his own money by the illustrious king Virachandradēva who has his heart fully set on exertions for effecting good to others (and) who obtained kingdom (or, sovereignty) through righteousness.
Rend sikäyuh. ? This is Pali for Sanskrit dèya.
. Read yan. The mark hrlow the last letter may suggest it to be a final m. If it is ignored, we have to read it as wa.
The third letter of this worl may also be read as [l]r. The word jña näytt noons to be broken away after this.
* As indicated above, this may also have been intended for an epithet of the quoon. • From a photograph and an impression.
* The traces of these letters may also suggest the reading kritam. But this word occurs in line 1 and would therefore be rerlundant, although it has to be admitted that ch=eti does not suit tho tuetre.
The expression salya-dharmm-anuraga diay also be an epithet of the king.

Page #157

No. 12–VELUR INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA-NARASIMHAVARMAN
(1 Plate)
K. D. SWAMINATHAN, MADRAS The subjoined inscription is engraved on a hero stone set up in the Vediappan temple at Vēļūr in the Chengam Taluk of the North Arcot District. Below the inscription is the representation of a warrior in bas-relief in a defiant attitude, holding a bow in his left hand and a sword in the right. There is also the representation of a small structure near his feet. I edit the inscription witb the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The language of the inscription is Tamil and the alphabet Vatteluttu. But the forms of certain aksharas remind us of Tamil characters; e.g., y in visaiya (line 1), Paraiyao (line 3) and māliyār (line 4); 1 in Mel (line 3); ļu in Vēļür and āļum (in line 3). In respect of palaeography, the epigraph closely resembles the Hanumantapuram inscription of VijayaIsvaravarman. The form of it in sānru (line 4) is slightly different from the usual form found in the inscriptions of the same period copied froin the southern Districts. The characters are assignable to the 9th century A.D. The orthographical peculiarities do not call for any remarks. The word toru occurs also in Kannada and Telugu epigraphs of almost the same period.
The inscription is dated in the 2nd year of king Vijaya-Narasingavarman (Narasimhavarman) and records the death of Paraiyamāļiyar, the chief of Mēl-Vēļūr in Mikoprai-nadu and a servant of Vāņakon Adiyaraisar, in & cattle raid. Only four inscriptions of Vijaya-Narasimhavarman are 80 far known, though he ruled for at least 24 years. Two of them dated the 3rd and 18th years of his reign are found at Kil-Muttugūr? in the North Arcot District, while a third dated the 24th year comes from Bangavādi* in the Kolar District of Mysore, on the borders of the North Aroot District. The fourth record is found at Chinna-Nāgapūņdio in the Tiruttani Division of the Chittur District. The present inscription offers the earliest date for Narasimhavarman.
The importance of the record lies in its being the only inscription of Narasingavarman in the Vatteluttu script, while the alphabet used in his other known inscriptions is Tamil. The use of Vatteluttu in an epigraph found so far north as Vēļūr is noteworthy. The existence of a number of similar hero stones in and around North Arcotto testifies to the disturbed state of the region during the 9th century A.D. The major portion of this District, with the bordering portions of Salem and Kolar, were under the way of local chiefs who ruled contemporaneously with the Bānas, Noļambas and Gangas during the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. During this period of confusion, Narasingavarman of our record may have assumed the status of an independent ruler.
14. R. Ep., No. 69 of 1933-34.
* There is another Védiappan temple at Idaipparai in the Polur Taluk of the North Arcot District. It contains an inscription of Parikrama-pandya, dated in his 8th regnal year. See ibid., No. 141 of 1941-42.
*Above, Vol. VII, p. 24 and Plate.
Cf. ibid., Vol. IX, p. 90 and Plate ; SII, Vol. V, No. 783 and Plate. * Soe SII, Vol. IX, part i, No. 10; cf. No. 15. . A.R. Ep., No. 298 of 1935-36. Above, Vol. IV. pp. 178, 360.
Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 22. .A.R. Ep., No. 133 of 1943-44. The date portion of this record is damaged.
10 A.R. Ep. Nos, 104 to 106 of 1940-41 : Now. 102 and 116 of 1941-42 : No. 68 of 1933-34 ; SII, Vol. XI, No. 268.
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Page #158

VELUR INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA NARASIMHAVARMAN
رمان ایرانی در وداو)ی را ل یان ناكد و
فيا
*
*
ا
ة
الع
Scale: One-fifth

Page #159

111
No. 12 ]
VELUR INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA-NARASIMHAVARMAN
As the figures of the elephant and the swan are found sculptured beneath the record of Narasimhavarman at Kil-Muṭṭugur, Hultzsch was inclined to assign this chief to the Ganga family.1 There are two interesting epigraphs of the Western Ganga king Sripurusha in Vaṭṭeluttu characters at Odḍapatti' in the Uttangarai Taluk of the Salem District bordering on the North Arcot District, Inscriptions of other Ganga chiefs are also found in the North Arcot District. From Nammiyondal in the Polur Taluk comes an epigraph recording an order of Gangaraiyan Alappirandan, who claims to have been born in the Ganga family and bore the titles lord of Kuvalala', Kāvērivallabhan and Nandagirinathan, to the Uravar of Ammai-endal assigning their village with its taxes as maḍappuram to the matha of Aghorasiva-Mudaliyar at Tiruvannamalai to be enjoyed permanently by him and his disciples in succession. A hero stone from Venmani bearing an epigraph assignable to the 9th century A.D. records the death of one Ganavayan who is described as the disciple of the preceptor (āśān) Tennavan, when Venmani was destroyed in the time of Valluvikkangaraiyar. During the second half of the ninth century, a branch of the Western Ganga family is known to have flourished in parts of the North Arcot District. All these show that North Arcot was under the sway and influence of the Gangas during the ninth century. The emblem of the elephant in the Kil-Muṭṭugur record suggests the association of Narasimhavarman with the Gangas. It is, however, not possible to say precisely the nature of this association. He may have been an early member of the branch of the Western Ganga family which held sway over the North Arcot District. It may be said that he was an independent ruler and was the overlord of the Bāna chief Vanakōn Adiyaraisar, mentioned in the inscription. Vaṇakōn Adiyaraisar appears to be the same as Skandha Bāṇādhiraja who figures in the Bangavadi inscription of Narasimhavarman.
The use of the Vaṭṭeluttu script in this inscription requires explanation. The scribe who engraved the record may have hailed from the west coast where Vatteluttu was popularly used, or the warrior Paraiyamaliyar who was killed in action might have been a native of that region and the inscription recording his death might have been engraved in the script used in his native place. Instances of inscriptions engraved in characters unusual to a particular area are not wanting."
Mikonrai-nādu as the name of a territorial division in the North Arcot District is also known from other inscriptions." Mel-vēlür may be identified with Velur, the findspot of the record under review.
TEXT
1 Kō-visaiya-Narasingaparumarku [yāṇḍu*] iru (ra)ṇḍā
2 vadu Vāṇakōn Adi[ya*]raisar sevakar Mikon
3 rai-nāṭṭu Mēl-Vēļūr āļum Paraiyama
4 liyar ivvür-ttoru-kkonda-ñanru paṭṭa[r] [*]
Above, Vol. IV, p. 177. The views of Hultzsch were questioned by Jouveau Dubreiul (The Pallavas, pp. 52 ff.) and T.A. Gopinatha Rao (Madras Christian College Magazine, April 1907, pp. 1 ff.) on rather insufficient grounds. Narasimhavarman of the KI-Muttugur record cannot be identified with either of the two Pallava kings of that name, riz. Narasimhavarman I (Vatapikonda) or Narasimhavarman II (Rajasimha).
A.R. Ep., Nos. 211 and 212 of 1910.
Ibid., No. 114 of 1941-42.
Ibid., No. 116.
Ibid., 1930-31, part ii, p. 40, para. H.
of. JPASB, Vol. XX, p. 41 ft. ; A.R. Ep., No. 369 of 1955-34; etc.
A. R. Ep., Nos. 66 to 68 of 1933-34; No. 106 of 1940-41.
From inked impressions in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India.

Page #160

No. 13-INDRAGADH INSCRIPTION OF NANNAPPA, V. S. 767
(1 Plate)
KRISHNA DEVA, BHOPAL
This inscription was discovered in March 1954 at the old site of Indragadh situated two miles north of Bhanpurā, headquarters of a Tahsil of that name in the Mandasaur District of Madhya Bharat (now Madhya Pradesh). The inscription was uncarthed in the course of digging for building stones and was found about 3 feet below the surface amidst the excavated remains of an early medieval temple. The remains consisted of a shrine of sandstone with a Sivalinga in situ and many Saiva images and architectural fragments of the early medieval period, which point to the existence of a Siva temple in the age to which the inscription belongs. The place is studded with ancient remains and is picturesque, being enclosed by a rivulet on two sides and a hill containing an old ruined fort on the third side.
3
The sandstone slab, bearing the inscription, measures 29′′ long, 20" broad and 34" thick. The record consists of 19 lines which are neatly and beautifully engraved. The characters belong to the North Indian Kutila script of the early 8th century A.D. and closely resemble those of the Jhalrapatan stone inscription of the time of king Durgagana of V.S. 746 and Kanaswa stone inscription of Sivagana of V. S. 795. Among noteworthy forms may be mentioned final in mahat 4 (line 13) and the conjuncts ñch in kranñcha (line 14), jn in samjo (line 7), ry in acharyo (line 6), etc. Medial u is expressed usually by means of a wedge-shaped attachment as in vasudha (line 1) and occasionally by the curly form as in guni (line 10). Medial u is generally indicated by a double curl as in pujana (line 15); but two variant forms are noticed in the same line in purvā and purvaja. Medials i, i and ō have ornamental curly forms in line 1. The letter b has been indicated by the sign for v. Short wedge-shaped strokes have been frequently used in the place of a danda to mark the end of the first half of a stanza. As regards orthography, the consonants joined with a subscript r have not been generally doubled, while those in conjunction with a superscript r have been occasionally doubled. For cases of wrong sandhi, cf. yasmin=ittham (line 2; but see jualann=iva in line 9). Final m has been wrongly changed to anusvāra before a vowel in some cases.
The language is Sanskrit and the major portion of the record is in verse, composed in elegant kavya style. The record opens with the symbol for Om and an obeisance to Śiva, followed by two invocatory verses in praise of Siva and Gauri. Verse 4 describes the excellence and war-like exploits of king Nanpappa who was the son of Bhāmāna of the Rashtrakuta lineage. In the following four stanzas are praised two teachers of the Pasupata sect, viz. Vinītarasi and his disciple Danarasi. The ninth verse refers to the construction of a stone temple of Siva by Danarasi. This is followed by two stanzas charging the city (i.e. the council of the elders of the city) for the maintenance of the temple. The next verse is merely imprecatory. Verses 13 and 14 supply the year and the season when the temple was constructed. Verse 15 which is the last stanza in the record under study mentions Durgaditya who was the son of Sankara and hailed
[The inscription was noticed in IHQ, Vol. XXX, pp. 193 ff., Vol. XXXI, pp. 99 ff. It has been published in JBRS, Vol. XLI, part iv, pp. 249 ff.-Ed.]
Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 181 and Plate. Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 57 and Plate.
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Page #161

113
No. 13]
INDRAGADH INSCRIPTION OF NANNAPPA, V. 8. 767
from Gauḍa-desa. Then follows a section in prose which, after stating that the record was engraved by one Chamuṇḍasōma, furnishes details of the endowments made in favour of the temple. This section, written in faulty and ungrammatical Sanskrit, was obviously drafted by a person other than the one who composed the beautiful verses; but the entire record appears to have been engraved by the same hand.
The date of the record is expressed in words (verses 13-14 in lines 13-14). It is stated that the temple was constructed during winter when seven hundred years exceeded by sixtyseven of the [era of the] world-famous Mälava kings had elapsed. Year 767 of the Malava (Vikrama) era corresponds to 710-11 A.D.
The object is to record the construction of a temple of Siva by the Pasupata ascetic Danarasi. It is obviously represented by the excavated ruins of the temple that yielded the inscription. The inscription also records the endowments made to Guheśvara, which appears to be the name of the deity enshrined in the temple, by Deullikā, Takshullikā and Bhōginika, daughters of one Kumara of the Pragvata caste. The endowments included a house situated near the street in the western part of the fort which may be identified with the fort of Indragadh existing in ruins on the hill adjoining the site."
The inscription is interesting in various ways. Firstly, it provides epigraphic evidence of the antiquity of the Indragadh site. Secondly, it furnishes the names of two Pasupata teachers, Vinitarasi and his disciple Danarasi who built the Siva temple at Indragadh. Incidentally it proves the existence of the Pasupata sect of Saivism in Malwa during the early medieval period. Thirdly, by showing that the city was charged with the responsibility of carrying out repairs to the shrine and maintaining worship therein, the inscription throws light on one of the functions of the ancient city administration. Fourthly, this record dated in the year 767, supplies the latest date in 'the Malava era' to be found in Malwa, which is 178 years later than the Mandasaur inscription of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana of the Malava year 589. Fifthly, the name Nanpappa, ending in the Kannada honorific appa, affords another proof of the Kannada origin of the Rashtrakūtas."
But the importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it supplies the names of two new Rashtrakuta chiefs, viz. Nannappa and his father Bhamana. From the way the name of Nanpappa is mentioned in the record it is plausible to conclude that he was the reigning prince of Malwa in Mälava year 767-710-11 A. D. Now a Rashtrakuṭa prince called Nannarāja is mentioned in the Multai plates dated Saka 631 (709-10 A. D.), Tiwarkhed plates? dated Saka 553 (631-32 A. D.) and Sangalooda plates dated Saka 615 (693-94 A. D.). In these plates, which all come from Berar, Nannaraja is called son of Svamikarāja. Prof. Mirashi has shown the Tiwarkhed plates to be spurious. The dates provided for Nannaraja by the Multai plates, viz. Saka 631 (70910 A. D.), and by the Sangalooda plates, viz. Saka 615 (693-94 A. D.), come very close to the Mālava year 767 (710-11 A. D.) furnished by the present record and one is tempted to identify Rashtrakūta Nannaraja of the Berar plates with Rashtrakuta Nanpappa of the present record. The
1 The stanza in question (verse 15) says that the purva, i.e. the eulogy (cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 123), was composed by Durgaditya. In the epithet parvaja-pajana applied to pürva, the word purvaja has been used to indicate the god Siva.
* Guhêévara as the name of Siva also occurs in the Ellora plates of Dantidurga (above, Vol. XXV, pp. 25). [See below, p. 117, note 1.-Ed]
CII, Vol. III, pp. 152 ff. and Pl.
Cf. A. S. Altekar, Rashtrakutas and their Times, pp.24 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 230 ff. and Plate
Above, Vol. XI, pp. 276 ff. and Plate.
Ibid., Vol. XXIX, pp. 109 ff. and Plate Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 3.

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114
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII only discrepancy is that the name of the father of Nannaraja of the Berar records is given as Svamikarāja, while that of Nannappa is mentioned as Bhāmāna ; but this discrepancy can be solved by assuming that Bhāmāna was the biruda of Svämikaraja and that, in the metrical composition of the present record (verse 4), the biruda suited the exigencies of the metre better than the name. Nannaraja would thus become identical with Nannappa, appa being the Kannada honorific attached to the name Nanna or Nanna. If this identification be accepted, it will show that Rashtrakūta Nannarāja or Nannappa reigned from 693 to 712 A. D. and that his rule extended from Berar in the south to Malwa in the north. But from the undated Undikaväṭikā grant of Rashtrakūta Abhimanyu we know of another Rashtrakuta family ruling in circa seventh century A. D. over the Hoshanagabad-Mhow region which falls between Berar and Malwa. How could two ruling families hold sway over the same region simultaneously? The difficulty is resolved by assuming that either the two Rashtrakuta families were friendly and had agreed to have concurrent jurisdiction over the Mhow-Hoshangabad region or the two families were mutually at war trying to grab each other's territory. It is, however, more probable that the family of Abhimanyu had already passed out of the stage before the rise, in circa 693 A. D., of Nannaräja-Nannappa who could thus hold undisputed sway over the region extending from Berar in the south-east to Malwa in the north-west.
We have one more inscription mentioning Nannaräja from Berar, viz. Nagardhan plates of Svämiraja, dated in the year 322 of an unspecified era. These plates were issued from Nandivardhana by Nannaraja, brother of the reigning prince Svämiraja and differ from the other Berar plates of Nannaraja not only in respect of palaeography, but also in leaving the era as well as the name of the dynasty unspecified and in calling Nannarāja a brother of Svämiraja instead of a son of Svämikarāja. As the year 322 of the record has been shown to refer to 573 A. D., this grant antedates the Multai and Sangalooda plates by over a century, thus indicating that Nannaraja of the Nagardhan plates was different from Nannaraja of the other Berar plates. The similarity of the names and the identity of territory, however, may show that Nannaräja and Svämirāja of the Nagardhan plates were probably earlier members of the same family. If this view is accepted, we have to conclude that Nandivardhana (modern Nagardhan near Ramtek, Nagpur District), the place of issue of the Nagardhan plates, was the earlier capital of the family. Their capital was subsequently shifted to Achalapura (modern Ellichpur) which is prominently mentioned in literature as well as in the spurious Tiwarkhed plates. Padmanagara, the place of issue of the Sangalooda plates, has been identified with Padmin near the town of Akola. It appears to have been an important town in the time of Nannaraja-Nannappa, if not the new political seat of the family.
Nanna appears to have been a popular name among the Rashtrakutas and Rashtrakuta chiefs bearing this name are also known from other inscriptions. One Nanna Guņāvalōka is mentioned as the grandfather of Rashtrakuta Tunga Dharmavaloka in the latter's Bodhgaya stone inscription, dated in the year 15 of a regnal reckoning. Nanna Gunavalōka of this inscription, which is palaeographically assignable to circa 9th century A. D., is obviously not the same as Nanna of
1 [The identification does not appear to be supported by any evidence besides the contemporaneity of the two chiefs bearing similar names.-Ed.]
Ibid., Vol. VIII, pp. 165 ff. and Plate.
[The Rashtrakuta house represented by Abhimanyu ruled in the Satara-Kolhapur region of the South Maratha country about the sixth century A. D. It had little to do with Malwa. See The Classical Age, ed. by Majumdar, pp. 199-200. Ed.]
Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 1 ff. and Plate.
Ibid., p. 5.
Above, Vol. XXIX, p. 113.
R. L. Mitra, Buddha Gaya, p. 195 anl Plate.

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No, 13]
INDRAGADH INSCRIPTION OF NANNAPPA, V. S. 767
110
our record (710-11 A. D.). Similarly, Nanna referred to as the father of Rāshtrakūta Sarkaragana who issued the Daulatabad plates dated Saka year 715 (793 A. D.), too, cannot be identified with Nanna of our record due to the considerable gap of time between the two. A Rāshtrakūta Nannarāja is mentioned in a Prakrit inscription engraved in nail-headed characters of the 8th or 9th century A. D. on the back wall of the chapel between caves XXVI and XXVII at Ajanta. On account of closer proximity of time and place, Nannarāja of the Ajanta inscription may more plausibly be identified with Nanna of the Daulatabad plates than with the homonymous chief of our record.
The Bayana memorial stone inscription, palaeographically datable in circa 8th century A. D., also refers (without specifying the family name) to a prince called Ņaņņa during whose reign one Durgāditya was killed in the course of a fight at a place called Pimpala-Gaundala. Mere identity of name and similarity of script do not warrant the identification of this prince with Ņaņņa of our record, as the tract of Bayana is not contiguous with the known extent of Nannarāja-Nannappa's kingdom.
The feudatory status of the family of Nannarāja-Nannappa is indicated by the non-a88umption of paramount titles by any member of the family. We should also note the fact that Svāmirāja of the Nagardhan plates bears the significant epithet bhattāraka-padanuddhyāta. The paramount rulers of Berar in the time of Svāmirāja (573 A. D.) were the Kalachuris who were ousted early in the 7th century A. D. by the Chalukyas of Badami. The territories of Pulakēsin II (610-42 A. D.) who is credited with the conquest of the three Mahārashtrakas included Berar and also probably Malwa which continued to form part of the Chalukya empire in the time of his successors, viz. Vikramaditya I (655-80 A. D.), Vinayaditya (681-96 A. D.), and Vijayaditya (697-733 A. D.). The last two were the Chälukys suzerains of Nannarāja-Nannappa.
TEXT [Metres: Verses 1, 4, 6 Sragdhara; verses 2-3, 8 Sārdūlavikridita ; verses 5, 7, 9-15 Anzashubh.]
1 ॐ नमः शिवाय ॥ सूचीपातेन सद्यः प्रचलति वसुधा कम्पते नागराजः
पादोद्धारेण नीतो इज इव धवलो. दुग्धसिन्धुर्विभाति । दोर्दण्डश्च
WHE: - 2 रपि गिरयो जातपक्षा[*] प्रयान्ति यस्मिनि(नि)त्थं प्रनृत्ते भवति जगदिदं
सोस्तु भूत्यै भवो वः ॥ [१॥* प्राप्तं तस्य फलं मयाच तपसो यत्तत्कृतं तत्पुरः(रो) यन्मे मूर्टिन
1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 195 ff. and Plate. *G. Yazdani, Ajanta, Part IV, Text, pp. 121 ff. and Plate. . Arch. Surv., West. Circ., An. Rep., 1908-09, p. 49.
•[A ruler named Nannappa, who seems to have belonged to the Rashtrakata lineage and ruled about the olone of the seventh and beginning of the eighth century, is known from the Salem plates of Ganga Sripurusha, datod Beka 693 (771 A. D.). Soe above, Vol. XXVII, p. 147 and note 5, pp. 335-36. For an earlier ruler named Nanna who may not have been a Räehtrakata, The Classical Age, p. 197. -Ed.]
[This is oxtremely doubtful. There is a yot no evidence to show that the Indragadh region formed. part of the dominians of the Chilukyw of Bidikmi. It is also not certain that Nappappa was a feudatory rulor.--Ed.)
From the original stone and inked im Expressed by symbol.

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116
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII 3 पदं करोति हर हे त्वल्लालिता जाह्नवी । गेहं यामि पितुर्गहाण तनयं.
सोढुं न शक्तास्म्यहं(हम्) एवं मन्युभरालसं गिरिजया प्रोक्तो हरः पातु
वः ॥ [२॥*] श्रीमत्कङ्कण- .. 4 पन्नगेन्द्रशिरसि ज्वालावलीभासुरो यस्तिष्ठत्यमलो मणिस्तदुदरे संक्रान्तविम्व(म्ब)
द्युति(तिम्) । रूपं भर्तुरपे(वे)क्ष्य लज्जितमुखी गौरी मनोहर्षणं रोमांचं दधती
6 विवाहसमये नित्यं शिवायास्तु वः ॥ [३॥* यस्मिन्दृष्टेरिवन्दं घटितगजघटापीठ
मप्याहवेषु क्षिप्रं याति प्रणाशं क्रमसमुपचितं स्वं परित्यज्य मा8 नं (नम्) [*] भामानस्य प्रसूतिः प्रकटितयशसो राष्ट्रकूटान्वयस्य श्रीणण्णप्पः
स राजा जयति निजगुणाज्जिताशेषलोकः ॥ [४॥*] आसीत्पाशुपताचार्यों रु7 द्रशृङ्खलिकाग्रणीः *] विनीतराशिसंज्ञो यः शान्तः प्रसवगोचरी ॥ [५॥*] यः __ख्यातो भूतलेस्मिन्प्रकटपृथुयशाः सत्ययुक्त: सुशान्तो विद्वां(द्वाज) ज्ञानी 8 कृतज्ञः सकलवसुमतीमण्डनो भावितात्मा । नित्यं राज्ञां समूहज़तचरणयुगाब्द
(ब्द)शास्त्रे स्वभिज्ञो निष्पन्नः शिष्यसंघेरनवरतमभिष्ट्रय
9 मानः सुशीलः ॥ [६॥*] अभवत्तस्य शिष्यो यः (यस्) तपश्शक्त्या ज्वलन्निव ।
दानराशिरिति ख्यातः शशाङ्ककरनिर्मलः ॥ [७] शास्त्रार्थप्रविचार निर्मलमतिर्वा
10 ग्मी गुणभूषितः शान्तात्मा प्रथमः प्रकाशयशसां नित्यं दयालु शं (शम्) ।
योगाभ्यासवशादतीन्द्रियगतज्ञानेन यो विश्रुतः शिष्याध्यापनसक्तधी11 रतितरामीशस्य कार्ये रतः ॥ [८॥*] स्वयम्भोर्लोकनाथस्य शैलं शीलवता स्वयं (यम्)।
तेनेदं कारितं दिव्यं मन्दिरं मन्दरोपमं (मम्) ॥ [e*I] खण्डि]स्फुटितसंस्कारः 12 स्वातन्त्र्यं चात्र कीर्तने । नगरेणव कर्त्तव्यं स-सानाथ्यकारिणा ॥ [१०॥*1
अपरोपि हि यः कश्चिन(न)गरानुमते स्थितः [*] पुनः करोति संस्कार
तस्यानुज्ञातमे13 व हि ॥ [११॥*] यावा र्लोकपालाश्च यावच्चाम्बु(म्बु)षयः स्थिराः । तावदास्तां
स्थिरं शम्भोरिदमायतनं महत ॥ [१२॥*] सप्तषष्यधिके याने वर्षाणां तसप्तके ।

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INDRAGADH INSCRIPTION OF NANNAPPA, V. S. 767.
';' zয নৈময় ' গল:যথ7pnমরু বরন খুন' '
বৃন যখৃ2 / যযযয়বহিষায় 'ব৷'ঘনফx'
হয়|zz । যবন্না !!"সবথেlzn0zনমদ্য কনমন?s'":: : . x7 | | যী 'an'পিযযযযযযযয যয়নঃশ্বাস পর্যন্ত।
'নফস নব'ষষঃ(যথাযথযথ ময়ুযs" 'য'।যদিওযষ্ট/বাবধুযাযonaখ হ'ব বুলি ধৰাৰঃ।। ।ত'ধর্ম কী: সীর 'পঃপঃযমষ's18 তম বয়'
যযযযযযু'ত্রিকা 'এ' য়ুৰ মুফতযুদ্বুদষয়বস্তু থামব যদি 'স ও স ত্যদিষযমুন'"'দবি'র নববনঃস্ব, য'সে ||ন |
এ বনে যয যযযমন হয় না)'হীখ্রিষাৰ মন যাপনCয়স মরু’ | বল' মস্তবতঃস্বত্মস' বৰদনবদ'স্বর্যবধি যত য'য।।
ৰ ৰ ! 12 ''মামার বসবে। বাথরুয়:নিষত্ৰণৰ হব ।
ব্য বহ'যে'ঘ'ঘষাঘষ্টি হ'বহুমারিত্যযযযয ফ'ৰ (ষষু ল (' 'মম'। 14] যথেষ'ণ'হথ ঘূর্ণবৈধ'যম৷৷'ব্য বংশবনমাম দ ' , 'ল '" ।
a Uমন বহতম দ যমুন// ষাযৱল''"বাসি0178):. 16 {{দনবউ'কুন্নবীনিব'
ফেযব ধ ষঃযবধাদব' বরবলি "?”ৰ {{{{{ দা hd যায/স স সব গ0%য়া যযযয য' ও '২৫ ব :1"'s;a৭ ন'বনঃ খাম'ৰ'সাপ্তাদির "যিষিদফতৃতায়''। ('যুবা'"'ন' '। ৪।
10.
10
14
Scale : Two-fifths

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No. 13] INDRAGADH INSCRIPTION OF NANNAPPA, V.B. 787 117 14 मालवानां नरेन्द्राणां पृथिव्यां विश्रुतात्मनां(नाम्) ॥ [१३॥*] हंसकारण्डवक्रौञ्च
निनादसुभगेनिले । काले शरदि संप्राप्ते कृतं देवालयं त्विदं (दम्) ॥ [१४॥*]
गौडदेशोद्भव16 स्येयं शङ्करस्यात्मजेन तु । दुर्गादित्येन [विाहिता पूर्वा पूर्वजपूजना ॥ [१५॥"]
__उत्कीणा महावृतिना चामुण्डसोमेन ॥०॥ प्राग्वाटजात्यः(तीयः) कुमारः त-. 18 स्य दुहितरः देउल्लिका तक्षुल्लिका भोगिनिका तृस्र(तिम्रो)पि स्वप्रतिपत्या त्प्र(प्र)तिग्रहपात्रं
प्रयच्छन्ति य देषां(प्रासाम्) इह कोट्टाभ्यन्तरे अववरकपूर्वाभिमुख प्रतिग्रहाया17 त' यस्याघाटनानि पूर्वतो(तः) अक्षणं क्षुरभोग्यं सुवीथि च दक्षिणतो(तः) अन्तिम गृहमर्यादा
पश्चिमतो लिकापात उत्तरतोस्यैवो(वा)ववरकभित्तिमर्यादा एवं चतुराघ[]18 टनोपलक्षितः परलोकसाधनार्थे गुहेश्वराय प्रतिपादितमिति' ॥ इह कोट्टाभ्यन्तरे
पश्चिमप्रतोलीसमीपे पूर्वाभिमुखं गृहं यस्याघाटनानि पूर्वतः रथ्या मा19 र्गः दक्षिणतः ।
Read avararakad püro-abhimukhah sad pratigrahāva dattah. The word avavaraka is the same u Pali braraka meaning 'a store room'. ....
* The letter ma has been engraved below ni.
[Read Opadita iti.-Ed.)

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No. 14-THREE CHANDELLA CHARTERS
(2 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND About the middle of 1955 I went to Banaras in order to examine and copy the inscriptions preserved at the Bharat Kala Bhavan, now attached to the Hindu University. On that occasion, Rai Krishnadasji, the founder-curator of the Kala Bhavan, was kind enough to lend me pencilrubbings of four copper-plate grants for examination. The rubbings enabled me to decipher the major parts of all the four inscriptions. But, for the publication of the records, an examination of the original plates was necessary. I therefore requested Rai Krishnadasji to secure the inscriptions for the Kala Bhavan and also to give me an opportunity of examining them when acquired. About the end of the year, I was glad to receive for examination three out of the four inscriptions, which, I was told, had been secured for the Kala Bhavan through the generosity of Seth G. D. Birla. All the three grants belong to the Chandēlla dynasty, one to king Madanavarman
(known dates between 1129 and 1163 A. D.) and two to his grandson and successori Paramardin · (known dates between 1167 and 1202 A. D.). These three inscriptions are edited in the following
pages with the permission of Rai Krishnadasji. I was not supplied with any information regarding the findspot of the records and the story of their discovery; but, when I visited Banaras again about the close of 1957, I was informed that all the four copper-plate grants had been purchased from Shri Thakur Das Jain alias Jain Master of Tikamgarh (also called Tehri), capital of the former Orchha State which was originally merged in Vindhya Pradesh and now forms a part of Madhya Pradesh. From whom and where the said gentleman secured the plates, however, remains as yet unknown. It may be mentioned in this connection that the last of the four inscriptions, obtained by the Kala Bhavan from the source referred to above, was received by me sometime later about the end of 1956 and was found on examination to be a charter issued by the Pratihāra king Hariraja from his camp at Siyadoni in Vikrama Samvat 1040 (984 A. D.) on the occasion of a solar eclipse. This inscription has already been published in the pages of this journal. I take this opportunity to offer my sincere thanks to Rai Krishnadasji for his kindness which has enabled me to place the results of my study of the records before the students of Indian history.
The three Chandēlla charters published below resemble other known copper-plate grants of the family in respect of palaeography, orthography and style. Among the three grants, the resemblance in these respects is of course closer between the two records of Paramardin than between those and the charter of Madanavarman. The engraving of the letters is carefully and beautifully done in all the plates, although the preservation of the writing on Paramardin's inscriptions is more satisfactory than in the case of Madanavarman's charter. There is little difference between the forms of the letters ch and v and this fact renders the reading of personal and geographical names doubtful in some cases. The same difficulty is sometimes also noticed in
1 Paramardin's father Yalvarman apparently predeceased his father Madanavarman. But the epithet mah-buara-sir-mari(i.e. 'the crest-jewel of great rulers'), applied to Yaboverman in the Bateswar insoription (above, Vol. I, p. 209, verse 8) has led some scholars to believe that he had a very short tenure of power, after which he was succeeded by his son Paramardi' (Ray, DENI, p. 712). The epithet, however, is justified even if Yalvarman was the ruler of a district under his father. If Paramardin really succeeded his father, the latter's name abould not have been omitted from the former's cbarters. Seo above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 309 1.
(118)

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No. 14) THREE CHANDELLA CHARTERS
119 determining the value of a sign which may be taken to be either as the ā-mätrā of the preceding consonant or the e-mätră of the following letter. The subscript r often resembles the subscript v. The sign for v indicates b as well; but the sign for b seems to be used in Ambarisha in line 26 of Madanavarman's grant. Subscript g in rgg looks like n. As regards orthography, it may be noticed that often the class nasal is used for anusvāra and vice versa. Some consonants have been redoubled in conjunction with r. The spelling of sankrānta (for sankranta) and purassara respectively in lines 7 and 15 of Madanavarman's grant is interesting.
1. Plates of Madanavarman, V. S. 1192 This is a set of two plates which are rather thick and heavy and have writing only on the inner side. Each of the plates measures about 17.6" by 16". For the protection of the writing, copper bands are fixed with copper rivets on the margins of the inscribed sides of the plates. There is a hole in both the plates apparently to hold them together by means of a ring. But the ring seems to be lost. The figure of seated Gajalakshmi is engraved in a space measuring 2.1" by 1.7" about the middle of the upper part of the inscription on the first plate, thereby disturbing the continuity of the writing in lines 1-3. This was the royal emblem, by which the Chandēllas used to authenticate their oharters in lieu of a regular seal. There are altogether 43 lines of writing, 22 on the first plate and 21 on the second. The two plates together weigh 600 tolas.
The charter was issued by the Chandölla king Madanavarman on Tuesday, Chaitra-vadi 8, Vishuva-sankranti, in V.8. 1192. The date corresponds to the 24th March 1136 A.D. if the month is regarded as Amānta.
The record begins with a variant of the symbol for siddham followed by the word svcsti. Then follows the stanza generally used in Chandella grants to introduce the family of the Chandrātrēya (Chandēlla) kings. This is followed by a passage in prose which introduces the reigning monarch, Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramēsvara Madanavarman who was a devout worshipper of the god Mahësvara (Siva) and the lord of Kalajara. The king is described as the successor of Paramabhatļāraka Mahārājädhiraja Paramèévara Prithvivarman who himself succeeded Paramabhattāraka Mahārāja dhiraja Paramëkvara Kirtivarman and as belonging to the family rendered famous by the birth of suoh heroes as Jayasakti and Vijayasakti. The above is followed in lines 4-7 by two stanzas eulogising king Madanavarman. The first of these, already known from the Semra plates' of Paramardin, says how the creator endowed the king with a multitude of good qualities. The second verse says how the king's liberality put the mythical wish-fulfilling trees on the golden mountain (Sumēru) to shame.
The grant portion begins in line 7 and records the king's order addressed to the Brāhmaṇas and other people including officials, agriculturists, scribes, messengers, physicians, mahattaras (heads of villages), Mēdas and Chandālas, assembled at Valahaudā-grāma in the vishaya or district of Mahisinöha. The order was in respect of the grant of 23 padas out of 8 padas of cultivated land in the said village, which was made by the king on the date discussed above from his camp at Parēyi-gräma. The donee was the Brāhmana, Pandita Sömēšarman, who belonged to the Kautsa gotra and the Angirasa, Ambarisha and Yauvanāśva pravaras. He was the son of shakkura sri-Śrīpāla, grandson of Dvivěda Sabărana and great-grandson of Avasathin (probably meaning 'the teacher of a school') Dévadha. His family hailed from the Bhatt-ägrahāra of Păţaliputra. Whether the gift land was made a rent-free holding is not clearly stated in the inscription.
The record of the above grant is followed by that of others made in favour of two other Brahmaņas," the first of whom was Dikshita Nārāyaṇaśarman who belonged to the Gautama götra
Above, Vol. IV, p. 167.
They received the grants in the same village in exchange for other lands in their possession apparently for the sake of convenience.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII and the Gautama, Angirasa and Ayasya pravaras. He was the son of Dikshita Devendra, grandson of Dikshita Vamanasvamin and great-grandson of Dikshita Kesava, and his family hailed from the Bhatt-agrahara of Panikavada. It is stated that originally Astavala-grāma in Erachchhapattala was granted to Nārāyaṇasarman in exchange for the lands in his possession at Pipalahā in Tintiri-pattala, Vasauha in Kõlava-pattala, Goula in Vändiuri-pattala, Dādari in Navaratha-pattalā and Dēnavāda in Mahisipēha-pattala. Now the king granted to the same Brahmana four padas of land (apparently at Valahauḍā-grāma in Mahisiņēha-pattala) in exchange for Astavala gräma and the land in his possession at Pipalahä-grāma in Tintiri-pattală as well as his lands at Valahauda-grāma in Mahisiņēha-pattala and Davaha(or Davēha)-grāma in Nandavana(or Nandavēņa)-pattala which he had received respectively from Nadūka, the priest attached to Rajni Lakhamādēvi, and Sōmeka, son of Thakkura śri-Sripala.1
The third donee was the Brahmana Sahajusarman who was a brother of Sōmesarman or Sömēka mentioned above. It is stated that he received from the king 13 padas of land (apparently at Valahauḍā-grāma in Mahisiņēha-pattala) in exchange for his lands at Pipalaha-grāma in Tintiripattala and Mahuali-grāma in Kōlavā-pattală. He is stated to have received the lands in the two villages respectively from Mahārājñi Vālhaṇadevi and Rājñi Chandaladēvi (or Chandēladevi). It is said that these grants were made by the queens with the king's permission.
The conditions of the grant, which are the same as in other Chandella charters, are quoted in lines 29-33. Some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas are quoted in lines 34-40. This is followed by a passage conveying the king's consent to the grants and must have been originally endorsed by the king himself on the original document that was later engraved on the plates. Then follow in lines 41-43 two stanzas, the first of which says that the copper-plate charter was written by the Dharma-lekhin Südha who belonged to the Västavya community. The same person also wrote the Augasi plate of the same king. The contractions tha and si before his name in that record stand for thakkura and éri respectively. The same verse was utilised with slight modification by Prithvidhara and Subhananda who wrote respectively the Semra and Pachar copper-plate grants of Paramardin. The present plates were engraved by the vijñānin Ühēņa who belonged to the Ritikara (i.e. Kamsyakära or brazier) community. The record concludes with amangala and a set of three symbols or contractions thrice quoted. The meaning of these cannot be determined.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kalañjara is the well-known hill-fort in the Banda District of U. P., which was one of the centres of Chandella power. The grant was made when the king was staying at Pareyi-grama while the various plots of gift land were situated at Valahauda-grama in the vishaya or pattala (i.e. district) of Mahisiņēha. The families of the donees hailed from Paṭaliputra, rather inaccurately called a Bhatt-agrahara (i.e. a rent-free locality in the possession of learned Brahmanas), and Panikavaḍa-bhaṭṭagrahara. Paṭaliputra is no other than the well-known ancient city of that name, which stood near modern Patna in Bihar. The other villages mentioned are: (1) Pipalaha in Tintiti-pattala, (2) Vasauha in Kōlavapattala, (3) Gōula in Vandiuri-pattala, (4) Dādari in Navaratha-pattala, (5) Dēnavāda in Mahisipēha-pattala, (6) Astavala in Erachchha-pattala, (7) Davaha or Daveha in Nandāvana (or Nandavēņa)-pattala and Mahuali in Kōlava-pattala. The pattala of Nandavana or Nandavēņa is mentioned in the Ichchhawar plate of Paramardin as Nandavaṇa-vishaya which may be identified
1 It may also be that lands in Davaha and Pipalaha were received from these persons. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 202, 207 .
Above, Vol. IV, p. 170.
Ibid, Vol. X, p. 49.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 205.

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No. 14] THREE CHANDELLA CHARTERS
: 19 with the district round Ichchhawar in the Pailani Tahsil of the Banda District. Erachchhapattalā may be the same as the Erachha vishaya of the Mahoba plate, the name of which has been preserved in that of modern Erich on the Betwa, about sixty miles from Mahoba. Navarathapattalā seems to be the same as the Navarashtra-mandala vishaya of the Charkhari plates, whilo the names of Vandiuri, Tintiri-pattalā and Pipalahā remind us respectively of the Banda Distriot, the Teonthar Tahsil of the former Rewa State and the Pipaloau durga mentioned in the Alhaghat inscription. The district of Navarăshtra was situated on the river Yamunā.
TEXTS [Metres : verses 1,4-9, 13 Anushțubh ; verses 2-3 Śārdūlavikridita ; verse 10 Indravajrā; verse
11 Salini ; verse 12 Mālini.]
First Plate 1 Siddham Svasti Jayaty-ablādayan=visvar Visvēsvara-siro-dhritaḥ| Chandrātrēya-nard
ndrānām vansas-chandra iv=ojjvalah || [1*] tatra pravarddhamānē vi2 rödhi-vijaya-bhrājishnu-Jayasakti-Vijayasakty-ādi-vir-āvirbhāva-bhāsvarē paramabhattā
raka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēsvara-sri-Kirttiva3 rmmadēva-pād-ānudhyāta-paramabhattāraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēsvara-sri-Prithvi
varmmadēva-pād-anudhyāta-paramabhattāraka-maharajadhira4 ja-paramēśvara-paramamāhēśvara-sri-Kālaħjar-ādhipati-Sriman-Madanavarmmadovo
vijayi || Saundaryam-Makaradhvajē jalani5 dhau gambbiryam=aryē divõ=py=aišvarya Dhishaņē dhiyaṁ cha Tapasaḥ satyam cha
vācham sutēl spishţv=ābhyāsa-vasā(sā)d=gatē parinatim nirmmāņa-silpē dhru6 vam yatr=āsau niramāyy=ananya-sadrigo Dhātrā guņānām ganah || [2*] api cha Tan
naḥ sarvva-samihit-artha-ghatană-lapdha(bdha)-pratishtham janē rājni=ānēna manõrath
ādhika7 dhana-tyāgaiḥ pramrishtam yasaḥ yad-dānād=iti lajjitairaiva chiram chămikar-adri
sthali-sankrā(samkrā)nta-pratimair=adho-mukhatayı kalpadrumaiḥ sthiyatē [ 3*]
sa ēsha 8 durvvishahatara-pratapa-tapita-sakala-ripu-kulah kula-vadhum=iva vasundharām nira
kulām paripālayann=avikala-vivēkam(ka)-nirmmalikrita-matiḥ | Ma9 hisiņēha-vishay-antaḥpāti-Valahaudā-grām-opagatăn-Vrā(n=Brā)hmaṇān=anyāms-cha
manyān=adhikritān-kutumpi(mbi)-kayastha-duta-vaidya-mahattaran-Mēda-Chandă10 la-paryantān=sarvvān=samvõ(bo)dhayati samājñāpayati ch=āstu vaḥ samviditam yath=
Õpari-likhitë-smin=grimē sa-jala-sthalē sa-sthāvara-jangamē sva-sim-ā[va]chchhinna
s-ā 11 dha-īrddhvē bhūta-bhavishyad-va[*]ttamāna-niņšēsh-ātā(dā)ya-sahitē pratishiddha-chal.
ardli-pravēšē cha kshata-pad-ashtaka-madhyo-smābhiraibha-kalabha-karņņa-tāla-terala.
[in*) dra12 viņa-sampadam pratipadya vidyud-aloka-lõlupaṁ cha lõk-adhi[pa*]tyam matvä matt
āngan-āpānga-vibhrama-bhanguram cha jagaj-jivitam=avadhārya paryanta-paritāpi13 nim=āpāta-mātra-madhurām ch=āšēsha-vishaya-paramparām paribhāvya rambhā-stambha
vad-asāram samsāram=avalokya lök-antara-sahacharam dharmmam ēkam=ākalava• dbhiḥ 1 Abovo, Vol. XVI, pp. 9 ff.
• Ibid., Vol.XX, pp. 126 ff. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 213-14.
. From the original plates and impressions. • Expressed by symbol.
• Botter read ashfakanáris madhye with the preceding
Adjectives in the sixth vase-onding plural.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
14 Paröyl-grāma-samāvāsē dvi-navaty-adhika-bat-opāta-rahasratamē samva(samva)
tsarē Chaitrē māsi Krippa (shņa)-pakshē pafchaggarh(myām) tithāv-ankato-pi
Samva(Samva)t 1192 Chaitra vadi 5 15 Bhaumē Vishuvat-samkrāntau punya-tirth-odakēna vidhivatagnātvå dēva-manushya
pitsin-samtarpya Bhāskara-püja-purassaram char-āchara-gurum bhagavantam Bha
vāni-patim abhyarchchya hutabhuji 16 hutvā mātā-pitror=ātmanagecha punya-yāsā-vivșiddhayė Pataliputra-bhattāgrahāra
vinirggatāya Kautsa-gotrāya Angirasa-Amva(-Amba)risha-Yau17 vanāšva-tripravarāya Avasathi-Dāvadha-prapautrāya Dvivēda-Sahārana-pautrāya thakkura
sri-Srīpāla-putrāya pandita-Sömēšarmmaņē Vra(Bra)hmaņa18 ya kusa-latā-pūtēna hast-õdaköna svasti-vāchana-pūrvva[m] chandr-ärkka-sama-kälan
putra-pautr-ady-anvay-ānugāmitvēna sāsanam kļitvā sa-pādam pada-dvayam datta19 m tatha Panikavada-bhattāgrahāra-vinirggatāya Gautama-gotrāya Gautama-A(m-A)
ngirasa-A(8-A)ya(ya)(sya)-tripravaraya Dikshita-Kēšava-prapautrāya Dikshita-Vāma20 nasvāmi-pautrāya Dikshita-Dēvēndra-putrāya Dikshita-Nārāyanaśarmmaņē Vrā(Brā)
hmaņāya Ti[m*]tiri-pattalāyām Pipalahă| Kolavā-pattalāyām Vasauhā| 21 Vandiuri-pattalāyām Goula | Navaratha-pattalāyām Dadari | Mahisiņāha-pattalāyām
Dēnavāda ēshu-grāmēshv=ētadiyām 22 bhūmim=ādāya präk-parivarttē dattam=Erachchha-pattalāyām-Astavāla-grāmam 11
Mahisiņāha-pattalāyām Valahauda-grāmē ch=ai.
Second Plate 23 tadiyar bhumim rājki-Lakhamadēvi(vi)-satka-purohita-Nădükēnāsya dattatvan-Nanda
vana-pattalāyām Dāvaha -grā24 mě ch=aitadiyāṁ bhūmim Thakkura-sri-Sripāla-putra-Somēkēn=āsya dattatvāt=Timtiri
pattalāyāṁ Pipalahā-grā26 mē ch=aitadiyām bhūmim grihitvā parivarttē pada-chatushțaya[m] dattam tathā
Papaliputra-bhattagrahara-vininggataya Kautsa-götrāya Angi26 rasa-A (8-A)mbarisha-Yauvanāsva-tripravarāya Avasathi-Dēvadha-prapautrāya Dvi
vēda-Saharana-pautrāya Thakkura-fri-Srīpāla-putrāya Pandi27 ta-Sahajūsa (sa)rmmaņē Vrā(Brā)hmaņāya mahārājñi-sri-Vâlhanadēvy=āsmad-anumatyā
Timtiri-pattalāyām Pipalahā-grāmē dattatvád=ētadiyām bhūmim ra28 jõi-sri-Chandaladēvya ch=āsmad-anumatyä Kolavā-pattalāyāṁ Mahuāli-grāmē datta
tvād=ētadiyam bhūmim=ādāya parivarttē pād-ona-pa[da]-dvayam datta29 m=iti matvā bhavadbhir=ājña-6[r*]avana-vidhĒyair=bhūtvā bhöga-pasu-hiranya-kara-bulk
ādi-sarvvam=ēbhyaḥ samupanētavyam tad=ēnamē(d=ē)shām sa-mandi[ra]30 prākāram sa-nirggama-pravēkarh B&-Baryv-aban-ēkshu-kusuma(sumbha)-[kā]rppäsa-san
amra-madhuk-adi-bhūruham sa-vana-khani-nidhānam sa-lõha-lavana-triņa-parņn-ădy-ā31 kata sa-talla-tadãga-nadi-parvvatam sa-gartta-chatvar-ösharam sa-kāshth-ēshtaka
pāshäņam sa-gõkulam sa-kiru-karshaka-vanig-västavya sa-pasu-mriga-viha1 The danda w superfluous.
on. * The reading may also be Nandavena. •The reading may also be Davtha. •The reading may also be Chand clao.

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THREE CHANDELLA CHARTERS ---PLATE
1. PLATES OF MADANAVARMAN, V.S. 1192 शामताडसिटाडिदिना R ASHशातत्तापागातलाशाजावाजा जातवमानात यावातजामता विकासालानालिटता (ISMALखाललनालटारकातदाताहतातनायतामसवमा कतिवर
मीदवपासना सतावातावातावावीत मावणादानद्यालयवादालतमालाविता AST ममाह सयोकालमापतिपतिया मनदिनतमीरातातिमालसोट रामाला वाडदलाल - नितानीमाटीदिवासियमविवागवितास. मलंगावतात साताराक्षासासवसाजातविणताज नाशिानामा वाम TED हालाचातायाlageपितात तसाहिताशाजालपातिमानवताना माजामाविका 6 वटा पाराशायदानातितहतिरिवविधान काराहिलासमा प्रतिमिराकायतसावताइन वागतासाष 8.८वसतिगत पत्ता पतसलेलाडीलालवानिवत मुन जानराकलापपालगनविललक्षिवनिमलाकृतमानमान 8 Likldediaपातितलाह(डायनाचता तामगानीमायानावतिर म हताच रातातिमाविष्ट 10 मासाला वादातसमाजोपदातियाळ वसविजिटासापालातोटी योनि सनिचलीबारडान्हाजमाता जिजामा 10
तितलावातमान(REMECHHEतिवसाहनवाजवीतहारकामायन लावतजलतका तालतानाई 12 विपतिवटावियदानातालालापवालादामहालातावापाजावतमातहरतिहत्तरदाक्तिमतमीलाल 12 Poliतमात्मा गातारामतिसमाराविधानमालसावदसारसमरिमवावाजालाकानरसहितम्तमानकामा ताल 14 बाबासमतावासहितताविपासालापतसहसतामता लावावारमासिकात पापमयमानुसावकासित र ४ रचितारिका
वववत्सलाबाजारातापदावननितिमातातिमनुप्रापिरवातीला भाडामावतावत्यसलामवातवानापतिमा तिमा 16 वास्ता पालामा मानवणारा माजातिवहाराणीलिपलनहायतारविनिमतादातासातास्तार मानिसमा 16
जिससे अन्य वाचकगण इसका उपयोग कर सकें.
समयावधि में शीघ्र वापस करने की कृपा करें. इस ग्रन्थ के अभ्यास का कार्य पूर्ण होते ही नियत
नम्र सूचन
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No. 14]
THREE CHANDELLA CHARTERS
123
32 ngama-jalacharam=aparair=api sim-āntarggatair=vvastubhiḥ sahita[in] sa-vā(bā)hy-abhya
ntar-ādāyam bhuñjänänän karshatām karshayatām dān-adhāna-vikrayam vā
kurvvatam 33 na kēnachit-kāchid=vādha karttavyā a tra raja-rajapurush-āțavika-chat-adibhiḥ
svam svam=ābhāvyaṁ parihartta vyam=idań ch=āsmad-dānam=anāchchhēdyam=anā
hāryam 34 ch=ēti bhāvibhir=api bhūmi-pälaih pälaniyam=it[i] || uktam cha | Sankham bhadr-Isanam
chhattraṁ var-āśvā vara-vāraņāḥ, bhūm[i]-dānasya pushpāņi phalaṁ sva35 rggah Purandara || [4*] Sauvarņņā yatra prāsādā vasõr=ddhārās=cha kāmadāḥ Gan
dharvv-Apsaraso yatra tatra gachchhanti bhūmidāḥ || [5*] Bhümin yah pratigrihņāti 36 yas-cha bhūmim prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmāņau niyatam svargga-gāminau ||
[6*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi svarggē vasati bhūmidaḥ | achchhē37 ttä сh=anumantā cha tāny=ēva narakë vasēt || [7*] Sva-dattāın para-dattām vā yo harēta
vasundharām sa vishțhāyām krimir-bhūtvā pitfibhiḥ saha majja38 ti || [8*] Suvarņņam=ēkam gām=ēkāṁ bhūmēr=apy=ēkam=argulam | haran=narakam=ăpnoti
yāvad=āhūta-samplavam || [9*] Yan=iha dattāni purā narēndrai39 ræddānāni dharmm-artha-yasaskarāṇi nirmmālya-vänta-pratimāni tāni ko nama sādhuh
punar-ādadīta || [10*] Sarvvān=ētān=bhāvinaḥ parthivē40 ndrān=bhūyo bhūyo yachatë Rāmabhadraḥ sāmänyõ=yam dharmma-sēturensipāņāih
kālē kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhir=iti(dbhiḥ || 11 | iti) sva-hastõ=yam śrīma41 n-Madanavarmmadēvasya matam=mamal Virachita-subha-karmm-önnäma-Väsatvya
vamsyah sakala-guna-gaņānām vē[8]ma' Südh-abhidhāna) | ali42 khad=avani-pālasy=ājñaya dharmma-lēkhi sphuţa-lalita-nivēbair-aksharais-tāmra-paţtam ||
[12] Ohēņo nāma vijñāni rītikāra43 kul-odbhavaḥ uchchakāra śubh-ākārām=imām=akshara-san hatim || [13*) bubham=astu
sarvva-jagata iti || 6 thu [u] || 6 thū u || 6 th[ū u) ||
2. Plate of Paramardin, V. S. 1239 This is a single plate measuring about 15-2" in length and 11.7" in height. In order to protect the writing, which is on one side of the plate, four copper bands of a width of about 1' are fixed with copper rivets on all the four borders of the inscribed side. There are altogether 20 lines of writing. In the central part of the upper section of the inscription, a space about 2.3" square is occupied by the engraved figure of seated Gajalakshmi which has disturbed the continuity of the writing of lines 1-4. In the middle of the last line of the inscription & space measuring 1.6" in length is left blank apparently for a hole that would have been required if the inscription had continued on a second plate. The plate together with the rivetted border bands weighs 282 tolas.
The date of the document is quoted in lines 8-9 as Tuesday, Phålguna-vadi 4, V.S. 1239. It corresponds to the 23rd February 1182 A.D. if the year is regarded as curreut.
The beginning of the record in lines 1-6 is similar to that of Madanavarman's grant edited above. But, instead of Madanavarman, Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paraméávara Paramardin, who was likewise a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara and the lord of Kalabjara, is introduced
1 Originally sma was written.

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124
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
here as the successor of Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramēśvara Madanavarman who himself succeeded Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramēšvara Prithvivarman and as belonging to the family of the Chandratreya rulers. There is no versified eulogy of the reigning monarch in the present record as in Madanavarman's grant.
The grant portion beginning in line 6 records the king's order addressed to the Brahmaņas and others assembled at Vavauḍā-grāma in the Duḍuhi vishaya. The order relates to the grant of the said village, made by the king when he was stationed at Sallakshaṇavilāsapura, on the date discussed above, in favour of Pam Padumadharaśarman (i.e. Pandita Padmadharaśarman) who belonged to the Kautsa gōtra and Vājasanēya śākhā and was the son of Tha (i.e. Thakkura) Dhaim, grandson of Tha Sripala and great-grandson of Tha Sahārana. His family hailed from Pataliputra-nagara. It will be seen that the donee of this grant was the son of a brother of Sōmēsarman or Sōmēka known from Madanavarman's charter.
The conditions of the grant (lines 13-17) are similar to those of Madanavarman's charter. The imprecatory and benedictory stanzas are quoted in lines 17-19. This is followed by the king's endorsement on the original document that was later copied on the plates. Line 20, with which the record ends, mentions the Dharma-lekhin Thakkura Vishnuka who wrote the charter and Palhana who engraved it on the plates. The other charters of Paramardin were also engraved by Palhana who is called a pitalahāra (brazier) in the Semra plates1 of 1165 A. D., silpin and varnaghatana-vaidagdhi-viśvakarman in the Ichchhawar plate of 1171 A. D. and the Pachar plate3 of 1176 A. D. and vijñanin in the Mahoba plate of 1173 A. D. But Vishnuka was not the writer of any of those charters. The writer of the first three grants was Prithvidhara and that of the fourth charter Subhananda, both belonging to the Västavya-Kayastha community.
Of geographical names, the inscription mentions, besides Kālañjara, Sallakshaṇavilāsapura, whence the grant was made by the king, and the gift village of Vavauḍā in Duḍuhi-vishaya. Sallakshana vilāsapura seems to have been named after Sallakshanavarman who was the elder brother of Prithvivarman, great-grandfather of Paramardin. The locality may be the same as Vilasapura whence Paramardin issued his Ichchhawar and Pachar plates. It has been suggested that Vilasapura is the same as modern Pachar about 12 miles to the north-east of Jhansi in U. P.s Duḍuhi-vishaya seems to have been the district round modern Dudahi in the Lalitpur subdivision of the Jhansi District. The name of the place, whence the donee's family hailed, is quoted here as Pataliputra-nagara (not Paṭaliputra-bhaṭṭāgrahara as in Madanavarman's grant).
1 Siddham Svasti Jayatyahladayan-viévam Visvesvara-sirō-dhritaḥ | Chamdrātreyanarē[m]drāņām vamsa(sa)s-chandra iv-ojjvalaḥ [*] tatra pravarddhama
virōdhi-vijaya-bhrājishņu-Jayaśakti-Vijayaśakty-ādi-vir-āvirbhāva-bhāsvarē
2 në
bhaṭṭaraka-mahārājādhiraja-para
TEXT"
Above, Vol. X, p. 49.
Ibid., Vol. XVL, p. 15.
Ibid., p. 44.
From the original plate and impressions. 'Expressed by symbol.
parama
3 méévara-irl-Prithvivarmmadēva-pad-änudhyāta-paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhiraja-paramēs vara-sri-Madanavarmmadova-pad-anudhyāta-pa
1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 170,
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 208.

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No. 14]
THREE CHANDELLA CHARTERS
4 ra[ma*]bhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhirāja-parameévara-paramamāhēévara-éri-Kälarhjar-ādhipatiśrïmat-Paramarddidēvā (vo) vijayi [[*]
5 sa esha durvvishahatara-pratāpa-tapita-sakala-ripu-kulaḥ kula-vadhüm-iva vasundharannirākulām paripālayann-avikala-vivēka-nirmmalikṛita-ma
6 tiḥ Duduhi-vishay-antaḥpati-Vavauḍā-gram-ōpagatan-Vra(n-Bra)hmaṇān-anyains-cha
manyan-adhikṛitān-kutumvi(bi)-kayastha-duta-vaidya-mahattaran-Mēda-Chandala
7 n-sarvvan-sa[m]vo(mbo)dhayati samajñāpayati ch-astu vaḥ samvi(samvi)ditam yath= ōpari-likhitō-yam grāmaḥ sa-jala-sthalaḥ sa-sthavara-jangamaḥ sva-sim-avachchhinnal.
paryanta
125
s-adha
8 urddhō(rdhvō) bhūta-bhavishyad-varttamana-niḥsēsh-adaya-sahitaḥ pratishiddha-chat-ādipravēsas-ch-asmabhiḥ śri-Sallakshanavilāsapurē ēkōna-chatvāri[m*]éad-adhi
9 ka-sata-dvay-õpeta-sahasratame samvatsare Phalgunē māsi krishna-pakshē chaturthyam tithav-ankato-pi Samvat 1239 Phalguna-vadi 4 Bhauma-vārē punya-ti
10 rth-ōdakēna vidhivat-snätvā dēv-adin-samtarpya Bhaskara-puja-puraḥsaram char-acharagurum bhagavamtam Bhavanipatim-abbyarchya hutabhuji hutvā mātā-pi
11 trōr-atmanas-cha punya-yaśo-vivridha(ddha)ye Pataliputra-nagara-vinirggataya Kautsagötrāya | Advārshi-Amvirshi-Yovanäsa-triḥpravaraya1 Vājasa
12 noya-sakh-adhyayine tha Saharana-prapautrāya tha Sripala-pautrāya tha Dhaithputraya paṁ Padumadharaśarmmaņē Vrä(Brä)hmaņāya kusa-latā-putēna
13 hast-ōdakčna svasti-vachana-pūrvvañ-chamdr-arkka-samakālam putra-pautr-ady-anvayanugāmi śāsanaih kritva pradatta iti matva bhavadbhir-ajñā-śravaṇa-vidhe
14 yair-bhūtva bhaga-bhōg-ädikam sarvvam-asmai samupanētavyam tad-ēnam-asya grāmaṁn !sa-maindira-prākāram sa-nirggama-pravēsam sa-sarvv-äsan-ēkshu-karppa
15 sa-kusuma (mbha)-san-amra-madhük-ādi-bhūruham lavana-tripa-paron-ady-Akaram-aparsir-api
| sa-vā(bā)
16 hya(hy-a)ntar-adayaṁ bhuñjanasya na ken-āpi vādhā kārya | atra cha rajapurushadibhiḥ svam svam-abhavyam pariharttavyam-idañ-ch-asmad-danam-anachchhe
sa-vana-khani-nidhāna[m*] sim-äntarggatair=vvastubhiḥ.
sa-lōhasahitam
17 dyam-anāhāryañcha(ñ-ch-e)ti bhavibhir-api bhūmi-palaiḥ pālaniyam=iti || uktañ=cha || Samkham bhadr-asa (sa)nam chchha(chha)tra[m*] var-āsvā (śvā) vara-varanaḥ | bhūmidānasya
18 pushyāņi phalam svarggah Purandara || Bhūmim yaḥ pratigrihņāti yaé-cha bhumiin prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmāņau niyatam svargga-gami
19 nau | Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargge vasati bhumidaḥ | achchhetta ch-anumanta cha tanyēva narakē vaseta (set) || sva-hastō-ya[m*] rã
20 ja-śrīmat-Paramarddidēvasya matam-mama likhitan-cha dharmmalekhi-thakkura-ériVishnukēna utkirnna[m*] Palhanena [*]
1 Read Angiras-Ambarisha-Yauvanäiva-tripravaraya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
3. Plate of Paramardin, V. S. 1247 This is also a single plate which is rather thick and heavy and weighs 108 tolas. The plate containe 18 lines of writing on one side only. In the centre of the last line, there is a hole as if the writing continued on another plate and the two plates were held together by means of a ring passing through the hole in both of them. The diameter of this hole is about 7". In the central part of the upper section of the inscription, a space about 2.4" square is ocoupied by the engraved Agure of seated Lakshmi instead of the usual Gajalakshmi. For the protection of the writing, copper bands were fixed on the margins of the inscribed side of the plate by means of copper rivets. These bands are now broken at some places where only the small holes in the plate meant for the rivets can be seen.
The date of the charter is quoted in lines 9-10 as Saturday, Phålguna-sudi 14, V.8. 1247. It corresponds regularly to the 9th February 1191 A.D.
The beginning of the document is similar to that of Paramardin's grant of V. S. 1239 edited above. The grant portion commencing in line 6 refers to the king's order addressed to the Brāhmanas and other people assembled at Italā-gråma in the Pāsuņi vishaya in respect of the grant of 10 lāvas of land in the said village. The king made the grant on the date discussed above when he was at the Manikarnika-ghatta at sri-Vārānasi (.e. modern Banāras in U.P.) apparently in the course of a pilgrimage. In the present state of our knowledge, it is difficult to believe that the Banaras region formed a part of Paramardin's dominions about the time of the record. The Gāhadavāla kings are known to have had their headquarters at Vārāṇasi and, according to tradition, the contemporary Gahadavāla monarch Jayachchandra (c. 1!70-93 A. D.) maintained friendly relations with Paramardin whom he is said to have helped in his wars against the Chābamäng king Prithvirāja III (c. 1177-92 A. D.). A recent writer has, however, suggested that Chandella Paramardin was really on hostile terms with Gāhadavāla Jayachchandra. But there is really no proof in favour of this suggestion and the present inscription referring to the Chandēlla king's stay at Vārāṇasi seems to go against it. If Paramardin succeeded in capturing the Gähadavāla capital even for & short time, that fact is not expected to have been suppressed in his records like the one under review.
The donee of the present charter was Padmadharaśarman already known from the other grant of the king edited above. The conditions of the grant, quoted in lines 12-16, are the same as in the other record. The document ends with the imprecatory and benedictory stanzas quoted in lines 16-18. It seems that the writing was continued on another plate which is now lost. But the inscription on this lost plate would have contained only the passage sva-hasto=yam rājaSrimat-Paramarddidëva sya matan mama together with a reference to the names of the writer and engraver of the document.
Of geographical names, besides Kālañjara, the inscription mentions Manikarnikā-ghatta at Vārāṇasi (i.e. the well-known Manikarnika Ghāt at Banāras), where the king was staying at the time of making the grant, and the village of Italā in Păsupi-vishaya, where the gift land was situated. The name of the locality, whence the donee's family hailed, is quoted in the present record as Patalipura instead of Pāțaliputra or Pātaliputra as fonnd in the two inscriptions edited above. The locality is meritioned here as a Bhattägrahāra.
1 Ray, DANI, p. 541. 'N. Bove, History of the Candellos, pp. 96-97.

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2. PLATE OF PARAMARDIN, V.S. 1239 THREE CHANDELLA CHARTERS-PLATE II

Page #179

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Page #180

No. 14]
THREE CHANDELLA CHARTERS
TEXT1
1 Siddham Svaste(sti) || Jayaty-ahladayan-viśvam Visvesvara-sirō-dhritaḥ | Chandrātrēyanarēndrānāṁ vaṁśas-chandra iv-ojjvalaḥ || tatra prava
2 rddhmän virödhi vijaya-bhräjishnu-Jayaiakti-Vijayalakty-di-vi[r]-virbhava-bhavare paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārājā
3 dhiraja-parameśvara-sri-Prithvivarmmadova-pad-änudhyata-paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārajadhiraja-parameśvara-sri-Madanata (va) rmmade
4 va-pad-anudhyāta-paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramesvara-paramamāhēśvara
127
éri-Kalañjar-adhipati-śrimat-Paramarddi
5 devā (vo) vijayi sa esha durvvishahatara-pratapa-tapita-sakala-ripu-kulaḥ kulavadhum-iva vasu(su)ndharan-nirākulām paripälayann-avikala-vikē(vivēka)-nirmmali
6 krita-mati Paupi-vishay-anta[b]pâti-Itala-gram-öpagatan-Vrä(n-Brā)hmaṇānany[hcha manyan-avi(dhi)kritān-kuju(tu)mv[i]{mbi)-kayastha-dūta-vē(vai)dyamahattara
ch-āstu
7 n-Meda-Chaṇḍāla-paryantan-sarvvan-samvō(mbo)dhayati samajñāpayati samvi(savi)ditath yath-öpari-18(li)khita(të)-smin-grämë sa-jala-sthala sa-sthävara-ja8 ngamā sva-sim-avachchhinnä s-ādha-ūrdhvā bhūta-bhavishyad-varttamana-niḥsēshadaya-sahita pratishiddha-chat-adi-pravēsā ch-asma(smā)bhiḥ śrl-Väräpasyāṁ Ma
vaḥ
9 pikarņņika-dyaddhe(ghaṭṭë) sapta-chatvāri[m]sad-adhika-sata-dvay-õpebha(ta)sahasratame samva (samva)tsare Phalgunē māsi sukla-pakshe chaturddasyāntithāv-a
10 nkate-pi Samvata (Samvat) 1247 Phalguna-sudi 14 Sanivārē Patalipura-bhaṭṭāgra hara-vinirggataya Kautsa-gōtraya Angirisha-Amvarisha-Jau
tha
11 vanasa tripravaraya Va(Ba)hvricha-sakh-adhyayine tha Saharaṇa-prapautrāya Sripala-pautrāya tha Dhami-putraya pam Padmadharasa (sa)rmmaņē Vrā(Brā)
hmaṇā
1 From the original plates and impressions.
Expressed by symbol.
Read pat-Itala.
Read Angiras-Ambarisha-Yauvandiva.
The name is spelt in the other record as Dhaith.
12 ya kusa-latā-pūtēna
hast-ōdakēna
svasti-vachana-pūrvvakam chandr-arkka-samakala[m] putra-pautr-ady-anvay-änugami[ni*] dasa-lava-chchhinnä bhumiḥ śāsani13 kritya pradata(ttä) | ibhi(ti) matvä bhavadbhir-äjä(jñā)-śravaṇa-vidheyair-bhūtva bhāgabhōg-adikam sarvvam-asmai samupanētavyam tad-ēnām-asya bhumim sa-maridira
14 prākārām sa(sa)-na(ni)rggama-pravēšām sa-sarvv-asan-ēkshu-kam(ka)rppäsa-kusuma (sumbha)-san-amra-madhük-adi-bhūruhām sa-vana-khani-nidhanam sa-lōh-ady-ākarām-aparai
15 rapi sim-anta[r"]ggate(tai)r=vvastubhi[h] sahita[m*] sa-va(ba)hy-abhyam(bhya)ntarādāyām bhuñjānasyam(sya) na ken-api vädhä käryä [*] atra cha raja-rajapurush-adibhimh(bhiḥ) svam svam-a

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128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII 16 bhävyam p ariha[r]tta vyam-idan=ch=āsmad-dānam=anāchchhēdyam=anāhāryan=chesti
bhavibhir=api bhūmipālaiḥ pälaniyam=iti | uktañ=cha || Sankham=bhadr-āša(sa)17 nam chchha(chha)tra[m] var-āsvā(évā) vara-vāranāḥ, bhūmi-dānasya pushyāņi phalan
Svarggah Puramdara | Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā bhuktā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ | yasya
yasys 18 yadā bhūmistasya tasya tada phalan(lam) | Shashtim vapa(rsha)-sahasråņi svargge vasati
bhūmidah | achchhőttä сh-anumantä сha täny=ēva narakë vasēt [

Page #182

No. 15-JAVAKHEDA PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I, SAKA 742
(3 Platos)
D. R. BHAT, DAUIJA Javakhoda is a small village in the Shahada Taluk of the West Khandesh Distriot, Bombay. It is situated on the bank of the Gomi, a tributary of the T&ptr. The Göml, also called Gomati, has its origin in Madhya Bharat and meets the Tapti near Prakasha where the Department of Archaeology recently conducted excavations. The copper-plate grant was discovered while digging a pit for the repairs of a publio road in February 1983. I came to know of the discovery in May 1954. On making enquiries, I learnt that the plates were with Shri Bhuskute, a P. W.D. oontractor of Dhulia. He very graciously handed them over to me. The Rajwade Sanshodhan Mandal, Dhulia, is very thankful to him for his kindness.
The inscription, like most other Räshtrakūta grants, is written on three plates. The outer sides of the first and last plates of the set are blank. The inner sides of these plates and both sides of the middle plate are inscribed. Each plate is nearly 111' long and 81' high. The breadth of the plates in the middlo is slightly less than at the borders. The middle plate is nearly t'thiok and the outer plates are slightly thinner. The plates were strung on a ring passing through a hole (roughly t' in diameter) near the left edge of each plate. The ring is nearly 41 in diameter and is made of a round bar " thick in the middle and near the extremities which are soldered to the Beal. The soal bears a representation of the goddess Lakshmi. The goddess is squatting on a lotus and has a swan on each lap under her arms. It appears that the goddess in her right hand behind the bird holds a chowry and in her left a ladle or a parabu. On the right and left respeotively near the head of the goddess are seen the sun and the moon. The image is finely executed in relief in a circle 11" in diameter. This appears to be the first seal of the Malkhed Rashtrakūtas bearing an image other than that of Garuda or Siva.
The characters resemble those of other Rāshțrakūta records of the ninth century as the Väni Dindori plates of Govinda III, dated Saka 730. They are well engraved. The preservation of the writing is satisfactory with the exception of 7 or 8 letters in the first line on the obverse of the second plate. The language is Sanskrit. The text of the record contains some grammatioal and orthographical errors.
The twenty stanzas engraved on the inner side of the first plate and the obverse of the second are also found in the Radhanpur plates of Govinda III, dated Saka 731. These are followed by five verses in praise of Amõghavarsha and the details of the grant and the date of issue in a passage in prose on the reverse of the second plate. -
The grant was made by the Răshtrakata king Amoghavarsha I at the request of one Bhattārikā (noble lady) Asagavvā' on Friday the 8th of the bright half of Ashādha of the Saka year 742 expired (current 743), which corresponds to the 22nd of June, 820 A.D., on the occasion of the Dakshiņāyana-sankranti. The king made the grant when he was residing at Sri-Nisva putaka to a Brāhmaṇa named Jõgaddi-bhatta who was the son of Révaddi-bhatta and belonged to the
[The representation on the seal is clearly of Garuda as on the souls of other charters of the family. He has kirta on his head and a serpent in each of his two hands. Above his outspread wings is a flywhisk in the proper right and an anbula in the proper left.-Ed.]
• Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 158 ff. • Above, Vol. VI, pp. 239 ff. [See below, p. 130, note 2.-Ed.)
( 129 )

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130
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII Kaundinya götra and Taittiriya sakha. The name of the gift village was Vōyipadraka. The village was bounded by Laghu-Moyipadraka in the east, Umbarōpika-grāma in the south, the boundary of the same village in the west, and the Vindhya mountain in the north. Vōyipadraka is stated to be in the Ekasaya division.
Two years after the accession of Amoghavarsha I, i.e. about the year 816 A. D., his feudatories and the enemies of the house were up against him and, as a result of the confusion and anarchy that followed, he was deposed. This state of affairs lasted for about three or four years. The earliest known record issued after Amoghavarsha's restoration is the Surat plates of Karka, dated the 13th May, 821 A.D. The charter under study was issued by Amoghavarsha I himself on the 22nd June, 820. A. D. It is clear that his restoration must have taken place some time before this date.
Amoghavarsha is obviously not the name of the boy king but a biruda like Prabhutavarsha, Akalavarsha, etc. The proper name of the king was Sarva (cf. verse 22). The present record shows for the first time that he also enjoyed the biruda Tribhuvanavallabha.
Lady Asagavva, at whose request the grant was made, probably belonged to the Rashtrakuta house. There is little likelihood of her being Amoghavarsha's wife, as Amoghavarsha I (born about 808 A. D.) was a boy of about twelve only at the time of the grant. Besides her name has been mentioned without any indication of her status as the empress."
Amōghavarsha made this grant while residing at Sri-Nisvapuraka which can be identified with modern Nisarpur near Kukshi in Madhya Bharat. Probably Nisvapuraka was his capital which was later transferred to Malkhöḍ.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Om [*] Sa võ-vyad-Va(d-Vē)dhasa dhama yam(yan)-nābhi-kamalam krimta(kritam) [*] Haras-cha yasya kamt-endu-kalaya kam-alamkṛitam(tam) [1*] Bhupō="
2 bhavad-vri(bri)had-urasthala-rājamānaḥ(na)-árī-kaustubh-ayata-karair-upagūḍha-kanthaḥ
[*] saty-anvito vipula-cha
3 kra-vinirjjit-Bri-ohakkrå(kkr3)-py-akrishna-charito bhuvi Krishnarajah [2] Pakshachchheda-bhay-äśrit-äkhila-mahābhu
4 bhrit-kula-dbhrā(bhrā)jitā[d*] durla(rlam)ghyād-aparair-akē(në)ka-vimala-dbhrā(bhrā)jishņuratn-anvitā[t*]| yaé-Chalukya-kulad=anūna
5 vivu(bu)dhaḥ(dha)-vrat-äśrayō nvā(va) ridhēḥ' Lakshmi[m*] Mandaravat-sa-lilada(m=a)chirad-krishṭavāṁ(vā)n-Vallabhaḥ | [3*] Tasy-&bhat-tana
6 yah pratapa-visaraiḥ(rai)=ākrānta-dig-mandalah chanda[m*[*] sadrid-py-achandakarata-prasta (hla)dita-kshmatalaḥ [*]
1 Altekar, The Rashtrakutas and their Times, p. 74.
[The epithet Bhattarika applied to erimad-Asagavvä's name and her mention without any further indication of her status suggest that she was a queen of Amoghavarsha I. His tender age can hardly be offered as an argument against this possibility; of. the cases of Rams in the Rāmāyaṇa (Aranya, 47) and Vichitravirya in the Mahabharata (Adi, 95).-Ed.]
[The mention of Nisvapuraka as a grāma seems to suggest that it was not the king's capital but Merely village where he was camping when the grant was issued.-Ed.]
From the original plates. [Metres: verses 1, 22, 26-27, 29, 31 Anushtubh; verses 23-25 Arga; verse 38' Pushpitägra; verses 3-5, 7-8, 10-20 Särdalavikridita; verses 2, 6, 9, 21 Vasantatilaka; verses 28, 30 Upajati.-Ed.] Expressed by symbol.
The akshara po is engraved indifferently.
Sandhi has not been observed here.

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Scale : Three-fifths
では、場に出せななみゆきを止めていたが、若い女性
ドリンジがかなりいいね」 しかしたいのがとてもいないのに)
並外れない その後の20年とないと分r弾発生時にかけるんだ。 インストンのh24125FE2なんと1000
リントンはかなり速いものもなんみたいにいて になりからリール Jejり地上が地の品を集 ている 」として生210911:上端に少ないおい あなたの力に止めなかきれいなたがコンドルトムン
地上402890N PAD)には分かるん やん しかも返金にはなりり生とともよいのなった。なんていう 出ましたが少し上を上回っabe
! 日まで)乗りな上になりなしに、がんとした作りなをしあ しかし、がちなとかいりきったとた ま り 、
おいしいとかできなトを下にいたいとおも。 てみんなみなさん、
またされたらそれでいて これからもりかなりできないのだ
JAVAKHEDA PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA 1, SAKA 742-PLATE

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24 ४६ वय-24 श्री की
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ह
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ii,a
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य
अवलकोन्यनिधित
काली
विधवा व कनियाँ के कालकाला का कार्य भूलि नाविदा यसले का समय बल क हिलसा भाविक
व बनिसे
राम लखन
36 पिक के काम के नामकिन 36
वि
प्रिय वा केमियादितदेव साह कियक्ति न
न्यालीतिर
कविता
सालिम सधवा
फिनल पीलिया क
22
(from Photographs)
8 www
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Page #186

No: 16] JAVAKHEDA PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA 1, SAKA 742
131 7 Dhirai dhairya-dhang vipaksha-vanita-/raktä(ktr-&)mvu(mbu)jah(ja)-det-haro s hart
kritya yasi yadiyathanib(sah) dig-na8 yikabhivri(r=dhfi)ta[m] || [4*] Jyêshth-61[l*athghatia-játajA(y=&)py=smalaya lakshmy
samêto-pi sath(san) yo=bhat*]=nirmmala-manda. 91a-sthiti-yuto doshåna(ka)r6 na kvachit IKI) Karbn-Adha-sthita-dna-sathtati-bhfito
yasy-Anya-dan-adhilat 10 dana[th*] vlkshya su-lla(la)jjitá iva diba-prlhte sthith dig-gaja[h*1 || [6*) Anyair=na jätu
vijituih(tan) guru-bakti11 säram=ikra[n*]ta-bhatalam=ananya-samāna-mana[m*1 | yên=éha va(ba)ddham=avalokya
ohiräys Gathgam da12 rath ove-nigraha-bhiy=ēva Kalih pray&tab || [6*] R8(E)katt-Atma-va(ba)lēna vāriti(ni)dhin=
&py-anyatta ruddha(ddhvA) 13 ghana tiḥ(ni)shkrisht-Asi(ri)-bhat-oddhatēna viharad-gråh-atibhiměna cha [l*) mätamgån=
mada-väri-nirjjhara-mucha[b] 14 präpy-Anatät-Pallava[t*]l* tachimada-lēgam-apyranudinam yaḥ shpri(spri)shtavām(van)
na kvachit [l 7*HelA-svikrita-Gauda16 rjys-kamala-matah(ttam) pravēsy=&chirât(tad) durmmärga[th*) maru-madhyama(m=s)
prativa(ba)lai[r]=yo Vatsar&ja[th] va(ba)lar(laih) [1] Gaudiya[th*1 16 sarad-indu-pada-dhavalam chohha(chha)tra-dvaya[m*) kavalam | tasmātvä(n=n=2)hrita
tad-yagð=pi kakubhāt pra[n*]te sthitánh(tath) ta[t*)-kshanat [ || 8*] 17 Lavdhabdha)-pratishtham-achiraya Kalith Budúram=u[t*]särya Suddha-charitair=ddha
rapitalasya krinvå(två) punah Krita18 yugah(ga)-sriya(ya)
mapyabēshath chitrath katharh Nirupamah Kalivallabhd=bhū[t*] || [9*] Pro(Pra)bhaca*)-dhairyavatas-tato Nirupama19 dri(d=i)ndur=yatha väridhem buddh-Atmå paramèdvar-onnata-fri(81)rah-dathaakta-pådaḥ
sutab [*] padm-Ananda-karab 20 prat&pa-Ba hito nity-Odayaḥ -Önnatahl" patvv-Adr@triva bhanumanna(n=a)bhimats
Govindarjah sata(tim) [ || 10*] 21 Yasti[n*) Barvva-gun-asraya kshitipatau sti-Rashtrakat-Anvayo jate Yadava-vathka=van=
Madhuripāv=i&id=ala[th*)
Second Plate, First Bide
29 ghyAh(ghyah) paraih (I) dfisht-84-8[va*jedhayah kerita[ho] (nu)-64 (na)drla danena
yen=Oddhata mukta-háva(ra)- vibhúshita sphutam=iti pratyarthi23 tino)epy-arthinath(nam) 11 11 Yasy=&karam-abA(mk)tu(nu)sha[th*1 tri(tri)bhuvana
vyāpatti-raksh-Bohitazh || Krishnasy=&va birikshya yachchhati pit Asy-alkd
1 The Vani Diodorl and Hadhanput plates hato DAørt which stands for Daruva. • Tho danda la superfluous. • The dandas are superfluou. • Read tach-chitrath. • There is an unnecessary ptrotuation matk hate.
There is space for one amara between 1 and dha, and the engravor started oarving an akshard, but posibly left the space to be filled in later.

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132
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII 24 dhipatya[m*] bhuvah (i) ästä[m*] tāta tavë(v=ai)tad=aprata(ti)hatā dattă tvaya
kapthika kitvām(n=tv-a)jõēcjñ=ai)va mayă dhfit=ēti pitaram yuktam vacham(cho) 25 yõ=bhyadhātta(dhāt) || [124] Yasmim(smin) svarga-vibhūshaņāya janakē yātē sa(ya)
sah-sēshatām=ēkibhūya samudyatā[no] vasumati-Bathhāra26 mradhichchha(tsa)ya [l*) vichchhāyāṁ(yan) sahasa vyadhata(tta) tri(npi)parta(ti)n=
ēkā=pi yo dvādaśaḥ||(sa) khyātān=&py=adhikaḥ pratāpa-visaraiḥ sa[m*]va27 rtako=[r*]kān=ivaḥ(va) [ || 13*] Yên=ātya[m*]ta-dayālun=ātha nigadah(da)-klētād=apāsy
āyatā|(tāt) sva[m*] dēsam gamito=pi darpa-visara28 d=yaḥ ya(prā)tikūlyē sthitaḥ II) yāvan=na bhfikuţi lalāta-phalakë yasy-Õnnatē lakshyatē
vikshēpēna vijitya tävad-829 chirădva (deba)ddhah SA(sa) Gargah punah ! [14"] Samdhay-isu bilimukhām(khän) sva
samayādvā(d=bā)ņām (n-ā)ša(sa)ra(na)sy=Õparih(ri) prāptam varddhita-vaksi(bandhu)30 [ji*]va-di(vi)bhavam padm-ābhidi(vri)ddhy=invitam(tam) [l*] san-nakshatram=udikshya
ya sarad-situm parjjanyavad=Gürjjaro || nashtaḥ kv=āpi bhayā[t*] ta31 thá na bha(sa)mara(ram) [sva*J*pnē=pi paśyēd=yathā [l 15*] Tat-pād-ānati-pā(mā)trak
aika-saraņām=ālökya lakshmi[m*) nijām dūrā[n*)-Mālava-nă32 yako naya-papā(ro) yaṁ prāṇamat=prāñjaliḥ [!] ko vidvä[n*] va(ba)linā saha(h=ā)lpa
va(ba)lakaḥ sparddhāṁ vidhattē pa33 [rāṁ*) nītēs=tad-dhi bha(pha)lam yad=ātma-parayāḥ(yo)r=ādhikya-sarvēdanam(nam) ([16*]
Vindhy-ādri(drēh) kataké nivishta-kataka(kan) 34 [éru*]tvā charaiḥ(rair)=yam nijaiḥ | svam dēša[m*) samupāgatam dhruvam=iva jñātvā
da(bhi)yā prēritaḥ () Märāsa35 ryva-mahipati[r*]-drutam=agād=aprāpta-pūrvv-āparaiḥ ya(rair=ya)sy=ēchchhăm-anukūla
yam(yan) kula-dhataih(naih) shpā(på)dau pranämē(mai)r=836 pi [I 17*] Ga' nitvā Sribhavanē ghanāghana-ghanam(na)-vyāpt-āmbaram(rām) pra
vřisham | tasmād=āgatavām(van) samam nija-va(ba)lair=ā-Ttum (Tum)37 gabhadrā-taţa[m*] (I) tatra-sthaḥ sva-kara-sthitām=api punaḥ(nar)=niņsēsham=āksishtavān
vikshēpair=api chitram=anata38 ripūṁ yat=Pallavānan* sriyam(yam) ![] 18*] Lēkhāhāra-su(mu)kh-odit-ārddha-vachasā
yatrē(tr-ai)tya Vëng-isvarð nityam kimkarava39 d=vyadhāpa(d=a)viratam ka[r*]mma sva-ka(ta)rmm-ēchchhayā vā(bā)hy-āli-výitir-asya yēna
rachitā vyom-āgra-lagna(gnā) rucha rätrau mau40 ktika-mālikām=iva všitā mūrddhna(rddha)-stha-tārā-ganā(naih) [ 19*] Sarträsāte
para-chakra-rakshaka sadās tat-pūrvva-sēvā-vidhiḥ(dhi)-vya
1 The dandas sre is superfluous. • There is space for this akshara. * The letter is superfluous. • Read ripur=yad Pallaranan.
Radhanpur platos road para-chukra-rajakan-agāt.

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JAVAKHEDA PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I, SAKA 742-PLATE ||
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अखबार का किती पाइनालय विश्व वार्षिक निमित 64दिभाता नया शक्तिया सुहा का का यह 64 यह रु. का विनियमन निरुपतिसि
यतः स दिदि
66 माह मिट्टी कहता कि योनि कलाक 66 लकी कलह शाखमेधयां
बुनिया
यहु के तिमि महक द्वारा समान के वा कु भाধ विलियन के
A
68
70
72
74
76
78
80
के
यस सालिन प्र
( धनतैय क सारि क त ये साथ एक
कुराकानि
री
कति कृष
(from Photographs)
काय शक 70
कुदिर
तालया सरिता
धनर गया
निकर लो विमल में कासिमलीक के दिखुको बा झाले. श्रीकाकुमा एक म
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Page #190

No. 15)
JAVAKHEDA PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I, SAKA 742
138
41 va(ba)ddh-Anjali-söbhitas karagath marddha yad-ashri(hri)-dvayarh(yam) [1] yad Jada(d-da)tta-parårddha-bhishapa-gap(nair)-n-latkritu[m] tat-ta
49 [tham bhaishir-iti satya-palita]-yutab-sthitya yatha tal-girAt(r) || [30] Tasy-la(na)-Akhila-narindra-kirita-koti
Second Plate, Second Side
43 samhghrishja-pada-nakha-darpaya-drishta-deha[b] [*] durvára-vairi-varawarapa-larapasya putra-bhavad-Guha iv-Apratiba
44 pa(varya)-saktiḥ || [21] Yö maharaja-Sarvv-Akhyah 1 khyati(tim) yātō mahitale [*] balo-pi din-mukh-akirnua-bhüri-dham-méu
45 man-iva || [22*] Tri(Tri)bhuvanavallabha ity-api yeto(n=3)tya(ktya) nija-gunair-asamanyaiḥ|[*] nito niti-vido-pi yasya
46 guruh prakramo jätab [28] Varshaty Amoghavarshsht dhirah dhärAbhirṣasaras[i] payasa Kokab kapiêu(sa)-viht
47 18(no) -abhad-upama cha bhüpalaib [24] Tete(n-damanila-vlyucha(ch-chad) chalasa (m-a)valokya jIvitam-a-särain(ram) kshiti-dana
48 parama puuya[th] pravarti[to] vrn(bra)hma-day(y0)=ya[mu*) || [25] Ba eha paramablistA raka-maharajadhiraja-param&évara
49 Arimant Prabhatavarshadava-paduudhy&ta-paramabhattaraka-mahārāja-dhinija-para-ms
vara-sri-Tri(Tri)bhu
50 vanavallabha-Arimad-Amoghavarshadiva-rivallabha-narändradevaḥ sarvvite(4)va yatha-sahvadhyasa(badhyama)
51 naparvakath(nakan) rashtrapati-vishayapati-grainaka-ayuktaka-niyuktak-dhikarika-maha ttar-Adin sayamita)
12 tyst [b] shvilita yatha et-Nisvapuraka-grama-visita(18) ay mata-pitr Asha(tma)na
3 Aschnaihik-Aau(mu)[sh]mika-punya-ya46-bhivriddhaye KA[Jeht-nagars-vinirgata-Kau
Luijaya-sagotra-Taiti(sti)rt
34 ya-savra(bra)ha(hma)ohari(ri)-Jogadi-bhutta-Revadt-bhatta-sanava kasay-anta
rggata V6yipadra
35 ka-na grimal | yasya chaighṭaani parv vai Laghu-Möyipadrakath(kab) dakal ataḥ Um[b]ard
kusalt i
36 piks gramah aparatas cha tal-dva grama-alus uttarattal(tal) Vindby-&drib [1] van ayam chatur-aghäṭato(1-6)
57 palakalito (gra)mah s-druhyub (-6)parikarab sa-dapda-lab-Aparidhab sa-bhu(bha) t-opattab(tta)-pratyaya [0]
8 tpadyamina-vishtikaḥ sn-dhanyn-hitwny-dey-chata-bhata-praviya[b] sarva-rajaklyn(na)m-ahasta-pu (pra)
The dandae are superfluous.
Read bhattaya...stnave. This unnecessary double danda is preceded by a tikarya-like mark.
[The reading of the akshara seems to be sa.Ed.1
• Read saira.

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134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
59 kshēpaniya(ya a)-rch(cha)ndr-ark-ārņnava-kshiti-sarit-parvata-sama-kalina-putra-pautr-ānve
ya-kram-õpabhogya[h*) 60 pūrvva-pradatta-dēva-vra(bra)hmadāya-ra hito=bhyantara-sidhyā(ddhyā) bhūmi-chohbidraru
(dra)-tyä(nyā)yēna Saka-nțipa-kāl-ātīta61 samvatsara-satēshu saptasu dvichatvāri[m*]dā(sa)d-adhikēshu 742 Lahadha
buddh-āshtamyām dakshinaya62 na-samkrāntau maha(ha)-parvvaņi Gamgā-Jābnavim=ival pavitrikțita-śarīraya(ya) Srimad
Asagavvā-bhattărika
Third Plate 63 ya vijñaptē[na*] snätvå nya(na)[dy-u*]dak-ātisarggēņaḥ(na) va(ba)li-charu-vaiévadāv-ägni
hötr-ātithi-pancha-mahā-yajña-kri(krily-ő64 tearpaņārtha[m*] pratipădito yataḥ [a*]sy-ochitayā vra (bra)hmadāya-sthityā bhumja
to bhöga(ja)yatah krishatö(karshatah ) karsha65 yatah pratidisato và na kēn=āpi paripatthantha)nā kāryyā [I*] tath=āyāmi-bhadra-nsipati
bhiḥ(bhi)r=asma(sma)d-vamsyai66 r=atyai(nyai)r=vvā sāmānyasın*] bhūmi-dāna-phalam=avētya vidyul-lõlābhya(uy-a)nity-niávar
yāņi trin-āgra-lagna-jala-vi67 ndu-pari(chanchalari jivitam=ākalayya Sva-dāya-mi(ni)rvisē(śē)sho=yam-asmad-dāyou
numantavyah pratipālayi68 tavyas=cha [1] yas=ch=ājñāna-timira-patal-āvpita-matir=āchchhitdyā(ndya)d=āchchhidya
mānakati v=ānumödēta sa 69 pañchabhiḥ(bhi)r=mahāpātakais=cb-opapātaké(kai)ś=cha saunyuktalb*] Byād-ity=uktam
cha bhagavatā Vēdasvyā]sēna 70 Vyāsēna | Shashti-varsha-sahasrāņi svargē tishthati bhūmidaḥ [l*) achchhētā(tta) ch=ūnu
mantā cha tām(tā)ny=ēva narakē 71 vasēt || [26*] Vindhy-āțavishv=atāyāsuh(su) sushka-koțara-vāsinah [l*] krisbņashn-ā)hayo
hi jayantē bhūmi-da72 nam haramti y3 |[27*] Aynor-apatyam prathamam suvarnyam bhūruv vaishnavi surya-sutās=
cha gāvah [l*] 13 lõka-traya[ru*] tēna bhavēdri(d=dhi) datan(ttari) yaḥ kāñchana gäri cha inahit cha
dadya[t*] || [28*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudbā 14 bhuktā rajātai* Sagar-ādibhiḥ [I*) yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā phalau(lam)
|[29*] Yān=iha da'5 ttāni purā narēndrai[r*]=dānāni dharmmāya yasaskarāņi [l*] nirnımālya-vāmta-pratimāni
tāti(ni) ko 6 tā(nā)ma sādhuḥ punar=ādaditah(ta) ILI 30*] Sva-dattaru(ttāri) para-dattam(tt ) vi
yatnād=rakshya(ksha) narādhipah(pa) [l*] mali77 m=mahi(hi)bhřitām śrēshthaḥ(shtha) dānātárē(ch=chhrē)yõ=nupālana[m*] || [31*] Iti kamala
dal-amvu(bu)-vindu-lolar(lām) sriyam=a78 nuchintya manushya-jivitari cha ll*) ati-vimala-manõbhir=ūtnia-linail(nai)r=una hi purushai
shpa(shaiḥ pa)ra-kirtta79 yo vilõpyā[ɔ || 32*) Likhitarii dam=mayā lēkhaka-Rudrah(drēna) sri-Sankaragana-sūnuna
paramēšvar-a80 jñaya iti
[Read Ganga-Jahnavibhyām=iva.-Ed.] . Read räjabhib. . There is space for the letter ch=i here.

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JAVAKHEDA PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I, SAKA 742 --PLATE IT
SEAL
SEAL ENLARGED
(from a Photograph)

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No. 16-FRAGMENTARY GRANT OF PARAMARAS OF ABU
(1 Plate)
BADHU RAM, DELHI An impression of the present copper-plate inscription was very kindly given to me for editing by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Deputy Director General of Archaeology in India, New Delhi. The record is incomplete and the impression relates to the inner side of the first plate of a grant made by some Pargmāra ruler of Arbuda (modern Abu). It was discovered by the late Pandit Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha during his tour in the former Sirohi State. It was then in the possession of a gardener of the village of Rohorn in that State.
From the estampage, the plate seems to have been in a good state of preservation. The tecord consists of 18 lines of writing. The characters are Nägarf of the 12th century A.D. The letter b is generally indicated by the sign for v. As regards orthography, some consonants are often redupliosted in conjunotion with r. Its language is Sanskrit. There are altogether 11 verses and & part of what appears to be a passage in prose in line 18. There is one more line at the bottom, which is inscribed in a different hand and gives no sense. It was probably added later and has no connection with the original record.
This inscription has been noticed in the Annual Report of the Working of the Rajputana Museum for the year ending 31st March, 1932, and in G. H. Ojha's Rajputanaka Itihas, Vol. 1, 2nd ed., pp. 190ff. The importance of the record lies in the fact that it gives a complete genealogy of the Paramra rulers of Abu from Utpalaraja to Dhårdvarsha.
The Paramāra Rajputs originally ruled over the territory around Abu,1 from where they spread over MÅrwÅr, Sindh, & part of modern Gujarkt, and MalwA. From their other inscriptions, we find that the name of their ancestor was Dhamaraja. The word dhuma forming the first half of the name means 'smoke' which arises from fire. The second verse of our record alludes to the birth of the first Paramára king from the fire in the sacrificial altar of the sage Vasishtha. This may be a poetio way of referring to the name of the progenitor of the family and, at the same time, may have given tise to the legend of the family having sprting from fire. The story that is told in the Patamara inscriptions and a later poem, entitled Navasähasdi kacharita by Padmagupta alias Parimala, says that the dow Nandint of the sage Vasishtha was deceitfully carried away by Vigvimitra, the son of Gadhi. Vasishtha thereupon got entaged and performed a sacrifice. Out of the fire of the sacred altar, there sprang a heroio person who defeated the foe and recovered the cow. The sage gave the name Paramära (literally, the destroyer of foes') to the hero who afterwards became the founder of the Paramära family.
The first verse of the inscription is invocatory, asking for the readers the protection of god Siva in his amorous aspeot as the lover of the mountain-born Parvatr, found whose knot of matted hair the holy rivor Gangå twines like a jasmine wreath. The second verse describes the birth of the progenitor of the family from Vanishtha's saorifloial firo-altar. It also states that the fire-born king humbled the pride of Visvämitra, the son of Gadhi, and was named Paramära. In his family
1 This wuggestion is based on the tradition about the origin of the Paramara dynasty. But epigraphio ovidance suggests that the early Paramaru e ruling in Gujarat m the foudatories of the Rashtraktas of the Deocan (of. Ray, DHNI, pp. 841-42). The claim of Paramie Vikpati I to have descended from the family of Allevara Krishna 111, however, dose pot prove that he wm direct descendant of the Rashtrakota king M, in that one, who reference to the Rashtrakata origin would not have been discontinued labor. VAkpati's mother might have been the daughter or granddaughter of Krishna III.-Ed.).
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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXH was born king Utpalaraja who had king Aranyarāja as his son. After the latter,came the victorious king Krishnaraja who was the very image of bis father (Aranyarāja).
Krishnarja's son Dharapivardha succeeded to the throne after him. The latter was succeeded by his two sons Dhurbhata and Mahipala! who perhaps divided the kingdom and ruled in their rospective territorios (vers 8). Thoreafter Dhandhuka, the son of Mahipala, zuled over his own territory after driving away all his enemies (verse 4). Dhandhuka had three sons, viz. Purnapala, Dantivarman and Krishnadáva, who ruled one after the other (verse 8). Dantivarman's son was Yogarāja, the conqueror of the earth, and Krishnadēva's son was Kakaladöva (verse 6). The son of Yogar ja was Råmadova who was a terror in the battle-field while that of Kakaladdva Wa king Vikramasinha (verse 7). The son of Rāmadēva was king Yasodhavala who orushed in battlo Ballala, the king of Mälava (verse 8). His son Dhirdvaruha, the lord of Arbuda (Abu), was an ornament of the Paramāra family and was the foremost among kings. He was well-versed in the Sastras and clever in the use of weapons. He was a man of dominating personality and the influenoe of his virtuous life on his subjeots, whom he had won over by love, was considerable (verso 9). He put to rout the brave soldiers of Malava with a volley of his arrows on the bank of river Parni; but, in the meantime, Vikramasimha's son Ranasimha captured the territory of his father (verse 10). Then Dhärāvarsha, having pleased his master by means of his wisdom, devotion and valour, got baok his own kingdom through his (i.e. his master's) favour (verse 11). He had a wife named Rajya. bri (f) of the Cahamina (Chauhān) family, who was the daughter of the illustrious Kolhapadova.
1 Ojhs wrongly considers Dharbhata to be a second name of Mahipala (op.cit., pp. 199, 208).
• Parpapila and Dantivarman rulod for a short time one after the other. It appears that the former had no son. But, although' Dantivarman bad son, the throne wus oocupied by his younger brother Krishpadeve. Thus Yegardjo and Ramadeva, respectively the son and grandson of Dantivarman, were deprived of their right of suo. contion, and the kingdom passed on to Kikaladeva, the son of Krishpadova.
From Kakaladdva, his son Vikramasinha inherited the throne. But Vikramasimha was taken captivo, in battle, by the Bolanket king Kumarapkla of Burlahtra (Gujardt) who installed Yasodhavala, the son of Ramadora and nephew of Vikramasimbe, on the throne of Abu.
It appears that, when Dhårkvarsha WMA engaged in battle with the Malavas, Ranasinha captured the territory of his father Vikramasimha, which had been given to Yatódhavala, the father of Dhårdvarsha, by Kumi. mpkla.
• Dharivarnha's master was the king of Gujarat.
The name of the quean is uncertain. Soo below, p. 138, note 1. The present charter seems to have been issued by Dhirvanshe. -Ed.]
After this, the record is lost in the missing plate or plates. For a brief history of the Paramaras. See Ojha, op. cit., pp. 100 ff. Ojhs (op. cit., p. 198) states that Dbir varsha married Spingåradevi and Gigldovi, the daughter of the Chauhan king Kolhapa of Nidola. The insoription offers the following genealogy of the Paramiru of Abu :
Fire-born king (Dhūmarăja 1)
1. Utpalarāja 2. Aranyaraja 3. Krishparaja 4. Dharanivarába
5. Dharbhata
6. Mahipala 7. Dhandhaika
8. Poroapále
9. Nantivarman
Yögarāja
Rāmadēva 13. Yassdhavala 18. Dharavarska
10. Krishnadeva 11. Kakaladin 12. Vikramaalla 14. Rapanishha

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FRAGMENTARY GRANT OF PARAMARAS OF ABU
प्रयासः मान टैगोर जॉय घ गोमालालका यी मात्र वाकु जय परमार नागदेव राजपा राजनृपख
काल 10
साहितिपति: दा • भूमिपते गजगी मंदी पालन निदधमे॥श्रीका वराती या महीपालन दयानिः साथीनेरिवर्तन करायला पार्वमहितीयकमनीयव तीजी नानाया राजानं राजा लायन 10 कुतः या राजा साता राम्रादाद्वारा वागातिक्रमसिंह: दमा: रामदेव नातः शाशाय दालानृपः॥यनना पावलानु परमार वंशतिलकः का जामग्री: शासनादिकाला कलशालाल धानुरागा आनाशी मान में इलटि प्रतापराव सावा मालविकवीरा खानु तवा पिकापीविनु महिनालाल रात्री रणजिहाद १ला: पारान सिक्रिपराक्रमः प्रसादानः पारावाजीमह
12
12
14
14
16
16
18 |
2
2
यी नावे 18 काजल पविज
Scale: Four-fifths

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No. 18] FRAGMENTARY GRANT OF PARAMARAS OF ABU
137 TEXT [Metres : verses 1, 3-8 Anushtubh; verses 2,9 Sardalavikridita; verse 10 Indravajra.] 1 ॐ ॥ देवः पायात् स वः श्रीमान् शृंगारी गिरिजाप्रियः । य2 स्य गंगा जटाजूटे मालतीमालिकायते ॥ १ [॥*] श्रीम[च्छे Jष्ट(ष्ठ)वसिष्ठाकुं3 डहुतभुक्(ग्)जन्माषु(बु)दे योभवत्() भपालः परमार इत्यभिधया गादे(धे)य4 दापहः । तद्वंश्योत्पलराजभूपतिसुतो योरण्यराजो नृपस्तन्मूर्तेरव5 तीर्णवान् क्षितिपतिः श्रीकृष्णराजो जयी ॥२ [॥*] श्रीधरणीवराहोभूत्प्रभु8 भूमेस्तदंगजः । श्रीधूर्भटमहीपालौ तत्सुनौ(तो) दधतुर्महीं(हीम्) ॥३ [॥*]
श्रीध(ध)धूका(को) 7 धराधीशो महीपालतनूद्भयः(वः) । निःसार्य वैरिवर्ग यश्चक्रे राज्यं
[स्वमं]डले [*] ४ [*] 8 तत्सुतः पूर्णपालोभूदंतिवी द्वितीयकः । तृतीयः कृष्णदेयोभूद्राज्यं चक्रुः क्र9 मेण. ते [*] ५ [॥*] दंतिवर्मात्मजः श्रीमान् योगराजो जगज्जयी । राजा
काकलदेवो*] येत्(यः) 10 कृष्णदेवतनू द्भवः [*] ६ [*] योगराजांगसंभूतो रामदेवो रणोत्कट: । जातः
काकलदे11 वांगाद्विक्रमसिंहः माधिपः [॥*] ७ [[*] रामदेवतनोजीतः श्रीयशोध[व]लो नृपः ।
येन मा12 लवभूपालो “व(ब)ल्लालो दलितो रणे ।[*] ८ [[*] तत्सूनुः परमारवंशतिलक:
क्षोणीभु13 जामग्रणीः शास्त्रास्त्रादिकलाकलापकुशलो लप्धा(ब्धा)नुरागो जने । श्रीमानर्व(बु)दभूमि14 मंडलपतिः प्रौढप्रतापान्ति(न्वि)तो धारावर्षनरेश्वरोभवदसौ पुण्यप्रभावोत्कट:
In*] & [*] 18 पणातटे मालविकप्रवीरान् पराग्तुअिमु)खान् यः कृतवान् शारो]षेः(ः) । शोणी
पिन(तु)- .
1 Prom an impression.

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138 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII 18 विक्रमभि(सि)हभू(सू)नुले(ले)ले (मे)न्तरा श्रीरणसिंहदेवः ।।*] १० [॥*] प्रसाच स
(प्र)भोः पारा(पा)न् 17 बु(ब)विभक्तिपराक्रमः । तत्प्रसादात्यानः प्राप. धारावार्षों] निजां मही(होम)
॥११ [॥*] 18 तस्य भार्या चाहमानकुलवंशजा श्रीकल्हणवेवावाहिता राज्यश्री(?)' 19 .....................................
The last four letters of the lino look liko najt brima. The intended reading may have been rajnit trimado-Ed.] . This line is later addition having little to do with the inscription in lines 1-18.

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No. 17-MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN,
V. S. 1331
(4 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND In November 1939, Mr. R. B. Deshpande of Dhår, formerly Assistant Engineer of the old Dhär State in Central India and in charge of the archaeological monuments at Mandū, learnt from a Brāhmana named Subrahmanya Shastri about the existence of a new copper-plate inscription in the possession of Rao Saheb Sobhag Singhji, the then Rao of Mandhātā. The inscription is said to have been discovered in 1927 at Māndhätä on the southern Bank of the Narmadā, when some people were clearing the ground near the Kāsi-Visvēsvara temple for the Kärttiki Mēlā. Mr. "Deshpande visited Māndhātă in the company of Shastri and succeeded in examining the inscription through the kindness and courtesy of the Rao Saheb. The plates, which were thoroughly covered with verdigris at the time of their discovery, were cleaned and Mr. Deshpande took & few sets of impressions of the writing. The inscription was then studied by Pandit Babu Shastri of Dhär and his transcript with a Hindi translation was published in the monthly journal called Usha, published by the Bhoj Prakasan, Dhār, in its issues for Junuary February 1953, p. 48 ; March 1953, p. 14 ; November 1953, p. 44 ; December 1953, p. 11 ; February 1954, p. 28; March 1954, p. 9; August 1954, pp. 27-28 ; and October-November 1954, pp. 41-42. Mr. Deshpando Also published an introductory note in English on the importance of the inscription in the same journal in its issues for November 1953, p. 43, and December 1953, pp. 20-21.
About the beginning of 1955 I received information about the existence of the inscription and tried to secure it on loan for examination from the Rao Saheb of Måndhātā. But I was informed that the record was then being examined by Dr. H. V. Trivedi, Curator of the Indore Museum. Failing to secure the original plates, I then tried to secure a set of its impressions from Mr. R. B. Deshpande. This attempt was luckily successful and about the middle of the year I received one set of inked impressions of the record from Mr. Deshpande and copies of the issues of the Ushā, containing the articles of Pandit Babu Shastri and Mr. Despande, from Mr. Y. W. Wakankar of Dhär, formerly Lecturer in Geography in the Government College, Dhär. The impressions were photographed in my office and returned to Mr. Deshpande. In this connection I received very consisderable help from Mr. N. S. Purandare of Dhär, formerly Principal of the Government College, Mandasaur.
Since, however, the impressions received from Mr. Deshpande were not quite satisfactory, I requested Dr. Trivedi to send me either the original plates on loan or a set of good impressions of the inscription. I also requested him to publish the record in the Epigraphia Indica. Unfortunately nothing was received from Dr. Trivedi till the beginning of the year 1957 and I took up the photographs of Mr. Deshpande's inpressions for study in April 1957. On examination it was found that the inscription throws welcome light on the history of the Paramāras of Malwa, although Pandit Babu Shastri's transcript is not free from inaccuracies and his translation is full of errors while Mr. Deshpande's views on the importance and interpretation of the record are all misconceived. The inscription is edited here from the photographs referred to above.
The set consists of four plates, each measuring about 17 inches in length, 13 inches in height and between und inch in thickness. Their weight las not been recorded. The edges of the plates were raised to the thickness of about inch for the protection of the writing. The
(139)

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140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
four plates are held together by two copper rings passing through holes made in them. While the first plate has writing only on the inner side, the other three plates bear inscription on both obverse and reverse. In the left side of the empty space beneath the writing on the reverse of the last plate, the figure of Garuda, the royal emblem of the Paramaras, is engraved as in so many other Paramāra charters. There are altogether 140 lines of writing in the inscription and they are distributed on the inscribed faces of the plates in the following order: I-21 lines; IIA-22 lines; IIB-23 lines; IIIA-23 lines; IIIB-23 lines; IVA-23 lines; IVB-5 lines.
The characters of the inscription are Nagari. Its language is Sanskrit. The record is written in a mixture of prose and verse. Its palaeography and orthography do not call for any special remark. The letter b is indicated by the sign for v. There is a general tendency to represent class nasals by anusvära. Final m is often wrongly changed to anusvara at the end of the second and fourth feet of verses, although it is generally used correctly at the end of sentences in the prose part of the document. The date of the charter is quoted in words in lines 91-92 as Friday, Maitra (Anuradha)-nakshatra, Bhadrapada-sudi 7 in the year (Vikrama Samvat) 1331 called Pramathin (according to the Northern Cycle of Jupiter). The details of the date correspond regularly to those of the 10th of August in the year 1274 A. D.
The object of the document is to record a grant of land made by Sadhanika Anayasimhadeva while he was staying at Mandapa-durga, with the permission of the Paramāra king Jayavarman alias Jayasimhha, described as the lord of Dhärä, after having worshipped the husband of Parvati, i.e. the god Siva. Anayasimha's order in this respect was addressed to the officials as well as the villagers including Brahmanas and Paṭṭakilas (i.e. Patels) who were associated with the following localities: (1) Kumbhadauda-grāma in Vardhanapura-pratijāgaraṇaka, (2) Välauda-grāma in the same Pratijägaranaka (i.e. Pargana), (3) Vaghadi-grāma in Saptaśltipratijāgaranaka and (4) Naṭiya-grāma in Nagadaha-pratijägaranaka. It is stated that Anayasimha, together with his four sons named Kamalasimha, Dharasimha, Jaitrasimha and Padmasimha, granted the said four villages in favour of a number of Brahmanas residing in the Brahmapuri (i.e. Brahmaņa settlement) at Mändhātri and belonging to various" götras and bakhas, whose families hailed from several localities. It is interesting to note that the four villages were divided into 16 parts, each called a pada and that, while 14 of these padas were granted to the 14 Brahmana donees, 2 padas were made over by Anayasimha to his own self. It may be that Anayasimha purchased the four villages from the Paramāra king for the purpose of creating a rent-free holding to be granted in favour of Brahmanas, although he was allowed to retain a small part of the land for himself. There are other instances of this kind in inscriptions.
The donees mentioned in the list are the following: (1) Di(Dikshita) Padmanabhaśarman, son of Avasathin Vidyadharaśarman and grandson of Cha(Chaturvedin) Kamalädharasarman of the Gautama götra, the Angirasa, Auvathya and Gautama pravaras and the Rigveda sākhā and hailing from Takārī; (2) Cha(Chaturvēdin) Madhavasarman, brother of No. 1; (3) Pam(Pandita) Srikanthasarman, son of Pañchapi(pa)thin Miśra Uddharanasarman and grandson of Miśra Dharmadharasarman of the Bharadvaja gotra, the Angirasa, Barhaspatya and Bharadvaja pravaras and the Rigveda sākhā and hailing from Takari; (4) Dvi(Dvivēdin) Govardhanasarman, son of Pam(Pandita) Vidyapatisarman and grandson of Cha(Chaturvedin) Bhupatisarman of the Kasyapa gotra, the Kasyapa, Avatsara and Naidhruva pravaras and the Rigveda sakha and
1 Cf. above, Vol. IX, Plate facing p. 111.
See IHQ, Vol. XXIII, p. 236. The Baud plates of Prithvimahadevi appear to offer another instance (of. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 211 and note 1); but the expression dana-pati (i.e. the person areating a rent-free holding with the approval of the royal authority) has been misunderstood by the editor of the inscriptions.

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No. 17). MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN
V. S. 1331
141
hailing from Lakhanapura ; (5) DI(Dikshita) Vāmanaśarman, son of Dro Dēvasarman and grandson of Dro Srivatsalarman of the Chandrātrēya götra, the Atröya, Gävishthira and Purvītitha pravaras and the Madhyandina sakha and hailing from Töläpauha ; (6) Avasthi (Avasathin) Anantakarman, son of SĂdbāranabarman and grandson of Balabhadrasarman of the Vašishtha götra, the Vāśishtha, Sāktrya and Pārāśarya pravaras and the Mädhyandina sākha and hailing from Takārl ; (7) Dvi(Dvivēdin) Harisarmabarman, son of Dvio solūbarman and grandson of Sukla Pradyumnaśarman of the Bhāradvāja gotra, the Angirase, Bärhaspatya and Bhāradvāja pravaras and the Mädhyandina sākhā and hailing from Takāri ; (8) Dvi(Dvivēdin) Mahādēvasarman, son of Upā(Upadhyāya) Vaijūšarman and grandson of Upā Dēvašarman of the Kāśyapa götra, the Käsyapa, Avatsāra and Naidhruva pravaras and the Madhyandina sākha and hailing from Tani; (9) Dvi(Dvivēdin) Haridēvasarman, son of Ava(Avasathin) Aladēvašarman and grandson of Pa(Pathin) Külhanasarman of the Katyāyana qotra, the Visvamitra, Kātya and Kila(Atkila) pravaras and the Madhyandina sakha and hailing from Takārl ; (10) Dvi(Dvivēdin) Anantasarman, son of Ava(Avasathin) Vinküdēvabarman and grandson of Dvio Gajadharaśarman of the Bhāradvāja götra, the Angirasa, Bärhaspatya and Bhāradvāja pravaras and the Mādhyandina sākha and hailing from Takāri ; (11) Pä(Pāțhin) Yögēśvaraśarman, son of Pao Atrisarman and grandson of Pā° Krishnasarman of the Atrēya götra, the Atrēya, Gāvishthira and Pūrvātitha pravaras and the Mädhyandina sākha and hailing from Takāri ; (12) Tri(Trivēdin) Nārāyanaśarman, son of Trio Damodarafarman and grandson of Trio Samuddbaranasarman of the Väsishtha götra, the Vasishtha, Abharadvasu and Indrapramada pravaras and the Kauthuma sākha and hailing from Takärl ; (13) Tri(Trivēdin) Purushūbarman, son of Cha(Chaturvödin) Lakshmidharaśarman and grandson of Chao Vāsudēvasarman of the Sävarņi gotra, the Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnavad, Aurva and Jamadagnya pravaras and the Kauthuma Sakha and hailing from Takäri ; (14) Tri(Trivēdin) Vāūmšarman, son of Trio Mahēsvarabarman and grandson of Trio Visvēsvarasarman of the Sandilya gülra, the Sandilya, Asita and Daivala pravaras and the Kauthuma sākha and hailing from Takāri ; and (15) Sadhanika Anayasimhavarman of the Chāhamāna family and Kshatriya community, son of Sao Salakhanasimhavarman and grandson of São Palhaņadēvavarman of the Vatsa götra and the Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnavad, Aurva and Jámadagnya pravaras.
An interesting feature of the list of the donees quoted above in that, in several of the cases, the family names were not still stereotyped in the families sinoe the donee and his father and grandfather have not the same distinctive designation. In one oase, Avasathin Vidyādharaśarman is stated to have been the son of Chaturvēdin Kamalādharaśarman and the father of Dikshita Padmanabhasarman and Chaturvēdin Madhavašarman. The mention of the götra of the Kshatriya family of the Chāhamānas is also worth noting. But more interesting seems to be the fact that, while the list enumerates only 14 Brāhmaṇas getting one pada or share each, along with the Chåhamūna Kshatriya Anayasimha receiving two padas, line 127 specifically gives the number of doness as '16 Brāhmaṇas'. It is therefore not impossible that the 16 shares in which the 4 gift villages were divided had been orginally planned to be allotted to 16 Brāhmaṇas but that the plan was later modified to the advantage of Anayasimha. Whether this was done with the king's consent or by Anayasimha on his own initiative without his master's knowledge cannot be determined, although the mention of the 15 donees inoluding himself as '16 Brāhmaṇas' looks rather suspicious. Line 133 also refers to the donees of the grant as these Brāhmaṇas'.
The fact that Anayasimha is stated to have granted the charter, albeit with the king's permission, points to his power and prestige in the court of the Paramara king. He is stated to have been staying at Mandapa-durga and is called a Sadhanika. His immediate anoestors also appear to have enjoyed the same designation. The expression Sahanika is the same as Prakrit Sähania

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[VOL. XXXII
meaning the commander of an army'. An inscription (V. S. 1237) of a Paramara chief named Jadana, from Nana in the old Jodhpur State, uses the same word as Sahani (cf. the family name Sahni) which has been supposed to indicate the master of the royal stables'. In Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani the expression Mahāsādhanika is used in the sense of a chieftain or military
governor,
We have seen that the list of donees discussed above mentions Sã° Salakhanasimhavarman and São Palhanadevavarman respectively as the father and grandfather of Chahamana Anayasimha. Verses 57-66 (lines 75-86) of the introductory part of the inscription offer further information about this Chahamana family owing allegiance to the Paramāras. Verses 75-76 speak of Rautta (i.e. Ravat from Sanskrit Raja-putra) Rața and his son Palhanadeva (respectively the great-grandfather and grandfather of Anayasimha) and of the power of their arms. The master of Palhanadeva is vaguely referred to without disclosing his name, although he must have been the contemporary Paramāra king. Verse 59 mentions Palhanadeva's son Salakhanasimba who is stated to have assisted Arjunadeva in his battles. This Arjunadeva is no doubt the Paramara king Arjunavarman whose known dates are V. S. 1267 (1211 A. D.), 1270 (1213 A. D.) and 1272 (1215 A. D.). It is not impossible that the said Chahamana chief is identical with Rajan Salakhana mentioned as the Mahäsändhi (i.e. Mahāsanlhivigrahika) in Arjunavarman's Bhopal plates (Set 2). A very interesting instance of military assistance rendered by Salakhanasimha to the Paramāra king is offered by verse 60. It is stated that the Chahamana leader of Paramara forces defeated the army of Simhaṇadēva, no doubt the Yadava king of that name who ruled in c. 1210-47 A. D., and captured seven plumes (chamarani which appear to have been fitted with the turban) from the general Sagaya-ranaka, apparently a leader of Simhanadēva's forces, after having pulled the general down from his horse which was in the middle of a contingent. This feat of valour pleased both Simha and Arjuna (i.e. Paramara Arjunavarman) who shook their heads in appreciation.
The Bahal inscription of Yadava Simhana and the Paithan plates of his great-grandson Ramachandra (c. 1271-1310 A. D.) refer to Simhana's victory over Arjuna who is none other than the Paramāra king Arjunavarman of Malwa. The Hammiramadamardana relates how Chahamāna Sindhuraja, brother of Arjuna varman's feudatory Simha of Laṭadeśa, was killed by Yadava Simhana. This Sinha of Lața seems to be mentioned as appreciating the valour of Chahamana Salakhana in verse 60 of our inscription, referred to above. The stanza, therefore, probably refers to the Yadava invasion of Lata which formed a part of the dominions of Arjunavarman. Sāgayaranaka, who was a leader of the Yadava army and was defeated by the Chahamana general of the Paramāra king, may be the same as the cavalry officer Sanga mentioned in a Yadava inscription" of Saka 1119 (1197 A. D.).
1 H. T. Seth, Paiasaddamahan navo, s.v. Bhandarkar's List, No. 395.
Cf. Ganguly, History of the Paramaras of Malwa, p. 212. Mahäsädhanika seems to be the same as Paffasăhanadhipati of some records (cf. A.R. Ep., 1953-54, p. 6). For Sahani or Sahini in other inscriptions, see also loc. cit.; Kundangar, Inscriptions of Northern Karnatak and Kolhapur, p. 139, No. 16, etc.
Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 457, 460 and 466.
JAOS, Vol. VII, pp. 25 ff. Salakhana mentioned in the Bhopal plates is generally identified with the homonymous father of the Jain poet Asadhara author of the Trishash fiemriti and various other works and a protégé of Arjunavarman and his successors (cf. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 899; Ganguly, op. cit., p. 202).
Above, Vol. III, pp. 113 ff. Cf. Hemadri's Vratakhanda (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p.272, verse 48). Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 316, text line 27.
Ganguly, op. cit., pp. 208, 212-13. Cf. Hammiramadamardana, Abka I.
·
See Kundangar, op. cit., p. 146, No. 17.

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MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN,
• V. S. 1331
The following six stanzas (verses 61-66) describe the activities of Anayasimha, the son of Salakhana and the donor of the grant. He is stated to have built a temple for the god Siva and excavated a tank at Dévapälapura. This locality seems to have been named after the Paramāra king Dēvapāla who succeeded Arjunavarman. Another temple was built by him at Sākapura for the goddess Ambika. This locality may have been the headquarters of the Pargana called Sākapura-pratijagaranaka which is mentioned in the Piplianagar plates of Arjunavarman. Anayasimha also built a temple for the god Jambukēsvara Siva in the vicinity of the Onkära (ie. Onkārēsvara) temple and excavated a tank near the former. In the fort of Mandapa, he excavated a tank and granted in favour of Brāhmaṇas, with the king's permission, a purior township having a surrounding wall, a gate, a big shrine and a pond and containing 16 temples endowed with golden jars [forming their pinnacles). This puri is apparently the Brahmapuri at Mandapadurga, mentioned as the habitation of the Brāhmaṇa donees of the grant under discussion and already referred to above. Similar pious works were also done by Anayasimha at Māndhātri-durga.
The earlier part of the inscription before the introduction of the feudatory family of the Chāhamānas, to which the donor Anayasimha belonged, may be divided into two sections, the first containing invocation to various deities and the second the genealogy of the Imperial Paramāras of Malwa. The first section begins with the Pranava and a passage in prose in adoration to Dharma described as purush-ürthu-chudamani. The same invocation is found in several other grants of the Paramāra kings. The above is followed by eleven stanzas (verses 1-11) in adoration of the following deities : 'the lord of sacrificers', i.e. the Moon-god (verse 1) who is similarly invoked at the beginning of some other Paramāra charters ;' Rāma, i.e. Parasurama (verse 2); Rāma, i.e. Rāma Dasarathi (verse 3); Puradruh, i.e. Siva (verge 4); Sarva having eight forms, i.e. Siva (verse 5); Onkära (verse 6), identical with Pasupati or Siva and having his temple on the bank of the Rēva or Narmadā (verse 7), the description of the shrine near the junction of the Rēvā and the Kāvēri being continued in the following stanza (verse 8); Kaitabhajít or Vishnu in his Boar incarnation (verse 10); and Pitāmaha, i.e. Brahman (verse 11).
The said section is followed by the mythical account of the origin of the Paramāra dynasty. Verse 12 relates how the god Brahman created out of his own mind the Seven Sages, one of whom was Vasishtha. The next stanza (verse 13) refers to the quarrel between Vasishtha and Kausika, i.e. Visvāmitra, wellknown from the epics and Purānas, while verse 14 states how Vasishtha created out of his sacrificial fire-pit a hero named Paramāra for punishing his foes (i.e. Visvāmitra's forces) who were the enemies of Dharma. Verse 15 says that this Paramāra was the progenitor of a royal family [hearing his name). This mythical account of the origin of the Paramaras is first noticed in records of the eleventh century when it seems to have been fabricated. The myth has been interpreted to mean that the Paramāras were Hinduised foreigners of the HūņaGurjara stock. The theory is of course not disproved by the evidence of the Harsola plates, according to which Bappairāja (Vākpatirāja I) was descended from the family of the Rāshtrakūta king Akālavarsha Kșishna III (939-66 A.D.), since this apparently refers to Bappaïräja's relations with the Rashtrakūta house on his mother's side as otherwise, if the Paramāras were direct des
1 JASB, Vol. V, 1836, pp. 377-82. . cf. above, Vol. IX, pp. 108 (text line 1), 120 (text line 1).
Ibid., pp. 108 (text lines 1-2, verse 1), 120 (text lines 1-2, verse 1). . Cf. above, Vol. XIV, pp. 295 ff.; Navasähasankacharita, XI, 64 ff.
Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, ed. Crooke, Vol. I, pp. 112 ff.; Cunningham, ASR, Vol. II, pp. 254 ff., etc.
• Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 289-40; cf Ray, op. cit., pp. 841-42.

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VOL. XXXII cendants of the Răshtrakūta emperors, the Paramāra rulers would have continued to mention the fact even in their later records.
The above account of the mythical origin of the Parnmāra family is followed by a long list of Paramāra kings ending with the ruler, during whose reign the charter under study was issued. There are altogether 24 names in this section, the first 9 of which are inhistorical. These imaginary names are: Kamandaludhara, king of Dhūrā (verse 16); his son Dhimarāja whoge name was justified by the smoke arising from the cities of his enemiey that were burnt by him "verses 17-18); his son Divasirnhapāla (verse 19); his son Kanalasitha (verse 20); his son Sriharsha (verse 20a); Jagaddēva king of Mālava (verses 21-22); Sthirakiya (verse 23); Võsari, lord of Dhärä (verse 24); and his son Virasimha (verse 25). These names forming a group are introduced in the genealogy of the Imperial Para māras for the first time in the present record. Of the nine names, Dhūmarāja seems to have been adopted from the genealogy of the Paramāras of Arbuda? while Virasiilia, although he is called the son of an imaginary Võsari, may be a modification of the name of Vairisimha who was the father of Vakpati I mentioned in our inscription in the following stanza (verse 26). A king named Jagaddēva no doubt flourished in the family, but at a much later date than the period indicated by our inscription. There was no Sriharsha in the family, who was the son and successor of a king named Kanakasimha. It will be seen that imagination and confusion have both played a part in the genealogy of the Imperial Paramiras quoted above from the inscription under Atudy.
Verses 26-56 give the names of 15 Paramāra rulers of the Imperial house, although some of the kings have been omitted. Vakpatirāja is mentioned in verse 26 as famous for his sūktis in the Prakrit language; but the well-known literary merits of his great-grandson Muñja (Vākpati II) who is separately mentioned in verses 28-29 of our record, appear to be reflected in this statement. Verse 27 mentions Siyū (i.e. Siyaka alias Sri-Harsha, 0.948-74 A.D.) who was the grandson of Vakpati, and omits Väkpati's son Vairisinha alias Vajrata. The next two stanzas (verses 28-29) describe Muñja (who was the son and successor of Siyaka and ruled in o. 974-95 A.D.) without specifically mentioning his relations with Siya, while verses 30-31 mention Sindhurāja (who was the brother and successor of Muñja and ruled in c. 996-1010 A.D.) similarly without stating his relations with Muñja. The following four stanzas (verses 32-35) describe the achievements of Bhöja (c. 2010-55 A.D.), son of Sindhurūja, in vague terms. Verse 36 passes over Bhoja's son and successor Jayasinha (o. 1056-60 A.D.) and mentions Udayāditya (c. 1060-90 A.D.) who appears to have been distant cousin of Bhoja. Udayāditya is stated to have recovered the kingdom. from the Gurjars k . This reference to the Gürjara occupation of Malwa no doubt alludes to the Parāmāra kings struggle with the Chaulukyag of Gujarāt. According to the Ras Mali, supported by the Prabandhachintamani, Kalachuri Karna (c. 1041-72 A.D.) of Pahala and Chaulukyk Bhima (c. 1022-64 A.D.) of Gujarāt jointly attacked king Bhoja of Ujjayini, defeated and killed him and destroyed the city of Dhārā. The reference may also be to Udayāditya's struggle with Chaulukya Karna I (c. 1064-94 A.D.), son of Bhima I. While a Chitorgarh insoription of
1 See above, pp. 135 ff. - Jagaddēva alias Lakshmadēva was a son of Udayaditya (known dates between V.8. 1116=1080 A.D. and V.S. 1143-1087 A.D.) and his known date is V.8. 1151 (1097 A.D.) when, according to a bardie tradition, he offered his head to the goddess Kali (of. Bhandarkar's List, p. 397).
The Paramira king Siyaka alia, Sri-Harsha (known dates between V.8. 2008-049 A.D. and V.8. 102:978 A.D.) succeeded his father Vairiaitha alias Vajrata (loo. cit.) and he is apparently mentioned as Blya in verse 27 of our inscription.
See Ray, op. cit., pp. 777-78. Abovo, Vol. XX, p. 209, Nos. 15-22.

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Kumarapala's time merely credits Karna I with a victory over the Malavas at the Sudakupa pass, the Prithvirajavijaya, Sukritasamkirtana and Surathotsava refer to his conquest of the Malava country. An inscription in the Nagpur Museum refers to Udayaditya's conquest of the earth (i.e. the Paramāra kingdom) which had been occupied, jointly with the Karnatas, by Karna who is identified by some scholars with Chaulukya Karna I but by others with the Kalachuri king of Dahala bearing the same name."
Verses 36-37 speak of Naravarman (c. 1101-1135 A.D.), son of Udayaditya, but pass over his elder brother Lakshmadeva or Jagaddova (c. 1090-1101 A.D.) in silence. The next stanza (verse 39) mentions Yasövarman (c. 1135-45 A.D.) without specifying the fact that he was the son and successor of Naravarman. Verses 40-41 speak of Ajayavarman, son of Yasovarman, while the next two stanzas describe Ajayavarman's son Vindhyavarman (verse 42) and grandson Subhatavarman (verse 43) without stating the fact that Subhaṭavarman was the son and successor of Vindhyavarman. Arjunadeva (i.e. Arjunavarman, known' dates between V.S. 1267 and 1270, i.e. 1211-15 A.D.), son of Subhatavarman, is mentioned in verses 44-45, in the first of which he is described as devoted to Krishna.
There is a valuable reference to a historical event in verses 46-48 in the description of the next king Devapāla (known dates between V.S. 1275 and 1289, i.e. 1218-32 A.D.) who is mentioned without specifying his relationship with Arjunavarman. Dovapala belonged to a branch of the Paramara family, being the grandson of Mahākumāra Lakshmivarman (known date V.S. 1200, i.e. 1144 A.D.) who was a brother of king Ajayavarman of the main line. In the branch line, ruling independently over the region about Bhopal, Indore, Hoshangabad, Khandesh and Nimar, Lakshmivarman was succeeded as Mahākumāra by his son Harischandra (known dates V.S. 123536, i.e. 1179-81 A.D.) whose successor was his son Mahākumāra Udayavarman (known date V.S. 1256, i.e. 1200 A.D.). Devapala was the younger brother and successor of Udayavarman. With Devapala's accession to the throne of Arjunavarman of the main branch of the Paramara family, the two parts of the Paramara kingdom became reunited.
Verse 48 states that Dövapäla killed an adhipa (i.e. a king or chief) of the Mlechchhas in a battle fought near the city of Bhaillasvämin. This no doubt refers to the invasion of the city of Bhaillasvamin (modern Bhilsa) by Iltutmish (1212-36 A.D.), the Turkish Sultan of Delhi. According to Muslim historians, in 632 A.H. or 1233-34 A.D., Iltutmish reduced Gwalior to subjeotion and turned his arms against Malwa; he captured the fort of Bhilsa where the temple of Bhaillasvamin was demolished and marched into Ujjayini where he destroyed the great temple of the god Mahākāla. The claim of Devapala in the stanza of our inscription, referred to above, seems to suggest that the Paramāra king succeeded in recovering the city of Bhilsa shortly after its conquest by Iltutmish. The Mlechchhadhipa mentioned in the verse was probably the Muslim governor in whose charge the city was placed by the Sultan. That the Paramaras reconquered Bhilsa is also suggested by the fact that, after half a century, the Khalji Sultans of Delhi had to reconquer the city from the Hindus.
1 Cf. Ganguly, op. cit., pp. 130-31.
2 Above, Vol. II, pp. 185, 192 (verse 32); cf. ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 236, 238 (verses 21-22).
*See Ganguly, op. cit., P. 130.
Some scholars believe that Yasovarman's elder son named Jayavarman was overthrown by his younger son named Ajayavarman, while others believe that Jayavarman and Ajayavarman were two different names of one and the same king. See Ray, op. cit., pp. 888 ff.; Ganguly, op. cit., pp. 181 ff.
See Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol. II, 328; T'arikh-i-Firishta, Briggs' trans., Vol. I, p. 211; Tabagat-i-Nasiri, Raverty's trans., Vol. I, p. 622.
Tarikh-i-Firishta, op. cit., pp. 303-04.

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Devapala's son and successor was Jaitugi (known dates V.S. 1292-1300, i.e. 1236-44 A.D.) mentioned in verse 49. Verses 50-56 describe the Paramāra king during whose rule the charter under discussion was issued. He was the younger brother of Jaitugi; but the relationship between the two is not indicated in our record. It is interesting to note that he is called Jayavarman in verses 50 and 56 (as well as in line 87 and verse 72 below) but Jayasimha in verses 51-52. This king was so far known under the name Jayavarman (it is doubtful whether the name is Jayasimha in one of the cases) from the following inscriptions of his time: (1) Rahatgarh stone inscription1 of V.S. 1312 (1256 A.D.); (2) Modi stone inscription of V.S. 1314 (1258 A.D.), and (3) Mändhätä plates of V.S. 1317 (1261 A.D.). The Pathari inscription of V.S. 1326 (1269 A.D.) belongs to the reign of a Paramāra king named Jayasimha and there is a controversy amongst scholars whether Jayavarman mentioned in the Rahatgarh, Modi and Mandhätä records is identical with Jayasimha of the Pathari inscription. That a Paramāra king named Jayasimha ruled from Mandapa some time before V.S. 1345 (1289 A.D.) is also suggested by the Balvan inscription of Chāhamana Hammira of Ranastambhapura as his father Jaitrasimha who died in V.S. 1339 (1283 A.D.) is stated to have defeated the said king. The présent inscription, dated V. S. 1331 (1274 A.D.) and mentioning the Paramāra king by both the names Jayavarman and Jayasimha, shows clearly that scholars like Ganguly who regard Jayasinha, of the Pathari inscription as different from Jayavarman of the Rahatgarh, Modi and Mandhātā (V.S. 1317) inscriptions are wrong. Ray's suggestion' that Jaitugi may have also been known by the name Jayasimha is equally wrong since the two brothers, Jaitugi and Jayavarman, could not both of them have enjoyed the common name Jayasimha. The rule of Paramara Jayasimha-Jayavarman may be assigned to the period
1255-75 A.D.
146
Verse 52 of our inscription seems to suggest that Jayasiinha-Jayavarman was regarded as both a dauhitra (daughter's son) and a pautra (son's son) with reference to his succession to the Paramāra throne. This statement seems to throw some light on the controversy whether Devapala of a branch line of the family succeeded Arjunavarman of the main line by overthrowing the latter by violence or because Arjunavarman died without leaving any male heir. If the stanza in question means to say that Jayasimha-Jayavarman claimed to be a dauhitra of Arjunavarman, Devapāla may be regarded as having succeeded Arjunavarman as the latter's son-in-law and heir.
Verse 54 speaks of Jayasimha-Jayavarman's success against the king of Dakshiņātya lying to the south of the Vindhyas. This may refer to his struggle with the Yadava king Ramachandra who, according to his Thana plates of Saka 1194 (1272 A.D.), defeated the Malavas. The Udari stone inscription10 of the same king, dated Saka 1198 (1276 A.D.), speaks of his victory over king Arjuna of Malava, who was apparently the immediate successor of Jayasimha-Jayavarman and may be regarded as Arjunavarman II. The same Paramāra king is also mentioned in the Balvan
1 Cunningham, ASR, Vol. X, p. 31.
2 ASIWC, 1905, p. 12; ibid., 1913, p. 56.
Above, Vol. IX, pp. 117-23.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 575.
See ibid., p. 397, and Ray, op. cit., p. 905, for one view, and Ganguly, op. cit., p. 227, for another. Bhandarkar's List, No. 623.
"Op. cit., p. 928.,
Ibid., p. 902.
Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 202-03.
10 An. Rep. Arch. Surv. Mys. 1929, p. 143.

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No. 17) MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN, 147
V. S. 1331 inscription (V.S. 1345=1288 A.D.) of Chāhamāna Hammira (c. 1233-1301 A.D.) of Raņastambhapura. Hammira is stated to have defeated Arjuna in battle and wrested the glory of Mālava by force.
According to lines 128 ff., the four villages, having well-defined boundaries, were granted as & permanent endowment together with trees, houses, house-sites, granaries and threshing floors, tala-bhēdhyā (pits ?) and cow-sheds. The donees' rights included certain taxes payable by the tenants in kind and described as handfuls of vegetables, small measures of oil and vesselfuls of liquids or grains. They were granted the right over objects grown in the space above the earth and treasures and deposits under the ground as well as over temples, gardens, tanks, step-wells, wells, etc. They were further allowed to enjoy taxes in cash, periodical offerings and the customary share of grains, and also the tax on temporary tenants as well as other incomes including fines. But the donees were not allowed to have any right over any part of the land already in the possession of gods and Brāhmaṇas. The Pattakilas and villagers were ordered to pay to the donees the usual share of the produce, periodical offerings and taxes in cash as well as to obey their orders. Some of the ordinary imprecatory and benedictory stanzas are quoted in lines 134-38. According to verse 72 in line 139, the writer of the charter was Srikantha who was & courtier of king Jayavarman. The document was engraved by Rūpakāra (artisan) Känhāka who may be the same as Kānhäda, the engraver of the Māndhātā plates of V.8. 1317 (1261 A.D.), issued by the same king.
The following geographical names are mentioned in the inscription : (1) Rēvā, i.e. the river Narmada ; (2) Kāvērī, a branch of the Narmadā ; (3) Mändhātri or Māndhātri-durga, i.e. modern Māndhātā ; (4) Dhārā, i.e. modern Dhär; (5) Bhaillagvāmipura, i.e. modern Bhilsā ; (6) the Vindhya mountain range ; (7) Dākshiņātya, apparently meaning the dominions of the Yadavas of Dēvagiri; (8) Dēva pälapura, probably modern Dipalpur, 27 miles to the north-west of Mhow ; (9) Sākapura probably the headquarters of a Pratijāgaranaka or Pargana of the same name identified by some with the present Shujalpur Pargana ;' (10) Maņdapa-durga, i.e. modern Māndü; (11) Vardhanapura-pratijāgaranaka ; (12) Kumbhadāuda-grāma; (13) Vālauda-grāma; (14) Saptāśīti-pratijägaranaka, literally a Pargana consisting of 87 villages'; (15) Vaghădi-grāma; (16) Nāgadahspratijāgaranaka, a Pargana probably having its headquarters at Nagdah near Ujjain ; (17) Năţiya
1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 623. .
* The successor of Arjunavarman II on the Paramāra throne seems to have been Bhoja II. According to the Hammirama rakavya of Nayachandra, Chāhamana Hammira of Ranastambhapura also defeated king Bhoja. of Dhārā, encamped at Ujjayint and worshipped Mahākāla (Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, pp. 64-65). The Muslim writers speak of one Kökā (sometimes called Haranand), the Rajā of Malwa, who was defeated by Alauddin Khalji in 1306, A.D. (Tarikh-i-F'irishta, Briggs' trans., Vol. I, pp. 361-62; Ray, op. cit., pp. 907-08). In an inscription of V.S. 1496 (Bhandarkar's List, No. 784) the same ruler is called Gögädeva, king of Malava, who was defeated by Guhila Lakshmasimha, a contemporary of the Khalji Sultān. Köka thus appears to have been either identical with or a contemporary of Bhoja II. Wassāf, who wrote his Taziyatul Amsár in 1300 A.D., says: " It may be about thirty years previous to my laying the foundation of this book that the king of Malwa died and dissension arose between his son and minister. After long hostilities and much slaughter, each of them acquired possession of part of that country" (Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 31). It is not impossible that the king of Malwa and his son referred to here are Arjunavarman II and Bhoja II. In such a case, Kökā may be the minister who became the king of a part of Malwa at the time of Bhoja II during whose reign Wassif seems to hwe written his book Muslim authors sometimes call Koka a Pradhan of king Mahlak Deo of Malwa (Elliot and Dowson op. cit., p. 76). This Mahlak Deo may have boon the successor of Bhõja II. He was probably succeeded by Jayasimha whose Udaypur inscription (Bhandarkar's List, No. 661) is dated in V.S. 1366 (1310 A.D.). But Jayasimhs must havo been ruling over a part of the country, its other parts then being in the hands of the Muslim conquerorrs.
Gangnly, op. cit., p. 201.

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(VOL. XXXII grâma (modern Nävtiyā near the Birwania railway station in the Ujjain Distriot.); (18) Takari ;' (19) Lakhsnápura ; (20) Tolāpauha;:(21) Tēņi; (22) Mälava, i.e. the dominions of the Paramāras Toughly comprising modern Malwa; and (23) Bharata, i.e. India.
TEXT:
[Metres : Verses 1, 39 Upajāti ; verses 2, 5, 9-10, 22, 29, 31, 88, 45, 47-48, 52, 54-55, 60 Sardūla
vikridita ; verses 3, 18-19, 44, 63 Giti ; verses 4, 13, 16-17, 20A, 23-25, 27, 32, 34-35, 37, 40, 42, 46, 49-51, 53, 56-57, 61-62, 68-69, 72 Anushţubh ; verses 7, 33, 41, 46, 72 Sragdhard ; verses 6, 8, 26, 58, 64 Aryā; verses 11, 36 Harini; verse 12 Sikharini; verses 14, 28, 66, 67 Vasantatilaka; verses 15, 20-21, 43 Mālini; verse 30 Upēndravajrā ; verse 59 Upagiti; verse 70 Salini ; verse 71 Pushpitägrä.]
First Plate 1 118 namah purush-ārtha-ohüdā-manay: Dharmäyä(ya) Pratigraha[m*) 78 virachayya la.
kshmim=udirnpa-varnpo jagad=ujjihānaḥ [l") ana[m*]da- 9 yaty=ētad=uru-prasādaḥ sa yajvanām=astu patiḥ priyāya' ||1 Kțitvā lēkbanikām kutharam=
udaya-dväram(rē) niyuddh-ásvarða yaḥ kshatra-ksha3. tajāta-jāta-gumakhim(shith) mēlamvam'=ambhönidhim patra digvalayan svam-aksharu
chanam nirvvarttayan=bāsanam viprēbhyaḥ prithivim-ada4 d=udayinim Rāmāya tasmai namah | 2 [A]ørămt-Asram(sra)-payobhir-lamghana-vanW. (bar)dh-abhimänajā[m] jaladhaḥ kribatām samayitum-iva y Brakshāmsy=&vadhin=namāmi tam Rāmammam) 113 Saribhūya. Hariḥ kukshi-nikahipta
bhuvana-trayaḥ | yad-amguli-dalo tasthau namas-tasmai 6 Puradruha 114 Bhūminh bhütimayim-apaḥ Surasarid-rūpās=tritiy-ēkshana-jväl-abham jvala
nam bhujastha-bhujaga-svās-ātmakam mā 7 rutarh(tam) khath randbr&shu kapala-dimni nayana-dvaita-chchhalt-püshanam shamdram
svam yajamānam=ity-avatu vaḥ sarvvõ=shta vi(bi)bhranta(t=ta)nuh(nūh) 15 Dēvānām 8 vēdänām trayasya y[8] jäta-vēdasärh jagatām(tām) | labhë näm=ādima iti namāmi dēvam
tam-Omkāram(ram) || 6 Sambhõr=a[th]bhõbhir-asya 9 snapana-vidhi-vasi(sa)d=apy=aham mūrddhani(ni) dvē samdhanam(nő) sa[m]vidhäsy[O]
dhruvam=iti vidhurā Svardhuni-sparddhay=ēva | Rēvā sēv-anushamgād=i10 va charana-tal-ālam visbi)ni yasya bhati prāsād[6]-bhramliha-śri[r*]-jan(ja)yati Pasu(bu)
patê BỐ=y&m=Ohkāra-nămn8 || 7 Yat-pr885d-&gra11 [ka]lasa-tädita-pura Surápagā mukharā | Rēv-&nushanga-rõsha (sha)d=iva Gamgādharam=
upalabhatē | 8 No gamyo Yama-kimkarairenna du12. ritair Adaniyo na vă dhfishyő moha-mahormmibhir=nna Kalină oh=aisha praveshturh i kshamah matvä kumdalanâm-iv-ti paritaḥ
' For this place, 500 above, Vol. XXIX, p. 88.
From a set of impressions.
The adoration to the Moon-god also occurs in other Paramära inscriptions including the Mandhata, la o of V.8. 1817, issued by the same king. Seo abovo, Vol. IX, p. 120
• Road - dhari. . Rond mi-ambum
Vishna became the arrow with which diva killed the demon Tripura. Son Saura Purdoa, 88, 18; Siva Purdsa, Jalna-Bathhita, 24, 11.

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MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN, V.S. 1331
RELABORD
टोटाजतिजटाया मालकीचुटीकोनाद्धाहन्नान्ड आनट पसाटसाटासामलिपिटारामबालसानिकाकुलाचतुटटाहानि हव गायक ਰਸ ਸਰੇਜੰਸਥਿਕਟੌਤਝ ਵਿੱਤਰਿਧਿ ਬਿਰੀਸ਼ਦਾ वदर्शितामाटातासोननारष्यातासाटोसियनवेधातिमानजीतराशताशमाद्यमिय। रक्ताम्यवधीत मामितरामाशानदादा कुहिनिन्विनयशदादालिदानतमानमसामो | पुड्डादानमितिम गेममुरसारिपावतौरक्षागडोलाजमन जानुशासात्मतमा । | कतारतकालटामिनटानातहलायूचागवईवटाउमानामावताशवाधानवाणीट्वानीविदा ना तटामाटातातावटसातिौलितनामादिमा तिनमाभादवतामा कासाला सावमा Gਉਰਜਾਵਾਸਕੋਵਸੰਗਰੰਜਰਿਏ ਬੇਰੁਖਬਵੰਗsਗਉk वागतमालविताटामातातिपासादाहिरियोजतिपातासीयमीकारतामयामविाय सलामताडितपासुगमा मस्तपारिवासिगंगाधामपालतातातिनागमोकाद। प्रतिमा साटता यौनता शोमादमदोगिकिलिनापावदामामवासनामिाहातपरितः । मपितारवयाकावियोवविता मदनममदानावाभावामुकाटोमातिक बिसमतोशाम स्मासिगावोहातमाशतिनिबनेकारमानायल्याक्कल्पमालतमातकार लगता है
कालाकाशिमिरताडित भासल्सटापावागावामवदनावामागापगमिटातामफर। 16 ग्यवारका बाक्तिकविकामदापदण्दतीताका मानवमीमटाशटातजामतिनवाडातिर तिपितामदासनास निमामिद मुशारतमाससमक्षगाविटापितत या मामुनीनगरवासीयमनसासिधानाधीतवासकमानाकामनयमभासामंग काळाम 0शातहतोत्सापटानागपायावताकाशकातनावमा सरावादमदाड निवाकवाकुंडानाधम्मदिदातिनासनादि
BANमारनामासमवान त्यनादेवन
PLATE I
Scale : Two-fifths

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dauraaaa कामासातामोदएकमलहाललगामेदवार तमाम मारहताततततता नीकिताटाकावतता मिडियदललावताना
नतिमा रमापतीपरपुमतिरावमशामिकाटतातामाधमशदाता HTRintmeमियालयम्यादा मानवानुवारणत्या प्रांगतानवानहातितममाया होगा Maपक्षितप्रतिक्षागातीगिगास तातडयतिमनकामनाकामणामितिलतालसामान ममम्मादितिरानस्विनामिनाक्षाकारतामोदरखासमातहतमारूण्टातगावकरी
साविनावापासण्टविनिमयनमसमासवानान्तरमनवालामाकनानक REETरातारयोराककृतकखालोमालवागताटाशकमनामक शिधापसिंदोह गावातानासितायतीपाधिनटातवितातलतापमलाकलातिरुनकामशतकामाग निमितमर्मिसार्वमतमामिहाधिकटवानपवासानयातायातकाच्या मटावेष्वितिसाईकसइयार तनोवा शनिश्मिा मामाक्षवतिरुत्सायनयादातधारिसवाम oranम।२४वीस्दिननाताकसित शातियोगसमासाद्यजिगाटाड गतीमिमाला गलतगटाराचतामानासोन्यतासमतावमापाकृततिनियतपाकृतीताकारता गावारिसाक्षात्सायानामानमवासामधारशिधियात्रा उकालतकसिटासोविशाह
तमिगदानवनिमुंडा तिहितिक्तितोशासाहीतसाटितमिहसमितीमयापापा टानमा ਦੀ ਰਿਟਟੀਹੁ੨ਗਾਹਕਾਰਹਟਟਗਰਿਤੀਸ਼ੀਸਦੀ ਸਹੂਟਰਰੋਗ ॥ ਕਸਰਸਵਤਰਹੁ ਡਿਸੂਜੋ ਵਿਦਰਖ਼ ਰਿਹੈ निजात मार संताम नामसंगयागकिसिम्पानामटाटितपदरमाससाटपावलमी
जय सारसतमाटमममसाततातरमकाहितरचणासहित पायाशादासादामनाया मानसाटातपटवावतमामडलसनातनवामधुरालमीतलपाटीदिमजावितारामटर
कर नागनमुद्यातनामनामशागडावनामारशाहमाद्विान

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No. 17]
MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA JAYAVARMAN,
V. S. 1331
149
13 samprăpito Rēvayā Kāvēryāt cha Pitamahēna sumahān=Mandhätfi-dhātridharah !9 Muktau
(ktai)r-yāsyati kutrachid=vasumati damshţr-agra14 samsa(sa)rggini kukshau kshõbham=avåpeyati tri-bhuvanam ruddhair=amibhir-bhribam(fam)
ity-a-svalpa-vikalpa-milita-matēh kamthë luthamt[6] 15 muhuḥ köl-ākāra-dhapasya Mai(Kai)ţabhajitaḥ sväs-ormmaya) pāṁtu vaḥ 10 Nigama
vadanar Vödämg-amgim Puranama[y-o]tara-sphura16 d-avayavāri vakratv-āktiin kavitva-tanū-ruhām(häm) pada-padavatim vāky-ātmānam
pramānamay-asayam tanum=iti navām vi(bi)bhrad bhräntim 17 bhinattu Pitāmahaḥ ||11 Sa nābhēḥ sambhūya svayam-iha Murārēr-jjagad-idam sasarja
prādhānyāt-kiyad-api tataḥ srashtu18 m=aparar(ram) munin=mānyān=sapta vyarachayad=ayaṁ sviya-manaső Vasishtā(shtho)=
bhūd=ēshăm tapasi kțita-nihkani(nishkam)pa-niyamah ||12 Sa yadā (n=ā)19 karot-kopam api putra-lato hata tad-abhyashēnayad-dra[shţum] tapo sya kila Kaubikaḥ
||13 Tēn=ātha māraya parān=i20 ti jalpati yat=rsishtasutada muni-varēņa kļikānu-kumdāt dharmmārmma)-Edru]hārb
visasanād=iha yoga21 tõ=pi khyātastataḥ sa[ma][bha*]vat-Paramāja-nāmā ||14 Samajani [ki]la tesmåd=8sha rājanya
• Second Plate, First Side 22 vambaḥ sakala-dharani-dhu[rya)-prämsu(bu)-vant-avatambah(sah) avaterati na yasmin=
jātu Vishnör=anambah para-dha23 rapi-bhujām vă mânasē yo na ha[m]śaḥ(sah) ||15 Kamamdaludharo Dhär-adhéas-tatra
kramād=a[bhūt [*] Yasõbhiḥ sõbhi24 të yasya svastho-bhūd=bhūtalē vidhu[b] ||16 Tātē tatre prapannē=tha näki-nāyaka-vai
bhavam(vam) | Dhūmarājõ=bhavad=rājā pratäpaisata pana25 prabhaḥ ||17 Dahati pratyaham=uchohai[h] pratipa-nfipa-pura-parampa [ra]m=iti yaḥ [18]
dhūma-dhyāmair=udito gagana-charair=Dhümarāja iti 26 nămnā || 18 Atha D[@]vasimhapālas-tasmăd=asminñ=abhūn=nfipo bhuvaně [l*) yasya pratape
tapanah prati-npipati-tamaḥ kshayam kshanād-anayat ||19 Svar-adhivasati Dhārā-tirtha-gatyā sva-tāt[@] jayati Kanakasimhas-tatra rājyo
kramēņa | bhavati kila talē=sya sva[h*) pită 28 mē prasargād=iti khalu vitaran=yö-dho=vyadhāt-Kalpa-vșiksham(ksham) 120 --Sri-Hara
rshot-bhūn=nsipastasmäd=atha prathita-põ(pau)rusha[b 1*] dänavān=a karot-sa29 rvvān=sukhino Vaishņõpi yah? [ 20A*] Svà-pada-vinimayena svasatam=āsajya rājyē kshiti
tala-vijihirsha-kautukān=nākināthaḥ | a[bha)30 yad arthal Jagaddēva ity-ākhyay-ödyat-kara-krita-karavälo Mälava-kshöni-kha[r]dē 1121
Karnnaḥ karnna-katuh Sivirņna(r=nna) si(si)va-d8 Vai
1 This is the name of a northern branch of the Narmada (Rēvá) noar Mandhātā (compared with the epio king bearing the same name) where the Onkārzsvara temple stands.
* Read Haraho . .Read Vaishnavopi yah. The number of this stanza is omitted in the original, The passage is metrically defective.

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150
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
31 rōchane n-ochită-ya-vanipakē vinayatē chimtām na Chimtamaniḥ svalpaḥ Kalpatarur-na Kama-surabhiḥ kama-prapűrtyai puro
32 yasmin-sa-smitam-arthi-sartha-manasam-ichchh-adhikar yachchhati ||22 Sthira-dhi Sthirak[*]yths prajyam rajyam prapannavan(vän) sthira-käy
33 sya [tu*] yuddhai (ddhe) shv-iti s-arthaka-samjñaya 2[3] Tato Võsarir-ity=asidhdha (d-Dha)radhipatir=uddhataḥ yena yuddha hatair- vviraih saṁvā(bā)dhā
34 dyauropa(r-nna) v-amarai[h] 24 Virasimhas-tato virs-rasika(ko) rasik-dayah I pitur-yo rajyam asadya jigaya jagatim-imam (mām) || 25
35 Vākpatirajō rājyē, tasminn-asin-mahitale mahatiyasya Prakrita-suktibhir-arajyata prākrito lökaḥ ||26 Chaturam
36 chatur-ambhodhi-paridhër-adhipam bhuvah [*] Siya-nāmānam-atr-atha samra (mra)jyadrtz-alikriyat ||27 Ujva(jjvā)la-têjasi yus8(68)-vi68(da)dA.
37 tha vamse tasmin-mahan-ajani Mumja iti kshiti kahit Isah sparddha-vasa (sa)d=íva mithaḥ samitau kripaṇaḥ panis-cha danam-a
38 tanöd-adhikam yadiyah 28 Gayaty-amtar-amamda-sammada-bharā visām (érām)taharsh-asrubhiḥ pürnn-amchat-puta-rlo(lo) chan-amchalataya n=
39 lökya kamtam puraḥ mamdāra stava (ba)k-avataméa (sa)-vilasad-rolaṁva (ba)-kōlāhalasphayan-nadam-uditvaram sura-vadhūḥ kirttim yadiyam
40 divi ||29 Tataḥ sphurat-samgara-sam[ga]-ramgam-abhamgur-amgam kila Simdhuraja[m](jam) sad-öditam sadaram-asasada prabhutva-lakshmiḥ pratata-prata
41 pam(pam) 30 Yam sarasvatam=adadhanam-amritam prakhyata-ratn-ötkaram sat-pakshakshitibhrich-chharagya-uditam prayaḥ pradñ(a)d-spadath(dam) san-maryida
42 m-agadham-ayata-padam vyāpta-kahamä-maṁḍalam satya[m] jalpati Sindhurßjam-akhilah prōdya[d]-dvij-ölläsitarh(tam) 131 Sidhurājāda
43 bhüt tasmat-kalānām patram-udyataḥ [*] bhasayan kumudam Bhōjarājō rājā prasadabho[b] 32 Arthi-pratyarthi-skrth(rtha)-sthita
Second Plate, Second Side
44 kara-nikar-ōpatta-[sam]nyasta-ma[tta]-prajya-prōddama-damtavala-va(ba)hala-galad-dāna
toy-ōdbhavishnuḥ ya[d*]-dvāri dvastha-mukhya-kshana-dhrita
45 dharanipala-niévasa-rasi-sphürjjad-vatya-pratānaiḥ prachuram-api pu[nalḥ śushkatem= ti paka 33 Samva(ba)riri-saraib pärvva-janman-i
46 ha nij-eshupā | Rādhām vivyadha yaḥ prayaḥ prathayann-Achyut-atmatām (tām) 134 Yaḥ kurvvan-margapan=rājñaḥ parān=rājñas-cha mārganan (nan) | sarva
47 sva-tyaga-yogēna parivartakatām dadhau ||35 Udayam-Udayadityaḥ prapa pratāpa-nidhis= ta[to] ripu-nripa-tama-stöman-astam naya
48 n=vilasat-karah [*] udaharata yo dōr-ddamshṭräbhyam sad-ürjjita-Gurjjara-kshitipajaladhau magnam-ētā[m*] Vā(Va)raha iv-avanim (nim) | 36 Naravarmmā ta
Three syllables are omitted here due to carelessness of the scribe or engraver.
These two letters are redundant.
There is an anuevara above kak. The intended reading is bhavishnu.......pakkam.

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MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN, V. S. 1331.
HATE समाधोटामतातावदला हवादावादाराहारका नाममा रिमामयाहसोहा
ताल मापक Monalisa argहापित
TERRIEभामा का यासातजनादामुदयानिaniकरवात सामान्य समाजासादिमितामयामतानागावातवमान वागत गवाकराचालिसा कोतमाहीतरीवादउसालान्छयादतस्माता सपना शिकारीताकतवकेनिजागविताशपाताईवाहिता सवार मोकनादालत वनतिपकटकुलालमिकीडासनडासमतताया शावमाणपतंडवाइलमहाराजाना याई मादौनक्लिनिना काहिताय मागविटा नातावान नोटलाकमEिSSETHAलाता तिनोसामा कमजोलासमा ६४(समानांडमानसातत्वविमरमागलामुहिवामी मानिामजिपकार जिला महासन नामावलतिर हतितनटायोलमुग यालाटानगरापनमा
Translaशनमा तयाटमिनीतलासीलाटावियागमा हलवानवताः ॥४२वसतिसतासगारकरकमा चारपांगलदिपालमन्वितिसधर्मावामाना। तनासहितमतिरतमामागासवमा ४ताटबमध्याहनमडिवगदानमा
संकगतिविही४सालकोटतिशतटीसिनितायुवमानामाक्षसहानक्षतुरता पतन मुमो सीतापवासामवतमाहातातासानाजानतयातनायटरमान जाटमा यादवारासतपाल्पाद्यपाधि सुमन सुसावकलावतादिमधाम सजा
तिवसातखुमपान तानाजोपाखवायलाचनजामाबावालस्हालाहाबाधि THEOकालाविकातामरस्परामागवतधुनामवलवतावादावहाडि ANTEAMHधवलिनधीताकाततिगलगानविषाकृतादेवशालजसापत्र
साधिपट मामातग्वाविस्टमाइझयमहामान्धाराना वातालालमितान्छो मतावारवाटतासम्यानमा की
मासाचनासपताजा
PLATE II
Scale : Two-fifths

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iii,a
76
CAसंतसवस्टामतामा हादसा मागतानातान टासिद रातिपतिकवलहन का मोटापातीमावखनशपिंदमतालीयोमामासामसन शानशास्वोकगीतमा सुरक्षितताuaaधाडस्टविस्ताहिक नबोड टाववादितिपलियालमा दतिादातातिरतुदादिगाटापाट मानापति
हितकादिशीकवतिनि:कमा कटारबरा ४ मुनामीदटमकतशिरसादलाटाकावरच भावितामाणिकनकावतःमुना काटियागंमानिद्रागपटासरसटी तातडागोतामकाजाम मतलहमतिार्यायोपितआमातिuोमवामदावमातिनपानामगारानामुदायिक नास्टियनादमानकुतगटागोठत कामतीलतताउदाउयोडिटरजापितामगातारा nameवसमादितवइडर्टमंडलात सामामिनिजाधवमा मनिटाशपतानासुलवायलि। विसमात्यानटानरासायनिदिवमाविषयमाहानगरसनुसदकतापनिवामियाना रमदासनवमूनारामाधासागटाशोगटामिदावापाताटाहादटावातशाहमयालिराव रानामगणवादीमानापासपूतानसवमाशितनमानुजामाहानमादनटासदालाना (मायापक कृत्यनादिमधोगापन यातिभिदतपालयतपासाटनास्तिशिवाजात Facाजासिलदायी पुलाकमारचलिदासधर मुश्मदनमतिकाधिगतीराकदितता। विमानवाहवयाससमतभा कारणासादसमूटानियमाटानगीतिवानामा पती सदन मनुपमिति४िाकाशितमा सिमंडी मधाळलाइन पतितिसंपतिवामीनी निर्मातालवार शिवधानिपात सादर रममितमाहीपवतात ॥६७पाकालापतालयावासात महिना मलिकामानावकविमिमुसिवातनावुडिनरकायादामहासातदिवोदायला शाहपालनामावणमानतावावासचनकिवातावलावरून कादिनःपमादितहामिनयमाणाधिपतावात महानिकाइनासदादतातारकर विधीवतापुतिमागावयासतजातनवालणामतवास Tamਵੀਗੁਰਬੀਰਾਗੁਫgਰਨ ਦਾ
ਵਿਸਥਣ
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No. 17] MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA JAYAVARMAN, 101
V. S. 1331 49 to rāja-ratnam ratn-akarān=nri[paḥ | jāta]h sva-tējas=ākrāṁta-sarvv-orvvi-bhartpi-bhū
shape(pah) ||37 Utkhātāḥ para-bhūmayaḥ punar-atūr-ättäs=tato 60 bhyu[d*]dhritā drāgnihkamtakitāḥi karaih parichitās=chakro nijā ropitaḥ pătr-arthana
ghatitāḥ sva-sūtra-kalítāḥ snigdhfkfitā yatnato 01 yên=ēti prakatam kulāla-charita-kriçãsu na vriditam(tam) ||38 Tato Yabovarmmālrmma)
nipo va(ba)bhūva prachamda-dor-ddamda-lasaj-jaya-srth ma52 ty=arddham=adyan na kis(ki)la trilõkyām dvitiyam=amga yudhi yasya namnab ||89
Tasmād-Ajayavarmm=ābhūd=bhū[ta]le bhūmi-vallabha[b] | prata63 pa-tapano yasya kamal-ollāsan-õlvana) ||40 Prabhrasyan-muda-mālam skhalita-gaje
mukham vyagra-jāgrach-chhiv-äsyam vyäkirņpasthil-prakāram 64 dhuta-vidhura-mahäsēnam=udbb[r*Jānta-bhūtam(tam) dhvast-ochohaih-kritti-khamdam
prapatita-nayana-brðtram=ugr-ogra-bhā[va]ń yatsha(t-kha)dgēna vyadhāyi pravana(na)m=a56 nudinam ranga-bhūr=Bhairavasya ||41 Vindhyavarmm=ābhavat=tasmäd=asminn=utvvi-tale=
khile yo Vimdhya-giri-[va]d=vairi-nfip-opāyana-damtibhih. 56 42 Ajani Subhatavarmma samgarë, krūra-karmma kshata-ripu-nfipa-varmmā samsadi
prāpta-barmm1. tridasa (ha)-pati-sadharmm=&th=āmgan-857 dgita-narmmo(rmma) ruohita-ruohira-varmmi märgana-prāpta-kharmm. 1143 Arjjunadevaga
ta m&d=Arjuna iva Karuna-jitvarddãn | Bhārate-bhūsh - 88 bhåvi Krishn-aika-ratirva(r-ba)bhūva bhū-bhartta ||44 Satva(t-pa)ksha-kshitibhrij-jaya
vyasanitām srutv-sya nám-Anvayān=Maina(na)ka-pramukhāḥ prakampam=e69 dadhur=mmadhya-'mviebhită dhruvam(vam) srt-Somēgva(sva)ra-pabhțivandha-samaye
prakshutya(bhva)to=mbhonidhēr=utkallolatay=āvanau yad-abhavatmsarvartta-ko80 lahalah ||48 Divapalas-tataḥ prāpa prajyath rājyam dhar-ādhipaḥl: sumanah-samsadi · pritaḥ Kalpa-vriksh-adi-madhyagah ||46 Sphārai61 r=ullikhitë turamgama-khuraiḥ praudha-pratāp-analair=uddiptēri-vadhu-vilochanadiaire E lliptē galat-kajjalaiḥ 1yat-kāshthă-vi62 jay vriøhah khalu Kaldv=ēk-arihi(ghri)ņā samoharan=pūtätváoh-oharanaibokátürbhir
adhunā bhu-mamdala kha(khē)lati || 47 Dhavad-vāji68 khur-āgra-dhūta-vasudha-pfishtha-sphurad-dhūlija-dhtärnt-Akrämte-dig-antarāle-višhaya
vyarthľkfit-āhaskaram(ram) | Bhaillasvami-pur-Spa64 kaththa-samarē Mlēchohh-adhipam durddharam yaḥ krodhātutaravāriņ=aiva sahasă dvadha
vyadhād=uddhatam(tam) ||48 Tasmāj=Jaitugidovo-bhūt=på68 rthivaḥ prithivitalo | dharam=uddharata yēna srimata Sridhayāyita[m*) 149 Tatah 41
- Jayavarmmina Gibri66 ya Srih sphuradbhū(d-bhu)jam (jam) | brr=dduryaso yamrāsādya tatyāja chapalvéty=
alam(lam) 1150 Yuga-yogād-atikshinam vrisha
Read drax=nishkamfakitäh. 'Read vyakiran-asthi. The word is generally spelt as lharma and not kharman. Road rammadhye-'mbu. Read patta-barndha.

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Third Plate, First Side
67 m-ēva pupôsha yah Jayanthar-trinam chakrē sarvvasvam svayam=ēva saḥ ||51 Uddam
do dadatām patuh pravadatām-u68 jjägaro janatā[] bhấvi sri-Jayasinha ity-avanipo dharmm-aika-va(ba)ddha-vrataḥ
dauhitro=tra kule vipaschi 69 deuchitaḥ pautro-tra pätram srivölyö) matv=ēttham khalu Sambhur-indum=analam
prsty-Ottamangë dadhau 152 Paulastya-masta ka-bhrasyad-asra-vi70 srå jat-ātavit karpura-purapair-yena Purarēḥ surabhih krita || 63 Vimdhy-adrër=valayam
vilanghya parito dik-kūla-sarvvamkakhe(shē) sai. 71 nye bri-Jayavarmmanah kehitipatēr-yasy=ālam-askandati kürtäbhiḥ khalu
Dakshinktya-nfipatē kopād-Agastyam prati kshi72 ptāḥ prakshita-kämdisika-patibhiḥ krūrāḥ katāksha-chchhatāḥ | 54 Su(u)bhr-ābhram
liha-hēma-kusabba-siraso dē[v-&*]layān=karayan=viprē73 bhyo vitaran=puräni kanakam dhënūḥ su(su)bhāḥ kõtisaḥ ā rāmān=iha rõpayan-sara
Bayam(yan)n=uchchais-tadāg-ottamaih kshoni-mandala74 m=ujva(jjva)lam sthira-matir-y8=dy=āpi na srámyati 1155 Ittham prithvim-avaty-asmin=
Ja(i=Jayavarmmani bhūpatau | vyāpārārna(nứa)ps(pi) mudrad[T]n=paripa[n]75 thayati svayam(yam) 156 Chahamāna-kulē Rāto rāuttaḥ kramatö-bhavat | chanda
dôr-ddamdayor=yasya jaya-orth sthiratām=agāt || 57 76 Palhaņa dēvastasmād=a[bha]vad=bhuja-damda-mandali-chamda) | yaḥ svāmini jaya
briyam=ātmani yasa ēve ch=ādhatta ||58 Salasha (kha) nasim77 has=tasmät=tanayo naya-bhūr-abhūt=subhujah Arjunadövasy=ājishu yasõ(so)-rjjanë
sa khalu saha-kritvā ||59 Jitvi Simhapadēva-du78 rddhara-mahāsainyaṁ chamu-năyakaṁ mādhyāt-Sāgaya-rāņakaṁ svayam=ih=ādhaḥ pāta
yitvā hayat | tasmātepattamayāni sapta samarē 79 yas=chamarāny=&grahin=müddhānau paridhūnayan-rasa-vasā(sā)t=Simh-Arjjuna-kahma
bhujoh || 60 Tasmad-Anayasinho-[bhū]t-kalävän-iva 80 väridhēḥ ya ēkaḥ Kalpa-vriksh-adi-madhye gañanay-anvitaḥ ||61 Dēvapälapuré yêna
prāsādē kåritë Sivaḥ | brantah (kum). 81 da-jala-vyäjät=siddha-simdhum dadheu puraḥ 162 Sākapurai(rē)=bhrar liha-sisharam
gura-sadanam-Amvi(bi)k-adhigatam(tam) yor[ch]karad=iva dā[tum] 82 visrāṁ(Srām tim khë dvijasya sampra(bhra)mataḥ ||63• Omkāra-prāsādam samayā nira
māpayattarām tumgam(gam) Janvū(ba)kēsvara-nämnaḥ San(Sambhõr=yaḥ sadana83 m=anupam=iti ||64 Yat-kāritē sarasi Marhdapa-durga-madhye Kurbhodbhavaḥ prati
nisam(dam) prativimvya'mānah | iyojyotirmmayo lavana-va1 For RÄVADA offoring his heads to Siva, cf. Ramayara, N.S. Pross, Aranya-kände, Canto XXXII, Verso 18.
Cf. Passages like fridriharan-adi-samasta-mudra-tyaparan paripanthayati used in medieval documents (of. Lokkapaddhati, pp. 2, 5, 17, 34, 350.) with reference to a high administrative orticer (often & viceroy) under the king. The word pari panthayati in such cases means the same thing as saruyaraharati in other insoriptions (of. Select Inscription, pp. 284, text line 6; 280, text line 6; 324, text line 2 ; 328, text line 4; eto.), although this meaning of the vorb is not found in the lexicons. In the present case the administrativo function in question seems to have been carried out by the king himself.
.Read bikharani. "The stanza beoomes metrically satisfactory if we read Sdkapur-Akhye at the beginning. Read "pamami Read Dishbyo.

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No. 17). MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN, 188
V. S. 1331 84 ridhi-väri-pāna-duḥsvāda-duḥkham=iva mārshți piva(ba)nn-apõ=rtaḥ 965 Präkātēna
pratölyā shad-adhika-dasa (sa)bhiramamdiraiḥ va85 rạna-kumbhair=utturigair-bhūri-kakshair-guru-gula-sadanēn=āmvu(bu)-kundēna yuktam
(ktam) yo durgo Mamdap-akhē(khyė) vyatarad=iha purin Vra(Brä)hmano86 bhyo nrip-ajbarh lavdhva(bdhva) Māndhātri-durgë-py-anupama-rachanam tadvad-eva
vyadhatta | 66 sa esha pūrvv-okta-raj-avali-virājamānēna bha87 kty-ūdibhiḥ prasāditēna srimaj-Jayavarmmaņā Dhar-idhipēn-anujñātaḥ Saf8a)dhaniko
'nayasimhadēvð dharmm-adhat-samva(ba)ddha-vu(bu)88 ddhir=vijayi Varddhan pura-pratijāgaranakē Kumbhadāuda-grāmě tathā tatr=aiva
Välauda-grāmē tathi Saptasiti-prati89 jāgarana kē Vaghāļi-grāmē tathā Nāgadaha-pratijāgaranake Nātiyā-grāmē samastarajapurushān=Vrā(n=Brā)
Third Plate, Second Side 90 hman-õttarān=pratiniväsi-pațţakila-janapad-ādims=cha võ(bo)dhayaty=astu vaḥ sathvi
ditam yatha | Mamdapa-durg-āvasthitai91 rasmābhir=ēkatrimbad-adhika-trayodasa-bata-samkhy-anvitē Pramathi-nämni
'Sarhvatsarö Bhadrapado mási bukla-pakshe 92 saptamyām tithau śukra-dinē Maitrēt nakshatrē snätvā bhagavamtam Pärvvatipatim
samabhyarchya samsārasy=žsäratām dfishţvă tatha 93 hiri Vat-abbra-vibhramam-idam vasudh-adhipatyam-apata-matra-madhurð vishay
Opabhogah | práņās-trin-āgra-jala-vimdu-samā naräņām 94 dharmmah sakhã param=aho para-loka-yānē [ || 67*] iti sarvvam vimsi[6]y=ādfishta-phalam
argiksitya cha sva-putraiḥ Kamalasimha-Dharasimha-Jaitre95 simha-Padmasimha(hā) ity=ētaiḥ sahitai[h*] nānā-gotrēbhyo nānā-nāmabhyo Māmdhatri
Vra-(Bra)hmapur?-västavyēbhyo Vrā(Brā)hmaņēbhyah ya96 thă Takäri-sthāna-vinirgatāya Gautama-sagotrāya Argirus-Auvathya-[Gau]tam-ēti-tri
pravarāya' Rigvēda-bakh-adhya97 yine Chao-Kamalādharabarmmaṇaḥ pautrāya Avasathi-Vidyadharabarmmaṇaḥ putrāya
Dros-Padmanabhasarmmaņē Vrā(Brā)hmaņāya 98 padam=ēkam || 1 Takāri-sthāna-vinirgatāya Gautama-sagātrāya-Amgiras-Auvathya-Gautam
ēti-tri-pravarāya Rigvēda99 lakh-adhyāyinë Chao-Kamaladharabarmmañaḥ pautrāya Avao-Vidyadharabarmmanah
putrāya Cha Madhavafarmmaņē Vrā(Bra)hmaņā 100 ya padom=ēkam || 1 Țakārī-sthāna-vinirgatāya Bhāradvāja-sagotrāya Angirasa -Vä(Ba)
Thaspatya-Bhāradvāj-ēti-tri-prava1 The intended reading may be dharmm-artha.
The popular name of the constellation is Anuradha. . According to many authorities, the pravaraa of the Gautama götra are Angirasa, Ayisya and Gautama, whilo those of the Utathya or Uchathya götra are Angirasa, Utathya or Uchathya and Gautama.
• This is a contraction of Chaturvedin. This is a contraction of Dikshita. This is a contraction of Avasathin.

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[VOL. XXXII 101 räys Rigvēda-säkhã-pravarddhamanaya Miśra-Dharmmadharabarmmanah pautrảya Pamoba
pithi--Mibra-Uddharanasarmmanah putrāya Pamo 102 Srikanthasarmmaņē Vrā(Brāhmaṇāya padam=ēkam || 1 Lasha(kha)ņapura-vinirgatāya Ka
byapa-sagotrāya Käsyap-Āvatsära-Naidhru103 v-ēti-tri-pravarāya Cha-Bhõ(Bhū)patisarmmanaḥ pautrāya Pamo-Vidyāpatisarmmañaḥ
putrāya Rigveda-bākhā-pravarddhamanaya Dvio. 104 Govarddhanaśarmmaņš Vrā(Brā)hmanāya padam=ēkam | 1 Tolāpauha-sthāna-vinirgatāya
Chamdrátrēya-sagātrāya Ātrēya-Gāvi105 shthira-Pūrvvätith-ēti-tri-pravariya Dio-Srivatsasarmmanah pautrāya DIR-Dēvasarmpiasarm
manah putrāya Madhyamdina-sa106 kh-ādhyāyinē Dro-Vamanaśarmmane Vrā(Brū)hmanāya padam=ēkam 1 Takāri-sthāna-vini
rgatāya Vabishtha-sagötra107 ya Vāśishtha-Sāktrya-Pärāsary-iti-tri-pravaraya Va(Ba)labhadraśarmmaṇaḥ p[au]traya
Sādhāranabarmmanaḥ putrāya Madhyamdi108 na-bakh-adhyāyinė Avasthi-Anarıtasarmmaņē Vrā(Bra)hmaņāya padam=ēkam || 1 Takäri
sthāna-vinirgatāya (BhJära109 dvāja-sagotrāya Angirasa-Vā(BA)rhaspatya-Bhāradvāj-ēti-tri-pravarüya Sukla-Pradyumna
sarmmanab pautrāya Dvio-S8110 lūšarmmanaḥ putrāya Madhyamdina-säkh-adhyāyina Dvi-Harisarm masarmmaņē Vrā(Bri)
hmaņaya padam ēkam 1 111 Tēņi-sthāna-vinirgatāya Käsyapa-sagotrāya Küsyap-Avatsāra-Naidhruv-ēti-tri-pravaraya
Upā. 112 Dēvabarmmanaḥ pautrāya Upao-Vaijūbarmmanaḥ putrāya Madhyamdina-sākh-adhyayino
Dvio-[Ma).
E
Fourth Plate, First Side 113 [hä]dévasarmmane Vrä(Brū)hmanāya padamæēkam ||1 Takäri-sthana-vinirgataya Katyäynna
sagðtrāya Vi[bvä).
114 [mi]tra-Katya-Kilp-ti-tri-pravarā[ya] Po-Kūlhanabarmmaṇaḥ pautrāya Avao-Aladēvaba
rmmanaḥ putrāya 115 Madhyamdina-sākh-adhyāyinė Dvio- Har[i]dévasarmmaņa Vrâ(Bra)hmaņāya padam skam || 1
Takāri-sthāna-vinirgatāya (BhJäradvāja116 sagotrāya Angirasa-Vä(B2)[r]haspatya-Bhāradvāj-čti-tri-pravariya Dvio-Gajādharakarmmanaḥ
pautrāya Avao-Vi[mkū]dēvasarmmaņaḥ
1 The intended word seems to be pathio • Sandhi has not been observed hero. * This is a contraction of Pancha-pl(pa) fhin or more probably Pandita.
This is a contraction of Duitēdin. Sanskrit Avanathin. Sandhi has not been observod here. • This may be a contraction of Updaanin or more probably Upadhyaya. * The correct form of the name is Alkila according to many authorities.
This may be a contraction of Pafhin.

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MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN, V. S. 1331
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114
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मनातलगाऊ
गा दिवVES
पाण्ड
विशाखामि dmst 20 तिर्मिताशा रह या गिरस वाटत वामाद्यदिन भारतात
agad
सांगावयात प्रमादित शाखा आणित्याग
काय वाटा पानि कम 112 कानी मानता मग वाद्यवाशिवाय समुपायविंद मादरेश यरको धुमशानामिन्निदमेकमा काम विनियमाव सिंगा वाशानामपि शयाम शाखा द्यावयाम कम दशदिगो गाडिया शितादतिविषयमिद नायक अशा खाद्य निति के मक
मात्रामा सदाननयमित
समानाय संप्रपामा पोनाटा मा विद्यासद्वयमतिवा
डाउँदा वाली दाव घाडोटियाइतामनुष्टयम व सिमालाकुलत गृद्गृदानखलखलखतलाद्या गावाटिका शाक मुतिपलिकाका ताजिविनिपाद्यतामवापकपदसदिदि
समस
कर दंडा दिशा दायादारोमद्वारा डाकोदितिममकाले यान पयाला? कि वह शासनादक निवासिपर्धकलजनपदिवानामान कर दिराणादिकमा हाशिवाय वासीमानामा सानाविनोदाश्री वर्मा : जलनी
सामाि
समदिन
ना
स
114
116
118
120
122
124
126
128
130
132
134

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No. 17] MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN, 155
V. 8. 1331 117 putrāya Madhyamdina-bākh-adhyāyině Dvio-Anamtafarmmaņi Vrä(Brā)hmaņāya padam
=ēkam 1 Takār[i]-sthāna-vinirgatāya A. 118 trēya-sagotrāya Ātrēya-G[ā]vishthira-Pūrvvātith-6ti-tri-pravarāya Pão-K[fi]shņaśarmmanah
pautrāya Pão-Atrisarmmaṇaḥ putra119 ya Madhyamdina-sākh-adhyāyinē Pao-Y[6]gēsvarafarmmaņē Vrä(Brā)hmaṇāya padamu
ēkam || 1 Takāri-sthāna-vinirgatāya Vasi120 shtha-sagðtrāya Väsishth-Abharadvasv-Imdrapramad-ēti-tri-prevarāya Trio-Samuddbarana
barmmanah pautrāya Trio-Damodarasarmmanah pu121 trāya Kauthuma-bakh-adhyāyina Trio-Nārāyanasarmmaņē Vrā(Brā)hmaņāya padam=ēkam
| 1 Takāri-sthāna-vinirgatāya Sava122 rạni-sagotrāya Bhärgava-Chyavana-Apnavāna-Aurvva -Y.(Jā)madagny-ēti-pamoha-prava
raya Chao-Vasudévasarmmana[b] pautrāya Chao-Lakshmi123 dha[ra]barmmanaḥ putrāya Kauthuma-bākh-adhyāyinė Trio-Purushūbarmmaņē Vrā(Bra).
[hma]ņāya pa[da]m=ēkam | 1 Tēņi-sthāna-vinirgatā124 ya Sāmļilya-sagotrāya Sāmdily-Asi(si)ta-Daival-ēti-tri-pravarāya Trio-Visvēsvaraśarmmanah
pautrāya Trio-Mahesvarasarmma[nah] 125 (pu]trāya Kauthuma-bākh-adhyāyinë Trio-Vāūmsarmmaņē Vrā(Brā)hmaņāya padam=ēkam
1 Vatsa-sagotrāya Bhārgava-Chyavana-Apna126 vāna-Aurvva'-Jāmadagnē(gny-ē)ti-pa[m]cha-pravarāya Chāhamâna-ku[l]ë pravarddhamānāya
São-Palhanadēvavarmmaṇaḥ pautrāya São-Sala127 sha(kha)ņasība varmmanaḥ putriya Sadhanika - Anayasimhævarmmaņē Kshatriyāya pada
dvayam || 2 iti shodasa(ba)-Vrā(Bra)hmaņēbhyaḥ 128 Ku[m]bhaļāudā(dal-Vālaudā(da)-Vaghāļi-Nățiyā iti grāma-chatushtaya samagram chatush
kam-kata-visu(buddham sa-vfiksha-mal-akulam ta129 t-samva(ba)ddha-griha-gribasthana-khala-khalasthanam khalu tala-bhědy.-govātikā-bāka
mushţi-tailapalikā-kumbhapūrak-ātkā(kā)130 6-otpatti-pātāla-nidhi-nikshēpa-[d]ēvāyata[n]-odyāna-taçāga-vāpi-kūp-ādi-sahitam sa-hi
ranya-bhāga-bhoga[ * ] 3-0 131 parikara[m] daṁd-ādi-[8&r]vv-ādāya-sahitaṁ punya-yaső-bhivriddhayē chamdr-årk-ārņnava
kshiti-sama-kālam yāvat parayā bhaktyā de132 va-Vrā(Brā)hmaņa-bhukti-varjja säsaněn=ödaka-pūrvvam datta tan=matvă tan-nivåsi.
pattakila-janapadair-yatha-dlyamana-bhāga-bho133 ga-kara-hirany-Adikam-ajña-vidhāyair-bhūtvā sarvvam=ētēbhy[8] Vra(Brä)hmanēbhyalbo1
Bam[u]panētavyarh sāmānyam ch-aitad-dha[r]mma-spha*]lam vudhvā' 134 asmat-gvāmi-varsa(ha)j(air)-bhāvibhir-bhoktsibhir-asmad-datta-dharmmármma)-dâyo
numamtavyah pälaniyas-chauktam cha || Va(Ba)hubhir-vasudha bhu
1 This is a contraction of Trivēdin. * Read Chyaran-Apna(or pnu)vad-Aurvua. • The pravaras of the Sävarni götra are Bhargava, Vaitahavya and Sivēdasa according to many authorities.
This is a contraction of Sadhanika.
The Sanskrit form of the name is Sallakahanasitha. • Sandhi has not been observed here. Read buddhva.

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156
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII 136 ktā rājabhish*) Sagar-ādibhiḥ 1 yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam)
1 [68*] Sva-dattām para-dattām vā yo haréta vasumdharam(răm )
Fourth Plate, Second Side 136 sa vishthäyäri krimir-bhūtvä pitfibhiḥ saha majjati [ || 69*] Sarvvänēvam bhāvino bhūmi
pālān=bhūyo bhūyo yāchatě Rāmabhadrah | 137 sãmânyõ=yam dharmma-sētur=nfipāņām kāl[@] kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ || [70*) Iti kamala
dal-arvu(bu)-vindu-lölām sriyam=8138 nuchi[mi]tya manushya-jivitami cha sakalam-idam=udahritam oha vu(bud)dhva na hi purush
aiḥ para-kirttayo vilõpya[h ! 71*] iti !! 139 Srikanthēna niyuktēna sabhāya[m](yāṁ) Jayavarmmana | chakrë kula-krain-ayatū(ta)
traividyatvēna dāsanam(nan) || [72] utkirnnam cha ru(rū)pa140 kära-Känhäkö'na |
* Originally ko was engraved.

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MANDHATA PLATES OF PARAMARA JAYASIMHA-JAYAVARMAN, V. S. 1331
धारमासमंडनिमोसमजतामिपारावयारामशास्तशरद
136
136
138
PRIEMPIMPERARIES 2124LRES Beim edEPECDL erhe Reep222)ARELEJISBEERE DECEMBECRECEPIPICRELIEIPTIPAYEEEEEEET
138
140
रमाबाकिना
140
PLATE IV
Scale : Two-fifths

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No. 18-JHARIKA GRANT OF RASHTRAKUTA GOVINDA III, SAKA 725
(2 Plates)
V. B. KOLTE, NAGPUR
These plates were discovered on the 13th of April 1954 by Shri Achyutrao Gulabrao Deshmukh in the dilapidated mud wall on the south-west side of a small fortress owned by him at Sirso,1 a village two miles north of Murtizapur, the headquarters of a Taluk of that name in the Akola District, formerly in Madhya Pradesh but now in Bombay State. Shri B. G. Deshmukh, E. A. C., the younger brother of Shri A.G. Deshmukh and an erstwhile pupil of mine, kindly sent them to me through Shri J. B. Kadam alias Nanasaheb, M. L. A. I am indebted to these gentlemen for permitting me to edit the plates.
The plates are strung together on a ring (about 4" in thickness and 3" in diameter), the ends of which are soldered into the socket of a circular seal (1-8" in diameter), containing in relief, on a counter-sunk surface, the figure of Garuda, facing full front, squatting on a lotus and carrying a serpent in each hand. The ring was intact when the plates reached my hands. I got it cut through the Curator, Nagpur Museum. The weight of the plates is 175 tolas and that of the ring together, with the seal 51 tolas.
The plates are three in number, each measuring from 9.5" to 10" in length and 7" in breadth. Their ends are slightly raised for the protection of the writing. The first and third plates are inscribed on one side only and the second on both the sides. At the centre of the proper right and about 8" from the end, each plate has a circular hole about 8" in diameter for the ring to pass through. When I received the plates, they were all covered with verdigris. After cleaning them, it was found that they were corroded in many places. Several letters on each plate have been damaged, especially the letters in lines 51 and 52 on the second side of the second plate. This has rendered the decipherment of the names.of the boundary villages very difficult, although the introductory part of the inscription could be read without much difficulty with the help of cognate records. There are 73 lines in all, 17 of them occurring on the first plate, 19 and 20 on the first and second sides of the second plate, and the remaining 17 on the third plate. The penultimate line on the first side of the second plate is short in length by 1.5" and the last line incised on the right side at the bottom, is only 1.7" in length and contains only seven letters. The last line on the second side of the second plate is also only 1.5" in length and contains only five letters incised at the bottom on the right side. The size of the letters therefore is not the same everywhere. They are generally" to " in height, but are slightly bigger in lines 72 and 73 and smaller in line 39. The engraving is careless and, in certain places, some syllables and words are omitted or repeated (cf. e.g., the confusion in line 34).
Medial a is generally denoted by adding a short downward stroke at the end of the top mātrā, e.g., mandala in line 2. In some places, it is a long full-fledged stroke, e.g., nisäta in line 12. Sometimes it is indicated by a horizontal stroke turned upwards, e.g., parakrama in line 17 while often it is a short vertical stroke on the top of the letter, e.g., vasudha and datta in line 67. Medial u is denoted by a short horizontal stroke at the foot of a letter, e.g., in rajasu in line 3, and sometimes by a curve open to the left, e.g., kämt-emdu in line 1. Medial u is represented in many cases by a Govinda III were discovered (above, Vol. XXIII,
1 It is at this village that the Sisavai and Löhärä grants of p. 204).
(187)

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158
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
curve-open to the right, e.g. pūjā-pūjita in line 72, and sometimes by a horizontal stroke slanting to the right; e.g. bhumi in line 60. The forms of ru and ru may be noted in ruchiro in line 8 and rupam in line 24. Medial è or ō is shown either by a short vertical or a slanting downward stroke to the left of the top matra of a letter or by a slanting line cut on its head. The letters are generally uniform; but k, v, p, etc., have different forms. The letter n has two forms, one North Indian and the other South Indian.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit which is not accurate in all cases. Sometimes is used for s and vice versa. In certain places, anusvāra is used for final n (cf. mānakām for mānakān in line 46). Attention may also be drawn to the use of tri for tri (line 6) and gri for gri (line 12). There are instances of short vowels being used for long ones and vice versa. As an example of metathesis may be cited jaga for gaja in line 23.
Some discrepancy is noticed in the date as recorded in lines 55-58 of the inscription. The Saka year, given both in words and in figures, is 726 according to the former and 725 according to the latter. A lunar eclipse is stated to have occurred on the full moon of Karttika during the year in question. According to Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, there was a lunar eclipse on the fullmooh day of Karttika in the expired Saka year 725. There was no eclipse on Kārttika paurņimā of the preceding and following few years. The Saka year intended here was therefore 725 (expired). The corresponding Christian date is the 2nd November 803 A.D.
The plates were issued by the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III from his victorious camp on the bank of the river Tungabhadra near Alampura. The genealogy of the king recounted here is the same as in his other copper-plate grants, viz. Govinda I; his son Karkka I; his son Indra; his son Dantidurga; his uncle Krishna, son of Karkka I; his son Govinda II; his younger brother Dhruva; and his son Govinda III, the donor of the present charter. In line 45 he is referred to as Sri-Vallabha-narendradeva.
The introductory stanzas are mostly the same as in the Paithan plates of Saka 716, except that verses 20, 24 and 27 of the present plates do not occur in the latter and that verses 24, 26 and 27 of the Paithan plates do not occur in the present record. An interesting point to be noted is that verses 20 and 21 of the Paithan plates, which do not occur in any previous records of the Rashtrakutas, are found in the present plates (verses 21-22). Verse 24 of the present inscription is not found in any other charter.
Although the present inscription contains no new facts about the genealogy of the Rashtrakülas, it is useful for elucidating the time of the southern campaigns of Govinda III. According to our epigraph the king was camping on the bank of the Tungabhadra near Alampura on the 2nd November 803 A.D. According to the Sanjan plates which describe the exploits of Govinda III, this king is stated to have launched an offensive against the Dravida kings after his campaigns in the north. While engaged in this southern expedition, he was encamped at Hēlāpura. In the other records of Govinda III, he is said to have spent the rainy season at Sribhavana after his northern expedition and thence proceeded to the banks of the Tungabhadra.
1 In most of the charters issued by Govinda III the Saka year mentioned is expired and the system followed is the northern luni-solar one. Some..mes the Saka year is a current one, though it is said to be an expired one, 28 in the present plates. Besides this grant, there are two more records in which the date is mentioned as above. They are the Wani-Dindori plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 159) and the Bahulawad plates (Sources of the Medieval History of the Deccan, Vol. II, p. 21). In the present charter, notwithstanding the expression Saka-nripa-kal-atta, the year 726 has to be taken as current, the year intended being 725 (expired),
Above, Vol. III, pp. 103 ff.
Ibid Vol. XVIII, pp. 235 ff.

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No. 18]
JHARIKA GRANT OF RASHTRAKUTA GOVINDA III, SAKA 725
169
It is very probable that Alampura of the present charter is identical with Hēlāpura of the Sanjan plates. According to the British Museum plates, Govinda III was camping at Rāmēsvara. tirtha on the bank of the Tungabhadra on the 4th April of 804 A.D. after his victorious expedition against the Pallava ruler. From this we are led to surmise that his southern expedition was carried on between the date of the present charter and that of the British Museum platen, i.e., between the 2nd November of 803 A.D. and the 4th April of 804 A.D.
As pointed out by Prof. Mirashi, the charters of Govinda III fall into two groups, the first consisting of the Paithan and Añjanavati plates, in both of which the draft of the introduotory part follows for the most part the text of the earlier records of the Răshtrakūţa family. Under the second group fall all other charters oommencing with the Nēsari plates of Saka 727. In this series, a new draft was employed for the introduction describing the victories of the king over his northern and southern adversaries. The new draft is also found in the Manne plates of his brother Stambha dated Saka 724 which was therefore taken to be the starting point of the second series by Prof. Mirashi. The genuineness of the Manne plates was questioned by Dr. Alteker who pointed out that as Govinda III was still engaged in his southern campaign in Saka 726 according to the British Museum plates, the new draft could not have been composed prior to this date. To obviate this difficulty, Prof. Mirashi argued that the southern expedition mentioned in the British Museum plates must have been a second expedition of a later date. But an examination of the inscription shows that there is no ground for such an assumption.
The present inscription proves the spurious nature of the Manne plates. The first group of charters issued by Govinda III is represented by the Paithan and Añjanavati plates and the present record is a new and important addition to it. While the Paithan and Añjanavati plates were issued before the Manne plates, the charter under study was issued one year later than that record. It can therefore be inferred that even in Saka 725 the old draft was being used by the king. If the new draft was already composed and used in the Manne charter, there was no point in oontinuing with the old one in a charter issued one year later. The combined evidenoe of the Jharika and British Museum plates shows that, during Saka 725 and 726, Govinda III was still engaged in his southern campaign which he carried on from his camp at Alampur on the bank of the Tungabhadra and that after this expedition, on his way back to the capital, he had the new draft prepared. It was used, as far as evidence goes, for the first time in the Nēgari charter of Saka 727. Prof. Mirashi's inference that Govinda III's expedition against the southern kings ocourred in Saka 722 and 723 needs revision.
1 Bhandarkar's suggestion (above, Vol. XVIII, p. 241) that Holapura might be Velapúr or Beldr in the Hassan District of Mysore does not seem to be correct, as the place is far away from the Tungabhadra.
*[The identification of Hel&pura with Alampura is correct. The place was known by various names such as Hatampura mentioned in a Kakatiya inscription (Hyd. Arch. Ser. No. 13, Ine. No. 08, P. 167), Himalapurt according to #pannage in the Sthalapurana (Prabuddha Karnataka, No. 96, 1948, p. 29), and Aldpura rookoned among the eightoon Sakta Pithas (JOR, Vol. XIX, p. 287: Kannada sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXXVII, No. 1-2, p. 181).-P. B. D.]
• Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, pp. 397-98. * Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 214 ff.
Fleet's translation of this record as given by him earlier in Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 127, is incorrect and mig. loading. This mistake was reotified later by him in the Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part 1, p. 397. I am indebted to Shri N. Lakshminarayan Rao for this reference.
For the controversy on the nature of the Mappe plates between Dr. Altekar and Prof. Mirashi, neither of whom rogards the inscription as wpurious, 800 'above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 293-97. For the former's views on the chronology of Govinda III's campaigns, see also Acarya-Puspanjali Volume, pp. 168 f., and intory and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. IV, p. 8, where he has accepted the date of Govinda's southern campaign as suggested by Prof. Mirarhl.-P.B.D.)

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100
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXi
The done of the present plates is Bhatta Risiyapa of the Käsyapa götra, who was a resident of Dhäräsiva, belonged to the family of Traividyas (i.e. learned in three Vēdas) and was & student of the Rigvēda. He was the son of Bhafta Annasvamin. It is to be noted that with some variations of spelling in the name the figures in the same capacity in three more records of Govinda III, viz. the Sisa vai, Dasapura* and Lõhārā grants. The grandfather of Risiyapa is not mentioned in the present grant. According to the Sisavai charter he was Vishnu-chaturvēda who, it may be noted, belonged to the family of Chaturvidyas and not Traividyas as stated in other grants. He is called mis-Opavāsin in the Löhärā and Dasapura plates.
As stated in the last two lines of the record, the charter was written in the presence of the king by Kukkāyya who was the son of the general Gauda, honoured by the five great titles, and by Dévayya," officer in charge of the records. Kukkaika who wrote the Añjanavati charter seems to be identical with this Kukkäyya. The same person seems to be responsible for the writing of the Paithan plates, 'as the last sentence in the record (line 73) can be read as likhitar cha Paramèsvar-adraña)ya Sri-Kukkāyeye(n=é)li, although Kielhorn, its editor, did not decipher this portion. Thus it seems that Kukkāyya wrote the charters in which the old draft was used and that Aruņāditya wrote the others in which the new draft was utilised.
As for the places mentioned in the present grant, Alainpura is the presont Alatpūr, noar the Alampur Road railway station on the Central Railway, 3 miles to the north of the Tungabhadra river. Jharikā, the donated village, may be modern Zari in the Kelapur Taluk of the Yeotmal District. Põna, the headquarters of the territorial unit in which Jharika was situated, may be modern Pohana on the bank of the Wardhā river in the Hinganghat Taluk of the Wardha District. Of the boundary villages, Taluti may be identified with the present Tarödi, 3 miles to the east, Viduramra with Urhbari about 4 miles to the south, and Maragrama with Mārögdon 5 miles to the north of Zari. Talabhi cannot be identified.
TEXT
[Metres: Verses 1, 23, 29-30, 32-33, 35 Ameshubh ; verses 2-3, 5-6, 8-9, 15, 24-25 Vasanatilaka;
verses 4, 19, Upajāti; verse 7 Giti; verses 10, 17, 20-22 Sārdūlavikridita; verses 11-14, 26, 28 Arya ; verses 16, 18 Srageharā; verses 27, 31, 34 Indravajrā; verse 36 Pushpitāgrā.]
First Plate 1 Om [1] Sa võ-vyād-Vödhasa dhima yan=nābhi-kumalath kritaritain) [l*] Harasola
yasya kārtaru(t-eri)du-kalaya kam=alauksitazi(tam) |[] 1*] Asi(si)tdva(d=dvi)
shahti(shat-ti)mi2 ram=udyata-mandal-agro dhvastin=nayamna(yann=a)bhinu[kho] rana-sarvvarishu | bhūpah
suchir=vidhur-iv=āpta-dig-anta-kirti[r*]=Gā(Go)vindarāja 3 iti rājasu rāja-singhaḥ(haḥ) |[! 2*) Drishțvā chamūm-abhimukhi[ 14*) subhat-atta-hásām
unna(nnā)mitam sapadi yēna ranöshu nityam(tyam) [*] 4 dastā(sht-a)dharēņa dadhatā bhfikuți(tim) lalātē khadgaṁ kula1 cha hridayain cha nijan
cha satvam(ttvam) ICl 3*] Khadgar kar-agrăn=mukhatas-cha bo
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 205. . Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan, Vol. III, pp. 27 ff.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 213. *This Dévayya sooms to be identical with Dēvaiya-ranaka figuring as tho Dataka in the Nesari charter. * Expressed by symbol.

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JHARIKA GRANT OF RASHTRAKUTA GOVINDA III, SAKA 725
( हसन
पनि
बाराम
PARANTITUDIO
10 ताजा
धन र का
PLATE 1
Scale : Nine-tenths

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No. 18] JHARIKA GRANT OF RASHTRAKUTA GOVINDA III, SAKA 726 161
bhā mano mah&sta[h*) 4a(sa)mam=ēva yasya [l*] mahthavē nāma nisamya yasyal sadyas=
trayam ripūņām vigalaty-akä[m*]da [ll 4*) 6 Tasy=ā[tmajo) jagati vibruta-dirgha-kirttirmā[Itt-ā]rtti-hari-Ha[ri-vikra]ma-dhāma-dhārt [*]
bhūpah tfi(pas-tri)pishtapa-krit-Anu- . 7 [kri]taḥ(tiḥ) kfit-ājñaḥ sri-Karkkarāja iti götra-maņirva(r=ba)bhūve ICT 6*] Tasya
prabhinna-karata-chyuta-dana-danti-danta-praha8 ra-ruohir-õli(lli)khit-āṁsa-pīthaḥ (I) kshmāpaḥ kshitau kshapita-ba trur-abhūta(t=ta)nūjab
sad-Rashtrakūta-kanak-ārdri(dri)-iv-E9 ndrarāja[b] ILI 6*] Tasy=Öpārjita-mahas&s=tanayas=obatur-udadhi-valaya-mālinya(b.1"]
bhöktā bhuvah Sata10 kratu-sadrilah sri-Dantidurggarājõ=bhūt || [7*] Káboh-isa-Kerala-naradhipe-Chola-Pandya.
bri-Ha'11 raha-Vajrata-vibhoda-(vidhāna)-daksha[m*)] Kārņņāțakam vasba)lam=anantam-ajāyam
a nyeir=bhfityaish*] kiyadbhir api ya[h] 12 sahasā jigāya 18*] A-bhrū-vibhamgam=a-gri(gri)hita-nisata-bastram=a-sräntam=8-pratihat... ajñā(jña)m=ap&ta-ya18 tnam(tnam) [l*) yo Vallabhan sapadi danda-va(ba)lēna jilji)tvä rājādhirāja-paramèsvara
tām=avāpa || [9*] Asēto 14 r=vipul-/pal-kvali-lasa[1-16*]l-ormmi-mālā-jalād=āprālēya-kala[m*]kit-amala-bilā-jälä[t-Tu)
15 shār-ãohalāti a[pū*]rvv-äpara-väri-rabi-pulina-prāntah(nta)-prasiddh-ävadhèyé(r=yejn= A y am jagati sva(sva)-vi16 krama-va(ba)[lēn=ai]kāta patrīksitāḥ(tā) || [10*] Tasmi[n*) divan prayātā Vallabharāja
kshata-prajā-vādhaḥ [*] Sri-Karkkarāja17 sūnur=mahipatiḥ Kțishṇarājõ=bhūt ! [11*] . Yasya sva-bhuja-parakrama-niņsēsh-õtsādit
äri-ditā(k-chakram )... !
B
Second Plate, First Side 18 Krishnasy=ēv=R-kfishnam charitam éri-Kộishnarājasya 11 12*) Subhatumga-turga
turaga-pravriddha-rēn-ūrdhva-rururdhva - ravi-kira[nam (*) 19 grishmē=pi nabho nikhilam prāvritkālāyata spashtam(shtam) [ 13*] Din-anātha
praņayishu yath-ēshta-chēshtam samihitam=820. jasram(stam) [I*] ta[t*]-kshaņam=Aka(ka)la varshö Varshati sarv-ārtti-nirvvapaņam(nam)
Il 14*) Rāhappam=ātma-bhu[ja]-jāta-va(ba)l-āyalēpam=ājau 21 vijitya nikit-asi-latā-prahāraiḥ [l*] Pāli-dhvaj-āvali-su[bhā]m=achirő[na] yo hi räjādhirāja
parame22 svaratām tastā]na |[| 15*] Krõdhād=u[khā](tkha)ta-khadga-prassita-ruchi-chayai[r=bhā]
samānam samamta(tā)d=ajāv=udvfitta-vairi-pra[ka)
1 The word has been unnecessarily repeated here.
* The letters dit seem to have been wrongly repeated and the two conjunot letters that should notually follow di left out.
Read ruddha.

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モテ
含むボロ
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オ
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GEORGIANOTHE
JIKATOかs Got THIR
はたぶ
NA
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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. xxxit 23 ţa-jaga(gaja)-ghat-ātöpa-samkshõbhauda[ksham(ksham)] | sauryani tyaktā(ktv=ā)ri-vargo
bhaya-chakita-vapuh kv=āpi drishţv-ai[va sa)24 [dyõ] darpp-adhmāt-ā[ri*]-chakra-kshaya-bha(ka)ram-aganiad=ya[sya] dör-ddanda-rūpam
(pam) | [16*] Pātā (ya]s=chatur-amvumbu)rāsi-rasa (sa)n-a25 lamkāra-bhājö bhuvah trasyā]chäpi křitah(ta)-dvij-amara-guru-prājy-ājya-pū[j-a]dara[h 1*]
[ja](da)tā [mā]na-bhri(bhri)d-agra26 [ņīr=guņa]vatām yõ=sau śriyo Vallabho bhūttani(ktum) svarga-phalādi(ni) bhūri-tapasa
sthänan jugām=āmara (ram) L!! 17*] 27 Yēna (vēt-ātapatra-prahata-ripu-karā(ra)-vrata-täpätu salīlāta jaymē nāsira-dhüli-dhavali
[ta*)28 [si]rasā vallabh-akhya[h*) sad=ājyo(juu) [l*] sa sri-Govinda-rājā(jo) jita-jagad-ahita-trai
(strai)na-vaidha vya-hētuh | tasya29 šīsū(sīt=sū)nur=ēka-kshaņa-rana-dalit-arāti-matt-abha-kurbhalb ! 18*] Sta(Ta)sy--ānujaḥ
srih(sri-Dhruvarāja-nämä mah-anubhavo 30 vihita-pratāpa[h 1*) prasādhit-aśēsha-narēndra-chakra[h*] kramēna vā(bā)l-ārkka-vapurva
(r=bba)bhūva || [19*] Jātē yatra cha 31 Răshtrakūta-tilakē sad-bhūpa-chūdāmaņõ(ņau) gurvvi tushțir=ath=ākhilasya jagataḥ sau.
evāmini praty-aham(ham) 32 satyam satyam=iti prasā (tā)sati sati [kshmā]m=ā-samudr-āṁtikām=ābi(sī)dha(d=dha)rma
parē gun-amrita-nidhau (satya-vrat-ādhishthitē*]* [ll 20*) 23 Sri-Kāñchi-pati-Ganga-Vērgika-yuta [y] Mālavēs-adaya[h*] prăjyänəāma(na)yati sma
tā[n=kshi][ti*]34 blirito (yaḥ prā]jyānām=api [l*] māņikya(ky-ā)bharaṇisņā)[ni*) hēma-nati? yasya
prapadyõrapie svar yena prathitaji yatonya 35 [bhrāta]rari(ram) [Il 21*] Sāma(m-ā)dē (dyai)r=api Vallabhā(bho) na hi yadā su[1n*]dbirin
vidhātunutadă 10 chăturdanta-raņē vijitya ta36 rasā pasobāttato bhū
Second Plate, Second Side 37 patir(tim) [I*) prā[chy-ādichya]-parāchya-yāmya-chalasatil-pa(pā)li-dhvajair=bhūshita
chi[bnai]r-ya[h*] Paramosvaratvanna[khi]larit lēbho mah-ēbho vibhuḥ [! 22*] 38 Jit-āģēsha-mahispālah] Puraındara-jigisa(sha)ya sa sri-Nirupamo rāja(ja) hitvā matti
(rtyar) divā(van) gata[h*] [ 23*] Durvāra-vairi-vanita-mu
1 Road bhuvastrayyās=ch=ipi. * Read ravi us in the Paithan and other platos. • Road "apat sa-lilan as in the Paithan and Añjanavati platos. • Read "hēlus=la. • This phrase omitted through oversight has been supplied from other published charters.
Read prātirajyan-api. * Read nichayam.
Read Ody=opari.
Road prati tam falhaszpi na krilaschelo=nyatha. 10 The deada is superfluous. u Better road yamya-vilasalo as in the Bhor Museum plates,

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ii, b
からあ
な
JHARIKA GRANT OF RASHTRAKUTA GOVINDA III, SAKA 725
リオ列す!
はなやな!!
かなにかす
なりやす
で
Scale: Nine-tenths
38
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PLATE II

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No. 18)" JHARIKA GRANT OF RASHTRAKUTA GOVINDA III, SAKA 726
163
39 kha-pankajāni(ni) [dēvēj divam gatavati tri(tri)-jagatsu yasya [l*) ady=āpi kirtir=anura
[kta]m=iv=anurāgā[da]... yaśasā 40 pari[db]draviti [ 24*] Tasy=āply=a]bhūd=bhuvana-bhāra-bhțitau samarthaḥ Pārth
pamah Prithu-samāna-guņo gunajñaḥ [l*] durvvära-vairi-va41nit-atula-tapa-hētur-Govindarāja iti sūnur=ina-pratāpa[h*] || [25*] Sasadhara-kara
nikara-nibham yasya(sya) yasasah (Suranag-ágra sānu-sthaiḥ 1*1' pa42 rigiyatē=nuraktair-Vidyadhara-sundari-nivahaiḥ [II 26*] Hrishtö=nvaham yõ=[rthi]-janāya
sarvva[m*) sarvvam samānandita-va(ba)ndhu-varga[h [*] 43 prādāt=prahsishţő harati [sma vēgām(gāt)] prāņāna(n=Ya)masy=āpi nitānta-kirtiḥ
[127] Yên=ēdam-anila-vidyuch-chamohalam=844 valõkya jivitam-asārem(ram) [i*] kshiti-dana-parama-punya[h*) pravarttito vra(bra)hma
dayo=yām(yam) || [28*] sa cha paramabhattā45 raka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēsvára-śrīmad-Dhārävarsha-pad-anudhyātá-srie-Govindarāja
dēva[h*] ku46 sali yatha-saiva(ba)dhyamānakām(kān) vishayapati-rāshtrapati-bhogapati-grāmakūt
yukta47 niyuktak-adhikādhikäri[ka*)-mahattar-ādim(din) samādi aty=astu vaḥ samviditam yathā
mayā Alam48 pa(pu)ra-nikața-tata-Tungabhadra-samāvāsita-vijaya-skandhävä[r-á]väsitēna mặta
pitror ātmanasuch-aihik-amu49 shmika-punya-yaső-bhivriddhaye Põņa-vishay-ānta[h]pāti-Jharik-ābhidā(dhā)na-grāmaḥ
Dhārāśiva-vasta50 vya-tatraividya -sämānya-Kāsyapa-gotra-va(ba)hvrija(cha)-sva(sa)vra(bra)hmachāri-bhatta
Annasvāmi-suta-bhatta-Risiya51 pāya Jharikā-grāmasya pūrvvataḥ Taluti-sā[va]kam dakshiņataḥ (Vi]du[rā]mra-grāmaḥ
paschimataḥ Talabhi-grāmaḥ u52 ttarataḥ [Māragrāma] évam=ēta[ch-cha]tur-âghāța-kapāla-va(ba)[dha}(ddha)-grāmaḥ g
ödramgaḥ sa-grāma-bhögaḥ (8-7]pari53 karaḥ sa-das-aparādhaḥ sa-[dhālaya-hiranyāsny-ā)dēyo=bhyaṁtara-si[ddhy-a)-chăța-bhata
prāvēsya[h] Baryva-rä54 jakiya[nā]m-2-[hasta)-prakshēpaniyah a-chandr-ārkk-ā[rņņa]va-kshiti-sarit-parvvata-sama
kālinaḥ sa55 putra-pautr-anvaya-kram-õpabhujyamāna-dēva-vra(bra)[hma)-dāya-rahito bhūmi-chchhidra
nyāyēna Śaka-nfipa-k56 1-ātita-samva(samva)
1 Rearl yasah. 1 These words which were omitted by the engraver have been restored here from the Paithan and other records, * Read prarush10 as in Jethawai and other plates.
Read before this as in the Paithan and Añjanvati plates parama-bhatfaraka-maharajadhiraja-peramisvaraprithvivallabha-Prabhutavarsha. These words have been left out by the engravor evidently through mintake.
• The lettera kadhi nre unnecessarily repeated . Kead traividya.. [Or, tat-traividya.-ED.) 7 Sandhi has not been observed here.
This word referring to the donee is to be connected with pratipăditah in line 59.

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RAJ विटामिनोनयन SHETANYATI
HAR TITAARAATEJAJI
R RFANTASH BAATMEIGNENTIRSTARTHRITTETरहारयामासा R
EADLAPEETस्पाइसहायक MAHETHER REHझावका TRIA पारय मायामा :ZARTANTARIK
A RINATA RIDAREA साल परमादायमूसला CAMAKRECTRITI
महामान ३. म ६ रोक दियायामागुमरायला
शानदार
EXCI पर सबसे
TELL ALE 14
रला ATTRस्याला RALIATTA MASTRA BAAT
की शालिवाहा यसक्षATEयादा कारतावरण का REATTERJAषमतचर नाम

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164
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
Third Plate
57 tsara-satēshul saptasu sha[d-vivim'saty-adhikēshu yatr=ănkato=pi samva
(samva)tsarasa (sya) 725 va(ba)li-vai vadēv-āgni58 hôtr-ätithi-pamcha-mahāyajñ-ādi-kra(kri)y-õtsa[r*]paņā[rtham*) Tumgabhadrā-na[dim)
(dyām) snätvå dyötakädisargēna: Kārta(rtti)ka-paurpņamāsyäm(syām) grah-859 parāgë pratipăditaḥ [l*] Yato-sy-chitaya vra(bra)hma-dāya-sthitya bhurjato
bhõjayatā(ta)s-cha krishatõ(tah) karshayataḥ pratidisa60 to vā na kaischid=alp=āpi pratipamthanā kāryā | tath=āgrā(gā)mibhir-api bhadra-npipa
[ti*]bhir asma(sma)d-vamsai(syai)r=anyair=yvä sämänyam bhūmi61 dana-pa(pha)lam-avētya vidyul-lõlāny=anityāni aišva[rya)-sukhāni trin-agra-lagna-jala
vindu-chañchalam cha jivitam=ākalayya 62 sva-dāya-nirvvisēsho=[yam=a*]sma[d*]-dāyo=numantavya[h*) pratipālayitavyas-cha [*]
yas-chajñana-timira-patal-āvsita-matir=achchhindyäd achchhidya63 mīnam vīmanu'mödēta sa pamchabhi[r*]=mahāpāta kaiḥ s-õpapāta kais-cha pratisamyukta
[h*) syād=ity=uktam cha bhagavatā Vēda64 vyāsēna Vyāsēna | Shashtir=va[r*]sha-sahasrāņi sva[r*]gē mõdati bhūmidaḥ [1*]
achchhēttä сhranumantā cha tany=ēva narakē vasēt || [29*] 65 Vimdhy-ātavisva(shv=a)-tõyāsu sushka-kõțara-vāsinaḥ kṣishņ-khayo hi jāyaṁtë bhūmi
dāyar hararti yē [1 30*] Agnēr=apatyam pratha66. maí suvarna bhur Vaishnavi Sürya-sutas-cha gāvah [*] loka-trayam tēna bhavēd-dhi
dattar yah kāmchanam gām cha mahiṁ cha dadyast ||31* ] 67 Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudhā dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yadā bhūmistasya
tasya tadā (pha*). 68 lari(lam) [32] Gam ēkām suvarnam=ēkam bhūmēda(r-a)py-kam-angulath(lam)
harar(rana)narakam=āyāti yāvad=ābhūta-samplavam Cl 33*] 69 Yān=iha dattāni pură narēndrair=dānāni dharma(rm-ā)rtha-yasas-karāņi [l*] nirmukta.
mälya-pratimāni tāni ko nāma sädhuḥ 70 punar=ādadīta ![] 34®] Sva-dattam(ttām) para-dattam(ttām) vā yatnād=raksha naradhipa
(1) mahim mahibhritām śrēshtha dānāch=chhrēsyö]=nupālanam || 35*] 71 Ití kamala-dal-āmvu(bu)-vidyul-lõlām sriyam=adhigamya manushya-jivitam cha [I*]
ati-vimala-manõbhir ātma-kāmair-na hi pu72 rushaih para-kirtayo vilõpyāḥ ! [36*] Likhitam ch=aitan=mahā-pancha-mahāśavda(bda)
pājā-pujita-Sri-[Gau]da-va(ba)lādhikrita73 sūnõh(runā) sri-Kukkāyyēna | Tathā mahāparamēšvara-pratya[kshya(ksham)] ma
ākshapatal-adhipa-Dēvayyên=ēti !!
1 There is some gap in between each two of these three letters. ? This letter is superfluous. • Rendrady udak-atisargêna. [Or, anatunddyrödako-Ed.1 • Better read pariparthana. * Read vananuo • The danda is superfluous.

Page #235

No. 19-KALYANA INSCRIPTION OF SULTAN MUHAMMAD, SAKA 1248
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, DHARWAR
Kalyāna is a small town in the Humnabad Taluk of the Bidar District, Mysore State. Its original name was also Kalyana and this was modified as Kalyāņi during the Muslim regime. The latter form of the name is still recognised in official quarters, although the common people prefer to call it by its earlier name. Kalyana figures in hundreds of inscriptions of the rulers of the Later Chālukya family, who made it their principal headquarters about 1033 A.D. This seat of political power was occupied by the usurpers of the Kalachuri family for some time in the latter part of the 12th century. It was also the scene of the religious conflict between Kalachuri Bijjala II and his minister Basavēšvara, the founder of Virasaiva school, when it witnessed the great upsurge of the latter's followers. These memorable events are remembered to the present day and a visitor to Kalyāna is shown various sites associated with the activities of the historical personages. An attempt is made in certain quarters even to restore the place-name as BasavaKalyäņa after the great leader of the Virasaiva movement."
Kalyāna, until recently included in the Hyderabad State, was in the possession of a family of petty Nawabs or Jāgīrdārs who constructed a fort at the place. In the courtyard of this fort have been kept a large number of antiquities such as inscriptions, sculptures and remains of architectural constructions, brought over from various sites inside the town and also from the neighbouring villages. In the course of my official tour in search of inscriptions, I visited Kalyäņa in January 1957 and copied 16 inscriptions kept in the said place, and two more in the Nawab's Bungalow. Of these, seven belong to the reign of Vikramaditya VI, one to that of his son Soms varat Ill and three to that of the latter's successor Jagadēkamalla II. One more in the former place is the epigraph under study here. I edit the inscription from the estampages taken during my vikit. It was previouxly edited in 4. R. Arch. Dep., Hyderabad, 1936-37, pp. 43 .
The inscribed area of the stone slab bearing the epigraph is clearly demarcated by lines drawn on its four sides and it measures 45.7" long and 21-3" broad. At the top of this space are engraved figures of the crescent on the left and of the sun on the right. The stone has peeled off at the left corner of the bottom, resulting in the loss of a few letters. There are in all 32 lines of writing and in most cases they are in a fair state of preservation.
B, K. (oll., Xo. 126 of 1933-34: 811, Vol. I, Pt. I, Inc. No. 69. The Nutka years in both these records Are wrongly engraved. For an elaborate discussion on the varions Chalukya capitals, see the corp nfl necriptions in the found Distriels ul Ilylcralind, Hyderabad, 1988. Pp. 3 fr.
Some of the sites may be mentioned here: 1. the palace of Bijjala, 2. the mansion of Basa vosvara. 3. the cave of Akbanāgamma, nister of Basavesvara, t. the pedestal of Allama l'rabhu, 5. the cave of Viinnöivara. unual Report of Busare rara Dêrastlana, 19.54-5.7, and other publications (Hindi) of the institution.
( 165 )

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166
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIT The characters are Nāgari, being normal for the period to which the inscription belongs. The following peculiarities, however, deserve to be noted. The top mātrā which is generally a straight line is sometimes curved towards the left, the curve being turned into a loop in a few cases ; see for instunce t in ropita in line 7 and d at the beginning of the next line. The letters t and n are not distinguished in many cases; e.g. tanayo in line 17. The letter é presents two forms; e.g. Sākė in line 1 and budi in line 2. In regard to orthography, two rare instances of the doubling of the consonant after r are available and they are confined to one letter only which is t in varttamāni in line 7 and varttata in line 13. Sh is written for kh, e.g. Shöja in line 7. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the composition both prose and verse. There are four versos which are numbered. Of the large number of errors that have crept into the writing, a few may be attributed to the insufficient knowledge of the language on the part of the person who prepared the draft and the majority to the incompetence of the scribe who apparently failed to follow the draft fully. These blemishes are particularly glaring in verses 3-4 which have become difficult to decipher and interpret.
.
After the auspicious symbol the inscription mentions the date which is cited as Saka 1248, Kshaya," Kärttika su. 15, Monday (rizes 1-2). This regularly corresponds to the 10th November 1326 A.D. The epigraph then states that Mahārājādhiraja Suratana Mahamada was ruling at this time (lines 2-4). Next we are introduoed to his subordinate Mahāpradhana Mallika Kāmadina who was in charge of the whole administration and was governing Mahārāshtra-mandala (lines 4-6). The phrase found in this context, viz. samasta-mudrā-vyāpārān paripamthayati is interesting. The expression paripanthayati as it oocurs here cannot be traced in the lexicons, although it seems to have been used in the sense of conducting' or 'executing '. This phrase appears to have passed into the administrative terminology of this period as seen from its occurrence elsewhere also. Next comes a local official under the provincial governor. He was in charge of the area of the town of Kalyāṇa and called Shõjā (i.e. Khõjā or Khvājā) Ahamada (lines 7-8).
What follows (lines 8-10) is highly interesting though difficult to interpret fully on account of the faulty text. It seems that in connection with the revolution (viparyaya) caused by Bāhabadinu, Khõjā Ahamada, the officer of Kalyāņa, along with Jaņdamala, went to Syāra Mallike. This gave room for confusion which was taken advantage of by the unruly elements who seem to have caused serious damage to the temple of Madhukē vara and even broken the Siva-linga. Soon after this, some devotees of the god from the Karnata section of the population appear to have made a premature offer to embellish the temple. The text of the relevant passage after correction stands as Kārnāta-lokaih anjana-buddhih krită. But this move was not encouraged by the trustees of the temple.
After some time when the governor of the town returned, a representation was made to him in the matter of reinstating the deity and resumption of ceremonial worship as usual by Thakkura
1 The name of the eyclic year is given as Akshaya in verso 2 (lino 19). * Compare Likhapaddhati (Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. XIX), PP. 33-34.

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No: 19]
KALYANA INSCRIPTION OF SULTAN MUHAMMAD, SAKA 1248 167
Malla, son of Vainasimha or Vainapala, who was in charge of the management of the temple. The request was granted by the governor in consultation with his secretary. The governor is stated to have given the verdict that as it (i.e. worship in the temple) was the religious duty of the petitioners, they should follow it (lines 11-14).
Then come four verses, all in the Särdülavikriḍita metre. In verse 1 the Sultan is mentioned as Mahimada. Verses 1-2 together summarise the main facts stated before. The only additional information furnished by them is that the said Malla was a Kayastha and that the installation of the deity took place according to the prescribed rites such as the chanting of the mantras at night during the Rōhiņi nakshatra. It is interesting to note that on the date cited previously the Krittikä nakshatra lasted till 34, followed by Rohini thereafter. Verse 3 seems to allude to the Puranic episode of the destruction of the Three Cities by the god Siva. Verse 4 praises the deity Madhukesvara, i.e. Siva, as the supreme god and invokes his blessings. In the prose passage that follows (lines 29-30) is introduced Vijäditya who wrote (i.e. drafted) the charter. He is described as one respected by Syara Sihada-raja who appears to have been an officer of some importance, probably a prince of the royal family. It is not unlikely that he is identical with Syära Mallika mentioned in line 8. This Vijäditya appears to have been a person of some learning, though his composition has been spoiled by the ignorant engraver. The last two lines (31-32) are damaged. Line 31 again refers to Thakura and Madhukēsvara.
The inscription is of unique historical importance. The ruling king introduced as Mahārājādhirāja-śrī-Suratāņa must no doubt be Sultan Muhammad Shah bin Tughluq. The epithet Suratana is a Prakrit form of Suratrāņa (cf. lines 14-15) which is a Sanskritised form of Sultān. Muhammad Shah's accession took place a few days after the death of his father Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq in February or March 1325 A.D. The areas around Kalyana might have been annexed by Muhammad Shah himself in the course of his campaigns against Warangal and Bidar during the life-time of his father when he was acting as the viceroy of the southern provinces under his original name Ulugh Khan. Our inscription dated 1326 A.D. falls in the second year of Muhammad Shah's reign. It thus furnishes the earliest epigraphic evidence so far known for the reign of the king."
1 This name is spelt as Mala in one place and Malla in two places. Similarly, the family name Thakkura given alternately as Thakura and Thakura and perhaps wrongly as Takura also.
* The name of this secretary appears to be Jarhdadasa (lines 12-13). It is not unlikely that the same person is mentioned as Jamḍamala in line 8 immediately after Shōja Ahamada. Compare the name of Mulla's father mentioned with variations as Vainapala (line 12) and Vaipasimha (line 17).
Sihädä may be a corrupt form of Shahjädä, meaning a prince.
• Cambridge History of India, Vol. II, p. 135.
Aiyangar, South India and Her Muhammadan Invaders, 1921, pp. 133-34.
It is interesting to note that two inscriptions associated with the Sultan are found in the ec uth. One of them, in Persian, from Rajahmundry is dated September 12, 1324 A.D. (Sewell and Aiyangar, Historical Inscriptions, etc., p. 182). But it is clear that Muhammad Shah was not the reigning king at that time. As the record mentions the name Muhammad Shah which was assumed by the Sultan after his accession, it is possible to think that the epigraph was set up later in his reign. The second one is dated in his ninth year (1334 A.D.) and comes from Panaiyur in the former Pudukotta State (Aiyangar, op. cit., p. 153).

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168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII Another piece of historical information which was not known hitherto and whioh is offered for the first time by our epigraph is that Maharashtra-mandala was placed at this time under the governance of Mallika Kämadina. This Maharashtra-mandala seems to have comprised the erstwhile dominion of the Devagiri kings, as the latter is sometimes referred to as Mahratta. A subordinate officer of this Kāmadina, Shõjā (i.e. Khõjā or Khvājā) Ahamada, was in charge of the small area around Kalyāņa. Although included in Mahārāshțra for the exigency of administration, Kalyāņa must have been a Kannada area as seen from the numerous Kannada inscriptions from earlier centuries found there. This fact, curiously enough, is indicated by an allusion to Kārņāta (i.e. of Karņāta) occurring in the present inscription itself.
The charter under study incidentally offers confirmatory evidence in favour of a tumultuous event in the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq, which looms largo in the history of South India. This was the rebellion, in the second year of his reign, of his cousin Bahā-ud-din Gurshäsp, who held the fief of Ságar, near Shorāpur," in the present Gulbarga District. The expression Bāhabadīnu-viparyaya occurring in line 8 of our inscription undoubtedly alludes to this episode. The region of Kalyāņa which is not far away from Sāgar seems to have been affectod by the disturbances following this revolt. What took place is not clearly stated in our record; but it appears that the governor of Kalyāņa had to leave his headquarters in this connection, probably for advice and aid from another officer of the Sultan, posted in the adjoining area. This officer seems to be one who is mentioned as Syārs Mallika in line 8 and Syara Sihādā in line 29.
It is stated in verse 1 that the temple of Madhukēsvara which became a victim of vandalism during these disturbances was situated at Kalyāna itself. The magnanimous view taken by the Muslim governor of Kalyāna in respect of the reinstallation of the Hindu deity and the resumption of traditional worship therein, particularly at the time when the communal feelings ran so high, deserves high appreciation.
The following geographical names are mentioned in the epigraph: Mahārāshtra-mandala, Karṇāta and Kalyāņa. The first of these has been discussed above. The reference to Karņāța separately either as a territory or as its people is interesting, as this province under its distinct name generally does not find a place as an independent unit in the official records of the period. Kalyāna is of course still known by its old name.
TEXT
1 Siddham || Svasti sri-sakā 1248 Kshaya-samvatsarā ||' Karttik[@]
3 budi 16 Somē l'ady=éha samasta-rājāvali-mal-alam
1 He has been identified with Qivāmuddin Qutlugh Khân. See A. R. Arch. Dept., Hyderabad, 1936-37,
P. 43.
Elliot, History of India, eto., Vol. III, p. 236. There is evidence to show that during the later days of the Yidavas of Dövagiri, the Maharashtra country and Marathi language came to prominonoe.
Cambridge History of India, op. cit., p. 140. The original personal name may be Sher. From inkod impressions. . Exproorod by symbol. The dandas are unnecessary.

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KALYANA INSCRIPTION OF SULTAN MUHAMMAD, SAKA 1248
छावसिथीशी १४ वा दिसामा राजा मालाल चितवन दा
दशपयादव बाबजी.दीक्षा विमानमनिका का मद्दीन मरा समाधान लिक्समा नेका ल्यापरोप
द्या
मत सभामा गया। विपर्ययमक य२३म सं निषितज्ञता देवसीयतन तस्मिना खाने तर पिदेव छापश्चन सेब रावणपाल सतकर पाना पानास वासोटा
प्रकरणाबाट ३६ लमहीमा विश् फागदीन विवि मुडया ने क्या कि त्याग गि
मंजरथकारक्ष उसे 111थियति मेवा रेवावधारा को तिवारी के क्रियाता मापतिप्रियातिशिवि याप्रमा
त्रिकाला
पण काय ब 42308/14 मार
8788174113
वियात्राभूतानि जाता मुखादे बोला7-9.mp485 मिन विवातिशतिज्ञावित निपवित्रा दाराश
विज्ञादिवरपं
चकुरRE3 विखर, कल
Scale: One fourth
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169
No. 19) KALYANA INSCRIPTION OF SULTAN MUHAMMAD, SAKA 1948 s krita-virājita Mahärājādhiraja-sri-Suratina-Maha
4. nadah' rdjyä tat-päda-padmä(dm-o)pajivi(vi)[ta]-sar[nā)(rva)-bhara-n[i]rü
6 pita-Mahäpradhāna-Mallika-Kämadina(nē) Mahārā[sh]ţra-man
6
ale samasta-mudra-vyāpā[ră*)n paripamthayati || [i*]ty-vanh-ka
7 la varttamând ka(Ka) lyäpapuro tam(tan)-niropita-Shoja Ahama
8 da[bo] Jamdamalath(lah) tastha]"(thi) (Syā]ra-Mallikantaine gatā(tau) (Bjahabadinu
9 viparyayi Madhukēsvaradē[va]-sam[tityä]" Kārņāta-lokë amja
10 navudhi kitam | jalāṁta-dēva[to dha ni]yata tra kií na hi
ta
11 tra tasmin prasthāno punar-api dēva-sthāpana-pājana-vishayo
12 sam. Thakkura-Vaiņa pāla-suta Thákura Malate | Shõjā sarno (Jamda]da
13 saḥ uta [Shoja) prasādam dattaa11 | Yushmä[kar] kula-dharmð varttats |
14 tat-karaniya[m] || tha** !! "Prithvisā(8-)dhipatau Mabimada-suratrā
16 në mahim” sä(sā)sati prasphūrjargu(d-gu)pa-Kämadina
savivi(dhim)
1 This letter is peculiarly formed. * Read madanya. •The rngraving of this latter is peculiar. It may be read us ri alao. • The intended reading may be either Mallikarthan or Mallikantikan. * There is a top mätrd above this letter, which is to be ignored. . These two letters are doubtful. The reading intended may be bhittyanis raggosted by the context.
The reading of this passago is almost certain ; but its meaning is rather obuouro. 8o the interpretation suggested abovo, p. 186.
• The intended reading may be jal-antar daivate dhah kehiyalēxtra.
This sam sooms to stand for sambaddha. # The sentence is loft incompleto. 1 The intended reading may bo Jardadasina wa Ndjena praaddal dattas.
Thin letter which may be road chha indicate the end of topio; 100 above, Vol. XXX, p. 218, noto 2 - Tho metre of this and the following threo verso in Sardalavikridita. "This anuorina is given before the letter. ** Grammatioally it should have been Kamadini; but this will violato the motro.

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[VOL. XXXII 16 mudrām dadhäně tada | Kalyāņā nagarē (va]rāmga-vipadam (dřishtva(shţv=ā)]
17 [sya] Sam(Sambhör=ayam Käyasth-ottama-[V]aiņasimha-taņayau(yo) dhimām(man)
18 [su]-Marllājita[b] || 1 [l*] Sa(sa)[kā]=sht-ā[vyē)(bdby-a)yan-aika-nā[mni) vishamāsmē)
19 samvatsare ch=Akshayē másē Karttika-samjñakē vidhu-yuta-sri-pau
20 mpamä[põllyām) tisth]au | Rohinyā niki vipra-mantra-vihitai[s-tē)
31 [shāvanaih]* [Tā]kuro: Malla[h*] Sri-Madhukē[bva)rasya vidadhë dha
22 (nya“)-pratishthāṁ punaḥ || 201*1* Yamtrë tränayatë (Asya) samabhavata kino
23 patam[ga]spada pakamja bharaņē jagaddhati harata kālakūte-visha
14 madē | tēnē pura pura-trayam-api [ghåltam kathātēshatām sā=yam Maha
26 mahāsvarā='dhikurutē [chē]taḥ pratishthä-padar(dam) || 3 [l*) Vaṁtrē trām valasā
26 tathā pratipadam la[kshmyä] chiram [chi]hnitäm hastari[u]ma[tau) batata
27 tumukhā dēvā labha[m*]tē padam | sõ=yam
sarva-surēšvaro pi mahatām
28 datvā(ttvā) pratishtā[m*) nijāsın*) dēvaḥ śri-Madhukēkvaro vitanutä[t=ta)
29 [t-ta]sya vitt-ēshaņāṁ || 4 [*] Srima[tu] Syara Sihādā-rājapūjita-[dēj
30 va[vacbā] Vijāditya[s]ya lischhi](khi)ta-sāsanam
Madhukēsvara || chhal
31.....
(Tha]kura [rē]dhatu Vi[bvarupu] Madhukēsáva]ra. .
[sthāna) ||
1 The reading intended might be Mall-orjital. One of the dots of the visarga sign after ta is given before the letter.
* There is something wrong in the engraving of these letters. The intended reading may be last parangid . Read Thakkuro.
This letter is intriguing. The intended letter may be rma also. Or, it may be nyah. -Ed.)
The engraving of this and the following lines is faulty resulting in errors ton numerous to be corrected. . This indicates the end of a topic; compare above, Vol. XXX, p. 218, n.2.

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No. 20.-HOSUR INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-BALLALA, (SAKA) 1129
B. R. GOPAL AND SHRINIVAS RITTI, OOTACAMUND This inscription, edited here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, is engraved on a pillar in the Trikūtēsvara temple at Hosur in the Gadag Taluk of the Dharwar District, Mysore State. It was copied in 1926-27 and noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year. The record covers a space of about 1' 2.5" x 1'2' and is in a fair state of preservation, though a few letters in the middle are worn out. It contains 19 lines of writing.
The record is in Kannada and is written in prose throughout.
The palaeography of the record is regular for the period to which it belongs, i.e. early half of the 13th century A.D. However, the following points deserve notice. Anusvāra is used in place of anunāsika as in Chikka-[Nara]eimgayyangalu, line 7. The use of the prosthetio y in Yēļunurv-vara, (line 9), may be noted. The cursive forms of vand m are used, e.g. gāvunda, (line 8) and mukhyavo (line 9). The following may be noted in orthography : the doubling of letters preceded by r as in sarvvädhikari and Chakravartti (line 6, etc.), the use of $ for sh as in äsādha, (line 4) and varusa, (line 3), and the wrong use of! for !, e.g. [Nara]singayyamgalu and Mulugunda in line 7, Tuppadahalli in line 14, etc. The long må in samkramana in line 5 is a scribal orror for ma.
The purpose of the record is to register a gift of land to the god Morakēsvaradēva by ChikkaNarasimgayya who is described as Mahāprahāna and Sarvesādhikari and as the second son of the sovereign. He is stated to be governing Muļugunda Twelve. The gift land was obtained by the donor from the Seven-Hundred of Hosavūr, headed by Mahābala-gāvunda. Mahābalagāvunda along with others figures in another record of this place, dated in 1192 A.D.,' as the recipient of the income derived from taxes as a compensation for the damage caused to the town of Hogavūru, when king Vira-Ballala had camped there. It is likely that the gift was made in the course of the king's campaign against Yadava Bhillama which took place between 1191 and 1192 A.D.
The record under review is dated in 1129, apparently of the Saka era, Prabhava, Asbadha bu. 11, Sunday, Karkkataka-samkramana. The details of the date are irregular. The sankramana occurred on Wednesday, the 27th June in the year 1207 A.D., when the tithi was bu. 1, the month being Nija Ashādha. The given tithi, however, corresponds to July 7 of the same year when the week-day was Saturday and not Sunday as stated in the record. The details do not work out correctly in the Adhika Ashad hs either.
The record is important inasmuch as it furnishes certain details pertaining to the Hoysala family which were hitherto not properly assessed. Chikka-Narasimgayya is introduced as the second son (dvitiya kumāra) of Vira-Ballāļa. It is well known that Vira-Ballāļa was succeeded by his son Narasimba II in 1220 A.D. If Chikka-Narasimgayya, apparently Narasinha II, was the second son of the king, who was his first son and what became of him? In his account of the Hoyesla, Fleet ans referred to a record from Sravana Belgoļa which mentions Sömēsvara as *
1 Appendix F, No. 116. This has also lieen noticed in the ARASI for 1926-27, p. 192. .. 14. R. Rp. 1926-27, App. F, No. 113.
* The details of the date, viz. Saka 1114, Paridhavi, Karttık, Punwari, Monday, correspond to 1192 3.D., October 22. The week-day, however, was Thursday. Ep. Carn. Vol. VII, Ci. 72; ibid., Vol. V, BI. 85.
, (171)

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[VOL. XXX 11
kumāra or son of Ballāla. But he dismisses the fact, not supported as it was by any other known record, with the remark that there was probably some mistake about either the original or the transcript. Commenting on the same epigraph, Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar contended that Sömēsvara mentioned in the record must have called himself the king's son by courtesy ; for, Ballāļa had no son of his own by that name. He has, however, shown that the record could be attributed, undated as it is, to 1206 A.D., judging from the internal evidence of the inention of Nayakirtti's disciples in this record as in some other dated records allied with this epigraph. It may be noted that the cyclic year Akshaya corresponding to 1205-06 A.D. cited in this record as the year from which the tax exemptions alluded to in it were to take effect, falls well within the reign-period of Ballâla II (1173-1220 A.D.). It may not be unreasonable to presume that the inscription itself should have been actually engraved and set up sometime prior to Akshaya inasmuch as its object was to proclaim the grant of exemptions of specified taxes and the proclamation itself was to take offeet from the year Akshaya. This we will discuss in the sequel.
The date of Narasimha II's birth, viz. Saka 1105, Subhakpit (1182 A.D.), is furnished by an epigraph from Aļesandra.
The earliest record' mentioning him as administering in association with his father bears the date Saka 1128, Krodhana (=1205 A.D.). He should have been a young man about this period. To revert to the Sravaņa-Belgoļa epigraph, in the light of the categorical expression dvitiyari kumāram applied to Narasimha in the record under review, it appears thet the Sömēsvara mentioned in the former inscription was the elder son of Vira Ballāļa. The record has been attributed to 1205-06 A.D. for reasons already referred to. But the cyclic year Akshaya from which or rather froin the commencement of which (by inference) the tax-exemptions proclaimed in the record were to be effective and which corresponded to 1206 A.D. could not have been the year in which the record was set up. Allowing a reasonable time for the proclamation to be effectively made known to the public concerned, we may suppose that the inscription might have been set up some time in the year Krödhana preceding the year Akshaya. But we have seen above that Narasimha figures already in Krödhana actively in association with his father in the administrative activities of the kingdom in an inscription from Gañjigatte in Chitaldurg, which bears the date Saka 1128, Krödhana, Chaitra, paurnami, Monday, Sankramana-vyatipäta, the details corresponding to 1205 A.D., April 4, Monday, f.d.t., .47, on which day there occurred a lunar eclipse not mentioned in the reword. Whether Somēśvara was still living on this date and was also associated with his father in the administrative activities of the kingdom, we do not know. If he was dead by this date, then his Sravana-Belgoļa record must have been set up at the very commencement
1 Bomb. Gez., Vol. I, Part II, p. 502, note2.. * Loc. cit.
Ep. Carn., Vol. It (rev. ed.), Int. p. 62 ; Sb. 327, 333 and 336. Ibid., Vol. IV, Ng. 32.
A record from Hachchalu (ibid., Vol. IX, Kn, 67) has been ascribed to Narasimha II by Prof. Wilham Coelho in his book Hoyralarama. This damaged record refers to Kumara Narasimhghadeva as ruling over the world'. Apart from the date and the mention of a Vira-Ganga Vira-Ballāļadēva, no other details are available. It is dared in the cyclic year Nala, Jyishtha św. 10, Sunday. The Saka year is not given. Vira-Ganga ViraBalklädera dous not seem to have borne any of the epithets of the king and it is inexplicable as to why he is mentioned for his son and that tuo during his own lifetime, as the cyclic yerr Nala falling in his reign-period, corresponda to 1194 A.D. The details of the date also do not work out correctly. On the other hand, the details regularly o respond to June 4, Sunday, in the year 1276 A.D., when Narasimha III was ruling. Therefore the record may be oraigned to Xarasitaha III rather than to Narasimba II.
• Ep. ('arr., Vol. XT, Cd, 23. 7 Loc cit.

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No. 20]
HOSUR INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-BALLALA, SAKAJ 1129
173
of the year Krödhana itself or sometime prior to it. Further evidence by future research alone can settle these points. Since Ballala's father himself was Narasimha, his own son is oalled ChikkaNarasimga yya.
The geographical names that occur in the record are Mulugunda, Hosavår and Tuppadahalli besides the well-known Väraņāsi, i.e. Banaras which is usually mentioned in the imprecatory portion of such records. Mulugunda can be identified with modern Mulgund in the Gadag Taluk and Hosavür apparently is the modern Hosur, the findspot of the reoord. Tuppedahalli, however, cannot be identified, since no village of that name is now found in the vicinity of Hosur.
TEXTI
1 Svasti srimatu Yādava-Nārāyana-prata2 pa-chakravartti Hoyisaņa Vira-Ballala(1a)3 dēva-varusa (sha)da 1129 neya Prabhava sam4 vatsarada Asa (sha)da (dha)-su 11 Adivāra vi(vya)tipāta Ka5 rkkktaka samkramā(ma)padamdu Sriman-mahāpra6 dhānam sarvvadhikari chakravarttiya dvitiyan 7 kumāra[m*) Chikka-[Nara]simgayyamgalu(lu) Mulu(lu)gumda8 hamnenne)radan=ālu(lu)ttam Hosavūra Mahābala-gāvumda9 mukhyavägi Yēļu-nūrvvara kayyalu sarvvā(rvva)-bädha(dha)10 pariharav=[gi] dhārāpūrvvakaṁ mādisi-koudu 11 Sri-Mora kösva(sva)ra-dēvara amga-bhöga-namdā-divige-nivēdya12 kke bitta bhūmi dēvara pūrvvada keyimdam badagalu 13 Komda[ra*]sana keyimdaṁ müdalu brahmapu14 riya keyimdam temkalu Tuppadahali(li)15 ya batteyimdam paļuvalu bitta keyi hi16 riyakölu mattaru 1 [l*] Yi-dhamma(rmma)vam nādan=āļuv-ara17 sugaļu pratipāļisuvaru [l*] Pratipāļisadavargge Vä18 raņāsiyalu sāyira-kavileyam komda pāta19 kav=aku(kku) !
TRANSLATION
Lines 1-10. Hail! In the year 1129 of the illustrious Yådava-Nārāyana Pratápachakravarti Vira-Ballāļa dēva of the Hoysaļa family and the year Prabhava, on Sunday, the 11th day of the bright half of Ashādha, when there were vyatipāta (yoga) and Karkataka-sarikramana, Mahāpradhana and Sarvvadhikari Chikka-Narasimgayya, the second son of the emperor, while administering (the division of) Mulugunda Twelve, obtained with the pouring of water from the Seven-Hundred of Hosavūr headed by Mahābalagāvunda, land, free from all imposts.
1 From ink impressions. . Apparently this standa for the sake your.

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Lines 11-16. (And) he made a gift (of that land) for the anga-bhoga, burning of a perpetual lamp and offerings to god Morakesvaradeva. The gift land measures one mattaru by Hiriyakolu (i.e. the big rod) and its situation is as follows: (it lies) to the north of the eastern field of the god; to the east of the field of Konda[ra*]sa; to the south of the field of Brahmapuri and to the west of the road to Tuppadahalli.
Lines 16-19. The kings ruling over the country should protect this righteous deed. Those who do not, will incur the sin of slaughtering a thousand cows in Varanasi, i.e. Vārāņasī.

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No. 21.-AMUDALAPADU PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I, YEAR 5
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
The inscription was published in the Telugu journal Bharati for May 1957, pp. 86 ff., by Pandit Gadiyaram Ramakrishna Sarma1 who secured the plates for examination from Mr. Narayana Reddi, a pleader of Vanaparti in the Mahbubnagar District of the old Hyderabad State, now in Andhra, through Mr. Dumpali Rami Reddi. Mr. Narayana Reddi got the plates about 20 years ago from an inhabitant of the village of Amudalapadu in the Alampur Taluk, formerly of the Raichur District of Hyderabad but now forming a part of the Mahbubnagar District of Andhra.
The inscription is incised on four plates each measuring about 7-1" in length and about 3" in height. They are strung on a ring, the ends of which are secured beneath a seal containing the well-known Varaha emblem of the Chalukyas. The borders of the plates are not raised. Of the four plates, the first and the last are inscribed on the inner side only while the second and third plates have writing on both the sides. There are altogether 48 lines of writing in the inscription. They are distributed on the inscribed faces of the plates as follows: I-7 lines; IIA-7 lines; IIB-8 lines; IIIA-9 lines; IIIB-8 lines; IV-9 lines. The last line on IIIA consists only of two letters. The weight of the plates is 75 tolas and that of the ring with the seal 16.5 tolas.
The characters belong to the old Telugu-Kannada alphabet and closely resemble those of the published records of the issuer of the charter, viz. Chalukya Vikramaditya I (655-81 A.D.) of Badami. As regards palaeography, it is difficult in some cases to distinguish between the medial signs for i and i and between the consonants ch and v, n and n, etc. The language of the record is Sanskrit. In point of orthography and style, the inscription closely resembles most other charters of Vikramaditya I. The orthography of the record is characterised by the tendency to use class-masals in preference to anusvära and the rare use of the upadhmaniya (cf. line 9). There are several instances of visarga-sandhi as in matribhis-sapta (line 3) and guros-ériya (line 19). The grant is dated in the 5th regnal year of the king. As Vikramaditya I is known to have ascended the throne in 654-55 A.D., the issue of the grant may be assigned to 659-60 A.D. Since the tithi on which the grant was made is stated to have been the Vaisakha-paurṇamāsi, the actual date seems to be the 30th April 660 A.D.
1 Recently Pandit Sarma has also published the Pallepäḍu (Alampur Taluk, Mahbubnagar District, Andhra) plates of Vinayaditya I in the Journal of the Deccan History and Culture, Hyderabad, Vol. III, No. 1, January 1956. This charter was issued on the full-moon day of Vaisakha in Saka 604 expired (27th April, 682 A.D.) and the second regnal year of the king who is stated to have granted, when he was stationed at Bänumgal-nagara (modern Pangal in the Nagar Karnul Taluk of the Mahbubnagar District), the village of Paniyal, situated on the southern bank of the Krishnabēņņa at a distance of one gavyuta from Dharmapura, in favour of a Brahmana named Madhavasvamin. The grant was made at the request of Svämikarāja.
For three sets of his plates from Karnul, see JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, pp. 233 ff., pp. 238 ff., pp. 240 ff.; for the Talamanchi, Gadval and Hyderabad plates, see respectively above, Vol. IX, pp. 98 ff.; ibid., Vol. X, pp. 100 ff.; and Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 72 ff. For the Honnur plates, see A. R. Mys. Arch. Dep., 1939, pp. 129 ff. Good facsimiles of most of the inscriptions have been published along with the articles on them.
Above, Vol. IX, p. 102; cf. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, pp. 363, 366. If Kielhorn's suggestion that the 13th July 660 A.D. fell in the sixth regnal year of Vikramaditya I is accepted, it may be supposed on the basis of the date of the present charter that the accession of the king took place roughly in the period between the 30th April and the 13th July 655 A.D.

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[VOL. XXXII The record begins with the well-known stanza Jayaty=āvishkritam, eto., found at the beginning of numerous charters of the Chalukyus and their subordinates. As in the other grants of Vikremāditya I, the king's great-grandfather is introduced as belonging to the family of the Chalikyas (Chalukyas) who claimed to be Haritiputras of the Mānavya götra, to have increased through the favour of the Seven Mothers, to have obtained prosperity through the protection of the god Kärttikēya and to have overpowered their enemies who submitted at the very sight of the Boar emblem which the family acquired through the grace of Lord Nārāyana. The Chalukya king is represented, as in most of his records, as the great-grandson of Polikēsivallabha-mahārāja (i.e. Pulakësin I) who celebrated the Asvamēdha sacrifice, as the grandson of Kirtivarma-Prithivivallabha-mahārāja (i.e. Kirtivarman I) who subdued the territories of his adversaries including the land of Vanavās (i.e. the capital of the Kadambas), and as the dear son of Satyasraya Sriprithivivalla bha-maharajädhirāja-paramēsvars (i.e. Pulakēsin II) who obtained the second name Paramēsvara as a result of his victory over Harshavardhana, the lord of the entire Uttarāpatha (meaning here the northern half of India lying to the north of the Vindhyas). King Vikramaditya I, the issuer of the charter, is stated to have overthrown, with the help of his charger Chitrakantha and his sharp sword, the three kings who were responsible for the disappearance of his father's royal fortune and to have restored the properties belonging to gods and Brahmanas in the kingdoms of the said three kings who had confiscated them. The above introductory part of the record is conoluded with a stanza saying that king Anivärita-Vikramaditya (i.e. Vikramaditya I) recovered the prosperity of his family as a result of his conquests over many adversaries in different directions. This verse is found in the earlier charters of the king, while the later Gadval (674 A.D.) plates add to it four mbre stanzas referring to his success against his three adversaries belonging to the Pallava royal family of Kāñchi.
None of the facts recorded in the introductory part of the inscription, discussed above, is new, It is well known that the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I (c. 630-68 A.D.) defeated and killed Pulakēgin II about 642 A.D. and occupied the southern part of the Chalukya empire including the capital city of Bādāmi while Vikramāditya I succeeded in recovering the lost part of the kingdom and in establishing himself on his father's throne about 655 A.D., although his struggle with the Pallavas continued till the early years of Paramēévaravarman I (c. 669-90 A.D.), the grandson of Narasimhavarman I. But two points deserve notice in this connection. In the first place, the statement that Pulakēsin II assumed the second name Parameswara after his victory over king Harshavardhana of Northern India does not appear to be strictly accurate. As we have elsewhere suggested, the Chālukya king probably assumed that name after saving his homeland from enemies and restoring Chalukya sovereignty in the territories of the disaffected neighbours while an additional significance was later attached to it after his victory over Paramèsvara (i.e. the imperial ruler) Harshavardhana. Secondly, it is well known that the reference to the regal fortune of Pulakēsin II, which had been interrupted by three kings, and to the re-establishment of the grants to gods and Brāhmaṇas (which had been confiscated by the three kings) by Vikramaditya I was understood by Fleet as an allusion to the Chalukya king's success against his three Pallava rivals, vis. Narasimhavarman I (c. 630-68 A.D.), Mahendravarman II (c. 668-69 A.D.) and Paramēsvaravarman I (o. 669-90 A.D.). This view is, however, clearly wrong, because the claim is noticed in the records of Vikramaditya I, including the one under study, which bear dates much earlier than the end of the rule of Narasimhavarman I. It has also to be noticed, as already indicated above, that the stanzas referring to his success against the said three rulers of the Pallava family are found
Soo The Classical Age, pp. 241 ff. • Ibid., p. 237. • Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 362.

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AMUDALAPADU PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I, YEAR
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for the first time in the Gadval plates of 674 A.D. They appear therefore to have been added to his prasasti after the accession of the Pallava king Paramelvaravarman I some time about 669 A.D.' One of the three kings who shadowed the royal fortune of Pulakëbiņ II must have been Pallava Narasimhavarman I while the two others were apparently his allies, although their identity is not clear. The allusion to the three kingdoms of the hostile rulers, in which Vikramaditya I re-established his family's prestige, does not appear to suggest that three kingdoms were established in the southern part of the Chalukya empire, which had been conquered by the enemies of Pulakēsin II. The implication of the passage in question seems to be that Pulakēsin II conquered the three kingdoms in which he created certain endowments, in favour of gods and Brāhmaṇas, that the rulers of those kingdoms later defeated and killed Pulakēsin II and confiscated the properties involved in the endowments and that Vikramaditya I sometime afterwards reconquered the three kingdoms and restored the endowments. This seems to be supported by the Aihole inscription, according to which Pulakëbin II defeated the Pallava king of Kāñchi and went to the land to the south of the Kāvērī, where he became the source of prosperity to the Cholas, Keralas and Pandyas. It appears that Pulakēsin II succeeded in winning over the allegiance of the southern neighbours of the Pallavas. Since it is very probable that it is two of these three smaller powers of the south that sided with Pallava Narasimhavarman I in his successful encounter against Pulakēsin II, the Chalukya king's policy of befriending the neighbours of the Pallavas, referred to above, appears to have been successful only for a short time. But which one of the four southern kings, viz. the Pallava, Chöļa, Pandya and Kērala, is omitted in the reference to the three kings (avanipatitritaya) and their kingdoms (rājya-traya) in the records of Vikramaditya I is difficult to determine, although it may be Kērala. It is, however, interesting to note that the inscriptions of Vinayaditya (681-96 A.D.), son of Vikramaditya I, credits his father with success against all the four rulers. Vinayaditya speaks of his father as Pallavapati-parājay-ānantara-grihita-Kāñchipura (i.e. one who captured Kanchipura after having defeated the Pallava king) and "dalita-Choļa-Pandya-Keraladharanidhara-mānao (i.e. one who curbed the pride of the Chõļas, Pāņdyas and Keralas). Vinayāditya himself also claims to have arrested, under his father's orders, the power or forces of trairājyaPallava or trairājya-Kärchi-pati. These expressions have been variously interpreted; but the reference is apparently to the same achievements ascribed to the Chalukya king's father separately, i.e. to the success against the Palla va king of Kāñchi and against the three kingdoms of the Cholas, Pandyas and Keralas.. The explanation of the omission of one of the four powers in the records of Vikramaditya I seems to be that he had no occasion to enter into that particular territory. The presence of the Chalukya king in the Choļa country is well known from his Gadval plates issued from Uragapura (i.e. the Chola capital) situated in the Chölika vishaya on the southern bank of the Kávēri. But the references in the passages under study appear to point to his exploits in the southern kingdoms before his occupation of the throne of Badami about 655 A.D.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village of Iparumkal, situated in Vangūravādi-vishaya, by Mahārājādhirāja Paramējvara Vikramaditya Satyasraya Sripri
1 The stanzas are also found in the undated Hyderabad plates. But they are absent from the Honnur plates issued on the full-moon day of Vaisakha in Saka 592 or the king's 16th regnal year (i.e. April 9, 670 A.D.). The grant was made when the king was camping at Malliyūr-grāma to the west of Kanchipura ut the request of Ganga Knliyanga's son Mădhava and the latter's wife who was the daughter of Vikramaditya's okler brother Raparāga. varman.
As already noted above, the stanzas in question are not found in the Hunan plater, dated the 9th April 670 1.D.
• Above, Vol. VI, p. 6, text linns 14-15. . Cf., e.g., Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 89.
Bomb. Gax., op. cit., p. 362, note 8; I'he Clansical Ave, p. 344. . Abovo, Vol. X, p. 103, text line 25.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII thivivallabha (i.e. Vikramaditya I), when he was stationed at the village of Marrura, in favour of Sudarsanacharya in payment of guru-dakshina on the occasion of the king's Siva-mandala-dikskā on the full-moon day of Vaisakha in the fifth year of his reign.
178
It is clear that the Chalukya king underwent Saiva-diksha, i.e. initiation into the Saiva faith, at the hands of his guru or preceptor Sudarśanacharya who received the village as his dakshinā or perquisite for the performance of the initiation ceremony. It is further stated that the Acharya (i.e. the king's preceptor Sudarsanacharya) distributed plots of land in the gift village among the following twentyseven Brahmanas: (1) Rudrasivacharya of the Kasyapa golra; (2) Gayatrisiva of the Kaundinya götra; (3) Sivasvamin of the Hārīta götra; (4) Göllabhatti of the Bharadvaja götra; (5) Paramasiva of the same Bharadvaja gōtra; (6) Vamanasvamin of the Kausika gōtra; (7) Kesavasvamin of the same Kausika götra; (8) Kōkilasvamin of the Maitreya gōtra; (9-10) Nārāyana and Vamana of the Kasyapa götra; (11) Rēvasarman of the Samkṛityayana götra; (12-15) Rudrasarman, Rēvasarman, Adityasarman and Tātaśarman of the Kasyapa gōtra; (16-19) Bhimasarman, Durgasarman, Bhōyisarman and Badisarman of the Bharadvaja gōtra; (20) Nagasarman of the Kaunḍinya götra; (21) Brahmasarman of the Bharadvaja götra; (22) Adityasarman of the Sanḍilya götra; (23) Ravisvamin of the Kasyapa götra; (24) Sravanasimhasarman of the Kausika götra; (25) Dāmasvamin of the Bhalandana götra; (26) Damodarasvamin of the Kasyapa götra; and (27) Madusarman of the Bharadvaja götra. Of these Brahmanas, Sravanasimhasarman is stated to have received two shares or plots of land, probably implying thereby that the others received only one share each. It seems that one share of land was also alloted to Sudarsanacharya's wife. There is little doubt that the said Saivite Brahmanas assisted Sudarsanacharya in the celebration of the diksha ceremony of Vikramaditya I. It may be noted that the king's guru Sudaréanacharya has been mentioned without the name of his götra. This was possibly due either to an oversight of the scribe or of the engraver, or because he was an ascetic who had renounced the world. The first alternative is more probable since Sudarsana's wife seems to be mentioned in the record.
We know that the Early Chalukyas were devoted to the Seven Mothers, to the god Karttikeya (the son of Siva according to Hindu mythology) and to Lord Nārāyaṇa (Vishnu) and that their emblem was the boar representing the Varaha avatara of the god Vishnu. Their title Sri-prithivivallabha (literally, 'the husband of Sri and Prithivi') seems to allude to their claim to having been incarnations of Vishnu, the husband of Śrīdēvi and Bhūdēvī. The early members of the family thus appear to have been Vaishnavas, with leanings towards Saivism and the cult of the Mothergoddess. It may be recalled in this connection that Mangalēša (597-610 A. D.), younger brother and successor of Kirtivarman I, is described as a Paramabhāgavata (i.e. a devout worshipper of Vishnu, the Bhagavat) in one of his inscriptions, but that he not only made grants in favour of the Vaishnava cave-temple at Badami but also supplemented an endowment of the god Makutesvaranatha (Siva) made by his father and elder brother. His successor Pulakesin II, father of Vikramaditya I, is called a Paramabhāgavata in one of his records, viz. the Lohaner plates. Under these circumstances, the initiation of Vikramaditya I into the Saiva faith is a very interesting fact. The Nausari plates of the feudatory prince Sryasraya Siladitya, dated 671 A. D., mention Vikramaditya I as a Paramamaheśvara (i.c. a devout worshipper of Maheśvara or Siva) and meditating
1 In Indian epigraphy, there are other instances of the grant of land in payment of guru-dakshina on the occanion of a king's initiation. See B. Ch. Chhabra, Antiquities of Chamba State, Part II, pp. 58, 64, 68, 76, 78 (especially p. 76 where the expression puja-mantra-grahana has been used for diksha). See also A.R.Ep., 1953-54, App. B. No. 19; etc.
Bomb. Goz., op. cit., p. 347.
Ibid., p. 348.
• Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 40, text line 17.

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AMUDALAPADU PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I, YEAR 5 179 on the feet of brf-Nögavardhana who is believed to have been a god or a religious teacher. It is not impossible that the king's guru Sudarsana was the head of a Saiva religious order and that Någavardhana was one of his successors in that position. But the Talamanohi plates of Vi. kramaditya I speaks of one, &ri-Mēghächārya of the Väsishtha götra, as his svakiya-guru. This grant was issued on the 13th July 660 A. D. in the sixth regnal year of the king, i.e. shortly after the issue of the charter under study. This may suggest that Sudarsanācārya was succeeded as head of the order or organisation in question, soon after the king's initiation, by Mēghacharya who was probably himself succeeded by Nägavardhana. It is interesting to note that Mēgbãobārya and Nāgavardhana are not mentioned in the list of Brāhmaṇas who were benefited by the grant under discussion and do not therefore appear to have taken part in the initiation ceremony of the Chalukya king. Alternatively it may be suggested that Mēghāchārya was the king's fiksha-guru just as Sudarsana was his dīksha-guru, though in such a case his relationship with Nāgavardhana cannot be determined.
The devotees of the great god, oalled variously by suoh names as Siva, Pasupati and Mahesvara, were generally known in early times as Saiva, Pasupata or Māhēśvara, although the three expressions gradually came to indicate different sects of the god's votaries. In epigraphic and numismatio records, the royal devotees of the deity usually call themselves Mähēsvara. The Mahabhäshyaof Patañjali, who flourished in the second century B.C., mentions a set of Siva-worshipper3 as Siva-bhāgavata (i.e. devotee of Siva, the Bhagavat; identified with Kāpālika in Nāgēéa's Uddyota), who used to carry an iron lance in the hand. The same work also alludes to the construotion of images of Siva as well as of Skanda and Vibākha, for sale. In the first or second century A. D., & great Saivu saint named Lakulin (literally, 'the bearer of the club') or Lakulisa, flourished at Käyāvaröhana (modern Karvan in the Dabhoi Taluk of the old Baroda State now in Bombay) and he founded a new school of Saivism. Owing to the great popularity and influence of this school Lakulin came to be regarded as an incarnation of the god Siva and Lākula became another namo of the Saiva, Pasupata or Mābēsvara faith. Lakulin is said to have had four pupils, viz. Kusika, Garga, Mitra and Kaurushya, while his ascetic followers are stated to have resorted to the yoga of Mahēgvara and besmeared their bodies with ashes. According to the Chinese traveller Hiuentsang who visited India in the seventh century, the ascetios devoted to Mahēsvara went about naked, tied their hair in a top-knot end besmeared their bodies with ashes. Gradually the name Pasupata came to be more or less specially applied to the said ascetios.
The present Kannada-speaking area was a great stronghold of Saivism, especially of the sobool of Lakulin, in the early medieval period. A sculpture on the outer wall of the temple of Virūpäksha (built by a queen of Chālukya Vikramāditya II, 733-45 A.D.) at Pațţadakal in the Bijapur District represents Siva in the form of Lakulisa. In Karnataka was born a great Saiva agoetio, named Muninātha Chilluka-bhatära, who, according to an inscription of 943 A.D. from Mysore, was regarded as an incarnation of Lakulin. An ascetic is called an ornament of the Lākula school and another a follower of the same faith in an insoription of about 1078 A. D.,10 while a record of 1103
1 Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 364. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 200. See under Papini's Ashtadhyayk, V, 2, 76. See under op. cit., V, 3, 99.
Abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 7. The name is also spelt as Nakulin and Nakuli.a. • Vayu Purana, Chapter 23, verses 221 ff.; Linga Purana, Chapter 24.
* See Watters, On Yuan Chwang' Travels in India, Vol. II, p. 47. Varāhamihira (Brihatsamhita, Chapter 60. verse 19) calls them 'Brāhmaṇas smeared with ashes (sa-bhasma-dvija)'.
• Prog. Kan. Res., 1941-46, p. 58.
Ep. Carn., Vol. XII, Sira, No. 28; trans., p. 92. 10 Ibid., Vol. VII, Shikarpur, No. 107; trans., p. 80

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A. D. mentions a student of the Nyaya and Vaiseshika philosophies, by name Somesvara-suri, as having caused the Lakula-siddhanta to bloom. A record of 1117 A. D., from Dharwar, registers a gift entrusted to Acharya Somesvara-pandita who was well-versed in the Lakul-agama. In an inscription of 1177 A. D. certain ascetics are mentioned as the upholders of the 1äkul-agamasamaya (i.e. the religious system following the views of Lakulin) and the adherents of the Kälämukha seot, and in another of 1213 A. D. a person is described as an upholder of the system of Lakulin. An epigraph of 1285 A. D. similarly refers to a supporter of the Lakula system.
Medieval authors like Vachaspati, Bhaskara, Yamunacharya and Ramanuja mention four schools of Saivism, viz. Saiva. Pasupata, Kāpālika, and Kälämukha, this last also called Kärukasiddhantin, Käthaka-siddhantin or Karupika-siddhantin and supposed by some scholars to have been followers of Kaurushya who was a disciple of Lakulin." The Käpälika and Kälämukha sects represented two extremist orders of Saivite ascetics, while the doctrines of the Saivas were even more moderate and rational than those of the Pasupatas. The sect of the Virasaivas or Lingayatas of the Kannada-speaking area is believed by Bhandarkar to have developed out of the moderate Saiva school.
The foundation of the Virasaiva (Lingayata) sect is attributed to Basava, a contemporary of the Southern Kalachuri king Bijjala (c. 1156-67 A. D.) of Kalyāņa; but Bhandarkar suggests that the system came into being before the days of Basava.10 He points out how, according to the Basava Purana, Saiva saints like Visvesvararadhya, Panditaradhya, Ekōrama and others flourished from time to time and worked for the establishment of Siva-bhakti amongst the people before Basava's age.11 He also draws our attention to certain works1 describing the diksha (i.e. the
1 Ep. Carn., Shikarpur, No. 98; trans., p. 64.
Prog. Kan. Res., 1941-46, p. 19. Since Som ivara was a rather common name, it is difficult to say whether he was identical with Someévara-sari mentioned above.
Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Arsikere, No. 62; trans., p. 135. See below, note 7.,
Ibid., Arsikere, No. 46. Bhandarkar (Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems, Poona edition, p. 172), relying on the faulty translation of the record in op. cit., trans., p. 126, speaks in this connection of 'Vagi. Lakula, i.e. the system of the learned Lakulin' although the letters vägi form a part of another expression (nandadtvigegav-agi, i.e. 'for a perpetual lamp') and can in no way be connected with Lakula.
Ep. Carn., Vol. XII, Tiptur, No. 12. Bhandarkar (loc. cit.), relying on the wrong translation in op. cit., trans., p. 45, finds here a reference to the 'new system of Lakulin' which he understands in the sense of the later school of the Virasaivas or Lingayatns. But there is no word for 'new' in the original. It should also be pointed out that the Virašaivas do not appear to have recognised Lakulin.
Loo. cit.; Handiqui, Yasastila and Indian Culture, p. 234.
Bhandarkar, loc. cit. In the Kannada country, the Kälämukhas are often identified with the Lakulas. An epigraph of 1035 A.D. from Balagami in Mysore records certain grants accepted by a great saint named Lakull. ivara-pandita on behalf of the temple of the god Pañchalinga which was 'the college of the KAJAmukha Brahmaga students of Balligave, the capital of the Banavase 12000' (cf. above, Vol. V, p. 227). He is also mentioned in some other records (ibid., p. 228). See above, note 3.
Bhandarkar, op. cit., pp. 180, 187. See The Sakta Pithas, p. 10, note; of. Sacheu, Alberuni's India, Vol. 1, p. 121. For the practices of the Pasupatas, see also Handiqui, op. cit., pp. 199 ff.
Op. cit., p. 190.
10 Loc. cit.
11 Bhandarkar, op. cit., pp. 18, 190. As Dr. G.S. Gai points out to me, the names are not found in Narada's raport to Siva on the state of Saivism on the earth, as stated by Bhandarkar, in the Basava Purana published by Appaji Appayyappannavar and Bengalaru Rama Sastri in 1914 from the Sri Rajarajesvari Press. There is, how. ever, no doubt that the saint in question are believed to be earlier than Basava. Some of the Virasaiva vachanakaras (i.e. saints credited with religious sayings), such as Jodara Dasimayya and Sankara Disimayya who were contemporaries of Chalukya Jayasimha II (1015-42 A.D.), flourished about a century before Basava (cf. Mugali, Kannada-Sahitya Charitre, pp. 149-50).
Vivekachintamani, Parva-bhaga, pp. 230 ff.; Vtrabaivacharapradipiki, pp. 83-87; Panchacharya panel.. Balti prakurasa, pp. 1, 35.

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No. 21 ] AMUDALAPADU PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I, YEAR 6 181 ceremony of initiation) of a Virabaiva or Lingayata when he chooses his guru or preceptor. In connection with the ceremony, it is necessary to place four metallic vessels full of water at the four cardinal points with a fifth in the middle. This last vessel belongs to the person to be conseorated as the guru who is supposed to represent an old Acharya named Vibvärādhya (Visvēs. Vararadhya) while the others belong to four other Achāryas pertaining to the schools respectively of Rēvanasiddha (also called "Rēnukācharya), Marulasiddha, Eköräma and Panditärädhya' and connected with certain Mathas. The five vessels are consecrated to the five faces of Siva, viz.. Sadyõjāta, Vāmadova, Aghora, Tatpurusha and Iśāna, and the five Acharyas are believed to have wprung from the five forms of Siva.Bhandarkar notes that, of the five names of the teachers mentioned in this connection, at least three are stated in the Basava Purāna to have flourished before Basava and comes to the conclusion that the Virasaiva or Lingāyata creed, known to its followers as the Saiva-darśana or Siddhänta-darsana, was affiliated to the moderate or sober school of Saivism. He further suggests that this creed was reduced to a shape by learned Saiva Brāhmanas called Arādhyas, while subsequent reformers gave it a decidedly uncompromising and anti-Brahmanical character. The inscription under study appears to support these views inasmuch as the Siva-mandala-dikshā referred to in it seems to have some resemblance with the initiation of the Virasaivas described above, though some authorities prescribe only Jñūna-dikshā for kings.
We have seen how the Chālukya king Vikramāditya I of Bädāni granted a village to Sudaršanācharya in payment of guru-dakshina (i.e. fees to be paid to the preceptor on the occasion of one's initiation) at the time of his Siva-mandala-diksha (i.e. initiation into Siva's circle)" and how the said Acharya (i.e. his preceptor Sudarsanāchārya) allotted portions of the land in the gift village to as many as twentyseven other Brahmaņas as well as to his own wife. The names of the Brähmanas who received shares of the land in the gift village and must have assisted Sudarsanā. charya in the performance of the king's dikshā ceremony have been quoted above. That at least one of them acted in the capacity of a subordinate Achārya, as in the case of the four assistant Schāryas in the initiation of a Vira4aiva (Lingāyata), referred to above, seems to be suggested by the suffix acharya added to the name of Rudraśivāchārya who heads the list of the twentyseven Brāhmaṇas. Another interesting fact is the name-ending biva affixed to the names of three of the Brāhmaṇas, viz. Rudraśiva, Gāyatriţiva and Paramasiva. As Bhandarkar has pointed out, the
Bhandarkar, op. cit., pp. 189 ff. . The word aradhya is often also affixed to the names of Revana (Ronuka), Marula and Eköränd. The Arā. dhya-Brāhmaṇas appear to have been also known as Siva-Brahmanas.
In a Kannada work entitled Mahtavaradi kahävidhi by Käbinätha Sastri, to which my attention was drawn by Dr. G.S. Gai, it is stated in connection with the avastivāchana ceremony Associated with Siva-dikaha that two new vessels, either metallic or earthon, are placed, one in the north and the other in the south. They are filled with sacred water, eto., and four Mahesvaras take their seats, two behind each vessel.
Op. cit., p. 191. Among the reformers who are regarded as the founders of the Virasaiva (Lingayata) sect, the names of Basava and of his contemporary Ekāntada Rámayya, both of whom wore born in Brahmana familien, und of Basava's nephew Chenna Basava are the most celebrated.
As suggested above, Siva-mandala-diksha seems to be the same as Saiva-dikeha. According to Kästnatha Sastri's Mähesvaradikshavidhi, when the Acharya performs the Sivalinga-samskära in connection with Sira-dikeka, he has to make a Mandala for the performance of the dhanyadhivina of the Linga and another in connection with its shadadhvasuddhi. These ceremonies, however, do not appear to have okused the introduction of the word manala in the expression Siva-mandala-diksha. But the arrangement of the five vessels in connection with tho Virašaiva diksha, i.e. four in the four corners and the fifth in the middle, may be regarded as forming & mandala or circle, although it is difficult to determine whether the expression Siva-mandala-dikahi really owes its origin to such a practice.
In Käbinātha Sastri's Mahéávaradikahavidhi, it is stated in connection with the nandi-tamaradhana ceremony of tho Siradiksha that a coconut is placed in a vessel filled with rice and also money sufficient to be offered to 24 Mahesvaras. The money in given to 24 Mahovaru who are fed afterwards.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII suffixes fakti, jiya, siva and rābi were generally affixed to the names of the more extremist seots of the Saiva school. Although therefore most of the Brāhmaṇas participating in the diksha of Vikramaditya I, including his preceptor Sudarsana, thus appear to have belonged to the more moderate and rational school of Saivism, a few of them were ascetics of the extremist orders. This fact again seems to suggest that there was no general antagonism between the sober and extremist sects of the followers of Siva at least in the Kannada country during the seventh century A. D.
. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Vanavāsi and Uttarāpatha are wellknown. As suggested by Sarma, the village of Martūra, where the king was staying at the time of making the grant, may be one of the two localities called Chinna Marruru and Pedda Marruru on the bank of the Krishna in the present Kollapuram Taluk of the Mahbubnagar District. There is a ruined temple at Chinna Marruru. It seems that the king visited the village for his initiation ceremony and that Sudarsanācharya was a resident of the said locality. The name of the Vamguravādi vishaya seems to be preserved in that of the modern village called Vāmgūru in the Kalvaparti Taluk of the same District, about 40 miles from the villages called Marrūru. Pandit Sarma who published the inscription in the Bhārati is inclined to identify Iparurikal with the prefent village of Vipanagandla about 10 miles from the localities named Murrūru.
TEXT [Metres : versus 1, 3-5 Anushļubh ; verse 2 Aryā.]
First Plate
1 Jayaty=āvishkritau Vishņõr=vvārāham kehçõbhit-ārņņa]vam(vam ) dakshina
nnata-dam2 shţr-agra-visrānta-bhuvanam vapuh ||| 1*] Arīmutāti sakala-bhuvana-sariistuyama3 na-Māna[vya]-sagötrüņā[111*]_Häritīputrāņāı sapta-loka-mātsibhis=sapta : 4 Mätfibhir-abhiva[r*]ddhitānāri Kā[r]ttikēya-parirakshaņa-prāpta-kalya5 pa-[pa]ramparāņāı Bhagavan-Nārāyaṇa-prasāda-su māsādita6 Varāba-lañchhan-ēkshana-kshaņa-vasikpit-āšēsha-mahibhřitām 7 Chalikyānām kulam-alankarishạõr=Aśvamēdha-ūvabhřim(bhri)tha-snāna-pa
Second Plute, First Side 8 vitrikrita-gütrasya sri-Polikēki-vallabha-mahärājasya 9 prapautrah parūk[k]ram-ākrānta-Vanavāsy-ādi-para-nipati-mandala10 pranibaddha-visuddha-kirttē[h*) sri-Ki[r]ttivarmma-prithiv[i]vallabha-ma11 hārājasya pautras=samara-saniisaktu-sakal-Ottaräpath-ēsva12 ra-bri-Harshavarudhana-parājay-õpalabdha-Paramāśvar-apura13 nămadhiyasyu Satyasraya-Sriprithiv[i]vallabha-maharaja 14 dhiraju-paramëśvarasya priya-tanaḥ pratit-ānēka-sama
1 Op. cit., p. 171
. From impressions. • koad anaval. . . .

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AMUDALAPADU PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I, YEAR 5
9
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183
No 21 ] AMUDALAPADU PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I, YEAR 6
Second Plate, Second Side 15 Ta-mu[khö]shu Chitraka[n]th-ākhya-pravara-turamgamēņ=aiken=aiva tipu-nfi16 pati-rudhira-jal-āsvādana-rasanāyamána-jvalad-amala-nisi17 ta-nistrimsa-dhāray=āvadhfita-dharaņi-bhara-bhujaga-bhöga-sadpisa18 nija-bhuja-vijita-vijist(gi)shur=ātma-kavach-ūvamagn-inēka19. prahāras=sva-gurās=sriyam=avanipati-ttritay-intaritām=i20 tmasatkritya krit-aik-adhishthit-ādēsha-rājya-bharaḥ tasmin ră21 jya-trayē vinashţāni dēvasva-brahmadēyani dharmma-ya22 66-bhivriddhayē sva-mukhēna sthāpitavān [*] Raņa-birani
Third Plate, First Side 23 ripu-narēndrān=disi disi jitvā sva-vamšajā[m] lakshm[im] [l*) prápya cha parame
Svaratām=A24 nivārita-Vikramădityaḥ [l2*] Vikkramaditya-Satyasraya-sriprithivivallabham
. mahā25 rājādbirāja-paramēsvaras=sarvvān=ājñāpayati [I *) viditam=astu vā(võ)=smābhiḥ 26 pravarddhamāna-vijaya-rājya-panchama-samvatsarē Marraragrām-ādhivĀ27. sa kaḥ(kaih) Vamgaravăţi-vishayē mātā-pitror=ātmanas=cha punya-yaső28 väptayē Siva-mandala-dikshi(kshā)yān Sudarsan-achāryyāyal guru-da89 kshi[n-ārtham) Vaisakha-paurppamāsyām=Iparumkal-nama-grāmaḥ sarvva30 parihāram=udaka-pūrvvo dattah [l*) ichiryên=äpi Brāhmaṇabhyo 31 da[t]tah. [1*]
Third Plate, Second Side 32 [Rudra]siv-acharyya-Kālyapa-götra-Kaundinya-götra-Gāyatri(tri)siva-Ha33 [I]ta-gotra-Sivasvā[mi]-Bhiradvāja-gotra-Göllabhatti-tad-gotra-Parama34 siva-Kausika-gotra-Vamanasvāmi-tad-gotra-Kēkavastūmi-Mai35 tröya-götra-Kokilasvāmi-Kāsyapa-gotra-Nārāyana-Vūmana36 dvayam chaSāksityāyana-gotra-Rēvasarmma-Kréyapa37 sagötra-Rudraśarmma-Rēvasarmma - Adi(di)tyasarmma-Tatasarmma38 Bhäradvāja -gotra-Bhimasarmma-Du[r*]ggasarmma-Bhöyisarmmn30 Badisarmma-Kaundinya-götra-Nāgasarmma
The gotra of the Brahmana has not been quoted in the record probably through orersight of the acribe or the engraver.
These letters are at the beginning of the line, the rest of which is left blank. Bottor road Kabyapa.gotra-Rudradivacharya.
Read Narayana-Vamana-Särksityāyana-gotra as the expression forms part of a compound. The word draya mny also refer to two shares each to be enjoyed by the Brahmonne concerned.
Sandhi has not been observed horo. ...There is an unnecemory mark horo.

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[Vol. XXXII
Fourth Plate 40 Bhāra[dvä*]ja-gotra-Brahĩalarmma-Bhyő(Šā)ndilya-gðtra!-(Ajdityasa[*]mma41 •[Käsya]pa-gotröstra)-Ravisvä[mi]-Kausika-gotrasya Sravanasinha(simba)barmmano bha
ga-dvayamo Bhalandana-sa42 gõ[tr](tra)-Dāmasvāmi-KĀ yapa-sagötrö(tra)-Damodarasvā[mi]-Bhärad[v]āja-götrö(tra)-Mā| duba[mm]dõ(mānah ) 43 Svan=dātuṁ sumahach=chhakyam duḥkham=anyasya palana[m]*] dānam 44 (vå) pälanaṁ v=ēti danāch=chhrēyo=nupālanam(nam || 3) Bahubhir=vvasu45 [dhā] bhuktā rājabhis=Sagar-ādibhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yada bhū46 [mi]s=tasya tasya tada phalam(lam || 4) Sva-dattām para-da[ttām) va yo hare47 ta vasundharāṁ(rām 1) shashthi(shți)-[va]rsha-sahasrāņi vishthäyän jäya48 të krismiriti]“ ári-Sudarsanasya bhās[ya)(ryā) cha [l"]
Sandh has not been observed here. * This line is ongraved in smaller letters.
Read Kaubika-gótra-dvi-bhaga-bhoji-Sravanasinha sarmma'. • Better road lerimib 115 its |
This passage seems to have been omitted from the list of donees in line 32-42. Ita proper place is at the ond of line 42. The word intended here may possibly be bhaga algo. In that one Sudartana's wifo is not mentioned in the record.

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No. 22-TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF PARANTAKA, YEAR 9
(1 Plate) K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI AND T. N. SUBRAMANIAM, MADRAS
There are three Tamil inscriptions of Parāntakadēva, all dated in the 9th year of his reign, which 'pose one of the minor problems in Chola history. Of these, the text of the one found at Tiruvālañgādu in the Chittoor District of the Andhra State has already been published. The other two inscriptions, one from Köyil-Tēvarāyan-pāțțai in the Tanjavur District (referred to in the sequel as A)' and the other from Tiruvadatturai in the South Arcot District (marked B in the sequel), both in the Madras State, are now published from the inked impressions kindly placed at our disposal by the Government Epigraphist for India.
Inscription A is found engraved on the south wall of the central shrine of the Matsyapurīśvara temple at Köyil-Tēvarāyan-pēttai which is included in the present village of Pandāravādai, a Railway station in the Papanasam Taluk, Tanjavur District. It is called TiruchchĒyalūror Tiruchchēlūr in inscriptions and is said to be included in Rāja kēsari-chaturvēdimangalam, a brahmadeya on the southern bank of the river Kāvēri. This Chaturvēdimangalam was evidently founded by the Chola king Aditya I, after whom it was named and one of its hamlets was known as Panditavatsalachchēri after one of the surnames of his son Parāntaka I.
The other record B is found on the south wall of the mandapa in front of the central shrine in the Tirthapurībvara temple at Tiruvadatturai, a village about four miles from Peņņāgadam, on the north bank of the river Vellāru. This place is connected with the life of the Saivite saint Tirujñānasambandha. The story is that it was at this place that, when he, as a tender child, was no longer in a position to continue his journey either on foot or on the shoulders of his aged father, the god miraculously intervened to offer him a palanquin and an umbrella, both made of pearls. This tradition finds support in the inscriptions wherein the god of this place is called Tirumuttin sivigai kuduttaruliya Nāyaṇār. In inscriptions as well as in the hymns of the Tēvāram, this village is known as Tiruvarattusai-Nelvāyil to differentiate it from other places bearing the name of Arattusai.
The two inscriptions are in the Tamil language and script with an admixture of Grantha letters here and there, and palaeographically they may be assigned to circa 1100 A.D.
The only orthographical peculiarity that deserves notice here is the use of double chch in Tiruchchēlür in line 10. In the conjunct letter chche, the doubled consonant is written after the vowel sign of ē. The letters n and n are used quite indifferently. The rules of sandhi have not been properly observed.
:
1K. A. X. Sastri, The Colas, Vol. I, p. 165, note. 4. R. Ep. 1896, No. 16: SU, Vol. V. No. 879.
. R. Ep. 1923, No. 261. • Ibid., 1928-29, No. 225. - Ibid., 1923, No. 276.
Ibid., No. 264. · Periyapuranam, Tirujnanasambandhamurti sui migal puranam,vv. 185-214. • A. R. Ep., 1928-29, No. 215.
. (185)

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EPIGRAPHTA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII The object of inscription A is to record the gift, by purchase, of a piece of land to meet the expenses of offerings to the god Tiruchchēlūr-Mahādēva in Rajakēsari-chaturvēdimangalam, & village in Nallur-nadu, a sub-division of Nittavinoda-valanadu, by Araiyan Kannappan alias Rāja kēsari Perayan of Kālikudi, a village in Kiliyūr-nādu, a sub-division of Pandikulāsaņi-valanadu, in the 9th year of the reign of the king Parakësarivarman aliar Tribhuvanachakravartin bri-Parantakadēva.
Inscription B is incomplete and stops after mentioning the date, i.e. the 9th year of the reign of the king who is styled here as Räjakēsarivarman alias Chakravartin Sri-Pirantakadēva.
Both these inscriptions contain a new prasasti or meykkirtti which commences with the words Pümangai valara in A and Puvi mangai valara in B. Even though there are some slight variations in the wording between them in the first two metrical lines of the meykkirtti, yet we can safely take both of them as identical, as these variations do not make any difference and as such variations are found in the standard versions of similar meykkirttis of other Choļa kings also. We have already mentioned that the king is styled Parakesarivarman and Tribhuvanachakravartin in A, while he is named Rājakēsarivarman and Chakravartin in'B. The third inscription of the king at Tiruvālangāļu, the text of which has already been published, does not contain any meykkirtti, but mentions him as Para kēsariyarman and Tribhuvanachakravartin as in A. Considering that the two complete records call him Para kësarivarman and Tribhuvanachakravartin, we may not be wrong in assigning these titles to him, ignoring the title of Rājakēsarivarman of the incompleto record B.:
The importance of these records lies in the problem of the identity of the king in whose time they were issued.
We have so far known only of two kings, grandfather and grandson, having the name Parantaka. The former, more famous, with the title Madiraikonda, was a Parakësarivarman and the latter, otherwise known as Sundarachola, was a Rajakesarivarman. Neither of them had the title Tribhuvanachakravartin which came into vogue only during the time of Kulöttunga I. Parantakadēva of the present records is quite different from the two Parantakas mentioned above and lived at a much later period.
The names of the territorial divisions mentioned in the record A, viz. Nittavinoda-valanādu and Pāņdikuläsapi-valanādu came into existence during the reign of Rājarāja I after whose titles Nityavinoda and Pänd yakuläsani these divisions were named. Again the temple at Tiruvadatturai wherein the record B is found engraved does not contain any inscription earlier than the time
1 K. A. N. Sastri, The Clas, Vol. II, pp. 2, 61, 98. *SI1, Vol. V, No. 879.
It was possibly due to some such mistakes having crept in, that the rooord was left incomplete.
• The Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1924 tries to identify the king of inscription A with Parantaka I Madiraikonda and says: "The importance of this inscription lies in the fact that it is the first stone record so far known of a Chola king before the time of Rajaraja I containing an introduction or oulogy. This introduction is purely oulogistic without recounting any of the king's exploits. Generally in inscriptions commencing with historical introductions, the king is said to be seated on the throne with his consort whose title is also given. But in the present record which is dated in the 9th year, this fact is omitted. Perhaps we are to suppose that the king was not married till then " (p. 100). In the above review, the palacograpby of the record does not appear to have been taken into consideration. Further, the mention of the king's ondeort occupy. ing the throne along with the king is found to be made only in the inscriptions of Kulottunga I and his sumon, In the meykkirttis of the Chola monarchs prior to the time of Kulottunga I, with the exception of the weyblirli borginning with the words Viramd tusaiydgavum of Virarājēndra,' which mekkirti was also lator adopted by Ku. lottunga I as his own, the queen's title is generally not mentioned.

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187
No. 22]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF PARANTAKA, YEAR 9
of Virarajendra-chōla. The Tiruvalangaḍu inscription1 already referred to, in mentioning Kulöttungasola-valanadu in Solamandalam, makes it clear that the Parantakadeva of this inscription must have ruled later than Kulottunga I after whom the vulanadu was named. Thus che king Parantakadeva in whose time these records were issued cannot be placed earlier than the time of the Chōla king Kulottunga I, and the palaeography of these records supports this conclusion.
We have not so far known of any Chola king with the name Parantaka about this time. On the other hand, we have references to a prince of the royal blood of that name ruling one of the provinces of the Chola empire. Several inscriptions in the Telugu script found in the Bhimēsvara temple at Draksharama in the Ramachandrapuram Taluk of the Godavari District in Andhra Pradesh mention a certain Parantakadova as ruling over the Eastern Chalukya country of Vengi in the early years of the 12th century A. D. One of them dated in Saka 1034, corresponding to 1112-13 A. D., mentions the gift of fifty inpa edlu for burning a lamp in front of the god Bhiměśvara by Parantaka Brahmadhiraya for the benefit of his mother. There the donor is described as the military commander of Parantaka, the head-ornament of the Chalukya-vamsa (Chalukya-vamsa-tilakasya Parantakasya sen-adhipo dvijapatiḥ). The official title of the commander indicates that he rose to prominence during the days of Parantaka whose name the general obviously adopted. Another inscription at the same place dated in Saka 1038 (given by the chronogram gaja-Rama-viyach-chandra) registers the grant of the village Sila to meet the expenses of offerings to the goddess Parvati set up in the temple by king Parantakadēya. In some other inscriptions found there, the king is introduced with the characteristic Eastern Chalukyan title Sarvalōkāśraya śri-Vishnuvardhana-mahārājulu, and is referred to as a Chakravartin ruling over the Chalukya kingdom (Chalukya-kshiti). In addition, he has also the characteristically Tamil title Kōnērinmaikoṇḍān. Another inscription" dated in the 45th year of Kulottunga I at Bhimavaram in the same Taluk registers the gift of a lamp and twenty she-buffaloes by Madhava alias Rajavallabha Pallavaraiyan, a minister of Parantaka, to the temple of Nārāyaṇa founded by Vaisya Manḍayya. Parantakas under whom he was serving as a minister is described therein as Srisa-same Parantaka-nripe Chalukya-rajya-śriyam präptām rakshati, i.e. while king Parantaka who resembled the lord of Sri (i.e. Vishnu) was protecting the fortune, namely the Chalukya kingdom acquired [by him]. This officer is perhaps identical with the Rajavallabha Pallavaraiyan who figures as the sandhivigrahin in the Smaller Leyden plates of Kulottunga I issued in the 20th year of his reign." There is also an inscription10 of Parantaka engraved on a pillar in the ruined Kanakadurga-mandapa at the foot of the Indrakila hill at Vijayavada, dated in the 5th year of his reign coupled with Saka 1037 and the cyclic year Manmatha, corresponding to 1115-16 A.D. This record, though damaged, seems to confer the office of the headmanship (reddikam) of Vijaya
18II, Vol. V, No. 879.
2 Ibid Vol. IV, No. 1324.
Ibid, No. 1214.
4 Ibid., No.1271, 1272, etc.
Ibid., No. 1226.
Ibid., Nos. 1270 to 1274 etc. It is given there as Könerinmaikondāru.
7 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 219-223.
The editor of this inscription has taken Parantaka mentioned in the Sanskrit verse at the beginning of the record as one of the surnames of Kulöttunga I referred to in the Telugu portion of the same record as Sarvalōkā. braya-sri-Vishnuvardhana-maharajulu in whose 45th year of reign corresponding to Saka 1037 the grant was made. But a careful reading of the record, as also of the Vijayavida inscription referred to below, now reveals that they
were different.
Above, Vol. XXII, p. 276, text lines 11-12
10 BII, Vol. IV, No. 737.

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188 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXII Väda on a certain Bhimana who is described as the Vēngi-Chāļukya-an kakäral and whose brother Boddana had originally obtained the same office from Kulottunga I described therein ás the son of king Rājamahēndra. The record bears at its end a royal confirmatory order dated in the 47th year of a king who is described as Samastabhuvanäsraya, Rājādhiraja, Rāja paramefvara, Paramabhattāraka, Ravikulatilaka, Satyäsrayavaréya, Chālukyābharana, Tribhuvanachakravarti, Permānadideva. This king can be no other than Kulõttunga I as evidenced by the titles Satyāšrayavamsya, Chalukyābharana and Ravikulatilaka applied to him, and by the date mentioned in the inscription which agrees with the king's corresponding regnal year. This record would yield o. Saka 1033 or c. 1111-12 A.D. for the accession of Parāntaka. It will be clear from the above that Parāntaka was ruling over the Vēngi country in the closing years of the reign of Kulottunga I as a semi-independent ruler under the aegis of the Chōļas and that he was a prince of the Chõla-Chāļukya line, probably one of the seven sons of Kulottunga. We may safely identify Parântaka of the Telugu inscriptions cited above with king Parakēsarivarman Parāntakadēva in whose reign the Tamil records under review were issued. Then, these two records of the 9th year will have to be assigned to c. 1119-20 A.D., corresponding to the 50th or the last year of the reign of Kulottunga I.
We know that Kulottunga I, on the death of his uncle Vijayaditya after a reign of 15 years, got possession of the Vēngi country in 1076-77 A.D. and appointed his sons in succession as viceroys there. The first to be so appointed, Rājarāja Mummadi-chöļa, preferred living under the same roof as his parents to the enjoyment of a distant viceroyalty and at the end of a year relinquished his office. His younger brother Vira-chöda was then chosen as the viceroy, and he continued to rule there for six years from the date of his anointment in Saka 1001 (1078-79 A.D.). Brom 1084 to 1089 A.D. another son of Kulõttunga, by name Rājarāja Chodaganga, the eldest, was the Viceroy when he was succeeded by Vira-cbõda again in his second term of viceroyalty. Virachöda was there till at least 1092-93 A.D. What became of the viceroyalty after that date is not clear. It is generally believed that Vikrama-chõla, another son of Kulõttunga I, who suoceeded his father on the Chola throne, became the viceroy of Vēngi and continued in that office till he was summoned to the south in 1118 A.D. by the aged Kulottunga to become the co-regent (heir-apparent to the Chöļa throne). No inscription of Vikrama-chōļa issued during the time of his viceroyalty of Vēngi or directly referring to it has come to light so far. But that he was a viceroy for some time in Vēngi is borne out by his meykkirtti itself. The Pithapuram inscription of Mallapadēva dated Saka 1124 (1202-03 A.D.) states that Kulottunga ruled for fifty years the five Drāvidas together with the Andhra country and that, when Vikrama-chola went to rule the Chõļa country, the land of Vengi became bereft of its lord (Vēngi-bhumir=nāyaka-rahitā jātā), i.e. fell into a state of anarchy. The inscriptions found at Drākshārāma point out that Parantaka was the viceroy of Vēngi during roughly the last ten years of the reign of Kulottunga I, and from the Tamil inscriptions edited below we may surmise that he was probably chosen as heir-apparent by Kulõttunga I and crowned as such with the title Parakēsarivarman and continued in that capacity till the last year of the reign of his father Kulõttunga I, corresponding to 1119-20 A.D.
The anka kara was an officer whose duty it was, when called upon to do so, to lead armies to battle on behalf of his master, to represent him on the battle-field and champion his cause. See N. Venkataramanayya, The Eastern Calukyas of Vingi, p. 245, note 1.
Rajamahendra was a title of Rājarāja-narendra, the Eastern Chāļukya king and the father of Kulottunga I.
It is worth noting that many titles, characteristically Western Chāļukyan, are borne by Kulõttunga I. * Above, Vol. V, p. 70 ff.; Vol. VI, p. 334 ff.; S11, Vol. I, p. 49; A. R. Ep., 1922. Purt II, para, 6; K. A. N. Bastri, The Colas, Vol. II, pp. 30-32, 45.
.811, Vol. II, No. 68. • Above, Vol. IV, p. 23.5, vv. 22-24.

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No. 22]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF PARANTAKA, YEAR 9
But Kulottunga was succeeded on the Chōla throne by Vikrama-chōla and not by this Parantaka. If the statement in the Pithapuram pillar inscription of Mallapadeva that Vikramachōla was ruling over Vengi up to the time of his departure for the south to ascend the Chōla throne is to be accepted, then we have to identify this Parantaka with Vikrama-chōla. The meykkirtti of Parantaka contains identical expressions and appears more or less the same as the earlier portion of the meykkirtti beginning with the words, Pumādu punara, etc., of Vikrama. chōla. This may also be cited in support of the above presumption."
But there are difficulties in accepting this identification. The meykkirtti beginning with the words Pūmādu puṇara appears in the inscriptions of Vikrama-chōla even in the second year of his reign (thus practically from its commencement) and it contains a reference to his Kalinga expedition which took place in the reign of his father Kulottunga I, when he (Vikrame-chōļa) was only a child. But the meykkirtti of Parantaka of which we have the version brought up to the 9th year of his reign does not contain any reference to this Kalinga war. Moreover it is purely a eulogistic one of the more or less conventional type containing no reference to any event of importance. There is also no evidence, epigraphical or literary, that the title of Parantaka was borne by Vikrama-chōla, though we know of his other titles like Tyāgasamudra.
Vikrama-chōla counts his regnal years from the date of his accession to the Chōla throne which took place on or about the 29th June, 1118 A.D. But we have seen above that Parantaka counted his regnal years from some date in Saka 1033 or 1111-12 A.D. and that such a reckoning was continued by him up to 1119-20 A.D., the date of the two records now under publication, i.e even beyond the initial date of 1118 A.D. claimed for Vikrama-chōla.
Again, according to the Pithapuram pillar inscription of Mallapadeva, Vikrama-chōla must have left his Vengi viceroyalty and come over to the south before the date of his accession to the Chōla throne in 1118 A.D. But Parantaka appears to have continued in Vengi even after that date. An inscription' from Drakshārāma registers a gift to the temple of Parantakesvara built there, and perhaps also points to the presence of Parantaka there in the 49th year, 333rd day of the reign of Kulottunga I, i.e. on or about the 7th May, 1119 A.D.
We have therefore to account for two persons, Vikrama-chōla and Parantaka, both claiming to be Parakesarivarmans and ruling as co-regents along with their father Kulottunga I during the last two years of the latter's reign. This position is anomalous in Chōla history and has to be explained. It cannot be said that Kulottunga I chose and anointed both of them as heirsapparent. The Vijayavaḍa inscription referred to above clearly points out that Parantaka was chosen as heir-apparent and entrusted with the governance of the Vengi country, nearly seven years prior to the date claimed for the accession of Vikrama-chōla to the Chōla throne. Parantaka's position, not only as successor-designate but also as ruler de facto was recognised both in the Telugu country of Vengi and in the Tamil area of the Chōla dominion proper. On the south wall of the Kodandarama temple at Madhurantakam in the Chingleput District of the Madras State, there is a Tamil inscription dated in the 7th regnal year of a Paranta[ka]dēva
1 SII, Vol. III, No. 80; Vol. VII, No. 832.
Similar expressions are found in the meykkirtti beginning with words Pugal măduvilanga of Kulottunga 1
also.
A. R. Ep., 1909, No. 408; also Nos. 170 of 1908, 229 of 1929; Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Sd. 9.
The original has the word aim badai-pparuvam, i.e. the period of childhood when amulet shaped like the five weapons of Vishnu are worn.
Above, Vol. VII, pp. 4-5.
Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 226-42
8II, Vol. IV, No. 1226.
Ibid., No. 737.
No. 126 of 1896; SII, Vol. V, No. 991.

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without any distinguishing title and without any meykkirtti but in characters of about the 12th century A.D., registering the grant of land as tiruvidaiyaṭṭam to Tiruvayōttipperumal of ŚrīMadhurantaka-chaturvedimangalam, a taniyur in Kalattur-kōṭṭam, a sub-division of Jayangonḍaśōlamandalam. This Parantakadeva can be no other than the king Parantakadeva of the two inscriptions now being edited.
190
It cannot also be said that Vikrama-chola was chosen by his father Kulottunga I to succeed him on the Chōla throne because of the demise of Parantaka, for, we find from the Drakshārāma inscription referred to above that Parantaka was alive on or about the 7th May, 1119 A.D., i.e. more than ten months after the date of the accession of Vikrama-chōla.
The only alternative therefore left for us is to presume that Vikrama-chōla did not recognise the selection of Parantaka as co-regent and claimed that he alone was the rightful person for that position. If that be the case, Vikrama-chōla could not have asserted his right and achieved his object by peaceful means. There must have been a civil war between these two brothers for the Chōla throne.
The Tanjavur temple inscription of Vikrama-chōla dated in the 4th year of his reign contains a significant passage in his meykkirtti beginning with the words Pūmālai miḍaindu, which runs: He joyfully stayed [a while] in the Vengai-mandalam and put on the garland of victory over the northern region, and in the south he put on the sacred-jewelled crown by right so as to put an end to the commonness of the goddess of the sweet-smelling lotus-flower (i.e. Lakshmi) and the loneliness of the good earth-maiden who had the Ponni (i.e. the river Kävēri) for her garment.'s It means in other words that Lakshmi, the wealth of the southern country, had become common (i.e., ownerless) and the land of the Kāvēri lonely (i.e. unaccompanied) and that both of them found a remedy for their situation in the coming of Vikrama-chōla. This very same passage, describing the state of the southern region at the time of the accession of Vikrama-chōla to the throne is also found in the meykkirtti of Kulottunga I beginning with the words Pugal sulnda punari, thereby indicating that Vikrama-chōla had to face the same situation as prevailed at the time when Kulottunga I ascended the Chōla throne."
1 A foot-note to the text of this record published in the SII, quoted above, states that the characters in which the inscription is engraved appear to be of a later date than that of Parantaka' (evidently I or II). The mention of the name Jayangondasolamandalam in the record for Tondajmandalam clearly points out that the record cannot be placed earlier than the time of the Chōla king Rajaraja I, after whose title Jayangonda the territorial division was named.
811, Vol. IV, No. 1226.
* Ibid, Vol. II, No. 68. The relevant portion of the original text is given below arranged in the metrical form: Vengai-mandala-ttang=inid=irundu
vaḍa-tisai vägai sūḍi-tten-risai
tte-maru-kamala-ppümagal podumaiyum Ponniy-adai-nannilap-pävaiyin
tanimaiyum tavirap-punidat-tirumapi
makuḍam-urimaiyir-chüḍi.
Ibid., Vol. III, No. 68.
The chief queen of Vikarma-chōla is mentioned in the Vikrama-bölan-ulà (Kanni 40) and the Tamil-Navaler Charitai (verse 142) as pen chakravartti (i.e. a female chakravartin). This title is not applied to any other queen. We have already stated that the practice of mentioning in the meykkirtti the queen seated along with the king on the throne came into use only in the time of Kulottunga I. This was necessitated probably because, being a Chalukyan by birth, he claimed a right to the Chola throne not only as the grandson of a Chola emperor, but also as the consort of a Chola princess. A similar situation possibly arose for Vikrama-cho la also, of which we do not have the details.
Relying on this passage, Dhirendra Chandra Ganguly has suggested (The Eastern Chalukyas, pp. 129-30) that there was a civil war for the Chola throne during the last days of Kulottunga I and that Vikrama-chols, one of the contestants came out successful.

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191 The indifferent use of both the titles Rājakēsarivarman and Parakësarivarman for Vikramachõla might also be construed as pointing to such & conclusion ; but it may also be merely the result of a mistake of the kind, of which other instances are also known. Kulõttunga, being a Rājakësarivarman, his immediate successor on throne should have been a Parakësarivarman. The occasional use of the title Rājakësarivarman by Vikrama-cholal presupposes the existence of another king with the title Parakēsarivarman between him and Kulõttunga even though Vikrama-chõļa did not perhaps recognise such position and, claiming himself as the direct successor of his father Rājakēsarivarman Kulõttunga I, used the title Parakēsarivarman which is generally found applied to him in his inscriptions.
There are about half a dozen undated inscriptions of Parantakadēva at Drākshārāma registering the oaths of fealty taken by certain persons to serve Parāntakadēva faithfully. The occasion which necessitated such a step is not clear. But it is significant to note that these oaths were taken to serve faithfully Paräntakadēva personally and not in respect of the throne or kingdom of the Chola or Chāļukya as the case may be, probably indicating that there was another person at that time claiming equal rights as Parāntakadēva and that the oath was meant to safeguard the interests of their liege-lord Parantakadēva against the other person.
It may also be said that the political condition of the country at this period was favourable to Vikrama-chōļa for embarking on a civil war.
We know that towards the end of his reign, Kulottunga I lost some portions of his territory, both in the west and in the north. In the west, the province of Gangavādi was lost to the Hoysalas. Bittiga Vishņuvardhana, the Hoysala ruler of the period claims the title Talakādu-konda which is applied to him for the first time in an inscription dated in 1117 A.D.,' and in the same year he is described as ruling in Tala kādu and Kõlāļa (Kolar) and over the whole of Gangavādi Ninetysix Thousand as far as Kongu. This province which was under the Chōļas at the time and was regularly administered as a division of the Chola empire was conquered for the Hoysala by Dandanāyaka Gangarāja. This event is graphically described in several of the Hoysala inscriptions." The success of the Hoysalas was complete and this was followed by the expulsion of the Cholas from Gangavādi. That this campaign was not in the nature of a mere raid and that the Hoysala was well-pleased with the result will be evident by his assuming the title Talakādu-konda and by the issue of gold coins bearing the legend śri-Talakādu-gonda. .
The victory gained in Gangavādi was pursued by the Hoysalas even in regions beyond its frontiers. Of Puņisa-rāja, another general of the Hoysalas, who also seems to have taken part in the expedition against Gangavādi, it is said in an inscription dated 1117 A.D. that he 'frightened the Todas (of the Nilgiris), drove the Kongar underground (or to the low-country), slaughterod the Põluvas, put to death the Maleyālas, trifled king Kala (Kalapala) and offered the peak of the Nilagiri to the goddess of victory. It also adds that on receiving the king's order, Punisa seized Nīlādri, and pursuing the Maleyāļas captured their forces and made himself master of Kerala before showing again in Pongal-nādu.' The Põluvas slaughtered by him are evidently the Pūluvas, a community of the Kongu country,' round about Avinasi. The region also came to be
1 E.g., A. R. Ep., 1908, Nos. 426, 431; ibid, 1926, No. 144; ibid., 1909, Part II, para. 46 ; ibid., 1926, part II, para. 27.
+ SII, Vol. IV, Nos. 1270-75A.
Ep. Carn., Vol. III, M1. 31; also Vol. IV, Yd. 6. • Ibid., Vol. IV., Ch. 83.
. Ibid., Vol. II, (rev. ed.) Sb. 240. The same account is given in Vol. III, MI. 81 sloo dated in 1117 A.D.
• Ibid., Vol. IV., Ch. 83. TA. R. Rp., 1923, Part II, para. 59.

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[VOL. XXXII known as Piluva-nadu and places like Sevür in the Avinasi Taluk and Perumanallur in the Gopichettippalaiyam Taluk of the Coimbatore District are said to be in the Püluva-nadu.1 Similarly, Pongal-nadu captured by Puņisa in the course of the campaign seems to be the Pongalurkkanadu of the Kongu inscriptions. The village of Kiranür in the Palani Taluk of the Madurai District was included in those days in the Pongalurkka-nāḍu. The Hoysala inscriptions of this period mention Kongu, Cheram and Anamale as forming the southern extremities of Vishnuvardhana's kingdom. Vishnuvardhana claims to have squeezed Madurai in the palm of his hand3 and extended his victorious march even up to Rāmēsvaram. One record states that, on the Pandya flourishing his sword', Hoysalesa 'cut hira down with his own sword, and left only half a man to look on in the Tigula army.'s
192
This does not appear to be a mere hyperbole, as we find an echo of Vishnuvardhana's invasion in the inscriptions of the Tiruchirappalli District. A record from Aduturai in the Perambalur Taluk dated in the 4th year of the reign of Parakrama Pandya renews with the additional privilege for some money collection, an old charter said to have been issued to certain Palli residents in the 4th regnal year of Vikrama-chōladeva under peculiar circumstances. It is stated that 'during the war of Periya-vaḍugen, when the images of gods and Nayanmars were carried away to be deposited at Dōrasamudra (Halebid in Mysore), [the Pallis] rescued them, reconsecrated them in the temple, and agreed to provide for the expense of maintaining the worship of these images, making it a part of their communal obligation, in return for which act of service, the members of the community were to enjoy the temple honours of silk parivaṭṭam and arulappāḍu'. It is also said that the above arrangement was approved and sanctioned by Perumā! Kulottunga Chōladeva, thereby indicating that the rescue of the idols was effected immediately after they were removed and within the life-time of Kulottunga I. It is not clear from the inscription who the Periya-vadugan waging war in the Tamil country was; but the mention of Dōrasamudra makes it evident that the Hoysalas were among the invaders. Another damaged inscription" from Karur, one of the capitals of the Kongu kingdom, dated in the 3rd year of the reign of Vikrama-chōla, corresponding to 1120-21 A.D., states that the idol of Küttaṇār (i.e. Naṭarāja) in the temple of Tiruvanilai-Aludaiya Nayanar at Karuvür in Vengala-nāḍu, a sub-division of Virasola-mandalam which had been lost in the [days of the] revolt (kalahattil seman-tappiņamaiyil) was brought back after a search and set up by the Siva-Brahmanas of the temple who also made provision for worshipping the same. Evidently the country seems to have suffered very much in the hands of the Hoysalas who were probably unscrupulous in striking terror in the hearts of the people.
1 Ibid., 1909, No: 184. See also Nos. 192, 211, 338 and 339 (pp. 185, 204, 308 and 309) of South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. I, published by the Madras Government Oriental Manuscripts Library. This region is also referred to as Pūrva-nādu and possibly the Pârva-rajar mentioned in the Velvikudi plates of the Pandya king Neḍuñjadaiyan (above, Vol. XVII, pp. 291-308) are the rulers of the region.
SII, Vol. V., Nos. 262 to 284.
Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Cm. 160.
A. R. Ep., 1913, Part II, para. 47.
Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Bl. 171. The mention of the Tigula or Tamil army under the command of the Pandya precludes the possibility of identifying him with an Uchchangi chief.
A. R. Ep., 1913, No. 35.
Ibid., Part II, paragraphs 46-47.
811, Vol. IV, No. 387.
There are inscriptions of the 47th and 49th years of the reign of Kulottunga I (e.g. Nos. 620 and 647 of 1909 respectively at Tiruchchirai and Kōnērirajapuram in the Tanjavur District! stating that the lands of tenants who had deserted the villages unable to pay the taxce for over two years were confiscated and sold to the temples, and these are significant considering the time and the large number of such cases (see also Rangacharya, 4 Topographical List of Inscriptions in the Madras Presidency, Tj. 74, 1219).

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193 The Hoysala incursions into the Chola dominion were not restricted to the southern part. They appear to have carried on the expedition in the eastern direction also in the course of which Tereyür and Köyáttür (modern Laddigam in the Chittoor District) became subject to Vishnuvardhana who is also credited with the conquest of Kāñchi, on which he took the title of Kanchagonda which is very often met with in his inscriptions. That this was not again a mere boast will be clear from the statements found in his inscriptions that he made proclamations of his victories over numerous kings by sound of drum in Kanchipura', that he was like a fierce forest-fire to the territory of the Tondai chieftain'and that after conquering Kanchi and Madurai he burnt Jananáthapura'. It is also said that he slew an Andhra king.
It is significant to note that the capture of Kāñchi and the burning of the city of Jananāthapura are claimed not only by the generals of Vishnuvardhana, but also by the generals of another monarch, viz. Vikramaditya VI, the Western Chalukya ruler of Kalyaņa, at about the same time. We know that the Hoysalas were from the very beginning the feudatories of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyäņa and that they continued to be so even at that time. It is therefore quite possible that the Hoysalas were waging war in the northern front as the subordinates and under the banner of their suzerain power, the Western Chalukyas.
Viewed in this light, the Periya Vadugan mentioned in the Adutturai inscription referred to above as wagirig war in the heart of the Tamil country would only mean the big (or elder) or great northerner', i.e. the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI. Similarly, the exploits of "displaying his valour before Mänikyadēvi of the Chakrakūta throne', 'burning the city of Jananāthapura through his general' and the like in the north that the Hoysala is credited with, should be deemed to have taken place when he was in the service of his overlord Vikramaditya. Vikramāditya was waiting long only for an opportunity of making reprisals for his earlier failure in his wars against Kulöttunga I. Such an opportunity presented itself now. His plan w2,8 evidently to take advantage of Kulöttunga's preoccupation with the affairs in the south and create a diversion in the north by proceeding against the kingdom of Vēngi and its vassal-states.
The exact course of the events of this campaign is not clear. But that at the end of this campaign, practically the whole of the Telugu country came under the sway of Vikramaditya VI is evident from the provenance of his inscriptions. A stone record from Kollūru in the Tenāli Taluk of the Guntur District dated in the cyclic year Manmatha, the 40th year of the reign of Tribhuvanamalladēva (Vikramāditya VI), i.e. 1115-16 A.D., refers to his famous general Anantapälayya and mentions the officers such as the mantrin, purðhita, sēnāpati, etc., in whose presence, the king made a certain gift. There are inscriptions of the next year Durmukha, the ChālukyaVikrama year 41, at Mägola and Rangāpuram in the Hadagalli Taluk of the same District, in one of which Padmaladēvi, a queen of Vikramaditya VI, is referred to as ruling over the agrahāra of Mängola, In Saka 1039 (December, 1117 A.D.), the Kakatiya chief Prõla of Anumakonda acknowledges the supremacy of the Western Chalukya ruler and rocords that the Anumakonda territory was conferred on his father Bēta some time before by the same sovereign. About a year later, in the cyclic year Viļambin, corresponding to the Chalukya-Vikrama yenr 43 (December, 1118 A.D.), we find Mahāsāmantādhipati Mahāprachandadandanayaka Anantapälayya actually
1 See, e.g., Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Cm. 160. : Mysore Inscriptions, p. 331. • Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola, No. 53 (old). • Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Cm. 160. Mysore Inscriptions, p. 213.
A. R. Ep., 1913, No. 34. + SII, Vol. IX, No. 193. • Ibid., Nos. 194 and 195. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 256.

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ruling over Vēngi 14000 as a subordinate of Vikramaditya when a certain Nayaka made some gift to god Agastyēsvaradēva at Kommūru, in the Bapatla Taluk of the same District. About 1120 A.D., Anantapāla's wife made a gift to the celebrated shrine of Blīmēśvara at Drākshārāma." The gifts made by Velanāņti Rājēndra in the same year and by Mayilamma, the wife of a TeluguChoda chief, in the year after that, at Drāks bārāma are recorded in inscriptions dated in the Chalukya-Vikrama era.' Another inscription from Tripurantakan in the Markapuram Taluk of the Kurnool District, dated in the Chalukya-Vikrama year 51, Parūbhava (corresponding to Tuesday, June 22, 1126 A.D., a solar eclipse occurring on this date), states that Anantapālarasa, the Dandanayaka, was ruling over Vengi 12,000 and Emmedale 6,000 as a subordinate of Vikramditya. This record states that Ananta pala had the pleasure of seeing his nephew and son-in-law Govindarasa who was ruling over Kondapalli 300, pursue the Chola, conquer the Chõļa country and carry away as booty a large number of elephants, soldiers, treasures and all the belongings of the Chõla king. Govindarasa also attacked Jananātharājapura, another name of Dräkshārāma, then the provincial capital of Vēngi, and brought from it everything of Kumāra, captured Docheya and Gonka (probably the ankakāras of the Chola viceroy)-a feat which was considered as amounting to the capture of the person of the king himself, and burnt Vongipura. Anantapula is said to have earned, as a consequence, the title Chola-kataka churakāra. "The same victory is also claimed by Echapa, a subordinate of Anantapāla, who is said to have pursued the Chöļa foroes from the village Uppinakatte in Vangi to Kāñchi and gained for himself the title Chola-räjyanirmūlana." It will thus be seen that Vēngi was completely conquered by Vikramaditya VI who carried his arms even as far as Kāñchi. This eclipse of the Chola-Chūlukya power in Vengi continued till the death of Vikramaditya VI in 1126 A.D. Thus Vikramaditya VI and his Hoysala subordinate Vishnuvardhana, together overran the entire Chöļa enpire in the west and north. It was at this time when the whole dominion of the Cholas was overrun by foreign invasion resulting in muoh loss of territory that Vikrama-chõla began to assert his right to the Chola throne and wage the civil war with his brother or half-brother Parāntakadova. It may even be supposed that these troubles started after he proclaimed himself as the rightful heir to the Chola throne. An inscription on a pillar in front of the Chölēsvara temple at Nidubrölu in the Guntur District registering the gift of land and lamps to the temple of Gońkośvara at Cherakui balli or Ikshupalli by Müraya Panda, the general of Velanānți Gonka, is dated in Saka 1054 and the 17th reynal year of Tribhuvanachakravartin Vikrama-chōļa yielding Saka 1038 (1115-16 A.D.) as the date of his accession, three years earlier than the date usually assigned to him. And Kulõttunga I was alive when these two sons of his were fighting one another for the throne. We do not know what his attitude towards them was or whom he supported. But it is natural to presume that having already chosen Parantaka as heir-apparent and associated him with the government, he would have espoused the cause of that son as against Vikrama-chōļa unless it be that Parāntaka had in the meanwhile turned a traitor ; there is indeed no ground to suppose such a situation. On the other hand, the inscriptions of Parāntaka show in unmistakble terms that his administration had the entire approval of his father and the reigning monarch, Kulõttunga I.
Then Vikrama-chöļa would have had to contend against both his brother Parāntakadēva and his father Kulottunga I to achieve his object. His ultimate success, even during the lifetime of his father, clearly implies that he must have had the active support not only of some strong
1 Sii, Vol. IX, No. 196. *Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 1211. • Ibid., Nos. 1216, 1228. Ibid., Vol. IX, No. 213. Ibid., No. 213. • JAHRS, Vol. XVIII. p. 50; Proc. AIOC', Sorrion X, p. 421. 1811, Vol. VI, No 123.

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and influential local faction, but also of some strong foreign power, mightier than that of the Chōla. We have pointed out elsewhere1 that Vikrama-chōla was the son of Kulöttunga, not by Madhurantaki, the Chōla princess, but by a Hoysala princess. The invasion of the Chola dominion by Hoysala Vishnuvardhana with the support of his ally and overlord the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI who was the avowed enemy of the reigning Chola monarch Kulottunga I was perhaps partly motivated by the Hoysala king's desire to install Vikrama-chōla, his nephew, on the Chola throne. The Hoysala bore the brunt of the war in the south as well as in the north, just before the formal proclamation of the accession of Vikrama-chōla.
It is also to be noted in this connection that the regions of Gangavadi in the west and Vengi in the north lost by the Chōlas in the closing years of the reign of Kulottunga 1 were not recovered by Vikrama-chōla. So far as Gangavadi was concerned, the bulk of it was lost for ever. And as for Vengi, so long as Vikramaditya VI was alive, the Cholas do not appear to have set their foot in it and their erstwhile subordinates, the local rulers, acknowledged the suzerainty of the Western Chalukyas. Towards the end of the reign of Vikramaditya VI, we find an Eastern Chalukya prince Sarvalōkāśraya Vishnuvardhana entrusted with the administration of Vengi. An inscription on a stone pillar now in the Rajahmundry Museum, which once probably belonged to the temple of Virabhadresvara at Pattesam, registers the gift of 25 cows to the temple by a resident of Penugonda on a day in Saka 1067 coupled with the 21st regnal year of Sarvalōkāśraya Vishnuvardhana-maharaja, corresponding to the 25th December 1145 A.D. This would yield Saka 1047 or 1125-26 A.D. as the date for his accession. We have records of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI dated in his 51st regnal years which commenced in June 1126 A.D., and his son and successor, Sōmesvara III ascended the throne some time between July 24 and October 5 of the same year. The Western Chalukyas were in complete occupation of Vengi when this Eastern Chalukya prince commenced his rule there. An inscription in Sanskrit incised on a pillar lying in front of the Kesavasvamin temple at Yenamalakuduru in the Gannavaram Taluk of the present Guntur District records the gift of the town of Vijayavada to the temple of Mallesvara by Bhima, the son of Boddana. It is stated therein that Boddana obtained the town as a gift for the prosperity of his family from the Chola king Tripurantaka and the Karnata king (Karnata-bhubhujuh), i.e. the Western Chalukya monarch. Another record, a Telugu version of the same, incised on the same pillar gives some additional particulars. It states that Bhima belonged to the Pallava family and gives his genealogy for three generations. But it is not known who this Chōla prince Tripurantaka was. The fact that the grant made by him was confirmed by the Western Chalukya king would show that he was ruling over Vengi as a subordinate of the Western Chalukya and this could have happened only after the conquest of that country by Vikramaditya VI. We have already noticed that Vijayavada was originally granted by Kulottunga I to a certain Boddana and that the gift was renewed by Parantaka and confirmed by Kulottunga I in 1115-16 A.D. in favour of Bhimana who was the brother of the above Boddana and had been enjoying the property even during the life-time of his brother. The same was now conferred on Boddana by Tripurantaka-chōla and confirmed by the Western Chalukya king, probably Vikramaditya VI. Tripurantaka's name is not found elsewhere and he is a Chōla prince unknown hitherto. In an inscription from the Telingana districts a general of Kumara Sōmēšvara, son of Vikramaditya VI, states that he captured the Chōlaga and his younger brother. Probably Tripurantaka
1 Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 09.08.
2 SII, Vol. X, No. 116.
195
Ibid., Vol. IX, No. 213.
Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 91.
Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 100.
•Telengana Inscriptions, No. 35; JOR, Vol. XXV, pp. 59-61.

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196 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII Was that brother whom subsequently Vikramaditya VI set up to rule over Vengi. It is quite likely that this prince was set.up to rule over Vengi during the last days of Vikramaditya VI, presumably to continue the hold of the Western Chālukya rule over the area permanently and to prevent the return of the country to the Imperial Chöļas.
Thus at the time of Vikrama-chola's accession to the throne, the Chola empire had lost Gangavādi in the west and Vēngi in the north. Probably such cession of territory to the Chalukya was the price which Vikrama-chōļa had agreed to pay for the help rendered to him by Vishņuvardhana and Vikramāditya VI in securing the Chõļa throne. It is true that evidences are not quite clear and that some of the foregoing statements may not be capable of individual proof at present; but 'there is nothing implausible in the surmises made, the correctness of which will have to be confirmed by future discoveries.
Our thanks are due to Dr. N. Venkataramanayya who helped us by drawing our attention to the Telugu records referred to in the discussion above.
TEXT
4
1 Svasti-Sri [ll*]Pūmangai vaļara Puvimangai punara 2 Jayamangai mugula: Pugaļmangai ka' malara-ttann-s3 diy-irandu[n*)-taraṇipar sūtta(da) pey-mudiyodu[m]-muf puga4 ludan sūļi=tan-gon varavilo sengöl na5 dātta(tti) tingal-veņ-kudai-ki] vijaiya-siṁ6 hāsaņattu virrirundaruliya Kö-Ppara kēsari-pa[n*) 7 marāņa Tribhuvanachakkaravattiga! śri-Parāntakadē8 va[r*]kku yāndu 9-dāvadu Nittavinoda-vaļana9 t ttu Nallur-näţțu Rājakësari-charu[p*]pēdiman10 galattu T[i]ruchchēlār Mahādēva[**]kku Pāņdi11 kulāśani-valanāțțu Kiļiyūr-nātņu (Kā]ļi12 kuçi=[k*) kudigaļļa(!ūna Araiyan (Ka*]nna[p*]pan" (n=ā)13 na Irājakësari Pērayanēnamudu14 padikku nän kondu-viţta nilam=ävadu-[*] Rā15 jakēsari-charu[p*]pēdimangalattu Kalākala[ch*}1 From the ink-impression. • Read magila. * This ka is redundant. * Read pon-nudi=yoliyida. It is written correctly in B.
Read marabil. • The phrase tidai warambaga has been omitted here. Sen B, line 2. * The first fis superfluous. • The following pa is superflu0113. [Tlie reading appears to be Pöyanën (i.e. Bhdjanen) here as well as in line 25.-D.C.S.]

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF PARANTAKA, YEAR 9
Scale : Ninc-fortioths

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FIRST PIECE
Snow
SECOND PIECE
Lako ko
THIRD PIECE
Scale : One-fifth

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197
No. 32]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF PARANTAKA, YEAR 9 16 chỗri Kavukiyan Näräyanan Narayananár-pakkal 17 nānvilai-kondu-vitta nilam=ävadu [l*) Adi[t*ta18 vadikku mẹrku RäjakẽBari-vũy-. 19 kkālu[k*]ku tešku añj[@]ngapņā20 rru irandāñ=chadirattu= kreys21 m[pa]lambadi nilam kälēmukkāņi[k] 22 ki[1]*l=ettu mā [l*] i-nnilam kālē23 mukkāņi[k*]kil etřu māvu[k*]kum vi24 lai ittu-[k*] konda kāšu āru [lli-k 26 kāsāpum=ițţu-[k*]kondu i-nnilam 26 chandr-ādi[t]tavarai i-[d*]dēva[rk"]ku amudupa di se27 lvadāga=[k*) kondu viţtēņ Araiya28 | KannappaņāņaRājakësari Parayaņēn't ll *
TRANSLATION
Hail! Prosperity! While the goddess with the lotus) flower (i... Lakshm!) prospered; while the goddess of Earth wedded (the king); while the goddess of victory beamed with joy; while the goddess of Fame was resplendent; while (all other) kings bore (on their heads) his two foot; while he put on with fame the shining golden crown and wielded the soeptre in the tradition of (his) forebears; while he was seated on the victorious throne under the white parasol extending up to the four) quarters; in the 9th year of the reign) of (this) king Parakësarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds (Tribhuvanachakravartin) the prosperous Parantakadova :
The following land was purchased and given away as gift by me, Araiyan Kannappaŋ alias Rājakēsari Perayan, & resident of Kāļikudi, a village in Kiliyūrnādu, a sub-division of Pandikulāsani-Valanādu for the daily) offerings to the god Tiruchchēlür-Mahādēva in Rajakösari-charuppödimangalam(chaturvēdimangalam) in Nallür-nadu, a sub-division of Nittavinodavalanādu. The (piece of land purchased for being given away as gift) by me from Kavusiyan Nārāyanan alias Nārāyanan of Kalakalachchēri in Rājakēsari-chaturvēdimangalam to the west of Adittavadi, to the south of the channel (väykkāl) Rājakesari and comprised in the second square of the fifth kannāru and measuring 1/4, 3/80, 1/800 (or 231/800) (kālēmukkāņik-kil-elfu mā). The price (ficed and) paid for this land of 231/800 (measurement) was six kātus. This price of) six kādu was paid and the land given for offerings to the god till the sun and moon last, by me Araiyan Kappappan alias Rājakësari Pērayan.
1 The letter nå is written underneath. * The first is superfluous. *This one is writton like the Grantha letter, i.e. tw 's one below the other. Tbo lottor p is written bolow a. The lottor is writton below 3. [800 above, p. 196, note 1-D.C81

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198 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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В 1 Svasti Sri [I *] Puvimangai vaļara Pūmangai punara Jayamaga! magulat Pugal
[ma*]ga! malara tann adiy-irandumntaraṇipar sūda pon-mudi olioyida puga(1)‘l=udan
sūdi 2 tan-gün marabil fengöl naditti-[t*]tibai varambăga-ttingaļs-venkudaik-ki] visaiya-s[i]mhāsa
nattu virrirundaruliya Köv=[[*]rājakësari3 panmarīna chak[ka*Jravatthi(tti)ga! Sri-Pirāntakadēvarku yāndu 9 avadu [I* ]
Udaiyar Tiruvaratturai Udaiyar Ko
1 Read rnagiin. 1 Thism is superfluous. • The letters a looks like na. • The first I is superfluous. - The letter la looks like na. • The inscription stops abruptly here.

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No. 23.SIRRAMBAKKAM INSCRIPTION OF PARAMESVARAVARMAN, YEAR 1
(1 Plate) P. B. DESAT, DHARWAR
This inscription was found at Sirrambākkam alias Tenkärapai, a village in the Tiruvallur Taluk, Chingleput District, Madras State. It was copied by a member of the office of the Government Epigraphist for India in the course of the epigraphical survey of the Taluk in 1947-48. It is registered as No. 83 of Appendix B and noticed at page 1 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for that year. I edit the record here for the first time with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The epigraph is engraved on a slab of stone used as a step at the entrance of the Chelliamman temple in the above village. The slab is almost square in dimensions measuring about 29 inches long and 28.5 inches broad. In the central part of the stone is carved a floral design consisting of melon-shaped petals arrayed within the space formed by two concentric circles. The diajneter of the inner circle is about 8 inches and that of the outer one 15,5 inches. The space inside the inner circle is left blank. The margin on the four sides of this design contains the writing. The insoription is made up of six lines, two of which are incised in the upper space, followed by two more in the right. Next comes one line at the bottom and another towards the left. The record is partly damaged and a few letters in lines 3 to 5 are obliterated. As the inscription speaks of the erection of a temple, it seems likely that this inscribed slab was originally fixed into a wall of that temple.
With the exception of the four letters of the Grantha alphabet, viz., s, m, h and in the first line, the characters are archaic Tamil of the unornamental variety and belong to the 7th century.. They may be compared with those employed in the cave inscription at Vallam and some of the labels on the rocks near Pūñjēri. Among the individual letters may be noted the initiala in line 5 and cursive y in line 6.
The language is Tamil. We may note the honorific plural varummar of Sanskrit varman in line 1. The vowel-ending plural form Somāsiyāru in the compound Sämāsiyāru-marumagan is also noteworthy. Two similar forms are met with in the Vallan cave inscription, namely, Mayendirappõllaresaru-adiyān in line 3 and Vayandappiriaresaru-magan in line 4. The full import of the expression Tunan-gilavar in line 2 is not known. The word kilavar, which, however, forms part of it, may stand for chiefs' or 'hoadmen.' The expression tadumā in line 6 is difficult to explain.
The inscription refers itself to the first regnal year of Mahārāja Paramēśvaravarman, Considering the palaeography of the epigraph and the historical facts known about the Pallavas of Kāñchi, who had risen to power at this time and were wielding authority in the region represented by the present record, we are justified in identifying this Mahārāja Paramēsvaravarman with the Pallava ruler Paramēśvara I (circa 670-700 A. D.). The date of our epigraph would thus be about 670 A.D.
1 SII, Vol. II, No. 72 and Plate X. ' Ibid., Vol. XII, No. 23 A and Plate II.
8 The expression Kulaittu from talai is used adjectively in the sense of 'first'. The same usage may also be notod in the familiar phrase talaittu kufandai meaning first child'. For epigraphic usage of the word talai meanin first,' we may note the expression Ani-tlalai-ppiraiyal in the Takkolam inscription (above, Vol. XIX, p. 87).
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The object of the epigraph is to record the construction of a temple by the sister's son of Sömäsiyårl who appears to claim some distinction. The name of this relative is partially preserved in the expression Kumā[ran). This appears to be the earliest known reference to the construction of a structural temple in the Tamil country.
The epigraph is of importance on uocount of the fact that it is one of the few early insoriptions on stone written in archaic Tamil. Added to this is another fact that it is also one of the few inscriptions referring to the reigns of the early Pallava rulers and citing the regnal years. The epigraphs of the early Pallava kings of the Sinhavishņu line are characterised by the following notable features. They are incised generally on rocks and in caves; their script is Pallava-Grantha of the ornamental variety and their language is Sanskrit. Most of them are of the nature of mere labels comprising royal titles and epithets. Even if we take into account & few more Tamil inscriptions of the early period belonging to private agencies, purely Tamil epigraphical records as such containing specific allusions to the contemporary rulers are conspicuous by their paucity. Only two such instances have come to our notice so far. One is the Vallam cave inscription mentioning Pallava Mahendravarman I and the other the Tirukkalikupram epigraph referring to his successor Narasimhavarman 1. The present record, therefore, makes & weloome addition to this meagre list,
There is probably only one place-name mentioned in the record and it is Ālaväy. This place is usually identified with Madura. But if we connect the word Alavāyil with eduppitta occurring later, it will show that the temple was constructed at Alaväy which may have been an early name of Tenkäranai, the provenance of the reoord.
TEXTS
Upper Side 1 Sri-Mahārāja-Paramēsvaravarummarkku yandu talaitta2 vadu Tūpan-gilavaru!=Alavayil Sõmāsiya
Right Side 3 ru-marumagan Kumā[ran] .... 4. Juppitta kö[yıl]....
Lower Side 5. .......]][vu]m se
Left Side 6 ydār tadumāv=orkka [1]
188mAblyar may be contracted either from Bomayajiyar or Somajiyar.
For instance, Tirumayyam inscription (811, Vol. XII, p. 3, n. 1); Panjëri records (ibid., No. 23 A); A.R.Ep., 1937-38, Nos. 133, 140, etc. .A.R.Ep., 1932-33, p. 55.
*[The langusgo of the record seems to mean that Somadiyar hailed from the locality called Alavt 11. -D.C. 8. 1 - From impressions.

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SIRRAMBAKKAM INSCRIPTION OF PARAMESVARAVARMAN; YEAR |
წადითრი
Scale: One-fourth

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No. 24-PATTALI GRANT OF YUVARAJA RAJENDRAVARMAN, GANGA YEAP 313
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
This inscription was published by Mr. Manda Narasimham in the Telugu journal Bharat, June 1954, pp. 574 ff. In April 1956, it was purchased from Mr. Narasimham for the Epigraphical Gallery in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India. Nothing is known to us about the findspot of the record and the story of its discovery. Mr. Narasimham's article in the Bharati does not disclose any fact in these respects. But there is little doubt that the plates were discovered somewhere in the Srikakulam District of Andhra Pradesh.
The inscription is written on three copper plates held together by a ring bearing the seal of the issuer of the charter. The plates are rectangular in shape and measure each 7 inches in length and 34 inches in height. They have slightly raised rims. There is a hole (about inch in diameter) in the left side of the plates for the ring to pass through. The diameter of the ring is about 4 inches while its thickness is about inch. The ends of the ring are soldered to the bottom of a thick circular seal about 1 inch in diameter. On the countersunk surface of the seal, which is considerably corroded, there are traces of the figure of a standing animal which is no doubt a bull that was the emblem of the Eastern Ganga kings. The three plates together weigh about 94 tolas and the ring and the seal about 38 tolas.
There are altogether 37 lines of writing in the inscription. But line 30 containing only three aksharas written between the beginning of lines 29 and 31 is not a continuous line, while the tot. line contains only one akshara followed by a danda. The inscription is incised on the inner side of the first plate and both the sides of the second and third plates. It has, however, to be notioed that, through oversight, the engraver originally began to incise the concluding part of the record (lines 34 ff.) on the outer side of the first plate instead of on the corresponding side of the third plate, which is its proper place. But the mistake was detected when only one line and a half had been engraved on the reverse of the first plate.
The characters belong to the later Kalinga script and resemble those of many early medievad inscriptions discovered in the Srikakulam region. The letter dh has the form of adh in some cases as noticed often in inscriptions in the later Kalinga alphabet. The language of the record is corrupt Sanskrit and it is written in prose with the exception of a few imprecatory and benediotory stanzas at the end. In point of orthography, the record resembles other epigraphs of the area and age in question. The grant was issued in the year 313 of the Garga era, which fell in the period between 809 and 811 A. D. The date is written both in words and in figures; but there are no other details of the date.
The charter was issued from Kalinganagara by Yuvarāja Rājöndravarman, desoribed as the son of Mahārājādhirāja Paramēsvara Parambhattāraka Anantavarman of the Eastern Ganga family. It records the grant firstly of the village of Păttali (elsewhere called Padali) situated in the territorial unit called Krishnamattamba, in favour of the goddess Kañchipotti-bhattärikā. in order to provide for her offerings, etc., by Yuvarāja Räjēndravarman himself and secondly of Kabasankira-grāma in Dāpupañchāli and Arali-grāma in Jämtotta-pañchāli in favour of the same deity by Rājēndravarman's mother Loka-mahādāvi. The primary object of the charter was to record the grant of Pattali-grāma since the order of the Yuvarāja was issued to the inhabitants of that village only. That Lūka-mahādēvi's grant of the villages of Kubasa kira and
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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Arali was added to the main charter as a subsidiary issue is further suggested by the fact that the boundaries of the gift land quoted in lines 24 ff. refer to the village of Padali (i.e. Päṭṭali) only.
202
The village of Paṭṭali or Padali was bounded in the east by a naidhāni-silā (probably meaning 'a boundary pillar') and a bilva tree; in the south by a pit and another naidhāni-sila; in the west by a pit (called Bhuṭṭaka probably after the name of the locality or its owner) and a mango tree; and in the north by a pit (called Käsimbi probably after the name of the locality or its owner) and certain forests. The above section of the charter is followed in lines 26 ff. by some of the wellknown imprecatory and benedictory verses. The date of the grant, viz. year 313, is quoted in lines 34-35 as the year of the victorious reign of the Gängeya dynasty. The document was written by Mahäsändhivigrahika (i.e. the officer in charge of war and peace) Samiraja and the plates were engraved by the akshasalin (i.e. goldsmith) Damachandra.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it is one of the few charters issued by a erown-prince, the most well-known instance of this class of documents being the Mayidavolu plates1 of the Pallava Yuvamahārāja Sivaskandavarman who flourished in the first half of the fourth century A. D. The circumstances leading to the issue of a charter by the crown-prince insteau of the king himself in these cases cannot be determined.
5
In order to determine the identity of the Ganga crown-prince Rajendravarman, son of king Anantavarman, we have to take note of the following records of the family: (1) Alamanda plates of Anantavarman son of Maharaja Rajendravarman, dated year 304; (2) Indian Museum plates of Mahārāja Devendravarman, son of Maharaja Rajendravarman, dated year 308, (3) Tekkali plates of the same king, dated year 310; (4) Nämpali grant of Yuvaraja Rajendravarman, son of king Anantavarman, dated year 314; and (5) Mandasa plates of Rajendravarman, son of Anantavarman, dated year 342. These records show that the Ganga king Rajendravarman was succeeded by his sons Anantavarman (year 304) and Devendravarman (years 308 and 310) and that Devendravarman was succeeded by Rajendravarman, son of his elder brother and predecessor Anantavarman. The charter under study, issued by Anantavarman's son Rajendravarman as Yuvaraja in the year 313, is therefore the third of his known records, the other two being his Nampali grant issued likewise as Yuvaraja in the year 314 and his imperfectly deciphered Mandasa plates of the year 342 probably issued as king. The present epigraph mentions Lōka-mahādēvi, mother of
1 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 86 ff. Another such instance is the Uruvupalli grant (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 5 ff.) of the Pallava Dharma-Yuvamahārāja Vishnugopa; but the record is dated in the regnal year of the reigning monarch Simhavarman. If, however, the dating would have been in an era, as in the present case, Simhavarman's name could have been omitted since it is not mentioned in the formal part of the grant. Cf. the Halsi plates of the Kadamba Yuvaraja Käkusthavarman, probably dated in the Gupta year 80 (Suc. Sat., p. 334). For a grant issued by a Mahāyuvaraja, see B. Ch. Chhabra, Antiquities of Chamba State, Part II, p. 64.
Above., Vol. XXX, pp. 18 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 312 ff. As the date is written in this record as bata-maye dab-ollarë, it was not quite certain that the intended reading is really bata-traye das-ottare (i.e. in the year 310). No doubt on this point can, however, be entertained after the publication of the Indian Museum plates issued in the year 308. That the two records belong to one and the same Ganga king is clear from the fact that the same scribe and engraver are mentioned in both the charters. The Indian Museum epigraph was written by Rahasya (i.e. Rahasyadhikrita) Sarvachandra and engraved by Akshasalin bri-Samanta Khapḍimala, while the writer of the Tekkali charter was ari-Samanta Sarvachandra and its engraver Akshasalin iri-Samanta Khandimala. The undated Chicacole (Srikakulam) plates (JAS, Letters, Vol. XVIII, 1952, pp. 17ff.) of the same king were also written and engraved by the said persons, viz., Sarvachandra-ért-sämanta and śrl-samanta-Khandimala. The official designation Rahasya alac occurs in the Chicacole (Srikakulam) plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 11-12 and Plate) of Satyavarman, the first son of Devendravarman and successor of Rajendravarman of our inscription. This record is dated in the Ganga year 351 which was at first wrongly read.
A. R. Ep., 1923-24, pp. 97-98; Journ. Or. Res., Vol. IX, 1935, pp. 59-63. R. Ep., 1917-18, .Appendix A, No. 13 (of. p. 137).

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203
No. 34] PATTALI GRANT OF YUVARAJA RAJENDRAVARMAN, GANGA YEAR 313 Rajendravarman and queen of Anantavarman, for the first time. The Nampali charter records the grant of Nampali-grama situated in Nidijēru-vishaya in favour of Samiraja, son of Gulamaraja (wrongly read as Gunamaraja) of the Ayana-kula. It was written by Mahäsändhivigrahin Raha (i.e. Rahasya or Rahasyadhikrita) Sri-Samanta1 and engraved by Akshasalin Damachandra. It I will be seen that the same Akshasalin Damachandra was also the engraver of the charter under study while Samiraja, donee of the Nampali grant, seems to be none other than Mahasändhivi grahika Samiraja who was its writer. It is interesting to note that the Mandasa plates, issued by Rajendravarman more than quarter of a century later, was written by Sandhivigrahin Ranōmeya who was the son of the said Samirāja,
An interesting feature of the records of Rajendravarman, issued by him as Yuvaraja during the years 313 and 314, is that they do not refer to the rule of his uncle Devendravarman who is known to have issued charters in the years 308 and 310. It should also be noticed that Yuvarāja Rajendravarman's grants dated in the years 313 and 314 and Devendravarman's charters dated in the years 308 and 310 were all issued from the city of Kalinganagara. In the present state of insufficient information on the point, it is difficult to suggest any hostility between Rajendravarman and his uncle only on this ground. We know that the Early Eastern Ganga kings generally represented themselves each as the son of his father and not as the successor of his predecessor. As for instance, Devendravarman's charters describe him as the son of Rajendravarman and not as the successor of his elder brother and predecessor Anantavarman. But Yuvaraja Rajendravarman's case is somewhat different since he issued the charters in question as a crown-prince when his uncle Devendravarman may have been on the throne. As, however, the Mayidavolu plates were similarly issued by the Pallava Yuvamahārāja Sivaskandavarman without any reference to the reigning Pallava king who was probably his father, it is not easy to arrive at a conclusion from this fact.
Besides Kalinganagara, the capital of the Eastern Gangas, identified generally with modern Mukhalingam near Srikakulam, and the well-known Mahendragiri peak on the borders between the Ganjam and Srikakulam Districts, the inscription mentions the following geographical names; the villages of Paṭṭali or Paḍali, Kusasankira and Arali as well as the districts of Krishnamaṭṭamba, Dapu-pañchali and Jamboṭṭa-pañchali. I am not sure about their location. There are other instances of the use of the word pañchali to indicate a territorial unit in the inscriptions of the area in question.3
TEXT") First Plate
1 Siddham svasti [ A*]marapur-anu(nu) kariņa[h*] srarvartu-sukha-ra[ma]'ni
1 In the records of Devendravarman the expression ari-Samanta is used as an epithet of both the scribe and he engraver. In this case, however, Samanta looks like the personal name of the scribe unless it is believed that le personal name was omitted after the epithet through oversight. An Amatya Sri-Samanta seems to have been the scribe of the Tekkali plates of Anantavarman (second son of Dövendravarman, predecessor of Rajendravarman of the inscription under study), dated year 358 (above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 341).
The engraver of the record is stated to have been the son of one Maüchandra who seems to have been related to Damachandra. Malchandra may also be a wrong reading for Damachandra.
Cf. Köräsöḍaka-pañchill in the Koroshanda plates of Visakhavarman (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 23 ff.) and the Chicacole (Srikakulam) plates of Indravarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 122 ff.). Pushyagiri-pañchali is call d vishaya in the Sudava plates of Devendravarman (above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 62 ff).
"From the original plates.
Expressed by symbol.
Read sarv-artu. There is trace of a letter, originally incised and later erased, between rea and riu. 'The sign meant for the letter ma has a peculiar form.

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204
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 2 yad-vijayavata[h*) Kalinganagara-vāsakā[t*] Mahēndra(ndr-a)obala(1-A)ma8 la-sikhara-pratishthitasya ba-char-āchara-gurő[b*) saka'la-bhuva4 na-nirman-aika-su(sū)traddha(dha)rasya sasākha-chudāmanair-bhagava8 to Gokarnnasvāminas-charaṇa-kamala -yugala-praņu(pā)6 ma(mä)dvi(d=vi)gata-Kali-kāla-kalanko=nēk-ābavaḥ-sankshobha -janita jaya7 savda pratäp-ávanata-samasta-sāmanta-chakra-chula8 manie.prabha-mañjari-puñja-rañjita-vara-cha[ra*]no ni
Second Plate, First Side
9 ja-nistrisaddhār®-7pārjita-sakala-Kaling-āddhi(dhi)rājya[h*) 10 pravitata-sita-kumuda-kund-ēndv-avadāta-vini[rga)"11 ta-yasõ(säh) dhvast-ārāti-kul-achalo naya-vinaya-daya(yā)-da(dā)12 na-dākshinyasaudārya"-satya-tyāg-āddi(di)-guna-ba[m*]pad-á13 ddhä(dha)ra-bh[u]tö(tah) paramamahēsvarā mātā-pitra(tri)-pad-änudhya(dhyā)14 to Gang-amala-kul-odbhavo inahārājādhiraja-parame18 svara-paramabhatýāraka-bri1o-Anantavarmmadēva-Bu(sū)nu-yu16 varāja-Sri(fri)-Rājēndravarva(rma) kusali(li) Krishnamattamva-4-11
Second Plate, Second Side
17 nta[h*]pāti-Pattall-grāma-nivåsi-kuțumvi(mbi)na[h*) janapadā[m-cha") sa18 ma(mã jñāparati ch=ănya[d*]=viditam=astu vỏ bhatăn' grāmā ya[*] bri(orl)ma
The original shows an unnecessary -matra with ka. * Read Sasanka-chadamanér. The akshara så is engraved on an erasure.
In this word ka has an unusual shape owing to the addition of an unnecessary stroke somewhat resembling an d-matra, while la is incised on an erased yu.
• Road "hara-sankshobha in which & and ksh havo peculiar forms.
Read dabdak. • Read chūdamasi.
Read nistrimda-dharo. * The akshara rga is written on an erasure.
Road dakshinya-taury-audarya. 10 Read fri or correctly bry-A'. 11 Read maffamb-ao.
11 The intended reading is bhavata which is, however, redundant in view of the use of w. Read instead qomahkih

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Page #283

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Page #284

No. 24) PATTALI GRANT OF YUVARAJA RAJENDRAVARMAN, GANGA YEAR 318 205
19 t-Kafchipotţi-bhatýärikāyā va(ba)li-nivēdya-charu-nimitā(ttaya 20 pradatam(ttah ) aparam=api Dapu-panchalyāyal Kubasa kira-gā(grā)ma[h*] 21 Jāmvo(mbo)fta-pañchālyā[m*] Arali-grāmaxi(mas-cha) tasya mātarayām* bri(brī)-LO22 kamahādāvi(vyā) praďatambhattārikayān sarva-kara-bharaiḥ parihțitys 28 chandr-ārka-pratishthās mātā-pitaraurātnanas-cha punyā(py-a)bhivridha(ddha)24 [y]*] Pādali-grāmasya si(sī)mā-li[n]gā'ni bhavanti pu(pū)rva-diçãyä[m] naidbā
Third Plate, First Side
25 nie-shi(si)lā visbi)lva-vriksha[8=cha *] dakshiņēna garta(rtā) naiddha(dhā)ni-silä [cha 1*]
pasch[i]m[@]na Bhuttaks26 garta(rtā) a(ā)mvra(pra)-vriksha[8=cha [*] uta(tta)rē[ņa*) Kāsimvi(mbi)-garta(rtā) vanā(na)
rāji[kā]s=ch=ēti [1*] Va(Ba)hu27 bhir=vasuddhā(dha) datā(ttā) rājabhi[h*) Sagar-ādibhish 1*] yasya yasya 28 yadā bhu(bhū)mi[s*)-tasya tasya tadā pbala[m ||*] Sva-datā(ttāṁ) para-datāmvā' 29 yo harēti(ta) vasundhara[m 1*] sa vishthāyālyām) ksimirbhu(r=bhū}tvā pitsibhish*) sahe 30 pachyata(tē )20 31 Ma bhuya phalasakall va[h*) para-datē(tt-ē)ti pārthiva(vāḥ) ava-dadā)nā[t*] phabam=
anantya[m*) para-32 dân-ānupālana(nē) |[1*] Iti kamala-dala(l-ā)mvu(mbu)-vindu-lõla (lām) chapala1: sri ya*]m=
anu
33 chintya manusya(shya)-i1(ji) vitam (chal*) purushalm=idam=ud&hita vuddbal na hi purushe
1 Road panchalyām. - Read matra. * Read pradatlah or pradattau. . Read bhaffärikayai. • Better read a-chandr-urka-pratishthan (or pratishthan) kritva. • Read pitror=almanao.
The superscript of the conjunct is written on an or sure.
# The word naidhani seems to be derived from Sanskrit nidhana and to have been used to indicate & boundary pillar'. Better read nidhana" for naidhani here and below. The correct form would be naidhani.-Ed.]
. Read dattām vā.
1. These letters, engraved between the beginning of the previous and following lines are not in a regular line of writing.
1 Read Má bhūd=z-phala-sanki. 12 This word is redundant. 13 Read sakala 14 Road 'wdah ritarixcha buddha.

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UPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXH
Dhind Plats, Second Side 34 na' para-ki(kartayo vilšpyaypyiüh) Gargāja-vanhal-pravarddhavafamä)mn-wijaya35 rüya-manvachhara-atal-trayö trayödega(-a)dhika(ka) 313 likhitam=ida[m] 36 mabādandhivigrahaka-sri-Samirājānas [l*l utkistkī)rana[m*] ohikshasălina bri(trī)
Dāmachandēna(ndrēna) i37 til
* The intended reading is purushira; but read purushail for the sake of the metre.
Road Gangaya-panhia. • Road samvatsara-bata. • Keadaandhivigralika-fri.
Road Sudmio. Inatoad of tho d-matra of Sa, the engraver sooms to have inoised what looks like a scoad i-matra of mi.
• Road Salina. * This letter and the panotuation mark are incised below the end of the previous line.

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No. 25-FRAGMENTARY MAURYA INSCRIPTION FROM MATHURA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
A fragment of an inscribed stone slab was discovered in 1954 at Katra Keshavdev within Mathura city, headquarters of the District of that name in Uttar Pradesh. It was presented by the Shri Krishna Janmabhumi Trust, Mathura, to the local Archaeological Museum. In April 1955, I received two impressions of the fragmentary inscription from Mr. K. D. Bajpai, Curator of the said Museum. I am thankful to Mr. Bajpai for giving me an opportunity to study the inscription which was found on examination to be of considerable historical importance.
The inscribed fragment measures 22 inches in height, with a small piece of stone broken away both from the top and from the bottom. The width of the stone is not uniform since it is mutilated at both the sides. The breadth of the upper part is 11 inches while that of the lower portion is only about 8 inches. There are altogether 15 lines of writing in the inscription. But a few letters are noticed in the upper left corner of the stone, although they appear to be scribblings of a slightly later date, having little to do with the original record under study. The letters of the epigraph are carefully engraved but they are not uniform in shape. As for instance, letters in line 1 are considerably smaller in size than those in lines 2-10. The letters in lines 11-15 are also somewhat smaller. The space between the lines is likewise not uniform, that between lines 1 and 2 being more than in any other case. Some letters are broken away from the beginning and end of all these lines. The major part of the record is written in verse and so the number of the lost syllables can be easily determined.
The characters resemble those of such inscriptions of the seventh and eighth centuries belonging to the western parts of Northern India as the Banskhera plate' of Harsha (606-47 A.D.), the Kundesvar inscription (V.S. 718-661 A.D.) of Aparajita, the Jhalrapatan inscription (V.S. 746-689 A.D.) of Durgagana, the Kudarkot inscription of about the second half of the seventh century, the Nagar inscriptions (V.S. 741-684 A.D.) of Dhanika, and the Kanaswa inscription (V.S. 795-738 A.D.) of Sivagana. Some of the vowel-marks and subscripts are often of the ornamental type. For the ordinary and ornamental types of the medial signs of i, i and è, see respectively firo and veshtitum in line 9, śri in lines 3 and 4, and anvaye in line 3 and mulyēna in line 8, while, for subscript r, see śri-Chandra in line 4. The difference between the ornamental forms of medial i and medial è is that the former is extended towards the left after a sharp curve in the middle. The form of ru in line 2 is interesting. In many cases, the letter d has a marked protrusion at the back as in the modern Sarada and Gurumukhi alphabets (cf. dyutaye in line 1, d-Arya and Chandra in line 4, dinam in line 13). In some cases, the globular limb of n is not joined with the vertical hanging from the top maträ (e.g. in nripatiḥ in line 4). The letter k shows
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 208 ff. and Plate.
fbid., pp. 20 ft. and Plate.
Ibid., Vol. V p. 181 and Plate.
Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 180 ff. and Plate.
Bharata Kaumudi, Part I, pp. 267 ff. and Plate.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 57 and Plate.
(207)

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208
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
the older type only when it is the superscript in a conjunct or a vowel-mark is added to its bottom (of. Krishna in line 3, Karkkah in line 4). The letter b is indicated by the sign for v. On palaeographical consideration, the inscription may be assigned to the latter half of the seventh century or the first half of the eighth, preferably to the former period.
The language of the record is Sanskrit and, with the exception of the invocatory passage at the beginning and the sentence mentioning the engraver in line 15, the whole epigraph is written in verse. As regards orthograpby, the inscription resembles contemporary records of Northern India. Finalm is changed to anusvāra at the end of the second and fourth feet of stanzas. The extant part of the inscription bears no date.
The inscription contains a prasasti in five stanzas in all. The composer offers his adoration to a god in verse 1. Verse 2 introduces the royal personage, the recording of one of whose pious activities was the object of the inscription, while verse 3 speaks of the particular meritorious deed performed by him. Verse 4 prays for the permanency of the object made and verse 5 mentions the author of the prarasti. A passage in prose at the end of the record mentions the engraver. It is not possible to determine whether the date in figures was incised at the end of the line and is now broken away.
The first akshara in the extant part of line 1 seems to be a damaged jye which is followed by a double danda and a symbol for Siddham. It is not possible to restore the word ending in jyë unless it is believed that the scribblings above the beginning of the line were meant to write the same. These scribbled letters appear to read Yadu-ra(rā)jye which follow what looks like a damaged Siddham symbol. But it has to be admitted that such a passage at the beginning of an inscription is rather unusual. The Siddham symbol in line 1 is followed by a passage which appears to read namah and what follows in lines 1-2 is a stanza in the Anushfubh metre in adoration of a god whose epithets kāl-āñjana-rajah-punja-dyuti, [ma]hāvarāha-rūpa and jangama have only been preserved. There is no doubt that the reference is to the god Vishņu since the expression mahāvarāha-rupa certainly speaks of the Boar incarnation of that deity.
Verse 2 in lines 3 ff.,, while introducing the hero of the prasasti, speaks, in the first fout, of a king named Kfishnaraja who is stated to have belonged to the royal family of the Mauryas. The second foot of the stanza mentions another king, apparently named Aryarāja, who is described as the son of Chandragupta. The words indicating the relationship between Krishnarāja and Aryarāja are lost; but the intention of the prasastikāra appears to have been to represent ChandraKupta's son Aryarija as born in the family of Krishnaraja of the Maurya lineage. The second half of the stanza speaks of a person known by two names, viz. Dindirāja and Karka, one of which was given to him [by the people) in recognition of what he did with reference to the invincible Kanyakubja. This Dindirāja alias Karka was no doubt a ruler who was probably the son or successor of Aryarāja, although the words indicating their relationship cannot be traced in the extant part of the verse. The verb indicating the nature of the achievement of Karka Dindirāja with reference to the city of Kānyakubja is also imperfectly preserved ; but the idea may have heen to represent him as one who burnt the city. This seems to be suggested by the preserved last akshara of the verb (viz. hya which may be the remnant of nirdahya) as well as the fact that the word karka has 'fire' as one of its meanings. Dindirāja may thus have well been called Karka or the Fire' because of his success in burning the city of Kanyakubja.
Verse 3 describing the meritorious deed performed apparently by Dindirāja Karka, which was the subject of the prasastı, is damaged and its purport is not quite clear. The first half of the stanza has, however, the expression puny-avyavachchhitti and the parrage mahatā mülyéna yat-käritam(tam) and the latter half the letters (Saulrēh buro ishfiturn mālākā.... lavdha(odha) pyamavyähatan(tam). It therefore seems that the king performnd the deud in question in the

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No. 261
FRAGMENTARY. MAURYA INSCRIPTION FROM MATHURA
209
chain of many other pious works and at the cost of a large sum of money. The purpose seems to have been to put garlands around the head of a deity whose name seems to read Sauri (i.e. Vishnu ; cf. the Vaishnavite adoration in verse 1). The aksharas mālākā may suggest mälākára mikāya, i.e. & guild of florists. In that case, it is possible to think that the king deposited & good out of money with a guild of florists as a permanent endowment for the supply of garlands regularly for adorning the head of the deity he worshipped. The next stanza (verse 4) contains the prayer pratidinan tāvat samāro hatu) which, together with the preserved parts of certain other passages, suggests that the garlands were meant to be placed on the deity's head every day so long as the sun and the moon would shine. In this context the passage va(ba)[ndhanam mahad=idam sua-śreyasē would show that the pious work of Dindirāja Karka related to bandhana (possibly mastaka-bandhana of the deity) and that it was done for his own merit.
According to verse 5, the eulogy (a word of this import is lost) was composed by a person whose name seems to be Bāla sēna and whose father's name ended in the aksharas llaka (of. names like Mallaka, Göllaka, etc.). The prose passage following this stanza was meant for mentioning the name of the engraver of the record ; but the name is lost. The word karanika qualifying the lost name is, however, clear on the impressions.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it mentions certain hitherto unknown rulers of the Maurya family, who flourished in the early medieval period. The genealogical information supplied by the present record may be tentatively tabulated as follows:
Krishnarāja (of the family of the Maurya kings)
Chandragupta
Aryarāja
Dindirāja alias Karka
(who burnt the city of Kānyakubja) None of these rulers is known from any other source. The name of Chandragupta seems to suggest that the tradition of the mighty Chandragupta (c. 324-300 B.C.), the great founder of the Maurya dynasty of Magadha, was not totally forgotten in the family as late as the early medieval period. The reference to Känyakubja, which is modern Kanoj in the Farrukhabad Distriot of Uttar Pradesh, probably suggests that the territory over which these early medieval Mauryas held sway included, as is also indicated by the findspot of the record, some of the south-western areas of Uttar Pradesh.
It is interesting to note in this connection that three early medieval branches of the Maurya dynasty are so far known. The first of these are the Mauryas of the Konkan, who are represented in the inscriptions of the Chālukyas as having been subdued by the Early Chālnkya king Kīrtivarman I (566-98 A.D.) and Pulakësin II (610-42 A.D.) of Bädāmi. An Inscription from Kanaswa in the old Kotah State of Rajasthan, dated in the Malava year (i.e. V.S.) 795-738 A.D., belongs to the Brāhmaṇa prince Sivagana who was a feudatory of king Dhavala or Dhavalātman
1 Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, part ii, pp. 282-84. * Above, Vol. VI, pp.4.3 (text line 4, verse 9); p. 6 (text line 10-11, verses 20-21). Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 58 .

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[VOL. XXXII
of the Maurya lineage. Another inscription1 from Waghli near Chalisgaon in West Khandesh mentions the Maurya chief Govindaraja who was the twenty-first descendant of the chief Kikata of the Maurya dynasty of Valabhi (i.e. modern Wala in Kathiawar) and ruled in Saka 991-1069 A.D. as a subordinate of the Yadava Mahamandalesvara Sõunachandra II of the Seuna country (i.e. modern Khandesh). But the facts that the palaeography of the inscription under study closely resembles, that of the Kanaswa inscription and that the Malwa-Rajasthan region is much closer to Mathura than the Konkan and Khandesh appear to connect the Mauryas mentioned in our epigraph with the Maurya king Dhavala of the Kanaswa inscription. It was probably these Mauryas who are referred to in the Nausari plates of the Gujarat Chalukya chief Pulakosin Avanijanäsraya, dated in the Kalachuri year 490-738 A.D. It is stated in that record that the Chalukya chief repulsed a Tajika (i.e. Arab) army which, after destroying the Saindhava, Kachchhella, Surashtra, Chavōṭaka (i.e. Chapōtkața), Maurya and Gurjara kings and wishing to penetrate the Dakshinapatha country, came to reduce the Navasarika territory under his rule. It was probably the Maurya king Dhavala who was defeated by the Arabs then in occupation of Sind.
DR. Bhandarkar was inclined to identify Maurya Dhavala of the Kanaswa inscription with Paramabhattaraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramesvara Dhavalappa, overlord of Guhilaputra Dhanika of Dhavagarti, mentioned in the Dhod inscription probably dated in the Gupta year 407-726 A.D. Dhavalappa, however, appears to be a South Indian (probably Kannada) name and the king may bave been related to Rashtrakuta Nannappa, bearing a similar appa-ending name, of the Indragarh (Mandasaur District, Madhya Pradesh) inscription of the Malava year (i.e. V.S.) 767-710 A.D. It has, however, to be admitted that the Maurya king's name is given in the Kanaswa inscription as Dhavalalman which may be a Sanskritisation of Dhavalappa. If Bhandarkar's identification is accepted, the southern name of a Maurya king of the MalwaRajasthan region may be explained by supposing that these Mauryas were related to the Mauryas of the Konkan in the south.
As already indicated above, it is very probable that Maurya Dhavala of the Kanaswa inscription belonged to the family referred to in the inscription under study. It also seems that the Mauryas of the Malwa-Rajasthan region were descendants of one of the Kumāra viceroys of the western province of the ancient Maurya empire, which had its headquarters at the city of Ujjayini. Since the Kanaswa inscription of V.S. 795 (738 A.D.) appears to be slightly later than the present record, king Dhavala may be tentatively regarded as one of the successors of Dindiraja Karka of our epigraph. The genealogy of these Mauryas would thus stand as follows:
Mauryas of the Malwa-Rajasthan Region
Krishnaraja Chandragupta
Aryurija
Dindiraja Karka
!
Dhavala, V.S. 795 (738 A.D.)
1 Above, Vol. II, pp. 221 ff. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1220. Cf. ibid., No. 1371 and note.
The inscription has been published (under the name Dabok inscription') above, Vol. XX, pp. 122 f. where the date has been road as the year 207 of the Harsha era corresponding to 813 A.D.
A. R. Ep., 1954-55, No. 188 of App. B; above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 112 ff.

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Page #291

FRAGMENTARY MAURYA INSCRIPTION FROM MATHURA
བཙ ད ན པ ཚ་མོས་
गरामधारका cཀary
Scale: Four tenths

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No. 267
FRAGMENTARY MAURYA INSCRIPTION FROM MATHURA
211
The only geographical name mentioned in the inscription is Kanyakubja, modern Kanoj in the Farrukhabad District, Uttar Pradesh. In the present state of our knowledge, it is not possible to determine who the Kanyakubja contemporary of Dindirāja Karka was. But he may have been an ancestor of the great Yasövarman who ruled from Kanoj in the first half of tho eighth century A.D.
TEXT:
[Metres : verses 1, 5 Anushțubh ; verses 2-4 Sārdūlavikridita.] 1 ..... | Siddham na[maḥ |] Kāl-āñjana-rajah-puñja-dyuta[yő] .. 2 ... [I*] [Ma*]hāvarāha-rūpāya jangamāsya) .. 3 .. [I 1*] [As*TI*]n=Maurya-nsip-ānvayè narapatiḥ śrt-Krishộarāj[8] -
--UUS d-Aryarāja-nçipatiḥ śri-Chandragupt-āt[m]a--- [*]
- Ulo [tu Djindirāja iti yaḥ Karkkaḥ pra --- U-1 --- hya12 [cha] Kānyakuvja(bja) m-ajayam yõ=bhāņi --
7
-
2*) ---UU-u nirmmala-mahipuny-zvyavachchhitta) -13
-UU-U- Etta) mahatā mūlyona yat-kāritam(tam) syā[d=a] -uu
-U-UUU- [Sau]rohu siro vēshțitun mālākās vu-. 10 U-UUU-[la]wlhabuha)vyam avyāhatam(tam) |[| 3*Bhāsvān=yāvald=8]
-
From impressions. I am indebted for a few suggestions to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra. At the left upper end of the inscribed stone, there are four aksharas which appear to be preceded by a damaged Siddham symbol and to read Ya[du]-ra(ra)jyle). As already noted above, these characters are slightly later than those of the record under study and are probably not a part of it.
* There are traces here of an akshara which may be jyé. It is difficult to determine its significance and to say whether the passage incised above this part and referred to in note above was written at a later date in imitation of the one that had been engravod hore.
* Expressed by symbol. . The lost syllables may be conjecturally restored as Vishnavi namah . An expression like mahatmanê would suit the contoxt. • The remnant of this vowel-mark suggests that it was of the ornamental type found in Sri in line 3. * We may suggest the restoration of a word like bali or jayi horo.
& The lost aksharas may be conjecturally restored as T'ad-namot-bhana'. The letter road as då should net be confused with nda. Cf. ndra in line 4 and dinar in lino 13.
• The intended word is no doubt atmaja. 10 Tho lost syllables may be conjecturally restored as an laeya. 11 The expression may be conjecturally restored as pratáp-dbrayad. 11 The words may be conjecturally restored as lan=nirdahya. 11 The intended word is most probably "chchhillaye.
14 Tho akshara before reb looks like sau; but the lower part of the right limb of l is not ornem or. 1:1 found elsewhere in the epigraph.
# Tho intended or pression may be mäläkara-rikdya, i.e. guild of the florists.
The word intended here may have been eau.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII UUU---U- siro bhūtir-bhūshayitum bhavaty-ati-sitä y[á] - --U -[l*---Uu valba)[ndba]'nam mahad=ida[m] sva-[bröya]së niv --- -uu-u-usti]dinam tāvat=sa māro u – [|| 4*].... ........ llaka?-[ū]n[u]nā [l*) rachita Vā(Bā)la[sē]*... ...... [ll 5*) (utkirņnā] karanika .....[*]
14 15
These two aksharas may be conjecturally restored as Sambhos. * We may suggest the restoration yaval-sudhansorziyam.
• The superscript in this conjunct appears to be n; but the subscript is doubtful. Can she reference be to mastaka-bandhanaris
• This is a conjunct. The superscript seems to be a ; but the subscript is doubtful. Can the intended reading of the expression be niéchalam or mistulam ?
• The expression is no doubt pratidinan. • The intended word is apparently samarõhatu. + The name was something like Mallaka, Gollata, etc. . The name seems to have been Balasēna and the expression Va(Ba)lastnéna.
• The name seems to have been written in three akshards with an e-matrà attached to the second of them. The traces suggest amukenneti.

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No. 26-NELKUNDA GRANT OF CHALUKYA ABHINAVADITYA
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, DHARWAR
As a contributor of an article on the antiquity of Bellary, I received a complimentary copy of the September (1953) issue of the Kannada journal Sarana Sahitya, Bangalore, in October 1953. This issue also contained an article on a copper-plate record of Chalukya Abhinavāditya1 by the late Shri Hulluru Shrinivasa Joyis of Chitradurg, Mysore State. The importance of the charter at once arrested my attention and I requested the Government Epigraphist for India to secure the original plates for examination and study. The plates were received in January 1954 through the Director of Archaeology, Mysore, and returned soon after. I edit the inscription on these plates here with the kind permission of the above authority from the set of impressions preserved in his office at Ootacaniund.
According to the information contained in the above-mentioned article of Shri Joyis, the plates were the ancestral property in the possession of the family of Pūjāri Bhimanna, a resident of the village of Gañjagatți in the Holalkere Taluk, Chitradurg District, Mysore State. They were obtained by S. Kesavayya, a relative of the owner, and handed over to Shri Joyis for deoipherment and study. The plates appear to have been later deposited in the local archaeological museum at Chitradurg.
This is a set of three copper-plates held together by a circular ring. The first and third plates are engraved on one side only while the second contains writing on both the sides. There is a ring-hole about inch in diameter, in the left margin of each plate for the ring to pass through. The plates measure almost uniformly 7 inches in length and 3 inches in breadth. The thickness of each plate is about inch. The ring is fastened to the bottom of a circular seal. The diameter of the ring is 3 inches and its thickness inch. The seal is about one inch in diameter. In the counter-sunk surface of the seal is the emblem of what looks like a boar facing left. The plates along with the ring and seal weigh 70 tolas, while the ring and seal weigh 18 tolas.
The charter comprises 28 lines of writing, which are distributed evenly on all the four sides of the plates. The characters are Telugu-Kannada of the 7th century, being normal for the period. They may be compared with those of the Karnul plates of Adityavarman and, allowing some margin of difference, with other cognate records such as the Talamanchi plates of Vikramaditya I.
Some of the letters exhibit cursive forms; for instance, na in Narayana (line 7), and l in lañchhana (line 8) and vallabha (line 13). Initial u occurs twice, in udita in line 2 and uchchasrimga in line 25. Medial i andì are distinguished, the former being indicated by a circle and the latter by a spiral at the top of the letter, e.g., Häriti in line 4. Except in one or two CAPES, anusvāra is generally retained. In uditam-ma° in line 2, it is turned into nasal in sandhi with the following letter.
1 The facsimiles of the plates are not reproduced along with the article, although it gives the text of the record, which needs improvement in certain places.
This name was formerly spelt as Chitaldroog.
The inscription is registered as C. P. No. 22 of 1953-54 and noticed briefly in the Report for the year. JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, plate facing p. 233. Above, Vol IX, plate facing p. 100.
(213)

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34
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXXII
In regard to orthography, the consonant following in a conjunot is doubled. This rule which is optional is wrongly applied even in the case of an exceptional letter sh, e.g., in Harshsha (line 10).
The language is Sanskrit and except for two verses, one at the beginning and another at the end, the composition is in prose throughout. The text is accurate excepting a few scribal errors.
The inscription commendes with the expression svasti. This is followed by a verse in the Anushtubh metre in praise of a foot of the god Hari, described as lustrous like the rising sun, and stated to have been raised to measure the earth and to crush the darkness in the form of the demon (Bali). The composer of the record has deliberately used the expression abhinav-āditya meaning the new sun' in the above description to convey through double entendre an allusion to the ruling king Abhinavāditya who issued the charter. Next are recounted the usual prakasti of the Chalukya or Chālukya house and the genealogy of the rulers belonging to it. In the genealogy are mentioned only three kings, viz., Paramējvara Satyábraya-prithivivallabha who vanquished Harshavardhana, i.e. Pula kēsin II, his son Adityavarman, and the latter's son Satyasrayaprithivivallabha ulias Abhinavāditya who issued the present charter. As in the case of Pulakēsin II, both Adityavarman and Abhinavāditya are endowed with the imperial titles Mahārājādhiraja and Paraměsvara.
King Abhinavaditya is stated to have issued an order to the concerned persons announcing the gift of the village Nelkunda, situated in the Uchohaspinga vishaya, free of all imposts to the Brāhmaṇa Kuppasarman of the Dēvarāta-Kausika götra, who was well-versed in the Vedas along with the Vēdāngas and engaged in performing the six-fold karman. The grant was made on the full-moon day of Bhadrapada in the increasingly victorious reign of the king, the specific year of the reign, however, not being mentioned. The epigraph concludes with the usual imprecatory verses.
The inscription is of great historical importance, as it not only reveals for the first time the existence of a hitherto unknown prince of the early Chalukya house of Bādāmi, but seems also to let in some new light on the dark period of its history following the defeat of Pulakēbin II at the hands of his adversary, Pallava Narasimha I. Pulakabin II vanishes from the political scene in 642 A.D. and his son Vikramaditya I emerges as a victor who re-established Chalukya supremacy in 656 A.D. About 13 years that intervened between these two events are characterised by paucity of historical information. It has been surmised that during this period a part of the Chālukya kingdom was under the occupation of the Pallavas and that although several sons of Pulakasin II aspiring for the Chālukya throne were ruling in different areas, none of them was powerful enough to drive away the enemy and assert his authority over the feudatories.
An elder son of Palakēbin II, who seems to have claimed sovereignty over the Chalukya empire during this period of Anarchy, although, in fact, his sway was apparently confined to the region of the Kurnool District, was Adityavarman. That the area under his authority might have also included parts of the adjacent Districts of Bellary and Chitradurg is indicated by the present plates. This Ādityavarman must no doubt be identical with his namesake whose
1 The Classical Age (The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III), p. 241. . Ibid., p. 242. See the discussion on the geographical names below.
A tradition, apparently wrong, sooms to have grown after a lapse of conturies that Adityavarman was father of Vikramaditya, being himself not the son but grandson of Pulakekin II. According to the Kauthem grant of 1009 A.D., e.g., Adityavarman was the son of Nedamari and grandson of Pulakokin II (Ind. Ant., Vol. Xvi, p. 17). A Davanagere inscription of 1123 A.D. substitutes the name Tidamari for Nedamari (Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 1), showing thereby the unreliable nature of the tradition (of. Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, Purt ii, p. 361, n. 2). It may. however, be noted that no such namo intervenes between Pulakokin IT and Adityavarman in the account given by the Kannada poet Ranna (982 A.D.) in his Gadayuddha (II, 8).

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No. 26]
NELKUNDA GRANT OF CHALUKYA ABHINAVADITYA
son Abhinavaditya issued the charter under study. Abhinavaditya who was also called Satyairaya-prithivivallabha, evidently after his grandfather Pulakesin II, is known for the first time through our record. It is noteworthy that like his father Adityavarman, Abhinavaditya also claimed the imperial titles, Mahārājādhirāja and Paramèsvara, which imply his right over the Chalukya empire. As it is reasonable to assume that no other prince of the Chalukya house claiming sovereign status was permitted to rule in any part of the kingdom after the accession of Vikramaditya I in 655 A.D., we may assign the rules both of Adityavarman and his son Abhinavāditya within the span of 13 years, 642 to 655 A.D. With the ascendancy of Vikramaditya I, Abhinavāditya, a rival as he was, might have been dislodged from his position and reduced to a state of nonentity.
Only two geographical names are mentioned in the record. Uchoha ringa-vishaya wherein the gift village was situated, must evidently have taken the name after its chief town Uchchasringa. This place is identical with the present village of Uchchangidurga in the Harapanhalli Taluk, Bellary District. On account of its well-fortified and strategic situation, it played a conspicuous role in the history of the region during the early and medieval period. A copperplate charter of the Early Kadamba king Harivarman was issued in the fourth year of his reign from Uchcha ringi. This place appears to have been made their headquarters by a few more members of the Early Kadamba line. It was one of the capitals of the Nolamba-Pallava rulers." A later line of the Kadamba feudatories and chiefs of Pandya extraction also ruled here." It was one of the strongholds subjugated by Hoysala Vishnuvardhana in the course of his northern expedition."
An inscription at Uchchangidurga itself, dated 1064 A.D., describes the place as having been situated in the district of Kadambavadi. Indulging in a legendary account of its different names, it further states that it was known as Meghanada, Vira-Kanakagiri, Uttunga-parvata and Uchohangi-parvata, respectively in the Krita, Trētā, Dvapara and Kali ages. The gift village Nekunda has to be identified with the modern village of Nalkunda situated in the Davanagere Taluk, Chitradurg District. It thus appears that Uchchasringa-vishaya embraced areas in the adjacent Districts of Bellary and Chitradurg.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Svasti || Jayaty-abhinav-adi1otya-ruchi pada-tala[m] Hareḥ [*] 2 uditam-mātum=avani[m*] sur-ārāti-tamō-paha[m*] |11 [1*] Śrīma
3 ta[m] sakala-bhuvana-samstuyamana-Manavya-sagō
4 traņām Häriti-putrāņām sapta-lōka
5 matribhiḥ Sapta-matṛibhir-abhivarddhitānām Kārttikë
6 ya-parirakshana-prapta-kalyaṇa-parampară
215
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 30.
2 Cf. Kadamba Kula, p. 36.
Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 371.
4 Cf. Kadamba Kula, pp. 232 ff.
Hist. Ins., S. Ind. op. cit., p. 373.
Bomb. Gaz., Vol. 1, Part ii, p. 496.
7 SII, Vol. IX, Part i, Ins. No. 126.
From impressions.
Metre: Anushṭubh.
10 On account of defect in the engraving, the medial i sign on the top of this letter is detached.
11 This punctuation mark is shown by two curves, one above the other, the upper one looking like the top matra. 10 This anuseara is shifted to the top of the following sa.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
Second Plate, First Side 7 [ņā]*[*n*) bhagavan-Nārāyaṇal-prasāda-sama
8 samāösādita-Varaha-lañchhan-ēkshana-kshaņa-vabi. 9 [krit-Jara(62)sha-mahïbhritām Chalukyanām-anvayam=alau10 kari[shņu®]sakal-Ottarāpa[th7]*%[v]'ara-sri-Harshsha(rsha)11 va[rddha"]na-parājay-õpalabdha-Paramēsvar-āpa12 ra-nāmadhēyasya sri-Satyasraya-prithivi13 vallabha-ma hārājādhiraja-paramökva14 rasya pautraḥ srimad-Adityavarma-10
Second Plate, Second Side 15 prithivivallabha-mahārājādbirāja-paramēšva16 rasya tanaya(yah) | naya-vinay-ādi-sāprajya"-gu17 ņa-samppannaḥ Pannagapati-bhoga-sadrifa-bhuja18 parigba-yugalaḥ śrīmad-Abhinavādity-para19 nămadhěyaḥ Sri-Satyasraya-prithivivallare(bha)20 mahärājādhirāja-paramēšvaraḥ sarvvān=ēva21 m=ājñāłpayati viditam=astu võ=smā bhiḥ satata
Third Plate 22 pravarddhamana-räjya-sa[m]vatsarë Bhadrapada-(pau]rppar - 23 syām Dēvarāta-Kausika-sagotrāya Vēda-Vēdāmga24 pāragāya shat-karma-niratāya Kuppasarmmaņē 26 Uchchassimga-vishaye Nelkunda-nāma-grāmam(mah) sarvva26 paribāram dattaḥ ||148va-dattā[m*) para-dattām vā yo 27 haréta vasundharam(räm) [l] shashţi-varshsharsha)-sa basrāņi 28 vishtā(shthā)yam*] jāyatē tri(kri)miḥ ||[2*]
1 The shape of this letter is peculiar, the nail-like mark above, possibly indicating its length. * This ma and the following pra are not properly shaped. • Omit these two letters as they are unnecessarily repeated.
The letters krit-ao are engraved oursively and do not bear the usual form. The superscript ah looks more like ma. •The right curve of this letter being omitted it looks like ţe. * As the bottom of the subscript v is left open it looks like g. . This letter is partially cut off on account of the incision of the ring-hole. . This ma is not properly engraved.. 1. There is some narrow space after this, sufficient for engraving about three letters; but it is left blank, at Thin wmng word may be restored possibly as sämrajya or samråd 11 The cursive form of this letter is noteworthy.
This punctuation mark is indicated by a sign looking like the letter ya. u Metre : Anushubh. 1. There is hook-like mark above this letter.
1. This punctuation mark ongraved aftur odie blank space, is indicated by a sign looking like the letter I fol. lowed by a small ourve.

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NELKUNDA GRANT OF CHALUKYA ABHINAVADITYA
A2:558 12/53 423(2)
of 20 209 22
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1 2
3
4
5
1.b
239 (0 - 02 03 04 0(0) 16 3 234 23 1846 คน
JU
200บม28233| ) 18 ปี 3 4
Scale: Three-fourths

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5) ਰਸ ਨੂੰ ਨਾ ਤਾ ਟੋਰ
ਨਬਰ ਨੂੰ ਨਾਨਾ, ] Z3 : ਣ
26
28
SEAL
(from a Photograph)

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No. 27–KUNTAGANI PLATES OF KADAMBA RAVIVARMAN , YEAR 12
(1 Plate)
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND
These plates were published about fifteen years ago by Dr. H. D. Sankalia in the New Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV (1941-42), pp. 178-81 (Plate opposite page 220). As I felt that the reading of the text and its interpretation could be improved, I requested Dr. Sankalia to send me the original plates which were in the Doocan College Research Institute, Poona. Dr. Sankalia very kindly arranged to send the plates to me and also permitted me to re-edit them. Accordingly, the insoription is edited in the pages of this journal with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The plates are known to have been found at Kunțagani, a village about 50 miles north-west of Banavasi in the Sirsi Taluk of North Kanara District in the present Mysore State. This village is inoluded in the Ankola Taluk of the same District. The set consists of three copper-platos, oach measuring 6.4 inches by 1.9 inches. There is a hole, about .5 inch in diameter, on the left side of each plate, through which passes the ring with the seal. The ring is about 2 inches in diameter, while the seal which is oval in shape, measures 1.2 inches by 1 inch. In the counter-Bunk surface of the seal is a figure which is rather difficult to make out. Possibly it represents the standing figure of an animal. The first and the third plates are inscribed on the inner side only while the second plate has writing on both sides. The first and the second plates contain 3 lines of writing each and the third plate has 4 lines. Eseh line contains about 20 aksharas, except the last line of the third plate which has about 12 aksharas. As some portions of the plates have flaked off, the letters are damaged in these portions. The plates, together with the ring and the seal, weigh 45 tolas.
The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets and are regular for the period to which the record belongs. They resemble the alphabet of the Sirbi and Halsi plates of the same king. As regards individual letters, t is written throughout without the loop, whether used as single or in conjunction. The closed or box-type of b is found in lines 3, 4, and 11. Attention may be drawn to the form of in line 8, the sign for ph is found in lines 9 and 12 and that for upadhmd. niya in line 2. As regards orthography, it may be observed that the consonant following ris roduplicated' while the sibilant sh is correctly not so reduplicated.
The language of the record is Sanskrit and, except the two imprecatory verses at the end, the text is in prose.
The inscription belongs to the reign of the Kadamba Maharaja Ravivarman of the Early Kadamba dynasty. It records that, on the full-moon day of the month of Srāvana in the twelfth year of his reign, the king granted 24 nivartanas of land situated on either side of.a tank-bund which he casued to be construoted in the village of Variyaka. The donoe of the grant was one Bhavasvåmin of the Dhaumya götra, who was well-versed in the Vedas.
It is rogistered as No. 25 of A. R. Bp., 1966-68, App. A. IN. Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, p. 178. . Above, Vol. XVI, Plato opposite p. 270. . Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, Plates between pp. 26-29. For a diaoussion on this feature, se above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 146-47.
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[Vol. XXXII
The inscription does not supply any new historical information either with regard to the king or to his date. As many as seven inscriptions belonging to his time have been discovered so far and the present record will be the eighth. Two of his copper-plate grants have been already published in the pages of this journal. His Sirsi plates are dated in his 35th year showing that he ruled at least for 35 years. According to the revised chronology of the Kadamba dynasty, Ravivarman has been assigned to the period circa 484-519 A. D.
The grant was issued from Vijaya-Panktipura. The other known grants of this king have been issued either from Vaijayanti or Palātikā.' So the present inscription is the only one known so far, which is issued from Panktipura. I have shown elsewhere that this Panktipura should be identified with modern Hangal in the Dharwar District of Mysore State and that it is not another name of Vaijayanti as supposed by Dr. Sankalia. Panktipura is also mentioned as Pänktipura in the Kirukuppatur grant of Kadamba Krishnavarman II. Here it occurs as Pămktipura-vishaya which is evidently the region round about Hangal. In later records the placename appears as Pantipura or Panthipura and is subsequently replaced by Panurgal which is the earlier name of modern Hangal.
In connection with the gift of the land the following expression occurs in the record : Kärppatëdvara[m=iti chaturvviméats-nivarttanan pukkoli kshetrar....
The portion given in brackets is damaged as a chip of the copper has peeled off there. Howover the traces of the letters can be seen and the reading chaturvvim sati can be restored without difficulty. But it is difficult to make out the two aksharas after Kärppatēsvara which I have proposed to read asom=iti. If this reading is accepted, then Kārppatēśvara may be the name of the land granted. Probably the land belonged originally to a person or god called Kärppatēbvar. The meaning of pukkoli is also not clear to me. It might suggest the variety or kind of land granted. This #xpression occurs also in the Sirsi plates referred to above and in a copperplato grant of the Bhoja king Käpälivarman.' At the end of the record, there is an endorsement referring to a house-site and some land in the village. The purport of this endorsement is not clear.
The village Variyakā may be modern Bargi about 14 miles to the south-west of Kuntagani.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Bvasti [l*) Vijaya-Panktipurē Svāmi-Mah[äsēna-mā]trigap-Anu2 fddh]'yāt-ābhishikto Mānavya-(sagð]otro Hăriti-(putra)"h=pratikrita-svä3 ddhyāya-charchohim-Kadambånäm=mahārāja-bri-Ravi[va]rmmā Variyaka
1 Nilambar plates, above, Vol. VIII, pp. 146 ff; Sirsi plates, ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 264 ff.
JOR, Vol. XVII, p. 42.
• Valjayanti was the capital of this Kadamba dynasty and is identified with modern Banayisi in the North Kanara District while Palagikā is identical with modern Helsi in the Khanapur Taluk of the Belgaum District.
• JOR, Vol. XVIII, pp. 188-89.
• Karnatak Inscriptions, Vol. II, No. 1; for the correct reading of the place-name, see JOR, Vol., XVIII, p. 189.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. X. p. 251.
Above, Vol. XXXI, p. 233 and note 7. The aptual forms in thede records are pulkali and pukkolli. . From the original plates and impressions.
The portion covering letters given in the bracketa has peeled off ; but still traces of the letters are seca on the Plates, since the engraving is fairly deep.
** Rond charchcha parāpāte.

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KUNTAGANI PLATES OF KADAMBA RAVIVARMAN, YEAR 12
போது '
பாக்பால் -
4.6
UL
Scale: Actuall

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10
12
iii
JUETYPE
17,92 Pai Rijada
SEAL
(from a Photograph)
10
12

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No. 27] KUNTAGANI PLATES OF KADAMBA RAVIVARMAN, YEAR 19 919
Second Plate, First Side 4 grāmå tātāka-bandham kārayitvā tasy-obhaya-parsvayo[h*) Kärppatēsva[ram=iti cha
turvvim sati
5 nivarttanah pukkoli-kshetram Dhaumya-sagotriya BhavaavāmiB no vēda-päragāya sva-varddbamâna-vijaya-sa(sazh)vatsarë dvädasē
Second. Plate, Second Side 7 Brāvana-paurnnamäsyä[m=anëka]e-vijñāpanēn-dehf(kshi)pa-dana-vidhini 8 dattayan-su-puny-artham=pūrvva-rāja-sthity-&naya(yäl) yö-sy=&pahartt[4] .* 9 mahāpataka-bamyukto bhavati [l*) yas-ch-abhirakshitā sa punya-phala
Third Plate 10 [bhag]-bhavat=Ity=uktan-cha (11") [8va-dattām para-dattam vă) yð harðta vasundhari
(rm) []*] shashti--
11 varsha-sahasrani pachyatē (nara]ke bhriban(sam) (1) Babubhir=vvasudha bhukta raja
12 [bhi]s-Sagar-adibhish 1*) yasya yasya yadā bhumis-tasya tasya tada phala[m] ||*2
18 grim[a gri]hasthana[th] nivarttana[th cha)
1'In this portion which has also ponded off, the lower part of rs to preserved and the trace of Its upper part cat bs seen on the plate. The noxt two lotters which are read maits are not clear. In the next word, the vowel w of t mod the subscript of ruvinto an preserved and the letters oan be read chainrovints
This portion is very much dofaced Rond dattavdrzevao.

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No. 28-GRANT OF MAHARAJAKULA JAITRASIMHADEVA, V. S. 1347
(2 Plates)
SADHU RAM, NEW DELHI
The present inscription is engraved on a set of two copper plates measuring 18.5"x12" each and weighing both together 497 tolas. They are preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. The first plate is engraved on one side only, while the second bears writing on both the sides. There are two holes, " in diameter, along the longer side on both the plates, evidently meant for the rings to keep them together. The rings seem to have been lost.
The record is composed in Sanskrit verse and prose, of which the panegyrical portion is in verse and the documentary part in prose. The poetry is laboured and highly artificial, and abounds in alliterations. The record is written in the Nagari script of the 13th century A. D. The execution of engraving on the first plate is better and contains fewer errors than that on the two sides of the second plate, which appears to have been done by an apprentice. As regards orthography, there is v for b except in some words. The medial vowels è, ai, ō and au are formed with a prishtha-mātrā stroke. There is a good deal of confusion between the execution of the letters n and t, y and p, m and 8, etc. I have avoided to make the transcribed text cumbersome by inserting too many such corrections within brackets, and have often given the correct readings as they should have been.
The record is dated in the year 1347 of the Vikrama era, which corresponds to 1290 A. D. It records of the grant of the village of Takari by Mahārājakula Jaitrasimhadeva to twentysix Brahmanas of the Srimali caste, whose names, along with the gōtra and the name of each one's father, are given from line 33 to 44. Takart is described as situated in the jurisdiction of Nandapadra, which is probably identical with Nandapura on the bank of the Revä (v. 10), and was the capital of the kingdom during the reign of Visaladeva, the elder brother of Jaitrasimhadeva. The genealogy of this ruling family (raja-vaméa), called Vaijavapayana in v. 2 and merely Vijapayana in line 31, is given as follows:
Maharajakula Chachigadeva
I Maharanaka Södhaladeva
1
Maharanaka Jesaladeva
Visaladeva
Mahārājakula Jaitrasimhadeva
It is rather difficult to identify this Vaijavapayana family. We have a reference to a Vaijavapa götra in the Rasikapriya, a commentary on Jayadeva's Gitagovinda by Rāņa Kumbhakarna, in which Bappa (V. S. 1342), the founder of Göhila-vamsa is referred to as dvija-pumgava and belonging to the Vaijavapa götra. In view of this, all that we can hazard is that this Vaijavapayana family may have been a branch of the same Gōhila stock.
The problem of identification is also complicated by the fact that the names occurring in this genealogy were very common among the Rajput families of that period. For instance, one
1 The inscription was published by Shri Amrit V. Pandya in his New Dynasties of Gujarat History, 1950, pp. 15 . and Plates.
The caste derives its name from the district of Srimala and the town situated in it.
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No. 28]
GRANT OP MAHARAJAKULA JAITRASIMHADEVA, V. 8. 1347
221
Jaitrasimha is mentioned in the Balvan (Kotah District) inscription of the Chäbamans Hammira of Ranastambhapura, dated V. 8. 1345, almost contemporaneous with the present grant which is dated V. S. 1347. Similarly, there are a number of Chāchigadēvas and Visu ladēvas, but none of them belonged to the Vaijavāpāyana or Vijapāyana family.
We shall, therefore, try to locate the family from whatever historical information we can glean from the text of the inscription. We know that Mahārājakula and Mahārānaka are not royal titles, but only feudatory epithets, notwithstanding the extravagant praise the panegyrist has lavished on their owners. Mahārājakula Chächigadēva, the founder of the family, is called nripa. Being the great-grandfather of Jaitrasimhadēva, the donor of the present grant, dated V. S. 1347, he must have lived soniewhere about V. S. 1270, and was most probably a feudatory of the Chaulukya king Bhima of Gujarat. In the inscription he is described as the extirpator of the Mālavas. The possible explanation of this feat of his valour that we can offer is that he might have helped Lavanaprasūda and his son Viradhavala, the faithful Vāghēlā adherents of Bhima, in defeating Dēvapāla, the Paramāra king of Mālava in a battle fought at Abu in V. 8. 1288. The panegyrist may have made a big boast of it in order to please his patron.
Chichigadēva's son Södbala is said to have been described as Mandalesa ya ja-kësarin by the minstrel tribes in their songs (v.5). He may have put down some Mandalēsvaras, the feudatory chiefs or provincial governors, who had often rebelled against the kingdom of Gujaråt during the reign of Bhima or even later during the reign of the Vāghēlās who supplanted the Chaulukyas in Gujarat. Among the offsprings of Södhala, was one Jēsala who proved himself to be the jewel of a ruler by bringing happiness and prosperity to his subjects. Unfortunately, he lost his life in a fierce battle against certain enemies whose names are not mentioned. Both Sodhala and Jēsala bore the title of Mahārāņaka, and were, therefore, the feudatories of the king of Gujarāt like their ancestor.
The name of Jēna ladēva's son Visaladēva is omitted altogether from the genealogy repeated in the documentary prose portion of the record. While still a youngster, he is said to have pleased Arjuna, the king of the Gurjaras by his courage in the battles. This Arjuna was probably no other than the Chaulukya Vaghela king of Gujarat of that name who fought against the Yādavas in order to foil their repeated attacks to capture Bhrigukachchha. He might have entrusted the sole command of these military expeditions to Visaladēva, his faithful feudatory, and, being pleased with his valorous achievements, given him the territory of Nanda padra as & reward for his services (verse 10). This would justify the encomium bestowed on Visaladēva by the panegyrist in verse 14. Visaladēva ruled over Nandapura (his capital) very benevolently as a semi-independent ruler. This Nandapura was near Bhrigukachchha (modern Broach) in the Narmadā-tata mandala. Later on, Visaladēva dared an attack on a Muhammadan ruler who had a very powerful army, and was killed in action. No clue is given-ay to the identity of this Munammadan ruler. It is interesting to note that the nanies of more than one Visaladēvas are associated with the extirpation of the Mlēchchhas or Turushkas (both terms indiscriminately applied to Muhammadans or even other foreigners). On the Asoka pillar at Kotla Firoz. Shāh, Delhi, we have an inscription of the Sākambhari king Virala dēva, also called Vigraharāja (V. S. 1220), who is described as the exterminator of the Mlēchchhas. Again, in the Pattanārāyana inscription of Paramāra Pratārasimha (V. S. 1344), we find Visala, the son of Bhādadēva and the ruler of Mälava, extolled as the sole conqueror of the Turu hka hosts (cf. verse 42).
This Visala dēva was, however, alive in 1344 V. S., and may have been a representative of Sárangadēva, the son and successor of Arjuna on the throne of Gujarat. Evidently, he was a 1 Ind Ant., Vol. XLX, pp. 215 ff. The verse is quoted in the Sarngadharapaddhati.
Ibid., Vol. XLV, p. 79.

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[VOL XXXII
different person from Visu ladēva of this grant, though he appears to have been his contemporary. Visala dēva of our grant does not seem to have ruled for a long time. After his premature death, he was succeeded by his younger brother Jaitrasimhadēva, the donor of this grant, who, we learn from verge 25, was a feudatory chief, owing allegiance to the king of Gujarāt like his elder brother.
Unless the vague allusions in the record, such as (i) the extirpation of the Mālavas (v. 3) by Chāchigadēva, (ii) the fierce battle of Jēka ladēva with unnamed enemies (v. 8), and (iii) the unnamed powerful Muhammadan ruier (Mlēchchhēsvara) who was attacked by Visaladēva (v. 10), are understood with some sort of certainty, it is difficult to identify the family under question and fix its place in history. Let us hope more literary or inscriptional evidence might be discovered to shed some light on the problem.
Among the geographical names in tho inscription, Nanda padru or Nandapura is modern Rajpipla which name was introduced in the place of Nandöd about 1920 in order to avoid its confusion with Nandod and Nandol (near Ahmodabad) and Nāudol (in Marwar). It is still popularly called Nündöd and people remember its ancient names Nandapura and Nandapadra. It is mentioned in early epigraphs as Nandipuri and Nandipura and in medieval inscriptions as Nandapadra. The village Takärl (modern Tankari) is situated about 8 miles to the west of Sahirāvi (modern Sēlräv opposite Tilakvāda) and about 25 miles to the east of the village of Rundha. The word shadda (line 49) corresponds to Prakrit khadda, meaning 'a nullah'. Āmkull and Dhamani were the local names of the nullahy. The second of the two nullahs is still extent under the name of Dhainni Khadi.
In line 48, we have trivatīyāṁ (for trivasiyāyām or trivatyäm) which appears to be derived from Sanskrit tri-vartman and may mean 'near a place where three roads meet'. Or, like Panohavați, Trivaţi may be the name of a place where there was a group of three banyan trees. Ekahala-halaikasya(halikasya?) probably means of the fariner posscusing only one plough'. In Bhabhibūfīyā (line 50), büfiya is a Gujarati word meaning 'a koil or small mound'. Bhainbhi may have been its local name.?
TEXTз Metres : Verses 1-4,9,11-12,22 Uvajāti; verses 5-8,17-21 Rathordhatā ; verse 10 Indravajrā; verses 13-14 Arya ; verses 15-16,25-27 Vasantatilakā; verses 23-24 Sārdūlavikridila.]
First Plate 1 ॥८०॥ विधेविधेयात्कारसम]संगी सुखं पयःपात्रमयो मराल: । यत्कंठनाला
()21 siti TITT TITÈ fa (fa)2 | HITENI [1*]0[11*) star tet prateadfafegit | Haq
श्वाचिगदेवनामा नामाद्यशो यास्य जगत्त्र3 11 asfq 11111* SITTETT FTTHAT TAOT H AI: 1 pais:)
पून तलभानुभर्ता विभाति तान्वाथ महाम- ।' For the location of these places, I am indebted to Shri A. V. Pordyn, Director, Institute of Archæology, Vallabh Vidyanagar, Bombay State, who originally discovered the copper plates from the palace stores at Rajpipla.
. For these suggestions, I am indebted to Prof. H. C. Bhayani of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Pembay. . From impressions. • Every line begins with two such vertical strokes. . * This may be intended for a symbol for Om. • Thla stroke is redundant.

Page #308

GRANT OF MAHARAJAKULA JAITRASIMHADEVA, V. S. 1347—PLATE I
HOT माल म razemarया काशलाकयनालाइ बलानुलतागमाजमादा 2 अदला बोटात जासयनरावामिनावर शासनाचगानामानासाका
2 अपातर पतीनाताखलन
माननजताउस्तादतात 4हात नाविनाशवा RNARनमिलाप सराइरातिवशशाह
4 Malai सिनक सम् सामनस्तारि वससिहालगताकसरिनामा यसपातनावला Kirae तसा आनघणकिमपिसयासी
जसरसाइकमावतीवसुमतासकलालमायाला पानवासा तामिरसित करिलतिकारागसमान वयाशाविशदवायुद्दाहर रामासगार यमसहचमिाहत्या तसाए लक अदिवासही वसातगावासावाला 8
कल्पोझमरुनही मरल मडान सानो लदवनासकामातिरामाकरमा पजाणारा 100रावर महादसाना ए बाला
पिलातामसलनेन्नमनियन परराई तामाह 10 PARजसलादजन्मासनमाला नयान पर वकालतानोरमसन्नसातलझान वालमाताराना 12वीडडासा पर सवार चयमानमालाचा स्वमनासारनितिन या कादवावारूपस 12
नस्ल मानिनिमिया मला सतानिय यास तासानिमा निशयाकाशनका मजाक लायादवराला करयन व
यात माया तितका मामीसलामतशालसबालम 14 मिश्वर्यता गमवयस एक्स रस कल गरेकदर्पयारिहवार भरतरतीपणमसालनासाहरामा 16 रनरअपाणबाय कादरकाशमला कुलिािवानर इससवारनासरचनामावता साकार
मनीस लसुराणालबारितधनातन संतसजकरीजसस 18सामन्जनाला सावकालिकादरामपुस्तिका महासकार बन्न
वरना मनात गार्यशातिनातिमामातनहानियामाहवाहिनीने दात
Scale : One-half

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20 वाला सत्यता यमाला सहज भट्रीराइ वडा नसलन यात वाइवान माहवामान
का मानिव रावराणां ।।२९। या उ लावलदानहाइमरवनदुराना करवाना राइ निराकार मागीयानावराद दाविद
सिसयामा विशालकापतानाना व मनाच समानामादि नाद बन पातानना सानियत र भारपाका सरपार शामजास तटावलामी में उतरा याहा राजा
जगातीसराहातमा मिति सवसन्त्रासात मजलकाकादमदमसनानदाता लागलिश माला २३पाने करसनता मरिराजरा विमाननाददाताव राव रविडारहरि हरिनामान पारख Meiगाउलीस मलसालिनतामा प्रशार राशीमाले नम हावाकाविड यास्तारितमालावत ना२४पतियानल
पित्रमतारा सातमुनि नयति मापदन्त ॥ीमा नबदहि निर्विकारद का नाम समतातिवारिक MAILयावशकतारादर्शतजानलाहारामालानतारा जीन गानागाववाटामद मानवाद विलाया लागतातयः सबलताव।।२६ सालचाल मलबजाणादलवाना सदा विएना सावजया Ired तादादासंबरारकारमादिगा उसरकाशनशासनामदनशानाहाअत्याधामनक्कना या राजका साला निवडक बादादरा सजदारशासनकातकाडीनमागान
महाराजा का सदा नगारिकतमानासहारापकास दलादनासाचारागाहाराणकः सतार वति Kाबामहाराजामहरिद गजनतासाजावातालता वा वासला गन्नमसाभार
पटिया सुवापिका सार रासायलियो नाविका वासरूसमसागाजावाड नाकात 34 दियाँदित्य उपनेता सविसवासन दिमकमाणावारत्रता दिलाएटोला मला 36 साना व सावरा मीवित देव रामसितास वा प्रादतरता विशिक संवतारमान, सोफा

Page #310

No. 28] GRANT OF MAHARAJAKULA JAITRASIMHADEVA, V. 8. 1347 2 23 - 4 ॥ होभिः ॥३[॥*] ततोऽभवद्वेरिविनाशकालः सुधीरधीः सोढलभूमिपालः । यस्य प्रताप
. प्रसरादरातिवंशप्ररोहो न [कदाचिदा-1 5 ॥ सीत् ॥४[*] शूरसैनिकसमूहसमेतं दृप्तवैरिभटभंजिभुजंग(ग) [*] मंडलेशगजकेसरि
नामा(म्ना) यं भणंति भुवि भट्टकुलानि ॥५[*] [तद्भ]8 ॥ वे(वो)ऽथ नृपतिर्भवभाजां भूषणं किमपि जेसल पासीत् । येन धन्य
महसा सहसाऽभूद्भास्वती वसुमती सकलापि ॥६[*] येन सर्व7 ॥ विभुना कलुषात्मस्वास्यतासिरसितः कुटिलेषु । निष्कलंकरजनीकरकल्प
सज्जनेषु च यशो विशदेषु ॥७॥*] युद्धदुर्द्धर॥ धराधिपतीनां संगरे यमसुहृत्व(त्व)मिहैत्य । वत्सरः कतिभिरप्यधिकेच्छुर्देव
देवसुहृदेव स जातः ॥[*] श्रीजेसले १ ॥ कल्पवृक्षे मरुन्महीमंडलमंडनेऽस्मिन् । [नृपो]ऽभवद्वीसलदेवनामा कामाभिरामाकृति
रस्य पुत्रः ॥९[॥*] यो गूज- ॥' 10 ॥ राधीश्वरमजता(र्जुना)ख्यं संतोष्य बाल्येऽपि माधेषु भास्वा]न् । रेवा
लु (भु)वो भूषणरत्नभूतमानंदयत्न(नं)दपुरं रराज ॥१०[॥*] तमो ह- ॥ 1 ॥ रन् जेसलदेवजन्मा सन्मार्गलग्नं जनयत् (न्) जनं च । विपक्षपक्षक्षयकालरात्री
रेमे स भूमीतलशीतलांशुः ॥११॥*] स्मितं वि12 ॥ तन्वन्नजडास्यपद्म यः सर्ववा (वी) रप्रभुतामुपैति । प्रशून्यचेष्टाचतुरोऽस्य
मंत्री चित्रं स रेजे विजयार्कदेवः ॥१२[॥*] वीरस्य स॥ ज्जनस्य च लक्ष्म्याश्च विनिर्मितस्य मूलेन । यस्य प्रतापविनयश्रियां भवो
भाति सातिशयः ॥१३[*] एकोऽनेकमनीकं 14 ॥ यादवराजस्य वारयन् बहुशः । कीत्ति स (च) यां जगत्या (त्या) यो दक्षिण
भटकवा[ट][य*]ति ॥१४[*] श्रीवीसलः सुकृतशील' सलीलमग्य18 ॥ मैश्वयंभोगमनुभूय स एवमुर्त्यां । म्लेच्छ]श्वरं सकलराजकदर्पदारिदुर्वार
भूरिभटभीषणमभ्यधावत् ॥१५[*] दुर्मत्सरा[तु]18. ॥ रतुर (रु) ककृपाणबाणकोदंडकायशकलाकुलितां धरित्रीं । कृत्वा नटद्भटभयंकरभंगुर
धूम्राजिष्णुरेव च विवेश सुरे1॥ ॥ शंघाम ॥१६[*] वीसले सुरसरागासुंदरी पाणिपल्लवनिवारितश्रमे । जैत्रसिंह इति
तत्सहोदरः प्राज्याराज्यभवभो]ग
I This strokomwell mtwo much strokes occurring at the end of linen9-10, are redundanta
* It should be okrita-Nas. The vluarga is dropped either for the oxigenoy of motro or by an unoommon aundN.

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224
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
18
॥ भागभूत् ॥ १७[ ॥ *] [यस्य ] सौधसविध[क्ष ] मातलक्षोदमेदुरितकाय कृत्तयः । दासका इव नमन्मदाः [सदा शत्रवो विनय
19
।। मेव तन्वते ।।१८ [ || * ] येन तेन सुर ( ? ) शौर्यशोभिना निर्ममेऽभिनक् कीर्त्तिकौमुदी । या द्विषद्विषमदा[ह्त्स]तां हृन्मुखां
. Seconil Plate, First Sile
20
।। वु (बु)जदलं व्यकासयत् ॥ १९ [ ||* ] यन्मनः सहजसुंदरोदयं जातसज्जत (न) युति व्यराजत । प्रौढपुत्रमहिषीम
21
।। तल्लिका उग्रमाप्त (प्त ) मिव शर्करागुणं ॥ २ [ || * ] यो भुजाव ( ब ) लदलन्महाद्रुमं खड्गमुद्धरमिहैकमुद्वहन् । ख[ग]राज
22
॥ इति राजसंगमे गीयते बिरुदवादिवदिसिः (भिः) । २१ [ ॥ * ] ऐश्वर्ययोगाद्भुवि सा (भा) - ति जैत्रपंचाननो[s]सौ वि ( कि ) मिवात्रचित्र
। स (सं) तो
यदे
23
॥ तद्गुणवण्ण (र्ण ) नाय शताननाः संति शतं पुरस्तात् ॥२२ [ ॥ * ] एकोऽयं रणरंगमल्लसुभटत्रे (श्रेणीमणीमंडतं (लं) गर्ज दु (६) ज्र्जयदोर्युगो
24
॥ विजयते श्रीजैत्रसिंहो नृपः । यस्यासिः प्रतिपक्षवक्षसि वसन्नाधत्त ति (नि) त्यज (ब)लच्छोकाविप्मदमद (विष्कृत मंद) धूमलतिकाली
25
॥ लामलिश्यामलः ॥२३ [ ॥ *] एकैकं यदने [क] सूरिवचसां विभ्रांतिविच्छेदकृत् (द्) वैरिस्वैरविहारहारि हरितामंतेषु यत्खेल
26
27
|| ति । यद्गंगाजलसि (नि) र्मलं भुजो विजयते चारित्रमस्यैव
॥ [* मा]तृपितृ' प्रभूतां (भूत) श्रेयः कृते
(षड्) द्विमितविप्रकरे टकारी ग्रामः समं नवति (नि) धानसरोव
स (म) लिनतामाधत्त दुश्चेतसां श्रीम[ज्जै ] महीतत् ॥ २४ [ ॥ * ] एतेन वीसल
स्वपतिसंय (म)तिमाप्य दत्तः । श्रीमालवट्
28
॥ राज्यैः (द्यैः) ॥२५[॥ * ] यावच्च कांतशशिदर्शनजातलज्जास्ताराः स्फुरति नितरां गगनांगणे ता[:*] । यावच्च कृष्णपद' सेवनकृद्दि -
29
॥ नेशो ग्रामे द्विजा गतभियः प्रसवं ( वसं) तु तावत् ॥ २६ [ ॥ * ] श्रीमाल भालमणिवल्लणदेवसूतौ (नौ) सर्वाधिपत्यसचिवे विजया ॥"
30
॥ कीद (कंदे) वे । संवत्सरे तुरगवेदगुणें दुसंख्ये जैत्रेण शासनमिदं ससृजे द्विजेभ्यः ॥२७ [॥*] श्रीमत् (द्) विक्रमादित्यराज्यका
31
| लात् (द्) प्रतिक्रांतेषु सप्तचत्वारिंशदधिकेषु त्रयोदशसु संवत्सरशतेषु ।। १३४७ एवंविधे कोते (ले) वि(वँ) ज[वा * ] पायनसगोत्रे
1 Cf. frt-Visala-matri-pitri-breyase in lines 45-46 below.
I. e. Vishnupada.
These strokes are redundant.

Page #312


Page #313

GRANT OF MAHARAJAKULA JAITRASIMHADEVA, V. S. 1347-PLATE II
S
PAROLE OLShagueresse 12: ULDOZERAL BOL:FILIONELONES DE LESLEN
बसरउतारना ना ना गोतमसागायः वातवर सतहहावा बाडनरमता तमसामान बताना 385 मालेगात सारंगीन नए बाजत विपनासलिलागतमेशात दिसत नाबाउमा
डाटरवर का सामानावराचारिताभुत टाकल्याद सारद्वाज सांगावा न दासुन दाता साउदा सादरवण्डरिशमा सिरहा डासागस्नानुदिनास नगर मकर संवा नसरा
दिनार खासा नाविरुदमरताडना लामामास सास डावदार नाना-जातामात तशाजा-जाना 30 - एप सांगBHASTRIBA पाना या विश जालावायला जनसारखी * ॥२६ या वाणालयः सुनिनादिनानपान मा नकाटिसकलधर्म कर्मपद नायीकाटना महाराजालयावासलमाट
पिलाययासचतुःसीमापनि सडसीमा तर्यजसमझनदेनियानादितिसमलित बापोवाइयारपरया आवसाद साह, ॥ वाला तावानर्मदातरमुकदमवनंदहीगादशातर्वजटिकारी नामंगोगने सकलकर रहनदका निमामि ।
मानसाच ग्रामस्य च नमःरमागिय माउतरणा दिशाबूती यावीयावरन सीमा पूर्तस्याटिशियाका IN या सामानवाई शसहिरातिग्रामपा वटपरमः आघाट सामादिहिरणस्पादिशामातीनटा या सी सावधान
मया दारास टापरत एकहल ढालवासा मगाणसी मोतियापानमादिशाकापताना बूटा याचियो रन अाधा रसीमा निवंब सीमा पर ता य ग्रामएनवायाग समविलागिनासा का मसीधाबीका नोमिनट हायपानिनिडानसनयान यनानय तावनदुपारपतवासवानराशय मेहता
Scale : One-half

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No. 98] GRANT OF MAHARAJAKULA JAITRASIMHADEVA, V. S. 1347 226 32 ॥ महाराजकुलश्रीचाचिगदेवः तस्य पुत्रो स(म)हाराणकः श्रीसोढलदेवः तस्य
पुत्रो. महाराणकः श्रीजेसलदेवः त33 ॥ स्य पुत्रो महाराजकुवः(लः) श्रीजैत्रसिंहदेवः । एतेन काश्यपसगोत्रः जोजलपु(सु)
ताः*] त्रिवा' वीसलः गौतमसगोत्रः वि- . . 34 ॥ जयादिय(त्य)सातः] त्रिवा' सालड: पराशरसगोत्रः विजयादित्यसुतः त्रिवा बासलः सनग
सगोत्रः पेथडसुतः त्रिवा' 35 ॥ विजयादित्यः उपमन्युसगोत्रः रतनसुतः त्रिवा धीधाः उपमन्युसगोत्रः रत्नसुतः त्रिवा'
कृष्णादित्यः सनग- ॥ ५७ ॥ सगोत्रः नागशर्मसुतः त्रिवा' देवशर्मा सनगसगोत्र: वासुदेवसुतः त्रिवा' केशवः
. भारद्वाजसगोत्रः नाग- ॥'
Second Plate, Second Side 37 ॥ सूरसुतः त्रिवा चावाः गौतमसगोत्रः वातसूरसुतः दुवे वाडसूरः गौतमसगोत्रः
देवादित्यसुतः 38 ॥ दुवे पद्मनाभः गौतमसगोत्रः नरव(ब्रह्मसुतः दुवे नगरादित्यः गौतमसगोत्रः
केशवादित्यसुतः 39 ॥ दुवे हरसूरः हारीतसगोत्रः केशवादित्यसुतः दुवे' देवादित्यः भारद्वाजसगोत्रः
सुमणसुतः दुवे 40 ॥ साजणः काश्यपसगोत्रः देवधरसुतः त्रिवा' हरिशर्मा भरद्वाजसगोत्रः
देवादित्यसुतः त्रिवा' महाशा सनगस41 ॥ गोत्रः केशवसुतः त्रिवा श्रीधरः वत्ससगोत्रः पेवासुतः त्रिवा' मोक्षेश्वरः शांडिल्य
सगोत्रः उद्धरणसुतः उपा प्रो(परो?)42 ॥ क्षरविः भारद्वाजसगोत्रः सूरादित्यसुतः चं (पं?) धांधः भारद्वाजसगोत्रः
विजव(य)सूरसुतः दुवे' हरिदेवः उपमन्युसगो43 ॥ त्रः सोमसुतः दुवे मु(म)हादेवः लवंघायनसगोत्रः केलासुतः दुवे धीमाः
लवंघायनसगोत्र' जालासुतः 44 ॥ ठ° वाडद्रुः कश्यपसगोत्र: जेसलसुतः त्रिवा' सूराः एभ्यः सर्वेभ्यः श्रीमालीजातीयेभ्यः
षड्विंशतिसंख्येभ्यः 45 ॥ २६ वा(ब्राह्मणेभ्यः श्रुतिस्मृत्युदितनित्यनैमित्तिकादिसकलधर्मकर्मप्रवर्तनाय ज्येष्ट(ष्ठ)
___ भ्रातृमहाराजकुलं(ल)श्रीवीसलमातृ-' 1 These strokes are redundant. •Boo foot-note latp.224.'

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226 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII 46 ॥ पितृश्रेयसे चतुःसीमापर्यतः चतुःसीमांतर्गतसमस्तनवनिधानादिवस्तुसहितः पुत्र
पौत्रान्वयपरंपरया माचंद्रार्क या47 ॥ वत्(द्) भोक्तव्यो नर्मदातटमुकुटभूतनंदपद्रीयदेशांतर्वर्ती टकारीनामग्रामः सकलकर
विरहित उदकातिसम्र्गण 48 ॥ प्रदत्तः ॥ अस्य च ग्रामस्य चतस्रः सीमाः । यथा । उत्तरस्यां दिशि
त्रिवटीयां क्षेत्राणां परतः सीमा । पूर्वस्यां दिशि प्रांकुली- . ॥ षडा(खड्डा)यां सीमा । तथा दिशि सहिराविग्रामपक्षे वटपरतः आघाट
सीमा । दक्षिणस्यां दिशि धामणी षट्डा(खड्डा)यां सीमा । पश्चि- . ॥ मस्यां दिशि रूंढपरत एकहलहलैकस्य ऊजाणे सीमा । तथा पश्चिमस्यां
दिशि कोणे भांभीबूटीयाक्षेत्रस्य प61 ॥ रतः आघाटसीमा । इति चतुःसीमापर्यंतोऽयं ग्रामः एभिर्वा(बी)ह्मणैः
समविभागेन भोक्तव्यः । अमीषां वा(बा)ह्मणा52 ॥ नां निजगृहयोग्यानि निजवस्तून्यानयतां नयतां च नंदपद्रप्रतिवध्धे(ब)षु सर्वे
_ष्वपि देशेषु दानं दानमंडपिका'
TRANSLATION
V.1. Om. May the swan-shaped water-jar, ever held in the lotus-like hand of Brahman, dispense happiness—the jar, from whose neck-spout the fair Gangā, gushing forth, imitates the grace of the lotus-fibres.
V.2. In the illustrious royal family of Vaija vāpāyana, lauded by hosts of eminent poets, there was a king, Chächigadēva by name, whose fume could not be contained in the three worlds.
V.3. He was & portent for the destruction of the hostile kings and a comet (i.e. evil star) for the extirpation of the Mālavas. Resplendent, he shone (in his body) and by his great prowess as a life-sustainer like the very sun on the face of the earth.
V.4. To him was born the king Sodbala of a strong mind, who was the very death for the annihilation of his enemies, and, before the advancing tide of whose valour the families of his foes oould never take root.
V.5. Him, who had a host of brave soldiers and was like a serpent, in putting to rout the warrjors of his arrogant foes, the minstrel.clans described as a lion overpowering the elephants that were the other Mandalesvaras (i.e. feudatory chiefs) on this earth.
V.6. His son, king Jésala, with whom, possessed of benign splendour, the whole earth became luminous at once, was a rare gem among the mortals.
V.7. By him, the all powerful one, his blue-steel sword was flung on the crooked persons of impure mind, and his fame, as bright as the spotless moon, among the noble persons of pure mind.
1 The vonoluding portion of the sentence is completely worn out. Bee p.222, noteb..

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No. 28]
GRANT OF MAHARAJAKULA JAITRASIMHADEVA, V. 8. 1347
227
V.8. Having played the role of Yama in & war with the kings who were irresistible in fighting, he, with higher ambition, became the friend of the lord of the gods (i.e. Indra) within a few years (i.e. died).
V.9. When the illustrious Jēsala, the moving tree of paradise, had become the omament of the land of the gods (i.e. attained heaven), then his son, Visala by name, who was of as lovely a form as Kima himself, became the king.
V.10. Who, the resplendent one, even as a youngster, having pleased in battles Arjjuna, the king of the Gūrjjaras, shone brilliantly, spreading cheer in the city of Nandapura which was a gem set in the ornament of the land on the banks of the Rēvă (i.e. Narmadā).
V.11. The offspring of Jēna ladēva, dispelling the darkness and setting the people on the path of virtue, shone as if he were the moon on the earth's surface in the dark night of the destruction of his enemies.
V.12. With a smile that made his lotus-face bloom, who could assume the lendership of the tribe of the brave, no wonder ! (that the same) Vijayārkadēva, his minister, who was clever at devising effectual plans, too, shone brilliantly.
V.13. In him, who was fashioned (as it were) from the same stuff as that of the Brave, the Noble and the goddess Lakshmi, the inherence of the qualities of) prowess, inodesty and majesty shone out most coffspicuously.
V.14. Who, all alone, having stemmed repeatedly the numerous hordes of the king of the Yādavas, makes his very fame in the country, the (barring) door to the soldiers of the South.
V.15. The illustrious Visala of virtuous disposition, having thus enjoyed with facility the highest prosperity on this earth, made an assault on a Muhammadan (Mléchchha) ruler who was formidable with his large troops which wore irresistible and had broken the wide of all the princes.
V.16. Making the battle-field strewn with the broken pieces of the swords, arrows, bows and the bodies of the ranoorous Muhammadans (Turushkas), he entered the abode of Indra (i.e. was killed) while the frown still glowed over bis brow, striking terror into the hearts of the scampering soldiers (of the enemy).
V.17. As the fatigue of Vina la was being removed by the sprout-like hands of the amorous belles of heaven (i.e. after his death), Jaitrasimha, his brother, came to share the enjoyment of the prosperity of a large kingdom.
V.18. With the skin of their bodies thickly covered with the clunt of the ground close to his palace, his enemies, with their pride lowered like the slaves, always display nothing but humility.
V.19. By that very person (i.e. Jaitrasimha), radiant with happiness anıl valour, a unique mounlight was created in the form of his glory, which caused burning affliction to his enemies and made the hearts and faces of the noble to expand like the petals of the lotuses.
V.20. Whose mind, having associated with the noble people, was radiant with a natural and charming elevation : his grown up son and excellent queen...
V.21. He, who, wielding here a singularly heavy sword, capable of felling a big tree when plied with the might of his arun, was extolled as Khadgarāja (sword-king) by the bards singing laudatory poems in the assemblage of the kings.
V.22. What wonder, if he shines as Jaitra-panchanana (the viotorious lion Jaitra-sinha) on this carth, when there are a hundred of noble persons to praise his virtues before him with a hundred mouths !
1 Note that it was of a contrary nature to the ordinary moonlight which is cool in its effect and causes the lotuson to close.
Tho sonno of the necond homistich of this verso is obscuro.

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228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Voc. XXXII V.28. This illustrious king Jaitrasirha, thundering with his irresistible arms, alone is victorious over the circle of the excellent soldiers who are like a chaplet of gems and are the champions of the battle-field ; and his bee-black sword, thrust into the heart of the enemy, wears the semblance of a slender column of smoke rising up from his (i.e. the enemy's) ever-burning anguish.
V.24. It is the good conduct of this very Jaitrasimha, pure as the waters of Gangā, that triumphs as it washes away the moral impurities of the wicked, and which, being capable of removing severally the errors of many a learned man and of putting an end to the unrestrained movements of the enemies, pervades throughout the ends of the quarters.
V.25. By him has been given away, after getting the approval of his overlord, the village of Takārī into the hands of twenty-six Brāhmaṇas of the Srimāla caste, along with its nine treasures, pools, etc., for the great bliss of final emancipation of Visala and his mother and father.
V.26. Let these Brāhmaṇas live in this village free from fear as long as these stars, shy at the sight of the bright moon, their spouse, continue to twinkle on the wide exparse of the sky, and as long as the sun continues to occupy its place in the heaven.
V.27. While Vijayarkadēva, the son of Vallaņa dēva who was the crest-jewel of the Srimāla family, was the minister with supreme powers, this grant was bestowed upon the Brāhmaṇas by Jaitra in the year reckoned by the (Sun's) horses (7), the Vēdas (4), the primary qualities (gunas-3), and the moon (1):
Lines 30-33. (that is to say) when thirteen hundred years increased by forty-seven had elapsed since the reign of the illustrious Vikramāditya. At such a time, viz. (the year) 1347, there had. been the illustrious Mahārājakula Chāchigadēva of the Vija(Vaijavā)pāyana family ; his son the illustrious Maharanaka Södhaladēva ; his son the illustrious Mahārāṇaka Jēsa ladēva ; his son the illustrious Mahārājakula, Jaitrasimhadēva :
Line 33. By him,
Lines 44-48. for the hilies of final emancipation of his elder brother the illustrious Mahārāja"kula Vigala, and his mother and father, and for the continuous performance of all the obligatory as well as accidental religious rites prescribed by the Vedas and the Smritis, has been donated, with libations of water, the village of the name of Takāri up to its boundaries on four sides, situated in the jurisdiction of Nandapadra which is the pride of the banks of the Narmadā, free from all taxes and along with all the property, like the nine treasures existing within its four bounds, to all these Brāhmaṇas of Srimāli family, 26 in number, to be enjoyed in an uninterrupted succession of their sons and sons' sons for the same time as the moon and the sun endure.
Lines 48-51. The four boundaries of this village are, for instance the boundary on the northem side is beyond the Trivati (?) fields ; on the eastern side the boundary is along the Amkuli nullah and in the game (?) direction the Aghāta-boundary extends beyond the banyan tree by the side of the Sahiravi village ; on the southern side the boundary is along the.Dhāmaņi nullah; on the western side the boundary is in the Ujāņa (garden ?) of the Ekahala-halaika (?) beyond the village Rundha, and on the western side in a corner, the Aghāta-boundary extends beyond the fields of Bhāṁbhi-būtiyā.
Lines 51-53. This village should be enjoyed by these Brāhmaṇas up to its four bounds, in equal shares. While these Brāhmaṇas carry their personal effeots useful for their household to and from (the village), the gifts (should Le free from all taxes at] the toll-booth (Dānamanda pika) in all the territories adjoining Nanda padra.
1 The name of these Brahmaaņas, along with the gofra and the name of every one's father (lines 33-44) are not included in the translation. They may be seen from the text.
The word dana is of frequent oocurrence in the Lekhapaddhati. For mandapika, see Sodhala's inscription of V.8. 1241.

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No. 29-BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF GANGA NARASIMHA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR AND K. G. KRISHNAN, OOTACAMUND The inscription under study is engraved on a stone tablet which was discovered in the course of an excavation of a site for the foundation of a monastery near the Gauri-Kēdāra temple at Bhubaneswar, Orissa. The inscribed stone was made over to Mr. Ganapati Sircar of Caloutta by His Holiness Swami Kesavananda Brahmachari who had arranged for the excavation of the site in July 1916. Recently the stone was secured for the Asutosh Museum of Indian Arts attached to the University of Calcutta. The inscription was published by Sircar with a good illustration in the Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XX, 1924, pp. 41 ff. Since the text has not been properly read and interpreted, it is re-edited here.
The inscribed slab measures about 267" in height, 23" in breadth and 54" in thickness. About the middle of the top part, there is an image of Gaņēša measuring 81" in length, 6" in breadth and 17" in depth, engraved in bas-relief. The whole stone is stated to weigh nearly five maunds (about 400 pounds). The space in the right side of the surface of the stone is ocoupied by an Oriya inscription in Gaudīya characters, the first 15 lines of which cover an area 84 inches wide by the side of the figure of Gaņēsa while the width of the area covered by the remaining 22 lines below the above is 11 inches. The height of the area covered by the record in 34 lines is 24 inches. The space in the left half of the stone is similarly occupied by an inscription in the Tamil language in Tamil and Grantha characters, the lower part of which, lying below the figure, is separated from the Oriya epigraph by a space about 1' broad. The letters vary in size from 1" to " in height as well as in breadth. They are thicker in shape in the Oriya part than in the Tamil section. The writing is in a fairly good state of preservation although a layer of stone has broken away from the left hand side of the top part with the result that a few letters at the right end of the first three lines in the Tamil portion are lost. But the lost letters oan be confidently restored with the help of the excellent photograph of the slab published along with Siroar's article referred to above.
As already indicated, the inscription consists of two parts, one engraved in Tamil oocupying the left hand side and the other in Oriya engraved in the right side. The last three lines of the Tamil portion are, strangely enough, engraved in three vertical columns on the left face of the slab exactly in the Chinese fashion. The letters have to be read in these lines from top to bottom while the lines have to be read from right to left. Both the Oriya and Tamil sections of the inscription refer to a transaction between & debtor and & creditor, the former being the pontiff of a Matha of Tamilian Saivas at Bhubaneswar and the latter a local Oriya moneyed man. That is why the document is written in two different versions, Oriya and Tamil.
The characters of the Oriya part of the record belong to the Gaudiya class, some of them resembling either their modern Bengali or Oriya forms. The record may be assigned on palæographical grounds to a date not much earlier than the fourteenth century. Letters like , bh and $ and the signs of medial u and ū exhibit Gaudiya forms, while a, ā, fich, m, 1, (=b) and é, es found in the inscription, are the same as in Gaudiya and in Bengali. Similarly, lettem like i, rik, nigh, p and ph in the record are found in the medieval Gaudīya epigraphs found in Orissa and resemble their Oriya forms, although the letter h (cf. also the peculiar form of hi in line 3) has .
14. R. Ep., 1965-66, App. B, No. 117.
(229)

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230 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII ourave form which appears to be the origin of the modern Karani (i.e. pertaining to the writer 08.ste) foxm of the letter. But the most interesting letter is ! which is found only in Oriya and not in Bengali. This letter has not been traced in Orissan epigraphs earlier than the thirteenth oentury. Mediale, which has been only once used in line 29, is of the Oriya type. Of initial vowels, the insoription uses a lines 16, 18, 24), ā (lines. 10, 20-21, 24, 26-27, 31), i (lines 15-16, 20, 23, 25, 28, 31-32), u (lines 11, 15-16, 27) and ė (lines 7, 10, 12-14, 16, 20, 22-23, 26, 28-30, 33). The numerical figures 1, 2, 5, 7, 8 and 0 are found in the record (cf. lines 3, 11, 18). Of these, 1 is of the Telugu, 2 of the Oriya, 5 of the Telugu-Oriya and 8 of the Gaudiya-Oriya type. The Siddham symbol at the beginning and the two punctuation marks (meant for a double danda) as the end look like the figure for 2.
The language is Oriya though there is a little influence of Sanskrit at the beginning of the epigraph. The composition exhibits carelessness on the part of the soribe. Some of the expressions used in the record are not found in modern Oriya. The orthography is characterised by A tendency to use the medial forms of i and u instead of medial i and u respectively. Indeed medial i has been used only once in bhikshā (line 29, the word being elsewhere spelt as bhiksha) and medial 14 once in sujya (line 33) for Sanskrit surya. We know that y, when it is initial or the component of cortain conjunots, is pronounced as j in the East Indian dialeots in which v is I monounced as band ksh as kkh. The inscription uses y for j in vā(vi)yê (line 2) for Sanskrit vijaya (of. jētë kāļa for Sanskrit yat-kāla in lines 32-33) and represents the original sound of y by ia as in aria (line 24) for Sanskrit afitika. Interesting are the following modifications of Sanskrit words:
lagha for simha, dëvaba for devasya, pravradhamāna for pravardhamāna, viye-rājë for vijayambya, Kātrika-krishna for Kärttika-krishna, Ravi for Ravi, Kittīvāsa for Krittivāsas (or Kirttivāsa), SIhèsvara for Siddhestara, madha for matha, asa and āusa for ayus, Taparāja-māhāmuni for 1'epörāja-mahämuni, Luggabhata-ächäya for Durgābhatt-ācharya, Utrësara-nāëka for Uttard dvara*dyaka, trihseka for trim satka, sünå for svarna, kalantara for kal-äntara, Siva for Siva, !'apachakravarti for Tapaschakravurtin, sthānā-pati for sthāna-pati, räsi for radi, Pandi for Pāndya, eto. The expressions dikshā kari (line 31), āchāvanta (line 31), tapasänkā (line 32) and chadra
bine 33) are defective, standing respectively for dikshā lābha kari, achära vanta, tāpasānika (or tä pasāmānanka) and chandra: There are several other errors of this kind in the epigraph. The (18e-endinge added to bases in a ane : e for both nominative singular (as in Duggăbhaje in line 15,
chāye in line 21) and locative singular or plural (as in rāja-Sanskrit rājyê in line 2, děse=Sanskrit d}&ëshu in line 30); ki (as in Chakravatiki in line 25) and nka or hikara (as in "depankara in lines 5-6, nãēkankara in line 12, tapasänka for tāpasātika in line 32, kāļanka in line 24) for genitive singular or plural; kai or rikai for dative singular (as in kiläkai in line 24, achāyarkai in line 10): rai (for të in modern Oriya) for locative singular or plural (as in hätharai-hätharë); rkara-tahn for ablative (as in nāëkarikara tahu in line 12). Among verbal derivatives, the following forms of the gerund occur in the epigraph : dèi (i.e. having given) in line 16, süni (i.e. having heard) and vôli (literally having spoken' but used in the sense of 'because') in line 22, hõi (i.e. having been) in lines 30-31, kari (i.e. having done) in line 31. The following are verbs in the Past Tense: hala (i.e. did or made) in lines 10 and 16, ghētalā (i.e. took or borrowed) in line 12, ho ila (i.e. became) in lines 19-20, 22-23, dhila for dilā (i.e. gave) in line 26. For the verbal forms detsä in line 8 and karāiva in lines 28-29, ses dēvā in Plate VI B, lines 5 and 11 of the Puri Plates (B) of Narasimha IV.: The expression vamdha kalā (i.e. gave in mortgage) in line 10, arika kala (i.e. Qulculated the sum) in line 16, mula-kalantara karante (i.e. on the oapital and interest having
11300 JBORS, Vol. X, pp. 168 ff., Chart XIII.
*Cf. above, Vol. XXI, p. 110; p. 127 and note 1. Originally seems to have been distinguished from 1 by to adi lition of a diacritical mark; but this diacritically marked form was later employed to indios tol while the ordiomy form of the letter indicated.
Dovo, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 302 ff.

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No. 29]
BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF GANGA NARASIMHA 281 been done-calculated) in line 17, Siva-prāphte (i.e. on having obtained Siva-after death) in lines 18-19, jamila hoi (i.e. having been born) in lines 30-31, acha[ra*Ivanta hoilā tāpasanka (i.e. of the asoetics who have been [devoted] followers of the rules of conduct) in lines 31-32, jetë kaļa cha thydra-sujya crata (i.e. so long as the sun and the moon exist) in lines 32-33, etēka kāļanka vasa vrativäka (i.e. to exist for this much time) in lines 33-34, eto., are interesting.
The expression ēkaüti (line 16) seems to mear the same thing as Sanskrit ēkatra or ēkatrita (i.e. brought together) while asiā-satake kilākai (line 24) appears to mean in respect of a written [document] involving one hundred and eighty [gold coins]'. The word madāmade in the locative in line 31 seems to stand for math-āmathë in the serise of 'in various mathas ', i.e. in any matha in the three countries mentioned in the context, viz., Choda-dēša, Pandya-dēsa and Kanchi-děka. But Sanskrit matha is modified to madha in line 5.
The Tamil section of the record exhibits some palæographical and linguistic features which are apparently due to the inscription being written in Orissa. Grantha characters have often been used in Sanskrit words. The use of medial i exhibiting a tendency towards the formation of a loop at its right, which distinguishes it from medial i, is clear in Kirtti (line 6), prī (line 12) and nir (line 29). The sign for medial i in 'vanilā in line 32 is indicated by projecting the top mātrā of the letter n almost making a loop of it. This may be compared with the slightly different form of the same akshara in tanisu in lines 15-16. The letter f(=d) in the word mādai is written in two different ways. In lines 23 and 27 it is written in the usual Tamil form, while in lines 16 and 17 it is written with a downward curve as in Grantha, the latter form being comparable with in bhattar in lines 8 and 21 and in potti in line 27. It is possible that the pronunciation of the word madha was not clear to the person who drafted the Tamil section of the epigraph. The répha is indicated by & vertical stroke even where the Tamil forms of the Sanskrit words are used, e.g., Kārttikai in line 3 and Kirttivāsattil in line 6, though the corresponding sign in Tamil was not unknown to the engraver (cf. värttu in line 29).
The use of the expressions rāśi-maitram (lines 21-22) and ilandu (line 24) is interesting. Räsimaitram means the friendship arising from two persons being born under the same räti or zodiacal sign. This interpretation is made clear in the Oriya part (lines 20-23) of the record. The other expression ilandu seems to have been used in the sense of 'having written off. The significance of the expression madāmadam (line 31) is not clear, though the context seems to suggest the meaning 'in various monasteries'.
Both the Oriya and Tamil parts of the inscription bear the same date and refer to the same transaetion, though with slight difference in the details. The inscription is dated in the 22nd year of Sri-Vira-Naranarasimhadēva or Sri-Vira-Nārasinhadēva and the details of the date are quoted as Kārtikka-ba. 7, Sunday. The reigning Ganga monarch is called Naranārasimha in the Oriya part (lines 1, 27) and Nārasimha in the Tamil section (lines 1-2, 30); but in line 5 of the former and lines 10-11 of the latter a king named Narasimha is mentiond with the distinguishing epithets vada in Oriya and periya in Tamil, both meaning 'big'. Apparently the elder Narasimha was one of the predecessors of Narasimha or Narasimha during whose reign the inscription under study was incised. A Telugu inscription from the Simhachalam temple, dated Saka 1305, Chatira-ba. 6, Wednesday, corresponding to the 25th March 1383 A.D., records the gifts of the queens of Gajapati Peda-Narasimharāja and Vira-Bhănudēvarāja. The word peda or pedda means 'big' in Telugu exactly as Oriya vada and Tamil periya. The Simhachalam epigraph belongs to the reign of Ganga Narasimha IV (1378-1402 A.D.) and king Bhānu mentioned in it can be none other than his father Bhānu III (c. 1353-78 A.D.). Peda Narasimha seems
1 811, Vol. VI, No. 752 (pp. 285-86).
In medieval Tamil inscriptions of the Cholas, past king is often mentioned as periya-devar, ct. abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 189, text lines 7 and 10 ; Vol. XXIV, p. 169; Vol. XXV, p. 84.

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232
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
to be his grandfather Narasimha III (c. 1327-53 A.D.) who was apparently distinguished from his reigning grandson bearing his own name by the said distinguishing epithet. There is thus some evidence to show that the Ganga king Narasimha III was referred to as the 'big' Narasiminha in the records of the time of his grandson Narasimha IV. Although this does not preclude the possibility of an earlier Narasimha being distinguished from one of his predecessors of the same name in a similar way, we are inclined to identify the king, during whose reign the inscription under review was engraved, with Narasimha IV as the palæography of the record seems to support this identification. Moreover the details of the date quoted in the inscription do not appear [to suit the reign of Narasimha II or Narasimha III.
Manmohan Chakravarti, in his account of the chronology of the Eastern Ganga kings, fixed 1378-79 A.D. as the initial year of Narasimha IV. The details of the date in our record, viz., Anka 22 (i.e. 18th regnal year), Kärttika (Pürṇimanta)-ba. 7, Sunday, would thus correspond regularly to September 24, 1396 A.D.
The Oriya part records that an area of 12 Vatis of land called Vaghamară (situated at Vaghamārā according to the Tamil version) was granted as Ekādasa-Rudra-bhiksha in favour of the Siddhesvara-matha at the illustrious Krittiväsa-kshetra (modern Bhubaneswar) for the longevity and fulfilment of the desires of the elder Narasimhadeva who was apparently one of the past kings of the country. The significance of the expression Ekadasa-Rudra-bhiksha is clear from the Tamil part which states that the grant was meant for the feeding of Saiva ascetics for the favour of the eleven Rudras. Some time after the creation of the endowment, Tapōrajamahamuni, the pontiff of the Matha, mortgaged the land to Durgabhaṭṭa-acharya from whom he borrowed 150 [gold] Madhas. He also borrowed ten [gold] Madhas and 30 Pautis of paddy from Uttarēsvara-nayaka. Pauți is a measure of capacity prevalent in Orissa, which is equal to ten maunds. The word is probably derived from Sanskrit pravarti or pravartika which was equal to five kharis according to Sarvananda's Tikäsarvasva on the Amarakosa, II, 9, 89. The same measure is possibly mentioned in certain inscriptions from Bengal and Orissa."
Durgabhaṭṭa-acharya paid up Tapōrāja-mahamuni's debt to Uttarēśvara-nayaka and calculated the total amount including interest, payable to him by Tapōrāja-mahāmuni, to be altogether 180 [gold] Madhas. This no doubt included 150 Madhas lent by himself and 10 [gold] Madhas paid by him to Uttarēsvara-nayaka as well as the interest accruing to these amounts and the price of the paddy with interest. Meanwhile Tapōraja-mahamuni passed away and he was succeeded in the pontificate by Tapaśchakravartin. Since Durgabhaṭṭa-acharya and Tapaschakravartin were born under the same räsi or zodiacal sign, the former became a friend of the latter. Hence Durgabhaṭṭa-acharya wrote off the debt of 180 [gold] Madhas, due to him from the head of the monastery, for the continuance of the Ekadasa-Rudra-bhiksha for the longevity and the fulfilment of the desires of the reigning monarch Vira-Naranarasimhadeva.
The Tamil version of these transactions while giving some additional information also differs in some details. The purpose of the original grant is stated to have been the feeding of the Mahesvaras (i.e. devotees of Mahesvara or Siva) for the propitiation of the eleven Rudras. The amount borrowed by Taparaja-munigal is stated to be 148 Madais only as against 150 Madhas mentioned in the Oriya part. The reason of this discrepancy seems to be that 2 out of the 150 Mādhas were paid to the writer and engraver of the document concerned. Thus while the creditor's version of the transaction in the Oriya part refers to the gross amount, the debtor's version puts the net amount he received after deducting the amount paid to the writer and the engraver. After the
JASB, Vol. XXII, 1903, pp. 97 ff.
See pravarta-vapa in the sense of a land measure, several of which made a kulya-vapa, in the Faridpur plate of Dharmaditya (Select Inscriptions, p. 356) and praverta in the Alagum inscription of the time of Anantavarman Chodaganga (above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 45, 48). The word pravarta also occurs in the Govindapur inscription (A. R. Ep., 1955-56, No. B 357).

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233
No. 29]
BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF GANGA NARASIMHA
death of Taparaja-munigal, Tapachchakravartiga! became the head of the Matha. The next stage of the transaction as mentioned in the Tamil section is the writing off of 148 Madais by Durgabhaṭṭar since he was a rusi-mitra of Tapachchakravartigal. Durga-bhaṭṭar also undertook to repay the 10 Madais and 30 Pottis of paddy which had been additionally borrowed (by Tapōraja-mahamuni according to the Oriya version) from Uttaresvara-nayaka who was Durgabhaṭṭar's father-in-law (or maternal uncle).
In the final portion of the Tamil section, the land is stated to have been re-dedicated for the purpose of the training of the ascetics, who hailed from the three Mandalas (i.e. the Chōla, Pandya and Kanchi desas according to the Oriya section) and were trained in the conventional code of conduct in the various Mathas (apparently of the three Mandalas), no doubt in the Siddhēsvaramatha at Bhubaneswar for the long life, health and prosperity of Vira-Narasimhadeva. The Oriya part records the re-dedication of the land for the continuance of the Ekadusa-Rudra-bhiksha which was meant for the ascetics who were born in the three countries, viz., Chola-desa, Pandyadesa and Kanchi-desa, and became devout followers of achara as a result of their initiation in the various Mathas. The word uchura has been used in the Tamil part in connection with sampradayam no doubt referring to the conventions of a particular Saiva school that flourished in the Tamil country. The reference to the three Mandalas in the Tamil section is clearly explained in the Oriya part. It is interesting to note that the third of the three divisions of the Tamil country is mentioned as Kañchi-desa, i.c. Tondai-mandalam, which ceased to be a political unit after the fall of the Pallavas about the beginning of the tenth century but continued as a geographical and social unit. The Siddhesvara-matha at Krittiväsa-kshetra (i.e. Bhubaneswar) apparently owed its origin to a religious school hailing from the Tamil country, though we have no means at present of tracing its history. It may be noted that the names of the pontiffs of the monastery, viz., Tapōraja-mahamuni and Tapaśchakravartin, were only titles. They were no doubt Tamilians in origin. Durgabhaṭṭa-acharya and Uttareévara-nayaka appear to have been residents of Bhubaneswar and were apparently Oriyas.
The location of some of the geographical names mentioned in the records has already been indicated above. The village called Vaghamara or Vaghamärä, where the gift land was situated, may be identified with the modern village of Baghmäri which lies about 24 miles due west of Bhubanesvar.1
TEXT
Oriya Part
1 Siddham [*] Svasta(sti |) śrī- Vira-Naranarasī[ngha]dēva
2 sa pravradhamānē vā(vi)yē-rājē sa
3 mvata' 22 śrāhi Kätrika-krishna] 7 Ravi10-va
1 India and Adjacent Countries Series, Sheet No. 73.
From impressions.
a The letters y, v and keh have to be pronounced as j, 6 and kkk respectively.
1 Expressed by symbol.
Sanskrit "simhadevasya.
• Sanskrit pravardhamane vijaya-rajye.
Sanskrit saivat for samvatsare. The letter ta had been at first omitted and was later incised in a smaller
form,
The letter hi is written in a cursive form. The word is derived from Sanskrit saradi through Prakrit sarahi. ⚫ Sanskrit Kärttika-krishna.
10 Sanskrit Ravi.

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234
4 re[] ari-Kitti'väsa-khetram' Sidho
5 avara-madhara Vada-Narasinghadēva
6 Akara asa-kam-ärtha' purvvakē
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
7 Väghamarā vāra'-văți bhūmī ēkāda
8 sa-Rudra-bhiksha dövä [[*] bhumi samati
9 dhō Taparaja-mähämunito Düggă
10 bhata-ãohāyankai" vamdha kala [*] & 11 madha sata daḍha 150 [*] Utresva19 ra-načkankara1 tahu ghetala [*]
13
madha dasal dhanya-pai(pau)ti trīḥ14 seka1 [*] Taparāja-māhī(hā)mūnī1 ē dū
15. i dhanya sūnā Dūggabhaṭē1 Utresa
16 ra-naskankai dei anka kala [[*] ēkaüti ē
17 dhara sünal mula-kalantara 19 karantë madha
18 batēka asi 180 [*] Taparaja-muni SI
19 va praphts Tapachakravati sthānā-pat!" hō20 ila [*] Tapachakravatinkara Duggabhaṭa-ā
21 ohāyankara rasis [*] Duggabhata-achǎ[r]yê
22 süni oka-räsi võll maitre-paksha hō
23 ila [*] Vaghamara bhumi vara-văți pha
1 Sanskrit Kritti, although in Orissa the name was often written as Kirti. Sanskrit kshetram, though the intended word is kshetre.
Sanskrit Siddhisvara-mathasya, the intended expression being mathaya.
Sanskrit Brihan-Narasimhalevasya.
5 Sanskrit ayush-kam-ärtham.
Traces after this show that the ongraver had begun to invise a letter hore but gave it up. Sanskrit duâdaba.
Sanskrit bhiksha.
• Sanskrit sambandhe.
10 Sanskrit Tapōrāja-mahāmunik.
11 Sanskrit Durgabhatt-acharyaya.
is Sanskrit Ullarésvara-nayakasya; but näckankara tiha stands for Sanskrit nayakat.
19 Sanskrit dasa.
14 Sanskrit trimatka.
18
The addition of a word like grihita here would have made the sense clear.
11
Sanskrit Durgabhaṭṭaḥ.
Sanskrit Ullarésvara-nayakaya.
17
18 Sanskrit dhanya-soara.
1 Sanskrit kal-antura.
20 Sanskrit sul-aika.
21 Sanskrit asti.
" Sanskrit Sira.
[VOL. XXXII
Sanskrit Tapaschakravarti.
Sanskrit sthana-pati.
Sanskrit rasi. The addition of a word like ka before rasi would have made the sense cleare.

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BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF GANGANARASIMHA
Front
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165 otha நாஸ்றவனாகரம்
5SECASES தேகமா
FRIGERUicuuml
lisaNGASAN பாம்ன்வாலாஜரும் TETRENCE
5 கஏalar வன்மமாக 55 கங்காதே சவகமாsidueஇம் ANTISTICS மாம்கடாவகம். 19RAAITASST வலவா பேபணணனவ,
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25கபபாகாயகா CHITTICS பகாலகன் பாகன்ப ன் ARJURISION
பட்டிகலகயவயமக 7THEarMME காமொந்தையில் OPENாக பர யாகாத
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ககன்
446
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HERERS
மைக்கல யோகா
Scale : One-fourth

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295
No 29] BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF GANGA NARASIMHA
24 la-bhogya aslā-satakël krlakai
35
Tapachakravatika hathacal Düggābha
26 ţa-āchāyo pani dhila [l*) a sri-Vira
27 Naranārasā(si)nghadāvankara ausa-ka
28
m-ărthē ēkādasa-Rudra-bhikshā karāi
29 vā [l*) ē bhiksha Choda-dēsa. Pandidosa Ka
30 fichi-dõsa tini dēsēs jamtlā ho 31 i Madāmadē diksha kari áchä[ra]vanta 82 hõilā tapasārkā? [!*] bhikshā jētā 33 kāja chadra-sujya' vrata" ötēka kálanikcato vasa" 34. Vrativāka tha 23
TRANSLATION
(Lines 1-4) May there be success! In the increasingly victorious reign of the illustrious ViraNaranárasimhadova-Yoar 22, Karttika-krishna 7, Sunday.
(Lines 4-18) Formerly (an area of) 12 Vațis of land (at) Vaghamara was granted as RkādabaRudra-bhiksha in favour of the Siddhēsvara-maths at the illustrious Kpittivāsa-kehātra (i... Bhubaneswar) for the longevity and fulfilment of the destres of the elder Narasimhadēva. As to (this) land, (it) W& mortgaged by Tapõrāja-mahāmuni to Durgābhatta-kohärya. The amount borrowed) was one hundred and fifty (gold) Mädhas-150. (He also) borrowed from Uttarakvaraniyaka. (In) this (case), ten (gold) Madhas and thirty Pautis of paddy. Having deposited these two (items, viz.,) paddy (and) gold (that had been borrowed by) Tapöräja-ma hämuni, to Uttarēbvara-näyaka, Durgabhatta-acharya calculated the sum (payable to him by Tapörājamahāmuni). On the paddy and gold being considered together (and) the capital and interest being caloulated, (the whole amount was found to be one hundred and eighty (gold) Madhas-180.
Sanskrit afity-adhika-dataka. • Sanskrit Tapaschakravartinal haste. • Sanskrit diba. • Sanskrit Pandya. • Sanskrit aleshu trishu desishu. • The expression diksha-labha would suit the context botter. . The intended word is täpaad ka or poedmdnankanSanskrit ipaadnan. • Sanskrit chandra-suryau. • Sanskrit wartete. 3. Traces between la and Aka show that the engraver had begun to incise a letter which was later girou up. u Sanskrit vada. The word paryanta would have been more suitable to the context. 18 Sanskrit partitumtpartamdya.
** The last three signs indiopto the end of the writing, the second and third probably standing for double daude. For the first, of. above, VoL XXX, p. 218 and note 2.

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236
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
(Lines 18-26) When Taporaja-muni obtained Siva (i.e. died), Tapaschakravartin became the sthana-pati (i.e. head of the Matha). This Tapaschakravartin's rasi (i.e. the constellation under which he was born) was the same as that of Durgabhaṭṭa-acharya. Having learnt (this), Durgabhaṭṭa-acharya became a friendly party (to Tapaśchakravartin) because (both of them) belonged to the same rasi. Durgabhaṭṭa-acharya poured water in the hands of (i.e. made a ceremonial offering in favour of) Tapaschakravartin in respect of the written (document) involving one hundred and eighty (gold coins and) entitling (him) to enjoy the said twelve Vatis of land (at) Väghamarā.
(Lines 26-34) (He declared that) the said (land) be made Ēkādasa-Rudra-bhiksha for the longevity and (fulfilment of) the desires of the illustrious Vīra-Naranarasimhadeva. This Bhiksha is meant for the ascetics who are born in the three countries, viz., Choda-desa, Päṇḍya-dosa and Kanchi-desa, and who have obtained initiation in the various Mathas (of those countries) and become (strict) followers of the achāras (prescribed for the Maheśvaras.) (This) Bhiksha is to last for so long a time as the sun and moon will exist.1
1 Svasti Sri [] [Vira-Na]2
2 rasimhadēvarku [yandu]
3 22 āvadu Kärttigai
4 māsattu krishna-saptami
5 Ravi-vāram-um=āpav=anṛu
6 Sri-Kirttiväsattil Siddhē
7 svara maḍattil Tta (Ta)paraja
8 munigal Durgga-bhaṭṭarku
9 im-maḍattil Vārgha (gha)mārā
10 vil bhumi 12 vaṭṭi Periya
11 Narasimhadēvan Ēkāda
Tamil Part
12 sa-Rudra-prityarttham-a
13 ga maheśvara-bhojana[m] pa
14 ppi(ņu) vikka-kkuḍutta bhumi
15 panayam-aga vaittu-ttani
For the signs after this, see p. 235, note 13.
A layer of the stone here has peeled off. The letters have been restored from the photograph of the inscription published in JPASB, Vol. XX, Plate facing p. 41.
The word is written in Tamil characters; but the repha is of the Grantha type as in some other cases
below.
Read Krittivasa".

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No. 29]
BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF GANGA NARASIMHA
16 su vamg(ng)1ina madhai 148 im
17 māḍai 148 m kuḍādē Si
18 valoka-prapti panniņa v=i
19 da vidattu im-madam Tta (Ta)pachcha
20 kravatti(rtti)galukku ana vidattu iva
=
21 rukkum Durgga-bhaṭṭarkkum rāśi22 maitram3 aga (gai)iyl ivar kaiyyi(yi)lē
23 dhara-pūrvam-aga im-māḍai 1
24 48 m ilandu ivar mamanar
25 āna Uttarēm (rē)svara-nayakkar
26 pakkal tana(ni)éu vāngina-ma
27 dai 10 m nel 30 pottiyum t
28 āmē ēraṭṭu-kkondu iva
29 r kaiyyi(yi)lē nir-värttu= 30 [k*]kuduttu
iv-Va(VI)ra-Narasimhhadevarku ttham-aga münṛu mandalattile pi
237
ayur-rögy-yo(a)vary-[1]
31 randu maḍāmaḍattil sampradayam-ay Acharavangal-ana tapasvigal sikshai
32 pannakkaḍavadu [*] Idukku sakshi Aditya-chandra-vanila ityādi [||]*]
TRANSLATION
(Lines 1-5) Hail! Prosperity! In the 22nd (regnal) year of Vira-Narasimhadēva, on Sunday, the seventh of the dark fortnight of the month of Kärttikai.
(Lines 6-19) Taparājamunigal of the Siddhesvara-mada at the illustrious Kirttiväsa (i.e. Krittiväsa or Krittiväsa-kshetra) after having mortgaged land to Durgga-bhattar-the land (consisting) of 12 Valtis at Vaghamārā, given for feeding the Mahesvaras in this monastery for the propitiation of the eleven Rudras by the elder Narasimhadēva-and taken a loan of 148 Madhais, obtained Siva-lõka (i.e. died) without repaying these 148 Madhais.
(Lines 19-29) This Mada having (then) come (under the control of) Tapachchakravarttigal und this (Tapachchakravarttigal) and Durgga-bhaṭṭar being friends owing to their birth under the same
1 The anusvara and the letter ka appear to have been engraved one upon the other. The anusvära above va is to be ignored. The expression vida is redundant.
The sign for as is engraved at the end of the previous line.
This and the next two lines are engraved vertically. The letters have to be read from top to bottom and the lines from right to left.
5 The construction of the sentence is here imperfect, though its import is clear.
This expression seems to suggest that the author wanted the usual imprecatory passage at the end of such records to be understood here. Cf. the imprecatory stanza Aditya-chandraemanilo-nalas-cha, etc., in Ep. Oarn., Vol. I (reviseded.). pp. 35 ff.

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[Vol. XXXII rāśi, this (lauter) gave back 148 Madais in the hands of this (former) with the libation of water (i.e. relieved the former from the debt) and himself paid off 10 Mādhais and 30 Pottis of paddy that had been additionally) borrowed from his (i.e. Durgābhattar's) father-in-law (or, maternal uncle) Uttarēsvara-näyaka, and gave (the land) in his (i.e. Tapachchakravattigal's) hands with libation of water.
(Lines 30-32) Let the ascetics who have become well-disciplined in the convention (of the Māheśvaras) in various Madas and have been born in the three Mandalas be trained (here) for the long life, health and prosperity of this Vira-Nārasimhadēva. Let the Sun, the Moon, the Wind, etc. bear witness to this (transaction).

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No. 30-VILASA GRANT OF PROLAYA-NAYAKA
(1 Plate)
N. VENKATARAMANAYYA AND M. SOMASEKHARA SARMA, MADRAS
This grant was originally discovered long ago, nearly a century back, in the village of Kandarāda, near Pithapuram in the East Godavari District, by Sri Hundi Venkata Rao Pantulu Garu. He and his partner in business, a Vaisya whose name is said to have been forgotten, heard a metallic sound one morning while digging the earth for a brick-kiln of joint enterprise, when they further dug deep having been curious to know the cause of that sound. Then they found fourteen copper plates attached to a ring. Since it was a joint enterprise Sri Venkata Rao and his Vaisya partner both divided this new property equally between themselves, and got seven plates each. The ring also went to the share of the Vaisya partner who had copper vessesls made out of the plates and the ring. The plates which went to the share of Sri Venkata Rao were preserved in his family with superstitious care as a unique treasure. Two generations after, their existence was revealed to Sri Sabnavis Satya kesava Rao Pantulu Garu, a public worker and scholar of repute, who was connected with that family by marital ties, and who, being educated in English, knew the value of copper-plate grants in general to history. Much interested in history, he made the discovery public, and was curious to know the contents of the plates. Some two decades back, when Sri M, Somasekhara Sarma, one of the editors of the grant under study, had gone to Visakhapatnam, Sri Hundi Venkata Rao Pantulu, the owner of the plates and the great grandson of their original discoverer, was good enough to place them in the hands of Sri Sarma for decipherment and publication. Sri Somasekhura Sarma takes this opportunity to convey bis grateful thanks to all those concerned for placing this record in his hands. The inscription is very valuable specially for the history of the Andhrag, and throws a flood of light on the political conditions of the Andhra country subsequent to the fall of Warangal in 1323 A. D. The plates are now preserved in the Government Museum, Madras. It is fortunate that the seven plates that went to the share of Sri Venkata Rao Pantulu Garu, record a grant complete in itself, as the other seven plates probably do another one, and that these plates of one grant had not got mixed up with those of the other.
When these plates were with Sri Somasekhara Sarma they were sent to the Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy for being reviewed in his Annual Report. This set is marked as No. 5 of Appendix A in the Report for 1938-39 and finds a comprehensive notice in Part II. The inscription on the plates is now edited with the help of a set of excellent inked impressions, kindly placed at the disposal of the editors by Sri N. Lakshminarayan Rao, retired Government Epigraphist for India.
The following is an extract from the description of the plates given in the Annual Report :
"This is a set of seven thick copper-plates the first and last of which are slightly bigger than the others measuring about 101" long by 4" broad, while the others (plates 2 to 5) measure about 91" by 43". Their writing, which is engraved on the inner side of the lat plate and on both sides of the other six, is well preserved and protected by broad and raised rims covering their
i The following friends, the late lamented patriot and scholar, Sri Marepalli Ramachandra Kavi Garu, Prosident of the Kavita Samiti, Visakhapatnam, Sri Gobburi Venkatananda Raghava Rao" Pantolu Garu, whose researches in Hindu astronomical lore are very widely known throughout the Andhra country and the young poet and enthusiast, Sri Puripanda Appalaswami Garu, Secretary of the above mentioned Samiti, all of whom were interested in having this charter published, deserve mention in this connection. See Bharah, Vol. XIX, pp. 307 ff.
( 239 )

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edges on three sides, while the right margin is left plain. This rim is about 'broad and is also as much in thickness. The plates are numbered in serial order on their inner sides in the breadth of this rim. They have ring holes about in diameter near their left margin but the ring which must have passed through them and held them together is now missing. The plates weigh 510 tolas. In the right margin of the 2nd and 4th plates there is a slight knob-like projection, the purpose of which is not clear."
The inscription on the plates is neatly executed and is in a good state of preservation: The letters, almost all of which attained their modern forms by the date of this record, are deeply insoribed and are very beautiful. Very rarely do we oome across such specimen of handsome Telugu writing in the grante issued in the early post-Kākutiya period. The script is Telugu which was ourrent in the first half of the fourteenth century A. D. in the Andhra country and is akin to that found in the Dönepūndi grant of Nāmaya-näyaka.
No distinction is made between the vowels short and longe (11. 118, 125 and 126), the letters bā and bhā, dand th, and the secondary forms of the vowels & and é and o and 0. The sign for the aspitate, seen in the grant in a few cages in dha, pha and bha, resembles a small inverted crescent attached below the right arm of the letter. It definitely came into use by the first quarter of the thirteenth century. It can clearly be seen in ratna-garbhāyāḥ (1.8), obhida vibhinnair, and vibhakte (1. 11), "lābhe (1. 33), phalaih (1.60), praudha (1. 117), eto. This, however, is not always used uniformly. The remaining aspirated letters have quite distinct forms to differentiate them from their unaspirated counterparts. Superscript , resembling the modern avagraha in & diagonal position, is attached at the right top of the letter. The final forms of and n oocur frequently, as in 11. 30, 32 and 33. In almost all cases the anusvära has taken the place of final m. The only letters in the record that differ from those of the present day are t, d, dh, $ and . The only difference between t and d lies in the top stroke. The letter d exactly resembles d of the present day, but without the loop inside in the right arm and dh resembles the present day d. N can easily be identified even though it differs slightly from its present form. Among orthographical peopliarities, & superfluous anusvāra is sometimes inserted before double N, or before n followed by a consonant as in runnnata (1.61), Purhnny-adhyāpaka (1.132), idāṁnyao (1.151, 155) ; dhdh is written instead of ddh if the letter dh is doubled after r (11. 70, 140, 141, and 144); the consonants, g, ch, j, n, t and d sometimes and y invariably are doubled after r; the palatal $ is often used in the names of the donees for the dental 8 as in Siddhaya (1. 110), Singaya (1. 117) and so on.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit with the exception of the passage in Telugu describing the boundaries of the village granted. The language, excepting the passage desoribing the boundaries, is chaste and is entirely in verse. This is a beautiful inscriptional kavya in Sanskrit, replete with alamkāras, the like of which is rarely seen in the grants of the medieval period Unfortunately the name of the composer is not given. Another noteworthy feature of this grant is the absence in it of the usual imprecatory verses that are generally found at the close of the insoriptions. The inscription ends with the signature of the donor which reads as Prola-néni vrälu (the signature of Prola-nēļu).
The passage describing the boundaries is shabbily insoribed, quite in contrast with the preceding Sanskrit part. The Telugu forms käli and kāluva are both used to donote a canal; of these the former form has gone out of use now. Kroppur-gäluva (1. 147) means a canal that was dug. This is a compound of krochchu and käluva, of which the former is a verbal adjective. Krochche is the root. It means' to make a low depression, to dig with an iron crow-bar or other instru
* Above, Vol. IV, pp. 366 ft.

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VILASA GRANT OF PROLAYA-NAYAKA
ment'. This expression is also used in inscriptions in the sense of inscribing. Kara (1. 149, 154, 155) means an earthen bank. The form imchika (1. 147) meaning a little, is obviously the older form of imchuka. The expression avuru-bāde (1. 151) is really made up of two words avuru and pāde. The latter means 'a swamp or marsh'. Avuru-bade is a compound of avuru, (a kind of grass) and päde. In the passage mund-ulla-muttala-Māmgāpu-pumta (1. 157) muttala is a compound of mudu and tala; mund-ülla-muttala means at the junction of the three villages. Māmgāpupunta is the narrow way (pumta) belonging to the village of Mangam, the present Magam, a boundary village.
The inscription begins with the invocation of the god Vishnu and his Varaha incarnation (11. 1-4). This is followed by an account of the creation. It is stated that at first the whole world was submerged under waters; that on perceiving this, the god Nārāyaṇa, assuming the form of Brahma, created all the worlds, in the midst of which was the earth adorned by the Golden Mountain and surrounded by the islands and the seas-; that in the centre of the earth and encircled by the salt seas was the Jambudvipa divided into nine-khandas or continents, of which that extending from the Himalayas to the Southern Ocean was known as Bharata-varsha comprising many countries, where different languages and customs prevailed; and that one of them named Tilings, through which flowed many holy rivers, contained several rich towns and cities, beautiful mountains, impenetrable forests, deep tanks, and unassailable fortresses (11. 4-13).
Several kings of both the Solar and Lunar families held sway over this country extending from the sea, without swerving from the path of righteousness. During the Kali Age, the kings of the Kakati family ruled over Tilinga from their capital Ekasila, like the Ikshvākus from Ayodhya. When several rulers of the dynasty passed away, Prataparudra, a monarch famous for his prowess ascended the throne and ruled the country with truth and justice so that such famous monarchs of yore as Yayati, Nabhāga and Bhagiratha were completely forgotten. While king Prataparudra was ruling the kingdom in this manner, bitter hositility arose between him and Ahammada Suratrapa, the lord of the Turushkas. The Suratrana, who was the Yama (Death) to the kings, stamped out the remnants of the royal families left undestroyed by Jamadagnya (Parasurama). Although Prataparudra vanquished that Suratrana who had an army of 900,000 horses seven times, he had to submit to that Turushka at last, despite his military strength, and unrivalled skill in diplomacy, owing to the decrease of the good fortunes of the people of the earth. While being carried away as a prisoner by the Turushka monarch to his capital Delhi, Prataparudra departed, by the decree of the Providence, to the world of the gods on the banks of the river Sōmōdbhavā, i.e. Narmada (11. 13-28). When the sun, viz. Prataparudra, set, the world was enveloped in the Turushka darkness. The evil (adharma), which he had up to that time kept under check, flourished under them, as the conditions were very favourable for its growth. The cruel wretches subjected the rich to torture for the sake of their wealth. Many of their victims died of terror at the very sight of their vicious countenances; the Brahmaņas were compelled to abandon their religious practices; the images of the gods were overturned and broken; the agraharas of the learned were confiscated; the cultivators were despoiled of the fruits of their labour, and their families were impoverished and ruined. None dared to lay claim to anything, whether it was a piece of property or one's own wife. To those despicable wretches wine was the ordinary drink, beef the staple food, and the slaying of the Brähmaņas the favourite pastime. The land of Tilinga, left without a protector, suffered destruction from the Yavanas like a forest subjected to devastating wild fire (11. 28-39). Then was born, as if an amsa of the god Vishnu, who took pity on the sufferings of the people, had descended from heaven, king Prōla of the Musunuri family of the fourth caste, who assumed the sovereignty of the earth. He destroyed the power of the Yavanas, who abandoned their forts and fled to unknown places unable to resist his might. The very people who suffered at the hands of the Yavanas sought protection under him, and turned against them

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[VOL. XXXII and put them to death. Having overcome the Yavanas in this fashion, he restored to Brahmanas their ancient agrahāras confiscated by them, and revived the performance of the sacrifices, the smoke issuing from the firepits of which spreading over the countryside cleaned it of the pollution caused by the movements of those evil-doers. The agriculturists surrendered willingly a sixth of the produce of the soil to the king; and he set his hand to the task of repairing the damages caused by the Parasikas. King Prōla established himself at Rekapalli on the Godavari at the foot of the Malyavanta mountain; and having entrusted the administration to his younger brothers such as Kāpaya-nayaka, he devoted himself to the performance of charitable and meritorious deeds. He granted many agrahāras and large sums of money to deserving sclfolars (11. 39-78). In the gōtra of the famous sage Bharadvaja was born a Brahmana scholar of the name of Annaya, son of Vennaya, and grandson of Annaya, devoted to the study of the Yajurvēda. He had two sons, Vennaya and Ganapaya, who were distinguished by their learning, lofty character, wealth and liberality. Considering that of the two brothers, the former was worthy of honour, Prōlayanayaka requested him to accept the gift of an agrahara. Vennaya who was accustomed to make gifts rather than take them complied with the king's request somewhat reluctantly (11.78-98). King Prōlaya granted to Vennaya on the occasion of a lunar eclipse the fertile village of Vilass in Kōna-manḍala which lay on the bank of the Godavari as an agrahāra. Having divided it into one hundred and eight shares, Vennaya changed its name into Prōlavaram after king Prōlaya-nayaka and gave it in turn to several learned Brāhmaṇas of good lineage and excellent character, proficient in the sastras and the vedas, with all the rights of possession, enjoyment, etc. (11. 98-105). There were in all 82 donees including the two deities Gautamēśvara and Kesava of the village. The names of the donees and the distribution of shares among them are giver in a table in the sequel.
The charter under review throws a flood of light on the history of Andhra in the years immediately following the Muslim conquest and the downfall of the Kakatiya dynasty. While describing the circumstances in which the gift registered in the charter came to be made, the political changes through which the country had just then passed are briefly recounted. The following points which are therein touched upon call for a few words of elucidation :-(1) The history of Prataparudra, bis enmity with Ahammadu Suratrapa of Delhi, his early victories over the -Muhammadans, and his ultimate defeat, captivity and death; (2) the character of the Muslim rule, (3) the rise of the Musunuri family and the formation of the Confederacy of Andhra Nayakas under the leadership of Prōlaya-nayaka; (4) the conquest of Tilinga by Prōlay-nayaka and the reestablishment of the Hindu dharma; and (5) his benefactions, especially the gift of the village of Vilasa in Kōna-mandala to the Brahmana scholar Vennaya of the Bharadvāja gōtra.
The problem that deserves consideration first is the hostility between Prataparudra and Ahammadu Suratrana, the lord of the Turushkas, who is described as the laya-kala (death) of kings and the destroyer of the remnants of the royal families that were left undestroyed by Jamadagnya (Parasurama). The identity of Ahammadu Suratrana is not difficult to discover; for, his final victory over Prataparudra whom he despatched to Delhi as a prisoner and the latter's death on the way to the imperial capital clearly show that he could have been none other than Muḥammad Bin Tughluq. Therefore, it is not unreasonable to assume that Ahammadu is a mistake for Muḥammad due either to the remissness of the engraver, or to the confusion in the mind of the composer of the inscription himself. The statement that Sultan Muhammad suffered defeat no less than seven times at the hands of Prataparudra before he could ultimately vanquish him furnishes interesting information on the history of Muslim invasions of Tiling and demands careful examination. The Muslim histories of the period refer to a number of expeditions, which the
A similar mistake is found in a Sanskrit work of a miscellaneous character called the Prasangaratnavali composed in 1465 A. D. (Madras Government Or. Mas. Lib. 5.5.6, D. No. 12033).

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243 Sulţāns of Delhi despatched against Tiling. According to Barani, Sulţăn 'Ala-ad-din Khalji planned an invasion of Tiling as early as 1301 A. D. Four or five months after the Sultan left Rantambhor', says he, Ulugh Khan collected a large force with the intention of attacking Tiling and Ma'abar, bat his time was come, and the angel of destiny took him to the blessed city. His corpse was conveyed to Delhi and buried in his own house'. The expedition to Tiling did not obviously proceed. The idea was not, however, abandoned. Some two years later, at the time when the Sultan was engaged in the siege of Chitor, Malik Fakhr-ud-din Jūna, dadbak-i-Ilazarat and Malik Jhāju of Karra, nephew of Nostat Khān, had been sent with all the forces of Hindustan against Arangal'. On their arrival there the rainy season began and proved such a hindrance that the army could do nothing and in the beginning of the winter returned, greatly reduced in numbers, to Hindustan. The expedition thus ended in disaster. Although the Muslim historians attribute the failure to the outbreak of rains, it is not unlikely that they came into condict with the Tilingas and were worsted by them in the fight.
The failure of the expedition rankled in the mind of Alā-ud-din ; and in 1309-10 A. D., he despatched another expedition under the famous Malik Nalib Käfür and Khwaja Haji, the 'āriz-iMamālik. This expedition, according to the unanimous testimony of Muslim historians, was a resounding success of Muslim arms. The details of it are far too well known to need description. The Muslim armies marched to Warangal by way of Dovagiri without meeting serious opposition on the way ; defeated the Kākatiya forces, laid siege to and captured the outside mud fort, and invested the inner stone fort. Pratāparudra sued for peace. Malik Nā'ib Kāfür agreed to accede to his request on condition that he surrendered all his wealth, together with his elephants and horses, jewels and valuables and promised to send every year a certain amount of treasure and a certain number of elephants by way of tribute to Delhi. Pratäparudra who had no alternative accepted the conditions and Malik Na'ib Käfür raised the siege, and marched away to Delhi laden with booty.:
Of the next invasion, which was sent from Dēvagiri in 1318 A. D. by Sulţăn Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shāh, two conflicting accounts have come down to us. The cause of the expedition was the failure of Pratāparudra to pay the annual tribute for some years. To collect the arrears of this tribute, the Sultan sent Khusru Khān at the head of an army to Tiling. According to Amirkhusru, Pratāparudra offered resistance, but was defeated and had to purchase peace at a very heavy price. Amir Khusru's account of Khusru Khan's expedition to Tiling reads like another version of Nalik Nā'ib Kāfür's invasion in 1310 A.D. The encounter with Prataparudra forces, their lefeat, the investment and capture of the mud fert, the attack on the stone fort, and Prataparudra's surrender of all his wealth besides elephants and horses, follow the same pattern." "Işāiny, who also describes Khusru Khān's expedition to Tiling, narrates the events differently: he does not refer to hostilities. Pratāparudra, on the contrary, is said to have receivedl Khusu kilan with respect, paid the tribute due to the Sultan readily and sent him back to Dēvayiri well satisfied." Which of these two accounts is true is not easy to decide.
Elliot, History of India, Vol. III, p. 179.
• Ibid., p. 189, Nizam-ud-din Ahmad makes a casual reference to this expedition. The flower of the Sul. tan's army had, however, marched to the extreme south of the Dakin, to conquer Arangal' (Tubagat.i.1kbart, Eng. trans, Vol. I, p. 173). Tori hta also states that hwing to the absence of his army, which went on an expedition to Waranagal, 'Alā-ud-din was in no condition to face the Mughal invader Targhi on equal terms (Briggs, Ferishta, Vol. I., p. 354).
* Ibid., p. 202-03.
"A few variations, no doubt, occur. Pratāparudra is said to bave ceded five districts of his kingdom to tbe Sultan; these were, however, given back excepting the fort of Badrkot (Elliot, Flixtory of India, Vol. III, PP 559-61).
Futüh-us-Salatin (Madrus cdn.), PP. 361-63.

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Two more expeditions canne during the time of the Tachluqs, who succeeded the Khaljīs on the throne of Delhi. Both were despatched by Sultan Chiyāg-ud-din Tugbluq Shāh (1320-25 A. D.), under the command of his son Ulugh Khăn (the later Muhammad bin Tughluq) in 1323 A. D. The first of these ended in disaster. Ulugh Khan suffered defeat, partly due to dissensions in his camp and the treachery of his officers, under the walls of Warangal, and was compelled to retreat at first to Dēvagiri and thence to Delhi. He returned, however, within four months at the head of a fresh and powerful army, and succeeded after & siege of six or seven months in capturing not only Warangal but also Pratāparudra, whom he sent to Delhi as a prisoner of war.
The Muslim historians thus enumerate five expeditions between 1303 and 1323 against Tiling, of which three were successful and the rest abortive. The Hindu records on the other hand refer to several Muslim expeditions-eight according to the present grant--of which all, excepting the very last, ended in the defeat of the Muslim armies and their expulsion from Tiling. Although these are said to have taken place in the reign of Pratāparudra, the exact time of their arrival and the circumstances in which they suffered defeat are not known. There is reason to believe that the Kākatiyas came into conflict with the Mussalmans long before 'Ala-ud-Din Khalji's attack on Dēvagiri in 1296 A. D. An epigraph in the temple of Chhāyā-Sõmanātha at Pānugallu in the Nalgonda District of Andhra Pradesh dated 1267 A. D. describes the viotories of Prince Sārngapāņidēva, the son of the Sēņa king Singhaņa and a subordinate of Mahāmandalesvara ManumaRudradēva-mahārāja, i.e. the Kakatiya queen Rudrāmbā or Rudramadēvi. Among his exploits enumerated in the inscription, his victory over the Mussalmans deserves particular mention. Sārngapānidēva is spoken of in this record as the Primeval Boer who rescued the earth from the Turushka calamity.
The Mussalmans also seem to have descended upon the Deccan a little later from another quarter. In an epigraph at the Kallēsvaradēva temple at Haļuvägilu in the Bellary District dated 8. 1204, Chitrabhānu (1282 A. D.), the Yādava king Ramachandra, that is, Rāmadēva, the adversary of 'Alā-ud-din Khalji, is described as a rescuer of earth from the depredation of Turushkas.'
The circumstances in which these Turuskha invasions took place are not on record. Some of the expeditions sent by Balban against the Central Indian Hindu kingdoms probably penetrated into the Deccan, but being worsted in the fight by the Kakatiyas and the Yādavas they were compelled to retreat homewards.
The Muslim invasions of Tiling began in right earnest after Pratäparudra's accession in 1296. A.D. According to the present grant, which was issued within a decade of the Muslim conquest, the Muslims attacked Tiling no less than eight times. Pratāparudra is said to have defeated the Sultan of Delhi seven times, but was vanquished, owing to the misfortune of the earth; on the last occasion by that Turushka sovereign, and while being carried away as u prisoner to Delhi, died by the decree of Providence on the bank of the Sõmódbhavā (Narmadá) river. This is not the only record that refers to the defeat of the Muhammadans. An inscription, noticed by the Mackenzie Surveyors in the fort of Warangal, refers to a victory of Manarangodariraju and Layingayadēvs over the Turakas in Samvat 1362 (1304-05 A.D.). The proximity of the
48.
Corp. Inscr. Tel. Dist., p. 98, No. 34. As most of the chiefs mentioned in this inscription figure in Singhana's inscriptions as the foes conquered by him (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, ii. Pp. 239-43), Sarngapäpidēvs seems to have participated in his father's wars and took credit for his victories before he accepted service under the Kakatiyas, Although the Turushkas, among the peoples of many other countries, are said, in very general terms, to have oboyed his comands, the Turushka invasion is not mentioned in any of his inscriptions. It is not therefore unlikely that the invasion took place after Sārngapāņidēva had entered the service of the Käkatsyas.
* A. R. Ep., No. 224 of 1918; SII, Vol. IX, Part I, No. 380. Mack, M88., 15-3-20, p. 101.

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245 date of this inscription to that of the first recorded Khalji expedition seems to indicate that Manarangodarirāju and Layingayadēva opposed the Turakas successfully on this occasion and forced them to return to their country. A damaged epigraph at Srisailam in the Kurnool District states that the Kakatiya general, Mahārāyasthāpanācharya Kāchaya-reddi, son of Mailaya-reddi, who placed the Kākita throne on a firm footing, vanquished the Turaka king, who invaded the Telunga country after subjugating Gaula, Gürjara, Mālava, Maharashtra and other countries. The Turaka king vanquished by Kachaya-reddi was in all probability 'Alā-ud-din Khalji; for Ithough he is not known to have conquered Gaula (Lakhnauti), the other countries mentioned in the record were subjugated between 1296 and 1310 A.D. either by 'Alā-ud-din himself or one of his generals. The occasion when Kāchaya-reddi defeated the Turakas cannot, however, be ascertained definitely ; for, in the first place, the Srisailam epigraph which registers his victory bears no date. Secondly, it cannot be referred to either of the two expeditions which 'Alā-ud-Din is known to have sent against Tiling. The first of these which was despatched in 1303 A.D. no doubt ended, as pointed out already, in disaster; but the conquest of Mālava and Gurjara referred to in the Srisailam record was not effected, by that time. 'Alā-ud-din was still engaged in Rajputana. Mālavå was conquered in 1305 A.D. and Gurjara (Gujarat) in 1309 A.D. The Srīsailam epigraph must be assigned therefore to a date subsequent to the conquest of these countries. The second invasion according to the unanimous testimony of all the Muslim historians was a great triumph of the Sultan's armies; and it is highly improbable that Kachaya-reddi effected the destruction of Turaka forces on this occasion. Therefore Kachaya-reddi's victory must have taken place in the course of another expedition, which is not recorded for some reason by the court historians of Delhi.
Telugu literary tradition handed down from the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. preserves also the memory of several victories of Prataparudra and his generals over the Eussa lmans. The poet Srinatha, who flourished at the courts of the Reddi kings of Kondavidu and Rajahmundry in the first half of the fifteenth century refers, in the introduction to his Bhimësvara Purānamu, to Prolaya Anna, one of Pratāparudra's ministers as the "fire of destruction to the Yavanas ".2 The Sivayogasāram speaks of Mahāpradhāni Gannaya Preggada, another minister of Pratāparudra, as the vanquisher of the Turakas and the protector of the fort of Warangal. The Velugotivāri Vamsārali, a chronicle of the Recherla chiefs of the Velugõdu family alludes to the battle of Kolachelamapura, in which Rēcherla Yacha, son of Prasāditya, put to flight the Turakas and having captured their horses took them to the court. The birudāvați of some of the Näyaka families that were in the service of the Kakatiya monarchs alludes also to the Hindu
14. R. Ep., No. 54 of 1942-43. Bhimësuara Puranamu, 1. 48. Yavana-aanhara-vilaya-kálagni-yanaga
vinutik-ekken-atula-bala-siri
Prolaya-Anna-sauri * The concerned passage roads :
Opi Turukala gelchi Prataparudra-manuja-nagaku kotan=emaraka kache. a [Sultan Orugall-ena) chuffu-muffan-ekkuva-liladane [kal-kolla pache.
Kalitesudu mechcha galu-kõta vesa gachi. Published in the Kakatiya Sanchika and the Telugu journal Subhashi. • Velugů fivari Varsavali, p. 14, Verge 48.
. . . Turakalandoli tat-sainya-raji ghör-Uji-dhafi chellan Golachalam-purin ghotikd-ldfideshohen.

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[VOL. XXXII victories over Muslim armies of Delhi. The Pratápacharitra, a late quasi-historical prose work, states, like the present record under consideration, that there were no less than eight Muslim invasions against Warangal, and that though Pratäparudra vanquished and put them to fight on the first seven occasions, he suffered defeat during the last expedition. Warangal fell into the hands of the Turakas, and he himself was carried away as a prisoner to Delhi.
Though the Muslim and the Hindu sources are in perfect agreement regarding the final conquest of the Kakatiya kingdom and the captivity of Prataparudra, they are at variance about the number of Muslim expeditions and the events that happened in them. Whereas contemporary epigraphic evidence fixes their number at eight, Muslim historians mention only five. The difference is perhaps due to the omission, by the latter, of abortive attempts of conquest, which they considered unworthy of notice. While the Hindu sources claim victory uniformly over the Mussalmans in all expeditions excepting the last, the Muslim historians admit defeat only twice which they attribute to uaforeseen circumstances. There is reason to believe that the Kakatiyas were not so uniformly successful against the Mussalmans as the Hindu records would have us believe. Chāļu vurges addressed tu Pötuganti Maili, one of the Nāyakas in the service of Kākatiya Pratāparudra, describe an event which happened in the court of Ala-ud-din Khalji at Delhi. For some reason unknown at present Maili is said to have vanquished the TeluguChoda chief Bijjana at Dakho! in Delhi in the presence of Sultan Alā-ud-din, Malik Nēmār (Malik Na'ib Küfür ?), the unrivalled hero, and the seventy-seven Nāyakas (of Prataparudra's court). The presence of so many Kakatiya nobles at Delhi, and the duel between Maili and Bijjana at Dikhol before 'Ala-ud-din and Malik Nēmīr seem to indicate the existence of intimate political relations between Delhi and Warangal. The Muslim historians refer, as a matter of fact, to the arrival of Käkatiya officials to the court of the Sultan to pay the annual tribute into the imperial treasury. Maili and Bijjana probably escorted the tribute to Delhi on one of the occasions, when during their stay in the capital, the duel described in the Chātu verses was fought.
1 The chiefs of the Gosagi family, for instance, claim to have wrested from Ulugh Khan, the seven constitutente of his royalty : Ulughu-Khina-sa planga-harana (Mack. M88., 15-5-32).
J.Tel.Ac., Vol. VII, pp. 304-5. "See Chatupadyamanimanjari, ii, p. 63 :
Dhillilo Surathanud Allavadin-dhar-Adhyakshundu pratyaksha-sakshi-gaga, mahaniya-jayadali Maliki Nēmarundu jagad-ka-fürundu sakshi-giga jagntipai debbad=ēduguru nāyankulun-akshina-bala-yutul säkshi-gaga Rahaja-sähasa-yuddha-sannaddha-vara-bhat-asrayam=aina Dakõlu säkshi-gäga
Sürya-vamsõdaya-khyātud=arya Telugu Bijjala-nripālu gelcho dad-bhima-baludu vairi-gaja-bhimuď=smita-satya-priyumda
ghana-bhujāšaliy=agu Potuganti Maili. • Elliot, History of India, Vol. III, p. 201 : At the end of the same year (H. 711) twenty elephants arrived in Delhi from Laddar Deo, Rai of Tilang, with a letter stating that he was ready to pay at Dēvgir, to any one whom the Sultān would commission to receive it, the treasure which had been engaged to pay, thus fulfilling the terms of the treaty with Malik Kafür.' On another occasion, some of the Kakatiya officials who were on their way to Delhi are said to have paid tribute to the Malik Nā'ib Kafür whom they met in his camp on the banks of the Narmada. See Khuerú, Khazain Khaz-ul-Futah, p. 83:
After the rivers, mountains and valleys had been crossed, a present of twenty-three elephants, huge as Elburz, arrived from the Rai of Tiling.'
Tgimy also alludes to Prataperudra's practice of payment of tribute to Delhi.
"I am a slave of the king", said Rudradex, and "I shall go to the Khan, the commander of his forces. It was in my mind to send the tribute to the king in the capital; but as the roads aro Infested with malefactors 1 hesitated to send it to the court." See Fulah-18-Salatin (Madras edn.), p. 262.

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The association of the Kakatiya and the Muslim forces in the war against the Pandya kingdom to restore Sundara-pandya to his ancestral throne points also in the same direction. Wassaf, it may be remembered, refers to the flight of Suudara-pandya to Delhi. "Sundara Pandi, trembling and alarmed', says he, Aed from his native country and took refuge under the protection of 'Ala-ud-din of Delhi.': Although no information is available from Muslim sources as to what happened afterwards, one of the inscriptions at Tirukkaļar in the Mannargudi Taluk of the Tanjore District, dated in the 25th regnal year of Jatavarman Srivallabha (1316 A.D.), alludes to the arrival of the Muhammadan forces in support of Sundara-pandya. It is stated that sometimo before the date of the inscription, Rājarāja Sundara-pandya came with the Tulukkar, when & certain chief called Okkūrudaiyan died together with his brothers and followers obviously in a fight against them. The Tulukkar were not the only supporters of Sundara-pāņdya. A large Kākatiya force under Pratāparudra's famous general Muppidi-niyaka was at the same time operating on his behalf in the Tamil country. An inscription at Vșiddhãohalam in the South Arcot District dated in 13+1st year of Tribhuvanachakravartin Kõnēriņmaikondan Sundarapāņdyadēva (1315 A.D.) registers the assignment of income from lands in some villages for conducting a service named after Muppidi-nayaka, the ruler of Vikramasimhapattana (Nellore) and one of the ministers of Kakatiya Pratāparudradēva, in the temple of the god Vriddhagirlávara." From this it is evident that Muppidi-nayaka, the minister of Kākatiya Pratāparudradēva, was an ally of Sundara pandya who caused the service to be instituted in the temple to honour him. Though the cause of Muppidi's presence in the Pāņdyan territory is not disclosed in the record, the Srirangam epigraph of Dēvari-nāyadu, dated 1317 A.D. leaves no room for doubt that the Kakatiya armies came there to restore Sundara-pāņdya to his ancestral throne. If Rājarāja Sundara-pāņdya of the Tirukkalar record is the same as Sundara-pândya of the inscription from Vriddhachalam cited above, it may be surmised that the Muhammadan and Kakatiya forces were both fighting in the Pandyan kingdom in and around 1315 A.D., and that they were both allies of Sundara-pandya. It is not unreasonable to believe that the Käkatiya monarch sent his armies to the south at the instance of Sultan Ala-ud-din Khalji to support the contingent of Muhammadan forces sent thither by the latter to restore Sundara-pandya to his kingdom. Therefore, it is not possible to accept without reserve the statement in the Vilasa grant and some other later records that Pratäparudra was invariably victorious over the Muslim armies on all ocossions excepting the last.
Next, the present inscription throws some new light on the circumstances in which Prataparudra met with his death. According to Shams-i-Shirăj' Afif, the Rãi of Tiling, whom Sulţăn Muhammad sent to Delhi, died upon the road. The correctness of the statement has, however, been questioned. On the authority of inscriptions, it has been said that Prataparudra did not die on his way to Delhi; he was not only rescued and freed by some Näyakas from captivity, but continued to rule his kingdom for some years after that. An inscription at Santamägalare in the Narasaraopet Taluk of the Guntur District dated 1326 A.D. mentions Pratāparadra as the ruler of the kingdom, and registers & gift for his merit by Kolani Rudradēva, one of his mahapradhānis. This furnishes, as pointed out by H. Krishna Sastri, a date 'four years later than the latest date given for Pratāparudra.' Coupled with the evidence of this record,
1 Elliot, History of India, Vol. III, p. 54. * A.R.Ep., No. 642 of 1902; SII, Vol. VIII, No. 247.
Ibid., 72 of 1918. * Ibid., 79 of 1938-39
History of India, op. cit. Vol. III, p. 307. • A.R.Ep., No. 308 of 1916 ; ibid., 1916, Part II, pars. 63.

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[Vol. XXXII the title Rāya-bandī-vimochaka, said to have been borne by Récherla Sinigama I, one of the Nāyakas in the service of Pratāparudra, has given rise to the belief that he rescued the king from captivity and that the latter continued to rule his kingdom even after the fall of Warangal in 1323 A.D. Now, the Santamāgalūru inscription is a solitary record unsupported by other evidence; and no trace of Pratāparudra's rule is found anywhere subsequent to his capture by Ulugh Khan. Moreover, the Muslim forces were still busy with the subjugation of the country and they would not have tolerated Pratāparudra's rule in any part of it. The setting up of an inscription at Santamāgalūru by Kolani Rudradēva in 1326 A.D. must be attributed to the feelings of loyalty to his old master and his irreconcilable hostility to the Mussalmans who had overthrown his authority. The title Rāya-bandi-vimochaka is of uncertain origin. There is no evidence to show that it was ever borne by Singama I. None of his records has come down to us; and the Velugoțiväri Vamšāvali does not associate the title with his name. It occurs for the first time in an inscription of his son Anavõta I, dated 1369 A.D., at Ayyanavõlu in the Warangal District." Anavõta I was not a contemporary of Pratāparudra, and he could not have participated in that monarch's wars with the Muhammadans. Therefore, the origin of his title Rāya-bandi-vimochaka must be traced to some event which must have taken place in his (Anavõta's) own time.
The present insoription, which must have been issued within about a decade or go of the Muslim conquest of Tiling, not only confirms the evidence of Shams-i-Shirāj 'Afif that Pratáparudra died on his way to Delhi but also specifies the locality where his death had taken place as the bank of the river Sömödbhavā (verse 20). There is reason to believe that he did not suffer natural death, but put an end, unable to bear perhaps captivity, to his own existence. In the Kaluvachēsu grant of the Reddi queen Anitalli dated 1423 A.D., exactly a century after the fall of Warangal, it is stated that Pratāparudra departed to the world of the gods by his own desire. This seems to suggest that he either committed suicide or was slain at his own instance by one of his own followers.
The statement that, on the death of Pratāparudra, the entire Andhra country passed into the hands of the Muhammadans is corroborated by the evidence of other contemporary and nearly contemporary records. The Rajahmundry mosque inscription of Sālār Ulwi bears testimony to the subjugation of the Gõdāvari delta. The Futuh-us-Salafin refers to the conquest of Kalinga and the capture of the forts of Gooty (Anantapur District) and Kanti (Gandikota in the Cuddapah District). A chātu verse in Telugu addressed to Sangama II (1356 A.D.), nephew of Harihara I and Bukka I of Vijayanagara, alludes to Muslim occupation of the Nellore District immediately after the rule of Muppidi-näyaka (1323 A.D.). Although the Andhra country was thus rapidly subjugated, it did not long remain under Muslim rule. This was mainly due to the oppressive character of their government which is vividly portrayed in the present inscription (vv: 22-27). Unlike other conquerors of India, the Mussalmans were not satisfied with the acquisition of more political power. They descended on the Deccan not as mere conquerors in search of new countries but as crusading warriors to spread the true faith in the land of the infidels. To stamp out heathenism, and gather all the people within the fold of Islam, they prohibited, as
1 M. Rama Rao, Kakatiyas of Warangal, pp. 97-98. · Velupötivari Vathsacharitra, Appendix No. 4. .J.Tel.Ac., Vol. II, p. 106. Tasmin Pratáparudre sua-sthanam sv-échchhay=aiva yatavali atha să blur=Yavanamayi ját-air-aho mahāmaho mahima. .A..Rp., No. 426 of 1926. . Puth-us-Salātis (Madras edn.), pp. 402-03 ; albo p. 31. Chafupadyamarimavinjari :-Muppidi tagandle mudamuto Turakat.

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VILASA GRANT OF PROLAYA NAYAKA stated in the inscription, the public exercise of Hindu religion, and subjected its followers to inhuman tyranny. The Hindus could not dress well, live well, and appear to be prosperous. Vexatious taxes were imposed on them; their seats of learning were destroyed; their temples were plundered and demolished ; and the images of their gods were defaced and broken and used ag building material for erecting prayer houses for the faithful. That this is not an exaggeration but genuine truth is proved by independent accounts of the condition of the Hindus in other parts of South India subjugated by the Mussalmang. Gangadēvi, the queen of Kumāra Kampaņa (1340-74 A.D.), presents in her Madhurāvijayam, a harrowing picture of devastation caused by the Muhammadans in the Tamil country. The temples in the land ', says she have fallen into neglect as worship in them has been stopped. Within their walls the frightful howls of jaokals have taken the place of the sweet reverberations of the mridanga. Like the Turashkas who know Do limits, the Kāvēri has forgotten her ancient boundaries and brings frequent destruction with her floods. The sweet odour of the sacrificial smoke and the chant of the Vēdas have deserted the villages (agrahāras), which are now filled with the foul smell of the roasted flesh and the fierce noises of the ruffianly Turushkas. The suburban gardens of Madura present a most painful sight; many of their beautiful cocoanut palms have been cut down ; and on every side are seen rows of stakes from which swing strings of human skulle strung together. The Tämrapari is flowing red with the blood of the slaughtered cows. The Voda is forgotten and justice has gone into hiding; there is not left any trace of virtue or nobility in the land, and despair is writ large on the faces of the unfortunate Drávidas.'
Unable to bear the grinding tyranny of the Musalmans, which was set on foot to wipe ont their race, religion and culture, the Andhras as & people joined together and rose up in revolt. Nobles and common folk, if we can trust the evidence of the inscription under consideration, voluntarily flocked to the standard of Prölaya-nayaka to rid the country of the barbarous hordes of Islām, which by the decree of an evil fate descended on their native land. The Brāhmaṇas and the farmers of the soil paid, of their own free will, taxes to enable the leaders to carry on the struggle for freedom successfully. It was the first national movement in Indian history ; and the Andhras showed to the rest of India how a people could, by their united effort, expel the enemy and regain their lost freedom.
This was no easy task. Muhammad bin Tughluq was a powerful monarch, who was cruel and merciless in crushing his enemies. No Hindu ruler of the South, however strong and warlike, was able to resist the irresistible advance of his armies. It is noteworthy that in that deplorable state of utter helplessness, the Andhras were able to organise themselves into a confederacy, strike a blow to gain independence, and successfally accomplish their purpose.
The information furnished by the grant under review about the Musunuri family is very meagre. It simply states that king Prola of the Musunuri family was born in the fourth caste ; he headed the movement to free the country from the Muslim yoke, and having successfully driven them out, he made Rekapalli on the Godavari at the foot of the Mālyavanta mountain his capital and entrusted the administration of the country to his younger brothers, such as Kāpaya-näyake, devoting himself entirely to the performance of charitable and meritorious deeds. Nothing is known from this grant about Prölaya-nayaka's history and career, except that he had many younger brothers, of whom Kapaya-nayaka was one. This dearth of information about his family is made up by the Prolavaram grant of Kāpaya-nayaka, dated in the Saka year 1267, expressed by the chronogram giri-tarka-bhānu, in the cyclio year Pārthiva. As he is also stated in the grant to have belonged to the Musunuri family and as the date of the grant is very near to
1 K.A.N Sastri, The Pawlyan Kingdom, pp. 242-43. .A.R. Ep., 1934-36, C. P. No. 3. Cf. J BORS, Vol. xx, pp. 260 ff.

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(Vol. XXXII the date of the fall of Warangal, there need be no doubt that he is identioal with Kapaya-nayaka, Pröla's brother mentioned in the grant under review. Fortunately for us, the Prõlavaram grant furnishes a short pedigree of three generations of the Mueunūri chiefs born in the fourth caste. Pota, the earliest known member of the family, had four sons, namely, Pocha, Déva, Käma and Räja. The first three brothers had two sons each, namely, Prola and Erapota, Käpa and Mummadise, and Immadisa and Dēva respectively; and Räja, the last son of Pöta, had only one Bon by name Anavõta, otherwise known as Toyyēti Anavõta, or Anavõte of Toyyēru. From this it becomes clear that Prola and Eçapõta were the only sons of Pöcha, and that Kāpa and others were, strictly speaking, Prölaya-nāyaka's cousins (that is, his paternal uncles' sons and not his own brothers). Even the Prolavaram grant does not furnish any information about Kapayanäyaka's grandfather Põta and his father and uncles, except giving the pedigree. Probably these members of the Musunūri family were ordinary Nāyakas of no great importance and played no part in the momentous history of the period during and after the reign of the last Kakatiya omperor, Pratāparudra. Prola and his brothers, especially Kāpaya-nāyaka, seem to have been the only members of the family that came to limelight during the period of the Muslim occupation of the Andhra country immediately after the fall of Warangal by their deeds of valour, and untiring efforts to unite and inspire the people of the country and liberate it from the Muslim yoke. Except Käpaya-nāyaka none of the other cousins of Prõlaya finds mention either in the grant under review or in the Prola varom grant of Kāpaya-nāyaka. Probably they were young and achieved nothing worthy of note during that troublous period, or it may be that some of them lost their lives during those days of anarchy, and the oppressive and autocratic rule of the Mussalmans. It is, however, certain that Käpaya-nayaka was the right hand man of Prölaya-näyaka, whom he actively supported and co-operated with in every way in waging war on the Mussalmans and expelling them from the Andhra country.
There is another record, the Kaluvachēgu grant of Anitalli, dated in Saka 1345, (1423 A.D.), that should be taken into account here for a better understanding of the political conditions of the country immediately after the fall of Warangal, even though it is separated in time by nearly a century from the grant under review. It is stated in the introductory portion of the Kalavacbēru grant that after Pratāparudra of the Kakatiya dynasty, the lord of Trilinga (Telugu country), had gone to heaven by his own will, the whole land was occupied by the Muslims (Yatanamayi jätā); Prölaya-nāyaka then raised the country that was enveloped in the womb of the Yavanas (Yavan-dara-stha) just like Varaha, the boar incarnation of Vishnu, who raised the land submerged under water. After Prolaya-nayaka went as a guest to heaven at the command of Visvēsvara, the same grant further says, Kāpaya-nayaka who was equal in splendour to the sun, ruled his kingdom, and that he whose feet were served by the seventyfive Näyakas, protected the earth by the grace of Visvēsvara. King Kāpa is said to have regranted to Brāhmaṇas, the agrahāras taken over by the Turushkas, besides granting them some afresh. After the death pf Kipa, all the Näyakas subordinate to him are said to have gone to their towns and proteoted their respective countries.
Prolaya-nayaks and Kapaya mentioned thus in the introductory portion of the Kaluvachēru grant are, no doubt, respectively identical with the donors of the grant under review and the Prolavaram grant, although their family name Musunuri does not find mention in the latter. The Kaluvachēru grant further makes it clear that after rescuing the Andhra country from the Muslim yoke, Prola and after him Käpa ruled it one after the other and that the severity-five Nāyakas,
13. Tel. Ac., Vol. II, pp. 93-112; Bharati, Vol. XXI, Part I, pp. 663-67, Part II, pp. 61.78.

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261 the survivors as well as the sons of those that perished in the struggle, acknowledged their supremaoy and leadership and served them faithfully.
Let us see if we can spot out any of the Nāyakas that served Prola and Kāpa and co-operated with them in liberating the country. With the fall of Warangal, the leadership of the coastal region passed from the hands of the kings of the Lunar and Solar dynasties into those of the Nāyakas of the Musunuri family of the fourth caste. Of the other Nāyakas of this period, we already know that Vēma was one. Most of the chiefs, ministers and commanders of the Kākatiya emperor, Pratäparudra, lost their lives in the last fatal siege of Warangal. A few, who had survived the disaster, are known to us from both inscriptions and literature. One of them was Kolani Rudradēva alias Pratāpa rudra, the mahāpradhāni of Kakati Pratāparudra and son of Gannaya-mantri. He was a contemporary of Anna-mantri and a great Sanskrit scholar and the author of Rājarudriyam, & work on grammar. He was the grandson of Kolani Soma-mantri, the minister of Käkati Ganapatidēva and the subjugator of the māndalikas of Kolanuvidu or Sara Ipuri. It is known from the Sivayogasāram, a Telugu work on Saiva theology, written by Ganapatidēva of the Kolani family, that Kolani Rudradēva bad taken part in the expedition to Kāñchipura (1315 A.D.) during the reign of Pratāparudra and defeated the five Pāņdya chiefs. The statement in the same work that he protected the stone fort of Warangal 80 as to win the commendation of Käkatēsa (i.e. Pratāparudra) and that he slew some Yavana chiefs, makes it clear that he had taken an active part in the wars with the Mussalmans. Yet it appears strange that none of his records prior to 1323 A.D. has come to light. An epigraph at Santamāgalūru in the Guntur District dated in the cyclio year Kshaya, corresponding to Saka 1248 (1326 A.D.) in the reign of Kakati Prataparudra, registers a gift of land to the temple of Göpinātha of that village by Kolani Rudradova for the merit of that king on the occasion of a solar eclipse. Pratāparudra, as we know, was already dead by the date of this record. It has therefore to be presumed that Rudradova, the donor of the record, shook off by that time the Muslim yoke and was free to make at his will a grant of land for the merit of his late master out of respect and devotion.
Another survivor was Anna-mantri of the Bendapūdi family, the Gajasähini of Käkati Pratáparudra, who is described in the Bhimēsvara Purana of Srinātha as the veritable fire in annihilating the Yavanas and the establisher of the throne of the adhyaksha of the Andhra country. The term adhyaksha, which means supervisor or president (and not king), no doubt refers to Prölayanāyaka, and probably to Kāpaya-nāyaka also after him. This title suggests that it was through the successful efforts of Anna-mantri that the selection of the supervisor or the president of the oonfederacy of nobles of the Andhra country was made possible and that the president so elected was made acceptable to all the chiefs, who combined together to liberate the country. The title is meaningless, if this is not its import. Thus, the title indicates, in unmistakable terms, the successful and prominent part played by Anna-inantri of the Bendapūdi family. The same work, Bhimēsvara Puranan, referred to above, informs us that Anna-mantri received the village of Arēdu, which was full of many crops grown by the supply of canal waters, as an agrahāra on the occasion of a solar eclipse. There must have been some significance for the special mention of Rudradova's gift of this village to Anna-mantri. If this solar eclipse, on which the village was granted, was the same as that mentioned in Rudradēva's Santamāgalūru record, cited above, this grant must have been made to Anna-mantri soon after the successful culmination of the war of independence and the liberation of the coastal region, probably in appreciation of his services to
Rajarudriyam: Adiraja-Kakatiya-Prataparudra-pradhana-varyasya Mudraka-Gannaya-on-rachilari Värttika. vyakhyanam.
* 4, R. Ep., No. 308 of 1915. Bhimefuara Puranam, I. 48: Arndhra-bhimandal-adhyaksha-simhasana-sampratishthapan-dehårýa.

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the cause of freedom. It is certain that it could not have been possible for Rudradeva to make this grant of a village as an agrahara while the coastal country was under the iron grip of the Mussalmans. These two facts mentioned above, namely, the title borne by Anna-mantri and the grant of an agrahāra to him by Kolani Rudradeva, clearly suggest the important role played by these two aged Andhra statesmen in the national movement started for the liberation of the Andhra
country.
Simgaya-nayaka, son of Era Dacha-nayaka of the Recherla family, was another survivor of the disaster. His father Era Dacha accompanied Muppiḍi-nayaka in his expedition against the Pandyas to Kanchipura in 1315 A.D. He is said to have "constructed a mandala with arrows and on the dias of the elephants made an offering of the pride of the Pandya king in the hōma fire of his valour and accepted the hand of the bride of victory." His son Simgaya also must have followed his father and taken part in the battle of Kañchi. All his activities described in the Telugu work Velugōṭiväri Vamsavali refer to the early post-Kakatiya period.
Kūnaya-nayaka, the son of Ganapati-nayaka and the grandson of Kesami-nayaka was another contemporary of Prōlaya-nayaka and Kapaya-nayaka. Kesami-nayaka who is said to have won a victory against the Pandyas according to the Kōrukonda inscription of Mummaḍinayaka," must have served Prataparudra and taken part in the expedition against Kanchi.
The Virasamanta chiefs, Kapaya-nayaka and Prōlaya-nayaka, also must have been the contemporaries of the Musunuri chiefs since the date of the Dōnepūḍi record of Namaya-nāyaka, grandson of Kāpa and son of Prōla, is dated in Saka 1259.
Similarly the Undirájas of the Solar race, Venga-bhūpati, king of Vengi, and his relations, the Telugu Chōda chiefs of Eruva, Gangadhara and his son Chōda Bhaktiraja, especially the latter, co-operated with the Musunuri chiefs in the war of independence.'
All the Nayakas and chiefs mentioned above, besides many others whose names are not known to us, must have formed into a confederacy, acknowledged the leadership of Prōlaya-nayaka and gathered under his banner to free the country from the foreign yoke. These confederates must have made the mountainous regions and forest areas on the banks of the Godavari and the Krishņā their rendezvous to put into action their plans to free the country, first the coastal plain below the Ghats and then the upland country of Telangana above the Ghats.
The various measures concerted by Prōlaya-nayaka and his associates to liberate the country from the Muslim yoke and how they accomplished their object are totally unknown to us. We know, however, for certain that Madhya-Andhradesa; as the coastal Andhra country was then called, very soon had regained its independence, almost within two or three years after its subjugation by the Muslims. Warangal fell in 1323 A.D.; but the whole of Telangana and Madhya-Andhradesa did not immediately come under the sway of the Muslims. There was strong opposition to the Muslim army. However, the coastal plain submitted to the arms of the conquering hordes within a year, that is, by the 10th September, 1324 A.D., the date of the construction
1A. R., Arch. Dept., Hyderabad, 1933-34, p. 29, App. C.
• Velugōtivări Vaméavali, pp. 16-17.
A. R. Ep., No. 44 of 1912.
Ibid., 1906, App. A. No. 21; above, Vol. XIV, p. 83. Ibid., 1948-47, App. A. No. 3.

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of the big mosque at Rajahmundry by Salar Ulwi, a servant of Ulugh Khan'. By this date the conquest of the whole of the coastal region of the Andhra country was complete. Ghiyag-ud-din Tughluq's coins discovered in this part of the country, ranging in dates from A.H. 722 to 726 * (i.e. from 1322 to 1326 A.D.) were current in that region. However, the year 1325 A.D., the date of the Mallavaram stone record of Vēmā Redḍi, marks the turning of the tide, and indicates the beginning, and 1326 A.D., the date of the Santamagaluru record of Kolani Rudradeva, the completion of the re-conquest and the final liberation of the coastal region of the Andhra country. A few inscriptions of the early post-Kakatiya period, of the Telugu-Chōdas and the Reddis, however, contain references to their victories over the Muslims in general, and of the particular Muslim chiefs and commanders, in the course of the war. The Pentapadu grant of Chōda Bhaktiraja is a very interesting record in this respect, as it furnishes some valuable information about Prōlayanayaka and a certain Venga-bhüpati. From this we learn that subsequent to the death of the father of Choda Bhaktiraja, who was then a boy, the Andhra country (avani-chakram Andhram) was conquered (hritam) by the Yavanas (Mussalmans), when the valourous and righteous Prōlayanayaka, son of the heroic Pōchaya-nayaka, together with his associate Vengaraja left the Vengi vishaya and repaired to a Vana-durga surrounded by hundreds of mountains. They both had reconquered the Andhra country after putting an end to the entire Turushka horse in battle (Samarë samit-abesha-Turushka-turag-õtkarau, punar-āharatām-ētāv=Amdhram mandalam-arddhataḥ). After killing all the Yavana commanders (vihat-äkhila-Yavana-vahini-nathaḥ), Vanga-bhūpati went to heaven (probably was killed in battle), as if to help Indra in battle. This Venga-bhūpati, great-grandson of Brahma, grandson of Deva and son of Kamaraja of the Lunar dynasty, was the maternal uncle of Kama, alias Bhaktiraja, son of Gangaraja of the Solar dynasty. Consequent on the death of Venga-bhūpati, probably without leaving an heir to his kingdom, Prölaya-nayaka installed Bhaktiraja, while he was still a boy as the ruler of his maternal uncle's territory, which seems to have comprised Vengi and its surrounding tracts. Thus Chōda Bhaktiraja who, according to the grant referred to above, owed his elevation to the support given to him by Prōlayanayaka, though a boy, killed the infantry and cavalry of the Yavana king (Bhakti-kshitipalako
1 Ep. Indo-Mos., 1923-1924, pp. 13 ff.
A Forgotten Chapter of Andhra History, p. 17.
3 Nellore District Inscriptione, Vol. III, O. 73. The Mallavaram record registers a grant of land to god Ra. ghava of Chadalavada in the Ongole Taluk of the Guntur District in the Saka year denoted by the chronogram Saila (7), Värdhi (4), and Dyumani (12), that is, 1247, in the month of Aévija on the occasion of a solar eclipse on Thursday (Asvinasy-ävasané rahu-graste-himamiau Suraguru-divase) by Vema-reddi, one of Prōlaya-nä. yaka's subordinate associates, who is described in the record as "the very Agastya to the ocean, namely, Mlochchhas (Mlechchh-ambhodhi-Kalas-ödbhavah). The equivalent English date is 7th October, 1325 A.D. The date Saka 1277 given by Butterworth and Venugopala Chetty in the Nellore inscriptions by assigning the value 7 to Vardhi, and the occasion as lunar eclipse (himäméau) are both wrong as pointed out by Mr. H. K. Narasimhaswami in the course of his article on the Ködüru grant of Anavõta Reddi (above, Vol. XXV, p. 139 and n. 5). He takes himämáu as ahimäméu correctly but accepts the value seven given by the authors for the term värdhi. Hence he finds the date irregular as there was no solar eclipse in the month of Aévija in Saka 1277. So he writes, "The word värdhi in the chronogram saila-värdhi-dyumasi as read by the authors (Butterworth and Venugopala Chetty) mentioned above has therefore to be altered suitably by some such word as tarka to give the numeral 6 in place of 7, and the chronogram equated with 1267." If corrected like this the date becomes regular as there was a solar eclipse in the month of Aévija on Thursday in Saka 1267. But the numerical value generally given to värdhi is 4 and not 7. Then the Saka date becomes 1247 and not 1277. In 1247 there was a solar eclipse in the month of Aávija on Monday, Sasidhara-divasa, and not on Thursday, Suraguru-divasa. The week day does not totally tally, if 1247 is taken. However this Saka date which is given so clearly in the inscription may be accepted.
A. R. Ep., 1915, No. 308.
Ibid., 1946-47, App. A, No. 3.

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[VOL. XXXII
tha balo 'pi samgrāma-ramga-samhrita-yavana-ädhipa-subhata-ghōṭak-ätöpaḥ), i.e. king of the Musalmans.
Prōlaya-nayaka, son of Pochi-nayaka, is, no doubt, identical with his namesake of the Musunuri family, the donor of the grant under review. The Pentapaḍu grant referred to above, not only confirms the account of the liberation of the coastal Andhra country furnished by the grant under review, but also reveals to us the names of two of his associates, Venga and Bhaktirājathe former his elder and the latter a younger contemporary-who played an important part in the war of independence, even though their achievements are unknown to us from that grant. It is probable that Pochi-nayaka, the father of Prōlaya-nayaka, also lost his life during this memorable war. The unnamed vana-durga to which Prola and Venga repaired, may be safely identified with Rekapalli, the capital of Prōlaya-nayaka, situated near the Malyavanta mountain mentioned in the present grant. Nothing more is known about either Venga-bhupati or his ancestors.
Some more information about the achievements of Chōda Bhaktirāja such as the defeat of Boggara and other Muhammadan warriors in the battle near Gulapuṇḍi, his conquest of the demoniac forces of Dabaru-khanu and others near Pedakoṇḍāpuri may be gleaned from the undated Rajahmundry Museum plates of his son, Annadeva-chōḍa.
As has already been stated, the Kaluvacheru grant of Anitalli also attests to the fact of the liberation of the Trilinga country by Prölaya-nayaka and of Kapaya-nayaka's rule over it. This grant mentions Vêma of the Panța community, as one of the seventy-five Nayakas that served Kapaya-nayaka. He was the son of Prölaya-reddi and the founder of the Reddi kingdom of Kondavidu. Vēma was thus a contemporary and loyal associate of the Musunuri chief, Kāpayanayaka, and probably of his cousin and predecessor, Prōlaya-nayaka. His Mallavaram atone record, dated in Saka 1247 (October 7, 1325 A.D.), describes him as the very Agastya to the ocean, namely, Mlechchas (Mlechchh-abdhi-Kumbhödbhava), and indicates the region of his activities during the period of this war. As he is stated to have re-granted the agrahāras to Brahmanas which were foremerly taken away by the Muslims, after rescuing them from the enemy, on the banks of the three important rivers, the Gautami, the Krishņā, and the Brahmakuṇḍī or Kunḍiprabba, i.e. the Gundlakamma, he must have participated in the war against the Muhammadans in the region through which these rivers flow. Vema's victory over the Yavanas, i.e. Muhammadans, the protection by him of Madhy-Andhra-desa, i.e. the Middle Andhra country, and the patronage of Brahmanas, are also referred to by his court poet Yarra-Preggada in his Harivamsam. He loyally co-operated with the Musunuri chiefs, Prōla and Kapa, during the early post-Kakatiya period and contributed to the success of the war of independence. It seems strange that the Kaluvachēru grant mentions Vēma as the subordinate of Kapaya-nayaka and not of Prōlaya-nayaka, though his contemporaneity with the latter is indubitable. This was probably due to the fact that the adminstration of the country was left in the hands of Kapaya-nayaka by his cousin Prōla, after the conquest of the country, as has been stated in the grant under review.
This record registers, on the occasion of a lunar eclipse, the grant of Vilasa, the best of the fertile villages of the Kōna-mandala on the banks of the Godavari, as an agrahara to Vennaya, the elder brother of Ganapay-arya and son of Annaya, grandson of Vennaya and great-grandson of Annaya of the Bharadvaja götra and Yajur-věda. The donee is described in high sounding terms as a learned scholar of note and a well-to-do person of charitable disposition. Several yāyajukas of blemishless conduct, who had performed many sacrifices with the money given by him, are said to have shone like the flags of fame, etc. When Prōlaya-nayaka,
1 Above, Vol. XXVI, No. 2.
J.Tel.Ac., Vol. II, pp. 93-112; Bhārati, Vol. XXI, Part I, pp. 553 ff.; Part II, pp. 61 f. Nellore District Inscriptions, Vol. III, Ongole 73.
• Harivamiam, Part I, 5,260; Part II. 2,1,

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VILASA GRANT OF PROLAYA-NAYAKA
255
finding Vennaya to be a danapatra (i.e., a person worthy of a gift), implored him to receive the gift of a village, he accepted it out of consideration for him, in spite of his aversion to do so. After having received Vilasa as an agrahara, he, along with his brother, re-granted it to a number of Brahmanas, having divided it into one hundred and eight shares. There were eighty donees in all including the two deties, Gautamesvara and Kesava of the village. The list of donees with their names of götras, sākās and the number of shares given to each is appended hereto.
This agrahara was pre-eminently granted to the Bharadvaja götrins, who received more than fifty four shares in the village. With the exception of a few, most of the donees were Yajur-vēdins who were proficient in the sacrificial lore, besides being poets, commentators, Ved-adhyapakas and adhyetris and experts in sustras and darśanas. The titles given to many of the recipients indicate the high level of their scholarship and skill in the various sciences and arts. It is unusual to find so many scholars of repute among the donees mentioned in the grants of the late medieval period. It is yet strange and unfortunate that not even one of the works of these reputed scholars, who were not only proficient in ganito, jyotisha, grammar, logic, āgames, darśanas and vēdānta but were also scholarists and poets, has come to light. It is for future research to unearth their works. It is interesting to find two donees of the Parasara götra and Yajuś śākha who were experts in the guru-tantra. The mention of the guru-tantra in the grant under review shows that even pūrva-mimāmsā was studied in the coastal Andhra country as late as the fourteenth century.
It is also worth noting that the donees, with the exception of a few, were experts in the ritual of sacrifices. This is significant as indicating the revival of Vēdism and Vedic sacrifices in the early post-Kakatiya period in the coastal region, subsequently to the attainment of independence and the re-establishment of Hindu monarchy. The establishers of independence voluntarily undertook the task of purifying the places in Andhra (Andhrān=pradēśān) defiled by the sinful feet of the Muhammadans, by the continuous performance of Vedic sacrifices by Brahmanas, which were stopped during the Mussalmian rule (kritvā pravrittän virata-prasaṁgān yajñān havir-dhuma-paramparābhih). This revival of sacrifices and Vedism gave a re-orientation to the then existing religion of the country by giving it a strong Vedic tinge, and had a profound influence on the Vaishnava cult of the South.
Of the places mentioned in the grant, viz., Tilinga-desa, Kōna-mandala, Dhilli, Ekaśilānagara, Rekapalli and the gift village Vilasa and its boundaries, Tilinga-desa is the Telugu country. Its extent conformed more or less to the present Andhra State. The terms Telugu and Andhra became synonymous even by the middle of the thirteenth century and both terms were applied indiscriminately to denote the whole country dominated by the Telugu speaking people. Kōna-inandala, same as Kōna-desa, Kōna-rashtra of Kōna-sthala, is the country ruled by the feudal chiefs of the Haihaya dynasty in the 12th and 13th centuries of the Christian era. It is no doubt the Renderula-nadimi-vishaya of the Namḍampumdi grant1 and probably the Sindhu-yugm-āmtara-dē sa of the Pithapuram pillar inscription of the Velanați king, Prithiviśvara. The identification of the Sindhu-yugam-amtara-desa with the territory between the rivers Godavari and the Krishna by Hultzsch, the editor of the inscription, is of course, erroneous. Acording to the late Mr. J. Ramayya Pantulu who re-edited the Nanilampusudi grant in the journal of the Telugu Academy, the terms sindhu-yugm-amtara is nothing but a Sanskritisation of rend-erula-nadimi-vishaya of the Namdampumḍi grant, and the rivers that enclose this territory, are the Gautami, the main one of the sevenbranches of the Gōdāvārī, and the Vainatoyam, another of its branches. So this ren l-erula-nadimivishaya in his opinion, corresponds to the prsent Amalapur Taluk. This Kōna-sthala or Kōna-desa
1 Above, Vol. IV., pp. 300, ff.
2 Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 36 and 42.
Ibid., p. 36.
Vol. I, pp. 45 ff.

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[YOL XXXII
finds mention in the Naḍupuru grant of Anavema-reddi, and in the Tottaramāḍi plates of Kaṭayavēma. This territorial division retains its name even today and the whole territory between the Vasishtha and the Gautami branches of the Godavari is known as Kona-sima at the present day. Dhilli is the well-known city of that name, the capital of the Indian Repablic, which was the capital of the Slave kings, the Paṭhāns and the Tughluqs in the medieval period. Ekasilanagara is the present Warangai, the headquarters of the district of the same name in the Andhra State. Rekapalli is identical with the village of the same name in the Bhadrachalam Taluk of the East Godavari District. Of the villages mentioned in the grant only Vilasa, the village granted and its boundary village of Sirupalle and Maingain are identifiable. They are in the Amalapur Taluk. Sirupalle is the present Siripalle, and Mingam, the present village of Magam. Vilasa, which is a few miles distant from Amalapuram, retains its old name to the present day. The rest of the boundary villages are not to be found now.
It is stated that the grant was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse; but neither the Sakayear or the cyclic year nor the month in which the lunar eclipse occurred is specified. Hence the precise date of the grant cannot be definitely ascertained. However, the period in which it was given, can be approximately calculated. The grant was certainly subsequent to 1325 A.D. (Saka 1247), the earliest date known for the establishment of-Hindu independence in the costal region. It is unfortunate that none of the records of Prōlaya-niyaka with the exception of this grant has come to light. In this respect his brother, Kapaya-niyaka was really more fortunate. Besides his Prōlavaram grants already adverted to, dated in Saka 1267, Parthiva, there are two of his lithic records, the Ganapeśvaram inscription dated in Saka 1268, Vyaya, and the Pillalamarri inscription dated in Saka 1279, Hemaļambi. Of these, his Prōlavaram grant is the earliest as is evident from its date. But the country of Tiling, in fact, the whole of Southern Hyderabad to the south of Warangal, was already in the possession of the Hindus by 1339 A.D., the date of the Bādāmi record of Harihara I, the founder of the kingdom of Vijayanagara. Hence, Kapayanayaka was surely in possession of Warangal before 1339 A.D. He conquered it probably by about 1336-37 A.D. from the Mussalmans. As the Muslim historians mention Kapa, Kaba-nand, or Kaba-Nayand, who is no other than Prölaya-nayaka's brother Kapa Nidu or Kapaya-nayaka, as the leader of the rebellion of the Hindus of Warrangal in Telangana, it seems likely that his brother Prōlaya-nayaka was already dead, by that time. If not so, he must himself have been mentioned as the leader of the rebellion. If this supposition is accepted, the record under review must have been granted between 1325 and 1336-37 A.D., possibly about 1330 A.D.
The editors of the present record take this opportunity of expressing their gratitude to Sri N. Lakshminarayana Rao, for lending for cousultation the impressions of the following unpublished inscriptions: (1) the Srisailam epigraph of Kacheya-reddi, (2) the Mallavaram inscriptions of Prōlaya Vēma-reddi, and (3) the Pentapaḍn grant of Chōda Bhaktiraja. They also offer thanks to Dr. V. Raghavan, Professor of Sanskrit, University of Madras for revising the Romanised text of the inscription.
1 Above, Vol. III. p. 2.
Ibid., Vol. IV. p. 320.
JBORS, Vol. XX, pp. 260 f.
SII, Vol. IV., No. 950.
Crop. Ins. Te. Dist., p. 113, No. 40.
Ind. Ant. Vol. X, pp. 63 ff.
Ind. Cult., Vol. V, p. 264; A Forgotten Chapter of Andhra History, p. 69. The Early Muslim Expansion in South India, p. 205.

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No. 30]
287
A GRANT OF PROLAYA-NAYAKA
List of Donees
Serial Number
Name of the Dones
Sakha
Götra
No. of Sharus
.
.
.
Yajus
Kapi
2
. . .
.
Bharadvāja)
. .
127
13
.
15 16 17 18
Déchi-bhatta . . . Mallikuchi . . . Poda-Bhavana-bhatta . Peda-Siddhaya-bhatta . Bhadra . . i Pina-Bhavana-bhatta Pina-Siddhay . Nallaya Chēmakūra Dhānaya Somayārya Mazhchi-bhatta . Kesava Jakkaya Bhaskara Pinnaya Gaddapalli Peddi-bhatta . Taittiri Vitthaya .
Appalu Yajnama
Yajtama . . Chennaya . Srikantha Aditya Pammappalu. Nägasvami . Singaya Singays Nrisimha-bhatta . Peddaya . . Somaya-bhatta Kēkava Potappaya . . Singappayta . .
.
.
.
.
Rik Yajus
Kaundinya
30
32

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68
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII
Serial Number
Name of the Donce
Sakha
Gotra
No. of Sharos
33
.
.
.
.
.
.
Yajus
Kauņdinya
34 35 36
37
Rāmaya . Manohyappalu Mañchyappalu Somappaya Annaya Nárayana Mallu-bhatta . Simhagiri Govinda
38
Kasyapa
Nágaya Bolli-bhatta
43
.
.
Rāmaya
48
.
.
.
Süraya Narahari Gannaya Sari-bhatta
.
Kamaya
Rik
Yajus
Harita
Hike
Yajus
Parāsara
Erapota Elukurk-Appale-blautta Padmanabha. . Vallabha Trivikram& Ananta-bhatta Ramaya Isvara Távara . . Volumpalli Pochanirya Närälyanappnya . Vennaya Gamgayárya. i Pannaya Chittaya . . Vaikumtha bhattu.
58
.
.
.
.
Rik
Vadhula
.
Vasishtha
63 64
Yajus
Rik Yajus
.
.
.
.
Kaulika Gautama Acreya
65

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No. 30]
Serial Number
66
67
69
68 Ananta
70
73
74
Name of the Donee
Rāmāya-bhaṭṭa
Appaya-bhatta
75 76 77 78 79 80
Pöti-bhatta
Tippaya
Visvesvara
71
72 Chukka-botta Mallikuchi
VILASA GRANT OF PROLAYA-NAYAKA
Bollaya
Kesava
Mallayapeddaya.
Vissays
Tamgollapalli Pochana
Märaya
Kesava (god)
Gautamesvara (do.).
TEXT
Sākhā
Yajus
"
"
"
"
22
Götra
Atreya
Srivatsa
"3
Maitreya
Gárgya Sändilya
39
No. of Shares
1
2
2
1
1
1
21
11
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
259
108
[Metres: Verses 1, 40, 45 Sardulavikriḍita; verses 2, 3, 5-6, 12-13, 16-18, 21, 26, 33, 35, 39, 42, 47, 49, 53, 60, 61, 63, 64, 72-108 Anushtubh; verses 4, 7-11, 14-15, 19-20, 22-24, 27, 29, 31-32, 36-38, 41, 43-44, 48, 50-52, 56-58, 62, 65-71 Upajäti; verses 25, 54, 55 Arya; verse 28 Praharshini; verses 30, 57 Indravajra; vers: 34 Upagiti; verse 46 Rath5ddhata.]
First Plate
1 Avighnam-astu Ya prēmņa Sasimaulina Gajamukhō gaḍham sama limgitas-chapalyach chhaśinaḥ kala[m]
2 kara-talen-ādāya mürdhni sthitam (tam) | nikshipy-etara-damta-simni samabhat-samlakshya damta-dvaya[ḥ ka]
3 lyāņam vitanōtu sa sasi-kalā Vighnesvaraḥ sō='pi vaḥ || [1] Pushtim krishishta vaḥ pōtri purāṇaḥ [Pu]
4 rushottamaḥ [] yad-damshtra-hariņāmkasya vasudha lämchhanayatē || [2] Upatta-satva(ttvō) bhagava[n=a]
5 dau Nārāyaṇ vibhuḥ adrakshid-amayam visvam-unmilan-nayan-ambujah [3] Tatab pari[to]

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VILASA GRANT OF PROLAYA-NAYAKA
దుస్తులయాయామానాగేజమగాడి సమాలింగిత దాదా 5000 సంయమూ సరాం ని..పతండంతసముద్రం బడండియన సంతులనాలుగు కరవాలు పొందిన సంస్పద దసరపురాని సంపులనుయడంటానని సువసుదాతనాయాతపాళసర్పజగతనం
గాయనో భండారడమయిందియునిలయనాంబుజులో రగురిలో నాగ సభాపాడువారం)న మూమర్పయర్సందడినంన్నరా
డిన్నలదిం వర్తిసముడడి ప్రసంది హిమభలమునూరూరాగువహామంలో
నాందుడయంత సుండరా రసంభరంగభాయం:నివసముదవల్లనండి పంటలుదేరంలవనునంబుడివేసితం తనదాన్ని వర్గజామాబరి న్నొవు - ముడం బాగంబువా బారలవ వవహు జలంరినో రాయబా 1 బారబడాబడి పెరంబుదాబర్ వస్వభతస్తనంమని మనస్సలింగ్
సుతాం. ఎయపహారమ్మనోడు రానా కడుపునొండేరములనుందావనం అదనపల్లాసభరాడ్యున్నం హన్నొసంతియత్రణవందిదేవనంబులోనులాంతక 14న మనయం సమాంతం నరపాల నయం పునాడే పురుహ
14
ammam
కరానందుడి వాలకు రావారందం నాతరలో గుంసతివరంగా అంగనూయతాసురుడా ఆదాయెర నామ నగరిపనిపై తాం నామయా నమూతులవాస మూలాలుమాల నియామస్పినవసం. ఇందు సెల్లా పరండ్రా సుపరిహిలయాయాసనుడినిం॥ సవబడా నలిపని ముసుగులో జయముజన రాస్సమస్తా రరిస్తడానితర రం చిప్పెయన అందుకు
నారదుడుగా పొందాసరి నారాంప్రజ్ఞా పాలనరనడు. సాదం మ
మఖువయతినా బాగజశాడనగల దివంగతాల్నేరు మరునాయుడు సుకరానోమగుండె రుసుమురం భూములను తెలియనని లేపలాంగిరా జమదగిరామెన్ మని తీశాను అంబరాలు ఆ నిటరింద ప్రతాపవానుంజయత సర్పందం - నంగిలి
గాకునుకూలమయురాంజవిశుదల బాగదులను సుడుడులుతురుపులు వునయాసితంగునియం మెంనగరి పరియాండింయుకాడు సుంనాయుడు, మతిండిదాం వందలాది సంప్రలానరుడరినాం వర్గంలో
-
వాయువు
Scale: One-half

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[VOL. XXXII
6 ra[ja]sā guņēna brahmim-upäśritya tanum Maheśaḥ | akalpayat-pūrvavad-ēva lōkān= sa[r]vän
7 krip-ärdrikṛita-chitta-viittiḥ || [4] Samudra-dvipa-samvītā Hōm-āchala-manōharā | sarvēsham-api
8 lōkānāṁ madya(dhya)sth-e'yam vasumda(dha)ra || [5] Tasyas-cha ratna-garbhāyāḥ sarvasyā madhya-varttinam(nam) | Jam[b]
9 dvipam vidur-desam lavan-ambudhi-vështitam (tam) || [6] Dvipē='pi tasmin-navadhā vibhaktē Himachala'd=dakshinam-a-sa
10 mudram(dram) | bhagam bhuvō Bhāratavarsham-āhuḥ phalaṁti karmāņi kṛitāni yatra || [7*] Bhasha-[sa]
11 machāra-bhida vibhinnai[r]-deśair-anēkair-bahudhā vibhaktē | varshe cha tasmin kamaniyavasas-Tilimga-nāmā
12 sa chakāsti deśaḥ [8] Mahardhi(rddhi)-ramyani purani nadyaḥ puny-ödakä ramyatara mahidhrüb yank[ay-a]
13 sevyānna(ny-a)talas-taṭākā durgany-adhṛishyāņi cha samti yatra || [9*] Evam-vidham= ambudhi-mekhalām tā
14 m-apipalan dharma-naya-krameņa Sōm-Arka-vamsya narapala-varyyaḥ purana-siddhaḥ puruhūta
i5 bhāsaḥ || [10*]
Second Plate, First Side
16 Gateshu teshu kshitipālakeshu kshitisvaraḥ Kakati-vaṁsa-jātāḥ | kālē Kalau samprati varttamānē Ti
17 lingam-asthāya sasñeur-urvim (rvim) | [11*] Tesham-Ekasila-nama-nagari prithivikshitām(tām) | Ikshvākū
18 pa(ņā)m-Ayodhy-ēva ramy-abhūt-kula-vasa-bhūḥ || [12*] Kāla-kramāt prayātēshu tēshv= analpa-para
19 kramaḥ| Prataparudro nṛipatiḥ pālayāmāsa mēdinim(nim) | [13] Sarve='pi dāna-pravaņā manushya
20 dvijātayō yajña-paras-samastaḥ | kalis=tad=āsīt kṛita-kāla-chihnō yasmin-mahim śāsati
21 Vira-Rudrē || [14] Yasti(smi)n=mahim śāsati śāsan-āṁkāṁ prajāḥ prajā3-pālana-karma-dakshē n=asmarshur=adya[n=na]
22 rapala-mukhyan-Yayati-Nabhāga-Bhagirath=adyan || [15*] Ath-aivam susatā tēna Tu[ru*]
shkāṇā
23 m-adhisvaraḥ | Ahammadu-Suratrāņō mahad=vairaṁ amacharat | [16*] Bhūpāla-laya-Kā
1 The letter la is inserted between cha and da.
* Cha is inserted below the line between the letters vi and sam with the mark of a cross above the line to indicate its place.
Tishu is inscribed below the line with a curved line underneath and a cross mark above the line between the letters shu and kehi to indicate its place.
Between på and la in Kshitipala, a letter which looks like ti is erased.
Praja in prajapalana is inscribed below with a cross above it to mark its place.

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24 lēna yēna nissēshatām gataḥ | Jamadagnyēna Rāmēņa hata-sēshā mahibhritaḥ || [17*] Virōdbhaṭa-bhaṭa
25 8-sō='pi Vira-Rudraḥ pratapavan | ajayat-sapta-kritvas-tar1 nava-laksh-asva-sadhanam (nam) || [18] Niti-prasastō=
2
26 'pi bal-adhikō='pi sahaya-yuktō='pi cha Vira-Rudraḥ | bhagya-kshater-mānusha-mamdalasya Turushka-ba(bha)rtu
27 va(tur-va)satām-ayasīt ! [19] Sa niyamanō nagarim svakiyāṁ Dhillim prayatnad-Yavanēśvarēņa | Sōmō
28 dbhavayaḥ saritaḥ pratire daivad-ayasit-tridas-adhivasam(sam) || [20] Prataparudratigmāmśau lök-amtara-ti
Second Plate, Second Side
29 rōhite [] Turushk-amdha-tamisrēņa samākrāṁtam mahitalam(lam) || [21*] Prataparudrēņa param para
30 sto ripun-adharmō Yavanan gato nu | no ched-gate-'smin Yavanais-sah-aiva katham nirābādha-sukham
31 jajrimbhe [22*] Kechid-dhanadhyāḥ paribādhyamānā dhanaya papair-vividhair-upayaiḥ | kechin-nirikshy-aiva cha Parasīkā
32 n paryyatyajan prāṇa-nabhasvatō-'nye || [23] Dvijātayas- tyajita-karma-bandha bhagnaś= cha deva-pratimas-sa
33 mastāḥ| vidvad-varishthais-chira-kala-bhuktas-sarve-'py-apāhārishat-agrahārāḥ || [24*] Attē
karshana-labhē pā
34 pair-Yyavanair-balātkārāt | din-ādīna-kuṭumbāḥ krishīvalā nāśam=āpaṁnāḥ || [25*] Dhana
dār-ā
35 [dikē] nṛīņām kasmimschid-api vastuni | sv-ayattata-matir-n-ābhūd-bhuvi tasyāṁ mahApa
36 [di] | [26*] [Pēya] surā gō-piśitam cha bhno(bho)jyam lila-vihārō dvija-ghatanam cha | aśrämtam=asid-Yavan-ā
37 dhamānāṁ katham nu jīvēd-bhuvi jīva-lōkaḥ || [27*] Ittham tair-Yyavana-bhaṭaiḥ prabadhyamānam Tailimgam dha
38 rani-talam sur-ari-kalpeḥ(lpaiḥ) | trata (tā)ram kam-api hrid-apy-avimdamānam samtēpē vanam-iva dava-vahni
39 jushtam(shtam) || [28*] Anamtaram samprati yavanim tām-alōkya piḍām-anukampamānaḥams-ävati
40 rno bhagavan-iv-adyaḥ Prōla-kshitisō vasudham bibhartti || [29*] Pursaḥ pa(pu)rāṇasya padad-udirṇnam(rņam) va
Third Plate, First Side
41 rnnam(nam) yam=a[huḥ] Kalikala-varyam(ryam) | tatra prasasto Musunuri-vaméo yaj-janmadhāma [pratha]
1 Stha originally engraved has been erased and corrected into sta.
The length mark of dra has been cancelled by a cross mark circumscribed by a circle. Saritah is inscribed below the line with the mark of a cross above.
• Dhana" is engraved below the line with a cross mark above the line to show its place.

Page #353

i,
FOR పొందడమును కలిసి రాంపండుడుంబంలో పురుడంటంది | సందున పనయనం తాను నడుంనయనడంనిజంగువ మంచు విధినాడం సంచార వనరుగా విరిగిరుధాయ నిందారాలంటే అయన రానునస్తులను తయసజంనుండాలగడం సరదాగా
నాని స్పందన రతాంబు పవరుడండింగడం|రించవలగాల Mసుతరాం నడుండుండా వదనాందూటింది
నలను సందబనసుని స్వయంగా ముందుండి అప్పుడు సురాపురించబొజంతా నడుండడు అందంగా వునా ల లైంగం నుజనడ్యుంజయరాం |accop్యం బటంచు చదువంసంతరింగింది వగలంగురాంత లందులుదారువిందయాసంగంట సంపదగడానవసం ఆ సందరిముందు పవనిరాదులో డానవురంటును 60సం.
కడుగుదాంబా చింపు వంగ డాడు నుండి
in, a
నొలం దున గండులనం పుస్లిమనసుందరంజన్న స్నానం
ముసునూరినంతగాడిదయాతన సంవ42 -
సప్ప నడుంనంనాయాసలహం ప్రసిద్ధంగా 005నుండనుండి సాయుడుబారకొమురం్నడు: నాకు
బలను బాదిందయవనస్తామనూదయంబుగా అ
ల్యా ఇలా రండితాసురుడైరసతండ: 46
సరిగంతాన్ని మూయుజనుడారములంఇంటి రామప్రబలయాననం వండుడికాషాయాందయం పునర్యం ఆహ్యం . రవగా.. ఆ..వపురాసుజండవయ్యలను సదానంలరిడిరాగవాగ్వాదంను రంగు గానం పడవ పంటగా
సుంచారన్జంపాపానాంధ్రనద్రి విడిద గాటనాయదాడిరించాగముడdar52
అను

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262 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII 42 tē přithivyā[m](vyām) [|]] [30*] Sa Prõla-bhūpo Musunūri-vamsyas=tathā-vidham Yāva
nanı=ādhipatyam (tyam) 43 viáv-opajivyēna viśpiṁkhaļē(lē)na vyanīnasad=bāhu-balēna vīraḥ || [31*] Nám=āsya tēshām
Yavan-adha44 mānām mantraḥ kim=uchcbātana-karma-kāri | dinã yad-uchchāraņa mātratastē durggāņi
samtya 45 jya kuto=[py]-abhūvan || [32*] Yāḥ prajās=samabādhyamta Yavana's tām=anūpamam
prabhavamta46 m tam?=?v=agur=ni[dā]gh-ā[r*]ttā iva hradam(dam)! (33*] Yē piļitās-Turushkair=anāratam
mā47 nushā ghorari(ram) | tē tān=ēva nijaghnur=balam=āśrayajam mahat-klıyātam (tam) [34*]
Itthan pa48 rāsya prabalam prapam'cham Yāvana bali nashtam=āpadi kashţāyāı dharman punar
avivšitat [11] [35*] 49 Apāhsitāms=tair=atipāpa-chāraiḥ prattān purāņair=manujēndra-varyyaiḥ anēkaśaḥ
pūrva50 hn(ma)hīsurēbhyaḥ Prõla-kshitīsõ='dadat=āgrahārān 'I [36*] Kpitvā pravsittān virata-pra
saingan ya51 jñān havir-dhūma-paramparābhiḥ | Turush[ka]-samchāraņa-jāta-pāpān=Andhrān pradēšān=852 naghān=akārshit || [37*] Kțishivalās-ch=āpi krishiḥ(shih) phalānāra yath-õditam
bhāgam=adaḥ prahsish[tā]
Third Plate, Second Side 53 h | tapasvinash=shashtham=iva prabhāgam prithvi-bhujē='smai tapasaḥ phalānām(nām)!
[38*] Yad-yat-kritam Pärasi54 kaihor= vyatyastam dharanītale | tat-tat=sarvar yathā-pirvar vyarirachad=ayam bali
(39*] Ittha55 m Prõla-mahi[dha]rēņa balinā sarvamsah=ē'yam chirāt-kashţāyā Yavan-ēmdra-gho56 ra-niksitēs=sammõchya hastē dhțitā | saṁtushţā suksit-opachāra-vidhibhir=visinritya pūrvā[n*]= 57 nļi pāri[s=tasmi]n bhāvam=ananyagam vitanutē sausthitya-samdarsita(tam)|| [40*] Tasy=
ästi tasyām bhuvi rā58 jadhani mahibbsito Mälyavatas=samīpē | Gödāvuri-prämta-bhuvi prasastām 59 vām Rēkapall=īti vadamti dēsyāḥ ! [41*] Dāna-bhög=āpayõgly "jābhi[s*]=sarvabhir=vasu
bhūri60 bhiḥ y=atichakrāma nagarima®m=Alakāṁ ch=Amarā'vatim(tim) [42*] Muktāphalair=
vidruma-bhamga-jala
1 Read Yavanais=tā anapamam. : The letter m has been partly mutilated by the cutting of the ring hole and therefore looks liko r. * Prapani in prapancham is written below the line with a cross mark above. . Ka in aneka šah is written similarly below the lino with a cross mark above. * The visarga is redundant. • The letter ma is redundant.
The letter rå is engraved below the line with a cross mark above.

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No. 30] VILASA GRANT OF PROLAYA-NAYAKA
263 61 '. Juaņi)-vrajair=urnna(na)ta-hēma-räsibhiḥ | siddh-āpaņā ya satatan virājatë dhanës
Varasy=762 va cha bhända-gēha-bhūh || [43*] Sa tām=adhishthāya purim samțiddham Prola-kshitisaḥ
Puruhū63 [ta-tējāḥ} | apāsta-vē(vai)ri-kshitipāla-lõkām prasāsti prithvim nija-sāsan-āmkāṁ(kām) |
[44*] Yad-dhāți
Fourth Plate, First Side 64 shu valat-turamgama-khura-prödyad-rajā-maṁdali-vistáraih paridhúsar-ála[ka)-bhara-pra65 mtā disā-yoshi[ta*]| drishţvā bhramtim=avāpnuvamti mahatīt gandharva-kanyā mu66 hur-bhityā dūratara-pradhāvad-abita-kshmāpāla-yoshi iti! [45*] Yat-pratāpa-ta panē67 na vibvalā vairina) kshiti-bhțito mabiyasă | pāda-pądma-nakha-chandra-rõhiņi68 m kitaläm paricharariti chandrikam (kām) || [46] Yad-bāhu-pitham samprapya pratap
oshmala(la)in=u69 nnatam(tam) tyajaty=ambudhi-sa[m]väsa-klēšam=adya vasundhară ! [47*] Aratna-maali
paridantu70 rēshu nirätapatr-ãvaranéshu yasya | ajñā-nati nsityati bhüpatinām mūrdhdhä(mūrddh-ā)71 gra-ra[i*]gęshu samunnatēshu ! [48] Ārõpita-gunaṁ yasya dhanus=sāpatnya samkaya |
ari-ra72 janya-kārtānāṁ kamţhasthān=alunād=guņān || [49*] Tasy=ābhavan Kāpaya-näyak-ā73 dyās=subhrātaras=sauryya-nay-opaparınāḥ(pannāh) | yēshu pratishthāpya dhuram dharāyaḥ 74 prabhus=sa dharm-ārjana-tatparõ=bhūt ! [50*] Mahisurēthyah Kali-kāla-varyam tam dā
Fourth Plate, Second Side 75 na-rūpam paramam viditvā prādāt-prasastān bahusõ=grahārān mahām76 ti dānāny=akarõd=bahūni! [51*] Yē sūrayas=samti mahitale= 'smin sat=pātra-bbūtá 77 vasu bhūri tēshu datvā(ttv=ā)tipātrē pratipādanāya vyachāyayat=ta'j-jagatītal-ēm - 78 draḥ | [52*] Bhāradvājö - muniḥ pūrvam=abha vad=Vēda-visrutaḥ prathatē=nuttaman
gātiam ya79 d-upajñam mahitale || [53*) Tad-gotrē='nnaya-vidushah pautrah putrās-cha Vennay-āryya80 sya | Annaya-nāmā vidvān=abhavata(vat) khyāto Yajur-vēdi || [54*] Vennaya-Gaņapa81 ya-vibudbau tat-putrau jagati vißruta-khyāti | Yat-pada-padma-samgād=dhraņir=i82 yam dhanyatām dhattē || (55*] Trivishtapād=ētya gurus=Surānām Pátāļa-lõkātpa(t=pha)
pinā
1 The letter te is written below shu and its place is indicated by a cross mark in the line between nna and shu. • A circle with a crops inside is inscribed between the letters ya spd sya.
• The subscript * in tnya is written on the left side of the y sign instead of between t and they sign attached to it for want of space.
The letter tta is inscribed below the line with a cross mark above it to indicate its place.

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83 m patis=cha saubhrātra-saukhy-ānubhavāya bhūmin sariprāptavamtāv=iva yau vi84 bhātaḥ || [56*) Jyēshthas=tayo[r*]=Vennaya-sūri-varyyah prasasta-vidyā-vinay-abhiramah
vista85 [ribhi]r=yyah ka(ku)mud-āvadātair=yyasõbhir=āsās=surabhikaroti || [57*) Yat-pāda-pamkēru
Fifth Plate, First Side 86 ha-päráva-namra-kshitisvara-grēni-lalata-lagnā brāhmi lipir-bhagyavad=āspu(sphu)radbhir
nakh-amsu-[jā)87 lais=suvachatvam=ēti || [58*] Yatr=āsti Vidyā da cha tatra Lakshmir=yatr=āsti Lakshmir=na
cha tatra Vidyā | Vi88 dyā cha Lakshmis-cha? vihāya vairan yasminn=ubhë tē vasataḥ prahțishte || [59*] Bhögād=
anaintaram da89 nam prasiddham prithivitale tyaktvā bhögan vitaranan yasminn=ēva vijsimbhatē || [60]
Yad-da90 na-Lakshmi-samprāpti-budhyā(ddhyā) svar-lõka-dhënavaḥ ürdhva-pādās=charaṁt=lva
chiram gho91 rataram tapah! [61*] Yasmād-avāptair=bahubhis-suvarnair-anärat-anushthita-yāga92 tamtrāḥ | vibhāṁti bhūmau vimala-prachārā yaấah-patākā iva yāyajū93 kīḥ || [62] Viprēbhyo vidhivad=dhēnūḥ pradatvöba(tt-obha)yato-mukhi) | yah karoti
nijām kirtin=nirmalā94 m sarvatomukhim(khim) 9 (63*] Yan-nisțisht-āgrahārēslu pratitishțhati bhūsurūḥ
pada-vākya-prama95 najñā dharma-stambhā iv--ochchbritāḥ || [64*] Ksitēshu dānëshu mahatsu yễna visvāsa
vibhräjita-māna 96 sēna chirāya dāna-pratipădakāni prayāmti sāstrāņi yath-ārtta/rttha)-bhāvam(vam) ||
[65*] Nischitya 97 tam Prola-nțipõ=tipātram samprartta/rttha)yad=grāma-varam grabitum prati-grabāt
s'o=pi nivritta-chētā
Fifth Plate, Second Side 98 y=tat-pakshapātēna kathaichid-aichchhat || [66*] Tato=nu-Gödāvari tushta-chētā grahē
vidhõh prādisad-agrahā99 rarii (ram) Kõn-āvani-mandanda)la-särabhūtari grāmam sa tasmai Vilas-ābhidhānan
(nam)! (67*] Vibhāṁti yasy=ā 100 tipachēļi(li)māni kshētrāņi sal-iksbu-vaņõ(n-6)chitāni | åränia-bhāgās=che bhujanga
valli-rambh-ā101 mra-pūgi-panas-ādi-ranyāḥ !! (68*) Tam=agrahārani pratigrihya tasmāt Prõln-ksbītībād=
atha Vennay-ā1 After & cha the letter vi was engravod and scored off with a cross. . The letter to is engraved below the lino. • The letter gra is engraved below the line. Read m.

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266 102 ryyaḥ | sah-anujõ=ditsata bhūsurēbhyaḥ pradattayē tasya dhan-ārjanam hi 69*]
Anēka-śāstr-ārna- . 103 VA-karna-dhārän Vēd-adhva-san lam(samlar)ghana-järnghikan saḥ | prasiddha-sil-acharan
abhijātyān=a 104 yö yü)thayad=vipravarāms=chirēna || [70*) Aisvaryya-bhögair=yyutam=ashța-samkhyais=
tam=amkayi105 tvä nsipatēs=cha nāmnā asht-ottarēņa pravibhajya bhāgais=latēna to='dät=sumatir
-dvijēbhyah || [71*] 106 Ath-ātra bhāginām dāma-sākh-adir=götra-vargaśaḥ pravarnyatē samāsena bhāga
sankhya cha 107 bhäginām (nām) || [72*] Sarvė=pi bhāginū=rhanti prāthamyam gunavattamāh | tath=āpi
krama-vșittitvād=vā108 cho mē n=ātra mūdhatā! [73*] Sri | Upādhyāyo Dēcbi-bhattah pada-vākya-pramāņa-vit!
Malliküchi109 r=manishi cha Yājushau Kapi-gotra-jau || [74*] Peda-Bhāvana-bhattas=cha Pāņinis=sabdasāsane sudhis-chulikit-āpāra-gan
Sirth Plate, First Side 110 -bhira-ganit-ārņavaḥ || [75*} Peda-Si(Si)ddhaya-bhattaś=cha jyotir-dpishta-jagad-vidbaḥ
kalit-akhila-vāg-jālah prājño Bha111 dra-budh-agranih [176*] Pina-Bhāvana-bhattas-cha vāgmi nfipati-vallabhah | jyotis- sästram mahad=yasya tritiya112 m=iva lochanam(nam) | [177*] Vidvaj-jana-nuta-prājñas-sa bh-arhah Pina-Si(Si)ddhayaḥ
Mallayas-Chēmakār-papado 113 Dāmaya-kõvidaḥ 1 [] 78*] Jyotir-vit=Sõmay-aryyaś=cha Mamchi-bhattascha Kēšavaḥ 1
Jakkay-adhyā114 pako dhimãn Bhāskaraḥ Pinnayas=sudhih 1679*] Gaddapalli Peddi-bhattas=sabda
sāstra-Patanjaliḥ | Taittir-ő115 papad-õpētā Vitthay-Appalu-Yajñamāḥ 1C1 80*] Adhyāpakā(ka)s-Chennay-ākhyas=
satat-ādhyā116 pan-ottaraḥ | Srikantha-pada-samsēvi Srikantha-vibudh-ägraņih [ 81*) Adityas-satyam
=ādityo pra117 hvaḥ praudha-tamo-pabah Pammappalūr-Nāgasvāmi manishi Singayāv=ubhau I[1 82*]
Nrisin118 ha-bhatt-õpādhāyaḥ kavir=vēdānta-pāragaḥ | Yājushā archa ēkas-tu Pedday-ādhyāpa119 k-õttamah Ill 83*] Shad-vimsati-dvijā ētē Bhāradvāja-kul-odbhavāḥ | Sõmāyal-bhatt
[pā]dhyāyas=[Smilti120 jñaḥ Kēsavas=sudhih [84*] Potappay-ādhyāpakas-cha dharma-śāstra-krita-sramah
Si(Si)mgappay-adhyāpa121 kag=cha sishya-samkrāmit-agamah IC 85*] Rāmay-adhyāpako Mamchy-Appali-Sõmappa
yo=nnayah Nārā.
1 The letter ya is written below the line, with a cross mark above to indicate its place. * There is a floral design between the dandas.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Sixth Plate, Second Side
122 yan-adhyapakas-cha Mallu-bhaṭṭas-cha Yajushaḥ || 86*] Vidvan Simhagiris-cha dvādasá Kaudinya-gotrajāḥ |
123 Govind-idhyāpakas-sādhur-Nāgay-ādhyāpakō-parab [87] Bolli-bhaṭṭas-ch-agamēshu
266
praudhō ganita
124 marma-vit | Ramayō Ganita-brahma-birudas-Surayas sudhiḥ [88*] Adhyapako Naraharis-cha1 Ganna
125 yō-dhyapak-õttamaḥ | Süri-bhaṭṭaś-cha Ya(Ya)jushi śūrā (ra) archau tu Kamayaḥ || 89*] Erapot-ádhya
126 pakaś cha dasa Kāśyapa-gōtrajāḥ | Elkurk-Appalē-bhaṭṭaḥ Padmanābhas-cha Vallabhaḥ [90] Trivikrama-sudhir2=yya
127 ga-tamtra-vid=Yājushā imē | Anamta-bhaṭṭō Vēdāmta-sabda-sāstra-kṛita-śramaḥ |[| 91*] Kāmayō=
128 'dhyapakas-ch-archau Hārītash=shaḍ=imē dvijāḥ | Yajur3-ambudhi-pāra-jñau Gurutamtra-visāradau |[| 94*]
129 Budhiy&v-varāvētau dvau Parādara-gotrajan | Velu[m]palli Põchan-äryya[b]avādhina
Yajur-a
130 gamah | 83*]
[VOL. XXXII
Narayana(po)-ppayat-ch-irohehö(rebohau)
ōdbhavau s-amge Bahvrichi nishņa
dvau Vadhula-kul
131 tō Vēdē Vennaya-samjñakaḥ || 94*] Gamgay-aryyō Yajus-sūrō dvau Vasishtha-kul-ōdbhavau |
132 Pumnnay'-adhyapakas-ch-archa ēkaḥ Kausika-gōtrajaḥ [95] Yajur-nigama-nirvōdhā
Chiṭṭayō-Gau
133 tam-anvayaḥ | Kupa -dvi-vidha-Mimamsas-tirna-Vyakaran-ambudhiḥ [| 96*] Vaikunthabhattopadhyayab
Seventh Plate, First Side
134 kavir-adhvara-tamtra-vit | Rāmāya-bhaṭṭas-cha Yaju[*]-khyātāv=Atrēya-gōtrajau | [97] Appaya-bhaṭṭ-ōpa
135 dhyayō jyōti[r*]-jño-namta-kōvidaḥ | sabda-sasana-vit-Poti-bhaṭṭas-Tippaya-saṁj[ña]kaḥ | | 98*] Vaiyasika-ma
1 Read Naraharir=Ganna°; cha is superfluous.
The letter dhi is written below the line with a cross mark above to indicate its place.
Ju is written above the line with a tiny cross mark below.
The letters svadhi are written below the line.
Read Punna or Pumna.
Read klipta.
Chi is written below the line.
136 ta-praudhaḥ ssu(su)dhir-Visvesvar-abhidhaḥ | Chukka-boṭṭ-adhi(di)kau Mallikuchi-" Mallaya-Peddayau | | 99*] Sudhiyau

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No. 30] VILASA GRANT OF PROLAYA-NAYAKA
267 137 Yājushā viprās=sapta Srivatsa-gotrajāḥ | Bollay-adhyāpako dhimān=Kēšavag=cha
Yajur-vidau [] 100*] Maitre138 yõttau(yau tau) Gārgya-gotro Yājusho Vissayas=sudhiḥ | Tamgēļlapaly-abhijanaḥ Pochan
adhyapak-ottamah (1101*] 139 Ma(Mā)rayag=cha Yajus-su(sū)rau dvau Sämdilya--kul-odbhavau Peda-Bhāvana
bhattaś=cha Peda-Siddhaya-Bhadrayau [1 102*] 140 Sa-pād-[ā]rddha-dvādas-amáās=trayas-sambhūya sõdarāḥ | tan-[mājtra-bhāgakau dvau cha
Pina-Bkāvana-Si(Si)ddha141 yau [ll 103*] Chukka-bott-adiko Mallikūchis=s-arddha-dvi-bhāgakaḥ| Appāya-bhatt
õpādhyāyau(yo) jyoti142 r-jño='namta-kõvidaḥ [[| 104*) Sa Dēchi-bhatt-opadhyayo Vidvan Simhagirih parah
adhyāpakāv=ubhau Pota143 ppaya-Si(Si)mgappayau dvijau [1 105*) Vēlu[m*]pali- Pochan-āryya iti sapta-dvi-bhā
gakāḥ | Mallāyapeddi-Srikanth-Adi144 tyās=s-ārdh-aika-bhāgakāḥ ( 106*] Mamehyappalū-Simgayau cha Pedday-adhyāpako=py
ami Pamch-ārddha-bhāgakā vi-- 145 prās=sēshās=tv=ēk-aika-bhäginaḥ Ill 107*] Ek=aika-bhāgakau dēvau Gautamēbvara
Kēšavau aśītir=ēvam=abhavan pratigraha146 yujo dvijāḥ [] 108*] Sa-grāma-dēvā(va)-bhāgās-tu jātas-ch=asht-ota(tta)ram satam(tam) ||
Atha simă-nirnayah | tü147 gupu-sima Vrid[dh]a-Gödāvari dāțēdi bhandi-fēvunan=umời kro{ppu]m-gāluva sima:
gānu imchika yāgnēyānaku
Seventh Plate, Second Side 148 ..m=va[chchi Cheru]vādē simagānu vachchi amtatanu chāyane Māmidie-kumta tūrupunam
gānu to 149 [mta]la tūrupu-kara simagānu paduva-nui (yi) mochanu adi (āgnē]ya sima dakshiņa-di
[ku]ku (padu-] 150 mața Bhimavarapu-pāți upu[m]gāli sima [l) andun=undi uttarinaku veļi Vāyavū(vyā)
nanu [a]151 vuşu-bāde- pumtan=umdi Tšāményänaku veļanu mūndu-vankalanu mana 152ūri mālapalli padumați pedda-rāvi sima [l*) amdun=umdi fśāmnya' tirānaku 153 veļi vamgala-kāli dakshiņapu pedda-chimtan-umdi isanya tirānanu
The anusvåra is engraved above the line.
• The writing on the plato especially from line 150 onwards is very indifferently engraved, probably by s different soribe. : The letter di is written below the line.
• The anusvara is rodandant.

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268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII 154 vamgala-kāli dāmţi Sirupalle-tomta tūrpu-kara sima-gānu Vșiddha-Gau155 tami dāṁți Ikām nya tīrānaku veļi Sirupalle-tomta dakshiņapu-kara-mimdi ra156 vi sima-gānu tirānanu īsāṁny'ānanu Olēti-kāluva-gattu-mimdi rāvi-numời ā-tirā157 nanē Olēți-uttarapu-gattu síma-gānu mūmd-uļa-muttala-Māmgāpu pumta 158 mõpukoni dakshiņānanu Vșiddha-Guatami mövanu | ivi sima-samdhulu [11*] 159 Prölānēni vrālu[1ll*]
1 The anusvāra is redundant. * The lottor di is written below the lines.

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TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM DINDIGUL-PLATE I
(from a Photograph)

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No. 31-TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM DINDIGUL
(2 Plates) H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI AND K. G. KRISHNAN, OOTACAMUND
The two epigraphs edited below come from the villages Ramanathapuram and Perumbulli in the Dindigul Taluk of the Madurai District, Madras. Rāmanāthapuram is about 6 miles due east of Dindigul, a railway station on the Tiruchirapalli-Madurai line of the Southern Railway and Perumbulli is about 9 miles due north east of Rāmanāthapuram.' The Rāmanāthapuram record was copied as early as the year, 19051 and the Perumbulli inscription, recently during the collection tour in February 1956. Both the epigraphs are engraved on boulders which show on their engraved faces clear signs of having been dressed for the purpose. The Rāmanāthapuram record with bold deep-cut characters is remarkably well preserved while the Perumbulli epigraph which is comparatively less deeply engraved and is on the flat top of a boulder is exposed to the effects of the weather, which has resulted in some damage to the writing in certain crucial passages of the text. Nevertheless, the main theme of the record can be substantially reconstructed. The two epigraphs together furnish certain interesting details which help us to understand some important chronological sequences in the early Pandyan history that were hitherto only conjectured. Both the epigraphs are written in simple chaste Tamil, a feature that is characteristic of the early lithic records of this dynasty. Palaeographically both the epigraphs may be assigned to about the middle of the 9th century. Howeter, a close comparison of their alphabet would show that the Rāmanāthapuram inscription could be assigned to a period at least about three decades earlier than the Perumbuļļi record. This, it will be seen, conforme perfectly with the conclusions arrived at in the sequel.
The Ramanathapuram inscription consists of 11 lines which occupy a rectangular space 3-4" x 2-1" of the boulder. Crude sketches of a fish, a bow and a lamp-stand are engraved on the proper right side of the inscription while on the proper left only a lamp-stand is depicted opposite the one on the right side. The fish is no doubt the emblem of the Pāņdyas. The bow by its side, the emblem of the Chēras, apparently signifies the Pāņdya overlordship over the Chēras.
As for its contents, the epigraph records that Parāntaka-Ppallivēļān alias Nakkam-Pullan who accompanied king Mārai-Jadaiyan on an expedition to Idavai in the Chõļa country, constructed a tank called Pullan-ēri after his own name, (providing it) with revetment and the main outlet. But some work having still remained over, Puļļa-Nakkan completed it. That (i.e., the main) work was done by the stone-mason Vadugan-Kūrran. His son having completed the remaining work, Pulla-Nakkan gave the latter as kāņi two pieces of land irrigated by the village tank in the two divisions of Palli-nādu, each sowable with a padakku of paddy.'
The Perumbulli record (in 18 lines) commences with the mention of a place by name Kulumbur and of the chief Pallivēļān who probably fell fighting, apparently in an encounter at this place.
14. R. Ep., No. 690 of 1905. ? Ibid., No. 290 of 1955-56.
* The passage has been construed in another way also. It is said that "Nakkam-Pullan granted to him as kāni, land in the two divisions of the Panni (for Palli)-nadu and padakku paddy por field watered through the channel from the headworks of this tank." South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. II, No. 1090.
( 269 )

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Pallivēlān's son, Parāntaka-Ppallivēlān is stated to have served in the campaign at Idavai. The latter's son, Andavēļān Kurumbar-Adittap Pulla-Nakkan served Maharājar Ko-ch ChadaiyaMärar. He was associated with the king in the campaigns at Viliñam, Idavai and Tirukkudamükku. Pulla-Nakkan's son was Pallivēļān Nakkam-Pullaŋ whose activities are then described in greater detail. In this connection are mentioned Simhalarāja, Sälagräma, a Varaguna-mahărāja who is described to have killed a huge elephant whose name appears to be Ayirāvanam and lastly Sennilam. Pallivēļān Nakkam-Puļļan is stated to have led nineteen elephants to the battle field at the last mentioned place. Unfortunately the portion of the inscription describing the events connected with these places and persons is so damaged that it is difficult to make out an accurate picture of the events. The record then recounts how the king honoured Nakkam-Pullan highly by bestowing on him gifts for his services and conferring on him the title Kumaran. Then Nakkam-Pullan and his son are stated to have made a gift of land to a person whose name ends with Tirumalai. The wording of the concluding part which again is badly damaged, seems to be couched somewhat on the same lines as the Rāmaltāthapuram epigraph and probably contained the details of the extent of land granted to the donee.
To begin with the donor of the Perumbulli inscription and his son, it will be apparent that Pallivēļā Nakkam-Pulsan served with distinction Varaguņa-mahārāja. Leaving for a later discussion the services rendered by this chief to the king, we may attempt to establish the identity of this Varaguņa-mahärāja. Nakkam-Pullan's father, Andavēļān Kurumbar-Adittan PullaNakkan served under Ko-Chchadaiya-Mäsar. If the kings Ko-Chchadaiya-Māçar and Varaguna mahārāja were related as father and son, as they indeed appear to, then Sadaiya-Mārar may be identified with Srimāra Srivallabha who, according to the Sinnamanur Plates of Rājasimha' was the father of Varaguna II. The fact that the Viliñam and Kudamukku campaigns of Srimāra Srivallabba mentioned in this charter and those of Pulla-Nakkan in which he is said to have served Sadaiya-Mäfar in the Perumbulli record are identical establishes the identity suggested above. The Perumbulli inscription mentions, in addition, another campaign, namely that of Idavai. The Sinnamanur plates, it may be noted, do not mention this campaign.
The predecessor of Andavēļāp was Parāntaka-Ppallivēļān. The Perumbulli inscription mentions him merely by his title while the Rāmanāthapuram record gives, in addition, his name as Nakkam-Pullan. The former epigraph refers to his expedition to Idavai while the latter specifies that he accompanied king Mārañ-Jadaiyan on an expedition to Idavai in the Chõļa country, obviously the same as the Idavai of the Perumbulli inscription. The Idavai campaign of NakkamPullan alias Parāntaka-Ppallivēļān with Māsan-Jadaiyan was in all probability different from that of his son Pulla-Nakkan with Sadaiya-Mājan. Marañ-Jadaiyan, the overlord of ParantakaPpallivēlān Nakkam-Pallan may easily be identified with Varaguna (I), the father and predecessor of Srimāra-Srivallabha, the grandfather of Varaguna II and Parāntaka Viranārāyana Sadaiyan all of whom are mentioned in the Larger Sinnamanur plates.'
Parāntaka-Ppallivēļān's father is referred to merely as Palļivēļāņ. This was perhaps only his title similar to that of his son or grandson. Probably his name was Pulla-Nakkan, judging from that of his grandson. Pallivēļān is associated with the name of Kulumbur but the details
This probably indicates the number of the conventional divisions of a regiment in the army.
A certain Apdanttu-vēlán figures in four inscriptions of Mārað-Jadaiyan alias Varaguna-Mahārāja from Lalgudi (above, Vol. XX, p. 52), Tiruvollarai (A. R. Ep., No. 84 of 1910), Tiruchirappalli (A. R. Ep., No. 413 of 1914) and Javantināthapuram (above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 42) respectively, all of which are dated in the same year vix. 4+9th year of the Pandya king. Obviously the vēlan who figures in all these records in the same capacity must be one and the same person. But whether he is identical with Andavēlān Kurumbar-Adittan Pulla. Nakkan of the Perumbulli record is not certain.
• BII, Vol. II, p. 451, 11. 20-23,

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No. 31]
TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM DINDIGUL
971
regarding his deeds here are unfortunately lost. However, the Vēļvikkudi plates make up what the Perumbulli record lacks, for, they refer to Kulumbür as one of the battle fields where MāraVarman Rājasimha, the predecessor of Jatilavarman Parāntaka Neduñ-jadaiyan defeated the Pallava king and captured his countless huge elephants and horses. It may be noted here that the mention of the battle of Kulumbar in these records establishes indirectly the identity of Varaguna I with Jatilavarman Parantaka Neduñjadaiyan of the Vēļvikkudi plates and Jatila, son of Māravarman Räjasimha of the Madras Muscum plates. We thus see that four successive Pandya kings' down from Māravarman Rājasinha were served successively by four successive chiefs beginning with Pallivēļān. The identities established above may be conveniently set in a tabular form as shown below.
Si.
King
Rāmanāthapuram
inscription
* Perumbulli inscription
Remarks
No.
1 (Maravarman Rājasimha)
Pallivējāp; fought at Kulumbūr and fell (?)
Cf. Kadada Pallapagai-k Kufumburul taliya entriranda mal-kafirum ivuligalum pala kavarndum of the vēlvikkudi grant, above, Vol. XVII, p. 301, lines 77-78.
2 | Miran-Jadaiya (Jatila.
Varman Parāntaka Ne. duñjadaiyaa alias Varaguna I).
Parantaka-Ppallivēlän who carried out the ex. pedition against Idayai.
Parantaks.Ppallivēlān alias Nakkam-Pullan who accompanied Maran Jadaiyan in the campaign against Idavai in the Chola country. Pulla-Nakkan who com- pleted the building of a tatik called Pullan-eri undertaken by his father Nakkam-Pullan (mentioned above).
3
Chadaiya-Mäsar Srimira Srivallabhal
Andavēlan Kurumbar. cf. Ten-gamal-polir-Kus. Adittan Palla-Nakkan Trilum Singalathum Vi. whr rendered several | fifiatum ddada vagai Services to Chadaiya- tudi .. Kongalarpolir Marur at Vilinam, Ida- Kudamekkir por burit vai, Tirukkudamūkku. tu vand-edirnda Ganga.
Pallava-Ohtla-KalingaMagadhädigal....of the Larger Sinnamanur plates (SH1, Vol. II,
p. 456.) Pallivēján Nakkam.Pulcf. accounts in Calapan
lan, who served Varagu- ea, Chapters L and LI. pa-mahārāja, and the former's son. With reference to the former's services, Simhalarija Salagrāma, Ayirāvanam and Sennilam are mentioned.
4
Varaguņa-mahārājar (11)
To revert now to the donor Pallivēļān Nakkam-Pullan and his overlord, Varaguna-mahārāja, we have already noted that the king conferred a status befitting the chief in appreciation of the services that he rendered his liege. The very first act that Nakkam-Pullap did seems to have something to do with a Simhalarāja. The nature of this act is unfortunately not clear as the
1 Abovo, Vol. XVII, pp. 291 ff. ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, pp. 57 ff.
• The pedigree of the Pandya kings as made out by the two inscriptions proves the correctness of the scheme suggested by Prof. Sastri in his Pandyan Kingdom, p. 40 ff.

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(VOL. XXXII
writing on the rook here has peeled off. However, the events of the period as could be gleaned from the Ceylonese Chronicle and the contemporary sources enable us to have a fair idea of the relationship that must have prevailed between the Pandya, Simhala and the Pallava kings of the period and therefore of the nature of Nakkam-Pullan's act in question. The Ceylonese chronicle Cúlavamsa? while re-counting the contemporary events says that as a reprisal to the Pandya king's invasion and plunder of Ceylon during the reign of Sēna I and in response to n appeal from '& prince of the Pandu family' reported to have been ill-treated by the reigning king, Sena II sent a commander with enormous forces, who not only recaptured all the treasures but also enthroned the prince after defeating the Pandya king who died of the wound received in the battle. The above account has been construed by scholars in different ways. One view holds that the Pandu prince referred to in the Chronicle was Ugra Pandya and that Varaguna II was the ruling king. Another view identifies the Pāņdu prince with Māya-Pandya and the ruling king with SrimāraSrivallabha. There is also a view, recently expressed, which identifies the Pāndu prince with Varaguna II himself and the contemporary Pāņdya king with Varaguna's father Srimāra Srivallabha.. Yet another view presupposes the existence of a prince otherwise unknown, who was installed on the Pandya throne by the Simhala king after the latter defeated Srimära.? The wording of the record, mutilated as it is, in respect of the relationship that prevailed between the Pandys and the Simhala kings, seems to lend support to the late Mr. Vonkayya's view that it might have been Varaguņa II who sought and obtained the Simhaļa king's help. However, the hnsoription does not give us any clue as to the circumstances that necessitated Varaguņa to seek the help of the Simhaļa king, if ever he did 80. He was no pretender to the Pandya throne but Was its legitimate heir, being the elder of the two sons of his father and predecessor Srimāra ; nor is there any indication in the copper-plate charters or lithic records of the family that there was over & dissension either between the father and the sons or among the brothers themselves, to postulate that the aggrieved prince who sought the help of the Simhaļa to regain his throne might have been Varaguna. We are not in a position to visualise & situation when Varaguna, the legal heir to the Pandya throne was overlooked and ill-treated by the king and therefore sought the help of his father's erstwhile enemy to regain his throne 10 Who then was the Pandya prince who was supported by the Sinhala king? What was Varaguna's position with reference to the
The actual wording of the text as can be made out on the stone reads, Simhala-raja ... [lai] elldijelydu) (1.7-8). This, put in apposition with the phrase pani-palavusi.jeydu (11.11.12) points to both these acts as those of Nakkam-Pullan, the one in respect of the Sinhala king and the other in respect of his liege Varaguņs. maharaja Wore the former also a friendly act like the latter, the relationship between the Simhala and the Påndya monarchs could not obviously have been otherwise than friendly. But the improbability of this has been shown below by a discussion of the events of the period.
* Calavansa, Chapters L and LI, Gieger's, translation, pp. 138 ff.
• The expression Pandurajakumarako in the text of the Chronicle is capable of yielding the meaning ' prince of the Pande royal family' or 's son of the Pandu king'.
Historical Sketches of Ancient Deccan, pp. 140-41. This visw dous not fit in with any scheme of the Cey. lonese Chronology Proposed so far.
. The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 72, The author has since changed his viows for reasons not stated. He makes Varaguna II, a pretender to the throne for which thore is no warrant; vido History of India, Part I, p. 233; History of South India, p. 154. .
This viow has failed to take into account the statement in the Calaramea that the prince who was supportod by the Ceylonese was ill-treated by the Pandya king. There is no evidenco whatsoever that Varagupa was over ill-treated by his fathor, the ruling king. All these views were expressed by Mr. Venkaysa A. R. Kp. 1908, p. 56 ; of. Ey. Zeyl., Vol. V, pp. 103-5.
South Indian Temple Inscriptions, pp. XXXV-Ixxviii (see also p. xxxxiii, f.n.1). . See note 1 above. .A.R. Ep., 1908, p. 56. 1. Ollavansa (Geiger), Part I, p. 150.

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No. 31] TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM DINDIGUL
273 contemporary rulers? That Varaguna was a contemporary of Npipatunga is proved by the Tiruvadi inscription dated in the 18th year of the reign of the Pallava king. The Bahur Plates' dated in the 8th year of Nripatunga refer to the aid rendered by the Pallava king to a Pandya. The passage yat-prasādāj=jitā sēnā Pāndyēna samare purā of the record suggests that the Pandya 'could have been no other than the one who figures in the Tiruvadi inscription, i.e. Varaguna II and that the Pallava by whose favour the other (i.e. Pandya) obtained an army formerly was his ally. What could have been the occasion for the Pallava to have gone to the aid of the Pāņdys? In all probability it was the occasion of the Ceylonese intrusion on behalf of the ill-treated' Pāņdu prince who sought their aid. NakkamPuljan claims to have led a contingent of elephants to Sennilam to the succour of his liege Varaguņa-mahārāja. The record is silent about the source of this reinforcement. Could it have been the favour of the Pallava ? Granting that the arguments advanced above are admissible, the event that appears to have culminated in Varaguna-mahārāja regaining his throne may be reconstructed thus : an unknown Pandya ptince, obviously a pretender appealed to the Simbala king Sēna II for help; the Singhalese army, under its commander met the Pāņdya king Srimāra in battle, wounded him and having set up the Pāņdu prince on the throne, was marching back to its country. At this juncture Varaguna-mahärāja, the legitimate heir, aided by Pallava Nçipatunga with a contingent of elephants led by Nakkam-Pullan, routed the pretender as well as the Singhalese and regained the throne. It appears thus that this might be the event recorded in the Perumbulli epigraph and therefore the act of Nakkam-Pullan towards the Simhalarāja in the context of the situation discussed could hardly have been friendly. Indeed it could not have been otherwise in view of the continued loyal relationship that existed between the members of this family and the Pāņdya kings for four generations.
Among the places mentioned in the records viz. Kulumbūr, Iļavai, Viļiñam, Tirukkudamūkku, Salagrāmam, Sennilam, and Palli-nadu, the identity of Kulumbür or Sennilam is still unknown. Sennilam is one of the places where the Pandyas are known to have fought with their foes on more than one occasion. Māsavarman, the father of Ko-chChadaiyan Ranadhiran fought here against an unnamed enemy. Parāntakan Vira Nārāyaṇa Sadaiyan, the successor of Varaguna II is also known to have shown his prowess in archery in the battle-field of Sennilam.
As for Idavai two different identifications have been proposed so far. One of them identifies the place with Idavai in Manni-nādu on the basis of an inscription of a later date which gives also the other name of the village & Sölāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam. The other identifies it with Idaiyaffumangalam in the Lalgudi Taluk, Tiruchirapalli District on the basis of nearly contemporary inscriptions copied from the region. Both the identifications have got their own merits
18.1.I., Vol. XII, No. 71; A. R. Ep., 1922, p. 1071.
Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 10 ff; 8.1.1., Vol. II, p. 613 ff.
• The absence of any records of Nripatunga dated between his 26th (above, Vol. IV, p. 180 f.) and 41st (4. R. Ep., 1943-44, No. 138) regnal years, the provenance of Aparajita's inscriptions ranging upto his 18th rognal year within parts of the Chingleput and the Chittoor Districts, and Varaguma's encounter with Aparajitu at Sripurambiyam, and the uncertainty of the latter's relationship with the members of the main line, all those faotors seem to point to Varagupa's sustained friendship with Nripatunge.
• It is natural that the Cilavamaa keeps silent over the reverses of its armies on this occasion as well as over the fate of the Pända prince. Could the former be Ugra-pandya ?
. Above, Vol. XVII, p. 300, line 56. .8. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 455, 11. 117-118.
4. R. Ep., 1941, No. 42 See 8I1, Vol. XIV, No. 57. . Above, XXVIII, p. 41.

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274 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII and drawbacks. There are numerous places called Idayātti, Idayāttimangalam, Idaiyattår, Idaiyar in Tanjore District and Idaiyar and Idaiyattankudi in Tiruchirappalli District, all of which are situated along the border land lying between the traditional (sometimes shifting) frontiers of the Chāļa and the Pandya countries. Until all these places are explored, it is very difficult to locate Idavai beyond doubt for, the names of each one of these villages can be shortened to the identical form of Idavai. Visiñam has been identified with a fishing village of the same name in South Travancore. Tirukkudamūkku is the well-known name of Kumbakonam in Tanjore District. The epithet Andavēļän applied to Pulla-Nakkan is evidently a shortened form of Andanáttu-vēļān and means the vēļāŋ of Anda-nādu. An idea of the spread of this territorial division may be had from inscriptions copied from the area around Virupakshi, Periyakottai, Tēvattür and Porulur in the Palani Taluk, Madurai District which refer to these places as situated in Anda-nadu. Other places that are known to be included in Anda-nādu from inscriptions copied outside this area are Perumaņalūr, Chellür, Tirumādavanūr, Kuvalaiyasinganallur alias Mēyür Tiruppattūr, Perumūr and Tirutturutti.
Sāļagrāmam may be identified with Sālaigrāmam of the Paramagudi Talukin Ramanathapuram District in view of the fact that this village lies on the route which an army from Ceylon would have to take on its march towards or retreat from the Pandya capital. It may be noted here that the god of the place is called Varaguna-Isvars in the inscriptions of Sadaiya Märan and Vira'Pandya.' The village is called Sāļaigrāmam in those inscriptions.
The Rāmanāthapuram inscription records that the gift lands lay in the two divisions (Küpru) nf Palli-nāļu. The village Perumbulli, referred to as Perumballi in another inscription on a rock lying on the bund of a large lake at the outskirts of the village perhaps lent the name Palli-nādu to the tract around it.
Ramanathapuram Inscription
TEXT
i Sri Ko Mārað-Jadaiyanodu Sola-nātt-Idavai yāt
2 tirai seyda Parāntaka-Ppallivēļān=āîna Nak
3 kam-Pullan-ran-pērāg=Pullan-ēri entu
4 kulam-ākki-kkap-ködi-kkumuli seyvittu=kkurai
5 ppani ninradu murru=pperuttan Pulla-Na
18. I. I., Vol. III, p. 130, note 7 and p. 450. * A. R. Ep., 1916, Nos. 678, 400 ; 1907, No. 95; above, XXV, p. 40; A. R. Ep., 1907, Nos. 502 and 507.
Above, XXVIII, pp. 85 ff. As one of the two inscriptions refers to a former grant of Sālaigramam to god Varaguniśvara by Perumánadigal Śivalluvadēvar. i.e. Srimára Srivallabha, it is rightly inferred that the god was named after Varaguna I, the father of Srimara Srivallabha.
4. R. Ep., 1956-57, App. B, No. 144. The inscription engraved in characters of the 9th or 10th century reads:
1 Perumbaļli-pperungulan-tidal
yalgal.arr .. Virabokharar po...

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6
8
10
TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM DINDIGUL-PLATE II RAMANATHAPURAM INSCRIPTION
GWchK<லாம்
அகவhக
3505
12794 கை--T8902P//ரி-இராசிவை கதாக
47951 வளதஐச்T BOST2j- Mag ஜமள்ளர்...சி JJPP
ஹார் m < 83. CISTS PNG IN SO IT பாலை வலை (நிலல 8
کالا
Scale: Three-twentieths
2
10

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PERUMBULLI INSCRIPTION
0ህነትና
16
Scale: Seven-ninths

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275
No. 31]
TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM DINDIGUL 6 kkanna(na)du soyda tachchan Vadugar-Kūrran [*] a7 van magan kurai-ppaņi murruvikka Poļla-Na
8 kkan avanukku-kkāņiy=īga attiņa bumi-Ppa(Pa)! 9 ți-nättirandu kūfrilum ūr-kū(ku)ļattu-kktj
10 talai-nir-pāda-käll-oro-vayal padak11 ku nel [11*1
Perumbulli Inscription
TEXT
1 Srr [l*] Kulumbūr-ērrukku=ppattu=kkā . . ta
2 Pallivēlān magan Idavai yāt[tirai] '
3 zurruvitta Parantaka-Ppallivēlan-svan [magan Vi]*
4 liñattum=Idavaiya(yilu)n=Tirukkudamukkilu-mabār[]ja[r Kö]"5. Chchadaiya-Mararkuppaņi palavuñ=joydu [mu]
6 Fruvitta Andavēļān-Kurumbar-Adittap-[Pu]
7 lla-La(Na)[kka]'n=avan magan Sinhalarāja.lai e[1]
8 lañ-jey[du]...m Salagrāmat[tu] : ..Ayi
9 rāvaņam=è[nnu=ma]"hāmadam(da) ? gajat-tiņđi=ppadu
10 tta Varagu[na mahārāja] ’nukku navă-daba-gaja[m] kondu
il sensu Sennislattuje-kkāțţi=kkuduttu-ppaņi pala12 vuñ=jeydu Ku[mara)n=ennu[n] .. mattodu sanmäna
13 sapkāram perru=ppiyar na . . . mabähu-[v]āņa Pa14 l’ivēļā-Nakkam-Puļļan=ranakkun=tan maga
1 This Grantha lottor is engraved in an omato fashion against the space at the boginning of both the lines 1 and 2.
* The letters indicated in brackets are conjecturally restored. They are not aloar on the impreulogs.

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[Voz, XXXTT
876
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 16 pukkum Jäta .. be .. adan Tirumalaikkuetta
18 pun-taln magaņu]m-irund-attina [bümi] vol17 lapayi[n]. • . da kulam-idan [4]] nir18 parandu visla(lai)]nda (vayalja
1 The lotters indiosted in brookots are conjooturally rostored.

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No. 32-RAJGHAT INSCRIPTION OF BHIMADEVA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
Some years ago, old impressions of a large number of Indian inscriptions were received back from Germany for examination in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. While examining these estarapages, I found amongst them two unsatisfactory impressions of a badly preserved stone inscription with Rajghat , Benares' written on both of them. A letter bearing the date, 23rd January 1884, was found pinned with the impression. It was written by a gentleman of Banaras apparently to the address of the then Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Calcutta. The two impressions were sent to the Society for study under cover of this letter. It is gathered from the letter that the inscribed stone had been in use as a Chabūtarā (i.e. a seat or platform) in a small house apparently in the Rājghat area of Banaras and that, on the denuolition of the house for the construction of the Rajghat Road, it was acquired by the writer who was ready to send the stone to Calcutta if the Secretary of the Society so desired. Unfortunately no infor: mation is available as to whether the Asiatic Society of Bengal acquired the stone and made any attempt to study the inscription either from the original or from the impressions received. I published a small note on the epigraph in the Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Vol. XI, Part 2, 1954, pp. 92 ff., in the hope that some information might be available as regards the whereabouts of the inscribed stone. But no light has as yet come from any quarter. In the letter referred to above, the name of the signatory looks like Hamachandra ; but it has been suggested to me that he was probably none other than the well-known Bharatendu Harischandra of Banaras.
The internal evidence of the inscription suggests that the stone was originally embedder in the wall of a Siva temple on the bank of the Ganges in the Rājghāt area of Banaras. The writing covers an area about 187 inches in length and 84 inches in height. There are only ten lines, the last of which covers a little less than half the length of the other lines. The lettera are between t' and ' in breadth and about ' in height.
The characters belong to the Dēvanāgari alphabet of about the twelfth or thirteenth century A.D. and generally resemble those of the epigraphs of the Gahadavālas of Banaran and Kanguj. As will be seen from our discussions below, however, the inscription does not appear to be inuch earlier than the middle of the twelfth century. The language is Sanskrit and, excepting a small namaskāra passage at the beginning, the whole of the inscription is written in verse. Indeed it oontains a small prasasti in seven stanzas in different metres. The orthography of the record exhibits a tendency to use anusvāra iustead of class nasals, although final m has often been used at the end of the first or second half of stanzas. There is no date in the inscription either in the Vikrama Sarivat which was in popular use in the age and area in question or in the regnal reckoning of any ruler. The record does not mention any king by name, though the hero of the praisalt is stated to have been a minister of the king of the country of Gauda or Gauda-Varēndra in the western and northern regions of Bengal.
The inscription begins with a Siddham symbol followed by the passage rumah Sivaya. Then follow the seven stanzas of the prahasti.
(277)

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278
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
Verse 1 introduces a person who was a member of the council of the hereditary ministers (maul-āmātya-sabhā) of the king of Gauda, whose name is not mentioned. The name of the officer in doubtful, but seems to be Mangadēva. He is further stated to have been the Mahäsändhivi: grahika (i.e. minister for war and peace) of his master. Verse 2 speaks of the said officer's son whose name was Changadēva. He is stated to have received the title 'Rāņaka of the Kingdom' which, as the epigraph says, was very difficult to obtain. There is little doubt that, like his father, Changadēva was also a servant of the Gauda king who honoured him with the said title ; but the king is not even referred to in the stanza.
Verse 3 introduces Bhimadēva who was the son of Changadēva and the hero of the prasasti. Like his grandfather, Bhimadēva is described as the Mahāsāndhivigrahika of the lord of the Gauda country. Verse 4 praises the military exploits and liberality of Bhimadēva in a vague way. In the first half of the stanza, the poet says that one of the battle-fields, where Bhimadēva destroyed his enemies' elephant force and which was bristling with arrows, narrated, as it were, the story of his valour and that, because it disliked its repetition (i.e. another battle fought on itself), it failed to appreciate fully his great prowess which was exhibited in battles elsewhere. According to the second half of the verse, in bestowing gifts to the numerous supplicants, Bhimadēva used the waters of the rivers so profusely that those rivers completely dried up whilo new streams began to flow on the dry earth. The next stanza (verse 5) refers to one of his significant achievements. It is stated that he saved the kingdom of Gauda-Varēndra after it had been immersed in the waters of the ocean that was the forces of the king of the Rāyāri lineage and the king of Kallaga. In this connection, the condition of the Gauda-Varēndra kingdom, apparently under the rule of Bhimadēva's master, is compared with that of an old vessel in the state of sinking in waters. Verse 6 refers to the object of the eulogy which is to record the construction of a temple of the god Bhava (i.e. Siva) by Bhimadēva on the bank of the Avimukta-nadi. The purpose of Bhimadēva in building the temple is stated to have been to cause wonder in the minds even of his enemies. The last stanza (verse 7) says that the top of the temple was adorned with a golden jar resembling aditya-kācha, probably meaning the jewel called suryakanta.
The inscription raises certain interesting problems. The first of these relates to the date of the record and the second to the identity of Bhimadeva's master, i.e. the king of Gauda or the Gauda-Varēndra kingdom, whom he served as the minister for war and peace. The third problem refers to the circumstances leading to the construction of the temple at Banaras by Bhimadēva far away from the kingdom of Gauda or Gauda-Varēndra and the fourth to the invasion (probably a joint invasion) of the Gauda-Varēndra kingdom by the forces of a king of the Rīyāri dynasty and a king of Kalinga, from which Bhimadēva claims to have saved it. The fifth problem is the identity of the two enemies of Gauda-Varandra.
As to the date of the record, the palaeography does not appear to suggest a period earlier than the twelfth century. The form of the initial vowel i in our inscription has resemblance with the fourth stage in its final formation as illustrated by Ojha in his charts showing the development of the Dēva nāgari and Bengali alphabets as well as with its form in his illustrations from two inscriptions of 1264 and 1273 A.D. respectively. R. D. Banerji traced the earliest occurrence of a somewhat similar form of i in the Bodhgaya inscriptions of Asokachalla, which belong to the thirtonnth century. But we know that the Gauda-Varēndra country in the western and northern
.800 Ojha, Palaeography of India (Hindi), Platos LXXXII and LXXXIII.
Ibid., Plate XXVII.
• The Origin of the Bengali Script. p. 89. The letter as found in those inscriptions (above, Vol. XII, Plate bot. woon pp. 28 and 29) appears to be pomowhat more developed than its form in the inscription under study. As regards the development of the Bengali form of the letter i. see also lines 8 and 31 of the Madanpara plato of Vi vari pasbna (JA8, Letters, Vol. XX, 1964, Plate between pp. 210 and 217).

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RAJGHAT INSCRIPTION OF BHIMADEVA
areas of Bengal was conquered by the Turkish Musalmans about the beginning of the thirteenth century while it appears that the Gauda-Varendra ruler served by Bhimadova and his father and grandfather belonged to an indigenous royal family flourishing in the area in question before the Muslim conquest. It is extremely doubtful if the Muslim conquerors of the country thought it wise to appoint ministers from among the newly conquered people shortly after their conquest. Moreover the Muslim conquerors of India would have scarcely tolerated the construction of a Siva temple by their servant, which is stated to have been built to inspire wonder and admiration in the minds of Bhimadeva's enemies. It may of course be suggested that the names of the masters of Bhimadeva and his ancestors have not been mentioned in the inscription because they were servants of foreign rulers. But the above considerations lead us to think that the record was engraved before the Muslim conquest of Eastern India though probably not much earlier than the middle of the twelfth century.
279
The second and third problems are very difficult to tackle. For the middle of the twelfth century, the description lord of Gauda (or Gauda-Varendra)' seems to suit the ruler of the Pāla dynasty. The Palas originally held sway over the major part of Bengal and Bihar and they are known to have enjoyed the title Gaudesvara. With the establishment of the Varman dynasty at Vikramapura in the present Dacca District in the latter half of the eleventh century South-eastern Bengal (called Vanga) was permanently lost to the Pala empire and, shortly after the middle of the twelfth century, Vijayasena, founder of the Sena dynasty of Radha in South-East Bengal, occupied practically the whole of Bengal including its western and northern parts. Henceforth Pāla rule was confined to the southern areas of Bihar. The Pala king Madanapala was ousted from Gauda-Varendra (i.e. the western and northern regions of Bengal) shortly after the date of his Manahali plate issued from Rāmavati (a city probably situated near modern Gaur in the Malda District) in the king's eighth regnal year corresponding to c. 1151 A.D. But the Pala kings were called Gaudiévara even when Gauda no longer formed a part of their dominions. Madanapala ruled in the period c. 1144-62 A.D. and is known to have recovered the western part of Bihar which had been lost to the Gahadavala king Govindachandra (1115-55 A.D.) who had his capital at the city of Banaras. The Patna-Monghyr region was u der Gähaḍavāla occupation from about 1124 to 1146 A.D. but appears to have been reoccupied by Madanapala about 1146 A.D. It is not impossible that the Pala king Madanapala, who had some success against the Gahaḍavalas of Banaras, was Bhimadeva's master. Bhimadeva's presence at Banaras may thus relate to a temporary occupation of Banaras by the Pala king. Unfortunately there is no indication in the record of Pala success against the king of the Banaras region. But the reference to the enemies may suggest that Bhimadeva did not visit Banaras in a private capacity on pilgrimage or was not settled at the holy place after retirement.
In connection with the construction of the Siva temple at Banaras by Bhimadeva, minister of the king of Gauda or Gauda-Varendra, we have also to think of the possibility of the work being done by him without visiting the place. We have instances of kings and queens making grants in favour of distant temples, far away from their dominions in some cases, without moving from their capital and of even ordinary people securing the merit of pilgrimage to holy places through proxies without personally visiting them. It was therefore not altogether impossible for Bhimadeva to have
IHQ, Vol. XXX, pp. 207-08.
See JBRS, Vol. XLI, Part 2, 1955, pp. 1 ff.
JAR, Letters, Vol. XVII, p. 29; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 143.
See above, Vol. XXX, p. 22 and note; Vol. XXXI, p. 101 and note 8. For ordinary people performing pilgrimages to distant holy places by proxy, see P. Sreenivasachar, A Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingans Districts, Nos. 50-51 (pp. 142, 152)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXII
built a temple at the great tirtha of Banaras without himself visiting the place. Since Bhimadēva' presence at Banaras is not easily explainable in the present state of insufficient information, this is probably a better solution of the problem. The absence of any mentiou of the king of Gauda in the inscription may go in support of this alternative. The want of a date in the Vikrama Samvat may anggest that the record was drafted in the home province of Bhimadēva and that of one in the regnal reckoning of Bhimadova's master may have been due to the fact that the document was meant for an area which was outside his doininions although the latter system of dating was popular in Eastern India in the early inedieval period.
The fourth and fifth problems are also difficult to solve. In the first half of the twelfth century A.D. the mighty Ganga king Anantavarman Chödaganga (1078-1147 A.D.) extended his dominions ap to the river Hooghly and he is also stated to have been a friend of the Söna king Vijayasēna who sometime afterwards overthrew Pala rule from the western and northern parts of Bengal. Thus he may have come into hostilo contact with the Palas. But it has to be admitted that there is no reference to war between Chödaganga and his Pūla contemporary in the records of the Gaugas. The allusion to the invasion of the Gauda-Varēndra country by the king of Kalinga no doubt reminds us of the claim of Ganga Narasimha I (c. 1238-65 A.D.) to have defeated the Yavanas (Musalmans) of Rādha and Varēndri and the account, in Minhāj-uddin's Tabaqal-s-Näsiri, of the invasion of Lakhanavati (the capital of the Muslim kingdom in Bengal comprising Ral, i.e. Rādha, and Barind, i.e. Varēndra or Varēndrr), situated near inodern Gaur in the Malda District, by the forces of the Rai of Jājnagar (i.e. Ganga Narasimha I) on the 13th of the month of Shawal in the Hijri year 642, corresponding to the 14th March 1245 A.D., under Sämantarāya, the general and son-in-law of the Ganga monarch.' But it is difficult to think that Bhimadeva was a servant of Malik Tugbril Taghan Khān (1236-45 A.D.) of Bengal as in that case it will have to be believed that his grandfather was appointed as minister for war and peace by the Muslims almost immediately after the establishment of the Muslim kingdom in Bengal. The reference to the council of the hereditary ministers of the Gauda king of which Bhimadēva's grandfather was a member seems to suggest a long-standing kingdom and possibly not a newly founded one.
The identification of the king of the Ragari dynasty is equally uncertain. The only person named Rāyāri known to the student of East Indian history is of course king Rāyaridēva Trailokyasimha who was the grandfather of Vallabhadēva Srivallabha of an inscription of Saka 1107 (1185 A.D.).' Whether the expression Rāyāri-vaṁía-naranātha indicates Räyärideva's son Udayakarna Nihsankasimha cannot be determined, although the inscription referred to above describes Rāyāridēva, son of Bhaskaradēva, as Bhāskara-varsa-rāja-tilaka. The inscription, however, does not refer to any struggle of Udayakarna Nihsarkasimba with the king of Gauda, though his father Rāyāridēva Trailökyasimha is stated to have come into conflict with the forces of the Vanga country. This dynasty probably ruled over the Sylhet region hetween Bengal and A Baam.
The geographical names mentioned in the inscription are Gauda or Gauda-Varēndra and Avimukta-nadi. Varendra or Varēndri (Barind of the Muslim writers) was the name of North Bengal. The earliest reference to Varēndra or Varēndri-mandala is found in Sandhyakarana ndin's Ramacharitat composed about the end of the eleventh century. But Gauda is an ancient
1 JBR9, Vol. XL, Part 2, 1954, p. 04.
* See abovo, Vol. XXXI, pp. 110-11. Cf. Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, pp. 480 ; History of Bengal, Dicon University, Vol. II. PP. 48 ff.
*Above, Vol. V, pp. 181 ff. Hoe 1, 30; III, 29; IV, 2; Raviprasasti, verso 1.

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Page #377

RAJGHAT INSCRIPTION OF BHIMADEVA
8
वाहन
બીબીસી नजान
यास
शिवाय
2 दिवःविनियमहरू એપલ પણ વિજ્ઞા तिविदितमनमानीकन नामानिलामा चारव • शतदान अलवार कालराडयातील राव हिक्मतविलमिलमिय लन्दर उमदेवियामा
6
10 एवम
2110353
ट
ને મd ४ CDCIL अनन दिखा नानादतिष तालिवान MENU चला कातिल क मानवत कुल यात्रा इति
221
(from a Photograph)
2
6
8
10

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No. 32] RAJGHAT INSCRIPTION OF BHIMADEVA
281 name used to indicate not only a city and the country around it but also East India in general. In our inscription, it is used in the sense of a territory in the western areas of Bengal. Gauda was originally the name of the land between the Padma and Burdwan. Generally speaking therefore Gauda and Rüdla (Ral of the Muslim writers) were identical although the latter was origi. nally the name of the land on both the banks of the river Ajay in South-West Bengal. This land as well as its chief city was often also called Rādhā. Avimukta was a well-known holy place in the city of Banaras. It was apparently the name of the Räjghāt region of Banaras and the Avimukta-nadi was no doubt the Ganges at Rajghat.
TEXT:
(Metres : verses 1, 3, 6 Aryā; verse 2 Gīti ; verse 4 Sārdūlavikrīdita ; verse 5 Vasantatilaka ; verse
7 Anushubh.] 1 (Siddham]• [1] [na]mah Sivāya! Gauda-mahibhțin-maul-āmātya-sa[bhālyar sam[bháj
11[t-ärir=abhūt] | dēva iva (Manga). [1] 2 dēvaḥ kshitipa-mahāsāṁdhivigrahikaḥ || [l*) Sri-Chamga'dēvam-ajana[ya]d-ayam-atha
tanayam pra[si]ddha-naya-vinaya3 m prapa durāpā Rā[na]ka-padavim-allaghilyasim sa răsiya]sya | [2*] (Tasya] tanūjah
Sriman=udapadyata Bhimadēva i4 ti viditaḥ sa cha Gaud-āvanijānēr-ajani mahasā[in]dhivigrahikah !![3*] Bhinn-ari-dvipa
nirjjist=ā]nayad=ishu- * 5 stom-ati-römänncha-bhrid-yuddh-orv[v]i kathitará dvir-ukti-cha kita prăptă na yad-vikramam
dānāy=ānisam=ujjhu(jjhi)t-amvu(bu)6 sarito yēna sthalē vāhitās=tat-pratyāharatā (sa]ri[t]-ku[la]-talācd -u]lāsită dhilayah
II (4*) Rāyāri-vamsa-naran7 tha-Kali[]ga-rāja-mukly-iri-vira-vaba)la-vāridhi-madhya-[guptain(ptam)' [yējn=7da
dhāri guru-Gauda-Varēn[dra]'o-rājya[m] majjat-pu- ||"1 8 rātana-vahitra-chari[tra-chā]ri || [5*) Vipula-silāmaya[m] -idam=ayam-Avimukta-[na]diu.
lalāta-tala-tilakam Bhava-[bha)* Cf.IH. Vol. XXVIII, pp. 123 ff.
Often it is identified with Banaras. For this holy place, see the Matsya Purvīnu, Chapters 181-86. Excavations at Rajghat have yielded seals of the Siva temple at Avimukta with such legonds as Avitukta, Avimukte. svara, evimuktėávarasya and Arimuktahhaffäraka. Cf. JNSI, Vol. XIX. pp. 170 ff.
• From impressions. • Expressed by symbol.
* Originally I was inclined to rond this name differently. But the inost probable reading of the damaged letters now appears to me to be munge. The first letter does not appear to be ga.
* These dandas, which were incisorl to covor up a little space at the ond of the lino, are unneccesary. ? Originally I was inclined to read the name as Vanga ; but the first letter looks more like ch than r. . Thodanda is redundant (cf. note (above).
The reading may also bo luptat. 1. The reading is possibly not narēndre. 11 These superfluon damlas have a cancellation mark (cf. noto (above). 11 The roading may possibly also be la fi insaning the bank of a river'.

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(Vol. XXXII (Sarva)-sēvya[m]=idam
282
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 9. [valnath mahad-arachayad-ari-chaya-chētas-chamatkritasē | [6*)
nyāys[tõ]-dhi-dévakalāyatë | Adi10 tva-[kāJoha-spra]tyaya-gāmgāya-kalaba-dhvajam 9 (7")
! This unnecessary danda bears e cancellation mark (C. p. 231, note above).

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No. 33—HOWRAGHAT PLATES OF BALAVARMAN II OF KAMARUPA, YEAR 5
(2 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND About the middle of September 1956, I received a circular issued by the Director of Historical and Antiquarian Studies in Assam on the discovery of a new copper-plate grant of king Balavarman of the Mlochchha or Salastambha dynasty of Kämarūpa or Prügjyotisha. The inscription was originally in the possession of Mr. Prakash Chandra Acharya of Uttar Barbil, Howraghat, Mikir Hills, from whom it was secured by Mr. Ganesh Chandra Phukan, Deputy Commissioner, United Mikir and North Cachar Hills, through a gentleman named M. M. Chakravarti. The Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies of the Government of Assam obtained the plates through the courtesy of Mr. Rupnath Brahma, one of the Ministers of the Assam Cabinet. It was stated in the circular that Dr. Pratap Chandra Chaudhury, Deputy Director of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, was engaged in deciphering the inscription. Dr. Chnudhury has since published the inscription in the Asam Sahitya Sabha Patrika, Vol. XV, No. 3, pp. 187-94.
On receipt of the circular, I contacted Dr. Chaudhury and tried to secure the plates on a few weeks' loan for study. Unfortunately the attempt was a failure. My endeavour to secure a set of inked impressions of the inscription also ended equally in'a failure. But, thanks to Dr. Chaudhury, in March 1957, I received from him a set of photographs of the inscribed faces of the plates together with one showing the set of the plates hanging from the ring hearing the scal. The photographs were taken after having rubbed chalk over the letters of the writing on the plates. In December 1957. I visited Gauhati. Dr. Chaudhury then kindly allowed me to prepare inked impressions of the plates.
The set consists of three copper platos ench measuring about 10 in length and 6}" in height. They are string on a copper ring, the ends of which are soldered beneath a bronze neal, its, countersunk surface being divided into two parts by a thick demarcating line. The upper one of these two parts bears the figure of an elephant to front, while the following legend in three lines occupies the space beneath the line of demarcation :
1 Svasti srimin-Prāgjyotish-udhip-u[nval2 yo mahārājādhiraja-sri-Va(Ba)
3 [la]varmadevah (il*] The seal closely resembles that attached to the Nowgong platest of the siline ruler who issued the charter under study. Similar seals are also found with the copper-plate grants of other rulers of the Kamarūpa or Prigjyotisha country. Of the three plates of the set, the second bears writing on both the obverse and the reverse, the other two plates being inscribed only on the inner side. of the four inscribed faces, the first three contain fourteen lines of writing each while the fourth contains only twelve lines. The engraving of the letters is neat and careful; but the preservation of the writing is not quite satisfactory. Some letters here and there are damaged while nost letters in the last line on the inner side of Plate I are inore or less completely rubbed off.
JANB, Vol. I.XVI, Part I. 1997. Pp. 185 ff., Platos XX.XV-XXXVII. The seal is illustrated in Plato XXXVII. Soo also P. X. Bluttacharya, kamur pususunaculi, pp. 71 fl., containing illustration of the inscription on Plate I only.
( 283 )

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284 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII The characters belong to the Gaudiya or East Indian alphabet of the ninth or tenth century A.D. As regards palaeography, orthography, language and style, the inscription closely resembles the Nowgong plates referred to above. With reference to palaeography, it may be pointed out that the difference between d and r is slight and that the two letters are sometimes indistinguishable. The inscription employs both the Devanagari and Bengali types of anusvāra, the former indicated by a dot or globular mark above the consonant and the latter by a globular mark above a curved or slanting stroke placed at the right side of the consonant; but it is interesting to note that the latter has been almost invariably used only when final mn is required by the language. This fact seems to support the suggestion that the Bengali type of anusvāra developed out of the older sign of final m. In our transcript of the inscription, the Bengali type of anusvāra has therefore been regarded as a final m. Final t occurs many times in the inscription and final n thrice in lines 28, 38 and 39. B is indicated by the sign for v. Of the initial vowels, the epigraph uses a in lines 4, 14, 22, 25, 26, 28, 31, 44 (twice) and 48 ; i in lines 5, 12 and 15; in lines 11 and 54 (twice), and si in line 45. The sign of avagraha is once used unnecessarily in line 11. The danda used to indicate the end of the first half of a stanza and the left member of the double danda employed at the end of a verse have in many cases a protrusion about the middle towards the left.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and it is written in a mixture of prose and verse. The introductory part in lines 1-36 contains 25 stanzas followed by a description of the donor of the grant in prose. Lines 36-43 contain the donor's order addressed to his subordinates and others in respect of the grant made. This section is also in prose. But the following section in lines 44-52 contains a versified description of the family of the Brāhmaṇa donee and refers to the grant that was made by the king in his favour. This is followed in the concluding section of the record in lines 52-54 by a description of the boundaries of the gift land in prose. The first two of the Bections, referred to above, in lines 1-36 are identical with the corresponding parts of the Nowgong plates (lines 1-33) with slight orthographical differences. Another difference is the unnecessary repetition of verse 2 in the present record. There are some passages in the first section in verse, which are undecipherable in either of the two records but can be restored in one with the help of the othet. Considerable influence of Kālidāsa's Raghuvansa is noticed in many of the stanzas. Some of the parallel passages have been quoted in the notes on the text of the epigraph.
The orthography of the inscription is characterised by the occasional use of the class nasal in the place of anusvära (cf., however, words like ranjana in line 10) and reduplication of consonants like g, , , m and v in conjunction with T. Final m has often been wrongly conjoined with the following v and has been used for sh in several cases. Among other words wrongly spelt, we may notice tasmin for tasmin in line 9, chchhattram for chhattrar in line 21, punsān for pursām in line 28, singhäsana for simhāsana in line 29, yajūnshi for yajūrnshi in line 45, etc. As regards orthographical differences beween the Nowgong plates and the present epigraph, attention may be drawn to such expressions as wihsāram (line 27) and jivitani pu (line 28) spelt in the other epigraph as nissāram and jivitam=pu respectively although we have cases like astan-gatishu (line 13-14) and bhūs=-sur-a. (line 45) in the present record also.
The date of the charter is quoted in line 51 (verse 30) as the fifth regnal year of king Balavarman without any other details; but the occasion of the grant is stated to have been the Sakr-Otthāna festival which takes place on Bhadrapada-sudi 12. The period of Balavarman's reign cannot be definitely determined, although the Tezpur inscription of his great-grandfather is dated in the Gupta year 510 corresponding to 829 A.D., and, allotting a quarter of a century per generation
See JAS, Lottorn, Vol. XVII, 1951, pp. 84-85, * Kanvarüpasāsanāralt, pp. 185 ff.

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!
No. 33] HOWRAGHAT PLATES OF BALAVARAMAN III OF KAMARUPA, YEAR 5 285 approximately, we may suggest that the year 904 A.D. fell in Balavarman's reign. Thus Balavarman's rule may be roughly assigned to the period 885-910 A.D. and the present inscription to a date about the end of the ninth century.
The inscription bogins with a Siddham symbol which is followed by two mangala stanzas. Verse 1 prays that the lustre of Rudra (Siva) may be for the peace of the earth, while verse 2 seeks that the waters of the Lauhitya, called a väridhi or sea, may destroy the sin of men. Verse 3 introduces Naraka who was the son (born of the goddess Earth) of Upendra (Vishņu) in his Boar incarnation and was a friend of the demons. Verses 4-6 describe the career of Naraka. It is stated that he carried away Aditi's ear-rings and discredited Mahēndra (i.e. her son, the king of the gods) thereby, that he made his abode at the city of Pragjyotisha in Kamarupa, and that be wos killed by Murari (Vishnu) with the discus in a battle that was fought at his capital, i.e. Prāgiyotishapura (Sõritapura according to the Pyrāņas). Verses 7-8 state how Naraka was succeeded on the throne by his son Bhagadatta whose successor was his younger brother Vajradatta.
Verse 9 introduces Salastambha who is stated to have belonged to the dynasty of Naraka, Bhagadatta and Vajradatta, and to have become king after a number of rulers of the said family had passed away. In this connection, it is interesting to note that verses 9-10 of the copper-plate grants? of Ratnapāla of the third dynasty (i.e. the Brahmapāla family) of the rulers of Kāmarūpa or Prāgjyotisha offer a different and apparently more reliable account of the pedigree of Sālastambha. According to these, Salastambha, who was a Mlochchha king or a ruler of the Mlēchch has (Mléchchh-adhipati), obtained the kingdom of the kings of the Nāra ka dynasty as a matter of chance (vidhi-chalana-vasāt) and that, Tyāgasimha the twenty first king of Sālastambha's line having died without leaving an heir, the subjects (prakritayah) thought that a member of the Bhauma (.e. Näraka) dynasty alone was suitable to them and therefore made Brahmapala their king. This seems to suggest that Salastambha was really a ruling chief, probably of TibetoBurinan origin, under the latest ruler of the Bhauma-Nāraka dynasty of Kamarūpa and that he succeeded in occupying his master's throne under circumstances which are difficult to determine without further light on the subject. It is clear, however, that Salastambhu's descendants claimed descent from Naraka ; but the claim may have been based either on mere fiction or on a matrimonial relation Sālastambha might have contracted with the rulers of the Bhauma-Nāraka family.
Verse 10 of our inscription says that, amongst the descendants of Salastambha, Harjara became king after others like Pālaka and Vijaya had passed away. The names of all the rulers of the Sālastambha family, especially those who flourished between Sālastambha and Harjara or Harjaravarman, cannot be determined. We have seen how the charters of Ratnapāla, who belonged to the third or Brahmapäla dynasty of Prāgjyotisha rulers, ascribe 21 kings to the dynasty of Salastambha. Of these, they mention by nanie only Sālastambha (the founder of the line), Tyagasimha (the last king of the family) and Vigrabastambha who was one of the rulers flourishing between Sälastambba and Tyāgasimha. The damaged and fragmentary copper-plate grant of Harjara varman (second quarter of the ninth century) from Haiyungthal, appears to have quoted the names of most of his predecessors beginning from Sālastambha, although the section cannot be fully and satisfactorily deciphered. According to the reading and interpretation of the said section offered by Pandit P. N. Bhattacharya, Sālastambha was succeeded by his son Vijaya who was followed successively by Pälaka, Kumāra, Vajradēva, Harshavarman, Balavarman
1 See above, Vol. XXIX, p. 151 and note 3. 2 See Kamarüpa śüsandvali, p. 94.
Ibid. pp. 44 ff. Only the middle plate of a set, which originally consisted at least of three platos, has been discovered so far. The preservation of the writing is unsatisfactory.
Ibid., PP. 51-52.

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(son of Harshavarman) and the son of the younger of the two brothers named Chakra and Arathi. Bhattacharya also suggested that Aratha (son of Arathi) was succeeded by Prälambha (father of Harjaravarman), the name of both of whom were read in the Tezpur plates of Vanamalavarman (son of Harjaravarman), Prälambha being represented there as the successor of Sriharsha (i.e. Harshavarman) of the Salastambha dynasty. But as we have suggested elsewhere, Vanamalavarman's charters really speak of Salambha as the successor of Sriharsha and of his younger brother Arathi as the father and predecessor of Harjaravarman. We have also suggested that Chakra was possibly another name of Salambha and that the name of Harshavarman's son Balavarman is omitted in Vanamalavarman's record probably because he was succeeded by Salambha after a short rule. It seems that Balavarman, son of Harshavarman, was overthrown by Salambha and that the usurper and his descendants did not recognise his claim to the throne. Thus we have the following names of the rulers of the Salastambha dynasty from Salastambha to Harjaravarman: (1) Salastambha, (2) Vijaya, son of Salastambha, (3) Palaka, (4) Kumāra, (5) Vajradova, (6) Siharsha or Harshavarman, (7) Balavarman, son of Harshavarman, (8) Chakra alias Salambha, (9) Arathi and (10) Harjaravarman, son of Arathi. It is difficult to determine whether some other kings of the family also ruled between Salastambha and Harjaravarman and whether their names are either omitted from or undecipherable in the Haiyungthal plate.
Verses 12-25 of the inscription under study describe the three kings Vanamala (verses 12-14), Jayamala alias Virabahu (verses 15-18) and Balavarman (verses 19-25), the donor of the charter, as respectively the son, grandson and great-grandson of Harjara. It is stated in verses 16-17 that Vanamala, who was a devotee of the god Mahesvara or Siva and built numerous palatial structures beautified with paintings, starved himself to death after having bestowed the white umbrella adorned with two fly-whisks (i.e. the insignia of royalty) on his son Jayamala (called Virabahu in verse 18), while verse 18 states that Virabahu (i.e. Jayamala) married Ambā (who gave birth to the donor of the grant under study) some time after his accession to the throne. Verse 21 shows that Jayamala Virabahu installed his son Balavarman on the throne when in course of time he was incapable of carrying on the administration owing to the attack of an incurable disease. Verse 25 says that Balavarman's ancestral kataka or capital stood on the Laubitys.
King Balavarman of Kamarupa, who issued the charter under study, was the second king of that name in the Salastambha family. Since, however, there was another Balavarman (about the beginning of the fifth century) in the Bhauma-Naraka dynasty of Kamarupa and Salastambha is represented in the records of his successors, even if wrongly, as a descendant of Naraka, Balavarman, donor of the present grant, may be designated as Balavarman III. The king of the same name, who was the son of Sriharsha or Harshavarman, may be called Balavarman II, while Balavarman of the Bhauma-Naraka dynasty may be regarded as Balavarman I.
The names of the three monarchs mentioned in verses 12 ff., when added to the list of the ten rulers from Salastambha to Harjaravarman, would give us only thirteen kings of the Salastambha dynasty. Only two other rulers of this family, viz. Vigrahastambha and Tyagasimha, are known from Ratnapala's charters referred to above. Thus we know the names of fifteen out of the twentyone rulers of the dynasty. Since Tyagasimha's successor Brahmapala seems to have ruled about the beginning of the eleventh century, most of the six rulers, whose names are missing, appear to have ruled in the period of about a century intervening between Balavarman III (about the close of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth century) and Tyagasimha (beginning
' Ibid., pp. 54 ff.
Above, Vol. XXIX, p. 149 and note 4.
Ibid. Vol. XXX, p. 66.

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No. 33] HOWRAGHAT PLATES OF BALAVARMAN III OF KAMARUPA, YEAR 5 287
of the eleventh century). But a few of them may have also ruled between Salastambha and Hajaravarman. The name of Vigrahastambba resembles that of Salastambha and no other ruler of the family is known to have borne a name ending in the word stambha. He may therefore have been a son or grandson of Salastambha and should probably be placed earlier in the genealogy.
The object of the charter is to record the grant of a piece of land, yielding two, thousand measures (probably called Drona) of paddy, made by Paramesvara Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja Balavarmadeva when he was staying at Haḍappēsvara. As we have shown elsewhere,1 the real name of the capital of the Salastambha kings was Hadappeśvara and not Härüppeśvara as is generally believed. The piece of land was singled out from the locality called Bappadovapataka which was situated in the vishaya or district of Värase-pattana. The royal order in respect of the grant was addressed to the people of the countryside together with the Brahmanas and the employees of the offices of the district as well as to the king's subordinates and officers. The list includes the rajans (ruling chiefs), räjiis (queens of the ruling chiefs), rāņakas (smaller chiefs) and officers as well as to the rajanakas (minor chiefs or landlords), rajaputras (sons of the chiefs) and raja-vallabhas (courtiers), who might be associated with the administration of the area in question at any time. It is interesting to note that the words rujanaka and ranaka are both used in this section of the record, even though actually ranaka appears to be a modification of rajanaka (also spelt rājānaka and rujanyaku). There was probably some difference in the meaning of the two words as used in early medieval Assam. The land was granted together with the vastu (homestead land), kedura (low land), sthala (high land), jala (waters), go-prachara (pasture land) and avakara (probably, mounds) as well as with the income from hastibandha (entrapping elephants), naukabandha (anchoring boats) and chaurōddharana (catching thieves). It was given as it stood within its demarcated boundaries together with the space above it and was exempted from all troubles associated with the dandapusa (police tax), uparikara (extra cess or tax on temporary tenants) and utkhetana (fears or troubles) arising from other causes, and also from the grazing of elephants, horses, camels, cows, buffaloes, goats and sheep.
The donce was the Brahmana Syamadeva-bhaṭṭa. It is stated (cf. verses 26 ff.) that there was a learned Brahmana named Garga who belonged to the Aupamanyava götra and the Kanva sakha of the Yajurveda. His son was Gabhishthira who was the father of Syamadeva, the donce of the charter. The name of the donce's mother was Garbheśvarika. Verse 29 states that the king made the grant for the merit of his parents in the fifth year of his reign. The occasion of the grant was the abda-puja performed in connection with the Sakr-ötthana festival. The passage tath-almanah (i.c. also of his own ') in this stanza may be taken with punyaya or with abda-puja. Sakr-ötthāna means the raising of the banner (dhaja) of Sakra or Indra, which is a festival observed on the 12th day of the bright half of the mouth of Bhadra although in early times it may have been held on the 8th of the bright half of the months of Praushṭhapada (Bhadra) and Āśvina. The real significance of the expression abda-puja, literally 'worship of the year or cloud', in this connection is not clear. It may, however, refer cither to the anniversary of king Balavarman's birth or accession to the throne, or merely to the annual worship' of the Sakra-dhvaja.
The boundaries of the gift land as enumerated in lines 52-54 are: the stupa or mound "belong. ing to Vaikanka in the east; a Salmali tree in the south-east; a Tripatraka tree in the south;
1 Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 150-51.
Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v. Sakra
Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. Sakra-dhvaja. Cf. Praushthapadě tu ashfamyam buklayam sobhané rishë Asol zotha Sravanen-atha uchchhrayet ||

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a Kadamba tree in the south-west; a Vetasa tree standing on the border of a piece of cultivated land in the west; an Asvattha tree standing on a stupa belonging to Nisi in the north-west; Jambu tree in the north; and a Suvarnadāru tree in the north-east.
Among the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, we have Lauhitya-väridhi, Kāmarupa, Prägjyotisha pura, Haḍappēśvara-kaṭaka on the Lauhitya, Varase-pattana-vishaya and Bappadēva-pāṭaka. Lauhitya is another name of the river Brahmaputra. Pragjyōtisha pura, capital of the Kamarupa country, is supposed by scholars to have been situated near the site of the present town of Gauhati on the Brahmaputra. Kamarupa, also called Pragjyōtisha, was the country around Gauhati. In the seventh century A.D., it extended up to the Karatoya in the west, although neither the course of the Karatoya nor the other boundaries of the country in the early medieval period can be determined. The traditions recorded in late medieval works like the Yoginitantra can scarcely be regarded as throwing sufficient light on the point. Verse 25 of our record speaks of king Balavarman's ancestral kataka (i.e. capital) which is stated to have been situated on the Lauhitya 'or Brahmaputra. The name of the city is given as Haḍappēsvarakaṭaka in the prose passage immediately following. This city has been identified with Dah Parbatiya near Tezpur, headquarters of the Darrang District of Assam. The gift land was situated in the locality called Bappadeva-pāṭaka which belonged to the district called Vārāsēpattana. The location of these places cannot be determined with any amount of certainty, although the name of Väräse-pattana reminds us of that of the Barasai range of hills about 50 miles to the south-west of Silchar.
TEXT'
[Metres: verses 1-4, 9-10, 14, 17, 21-25 Arya; verses 5-6, 12, 15 Upajāti (Indravajrā and Upendravajra); verse 7 Indravajra; verse 11 Aupachchhandasika; verses 8, 13, 19-20, 30 Giti; verses 16, 18 Anushṭubh; verses 26-28 Vamsastha; verse 29 Upajati (Vamsastha and Indravaṁśā).] 1 Siddham svasti | Bhavatu bhava-timira-bhiduram tējo raudra[m] prasantayē jagataḥ | parivarttatē samagram [ka*]lp-anta-ni
2 -āvasānē yat | [1] Sura-kari-mada-chandrakitam salilam Lauhitya-varidhēr=amalam | Kailasa-kataka-mriga-mada
3 väsitam-apaharatu duritam-vaḥ || [2*] Sura-kari-mada-chandrakitam salilam Lauhityaväridhĕr-amalam | Kailasa-ka
4 taka-mriga-mada-väsitam-apaharatu duritam vaḥ | Pralaya-payōdhau magnām=uddharato vasumatim-Upendrasya |
5 Naraka iti sunur asid-asura-suhrit-kröda-rupa-bhritaḥ [3] Trailōkya-vijaya-tunga[m*]
1 Hiuen-tsang entered the Kamarupa country from the west after having crossed the Ka-lo-tu or Karatōyi (of. Watters, On Yuan Chuang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 185 ff.).
Cf. The Sakta Pithas, p. 13, note 1; cf. p. 17, note 3.
From a set of photographs and impressions.
Expressed by symbol.
The aksharas [ka*]lp-ānta-niś-āvasāo could not be read on the Nowgong plates. The vowel-mark of në is also not clear there.
Read duritam vab.
"The following stanza is a repetition of verse 2. This was due to an oversight either of the scribe or of the engraver.

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HOWRAGHAT PLATES OF BALAVARMAN III OF KAMARUPA, YEAR 5–PLATE I
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4
)
.
स हनदिविरदि हमारा जारजस्ति तस यशलमान আনসাগৰৰ যতনি মনমান(G। নামবে মহাম মজনযৰওঁদনঃ( সু দমবন। নাৰিবমলংকনদের।
চাষবাদমযঃখুন যাত্রী মুনমুন सकसिगजासीय सुपस्ट का रसपाहतान्ती नवरातुन এম( বঙ্গাম! হিপঃ নমুনএল(
ঠেন(7 সুদীপেযুমুদিন@রং নামকস্ । ৪ দঃসুG(উলুবুমথুন। ২। যুগযনখুন - য় মন{ি{{{( মুদগৎ (জয়
) 10 | (লমানি মগ নিযহ ৫০ ম ন ({{{{জয়ম , 10
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t, a
Sদনৰ নাম শাস্ত্র জমজমলনীয়
। সমীনথৰাখিবৰ বৰ সুবি? সৰূলুমঃগ্রাঃ (সিজ(f 16 aখ নকৰি সূন। ক ম স , সি ২৯ঃ৭মীকাৰকজিবুর ধন মঞ্জিল নময় গ্রাজুক হামলায় জানি এখন।বিছুদিন যজুঃ ৪ অবনবিসি বিক।খ্রিঃ।নমঃ সুমনখন ৰসুৰাপুৰী নৰেন্ধুৰয় |
® (নিবমঞ্জ(( খুম যুণমান জ মাম((১া যা 20 | বাজী পালন
মায়র্থেীরব বৰ'রামম রেঞ্জের(মন নদিবপুৰোজসিকা 2
লালী (শঙ্কর বন্ধুরী (সুমুজাস্থান ( মু'র রেলিংক গ্রাহ'লেনিন (নয়া(সহনৰ্মৰ 24 নিঃযোগগসিনথরনমনঃমুদ
জম & ? মর্থিব সব গত সয়াস তাদেমন 26 | বিঞ্জামি হচ্ছি না। এজনগম (বিঃ মমম! লেন? দয়া){{মৎsfল। এ পরিমাণ করি। 28

Page #388

No. 33] HOWRAGHAT PLATES OF BALAVARMAN III OF KAMARUPA, YEAR 5 289 6 yên-pahritani yado Mahendrasya | Aditaḥ kundala-yugalam Kapo[la-dolayitam harată || [4] Tā
7 mvi(mbu)la-valli parinaddha-pügam1 krishy-a[gu]ru-skandha-nivěsit-ailam | sa Kāmarūpē jita-Kama
8 rūpaḥ Pragjyōtisa (sh-a)khyam puram-adhyuvasa || [5] Mad-andha-gandha-dvipa-karnnatäla-nrityan-ma
9 yur-ōpavane sa tasmin (smin) | vasan-samāsadya Murari-chakram rane ran-aishī divam-ā10 rurōha || [6] Bhūpāla-mauli-maņi-chumvi(mbi)ta1-pada-pīṭha[s]=tasy=ātmajō-bhūd=Bhagadatta-nāmā rājā praja-ramjana-la
11 vdha (bdha)-varno varnn-asramānāṁn gurur-eka-viraḥ || [7*] Upagatavati sura-lōkan= tasminta(smiths-tasy-'nujo-bhavad-bhümeḥ | [patir-a]
12 mala-bhaktir-Ise yam prahur-Vajradatta iti kavayaḥ [8] Tad-vamse vana-vaprām parikhikṛita-sagarain' mahim bh[u]ktvā | asta
13 n-gateshu rājasu Sālastambho-bhava[n*]=nripati[h*] ]] [ 9*] Palaha(ka)-Vijayaḥ(ya)prabhritishuḥ(shu) samatikrantēshu3 [tasya] vam[syē]
14 shu | abhavad-bhuvi nripa-chandro dvishaj-jvarō Harjjarō nāma || [10*] Aham-ahamikayā vivandiśu (shu)ņām samsadi yasya nakha
Second Plate, First Side
15 prabha-pratānaiḥ na muku[ta-ma]nayo vibhānti rājñā[m] rav[i]-kara-samva (samva)[lita i]va pradipaḥ [] [11] Tasy-atmajaḥ śrī-Va
16 [na]māladēvō rājā chiram bhakti-paro Bhavē-bhūt visala-vakshas-tanu-vri[t]ta-[ma]dhyaḥ pinaddha]-kanthaḥ pari[gh-bha
17 va(ba)hu[h*] || [12*] Na kruddham vikṛit-asyaṁ na cha na hasitam na cha vachaḥ śrutam nichāt na cha kiñchid-uktam-ahita[m*] mahitam si
18 lam sad-aiva yasy-abhut ! [13*] Yen-ātul-āpi sa-tulā jagati visal-api bhūri-kṛita-śālā | panktiḥ prāsādānā
19 m-akrita (kāri) vichitr-api sach-chitra | [14] Tasy-atmajaḥ śri-Jayamaladeva[ḥ*] kshir amvu(mbu)rāśēr-iva sita-raśmiḥ | va(ba)bhūva ya
1 Cf. Raghuvamia, VI, 64: tambula-valli-parinaddha-pugāsv-ēlā-lat-alingita-chandanāsu.
Read érita or some other suitable word in the place of mani-chumbita to bring this foot in Vasantatilaka in line with the three other feet in Indravajra.
Cf. Raghuvamsa, VI, 21: rājā prajā-rañjana-labdha-varṇaḥ Parantapō năma yath-ärtha-nāmā; V, 19: varnūsramāṇām gurave sa varni vichakshanam prastulam-achachakshē.
Cf. ibid., I, 30: sa vēla-vapra-valayam parikhikrita-sāgarām.
The word samatikrāntēshu could not be fully read in the Nowgong plates.
The seven aksharas samsadi yasya nakha could not be read in the Nowgong plates. Bhattacharya conjes turally restored them as yad-aruna-pada-nakha.
7 Cf. Raghuvamsa, VI, 32: Avanti-natho-yam-udagra-běhur-vitala- vakshas-tanu-vritta madhyaḥ. This word is not noticed in the stanza as found in the Nowgong plates.

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290
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII 20 by=āskhalitam bhramanti yaśāmsi kund-éndu-rama-prabhāni || (16*] Sa sriman-Vana
mālo=pi rājā (tā] 21 rājiva-lochana[h*] ávēksha (kshya) vinay-opētam tanījam prāpta-yauvanam (16)
Chchha (Chha)ttram sasadhara22 dhavalar chāmara-yugal-ānvitam. pradāy=āsmai | anaśana-vidhină vīras=tõjasi ma23 hēsvarė lina[h*) ! [17*] Prāpta-rājyēna tēn=ādha rajñā sri-Viravā(bā)hunā | kulēna
kānty, vayasā. Amvā(mbā) nām=ätmanaḥ 24 samā || [18*] Tēn=ödapādi tasyām-araṇāv=iva pāvaka[h*) prayoga-vida Va(Ba)
lavarmm=ēti pra25 thitaḥ srimat-tanayaḥ samagra-guna-yuktaḥ ! [19*) Asita-sarõruha-chala-dala-nibha
nayana[h] pina-kandharah su-bhu26 ja[h] abhinava-dinakara-kara-bata-vidalita-nava-nalina-kānti-sach-chhaya[h*) ![20*)
Gachchbati tithimati kā27 lë sa kadăchit-karmmaņām vispā*]ka-vaśātrājā ruj=ābhi[bhū]to langhita-bhishajā raņa.
stambhaḥ ||[21*] Nihsāram saṁsā28 (ram) jala-lava-lolañ=cha jivitam (pu]nsan | viganayya Viravā(ba)hu[h*) karttavyam-achin
tayach-chhēkam(sham) | [22*] Atha punyế=hani
.
Second Plate, Second Side 29 nội[pa]tisætanayan=tam=udagra-vigraham vidhivat kēsari-kisora-sadsisam simghā(ha)sana
maulitām-anayat (23*] 30 Ta[d-ana]ntaram-adhigamya prājyam tad-rājyam ajyem=iva vahnih | Va(Ba)lavarmm=āpi
didīpē prochchhästsā)rita-sa kala-ripu-timi. 31 raḥ || [24*) Abhavaj-jaya-kari-kumbha-skhalit-ormmēr=amala-väridhēs=tasya | Lauhityasya
samīpē tad=ē[va) paitā32 mabar katakam || [25*] Tatra śrīmati Hadappēsvara-nāmani katakē krita-vasatir=utkhat
āsi-lata-marichi-ni33 chaya-mēchakitēna vā(bā)hunā ' [v]ijita-Bakala-dik-chakravālo dhiraḥ pradhana bhirur-a
yasasi tikshņā ri34 pushu mridutaro gurushu satyaväg-avisamvā(samva)di kļitv=āvikatthana=8thūla-laksho 35 mātā-pitsi-[pā*]d-anudhyāna-dhauta-kalmaśaḥ(shah) ! paramēsvaraḥ paramabhatýārako ma36 hārājādhirājaḥ śri-Va(Ba)lavarmmadēvaḥ kusali ' ! Vārāső-pattana
1 This akshara is redundant. * Cf. Raghuramhéa, III, 16 : adéyam=ăsit=trayam=eva bhupateh lasi-prabhanh chhatram=ubhe cha chamare.
• Sandhi has not been observed here. Cf. ibid., VI, 79: kulena käntye vayara navena punais-cha taitelaire pinaya-pradhanaib.
*Read Ruradm.
This mark of punctuation and others in the following two lines are unnecessary. .
There is a floral design here to indionto the reparation of the foregoing introductory part from the grant portion that follows.

Page #390

HOWRAGHAT PLATES OF BALAVARMAN III OF KAMARUPA, YEAR 5–PLATE II
সনের এ মুহবিগুনি নে ? বাস নদ ফি মনমৗনি নীল। 30 ইষয় যুণ / ফুসফুফমিষ মঞ্জঃ স ম (( হওয়ায় মন বুদিম so
খবরসমযে সু, লেপ'শ্ম য স (যে বস্তু (সময় সস 52 মনে হয়ঞ্জা শনিয়া ২ন সূর্যোঞ্জ সরে দেশে ব্রিরি | ১
ইসঃয গগনেজ অস্তেজ নাথ এী রঃ সুমী হনু (নী ।। 34 | মুয়ায় মুসলেহ নি?
। * ৫ খাবারদী খুব খ ম বললাম " 36 } (Gখঞ্জঃগুন নি? ( 34 (যা মাত্র
36 * নেয়াবাসহয যাহা হি সন্ত্রাসবিদ 3৪ এপ্রিয় সিরা ৫ মাস ত্যা ব হ যুঞ্জ' ( ) দাম ১৪
এনা 'গীবাস। নার্স বা বদলীগ ' * 40, ফাঙ্গাস ।
যাই। নাই মই সব.. aঞ্জ যা
যা ৷ য ৷ || অ ৷ মাছ, ৪৮।" खार या कायसराजमारण्याचा सरकारमामा
'ওই
Scale : Nine-tenths

Page #391

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Page #392

No. 33]
HOWRAGHAT PLATES OF BALAVARMAN III KAMARUPA; YEAR 5 291
37 vishay-Antaḥpāti Va(Ba)ppadēva-pāṭakād-apakrishţa-dhānya-dvi-nahaar-ötpattika-bhū
mau
38 yatha-yatham samupasthita-Vra(Brä)hman-adi-vishaya-karana-vyavanta (ha)rika-pramukhajanapadặn rāja-rā
39 jñi-rāņak-adhikṛitan-anyan-api rajanaka-rajaputra-rajavallabha-prabh[ri]tin yatha-kala
40 bhavino-pi sarvvan-manana-pūrvvakam samadisati 1 viditam-astu bhavatam bhumir-iyam
vā
41 [stu]-kedara-sthala-jala-gōprachar-avakar-ady-upētā yatha-samsthā sva-sim-oddeśa-[pa]
42 [ryant] has[t]iva(ba)n[dha]-nauk[äva(ba)ndha]-chaurid[dha]rap[4] | dapdapas-öparikara
nana-nimit[t]-ot[kh]ēta[na]
Third Plate
kritya
43 hasty-a[sv-ōshtra]-go-mahish-aj-avika-prachara-prabh[ri]tīnām vinivärita-sarvva-pīḍā sāsani
44 Abhūd-asesha-śruti-sastra-vin-makhaiḥ kriti dvijēndro bhrisam-Aupamanyavaḥ | a[v]āpa
Kānvō yaju
45 sham nivāsa-bhūs-sur-alayam yaḥ khalu Gargga-samjñakaḥ [| 26*] Richō nu sämäni yajunshi(jūmshi) tasya ya[b] papa
46 tha süktāni cha karmma-paddha'tih vivēda sastrāņi kṛit-adhvaras-suto Gabhishṭhirō nama va (ba)bhūva dha
47 rmmajaḥ || [27*] [K]ul-ōdbhava soma-lat-ēva pavani Vasishtha-bharyi(ry-e)va pati-vrată hi ya | Sach-Iva Garbhe
48 évarikā Satakratōḥ priy-abhavat-tasya dhar-eva dhairyataḥ || [28*] Avapta-punyaḥ śru49-eta-paragab priyamva(yahva)daḥ präpta-yada vasa-pradab | hitaya täby-janito dvija
50 nmanām(nām) hi Syamadeva[s]=tanujō maha-tapaḥ || [29] Pitroḥ punyay-asmai Bhaṭṭaya ta51 th-atmano=vda(bda)-pūjāyām | Sakr-ötthänē vidhina | bhrisam datta pañchama-varshë
mayā rā
1 There are traces of a floral design between the double dandas to indicate the separation of the foregoing. part in prose from the following section in verse.
A superscript r sign was incised above this akshara; but it seems to exhibit a cancellation mark.
Four aksharas were engraved before the beginning of this line, the second and third of them being partially cut off by the ring-hole. They appear to read Samadeva, although such a passage does not appear to have been omitted from the text of the record. For similar marginal writing in some other early medievale records from Assam, see above, Vol. XXIX, p. 145.
This mark of punctuation is redundant. 45 DGA/57
10

Page #393

992
[VOL. XXXII
53 jy [30] (el)ma [1] pärviga Vaikadka-stipaḥ pārvva-dakshipina salmall-vrikshab Idakshinëna tripatraka-vrikabab
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
53 dakshina-paschimena kadamva(mba)-vrikshaḥ | pasohimena kshetr-ali-stha-větasa-vrikshaḥ | paschim-öttarēna Nisi
54 stupa-sth-asvattha-vrikshaḥ uttarēņa jamvü(mbü) vrikshaḥ | uttara-pürvvēņa suvarnņadaru-vrikshas-ch=ēti ||*||
1 Omit either maya or rajye for the sake of the metre. If the words vidhina bhrisam are omitted, the metre of the stanza would be Aryd.
There is a floral design between the double dandas to indicate the end of the writing.

Page #394

No. 34-MUDHOL PLATES OF PUGAVARMAN
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, DHARWAR - In May 1949, this set of copper-plates was received for examination in the office of the Government Epigrapbist for India from Shri R. S. Panchamukhi, the then Director of Kannada Research, Dharwar. The plates were originally in the possession of a shepherd belonging to a village in the present Mudhol Taluk of the Bijapur District. They were handed over to Shri V. C. Garwad, District Judge at Mudhol, who passed them on to Shri Panchamukhi in 1943. Shri Panchamukhi has edited the inscription on the plates in his Progress of Kannada Research in Bombay Province, 1941-46, pp. 12 and 69 ff. and plate IV. The epigraph is briefly noticed in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1949-50, p. 2 and registered as No. 7 of Appendix A. I edit the record here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The set comprises two copper-plates held together by a circular ring with seal. The rims of the plates are not raised. The first plate is engraved on the inner side only, while the second on both the sides. The plates measure each 5*" in length, 2 in breadth and is in thickness. The ring which is 27" in diameter passes through a circular hole, f" in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered into the bottom of a thick oval seal having a rim. The seal which measures t' by 1 contains in the sunken surface a standing human figure with its right hand raised. The ring and the seal together weigh 9 tolas and the whole set weighs 25 tolas..
The epigraph is on the whole in a fair state of preservation, although a few letters in lines 1, 7 and 8 are damaged. It contains 12 lines of writing, which are distributed evenly on the three inscribed faces of the plates. Line 8 continues about half the distance, the remaining space being left blank probably due to its narrowness. No punctuation marks are used anywhere in the writing. Some letters are omitted through oversight, while engraving, as in lines 1, 6 and 11. The writing contains a few other scribal errors.
The characters belong to the southern class of alphabet with archaic traits, having in a majority of instances small hollow boxheads. They may be compared for general resemblance with some records of the early Kadamba family. The initial vowels u and ai are inet with in lines 10 and 7 respectively. Medial i and i are not distinguished, both represented by a circle at the top of the letter. Jihvamüliya occurs once in brahmanak-krama in line 2.
1 The inscription has also been noticed by Dr. D C. Siroar in Prof. P. Sundaram Pillai Com. Vol., 1957, Pp. 96-97.
Shri Panchamukhi has tried to identify this figure, not without diffidence, as the deity Hanuman (Prog. of Kan. Res., op. cit., p. 69). But his arguments are far from convincing. Although it is very difficult to ascertain the identity of the figure on account of its badly worn out condition, ono may possibly suggest that originally it may have been intended to represent the god Várāhidēva in whose favour the charter purports to record a gift.
For example, the Bannahalli plates of Krishṇavarman II (abovo, Vol. V, Plato facing p. 18) and the Halai plates of Harivarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, Plate facing p. 32).
( 293 )

Page #395

294
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII
In regard to orthography the consonant following r is doubled as in Pugavarmmanā (line 6) and bahubhir-vva (line 10). An exception may be noted in garbha (lines 3-4). Anusvāra is changed to class nasal in sandhi in the expression uktañ-cha (line 10).
The language is Sanskrit and the composition excepting one verse each at the beginning and at the end is in prose.
The inscription commences with the expression svasti. This is followed by a verse in praise of the lotus-feet of Brahma. i.e., the Creator, which are described as worthy of being worshipped by the pious persons, brilliant like the shining gold and capable of causing the good as well as bad things of the three worlds. This verse is new and not found in other records.
Next is introduced the victorious prince Pügavarman, the first son of Sri-Prithivivallabha-mahārāja who performed the Hiranyagarbha-mahādāna and the Agnishtoma, Agnichayana, Vajapeya and Asvamedha sacrifices. Pugavarman is said also to have borne the appellation Ranashtatura. This expression is defective and its correct form may be suggested as Ranasthätri1 which means firm in battle'. It is comparable with the name Yudhishthira.
The object of the epigraph is to register a second gift, apparently of land, in the village of [Mala]kēṭaka to the deity Värähīdēva by Pugavarman for securing good results in this world as well as in the next. The gift land was divided into thirty-three shares, to be enjoyed, apparently by different beneficiaries whose names, however, are not specified. The charter concludes with the usual verse extolling the merit of a pious gift.
Not many inscriptions are available for reconstructing the early history of the Chalukya house of Badami. For the reign of Pulakesin I, we have the Bädämi inscription, dated 543 A.D., which has placed the history of this family on a firm chronological footing. His successor Kirtivarman is represented through only two charters of his reign bearing identical dates. The present inscription which may be assigned to this dim period of Chalukya history makes a welcome addition to our knowledge.
It must be admitted at the outset that there are some difficulties in ascertaining the famiy to which the issuer of the present charter belonged. But a critical examination of it shows that the difficulties are only superficial. A prominent feature that impresses upon our mind on a perusal of the document is its unconventional nature. The invocation is unusual. The following prasasti does not contain the name of the family to which Pugavarman belonged, as one naturally expects. The other familiar expressions in the Chalukya prasasti referring to the Manavya götra, the Seven Mothers, etc., are also conspicuous by their absence. All these objections, however, are set at rest if we critically examine the description of the king whose son issued the present grant.
1 Shri Panchamukhi's restoration of this epithet as Rayashtottara, i.e. 'one who fought 108 battles', seems to be farfetched. Further, his suggestion on the basis of this restoration that Pugavarman may be identical with Kirtivarman is unconvincing. See op. cit., pp. 12 and 70.
2 This shows that there already existed a gift for the deity made either by this prince or by his predecessor. It was not the renewal of an old grant as assumed by Shri Panchamukhi.
Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 4 ff.
The two records are the Vaishnava cave inscription at Badami and the Godachi plates. See Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 346, and above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 59 ff.

Page #396

No. 34) MUDHOL PLATES OF PUGAVARMAN
295 This was Sriprithivivallabha-mahārāja. As Vallabha, Srivallabha, Prithivivallabha and Sriprithivīvallabha are all identical, being recognized specially as Western Chalukya appellations and the title Mahārāja conveying the status of a paramount sovereign is almost invariably and for the first time applied to Pulakēsin I in all the formal charters of the family, we are fully justified in identifying Sriprithivivallabha of our charter with Pulakösin I. This identification is further strengthened by his description as the performer of Agvamëdha, Agnishoma, Agnichayana and other sacrifices ; for, Pulakēsin I, as known from many records of the family, performed all these sacrifices and a few more. The mention of Aśvamēdha in this connection is an overwhelming evidence in favour of this identification, since, except for a few Kadamba rulers whose consideration is out of question in the present context, no other monarch in this part of the country is ever credited with such a supreme achievement.
This much about the positive side of the question.
In regard to its negative side, it has to be noted that the non-mention of certain ideas and expressions in the prakasti can in no way be cited as contrary evidence. As I have shown elsewhere, the Chalukya prasasti was still in the formative stage at this time and not yet standardized. The conventional prasasti of the Chalukya house is met with for the first time in the charters of Pulakēsin II, commencing with the Hyderabad grant.
Now who is this Pügavarman ? He was not known previously and is introduced for the first -time by the present charter. His description as agra-sūnu shows that he was the first and the eldest son of Pulakēģin I. As he is not endowed with royal titles we have to surmise that he was governing the province as his father's deputy and issued the charter in this capacity. This leads to another surmise that Pulakösin I was ruling at this time. If the identification of [Mala]köţaka suggested in the sequel is correct, Pügavarman's authority might have extended over the present Gulbarga District.
It is well-known that Pulakasin I had two more sons, the elder of whom, viz. Kirtivarman, succeeded his father on the Chālukya throne. In his Godachi plates, Kirtivarman is referred to as his father's favourite son. In the Mahākūţa inscription of Mangaļīsa who succeeded Kirtivarman, it is said that Pulakēsin I had two sons and that Kirtivarman was the senior. These state-ments do not preclude the possibility of the existence of yet another son being the seniormost. This possibility is borne out by the present record. The fact that Pulakosin I was succeeded by Kirtivarman can be explained on the assumption of Pügavarman's demise before his father.
Assuming that Pulakēsin I started his independent rule a few years prior to the date of the Bādāmi inscription, we may place the commencement of his reign roughly about 535 A.D. His
1 Cf. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, 345 and noto 1 ; above, Vol. XXVII, p. 6.
* Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 344; above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 8-9, and n. 1. As in the Bädāmi inscription of S. 466, the present record also describes the king as Hiranyagarbhasamblata, i.e. one who performed the Hiranyagarbha. mahadana.
. Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 60 and 1. 10. Some scholars are not prepared to assign tho presont charter to the Clälukya family (4.R.Ep, 1949-50, p. 2). "The arguments against this view are set forth in the above discussion.
It is unnecessary to suggest the identity of Pügavarman with Kirtivarman, as they connote two distinct names. Contra. Panchamukhi, op. cit., p. 70.
Cf. The Classical Age. p. 231.

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296
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII reign ended about 567 A.D., With an approximate margin of a few years before the last date, it may be suggested that the present charter was issued by Pugavarman about 560 A.D. From his description as Ranasthātri, i.e. 'firm in battle', it may be gathered that Pugavarman assisted his father in the wars which the latter had to wage for the establishment of the Chalukya kingdom.
The name of the deity Vārāhīdēva which means ' lord of Varahi,' f.e. god Varaha, is interesting.1 The roundabout way of naming the god may possibly be explained on the ground that the goddess Vārāhi, who was one of the Seven Mothers, was held in high reverence and enjoyed an independent status, not being considered merely a female counterpart of Varaha. It is well known that the Chalukyas considered themselves specially favoured by the Seven Mothers and their partiality to Varaha or the Boar-incarnation of Vishnu is evidenced by their acceptance of the figure of this god for their family emblem. This affords the earliest instance of the devotion to the god Varaha in the Chalukya family.
There is only one place-name mentioned in the record and it is Malakeṭaka. This village seems to be identical with the present Malkhed in the Gulbarga District, Mysore State. Malkheḍ became the renowned capital of the Rashtrakutas of the Dekkan during later centuries and it is mentioned in their records in the Sanskritised form Manyakhēta. It is referred to as Manyakheda in a record of 993 A.D. In the inscriptions of the locality as well as of the villages near about Malkhed, ranging from the 11th to the 16th centuries, the place is spoken of as Malikēda and Maleyakheda. If the above identification is correct, this would be the earliest allusion to the place, indicating its existence at least from the sixth century.
It would be interesting to review here the contents of an early stone inscription which may similarly be attributed to the Chalukya house of Badami. The epigraph' is incised on a boulder to the left of the images of Durga and Gaṇeśa near the fourth gate of the fort at Gooty in the Anantapur District, Andhra State. The characters are archaic Kannada of about the sixth or seventh century, the language being an admixture of faulty Sanskrit and old Kannada. It reads as follows:
1 Śri-[sa]kala-gara-salya
2 Sri-Vallabha-yuvarājē
3 na Kasyapa-vamśēna kārā
4 pitha Bhaṭṭaraki
5 [pra]m-rūpēs keydadu
6 [śri]-paḍime [*]
1 This reminds us of such names of the gods as Lakshmidēva, Umanatha, etc.
B. K. Coll., No. 170 of 1933-34.
The places were explored by me for inscriptions some twenty years ago. See my Jainism in South India, pp. 192 ff. and 325 n. and also Kan. Sah. Pari. Patrike, 1941, December, pp. 6 ff.
A.R.Ep., 1954-55, Appendix A, No. 1.
This may be rendered into Sanskrit as bri-sakala-graha-salyēna Srivallabha-yuvarājēna Kābyapa-va máyšna prama-rupēna käritä bri-Bhattarikayas pratima.

Page #398

MUDHOL PLATES OF PUGAVARMAN
US கத LOR=JMATTI (யாகா, ARE INTO
காசாங்க.
.
18, 5
.
O
10
காதரன
Scale: Actual
SEAL
(from a Photograph)

Page #399

No. 34]
MUDHOL PLATES OF PUGAVARMAN
"This sacred image of the Supreme Goddess was caused to be made according to the standard form through (the artist who was) a descendant of Kasyapa by the illustrious Yuvaraja (i.e. crownprince) Srivallabha, a piercing javelin to all the evil spirits."
As we have noted earlier, Śrivallabha was specially a Western Chalukya appellation. Hence, although the name of the crown-prince who was responsible for the setting up of the image1 in question, is not specified, it goes without saying that he belonged to the Chalukya house of Bādāmi. It is difficult to surmise who this Chalukya prince could be, as he might be any one from Pulakesin I to Vikramaditya I. But it is possible to think that this prince might have set up the image of the goddess while he was governing the area of Gooty as the viceroy of the ruling king.
The name of the artist or sculptor who actually shaped the image according to the standards prescribed in the texts on the subject (pramā-rūpēņa) is not mentioned. Instead, it is merely said that he belonged to the lineage of Kasyapa. This is interesting, for Kasyapa was a renowned artist (silpakāra) and the present sculptor seemed to take more pride in mentioning the former as his ancestor than disclosing his own name.
TEXTS
First Plate
1 Svasti [*]...yati sat-pujya[m] pradipta-kana[ka-pra*]bhain(bham |) trailō
2 kya-sad-asat-kāri Brahmanak-krama-paṁkajam(jam || 1) Tad-anu vija
3 [yin-Agnishtōm-Agnichayana-Vajapuya-Hiranyaga
4 rbha-sambhūtām (t-A)śvamēdh-āpa (va)bh[ṛi]tha-snāna-pavitrita-sa
Second Plate, First Side
5 [rra-Sriprithivivallabha-mahārājasya(sy-Ã)gra-sd
6 [nu*]-rimat-Pagava[r]mmana Ranashṭatura-nāmadheyēna
7 [ai]hik-amushmika-phal-[a]kāṁkshiņā Vārāhīdēva-sva(svä)8. [Mala]ketaka-gr[a]mē
1 The image may be that of Durga, near which the record is incised. Siddhesvara Sastri Chitrav, Prachina Charitrakosa (Marathi), p. 122. From impressions.
There are traces of three worn out letters before this, which may be restored as śrīma[j]ja.
297
This jihvāmuliya is indicated by a sign looking like a big superscript ma.
Metre: Anush fubh.
[Read peya-yaji.-D. C. S.]
For a correct form of this name see the discussion above..
The two damaged letters here may be mine.

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298
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
Second Plate, Second Side
dvitiya[m] mānyam dattar sõ[vu]dakam! 'trayas-tri[m]šati(kat )bhägi10 na[h* I*) Uktañ=cha [*] Bahubhir=vvasudha bhuktā rājabhi[h*) Saga11 (--*) dibhish I*) yasya yasya yada hhu(bhū)m[i][8*=tasya tasya 19 tadā phalam(lam || 2)
1 The intended reading may be either sal odakan or s- odalash. :* Better supply the word asya before this.
1 Actually the reading is bhūgina[] and not bhūgēna, as read by Shri Panchamukhi. This gives better senso too.
• Metre: Anushfubh.

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No. 35–BARLA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF PRITHVIRAJA MI, V.S. 1234
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
The black stone slab bearing the inscription under study was discovered some years ago by Mr. U. C. Bhattacharya, Curator of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, at the village of Bārlā about 7 miles to the east of the city of Ajmer. Mr. Bhattacharya read a short note on the importance of the date of the epigraph at the Jaipur Session of the Indian History Congress in December 1951 and this note was later published with an illustration of the record in the Proceedings of the Session, pp. 326-28.
The inscription is fragmentary as some letters at the end of all the lines are lost. Fortunately however, the number of the lost syllables in most of the lines can be easily determined as the major part of the record is in verse. The right hand side of the inscribed slab of stone is broken away. The extant part measures about 164 inches in length, 9 inches in height and 1 inch in thickness. The length indicated is that of the central section of the elab since the pieces broken away from the upper and lower right corners have made a sort of angle about the middle of its right side and the length of the top and bottom of the slab is respectively 114 inches and 147 inches. There are 13 lines of writing on the stone, of which line 8 is the longest (about 153 inches leaving & margin of slightly less than an inch in the left); but a portion of the slab containing four aksharas has broken away from the end even of this line. The number of lost syllables is higher in all the other lines of the epigraph, the loss being generally more considerable in the line that stands at a greater distance from line 8 either above or below it. Thus, amongst lines 1-7, the number of loet syllables is 16 in line 1, and 7 in line 7. Considering the size of the letters (about 1'x}'), the four lost letters at the end of line 8 appear to have covered a space about 11 inches in length and there was probably a margin of a little less than an inch (as in the left hand side of the slab) beyond the last akshara of the line. Thus the length of the inscribed slab was originally a little above 19 inches.
The characters, which are neatly and carefully engraved, belong to the Dāvanāgari alphabet of about the twelfth century A. D. and closely resemble those of other contemporary epigraphs discovered in the area in question, such as the Ajmer inscription recently edited in the pages of this journal. The same is also the case with its orthography which shows the tendency to use class nasals instead of anusvāra and anusvāra instead of the final m at the end of the halves of verses. The avagraha has been used twice in line 5, and 6 has been written by the sign for v. The number of errors is small. The language of the record is Sanskrit and its composition exhibits a mixture of prose and verse. There is a short mangala passage in prose at the beginning of the epigraph in line 1, which is followed by a prasasti in 13 stanzas in different metres engraved in lines 1-12. The verses are consecutively numbered, the numerical figures at their end being placed between a double and a single danda. A few sentences at the end of the record in lines 12-13 refer to the author and the engraver of the eulogy, the date of the construction of a step-well which was its main subject as well as a prayer that the said well may last for ever. The date is quoted as V. S. 1234, Chaitra-sudi 4, which, as will be seen below, is not easily reconcilable with certain known facts of history. 1 Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 178 ff. and Plate.
(299)

Page #402

300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII Out of the 13 stanzas of the eulogy, verse 1 contains the adoration to a deity. Verses 2-4 describe the ruling king and his family, verses 5-6 an officer or a subordinate of the king and his family, and verses 7-9 the hero of the eulogy and his family. The remaining stanzas deal with the object of the prasasti, which, as already indicated above, is to record the construction of a step-well.
The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol followed by a symbol for the pranava. Next comes the passage namah Sivāya which is followed by verse 1 in which the protection of the god Varuņa is invoked. The invocation to Varuņa, god of the waters, suits the occasion as the subject of the composition is essentially the excavation of a step-well and we have other instances of the kind in inscriptions recording the construction of wells. Verse 2 introduces the hero named Chāhamāna, the mythical progenitor of the Chāhamāna family of Rajputs, as born of Virochana, i.e. the sun-god. This interpretation of the word virochana, which means both the sun' and 'fire', is suggested by the fact that the Prithvirajavijaya composed by Jayanaka in the last decade of the twelfth century as well as Nayachandra-sūri's Hammiramahākāvya, composed a century later, represents the eponymous Chāhamāna as sprung from the Sürya-mandala, while the tradition of the progenitors of the Paramāra, Pratihāra, Chaulukya and Chāhamāna families being born from the sacrificial fire-pit of the sage Vasishtha on Mount Abu was unknown even as late as the fourteenth century. It seems that the damaged second half of verse 2 referred to the Chähamana family as originated from the eponymous hero Chāhamana mentioned in its first half. This is suggested by the first half of verse 3 which introduces the birth of king Vigraharajadēva (i.e. Vigra barāja IV or Visala) with the word iha no doubt meaning 'in this family', and another word which seems to be kramāt i.e. in the regular course of succession), the name of the family being apparently indicated previously.
The extant part of verse 3 suggests that Vigra harāja IV left his throne for his brother's son Prithvibhata (i.e. Prithvirāja II) after having ruled the earth (i.e. the Chāhamana kingdom with its capital at Säkambhart) for a long time. It is interesting to note that the inscription passes over Apara or Amaragāngēya, son and successor of Vigraharāja IV.: This was probably because Aparao or Amaragāngēya was overthrown after a short rule by Prithvirāja II whose successors were reluctant to recognise the former's rule and were eager to represent Přithvirāja II as the direct successor of Vigra harāja IV. An inscription from Dhod is reported to contain a reference to the success of Prithvirāja II against the king of Sākambhari, who seems to have been none other than Aparao or Amaragāngēya. Verse 4 states that a later king of the family, named Prithvirāja (i.e. Prithviraja III), succeeded another king whose name was .... ra. This damaged name was no doubt Somēśvara who was the father and predecessor of Prithvirāja III and the uncle and successor of Přithvirāja II.
The next two stanzas (verses 5-6) speak of a Brāhmaṇa family belonging to the Kausika gotra and hailing from a flourishing agrahāra called Atiśākha. Verse 6 mentions Yaçõrāja who seems to have been the son of Khamadēva or .... khamadēva of this family. The real significance of the introduction of this family is not clear ; but it seems that Yaśörāja was a subordinate or an officer of the Chāhmāna king and that the locality where the step-well was excavated (i.e. probably the village of Bārlā near Ajmer where the inscription was found) lay within the territory or fief under him.
1 Cf. Mandasor inacription (V.S. 1321) in the Gwalior Museum (A.R. Ep., 1953-54, No. 147 of App. B); Mandor inscription of V.8. 742 (ibid., 1956-57, No. 504 of App. B; Administrative Report of the Archaeological Department of Jodhpur, 1934, p. 5), etc..
. Above, Vol. XXIX, p. 179; Ray, Dyn. Hist. N. Ind., Vol. II, pp. 1052-53.
* Apara or Amaragāngeya is mentioned in the Prithvirajavijaya, Prabandhakosha and Ain-i-Akbart. Cf. Ray, op. cit., p. 1078.
• Ibid., p. 1089.

Page #403

No. 35 ] BARLA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF PRITHVIRAJA III, V.S. 1234 301
Verses 7 ff. describe another family belonging to the Käsyapa götra, to which the hero of the eulogy belonged. Verse 7 mentions Sadhadēva of this family and his son Udaya. The damaged last foot of the stanza no doubt mentioned Udaya's son and apparently also the son's wife. Verse 8 states that, from the husband and wife whose names are lost with the concluding part of the previous stanza, was born Thakkura Palhūka. The next stanza (verse 9) describes Pálhūka's good character and qualities while verse 10, most of the syllables in the second foot of which are lost, states that he constructed a step-well by what he had earned by means of trade. This shows that Thakkura Pālhūka was a trader by profession, although it is uncertain whether he actually belonged to the mercantile caste as well. Verse 12 states that some money belonging to Rahada, & brother of Palhūka's father, was also spent in the construction of the well and that the Thakkura (i.e. Palhūka) became free from his debt to his uncle thereby. The concluding syllables of the stanza are lost; but it seems that Palhūka had previously borrowed some money from his uncle Rāhada and that Rahada or his heirs agreed to forego the realisation of the amount if it was spent in a good cause like the construction of a step-well. Verse 13 mentions the four wives of Rāhada, viz. Dēvamā, Salakhū, Lakshmi and Uttamā. The introduction of these ladies in the narration is difficult to explain; but it seems that it was they who permitted Pālhūka to spend the amount borrowed from their husband in the construction of the well. Possibly this was done for the merit of Rabada who might have been dead at the time.
The eulogy is stated to have been composed by Padmanābha, son of Acharya Nē.... The name of the poet's father consisted of about two aksharas only and seems to have been something like Nēma. A partially preserved epithet of Padmanabha appears to suggest that he claimed to be a kavi or poet. The inscription was engraved by Jayatasimha, son of Pandita Yaśõdhara. Since this person does not look like an ordinary engraver, it is not unlikely that he only painted the letters on the stone to facilitate the work of the real engraver of the record. If such was the case, the name of the person who actually engraved the prasasti on the stone is not mentioned in the record.
The most puzzling information supplied by the inscription under study is its date : V. S. 1234, Chaitra-sudi 4, This is the earliest date of Chāhamāna Prithvirāja III so far known. Unfortunately, the date is not satisfactorily verifiable since the name of the week-day has not been mentioned in the epigraph. If, however, the beginning of the Vikrama year in the age and area in question can be determined, the date of our inscription may be calculated, although, unfortunately, the result of such an attempt scarcely solves the mystery of the date of our record. As will be seen below, the latest known date of the father and predecessor of Prithviraja III is V.S. 1234, Bhadrasudi 4. This would suggest that the year commenced some time between the months of Chaitra and Bhadra, so that the month of Bhadra was earlier than that of Chaitra. But, even though the Ashädhädi and Srāvanādi Vikrama years are not unknown in Rajasthan, the dates in the inscriptions of the Chahamānas do not support such an explanation.
Let us clear the position by an examination of the following regular and verifiable dates in the records of Přithvirāja III and his immediate predecessors. 1. Ajmer inscription of Vigrabarāja or Visala IV, dated V.S. 1210(1153-54 A.D.), Mārgasirsha-sudi
5, Sunday=November 22, 1153 A.D. The year began before the month of Märgasireha. 2. Hansi inscription of Prithvibhata or Prithvirāja II, dated V.S. 1224(1167-68 A.D.), Māgha-sudi
7, Thursday January 18, 1168 A.D. The year began before the month of Mágba.
1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 289. • Ibid., No. 329.

Page #404

302
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII 3. Bijolis inscription of Sömēsvara, dated V.S. 1226(1169-70 A.D.), Phälguna-vadi 3, Thursday,
February 5, 1170 A.D. The year began before the month of Phālguna. 4. Revasa inscription of Sõmēsvara, dated V.S. 1230(1173-74 A.D.), Ashādha-sudi 9, Monday June
10, 1174 A.D. The year began after the month of Ashädha. 5. Anvalda inscription of Sömēsvara, dated V.S. 1234 (1177-78 A.D.), Bhädra-sudi 4, Friday
August 18, 1178 A.D. The year began after the month of Bhadrapada. 6. Phalodi inscription of Prithviraja III, dated V.S. 1236 (1179-80 A.D.), Prathama-Asha
dha-sudi 10, Wednesday June 4, 1180 A.D. The year began after the month of Ashādha. 7. Udaipur Victoria Hall Museum inscription of Prithviraja III, dated V.S. 1244 (1187-88 A.D.).
Phālguna-sudi 31, Friday February 12, 1188 A.D. The year began before the month of Phālguna.
The above dates would show that the Vikrame year commenced between the months of Bhādrapada and Märgaśīrsha. The year thus appears to have been Kārttikādi and not Chaitrādi, Ashādhādi or Srāvanādi. Of the Ashādhadi and Srāvaņādi Vikrama years prevalent in some parts of Rājasthan, the first does not suit the dates of Nos. 4-6 and the second is equally unsuitable in the case of No. 5. The date of our inscription, viz. V. S. 1234, Chaitra-sudi 4, would thus appear to correspond to the 25th March 1178 A.D.
But this date of the reign of Přithvirāja III is earlier by a few months than the latest known date of his father and predecessor Sõmēsvara, viz. V. S. 1234, Bhadra-sudi 4=August 18,1178 A.D. as found in the Anvalda inscription. Since, however, the inscription under study clearly refers to the death of Sõmēsvara (cf. trida sa-pattanam prāptē in verse 4), its date can scarcely be earlier than the latest date in the records of that king, viz. August 18, 1178 A.D. It is therefore not improbable that V.S. 1234 in the date of our record is a mistake for V.S. 1235. In that case the date of the epigraph would correspond to March 14, 1179 A.D. Thus Prithvīrāja III would appear to have ascended the Chāhamāna throne after the death of his father Sömēsvara between the 18th August 1178 A.D. and the 14th March of the following year, that is to say, sometime about the end of 1178 A.D. or the beginning of 1179 A.D.
It seems that there is some confusion in the minds of the writers on Chāhamāna history about the English equivalent of the date of the Anvalda inscription of Sõmēsvara, viz. V.S. 1234, Bhadrasudi 4. which is the latest known record of that king. H. C. Ray regards the year as e. 1177 A.D.,' while D. C. Ganguly gives the year of the accession of Somēbvara's successor Prithviraja III as 1177 A.D.Although Ganguly does not refer to Bhattacharya's note on the inscription under study, his view seems to have been influenced by the wrong equation of V. S. 1234, the year of Prithvirāja's accession according to the present record, with 1177 A.D.
The only geographical name mentioned in the inscription is the agrahāra of Atisakha whence the family of Yasöräja hailed. I am not sure about the identification of the locality. 1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 344.
* Ibid., No. 360. * Ibid., No. 380. Another inscription of the time of Prithviraja III on the same pillar is dated V.8. 1245 (current), PhAlguna sudi 12, Thursday (12th February 1188 A.D.). Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXXV, p. 60.
• Ibid., No. 390. . Ibid., No. 412. • Soo G. H. Ojha, The Palaeography of India (Hindi), pp. 169-70.
1 Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 1082. Some other scholars also equato V.S. 1234 with 1177 A.D. (cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. LVI, p. 49).
• The Struggle for Empire, 1957, p. 83 ; of. pp. 104-05.
• Bhattacharya's article was published in the Proceedings of the Indian Histury Congress, 14th Session (Jaipur 1931) in 1855.

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S. 1234
BARLA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF PRITHVIRAJA III,
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Scale : One-half

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No. 35] BARLA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF PRITHVIRAJA III, V.S. 1234
TEXT1
[Metres: verses 1, 5 Indravajra; verses 2, 7-13 Anushṭubh; verse 3 Upajati; verse 4 Arya; verse 6 Mälini.]
1 Siddham [*] Om namaḥ Sivaya || Devaḥ sa vō-vyād-Varunō yadiyā śrīr-jjamgamasthavara-jannma-h[e] [*]--~--~~
2 gh[i]vyam-api prasūtē | 1| Chāhaman-ahvayaḥ kō-pi pură viro Virōcbanit | prādurvva(r=bba)bhü[va]........ . [|| 2 |*]
3 mād=ih=ōdbhūya chiraya bhuktvā kritsnām mahim Vigraharajadēvē | Prithvibhaļē bhrātri-sute cha tasya mā U --- 3 1*]..
-U
4 radēvē kshōņi-patau tridasa-pattanam praptē | Prithvīrājas-tanayas-tasya padam bhūshayāmāsa || 4| Yugmam
303
5 nim sadvrā(d-Brā)hmaṇāḥ Kausika-vamsa-dīpāḥ | yan-nirggamaḥ sphītima" "='tiśākhanämnō='grahārād=vaha---|| 5 | *] uuu u
21
6 khamadevō deva-vipr-ady-upäsä-prasarad-amala-kirttis-tat-kulē nītiśāli | sakala-gunagarishthaḥ
7 bhavad-uchita-jñaḥ
Atgajanmanaḥ
||
śri-Yaśörāja-sa[*]jñaḥ 6 Kalyap-invaya-sambhāta-SadhadovUdayasya tanūjā
8 tavāns ||7|
Jayamta iva Paulōmi-Pākasasanayōr-ayam(yam) | tayōsh-ThakkuraPalhükō dampatyõr-abhavat-autaḥ 18| Satva(ttva)-vi.
9 drō13 mahatvē(ttvē)na marud-giriḥ | sauchēna yaḥ Samtanavaḥ satyēna cha Yudhisthirah || 9 | Vāņijy-ōpārjjitam yasya va
10 rakam(kam) | tatha hy-anēna vāp-iyaṁ niramapyata sarmma-krit || 10 | Yad-vāri sisiram svadu pāyam payam-apaklamāḥ
11 pamthas-tatra kiyad-dhanath(nam)
1 From impressions. *Expressed by symbol.
tatra sa-vismayam(yam) || 11 | Pitrivya-Rahaḍasy-api nipānē-smin= vyayitv-Anrinyam-agamat-Thakkurö
.[12]
The intended word is apparently hetub.
The intended word may be sachivyam.
The lost aksharas may be conjecturally restored as cha tasmäd-anvavayas-tad-akhyakab..
The lost letter was apparently kra.
The lost syllables were no doubt bri-Somětva.
It is difficult to determine the implication of this damaged foot of the stanza.
We cannot be sure whether the name is Khamadeva or one or more syllables are lost from its beginning.
10 The lost syllables may be conjecturally restored as sunur-asya prasānlah.
11 These two lost aksharas appear to have been sama.
13 The damaged fourth foot of the stanza apparently mentioned the names of the son and daughter-in-law of Udaya. The damaged passage may be restored as amukah amukim parinītavān.
13 This damaged passage may be conjecturally restored as sattva-vrittyä Ramachandro.
14 Apparently the money earned by Palhūka by means of trade was referred to in this damaged passage,
15 Read mal-Thakkuro which was followed by something like "yam mahāmatiḥ.

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304 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII 12 D&vami Salakhū Lakshmir=Uttama ch=ēti tasya tu dharmma-patnyaḥ pitfivyasya
obatasrah pati-dévatāḥ || 13 | kritir=iyam srimad-ācārya-N[@] .....1 13 věḥ brf-Padmanabhasya | utkirņn=ēyam Pamạita-Yasõdhara-putrēņa Jayatasimhēna
Bathvat 1234 Chaltra-budi 4 [l*) ) sivam=astusthöyāch=ch=aita ... ...!
1 The last of the lost syllables was apparently ka which appears to have been preceded by the word putranya. The name of the poet's father was probably written only in two syllables, the first of which was ne. This name may have been something like Nema.
*The damaged senteneo may be conjecturally restored as sthéyachach-aitut-kirttir-a-chandr-arkam.

Page #408

No. 36-LAHADAPURA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAYACHCHANDRA,
V. S. 1230
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND The inscription forming the subject of this paper is engraved on a stone slab now preserved in the Bhārat Kalā Bhavan attached to the Hindu University at Banaras, U. P. It was copied by me when I visited Banaras in June 1955 with the purpose of examining the epigraphic records in the collection of the Kala Bhavan. The internal evidence shows that it was raised at a place called Lāhadapura. I was at first inclined to identify it with the modern town of Laharpur (lat. 27° 42' 45", long. 80° 56' 25"), headquarters of a Pargana of the same name in the Sitapur District of U. P. But I am informed that the inscribed stone was found at Barahpur near Nandganj in the Gazipur District by Mr. Kuber Nath Shukla, now Deputy Director of Education. U. P., who presented it to the Kala Bhavan.
The inscription is written in ten lines which cover an area a little above 18 inches in length and slightly less than 17 inches in height. The letters, which are boldly engraved, are each about 1 inch in height and a little more than inch in breadth. But some of them, with the signs of vowel-inarks, etc., have greater height and breadth. The preservation of the writing is on the whole satisfactory, although some of the letters are damaged here and there.
The characters belong to the Dāvanāgari alphabet of about the twelfth century and resemble those not only in the records of the Gahadavāla dynasty of Banaras and Kanauj but also in the contemporary inscriptions discovered in the central area of Northern India and some of the neighbouring regions. The letter 6 has been represented by the sign for v. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit which is, however, somewhat influenced by the local dialect. Besides the wor: svasti preceded by the Suldham symbol standing at the beginning of line 1 and the numerical figures illustrating two suma given in words in lines 2 and 3, the whole record is written in verse. There are only five stanzas in the Anushubh metre. The orthography of the record is characterised by the use of anusvura in place of class nasals as well as in that of final m at the end of the halves of verses. Double nasal has been used in vimannta in line 8 and s for sh in Cēsā in line 3
The date of the record is quoted in verse: 1-2 in lines 1 ff. It is the year (i.e. Vikrama Samvat) counted by the words kha (i.e. o) agni (i.e. 3) and arka (i.e. 12) indicating 1230 which is also given in figures (line 2). The week-day was Budha and the tithi the 12th of the dark half of the month of Aśvina. The figures for 12 are written immediately after the indication of the twelfth tithi in words. The date V.S. 1230, Asvina-vadi 12, Wednesday, corresponds regularly to the 5th September 1173 A.D. The said date is stated in verse 1 to have fallen in the reign of the illustrious Jayachchandradova who was undoubtedly the Gähadavāla king of that name. Gähadavāla Jayachchandra ascended the throne on the 21st June 1170 A.D. The inscription was therefore incised a little above three years after his accession.
The inscription under review is a private document. Its object is to record an ordinance issued by the Brāhamaņas of & village in the Cābadavāla kingdom witbout any reference to royal authority, though the heavy punishment stipulated is stated to have included not only certain 1 See Bhandarkar's List, No. 345.
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306
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII kinds of harrassment of the persons guilty of certain crimes but even the death of some of the criminals. This throws some light on the responsibility of the public for the preservation of law and order and attaches a special interest to the inscription. Documents relating to this aspect of early Indian life have been discovered in large numbers in South India; but epigraphic evidence on the subject is meagre with reference to North India. The inscription under study shows that conditions in the north were practically similar to those prevailing in the South during the early medieval period. In this connection, it is also interesting to note the ancient Indian attitude towards thefts and murders committed in a village, for which often the landlord or the villagers themselves were held responsible for tracing the thief or murderer or otherwise for compensating the aggrieved party.1
Verse 2 says that, on the date discussed above, the Dvijas or Brahmanas assembled at Lahaḍapura and drafted the sthiti recorded in the inscription and that they made the samvid in question because they were what is called vatu-tunṭ-abhibhuta. Lahaḍapura has been referred to as a grāma in verse 3 below. But whether the word gräma here indicates merely a village or a bigger area with its centre at Lahaḍapura is difficult to determine. The word sthiti has been used in the verse apparently to indicate a fixed decision, ordinance or decree' and samvid in the sense of a mutual agreement or contract'. The nature of our document is thus that of what is called a sthiti-patraka in Smriti literature, which is a document recording the fixed decision of a corporate body. But the calamity called vatu-tunta (or tunta), by which the Dvijas are stated to have been overwhelmed (abhibhuta), is difficult to explain. The word vatu or batu means a youngster especially of the Brahmana class but is also contemptuously applied to adult persons; but the word tunta (or tunța) is not found in Sanskrit. The Hindi lexicons, however, recognise the word dhundh in the sense of 'a thief, robber or swindler', and it is not impossible that tunța in our inscription is a Sanskritised form of it. It may also be suggested that tunța is a mistake for lunṭā used in the sense of a robber or robbery in the present context, although it is recognised in the lexicons in the adjectival sense of robbing'. Thus a gang of robbers seems to have been operating in the area around Lahaḍapura and the local people were suffering from their depredations. The learned Brahmaņas of the area, probably being the leaders of the local society, therefore assembled to find out a remedy for the menace and they came to a decision which is quoted in the following stanzas of the inscription.
Verse 3 suggests that the unsocial activities were meant for the parivada of the Dvijas. The word parivada here appears to be used in the sense of ill-repute. The idea seems to be that the depredations of the unsocial elements were considered by the leaders of the society as conceived in order to put them to shame. It is only another way of saying that the elders responsible for law and order in the village were discredited by the successful operations of the marauders.
Verses 3 ff. contain the text of the sthiti or samvid referred to earlier in verse 2. Verses 3-4 state that the person who would plunder the grama or village (apparently meaning Lahaḍapura) or would be guilty of a drōha (mischief) of any other kind [to its inhabitants], such as the seizure of the cattle (go-mahishy-ādi-vëshṭana) [of the villagers], should be killed at once and his whole property should be confiscated, while his abettor (upashṭambha-dayaka) should be expelled [from the village] and his house [in the village] should be demolished. This shows that the robbers referred to were among the inhabitants of Lahaḍapura and its immediate neighbourhood. In 1 Cf. Yajnavalkyasmriti; II, verses 271-72.
Cf. Kane, Katyayanasäröddhära, v. 254:
Chaturvidya-pura-breni-gana-paur-ädika-sthitib |
tat-siddhy-arthe tu yal-lekhyam tad-bhavěl sthiti-patrakam ||
See also Bribaspati in SBE, Vol. XXXIII, p. 305. For samvid, see Manusmriti, VIII, 19: yo grama-dela-samh ghanamh kritva satyena samvidam | visamvadinnarö löbhätztam räsh fräd=vinivasayet ||

Page #410

No. 36) LAHADAPURA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAYACHCHANDRA 307
V. S. 1230 Verse 4, the instantaneous slaughter, as recommended for the culprit, has been indicated by the interesting expression chakshur-vadha (i.e. slaughter at sight') in which the word chakshus has been used in the sense of 'sight'. The confiscated property of the chief culprit was probably treated as pertaining to the whole village or was more probably assigned to the temple or temples of the locality. This is what was done in South India as we know from a number of inecriptions.
While verses 3-4 speak of the punishment of the principal offender and his abettor, the first half of the next sanza (verse 5) prescribes the punishment for the instigator of the crime. It is stated that the vimantri, i.e. the adviser of the chief culprit, should be vārita (cf. rarayan) and should be treated as an equal of a dog or an ass or a Chandāla. The causative form of the root ori may be taken to mean' to hold captive' or to restrain'. But the injunction that the instigator of the crime should be treated as a dog or an ass or a Chandāla seems to suggest that he was ostracised and that his movements were restricted. It has to be remembered in this connection that punishment by imprisonment was rather rare in ancient and early medieval India even in cases conducted in the king's courts. Thus, while the chief offender was killed and his whole property confiscated and his abettor was expelled from the locality, his counsellor was permitted to stay in the village although nobody was allowed to have any intercourse with him.
The second half of verse 5, with which the document ende, states that the god Dvādasarka was the witness [of the sthiti] and prays for the success of the same. The name Dvadas-ārka refers to the conception of the twelve Adityas in a single Sun-god called Dvadas ātman in the lexicons. Whether it was the name of the Sun-god worshipped at Lāhadapura cannot be determined. But the conception of the Sun as a witness of human deeds seems to be quite appropriate as he is called Loka-lochana (literally, the eye of the world') and Karma-sākshin (literally, 'the witness of all] acte') in the Sanskrit lexicons.
The question is now as to the capacity in which the Brāhmaṇas of Lähedapura issued the decree contained in the document under review. Of course the Smsiti literature makes it abundantly clear that the particular jurisdiction of corporations of every kind was recognised by the ancient and medieval Hindu kinge in the fullest measure and that the right of making laws for their corporations and composing disputes was often enjoyed by corporate bodies of farmers, craftsmen, cowherds, money-lenders, members of particular sects, robbers, actors, artisans, etc.. No doubt the king of the country was advised to recognise and support the arrangements of and punishments inflicted by the chief of a family or & guild or of a corporation, and to interfere only when a dispute arose between a chief and his subordinates. But cases of grave crimes are stated to have been exclusively reserved for the king. This was, however, theoretical. In actual practice, inferior courts, such as those held by village assemblies, guilds, temple trustees and caste elders, appear to have been conducting criminal cases arising within their jurisdiction side by side with the courts headed by the king and his governors and subordinates without interruption from the government. A large number of South Indian inscriptions are known to prove that criminal cases including those involving homicide were decided by the village assembly or the community to which the accused belonged or the local people in general.
In the present case, the Brāhmanas of Lāhadapura do not appear to have been members of corporation of their own community nor do the unbocial elements seem to have belonged to the
1 Cf. T. V. Mahalingam, South Indian Polity, p. 234. Considering the punishment prescribed for robbery by the law-givers (Jolly, HLO, p. 273; Kane, Hist. Dharm., Vol. III, pp. 519 ff.), chakahur-vadha does not appear to mean 'blinding the eyes.'
*Cf. Jolly, Hindu Law and Custom, p. 282.
Jolly, op. cit., p. 293; N. C. Sengupta, Evolution of Ancient Indian Law, pp. 10-11, 259 ff., 360.
*T. V. Mahalingam, op. cit., pp. 225 ff., 235. There is an interesting case, in which the village assembly and its officers as well as the local government officers and the royal army failed to apprehend certain dacoits and ultimately the co-operation of the local people was sought.

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308
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
,
[VOL. XXXII
same community or corporation. The language of the inscription seems to suggest that the Brāhmaṇas were the members of the village corporation and the unsocial elements belonged to different classes of the local population. The former appear to have been the same sort of corporate body as is called the village Mahājanas in the Kannada inscriptions and the village Mahasabhā in the Tamil epigraphs. These were generally composed of Brahmanas. The organisation appears to be similar to the village court referred to by Pitāmaha, according to whom such courts could appeal to the city courts which could in their turn appeal to the king.
It may be supposed that the Brāhmaṇas of Lāhadapura could not have undertaken the responsibility of preserving law and order in their locality without the king's permission and that, since there is no reference to any royal approval in the record, either the Gäbadavāla king specially empowered them to act in the manner described in the inscription or there prevailed a sort of anarchy resulting from aludninistration in the region in question and the leaders of the local population had to make their own arrangement for the suppression of unsocial elements. The second of the two alternative suggestions seems to be improbable in view of the fact that in such a case the name of the reiguing monarch may not have been prominently mentioned in the document. As regards the first alternative, it may be pointed out that, although in the early medieval period the royal court was regarded as the highest institution for the dispensation of justice, the position of a court like the village assembly was recognised by convention. They automatically enjoyed a sort of relegated authority and did not require special authorisation. It seems that the Brāhmaṇas of Lihadapura who issued the ordinance were also responsible for judging the criminals when caught by the people or the village officers and of inflicting the punishments stipulated in the document.
It may be asked why the Brühmanas felt the necessity for prescribing the said drastic punishments for the crimes in question. The answer seems to be this. There was absence of uniformity and precision in the works of the ancient Indian law-givers in regard to the punishment for most crimes. Crimes were sometimes grouped in categories and a punishment was prescribed for a particular category. Even when various crimes and their punishments were specified, the specification was not exhaustive. Moreover fines and prayaschitta were often prescribed even for the most heinous crimes.' The Brāhmaṇas of Lāhadapura apparently felt the necessity to do away with this vagueness and prescribed exemplary punishments for the crimes concerned. This was probably done because the punishments then in vogue in the area were not sufficiently deterrent. Most of the ancient law-givers absolved a Brāhmaṇa from corporal punishment and some of them prescribe for the instigator of a crime double the penalty of the criminal himself. The ordinance of the Brāhmaṇas of Lāhadapura shows that they did not find these prescriptions suitable for the preservation of law and order in their area under the prevailing conditions. Above all, the ordinance empowered any of the inhabitants of the village to kill a plunderer and cattle-lifter. This they could not ordinarily do without bringing trouble to themselves. The inscription under study draws our attention to one of the most interesting sources of criminal law in ancient and medieval India even in respect of some of the major crimes which are generally believed to have been dealt with by the kings and their feudatories and governors.
There is only one geographical name in the inscription. This is Lāhadapura mentioned in line 3 (verse 2) and apparently referred to as a grāma or village in line 5 (verse 3). If the inscribed stone really comes from the Gazipur District of U. P., we are not sure about its identification.
* Jolly, op. cit., p. 290. See Sengupta, op. cit., pp. 313 ff. Ibid., pp. 314, 318.

Page #412


Page #413

LAHADAPURA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAYACHCHANDRA. V.S. 1230
2
ALENDANESELEONFEDIATRY ALISALERTAINABRANE ANAPANEERINISTREATERI FILANATOPPINESS PRADEHATIATIENTIANE LABLE TALENTARIES
HAVEETTI
A
10
Scale: Two-Fifths

Page #414

No. 36] LAHADAPURA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAYACHCHANDRA, V. S. 1230
As indicated above, the stone is stated to have been found at the village of Barahpur near Nandganj in the said District. Lahaḍapura thus may have been the old name of modern Barahpur or the area around that village.
TEXT
1 [Siddham] svasti | Śrī-Jayachchamdradēvasya rājyē samvatsarē mitē |
2 kh-agny-arkkaiḥ 1230 Ã3svinē māsē pakshē (krishņē]
3 dine Vu (Bu) dhe || [1*] Dvādasyaṁ 12 Lahaḍayu(pu)rē rachit-ēsā s[thit]i
4 r-dvijaiḥ | vatu-tumṭ-asbhibhūtais tai[h] krita samvit-samagataiḥ || 2*]
5 Yō-smākam pa[r]ivādēna kuryād-grāmasya lumṭanam(nam) | drōha
6 m=anya-prakaram vā gō-mahishy-adi-[vē]shtanam (nam) || [3] Tasya chakshur-vvadhai
7 kāryaḥ sarvvasva-haraņam tatha | bhaktvā griham [cha] nishkā
8 lyas-tasy-opashṭambha-dāyakaḥ [4] Vimath(ma)ntā vārayathe-tu
9 lyaḥ sa sva-Chamḍāla-garddabhaiḥ | Dvādaśārkva (rkka)ś=cha bha
10 gavā[n=ilha saksh-iti siddhyatām(tu) || [5*]
309
words.
1 From impressions. * Expressed by symbol.
Correctly "rkkair-A°. Sandhi seems to have been ignored because the figures were placed between the two Read "Laisha.
The vowel-mark with looks somewhat like f. The word funfa or funfa is not found in Sanskrit; but, as indicated above, it has been used here in the sense of a robber' or 'robbery'. It seems to stand either for Hindi bundh or Sanskrit luntă. The word vatu may also be read as vadra ; but that would scarcely give any sense.

Page #415

No. 37-ARASAVALLI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (III), SAKA 982 (2 Plates)
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND
At the end of August 1957, the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund, acquired these plates from Shri Manda Narasimham of Srikakulam. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, kindly entrusted the plates to me for studying and editing in the pages of this journal. The plates were discovered by a farmer while digging in a field in front of his house at Arasavalli in the Srikakulam Taluk, Visakhapatnam District. They were purchased by Shri Bhanumurti Pantulu, a teacher at Srikakulam. Shri Manda Narasimham, who obtained them from the latter, has published them in the Telugu journal Bharati, May 1954, pp. 449 ff.1
This is a set of five copper-plates, each measuring about 8.5 inches by 3 inches. On the left side of each plate is a hole, about one inch in diameter, through which passes a circular ring about 3.75 inches in diameter. To this ring is attached a seal which is circular in shape and which measures about 2 inches in diameter. In the centre of the seal is the seated figure of a bull together with the other usual emblems found in the seals of the grants of Vajrahasta III. The first plate is inscribed on one side while the remaining four plates bear writing on both sides. The state of preservation of the writing is not satisfactory, specially on the fourth and fifth plates which cover the grant portion. The plates weigh 160 tolas while the ring with the seal weighs 58 tolas.
The characters belong to the variety called eastern Nagari and resemble those found in the other charters of Vajrahasta (III). In respect of orthography, it may be observed that is written with the upper part of the symbol separated, cf. lines 6, 11 and 15. N is represented by two forms; cf. lines 1, 4 and 7 for one type and lines 69, 70 and 71 for the other. It is difficult to distinguish between p and y. The symbol for v denotes b as well. In most cases, the consonant following r is reduplicated.
The language of the record is Sanskrit and the text is written in prose and verse.
The inscription belongs to the reign of the Eastern Gauga king Vajrahasta (III, 1038-70 A.D.), the son of Kāmārņava and Vinayamahādēvi. It contains the prasasti beginning with śrimatam= akhila-bhuvana, etc., introduced by this king. The text of the inscription upto line 39, comprising the introductory portion, is identical with that found in the other records of the king. It may be pointed out that while the Nadagam, Narasapatam, Peddabammidi, Chicacole and the present plates introduce the ruling king as śrimad-Vajrahastadevaḥ, the Madras Museum, Ganjam, Chikkalavalasa and the Boddapaḍu plates refer to him as śrimad-Anantavarmmā Vajrahastadevah. The present inscription does not supply any new historical information.
1 The same scholar has again noticed them in English in JAHRS, Vol. XXI, pp. 113 ff.
2 See above, Vol. IX, pp. 96 ff. and Plates; ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 67 ff. and Plates; ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 305 ff. and Plates.
Besides the present grant, I have listed eight more records of this king. They are, (1) Nadagam plates, Saka 979 (above, Vol. IV, pp. 183 ff); (2) Madras Museum plates, Saka 984 (ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 94 ff.); (3) Narasapatam plates. Saka 967 (ibid., Vol. XI, pp. 147 ff.); (4) Ganjam plates, Saka 991 (ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 67 ff.); (5) Peddabammidi plates, Saka 982 (ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 305 ff.); (6) Chikkalavalasa plates, Saka 982 (below, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 141ff.); (7) Chicacole plates, Saka 971 (JAHRS, Vol. VIII, pp. 163 ft.); and (8) Boddapādu plates, Saka 982 (Kalingadesacharitra, Appendix, pp. 55 ff.).
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No. 37] ARASAVALLI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (III). SAKA 982
311 The grant was issued from Kalinganagara, usually identified with Mukhalingam. The record registers the grant of the village Harisa vēlli (line 40) situated in Varahavarttani (vishaya). The gift village is mentioned again as Arisa valli in line 67, along with its adjoining village Māvēndi. Varana-varttani occurs in other records of this king as well as of other members of this dynasty and is usually takerr to correspond to the area near modern Srikakuļam.
The date of our grant, which occurs in lines 42-43, is expressed in the chronogram, karavasu-nidhi-Sāk-abdē, i.e. Saka 982, Kārttika, the twelfth day of the first fortnight, Monday It regularly corresponds to Monday, October 9, A.D. 1060. It is earlier than the date of the Peddabammidi plates by two months and nineteen days only. Kärttika su. 12 is known in the KannadaTelugu speaking area as Vuhāna-dvīdas, i.e., the day on which god Vishnu is woken up from his long sleep. It is also called Prabodhötsava. This tithi is also known for the end of Chāturmäsyavrata (which begins on the same tithi in the month of Ashādha) and Tulasi-vivāha (the marriage of Vishnu with the Tulasi plant). The previous day,, i.e. ekādasi, is called Prabodhini ēkādasi.
The details of the grant are given in lines 43 ff. This portion is defective in many places and so it is difficult to make out the purport satisfactorily. As stated above, the inscription registers the gift of the village Harisavēlli which is also called Arisa valli. It appears that the village was originally given by the king to the son and three daughters of Dālamapeggada and his wife Mavenaka. Dālamapeggada is stated to have been the chief minister (mahõpradhāna). The names of his son and daughters are given respectively as Mēdapa-nayaka, Viddäma, Mödama and Pötama. The subsequent assignment of the gift village was as follows: The village was divided into four parts and one part was given to Siriyapa-nayaka, Vajjinayaka, Gundamanayaka and Numkamanāyaka who were the sons of Nadupana-nayaka, a Kāyastha of Kaśyapa-gotra, and his wife Paitapă. This part constituted the units called Pundi-niyoga and Pämchäli-niyoga. This portion was further divided into nineteen shares out of which eighteen shures were taken by Vajji-nayaka, Gundama-nāyaka and Numkama-nayaka (mentioned above) while the remaining share was given to Nadupanāyaka, son of Siriyapanāyaka. Again the second part of the village was divided into five shares as follows: one share to Gundana and Apētana, sous of Mivirattadi of Sūdra-vamsa and his wife Vittapā ; one share to Chandēna, son of the younger Dämarattadi and his wife Sāyapa; one share to Chāmēna, son of Vittanarattadi and his wife Sarvapā ; one share to Māmkana and Duggana, sons of Mādirattadi and his wife Chinnapā ; and one share to Kattana and Vittana, sons of Dugganarattaţi and his wife Gavaka. The part, consisting of these five shares, constituted the units known as Gavada-niyoga and Chandrãditya-niyoga.
The record then proceeds to state that the village was divided into Santūraha-bhāga, the meaning of which is doubtful. We know that the village was originally divided into four parts. Out of these, two parts have been disposed of as indicated above and the fourth part is accounted for later in the record. Therefore, this correspouded to the third part of the village, which was probably divided into seventeen shares and given to Dāmara-näyaka and Vinarayi-nāyaka, sons of Kayastha Chandu-nayaka of Kasyapa-gotra. It appears that the grant was made at the instance of Iddachāhapa and that the recipients in their turn granted some portion to Numkamāja, son of Chidumõja. The record next states that king Vajrahasta granted
1 The expression utlara-niyoga is taken in this sense here, though tho word niyoga which occurs later in the record seems to have been used in a tochnical sense meaning a unit'. See note 2 below,
The word niyoga is suffixed to the proper names here and in similar expressions in the sequel. It is diffcult to make out their exact significance. Possibly the portions granted were known by these names at the time of the grant
. Probably Siriyapa-nayaka was dead at the time and so his son gets only ono share while hie brothers get eightoon shares.

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312 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII the village Măvēndi, apparently adjoining the village Arisavalli in whose revenues it was included. The inscription then proceeds to account for the fourth part out of the four parts into which the gift village Harisavēlli was divided. This fourth and last part was divided into eight shares and distributed as follows: two shares to Kāyastha Nūmkapa : one share each to Kāyastha Somanātha and Kāyastha Dāmara ; and one share to Chidana of Chaturtha-vaṁsa i. e. Sūdra community. These shares constituted the units Rattada-niyoga and Vumcha-niyoga. It is not known whether the remaining three shares (out of the eight) were also included in these two niyogas.
In the concluding part the record states that Chirīyapa-nāyaka and Chidapõta-nāyaka granted half of the share of Bhadima-nãyuka' owned by the latter in the units Pundi-niyoga and Pärchāli. niyoga. The grant was made to Pinnamanāyaka and Māvuranāyaka, sons of A pitamanāyaka. It is possible that the donors Chiriyapanāyaka and Chidapōta-nāyaka were the sons of Bhadimanāyaka. But how the latter got shares in Pundi-niyoga and Pāmchali-niyoga is not made
clear.
The gift-village Harisavēlli, also called Arisavalli, is to be identified with modern Arasavalli. in the Srikakulam Taluk, where the plates were discovered. The adjoining village mentioned in the resord as Māvēndi is not shown on the maps.
The inscription does not give the usual imprecatory verses at the end. As the recipients of the grant were Kāyasthas and Sūdras and as the record does not state that the gift was free from taxes, it appears to be a kara-būsana.
TEXT
[Metres : Verses 1, 4, 12 Sārdūlavikridita ; verse 2 Arya ; verses 3, 7, 13 Anushțubh ; verse 5
Vamsastha ; verses 6, 10 Malini ; verse: 8, 9 Giti ; verse 11 Vasantatilakā.]
First Plate 1 Siddhan svasti [l*] krimatām-achila-bhuvana-vinuta-naya-vi[naya)-dayā-dana-dākshinya
satya-(sau)* 2 cha-Sauryya-dhairyy-ādi-guņa-ratna-pavitrakāņām=Ātrē[ya-gātrā]*ņām
trakānām Ātrē[ya-gotrā]øņām vimala-vischă]ørachāra-pu 3 pya-sa(sa)lila-[pra]“kshyakshā)lita-kali-kali-kalmasha-mashinūti [ma]"hā-Mahēndr-achala
si[kha]era-prati4 shthitasya sa-char-āchara-gurõh sakala-bhuvana-nirmmāņ-aika-sūtra-dhāra[sya kalsa5 nka-chți(chū)dāmaņērbhbha(r=bbha)yavato Gokarunasvāminaḥ prasādāt=samāsādit-aika
[sankha-bhējøri
1 The expression which occurs in this connection is Māvēndigrāmah Arisavalli-grāman pravēšyo pradattah. For the interpretation of the word privēxt or pravēša in this context, see Dr. Sircar's article on Chidivalasa plates of Devendravarman, J48, Letters, Vol. XVIII. p. 78, note 1.
• These make only five sharre; the maining three share are not accounted for. • Also called Bhaddi-nayakn.
From the original plates and impressions. * Expressed by symbol. • The portion given in the brackets is damaged.

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2
4
6
8
10
127
141
16
20
22
24
26
उक বদলেJaার
পলজকলকबाल का माह गुसखुश सासरखर र खुला भकनिभाলक उसमा २०० गालवायः सदा सम महारावल हिमाम बरुला मुसामाथ में हि मामा के समय से रूप समुपनी लिखि जल मल्लाश दिशालि रूप में की जा
ii, a
ARASAVALLI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (III), SAKA 982—PLATE I
ii, b
18 জतू स
शुक सामग यति श्री नवा (शेव 82117 मृगुसत
गोठा
कঃল
मेलः सूपनि कबितिः समविभाग मा.स.मु. जुलैः।। जव कि स्वावशी को सम कलमडल काज्ञीवलयभूत युलुं জানিজিদা দিজ।। नानाहि भाऊ सोम कामले काम तमाम ग्राम काल (शीशी शिला खड हात मा
रा हरु कविह
लाना शीवड क
भाि
समयसाि
Scale : Three-Fourths
6
8
10
12
14
16
222 22
18
20
22
24

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SEAL
(from a Photograph)

Page #420

No. 37] ARASAVALLI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (III), SAKA 982 313 6 pañchamabāšavda(bda)-dhavalachchhatra-hēmachāmara-varavțishabhalāñchhana-samujva
(jjva)la-sama7 sta-sāmrājya-mahimnām=anēka-samara-sanghatta-samupalavdha(bdha)-vijaya-lakshmi-sama8 lingit-otum(ttum)ga-bhuja-danda-manditānāṁ Trikalinga-mahibhujāṁ Gangānā
Second Plate, First-Side
9 m=anvayam=alankarishņār=Vishạõr=iva vikram-ākrānta-dharā-mandalasya Guna10 mahārņnava-mahārājasya putraḥ 11011 Pārvvam bhūpatibhir=vvibhajya vasu[dhā] 11 yä pañchabhiḥ pañchadhā bhuktā bhūri-parākramo bhuja-va(ba)lāt=tām=ēka ēva sva12 yam(yam e kiksitya vijitya sa(ba)tru-nivabāna(hān) kri-Vajrahastafchatuschatvāri[m]13 satam=atyudāra-charitaḥ sarvvām=arakshst=samāḥ || [1*) Tasya tana[yö] Gu14 [nda]marājā varsha-trayam=apālayata mahīm(him) II( 1 )tad-anujaḥ Kāmārņņavada15 vaḥ pañcha-trimsatam=avda(bda)kān || [2*Ji tasy=ānujā Vinayāditya[h*) samās=tisra[h] ||
Ta
16 taḥ Kāmārņņavāj=jätö jagati-kalpa-bhū[ruhah] | yõ=rājad=rājitaḥ(ta)-chchhāyā 17 Vajrahasto=vanipatiḥ ||[3*) Praschyöda(ta)n-mada-gandha-luvdha(bdha)-madhupa
vyālidha-ganda
Second Plate, Second Side
18 n=gajānn a(n=a)rthibhyaḥ samadāt=sahasram=atulo yas=tyäginām=agraņish [*] saḥ(sa)
brimān=Ani19 yankabhima-npipatir=Ggang-ānvay-ātam(ttam)sa(sa)kaḥ pañcha-trimsatam=avda(da)kān=
Bamabhuna20 k=prithvim stataḥ pārthivaiḥ || [4*] Tad-agra-sūnuḥ [Su]rarāja-sūnunā samas=samastām
sa(3a)21 mit-āri-mandalaḥ [l*] sma pāti Kāmā[rņnava]-bhūpatirbhbhu(r=bbhu)vam eamțiddhi
mån=822 rddha-samām samujva(jjva)lah || [5*] Tad-anu tad-anujanmö(nmā) Chittajanm-opamano
guna23 nidhir=anavadyo Gurdam-ākhyā mahisaḥ(saḥ sakalam=idam=arakshat=triņi varsha24 ni dhātri-valayam-alaghu-tējö-nirjjit-ārāti-chakraḥ || [6*] Tato dvë(dvai)māturas-tasya
Madhu25 kāmā[r]nnavo ņripaḥ || () avati sm=āvanim=ētām=avdā(bdā)më(n=2)känpain-na)-vin
satim(tim) ||0|| [7*] A26 tha Vajrahasta-nțipatēr=agra-sutād?-akhila-guni-jan-āgra ganya[h *] Kāmārpnavāt=kav-i
1 The metre is faulty ; cf. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 71, note 14. • There is an d-mätra attached to this akshara which seems to have been cancelled by the engraver.

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314
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII
Third Plate, First Side
27 ndra-pragiyamān-āvadāta-subha-kirttiḥ ||[8*] Sriya iva Vaidumvā(mb-ā)nvaya-payah
payõnidhi28 samudbhavāyāš=cha [l*) yaḥ samajani Vinayamahādēvyāḥ sri-Vajrahasta iti tanayaḥ 29 || [9*] Viyad-situ-nidhi-samkhyān yāti Sāk-āvda(bda)-sam[ghē] dinakțiti Vrishabhastho
Rõhiņi-bhe ku30 lagnē [l*] Dhanushi cha sita-pakshē Sri(Sürya-vārē tritiyāṁ yuji sakala-dharitrim 31 rakshitun yõ=bhishiktaḥ || [10*] Nyāyēna (yatra] samam=ācharitur tri-varggē
märggē32 na rakshati mahim mahita-pratāpē [l*] (nirvyā]dhayas=cha niraghās=cha nirāpada33 s=cha sasvat=prajā bhuvi bhavanti vibhūtima[ttya]h | [11*][Vyā]ptē Ganga-kul-ottamasya
yasa 34 să dik-chakravālē sasi-pradyot-āmalinēna (yasya] bhuvanaḥ(na)-prahlāda-sampādină (l*] 35 saindūrair=atisāndra-panka-patalai[h*] kumbha-[sthalī]-pattakēśvā(shv=ā)limpantanti)
punaḥ pu
Third Plate, Second Side 36 naś=cha haritām=ădhöraņā vāraṇān|| [12*] Anurägau(gē)ņa guņino yasya vakshē(ksho)
mukhāvja(bja)37 yõ(yoḥ) [l*) asi(si)ně Sri-Sarasvatyāv=anukūlē virājita[h*] ||0|| [13*] Kalinganagarāt=
paramamāhēsva(sva)ra38 paramabhattāraka-mahārājādhirāja-Trikalingādhipati-srimad-Vava'jrahastadēva[h*] kusali 39 samast-āmātya-pramukha-janapadān=samāhūya samājñāpayati [l*] viditam=astu
bhavatām 40 Varāhavarttanyām | Harisa vēlli-grāmaḥ * chatuh-si(sī)m-āvachchhinnaḥ sa-jala-stha41 laḥ sarvva-pidā-vivarjjitam=ā-cbandr-ārkka-kshiti-sama-kālam yāvan=mātā-pitror=
atma42 naḥ punya-yaso-bhivriddhayē kara-vasu-nidhi-sak-avdë(bdo) | Kärttika-māsa
prathama-paksha-dvāda..
Fourth Plate, First Side 43 syām(éyām) Sõmavārē Kāsyapa-gotr-otpannaḥ Kayastha-varish[th]ah mahāpradā
(dha)44 nih(nah) Dalamapeggadas=tasya bhāryya Mav&naka-nāmā tayāḥ pū(pu)troh(tro) Mē
1 Cf. nisarga-bhinn-aspadam=ēka-sanstham-asmin-dvayam Sritcha Sarasvati cha (Raghuvanía, VI, 29). * One va is redundant. * This danda is unnecessary.
* This plato contains one more line of writing after this, which is erased. The engraving is not deep as it is elsewhere and the rbading seems to be the continuation of this line with ayan Somavāre U biki-grama nivast....

Page #422

ti, ৫
@ ਅਕਬਰ ==াত মিছির? সং3’লয়াPage #423

ARASAVALLI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (III), SAKA 982–PLATE II
i, ১
52: 43বহেলীক ৯১২] , &t
=s a san 54 47
অসহায় ও A2I /কাসুমী।
হবে কেন ? A. 21# ত্রাহীন EিLS)
। Sলাহর ১ ২ ২ স * 325.বাড়ী এল
t,
a
হয়
-শত্যাকে এম গ্রানাস! ? यस । गायक
दीलियाचा सराव 'কাতয়াই মা যাহাজ ।
ওঁজাস31d9g.
.
t,
0.
IQLQষ্ট:কীহর্মরতgl]: //iজ ৫৫।
ইনজী :50]ীণেরঔ৫০৫. 70 : ২:২১ )2933-০০) ভেনাস্থল
গু খ st (@Sদাবলী (৪ন। অঞ্জ ৭/২/৯] 72। : ৫ৰিম৷যদ(৫২জজৌয ত্রিী হও 2eq349 /0cfলন দত্বীয় ০.১ 74।

Page #424

No. 37]
ARASAVALLI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (III), SAKA 982
45 dapa-nayakaḥ Viddama-Mēdama-Pōtam-akhyās tisro duhl(hi)taras-cha techaturnna(rppa)m-uttara-niyoga(go)
46 sham
yachchhuttara-niyöga[*]
(ta)vya
47 metad-grāmasya
chatur-bhagikritasya bhaganām-madhyē ē
48 ko bhagab Käáyapa-götr-Stpanna-Kayasthab Nadupana-nayakaḥ
49 tasya bharyya Paitapa tayob putrébhyab Siriyapaniyaka-Vajjiniyaka-Gu
50 ṇḍamanayaka-Numkamanayakēbhyaḥ | Punḍi-niyōga[ḥ*]- Pāṁchāli-niyōga
51 m(h) cha [*] ayam bhagaḥ ēk-ōna-vimśati-bhāgāḥ kritvā (tās)=tēshu bhāgēshu ma
Gunḍana-A
55 pētanābhyam [Sā]yapā ta
315
sammānită
Fourth Plate, Second Side
52 dhyĕ
Vajjinayaka-Gundamaniyaka-Numkamanayakēbhyas-tribbyab ashtidasa-bhā
53 gab Siriyapanayakaaya putriya Naḍupanāyaka(kāya) čka-bhāgaḥ| punaḥ Su(Sa)54 dra-vams-ōdbhava-Mäviraṭṭadih (dis)-tasya bharyya Viṭṭapā tayōḥ
pa(pu)träbhyath
čka-bhūgab kaniya(niyan) [Dāmaraṭṭa]dib(dis)tasy (sya) bharyy
56 yoh patrays Chandeniya eka-bhāgab[]*]Viṭṭanaraṭṭadi(dis)-tasya bharyya Sarvva
57 pā tayōḥ putrāya Chāmēnāya ēka-bhāgaḥ | Madiraṭṭadi(dis)=tasya bhā
58 ryya [Chi]nnapa tayoḥ putrābhyam(bhyam) Māmkana-Dugganābhyām ēka-bhāgaḥ [*] Du59 [gga]naraṭṭadiḥ ta(dis-ta)sya bharyya Gavaka tayoḥ putrabhyam Ka
Fifth Plate, First Side
60 ttana-Viṭṭanābhyāṁ (bhāym)|* ēka-bhāgaḥ | ētē bhāga(gāḥ) patch-apy-ēks-bhāga ēva | ayam bhagō-pi | Gava
1 Read yas-ch=6°.
Read vya etad°.
This danda is unnecessary.
Sandhi has not been observed here.
61 da-niyogarh(gab) Chandraditya niyōgam (gah) cha [iti] [*] gräma-chaturbhbhä(r-bbhā)gã4-cha samāname(nā ē)va
62 || punar-apy-ayam grāmaḥ santārahabhāgā[ḥ kritvā (tās)=tēshu] bhāgēshu madhyē || Kasya (ya)pa-gōtr-ōtpa
63 nna-Kayasthah (stha) | 3-Chandu-nayakaḥ tasya.... pa tayor-jjātēbhyaḥ tābhyāti) | Dāmara
The two letters after sya may be read as bharyya. The akshara preceding på seems to be rua and there is only one letter before that. The proper name may be restored as Sarvapā.

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316 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII 64- nāyaka- 11 Viņarāyināyakāve=a[trē(tr=ai)kaika]-bhāgaḥ || I[ddachāha]pa-matēbbya65 h. pradatta m-asmābhirbhbhä(r=bbhā)vibhirbhbhū(r=bbhūmipālai[r=Manunā. Dha]-rmma
gauravāt=para(ri)palaniya 66 m=iti || [Ebhiḥ Chi]dumõjasya sūnu(nevē) Nūmkamējāya.... richa manavarttik -āsmin grāmē
pra67 data(ttah) | paschāta(schät) Sri-Vajrahastadēvēna / Māvē[ndi)-grāmaḥ | Arisavalli-grāmam
prā68 vēsya(sya) pradattaḥ || chaturttha-bhāgam=ashtadhā kļitvå tatra dvau bhāgau Kāyastha
Numkap-akhya
Fifth Plate, Second Side 69 sya [l*) punas-tatr=aika-bhāgah Kāyastha-varēsvaram(ra)-Sõmanāth-ākhyaaya punar-eka
bhā70 gēm(gah) Kāyastha-Dämar-akhyasya | punar=ēka-bhāgam(ga)s=cha turttha-vang-odbha
71 va-Chidan-akhyasya ētēshăm Rattada-Vumch-akhyau dvau niyōgo(gau) bhavata72 \ || Pundi-niyoga-Pāmchāli-niyōgavato Bhaddināyakasya bhāgasya svā73 mitvē(nau) Chiriyapanāyaka-Chidapõtanāyakau Apitamanayaka-putrë(trā)bhyām 74 Pinnamanāyaka-Māvuranāyakābhyāṁ tatra Bhadimanāyaka-bhāgë arddan(rddhan) da 75 ttavartai(tau) [11*]
This danda is unnecessary. * Read nayakabhyam-. * The intended reading seems to be matena. Read "lair=Manun-okta. About three aksharar are lost hero.
• The expression manararttika is possibly the same as Telugu manucritti, mamarti or mandrarti interpreted by Brown as 'maintenance, support or allowance'. It occurs also in the Boddapidu platos of Vajrahasta III which are being edited in this journal.

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No. 38-SHIGGAON PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 630
.
(2 Plates)
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND These plates were discovered by me in December 1945 in the course of my official tour in search of inscriptions in the Shiggaon Taluk of the Dharwar District in the present Mysore State.
They were found in the house of one Dr. Faruqui at Shiggaon, the headquarters of the taluk. It was through the kind efforts of my friend Dr. K.G. Kulkarni, who was then Medical Officer at Shiggaon, that I was able to secure the plates. They are registered as No. A 49 in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1945-46. The inscription on the plates is edited here for the first time.
The set consists of five copper-plates, each measuring 10.5 inches by 5.25 inches. To the letv margin of each plate is a hole 75 inch in diameter, through which passes the ring about 3.5 inches in diameter. The ends of the ring are secured by a seal, the countersunk surface of which bears the figure of a standing boar facing proper right. The seal is rather oval in shape and measures about 1.65 inches by 1.5 inches. The rims of the plates are slightly raised in order to preserve the writing. The first, fourth and fifth plates are incised on one side only while the second and third plates have writing on both sides. This is a rare case of two consecutive plates being engraved on one side only. Apparently this was done in order to prevent the writing being exposed, if the second side of the fourth plate had been used. In such caser, a blank plate is often used at the end. The plates, together with the ring and seal, weigh 329 tolas.
The characters belong to what is known as the southern class of alphabets and are regular for the period and the region to which the grant belongs. They resemble the characters of the other known grants of the king. In respect of orthography, the following may be observed; the sign for jihvāmüliya is used in line 48 and that for upadhmāniya in lines 16, 23, 25 and 27 ; nha is written for hna in chinha, lines 19 and 24; Ihā for hlā in pralha", line 36. Dravidian ? is found in lines 43 and 45 and I in line 31. Final m occurs in line 40. The language is Sanskrit and except the invocatory verge at the beginning and the benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, the text of the record is in prose. Sandhi rules have not been observed in some cases. The construction known as sati saptami is used in passages like Vanavāsimāyātavati Vijayadityavallabhēndre (line 32).
The inscription belongs to the reign of Mahārajadhirāja Parametvara Bhaffäraka VijayadityaSatyasraya of the Western Chalukyas of Bādāmi. The text giving the genealogy of the family, from Pulakēbin I to Vijayāditya, is identical with that found in other records of the king as well as those of his successors. The plates are issued when the victorious camp was at Kisu volal. The object of the record is to register some grant made by the king when he had gone to Banaväsi in order to see the Alupa ruler Chitravāhana. The grant was made, at the request of Chitravāhana, to the Jaina monastery, which was caused to be constructed by Kumkumadēvi at Purigere.
The state of preservation of writing is not satisfactory in many places and the fourth plato has suffered much damage in the lower part so that lines 57-59 of the text cannot be read satisfactorily.
Cf. Above, Vol. X, pp. 14 ff. and plates; ibid., Vol. XXV, pp. 21 ff. and plates; of. also the Kendur plates of Kirtivarman II, abovo, Vol. IX, pp. 200 ff. and platos. . Cf. Abovo, Vol. X, pp. 14 f. ; ibid. Vol. XXV, pp. 21 ff. and ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 200 €.
(317)

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318
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The details of the date on which the grant was made are:-Saka-varsha 630 (specifically mentioned as expired), eleventh regnal year, Ashāḍha, paurṇamāsī. The date is not verifiable, since the week-day is not given. Fleet has shown, on the strength of the Aihole inscription, that the month Śravana of Saka year 619 current (A.D. 696) was the first month of the first year of this king. Accordingly Ashadha of Saka 630 current would fall in the eleventh regnal year and not of the expired Saka year as mentioned in the record. The date mentioned in the record would fall on Monday 20th June, A.D. 707.3
The inscription under study is interesting in more than one respect. The grant was issued when the royal camp was at the place called Kisuvolal. This place has been identified with modern Paṭṭadkal in Hungund Taluk, Bijapur District. It occurs as Kesuvolal in the Mahākuța inscription of Mangalesa and as Paṭṭadakisuvolal in later records. Paṭṭadkal, together with Bādāmi and Aihole, formed the metropolis of the early Chalukyas of Badami and it was specially at Paṭṭadkal that the festival of patta-bandha (fillet-binding, i.e. coronation) was being celebrated. It may be pointed out that Kisuvolal is called a sthāna in our inscription whereas Vātāpi, i.e. Bādāmi is styled as adhishṭhāna in some of the early records. Some of the other grants of Vijayaditya have been issued from Rāsēnagara, Karahaṭanagara, Eläpura, Kuhunḍinagara, 10 and Raktapura.11 The last name Raktapura also occurs as the place of royal camp in the Kendur plates of Kirtivarman II, the grandson of Vijayaditya. While editing the Kendur plates, Prof. K. B. Pathak suggested the identification of Raktapura with modern Lakshmeśvar in the Shirahatti Taluk of the Dharwar District. Fleet also was inclined to hold the same view. 13 This view is, however, not correct. We know that the ancient name of Lakshmeśvar was Puligere, Purigere, Pulikara, or Purikara. In the inscription under study itself the forms Purigere, Pulikara and Purikara occur. We have to identify Raktapura with Kisuvolal from where the graut under consideration was issued. In fact Kisu or Kesu-volal in Kannada means 'red city' (kisu 'red', volal polal' city') and it is quite clear that Raktapura is only a Sanskrit rendering of the Kannada name.
In line 32 of the inscription under study it is stated that Vijayaditya had gone to Vanavasi in order to see the Alupa king and lines 32-36 inform us that the name of this Alupa ruler was Chitravahana and that he belonged to the Pandya lineage. The early history of the Alupa rulers is still shrounded in obscurity. We know from the Sorab plates 15 of the Chalukya king
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 284.
1 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 370, note 5.
See Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part ii, p. 18.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 17.
Progress of Kannada Research in Bombay Province, 1941-1946, p. 54.
Karnatak Inscriptions, Vol. I, Nos. 1, 2 and 4. For a discussion of the terms sthana and adhish!hāna meaning celebrated centres of religion, see Introduction to the same volume, pp. iii-v.
Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 125.
Above, Vol. X, pp. 146 ff.
Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. IV, p. 425.
10 An. Rep. S. I. E., 1934-35, App. A, C. P. No. 22.
11 Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 21 ff.
12 Ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 201 ff. A few stone records of Vinayaditya, Vijayaditya and Vikramaditya found at Lakshmesvar are also issued from the city of Raktapura. Fleet has pointed out that these records, which are in the nature of copper-plate grants, were put on stone sometime later in the 10th century A. D. See Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, pp. 368, 373 note 1, and p. 376.
13 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 304 note 6.
14 The Halmiḍi inscription of Kadamba Käkustha dated circa 450 A.D. mentions one Alapa (Mys. Arch-Rep., 1936. p. 73) and the Mahaküte inscription of Mangalesa (Ind. Ant. XIX, p. 17) refers to an Aluka. We do not know whether they belonged to the early Alupa or Alupa dynasty.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 146 ff; Ep. Car., Vol. VIII, Sb. 571.

Page #428

No. 38] SHIGGAON PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 630 319 Vinayaditya, dated in A.D. 692, that he made a grant at the request of Guņasägara-Aļupēndra's son Chitravāhana who was in the possession of Edevoļal district in Banavāsi province. Further a stone inscription from Kigga in the Koppa Taluk of the Kadur District in Mysore State' states that when Aļuarasa Guņasāgara was ruling Kadamba-mandala i.e., Banavasi province, he, (bis) queen and his son) Chitravāhana made some grant. On the assumption that the Chitravāhana mentioned in the Sorab plates and the Kigga inscription was one and the same person, Hultzsch suggested that Guņasāgara was the governor of the Banavāsi province in or immediately before the time of Vinayaditya and that his son Chitravāhana succeeded to the governorsbip of Banavāsi. This view is supported by our inscription in which it is stated that Vijayaditya had gone to Banavāsi to meet Chitravūhana which shows that Chitravūhana was in possession of the Banavāsi province. There is no doubt that this Chitravāhana was the same as his namesake mentioned in the Sorab plates referred to above. The grant under consideration discloses, for the first time, that this Ālupa ruler Chitravūhuna continued in his office during the time of Vijayāditya also till A.D. 707 at least, the date of the present grant. We also learn, for the first time, that this Chitravāhana belonged to the Pandya lineage.
It is stated that Vijayāditya made the grant, at the request of Chitravă hana, to the Jaina monastery which was caused to be constructed by Kumkumadēvi at Purigere. The relation that existed between Kumkumadēvi on the one hand and Vijayaditya or Chitravāhana on the other is not specified in the record. This Kurkumadēvï is mentioned in another contemporary record of Vijayāditya' dated A.D. 705, which likewise does not specify the relationship between them. But we know from a late record found at Gudgēri in the Dharwar District and dated in A.D. 1076 that Vijayaditya had a sister named Kumkumamahādē vi and that she caused to be constructed a Jaina monastery called Anesejjeyabasadi at Phrigere. Since Vijayaditya was her brother and since the grant to the Jaina monastery caused to be erected by her was made at the request of Chitravahana, it is tempting to suggest that she might have been the wife of the Alupa ruler Chitravāhana. The expression sva-hridaya-pralhādana-kūrinyā applied to Kumkumadēvi in lines 36-37 might refer to Chitravāhana. Thus he might have been related to the king as brother-in-law. And the way in which Vijayāditya's visit to Banavāsi is described might lend further support to this view; cf. Ālupēndram drashțum Vanavasim=āyātavati Vijayāditya-vallabhēndrè in line 32. This suggests that the king had gone to Banavāsi as if to pay a courtesy visit to his brother-in-law and not in the capacity of an over-lord. It is interesting to note that the actual camp of the king at the time was at Kisuvolal and that the king appears to have gone to Banavāsi to pay a personal visit to Chitravăhana. It is also likely that the Ālupa ruler Chitravāhana was an elder relative of the king since he figures in the grant of Vinayaditya dated A.D. 692 referred to above.
The Jaina monastery which was caused to be constructed by Kurkumadēvi at Purigere and in respect of which the king made the grant might have been the same monastery as the one called Anesejjeya basadi in the Gudgēri inscription referred to above.
The gift-village was Guddigere, stated to be the centre of Jaina religion specially for the teaching of Sūrasta branch of Müla-sangha. Guddigere is modern Gudgēri which is about 6 miles west of Lakshmēsvar (ancient Purigere). Its Sanskritised name is given as Dhtaja-tafāka in the Gudgēri inscription mentioned above.
1 Ep. Car., Vol. VI, Kp. 38. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 16.
• Chitravābana of the Sorab plates is called Chitravāhana I by Hultzsch in view of another Chitravahana (11) found in later records. See above, Vol. IX, p. 16.
* Some Aļupa kings of a later date trace their descent from the lunar race. Soe ibid., pp. 21-23 . An. Rep. on s. I. K., 1934-35, App. A., No. 22. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 35 ff.

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Lines 41-46 of the record mention the boundaries of the gift-village Guddigere. They were as follows: in the south, the lake called Venne; in the south-west, Makulika hill; in the west, the lake Kupēra; in the north-west, the Kodi lake and the road leading to the Tapavi lake ; in the north the Puļivura lake and the junction of Virayal and the highway of the Purikara town ; in the east, the field including the village of Ittakā ; in the north-east the lakes Matkuna and Arasi, including the boundary ficll; and in the south-cast, the row of stones starting from Lakaviraya.
Liries 46-59 give details of further gifts of land and villages, apparently made to the same Jaina monastery mentioned in line 38 of the inscription. The details of the boundaries of the gift villages Uhpatti and Pataļi are as follows (lines 46-50): with the highway of Alagundi as boundary, as far as the northern road of the main monastery; then from the south of that high road up to the Kuruhkolla luke-bound, excluding the Sammagära and chandala street and including the vegetable and marshy ground, and from the road of the Suraliviräņa garden up to the boundary of Siggalli.
The next gift to be made was the group of fields of Nērilika to the north of the village and up to the northern road of Guddigere. village. Then the village Maragundi, situated to the north of Vanavāsi town, was granted with all privileges. Likewise was granted the Kahpur village in Kundavür District. The boundaries of this village were (lines 53-56); in the west, the Suvarna tree on the eastern bank of Pagaraviraya; in the north-west the limit of Sumkuviraya ; in the north, the lake called Mahishivāsa ; in the north-east, up to the fine? tamarind trees : in the southeast, the Püli lake ; and in the south, up to Pagafaviraya.
Lines 60-62 state that the grant should be protected by the future kings. This is followed, in lines 62-67, by the usual imprecatory verses.
TEXT
First Plale
1 Svasti [ 1 ] Jayaty-āvishkpitur Vishņor=vvārāham kshõbhit-arạnavam(vam) [l*) dakshin
onnata-damshtr-agra-viśranta-bhuvanam vapuḥ [ll] 2 Srimatuh sakala-bhuvana-sazustüyamana-Manavya-sagātrāņāı Hariti-putränām sapta
loka-ma3 tạibhis=sapta-mātribhir-abhivarddhitūnām Kārti(rtti)k@ya-parirakshana-prāpta-kalyāņa-paran
parāņām bhaga4 van-Nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-varüha-lāñchhan-okshaņa-vasiksit-āšēsha-mahi5 bhfitāmi Chalukyānāni kulam-alankarishộor-asvamēdh-āvabhsitha-snāna-pavitrikrita
gātrasya 6 sri-Pulakēsi-vallabha-unahārājasya sūnuḥ parakrann-äkrānta-Vanavāsy-ādi7 para-nçipati-mandala-praņibaddha-visuddha-kirtih sri-Kirtivarmma-prithivivallabha-maha8 rūjas-tasy=ātmajar-samara-sansakta-sakal-Ottaräpathëśvara-sri-Harshavarddhann-para
This word seems to indicato a stream. We have a Lakaviraya in line 48, Pagn raviraya in lines 53 and 56 and, Sumkuviraya in line 54 of this inscription. They may represent the names of the streams. The word viraya is not found in the lexicons.
* The word sårdüla is taken liere in the sense of 'fine, excellent '; the alternative meaning would bo'tamarind troos infested with tigers'.
. From the original plates and impressions.

Page #430

SHIGGAON PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 630-PLATE i
en los
MES
DE 8467 01
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SO
526
VAR
32 ruas 337 Sed Dodano1090
STESSED REPASEB
1990 S
288
Scale : One-half

Page #431

le
இக
esigs
3D.
22'ATT
P
SaamTDS ERSPD392
பு இக்கே Ta254
ரது DJ 33 வரவே சதுர 28 மே
மகன் வராது தவித மதித்து pesu
103
வி
38
.
3
F
iii,
JAN அவp தாம் aaதம் J
PARTS
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asara) இந்த சந்தனகா
Fa
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ப.
S
ure 1
Hg3
SC
C EASTg ஒது
HU JECTEES தங்க
FITS ang. I J

Page #432

No. 38]
SHIGGAON PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 630 9 jay-patta-paramtávara-abdasya' Satyairaya-dri-prithivi-vallabha-mahārā10 jadhiraja-paramesvarasya priya-tanayasya prajñata-nayasya khadga-ma
11 tra-sahāvasva āsĕsha-viji
12 gishōr-avanipati-tritay-antaritam sva-guro2 ériyam-atmasätkiitya prabhava-kulisa13 dalita-Pandya-Chōla-Kerala-Kalabhra-prabhriti bhubhrid-adabhra-vibhramasy-unany-å14 vanata-Kañchipati-ma3kuța-chumbita-pad-ambujasya Vikramaditya-Satyasraya
15 i-prithivivallabha-mahārājadhiraja-paraméévara-bhaṭṭārakasya priya.
16
sünob-pitur-ajñaya Bali(lē)ndusekharasya Tarakarätir-iva daityabalam-atisa17 muddhatan trairajya-Käñchipati-balam-avashtabbya karadikṛita-Kamē(ve)ra-Parasika18 Simhal-adi-dvtp-Adhipasya sakal-Ottarupatha-nitha-mathan-öpärjjit-örjjita-på
19 lidhvaj-adi-samasta-paramaiśvaryya-chinha(hna)sya Vinayaditya-Satyasraya-śrī
satru-mandalō
20 prithivivallabha-mahārājādhirāja-parameśvara-bhaṭṭāra kasya priy-atmajas saisava ēv
adhigat-asēsh-astra-sa
21 strō dakshin-asa-vijayini pitämahē samunmülita-nikhila-kantaka-sambatir uttarapatha-viji
pitṛisāt
Second Plate, First Side
Chittrakanth-äbhidhana-pravara-tura [m]gameņaiken=ē(ai)v=otsari(di)t
22 gishōr-gurōr-agrata ev-ahava-vyaparam-acharann-aräti-gaja-ghața-päṭana-visiryyamāņa
23 kripāņa-dhāras-samagra-vigrah-agresaras-san-sahasa-rasikaḥ-paranmukhikṛita
24 Gamga-Yamuna-pāļidhvaja-padadhakka-mahāśabda-chinha (hna)-manikya-matamigaj-adin
25 kurvvan-paraih-palayaminainiaidys katham-api vidhi-vasid-apanito-pi pratäpid-vishaya-praköpam-arajakam utaärayan-Vatsaraia iv-anapthebit-para-abayaka
26 va
ta
321
Second Plate, Second Side
27 [d]avagrahan-minggatya sva-bhuj-avashtambba-prasa dhit-äsesha-viśvambhara h
28 tru-mada-bhañjanatvad-udaratvan-niravadyatvad-yas-samasta-bhuvan-asrayas-sakala
29 hētu-pāļidhvaj-ādy-ujva(jjva)la-prājya-räjyō Vijayaditya-Satyasraya-śrī-prithivivallabhamahārājādhirāja-paramēvara
Road sabdas tasya.
Read gurob.
This akshara is partly damaged.
prabhur-akhamdita-sakti-trayatväch-chha
päramaikvaryya-vyakti

Page #433

322
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII
· Third Plate, First Side
30 bhattarakaḥ sarvvän ovara-ājñāpayati viditamantuvo smäbhiḥ trim ad-uttara
shat-chhatoshu Saka-varshēshvati31 tēshv-ēkādaśē pravardhamana-rājya-samvatsarē Kisuvolal-nama-sthanam-adbivasati
vijaya-skandba32 vārė Alupēndram drashțum Vanavābim āyātavati Vijayāditya-vallabhēndre Ashādha
paurņamāsyām 33 Pāņdy-āmala-kulam-alamkutyrataḥ såkala-loka-vidita-mahaprabhāvasya ananya-sa
dhārapa-tya34 g-õdaya-sa uipat-samutsarit-anya-vadanya-kirtti-santārusya eva-karatala-vidbrita-nista
nistrinisa-sam35 [ghā]ta-vitrasta-vibīryyamāṇānēka-ripu-nfipati-matta-mataga-samghātasya Chalukya
räjy-a36 bhivriddhi-hötu-bhutanya Chitra vähana-narendrasya vijñāpanayi eva-hridaya-pralbă (hla)
dana37 kārinyā hasti-rath-ädy-anēka-dana-pradāna-puras sara-biranyagarbh-āvabhşitha-enāna
pavitriksi38 ta-sariraya Kumkumadēvyā Purigere-nagarē käritam Jina-bhavanam=uddisya nava
karmma-kha39 nda-sphuţita-samskära-déra-pūjā-dana-sal-ādi-dharmma-pravarttan-arttham sakal-arhatsa maya e-ti
Third Plate, Second Side 40+ laka-sri-Mülasamgh-dgha-Bhū(Sü)rasta-dharmin-opada (dē)bëna (n=a)sēbha-nikaya-samāna
satr-āvāsam (86) Guddigere-grā41 mam(mo) dattaḥ [*] dakshinataḥ Vēnnē-tațākam dakshiņ-aparataḥ• Mākulika
giri[h] a
42 parasyāt Kupēra-tațākam
apar-õttarataḥ Ködi-tațākam tatha Tapavi-tațāka -vi(vi)dhi
(thi)
43 uttarataḥ Puļivūra-tațākam tasy=ādho Virayāyāḥ Purikaranagara-mahāpatha44 sya cha samgamasya pūrvvatah? ltakā-padra-cahitam pūrvv-õttarataḥ Matkuņa-tata'kam
ta
1 Sandhi has not been observed here. 1 There are faint traces of some letters engraved previously in the place of those seven akshuras. • This line also has some traces of previous writing which has been effaced. • The alshara seems to have been first written bhu and then corrected to the . Eandhi has not been observed here. • The letter ma was first omitted and then inserted between go and sya. Read sangamab. * Sandhi has not been observed here. . A word like kshetram seems to have been omitted here. . This letter seems to have been originally written as ths.

Page #434

.
No. 38] SHIGGAON PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 630 323 45 thā Arasi-tațāka pāļi(li)-kshētra sa hita il pūrvva-dakshinataḥ Lakavirayam 46 mū[laka']molle pārbānā(na)-vidhih(vithil ) Alagundi-ma hāpathar sina (mā) kritvā
yavat
47
kritva
tatah
pūrvvasmádpa
inūla-chaityalayasy-öttara-k hü(vā)tikäm-avadhim(dhin
(t-pa)tho dakshina m (natah) savan(mma)ga
48 ra-vīta-chandala-vāta varjai sa-läka-kachchbari Kurukkella-tatakari(ka)-päli(li)m-ava
dhi[m](dhini)
49 kțitvā Sūralivirāna-pathasthā)d=ūrāmät yĀvat Siggalli-sim-intani tatah Kemgala-ta
Fourth Plate 50 ţAk-ūntari dattaḥ Uhpațți-grāmo (mah) Pāțali-padras-cha | Nērilika-padrasy-öttaranya
dibi
51 Guddigere-mahapatha(tha)d=uttarah ba-olm-anto Nērilika-kshētra-rásir ddattaḥ tathā
52 Vanavāsi-nagarasy-õttarabyāṁ disi Maragundi-nāna-grāna [h*] | sa-bhogā dattaḥ 53 tathā Kundavūr-vishaye Kahpūr-nnāma-grāmat(mo) datta[b*) paschimataḥ Paga ravira
yāyā)(ya) 54 tasya(svä h) pūrvva-tate Suvarņa-plaksban paschim-öttarataḥ Suurkuviray-äva55 dbih uttaratah Mahishivāsa-tațākam uttara-pārvrataḥ sā(sa)rdūla-tintini(di)56 k-āntam pūrvva-dakshiņataḥ Pūli-ta tākai dakshinataḥ Pagafaviray-āntam 576 [ity -ādi]o-prakārā Pulikara-nagara .. 'mandala ........ 58 [padra)-mahapatha ............. taḥ suvarna-plaksha-tintini(dik-adi- prakastita)59 ...... 10 vása .......... 11 pattana........?
1 The upper parts of la and ka have suffered damage by the lower portion of the ring-bolo which seems to have boon made after the engraving of these letters.
* These two words are redundant.
• The word sammagåra in Kannada means 'a worker in leather, & shoe-maker and is to be derived from Sanskrit charma-kara.
Sandhi has not been observed here.
This and the following two lines are badly damaged and the engraving also is rather indifferent. This portion apparently continues the description of the boundaries.
. The reading is not certain. * Two aksharas are lost here. • About eight letters are indistinct hero.
About five letters are indistinct here. 10 About four letters are damaged at the beginning. 11 About four letters are lost here. 11 About thirteen letters nre lost here.

Page #435

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXII
Fifth Plate 60 tad=agāmibhir=asmad-vamsyair-&nyaiš=cba rājabhir-ayur-aišvaryy-ādināti vilasitam-achi
Tāsu-cham61 chalam-avagachchhadbhir-a-chandr-ārka-dbar-ārņava-[sthiti-sama-kālam ya]sas-chichi
shubhiḥ sva-datti-ni62 rvvisēsbam paripālaniyan (Fam) [*] uktam cha bhagavatā Vēdavyāsēna Vyāsēna !
Bahubhir=vvasu63 dha bhukta räjabhis-Sagar-ādibbih [l*yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā 64 phalam(lam) | Svam dátum sumahach-chhakyam duḥkham=anyasya pälanarh(nam) [l*]
dānam vā pālanan v=ēti dā65 nachhrē(ch=chhrē)yo=nupälanam(nam) Déva-avam tad-visha [m] ghoram na visham visha
m=uchyatē [1*] visham=e66 kükinan hanti dēvasvam putra-pautrikam(kam) || Sva-dattām para-dattari va yo harēta
vasundharām (rām) [I*] 67 shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi vishthayam jāyatë krimiḥ ||

Page #436

SHIGGAON PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 630—PLATE II
SEAL
(from a Photograph)

Page #437

No. 39-SONEPUR INSCRIPTION OF BHANUDEVA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
The inscription under publication is written in eight lines engraved on a slab of stone lying in front of the temple of the goddess Khamēsvari (Khambēbvari or Stambhēsvarl) at Sonepur which was formerly the headquarters of the State of that name but now belongs to the Bolangir District of Orissa. It was briefly noticed by B. C. Majumdarand B. Misrabut has been recently edited by K. B. Tripathi' with a translation but without any facsimile. Majumdar and Misra assign the inscription to the twelfth century A.D. The epigraph is edited in the following pages since, in our opinion, it has not been correctly deciphered and interpreted.
The inscribed area on the stone slab measures about two feet in length and one foot in height while individual aksharas in the record are about one inch and a quarter high. The characters are Gaudiya with certain characteristics of the Oriya alphabet. The sign for medial i is of the Oriya type ; but m and s are written in the Bengali fashion. In Sunapura in line 2, the letter shows a cursive and peculiar form (cf. also the shape of the same letter in sauri in the same line). Chh is of the chchh type as in modern Oriya and not of the ksh type as found in records like the Oriya supplement of the Veligalani grant of 1458 A.D. The form of initial i is later than that in the Alagum inscription (line 10) of 1141 A.D.", the Bhubaneswar inscription (line 1) of 1218 A.D. and the Nagari plates (lines 132-33) of 1230-31 A.D.' But it is found in some records of the time of Anangabhima III (c. 1211-38 A.D.), such as the Puri inscription (No. 4, line 5) of 1237 A.D., while the earlier form is also noticed in later records like the Puri plates of 1395-97 A.D. Y and p are written alike as in other medieval Orissan epigraphs. The numerical figures 1 and 2 in line 6 as well as 7 in line 2 are of the Telugu-Kannada type while 3 is also of the same type sometimes found in the medieval records of Orissa. 10 On palaeographical grounde, the epigraph may be assigned to a date in the thirteenth or fourteenth century A. D. This suggestion is supported by the fact that it refers itself to the reign of Vira-Bhānudēva who is undoubtedly one of the four kings of that name belonging to the impetial branch of the Eastern Ganga dynasty. Of these four rulers, Bhānu I began to rule about 1264 A.D., Bhānu II about 1305 A.D. and Bhānu III about 1353 A.D., while Bhanu IV ascended the throne sometine before 1414 A.D. It is difficult to assign the record to any one of these four kings with precision ; but palaeography seems to point rather te Bhānu I or II or III than to Bhānu IV since Oriya inscriptions of the fifteenth century generally exbibit more developed Oriya forms of the letters.
The language of the inscription is old Oriya. Interesting from the orthographica) point of view are words like aiusva (Sanskrit āyushya) in lines 4-5 and raïdya (Sanskrit vaidya) in: line 5. Contractions as in padirānkra in line 3 is often found in medieval Orissan records, though
1 History of the Bengali Language, p. 249. • Odiya Bhashāra Itihasa ; cf. Indian Linguistics, Vol. XVII, p. 46. • Indian Linguistics, op. cit., pp. 46-49. • JAS, Letters and Science, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, pp. 13 ff.. . Above Vol. XXIX, pp. 44 ff., and Plate. . Ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 235, and Plate.
Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235 ff., and Plate. • Ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 203, and Plates. . Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 302 tf., and Plate. 10 Ibid., p. 64, note 2.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
our inscription also has rājānkara in line 4. Similarly it employs both the forms kapāle (line 7) and kapālaï (line 8) as the locative of kapāla. Interesting is also the words vijač (Sanskrit vijaya) in line 2 and nrivansa (Sanskrit wirrańéa) in line 8. The old dative form in odirankaï in line 5 is of grammatical interest. It is found in the form of rhai in such medieval records as the Puri inscriptions of the time of Anangabhima III (c. 1211-38 A.D.).
Tripathi reads the year of the date at the beginning of line 2 as 16 or a 6 supposed to stand for the anka year 6. The year no doubt refers to the arka reckoning since the ordinary regnal reckoning was not popular with the Ganga kings during the period in question. It is, however, well known that 6 and numbers ending with 6 were omitted in the arka rockoning and therefore either of the readinga 16 and 6 is impossible. At the beginning of line 2, we propose to read [sv]ā 72 srähi. It seems that srā of srāhi was redundantly engraved before the numorical figure through oversight. After srāhi, Tripathi reads Mina-krishna 2. But the figure read as 2 here is different from 2 in line 6. We are inclined to read the passage as Mina-Krishna 3 since, 88 indicated above, 3 of this type is sometimes found in the medieval records of Orissa.
The date quoted in lines 1-2 of our record thus appears to be Saturday (Sauri-vāra), the 3rd of the dark half of the solar month of Mina in the 7th anka or 5th regnal year of Bhānudēva. The 5th regnal year of Bhanu I, II and III appears to have corresponded to 1268-69, 1309-10 and 1356-57 A.D. respectively. Among these years, the details suit only March 3, 1268 A.D., and therefore the king referred to may be Bhānu I although it is difficult to be definite on the point.
The inscription begins with the auspicious word svasti and the passage sri-vira-Bhānudērasya pravadhyamāna-vijaè-rājē samvata (sr]ā 7 Mina-krishna 3 Saüri-vārē (Sanskrit éri-Vira-Bhānudevasya pravardhamāna-vijaya-rajye samratsarė 7 faradi Mina-Krishna 3 Sauri-vārē) in lines 1-2. The above is followed in lines 2-4 by Sūnapūra-kataka-Pachhima-desa-adhikari samanta-padiraVisa-padirānkra adhikāre (Sanskrit Suvarnapura-kaçaka-Paschima-des-adhikari-sämanta-pratirājaVisva-pratinājasya adhikarē). In the name Visa-padirā, Padirā is the family name; but Visa's official designation was also Samanta-padirā. Tripathi reads sāmanta-pădirāy-Isra-padisankara and takes the name of the officer as Isra (Sanskrit Jérara) and his family name as Padisa. The last akshara of what we have read as Visa-padira may possibly be also read as sa considering the form of the same akshara in Saüri-vārê in line 2 while the second akshara may also be sra or su. But the first akshara of the name is clearly vi. In any case, the passage quoted above from lines 2-4 refers to the tract under the government of a viceroy of the Ganga king, who enjoyed the designation Sämanta-padirā and ruled over the western province of the Ganga empire with his headquarters at Sunapura, i.e. modern Sonepur where the inscription has been found.
The following passage in lines 4-6 records the purpose of the document and reads : sri-ciraBhānūdēvarājānkara āiusva-kām-ārthe bri-Vaïdyanāthadēvankai Naēda-visaya-grāma vāraha data 12 (Sanskrit éri-Vira-Bhānudēva-rājasya ayushya-kām-arthe Sri-Vaidyanāthadēväya Naēda-vishayagrāmāḥ dvāda sa dattāḥ 12). It is stated that twelve villages situated in the vishaya or district of Naēda were granted to the god Vaidyanātha for the longevity and the fulfilment of the desire of king Vira-Bhānudēva. The names of the villages are not enumerated nor is the name of the donor specified. It seems that the king or his viceroy was the donor. The god Vaidyanātha
1 Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 197 ff. cf. imanankai in lines 5-6 of No. 1; "devankai in line 5 of No. 4. See also devankavi in line 4 of No. 3. This apparently exhibits the same case-ending under another spelling, though I offered a different suggestion while editing the inscription in question.
The figure has some resemblance with certain forms of 7 illustrated by C.H. Ojha in his Prāchina Lipimdla, Plate LXXI (Section II, last column), Plate LXXV (Section II) and Plate LXXVI (Section 11). But the upper ods of the two vertical strokes here do not appear to be joined by a curve as in other cases.

Page #439

No. 39) SONEPUR INSCRIPTION OF BHANUDEVA.
327 is still worshipped in a temple on the river Tel near Sonepur. What we have read as of Naedavisaya-gräma väraha has been read by Tripathi as ina Edaviya-panamu vära, in which ina has been taken to be a local word meaning here and the purpose of the document has been supposod to be to record the grant of twelve coins called Edaviya-Pana in favour of the god. But, in such a case, ina would be meaningless in the context. A coin called Edaviya (the last akshara is certainly sa)Pana is also as yet unknown from any other source.
The next sentence in lines 6-8 reads ëhā je harai harāus tāhāra kapäle Siva-tāla Vrakma-tāla Vishnu-tāla tini tāla padaï (Sanskrit etat yaḥ harati hārayati [vā] tasya kapāle Siva-tālah (cha) Brahma-tālah [cha] Vishnu-tālal (cha) trayah iūlāḥ patanti). The word kapāla has been used here in the literal sense of 'forehead' and the figurative sense of lot' and tāla (literally, the palm of the hand') apparently to indicate a slap'. A blow on the forehead ' figuratively means in the East Indian languages 'the destruction of one's good luck' or 'one's ruin'. The idea bere is that, if any person confiscates the gift land or causes its confiscation, his forehead would be struck by a blow each from the hands of the gods Siva, Brahman and Vishņu. Tripathi and others read Rudra-tāla in the place of Vishnu-tāla without noticing that Siva-tāla is mentioned side by side. The word tāla is translated by Tripathi as a bolt', although it means 'a bolt' only in the sense of the bolt or lock of a door'.
The last sentence of the inscription in line 8 teads: tāhāra kapālai noivansa hoi (Sanskrit tasya ka päle nirvan sah bhavati). To become nirvaṁśà means 'not to have any progeny', or 'to lose all of one's own children and their progeny, i.e. to have none in one's line to offer one a pinda after death'. The sentence means to say that the loss of progeny would fall to the lot of one responsible for tho resumption of the gift land. Tripathi reads tāhāra kapāla ina ho vasa hoi and translates the sentence as His forehead becomes subdued or ruined'. The akshara ho has been inadvertently introduced in the text while vasa (the reading is clearly 'vansa) has been taken to stand for Sanskrit va sa. The word ina (meaning 'here'according to Tripathi) has been left out in the translation. As a matter of fact this word does not occur in the inscription under study or in any other Oriya inscription known to me.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it testifies to the inclusion of the district around Sonepur in the dominions of the Imperial Gangas in the thirteenth or fourteenth century A.D. We know that the Telugu-Chöda king Sõmēsvaradēvavarman III was ruling at Sonepur about the second half of the twelfth century. He was also a devotee of the god Vaidyanatha (Siva) whose temple may have been built by the Telugu-Chödas. It now appears that the Gangas ousted Telugu-Choda rule from that region. But it is difficult to determine as to which of the Ganga kings was responsible for the achievement
The geographical names mentioned in the inscription are Sūnapūra, the location of which has already been indicated above, and the district of Naēda tho name of which reminds us of the locality called Laida about 33 miles from Sambalpur.
TEXT:
1 Svast[i] [ll*] sri-vira-Bhāņudēvasya pravadhyamāna-vijaē-rājē samvata 2 [87]&7* erähi Mina-lishna 38 Sari-värd Sänapüra-kataka
1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 283 ff. • From impressions. . This akshara is redundant. • Tripathi reads 16 or a 6. . Tripathi roads 2. Originally rd bad been written in the place of a and it was later changed to ma.

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2
6
SONEPUR INSCRIPTION OF BHANUDEVA
बजे र तর327 "পীমান92 স5299 9রकटल घरमा दर्शन गयी की तमनुधড়ी रावसমडेसह অথনাবেग्रাবর ফা(দবরাজরআ नाযगाव घदেव,679
075502211355030 घाल सচালमें डाल नोकाव
Scale : Three-Eighths
2
6
8

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328
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
3 Pachhima-dosa-adhikari Samanta-padira Visa-padi[rā]nkra1
4 adhikārē ári-vira-Bhāņudēvarājānkara āi
5 usva-kām-ārthē2 éri-Vaidyanathadēvankaï3 Naēda-vi
6 saya-[gr]āma väraha* data 12 [*] ahā ja harai haraui
7 tāhāra kapālē Siva-tāla Vrahma-tāla Vishnu -tāla ti
8 ni tāla paḍai [*] tāhāra kapālai nṛivansa" hōi ||
[VOL XXXII
1 Tripathi reads padiray-Isra-padisankara.
• Tripathi reads "kam-athe and corrects it to 'kām-arthe. He takes the expression to stand for Sanskrit. ayush-kām-ārthe.
This is for modern Oriya 'devanku and Sanskrit dévaya.
• Tripathi reads ina Edaviya-papamu. The last akshara may be read as mu also.
Tripathi reads vāra.
Tripathi and others read Rudra.
'Tripathi reads kapala ina vas.
The visarga-like sign before the double danda is a part of the mark of punctuation.

Page #442

No. 40-SILVER COIN OF BHAIRAVASIMHA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND About the end of November 1957 I was passing through Patna where I met Prof. R. K. Choudhary of the G. D. College, Begusarai, Monghyr District, Bihar. Prof. Choudhary kindly showed me & silver coin with legend on both obverse and reverse. As I had little time to devote on the coin just then, I preparòd plasticine moulds of both sides of it and returned it to the Professor. Some plaster casts of the coin were later prepared out of those moulds for my study. 1
The coin is round in shape and has a diameter of one inch. Its weight is stated to be 10:52 grams or 162:37 grains. On both obverse and reverse of the coin there is a square made of raised lines, within a circular line of the same type. In the four semi-circular spaces between the arms of the square and the outer line, there is in each case a letter or one or more numerical figures between two angular ornamental designs. Inside the square the legend is written in raised letters in five lines diagonally arranged between the upper and lower angles on both the obverse and the reverse. The reverse legend is a continuation of the writing on the obverse. There are thirteen letters on the obverse and an equal number of them on the reverse. Of these thirteen letters arranged in five lines, line 3 in the centre has five aksharas, lines 2 and 4 have three each and lines 1 and 5 only one each. The same arrangement has been followed on both the sides.
The characters belong to the Gaudiya alphabet as prevalent in Bihar in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries A.D. The letters rand s have been written both in the Dēvanagari and Gaudiya fashions. The two types of are very similar respectively to n and v as found in the legend, while y resembles p. Some letters of the legend have suffered from the effects of later punching by the shroffs.
The writting on the obverse and reverse reads as follows: Obverse
Reverse 1 Ma
1 TT2 häraja
2 rabhukti3 Sri-Da[rppa]nārā
3 rāja-sri-Bhaira4 yan-ātma
4 vasimha5 ja
5 sya [*] The legend may be translated as: “(The coin is) of the illustrious Bhairavasimha, the lord of Tirabhukti (and) the son of the illustrious Mahārāja Darpanārāyaṇa".
In the spaces outside the square on the obverse, we have respectively in the upper left, upper right, lower left and lower right : [Sa]
kasa In the corresponding spaces on the reverse, there are similarly :
jya
1411
ra
1 Partial and inaccurate readings of the legend on the coin have since appeared in JNSI, Vol. XX, pp. 55-61 (Plate IX, No. 5), where it has been wrongly attributed to king Rämsbhadra of Mithila. It is stated that the coin belongs to a hoard discovered at Bairmo in the Dardhanga District of Bihar.
(329)

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330 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII Of the writing on the reverse, the central slanting line of jya is not clearly made, while the left part of the figure for 1 is cut off. These writings no doubt quote the date of the issue of the coin under study, the obverse giving Saka-sa (i.e. Saka-samvatsarē) 1411 and the reverse rājya (i.e. rājyasarvatsarē) 15, i.e. the regnal year 15. Thus the coin was issued by king Bhairavasimha of Tirabhukti (i.e. Tirhut or Mithila, i.e. North Bibar), who was the son of king Darpanārāyana, in the 15th year of his reign, which corresponded to Saka 1411 or 1489-90 A. D. Bhairavasinha thus ascended the throne of Tirhut about Saka 1397 or 1475-76 A.D.
There is no doubt that the king who issued the coin under study is identical with Bhairavasimha alias Rupanārāyana alias Harinārāyaṇa who was the son of Narasimha Darpanārāyaṇa of the Oinvār dynasty of Tirhut, which flourished in the period between the middle of the 14th to the first half of the 16th century A.D. The coin is the only one of Bhairavasimha so far discovered and one of the very few of the Oinvārs as yet published. As a matter of fact, very few of the Oinvār rulers issued coins. Our coin throws some light on the rather obscure history of the king as well as of the local ruling family of medieval India, to which he belonged.
The history of the rulers of the Oinvār dynasty of Tirhut is little known and their chronology full of confusion. The confusion is due to many factors such as the uncertainty about the initial year of the Lakshmanesina Sarvat or La. Sam. used in the dating of many of the literary records of the period and tract in question, the possibility of contemporaneous or conjoint rule for some years of the predecessor and successor in several cases, and the unreliability of some of the local traditions. Since the late medieval period, the La. Sam. is calculated as starting from 1119 A.D.; but as regards the earlier dates the initial year varies between 1108 and 1119 A.D. For the sake of convenience, we have tentatively taken 1119 A.D. as the starting point of the era in our calculations in the following pages. Another great difficulty is that even when the La. Sam. year is mentioned together with the corresponding Saka year and verifiable astronomical details are provided for a date, they are generally irregular according to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, This is evidently due to the fact that the local almanacs from which the dates were quoted, were based on a defective calculation.
In the following lines, we are offering a sketch of Oinvār history and chronology on the basis of the following works: (1) M.M. Chakravarti, History of Mithilä during the Pre-Mughal Period (JASB, N.S., Vol. XI, 1915, pp. 406-433 ; especially pp. 415-33); (2) R. K. Choudhary, The Oinwäras of Mithila (JBRS, Vol. XL, pr. 99-121); (3) J. Eggeling, Catalogue of Sanskrit Mamuscripts in the Library of the India Office, Part IV, pp. 874-76, No. 2564 ; (4) G. A. Grierson, (a) Vidyāpati and his Contemporaries (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, 1885, pp. 182 ff.); (6) On some Medieval Kings of Mithila (ibid., Vol. XVIII, 1899, pp. 57-58); (c) An Introduction to Maithili Language ; (5) S. N. Singh, History of Tirhut, 1915; and (6) U. Thakur, History of Mithila, 1956, Chapter VI: The Oinavāras (pp. 290-339).
Harisimha, the last ruler of the Karnata dynasty of Mithilā, was overthrown by Sultan Ghiyāsuddin Tughluk Shāh (1320-25 A.D.) of Delhi about 1324 A.D. Sometime later, about the middle of the fourteenth century, a Brāhmaṇa named Kāmēsvara Thākur, who may have originally been the Rājapandita at Harisimha's court, obtained the Zamindari of a considerable part of the country from Sultan Firüz Shāh (1351-87 A.D.). The dynasty founded by the Brāhmaņa is called Oinavāra (Oinivāra) or Oinvår after the village of Dini in the Muzaffarpur District, which one of his ancestors received from a Karņāța king. The family is soinetimes also named after
1 Hjat. Beng., Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 233 ff, * I. Prasad, Hist. Med. Ind., p. 266.

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331
No. 401
SILVER COIN OF BHAIRAVASIMHA Sugauni, Kämēsvara's residence near modern Madhubani in the Darbhanga Dist-ict. After a short time, Firüz Shāh gave Kämēsvara's throne to the latter's son Bhogisvara. According to some doubtful traditions, Bhögisvara ruled for 33 years and died in 1360 A.D.' Bhögīśvara's son and successor was Gaņēśvara who, according to Vidyāpati's Kirtilatā, was defeated and killed by an enemy named Aslān, apparontly a Musalman, aided probably by certain members of the Oinvār family. The date of this event is given in the work in a corrupt passage which may mean the 5th of the first ie. dark) half of Agrahāyana in La. Sam. 252 (1371 A.D.)." His eldest son Virasimha seems to have been ruling over a part of the country in La. Sam. 228 (1347 A.D.) when a manuscript of the Lingavärtlika w&b copied in his territory. That he was & ruler is also suggested by the title Mahārājādhirāja applied to him in the Kirtilatā. Sometime after Gaņēsvara's death, his son Kirtisimha bocame king with the help of Ibrāhim Shāh Shaxqi (1401-40 A.D.) of Jaunpur. The next king was Bhavasimha, a younger son of Kāmēsvara, and he was succeeded by his oldest son Dēvasimha Garudanārāyaṇa. Since & manuscript of Sridatta's Ekāgnidānapaddhati, composed at Dēvasimha's request, was copied on Monday, Pausha-śudi 9, La. Sam. 299 (1418 A.D.), he seems to have ascended the throne before that date. According to & poem ascribed to Vidyāpati, Dēvasimha died on Thursday, Chaitra-vadi 6, L&. Sam. 293 corresponding to Saka 1324 (1403 A.D.)which is supposed to be a mistake for Saka 1334 (1413 A.D.).' As Sridhara's Kāryaprakāśavivēka was composed on Kārttika-vadi 10, La. Sam. 291 (1411 A.D.) when Dévasimha's son Śivasimha Rupanārāyana is stated to have been ruling over Tirabhukti, the son seems to have been reigning jointly with the father as Yuvarāja (or at least over parts of the kingdom) and to have been a patron of Sridhara. Dēvasimha ruled from Dēvakuli about 2 miles to the north of Darbhanga while Sivasimha had his headquarters at Gajarathapura or Sivasimhapura about 5 miles to the south-east of Darbhanga. Three spurious copper-plate charters of king Sivasimha, recording the grant of the village of Bisapi in favour of the poet Vidyāpati, bear respectively the dates V.S. 1455. Saka 1321, and La. Sam. 293 equated with V. S. 1455, Saka 1321 and San 807, i.e. probably 1399 A.D.S Sivasimha is described by Vidyāpati as the lord of the Five Gaudas' and as one who subdued the king or kings of Gauda. This vague and conventional claim may suggest that, unlike his predecessors who owed allegiance to the Muhammadans, Sivasinha ruled for sometime as an independent monarch. The result, however, was fatal and, according to tradition, Sivasimha was defeated by the Musalmāns and carried away to Delhi. The same source suggests that, after the tragic end of Sivasimha's reign, bis queen Lakhimādēvi ruled for 12 years and was succeeded by Padmasimha who was the younger brother of Sivasimha (and ruled for 6 years according to one tradition)10 and that Padmasimha's queen Visvāsadāvi ruled for 12 years after her husband's
1 JASB, N, S., Vol. XI, 1910, p. 416. · Thakur, op. cit., p. 297; JBRS, Vol. XL, p. 102. JASB, op. cit., p. 416 and noto 2; J BORS, Vol. XIII, p. 297. Thakur, op. cit., p. 302.
JASB, loc. cit. The same title was often enjoyed by the ministers of the Oinvär rulers, 0.g. Chandēsvara and Rāmadatta, probably because they were ruling over parts of the country as viceroys or enjoyed extensive jagirs together with regal titles.
Ibid., PP. 417-18. Doubtful traditions assign Bhavasimha's accession to 1348 A.D. and Dēvasinha's to 1985 A.D. (Eggeling, op. cit., p. 875).
Ibid., pp. 418-19; D. C. Sen, Bangabhasha-o-Sahitya, 5th ed., pp. 216-17. Thakur (op. cit., p. 306) ascribes to M. M. Chakravarti the view that Devasimha ascended the throne in Saka 1263 (1342 A.D.). But there is no such statement in Chakravarti's article referred to above.
Cf. Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 736, 1126 and 1470. The date of Sivasitha's accession is assigned by tradition to 1446 A.D. (An. Rep. A.8.1., 1913-14, p. 249; Eggeling, loc. cit.).
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 68. 10 JBRŞ, Vol. XI, p. 120.

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332 EPIGRAPHICA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII reign of one year. It is also believed that Lakhimā, accompanied by the poet Vidyapati, took shelter at Purăditya's court at Rājabanauli where Vidyāpati wrote his Likhanāvali in 1418 A.D. and copied the Bhagavata in La. Sam. 309 (1428 A.D.). The next king was Harasimha, younger son of Dēvasimha, and his son and successor was Narasimha Darpanārāyana whose Kandaha inscription is dated Saka 1375 (1453 A.D.). Narasimha was succeeded by his son Dhirasimha Hridayanārāyana during whose rule a manuscript of Srinivasa's Sētudarpani (a commentary on the Setubandha) and another of the Karnaparvan of the Mahabharata were copied respectively on Saturday, Kārttika-vadi 15, La. Sam. 321 (1440 A.D.), and in La. Sam. 327 (1446 A.D.). For some years Dhirasimha appears to have been ruling jointly with his father or at least over an area of the country. He was succeeded by his younger brother Bhairavasimha RupanārāyapaHarinārāyaṇa who ruled from Baruāra in the Bachchhaurā Pargana of the Darbhanga District. According to some, be ascended the throne in 1496 A.D. when Vardhamana composed his Gangakrityavivēka and Vāchaspati-misra wrote his Mahādānanirnaya (earliest copy dated in La. San. 392 or 1511 A.D.) during his rule, while it is also suggested that he died about 1515 A.D. Bhairavasimha's successor was his son Rāmabhadra Rūpanārāyana whose rule is placed by some before 1490 A.D. but by others in 1520-27 A.D.', although both the theories appear to be wrong. The Tantrapradipa was composed by Gadādhara (a grandson of Dhirasimba) during his reign, while certain manuscripts are known to have been copied at Gadādhara's instance on Friday, Srāvana-vadi 1, La. Sam. 372 (1491 A.D.) and on Wednesday, Kärttika-sudi 5, La. Sari. 374 and Saka 1426 (1504 A.D.). The known dates of Rāmabhadra's son and successor Lakshminātha Kamsanārāyana offer some difficulty unless it is believed that he was ruling jointly with his father or at least over a part of the country. A manuscript of the Dēvimāhātmya was copied during Lakshminātha's rule on Wednesday, Pausha-vadi 3, La. Sam, 393 (1512 A.D.). Lakshminātha's Bhagirathpur inscription is dated in La. Sam. 394 (1513 A.D.). About this time, Tirhut became & bone of contention between Sultan Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517 A.D.) of Delhi and Husain Shah (1493-1519 A.D.) of Bengal; ultimately the latter's son Nugrat Shāh (1519-32 A.D.) invaded Tirhut, put the king (probably Laksbminātha) to death and appointed his brothers-in-law, 'Alāuddin and Makhdum-i-Alam, governors of the country. This account of the Muslim historians is corroborated by a stanza giving the date of Lakshminātha's death as Tuesday, Bhadra-sudi 1,
1 Cf. loc. cit. Traditions, referred to by Eggeling (loc. cit.), assign the accession of Lakhimādēvi to 1449 A.D. and of Visvāsadēvi to 1458 A.D., but omit Padmasimha. According to Vidyapati's Likhanuvali, the work was composed in La. Sam. 299=1418 A.D.) at the request of king Purăditya Girinārāyaṇa of the Dronavāra family, who had killed a king named Arjuna and was ruling at Rajabanauli in Nopal. This Arjuna is identified with the son of Bhavasimha's son Tripurasimha and is believed to have contributed to the murder of Gaņēśvara (JBRS, Vol. XL, pp. 117-19).
*JBORS, Vol. XX, pp. 15-19. Jayaswal wrongly interpreted the chronogram bar-afva-madana as 1367 Traditions referred to by Eggeling (loc. cit.) omit Harasimha and assign Narasimha's accession to 1470 A.D.
* JASB, op. cit., pp. 425-28; J BORS, Vol. X, p. 47. According to M. M. Chakravarti, La. Sam. 321, Kárttika-vadi 15, Saturday, corresponds to October 18, 1438 A.D. Traditions referred to by Eggeling (loc. cit.) assign Dhirasimha's accession to 1471 A.D.
*Cf. Thakur, op. cit., pp. 333-34. Traditions assign Bhairavasimha's accession to 1506 A.D. and bis suc. cossor's to 1520 A.D. (cf. Eggeling, loc. cit.).
See JASB, op. cit., pp. 329-30.
I . cit. * Ibid., p. 430.
JBRS, Vol. XLI, Part 3, pp. 271 ff. The date is given in the chronogram vēda-tandhra-Haranitra.
Badaunl, Muntakhabut Tawdrik, trans., Vol. I, pp. 415-17; Hist. Beng., Dacoa University, Vol. II, pp. 145 ff. Camb. Hisl. Ind., Vol. III, p. 272; Thakur, op. cit., pp. 338-39.

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33
No. 40]
SILVER COIN OF BHAIRAVASIMHA
Saka 1449 (1527 A.D.), although according to a tradition followed by Eggeling he was ruling in 1532 A.D. and according to another followed by Grierson in 1542 A.D.1
The Ōinvar or Sugaunā Dynastya (middle of the 14th century to 1527 A.D.) I. Kāmē vara (third quarter of the 14th century)
II. Bhōglévara (third quarter of the 14th century)
T
III. Ganesvara
(killed in La. Sam, 252)
Virasimha (La. Sam. 228)
IV. Kirtisimha (early years of the 15 century)
VII. Sivasimha Rupanārāyaṇa (La. Sam. 291)
+ VIII. Lakhimādēvi
XV. Ramabhadra Rūpanārāyaṇa
IX. Padmasimha
X. Viśväsadövl
VI. Devasimha Garudanarayana (died in La. Sam. 293, Saka 1324 or 1334)
XIII. Dhirasimha (La. Sam. 321, 327) I Raghavasimha T Gadadhara (La. Sam. 372, 374; contemporary of Ramabhadra)
Purushottama
V. Bhavasimha
XI. Harasimha
XII. Narasimha Darpanarayana (Saka 1375)
Tripurasimha
XVI. Lakshminätha Kamsanärāyaṇa (La. Sam. 393, 394; died Saka 1449).
Arjunasimha
Amara
XIV. Bhairavasimha Chandrasimha Harinārāyāna Rupanarayana
1 Eggeling, loc. cit.; Grierson, Introduction to Maithili Language, Part II, p. 96; Thakur, op. cit., p. 339 and note 2.
The genealogy quoted by Grierson (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV., p. 196) represents Kämöévara as the son of Lakshmana, grandson of Govinda, great-grandson of Viśvarüpa and great-great-grandson of Atirupa. Udayasimha is mentioned as another son of Bhavasimha and Sarvasimha is represented as the only son of Tripurasimha. Ratnesvarasimha (Rataya), Raghusimha Vijayanarayana and Brahmasimha Harinarayana are mentioned as brothers of Narasimha Darpanärāyaṇa. A brother of Chandrasimha was Durlabhasimha or Rapasimha whose son was Viśvanatha Naranarayana. Ramachandra and Prataparudra are represented as the sons of Viśvanatha, and Ratnasimha as the son of Ramachandra. Purushottama seems to be mentioned as Garudanarayana. A brother of Lakshminätha Kamsanäräyana was Balabhadra and his two step-brothers were Ratinatha and Bhavanatha Hridayanarayana. Mention is also made of Dhirasimha's son Jagannnarayana whose sons were Madhusüdana, Srinatha, Kirtisimha, Rudranarayana and Viravara.

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(VOL. XXXII Besides the few facts about Bhairavasimha mentioned in the above sketch, some more are also known. It seems that he was originally ruling the kingdom (or part of it) jointly with his elder brother Dhirasimba with the secondary namo Rūpanārāyana and that on his brother's death he succeeded to the throne with the name Harinārāyana, his son Rāmabhadra then assuming the name Rūpanārāyana. The reason why Raghavasimha, son of Dhirasimha, was deprived of his father's throne is unknown.
Many of the Oinvär kings patronised men of letters. Bhairavasimha was also a great patron of learning and under his patronage Ruchipati wrote his Anargharāghavasika, Váchaspati-misra his Vyavahürachintamaại, Krityamaltārņava and Mahādānanirnaya, and Vardhamān-opadhyaya his Dandavivčka. Váchaspati was his parishad or pārishada (i.e. councillor) and Vardhamana his dharmadhikarcnika or judge. Vāchaspati's Dvaitanirnaya was written at the request of Bhairavasimha's queen Jayā or Jayātmā, mother of Räjädhiraja Purushottama who seems to have ruled a part of the kingdom under his father. Misaru-misra 'wrote his Vivādachandra and Padārthachandra at the instance of the wife of Chandrasimha who was a brother (probably step-brother) of Bhairavasinha. According to the Mahädänanirnaya, Bhairavasimha excavated many tanks, gave away some towns and townships and performed a Túlāpurushadāna.
Vidyāpati's Durgäbhaktitarargini mentions Bhairavasimha as saury-āvarjita-pafcha-Gaudadharaninātha and Vardhamana's Dandavivēka describes him as Garud-ēsvara-prati sariramatipratāpah Kedararāyam-avagachchhati dāra-tulyam.. The vague claim of victory over the rulers of the Five Gaudas, which is conventional and seems to point to the independent status claimed by Bhairavasizinha, reminds us of the fact that the only other Oinvār ruler with similar claims is Sivasimha who is called Pancha-Gaud-esvara, i.e. lord of the Five Gaudas, in Vidyāpati's songs and is described in the same poet's Saivasarvasvasära as saury-āvarjitaGauda-mahipala (i.e. one who conquered the king or kings of Gauda by his prowess) and in his Purushaparikshä as one having earned fame in battles with the kings of Gauda and Gajjana. These facts appear to show that amongst the Oinvārs at least Sivasitha and Bhairavasimha aspired for independent status. Besides the Muslim rulors of Delhi, those of Jaunpur and Bengal were also each eager to spread his influence in Tirhut and the Oinvārs, who owed allegiance to Delhi, had sometimes to submit to these powers as well. But on occasions a few of them got an opportunity to assume independence temporarily as a result of quarrels amongst the said Muslim powers or of their weakness or preoccupations. It is interesting in this connection to note that, as feudatories of the Muslims, the Oinvārs were not expected to issue coins in their own names. That Bhairavasimha ruled for sometime as an independent
1 For references, 860 JASB, op. cit., pp. 426-28.
* Ibid., p. 426, noto 2; p. 427, note 4. Kēdārarāya, whom Bhairavasitha treated as his own wife (i.e. as bubordinato), may have been a general of the Muslim king of Bengal. The ruler of Tirhut probably defeated and humiliated him. The claim may be compared with the title Ripu-raja-gopi-govinda assumed by a medieval ruler of Sylhet (Hiat. Beng., Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 256).
• JBBRS, VOL. XL, p. 121, note 4 ; Thakur, op. cit., pp. 310-11. By Gajjana rulers, the successors of the representatives of the early Ghazna rulors at Delhi appear to be meant.
We have seen how Kamisvara and Bhögisvara obteined rulership from Firüz Shah Tughluq of Delhi and Kirtisimha from Ibrahim Shah (1402-36 A. D.) of Jaunpur. Khwaja Jahan (1394-99 A. D.) of Jaunpur succeeded in extending his influence in Tirhut (Camb. Hist. Ind., Vol. III, p. 251) and Husain Shah (1458-79 A, D.) crushed the semi-independent landholders of that country before 1466 A. D. (ibid., p. 256). For & short time Iliya Shih (1343-67 A, D.) of Bengal occupied Tirhut (ibid., p. 176). Some of the songs attributed to Vidy&pati speak of Muslim rulers like Gyäsadina Suratāna, Näsira Säha, Pancha-Gaudestara Raya Nasaruta Säha and Alama Säha (JBRS, Vol. XL, p.p. 107-10). Thero is considerable difference of opinion about the identification of those rulers.

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No. 40]
SILVER COIN OF BHAIRAVASIMHA
ruler of Tirhut is indicated by his issue of silver coins, one of which is now under study. It is also interesting to note that Śivasimha is the only other Oinvär king whose coins have been discovered.
335
In 1913 three small gold coins, out of a lot discovered at the village of Pipra in the Champaran District, were received in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. They were noticed by R. D. Banerji in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1913-14, 248-49, Plate LXVIII, Nos. 1-3. The coins are round in shape with diameters varying between 3 and 325 inch and weights between 13-6 and 14 grains. As on the coin of Bhairavasimha under study, the legend on the Pipra gold coins runs on from the obverse to the reverse. The lengend on the obverse reads śrī- and that on the reverse in two lines runs (1) Siva- (2) sya. King Siva, who issued these coins, has been rightly identified by Banerji with king Śivasimha of the Oinvar dynasty of Tirhut. A similar coin was previously published by Cunningham in his Coins of Medieval India, p. 54, Plate VI, No. 18. Banerji seems to assign the copper coins1 bearing the name of Champakaranya to the dynasty of Śivasimha; but they were issued by the rulers of the Karnata dynasty. of Simraon (Samaragrāma) and not by the Oinvars of Tirhut.
The importance of the coin published here is two-fold. In the first place, it shows, as already indicated above, that Ōinvar Bhairavasimha ruled for sometime as an independent monarch and signalised the achievement with the issue of some silver coins. Secondly, we learn for the first time from it that Bhairavasimha ascended the throne about 1475-76 A. D. and ruled at least for about 15 years down to 1489-90 A. D. The view assigning his accession to 1496 A. D. is thus certainly wrong.
POSTSCRIPT
Another Silver Coin of Bhairavasimha
Shortly after my paper on the silver coin of Bhairavasimha had been sent to the press, Mr. A. N. Lahiri, one of my Epigraphical Assistants, had occasion to visit Calcutta where he studied some coins in the cabinet of the Archaeological Section of the Indian Museum. In the course of his study, Mr. Lahiri luckily came across another silver coin of Bhairavasimha, closely resembling the one discussed above. On his return to Ootacamund, he kindly placed at my disposal the plaster casts of the coin, which he had prepared with the permission of Mr. R. C. Kar, Superintendent of the Archaeological Section.
This coin was examined by V. A. Smith and was noticed as No. 3 under the head 'Sundry Coins' at the last page (p. 333) of his Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I, 1906. He correctly gives the metal, weight and size of the coin respectively as silver, 164 grains and 9 inch. Unfortunately, Smith, who thought that the provenance of the coin might be Nepal, failed to read any part of the five-line (not four-line as supposed by him) legend on the obverse and the reverse. In the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1913-14, p. 259 (Plate LXIX, No. 31), R. D. Banerji made an unsuccessful attempt to read the legend.
The present coin (No. 2) was struck on a flan slightly smaller than that of Bhairavasimha's other coin (No. 1) dealt with above. As a result of this, some of the letters and numerical figures that can be seen on Coin No. 1 are cut off on Coin No. 2. The two coins, although they apparently bear the same date, were struck from two different dies. In some cases, the forms of the letters are different on the two specimens; cf. h in mahārāja, s in simha, etc. As on Coin No. 1, some letters on Coin No. 2 are damaged owing to later punching by the shroffs; cf. ya in
1 See V.A. Smith, JASB, Vol. LXVI, 1897, Part I, p. 309; and Catalogue (Indian Museum, Calcutta), p. 293; C.J. Rodgers, Catalogue (Lahore Museum), p. 12, Plate IV.

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(VOL. XXXII
nārāyana and ra in Tirakbhukti. Similarly, two forms of the letters j, r and h have been used in the legend on No. 2 as in that of No. 1. The akshara éri before Bhairava, which exhibits the sign of later punching on coin No. 1, seems to be badly shaped on coin No. 2. In spite, however, of these differences, the arrangement of the letters and numerical figures in the legends on both the coins is the same. But, as indicated above, some of these letters and figures in the spaces outside the central square are cut off on Coin No. 2. The legend in the central squares on both sides of Coin No. 2 reads as follows:
Obverse
1 Ma2 hārāja3 [srī)-Darppanāră4 yan-ātma
Reverse 1 TI2 rabh[u]kti3 rāja-[śr]i-Bhaira4 vas[im]ha5 sya [ll*]
5 ja
Of the letters and numerical figures in the spaces outside the square on the obverse, Sa in the upper left is partly visible while ka in the upper right is quite clear. Sam in the lower left is almost totally cut off, though only the lower parts of the figures 1411 in the lower right are lost. Similarly, in the spaces outside the central square on the reverse of the coin, it is difficult to recognise rā in the upper left and jya in the upper right, while the numerical figure in the lower left and that in the lower right are both cut off. The akshara jya is fully preserved but is not properly shaped,

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SILVER COIN OF BHAIRAVASIMHA
Enlarged Size
Actual Size
Enlarged Size
Actual Size
(from Photographs)

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No. 41-AIVARMALAI INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA II, SAKA 792
(1 Plate ) 8. SANKARANARAYANAN, OOTACAMUND
The subjoined inscription is engraved on the neatly dressed portion of the rock above a natural cave on the hill called Aivarmalai in the village of Aiyampāļaiyam in the Palrni Taluk of the Madurai District. I edit it with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
This epigraph in seven lines is in the Tamil language and Vatteluttu characters. Unlike in the Ambālamudram inscription of Varaguņa II, the letter k assumes the slanting form and the double kk is never written as a group. As in the Suchindram inscription of Mārañjadaiyan, two forms of t are used, the one with ends of the two arnis joined (cf. Kāļattu in line 3) and the other with separated arms (cf. nurru=tto in line 1; amaitta in line 6). Though the syllable po in pon (lines 6-7) resembles that in the Ambasainudram record, the syllable po in põndana (line 2; cf. mo in line 6) is distinguished by the signs for é and ā added to p. A loop at the end added to the sign of medial i makes medial i. The syllable tva in Pāriéra (line 4) is written in Grantha characters.
This inscription is of great importance as it is dated in the eighth regnal year of Varagupa equated with Saka year 792 expired, and thus provides one of the two most important dates in early Pāņdya chronology. It records & gift of 502 kāņam of gold to the Jaina monk Sāntivira-kkuravar of Kālam, who was a disciple of another Jaina monk named Guņavira-kkuravadigal. The former is said to have renovated the figures of Pārsvanātha and the Yakshis (I yakkie-avvaiga?), probably attending on Pārsvanātha, at Tiruvayirai, i.e., Aivarmalai.' The gift is said to have been made for food offerings (avi) to the deities and for feeding (föru) one Jaina ascetic (probably daily).
Though there is much disagreement on the identification of Varaguna mentioned in records like the inscriptions from Tiruvellarai and Lälgudi, there can be no difference of opinion in ascribing the present inscription to Varaguna II. For the Saka date of this record is too
1A.R. Ep., 1906, No. 706 . Above, Vol. IX, pp. 89 ff. . TAS, Vol. IV, pp. 118 ff.
This seems to go against the view that the distinction between po and põ is an innovation later than the Ambasamudram inscription (above, Vol. IX, p. 85).
• The other is the Anaimalai inscription of Māra jadaiyan alias Parantaka Varaguna I (cf. above, Vol. VIII, Pp. 317 ff.).
. Cf. the popular village deity called Isakki in South India.
1 A. R. Ep., 1905, No. 702, also, like early Tamil works (cf. Padirruppattu, verses 21, 70 and 79), refers to the Aivarmalai, from which it comes, by the same name. Thus the present record and other fragmentary inscriptions
A. R. Ep., 1905 Nos. 691-703) from the place show that the hill Aivarmalai had been's Jaina hermitage in the 9th century A. D. But at present there is only a Gaņēša temple, and popular belief connects it with the Pancha Pandavas (Aivar).
For conflicting views, he abovo, Vol. XI, p. 263; Vol. XXVIII, p. 39 on the one hand, and Vol. XX, pp. 48 ff., p. 50, noto 5. on the other,
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AIVARMAIAI INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA II, SAKA 972
Scale : Three-Tenths

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338 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII late for his grandfather who has been identified with Varaguna (I) of the Larger Sinnamanür grant and Jatila-Parantaka Neduñjadaiyan of the Vēlvikkudi plates* and for whom the Anaimalai records offer the date Kali 3871 (expired)-A. D. 770.
With regard to the date of our record, the first thing to be borne in mind is that the Saka year quoted, viz. 792, was expired (pondana). Thus Varaguna's eighth regnal year is coupled with Saka 793 current (between March 870 A. D. and March 871 A. D.). He therefore ascended the throne sometime between March 862 and March 864 A.D. and not exactly between March 862 A.D and March 863 A.D. as has generally been believed. The view assigning the king's accession to 861-62 A. D. overlooks the expression pondana.. Secondly, the eighth regnal year of the record should better be taken as current rather then expired. For the first regral year of a king is likely to be counted from the first day of his accession and not from the date of the expiry of the first year.' But those who regard the Saka year 792 of our record as current and at the same time the regnal year 8 as expired predate the king's accession by two years. Our record seems to necessitate a reconsideration of the dates suggested for the records from Tiruvellarai," Lälgudio and Javantināthapuram, 11 all of which are dated in the 4+9th regual year of Varagupa who has been identified with Varaguņa I ly some hut with Varaguna II by others.
TEXT
1 Sakara-yändu eļu-nüfruttonpörr=tranda 2 pondaņa Varaguparku yāndu ettu Gunavira-kku3 ravadigal-māņākka[r] Kälattu Santivirak4 kuravar Tiruvayirai Poribva(Pāréva)-pa(bha)ţäraraiyum-iyak6 ki-avvaigalaiyum pudukki iraņdukku-mnt6 tā=vaviyum=or=adigalukku sõrāga 18 amaitta po7 n ai-nnūI-aindu kāņam [[[*]
1 Above, Vol. VIII, p. 319.
? Sastri. The Pandyan Kingdom, pp. 39-44. The identification seems to be corroborated by the Perumballi inscription of Varaguna II (abovo, p. 271).
: SI1., Vol. III, pp. 451 ff. . • Above, Vol. XVII, PP. 291 ff.
.A.R. Ep., 1906, paragraph 25; above, Vol. VIII, p. 319; Vol. IX, p. 88. The actual date of the King's accession, however, cannot be determined without further evidence.
• Abiye Vol. XXVIII, p. 39. Our record does not presuppose that the quoted Bake year 792 was the current year (above, Vol. XI, p. 268) nor does it give room for the doubt that it may be either current or expired (QJMS, Vol. XLIII, p. 132).
Cf. JOR, Vol. IX, p. 217. • Above, Vol. XI, p. 253 ; QJM8, Vol. XLIII, p. 182.
Two dates have been suggested. The one is the 22nd November 874 A, D. (above, Vol. XI, p. 263; Vol. XXVIII, p. 38.); but it is doubtful (cf. QJMS, Vol. XLII, p. 127; Vol. XLIII, p. 138). The other date viz. 7th November, 824 A, D., has been suggested by ascribing the record to Varaguna I (above, Vol. XX, p. 51). This also seems to require a roconsideration if we assign the Anaimalai inscription to that king.
10 The proposed date is the 6th December, 876 A. D. (loc. cit.; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 42) by taking the regral year as expired. .
11 The date suggested in the 6th December, 876 A.D. (above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 30). 11 From impressions. u Road Anrundga. u i am indebted to Mr. K. G. Krishnan for some valuable suggestions in the preparation of this article.

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No. 42-TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GANAPATI
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
About the end of the year 1952, I visited Gwalior with the purpose of attending the Fifteenth Session of the Indian History Congress and examining the inscriptions preserved in the Gwalior Museum. Among the epigraphs copied by me in the said Museum two were stone inscriptions1 belonging to the reign of the Yajvapala king Ganapati (known dates between 1292 and 1300 A.D.) of Nalapura (modern Narwar in the Shivapuri District of the former Gwalior State). These two epigraphs are edited in the following pages. They have both been noticed by several scholars. The first of them, stated to have been originally found at Surwāyā in the Shivapuri District of the former Gwalior State, was noticed by Hirananda Sastri in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1903-04, Part II, pp. 286 f., and this notice was followed in D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions in Northern India, No. 636, and H. N. Dvivedi's Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh, No. 163. But unfortunately Sastri's notice of the inscription contains some errors, the most important of which is that the epigraph does not record the benefactions of Rāņā Adhigadeva of the Muchchhaka family but of Ranaka Chachigadeva of the Lubdhaka dynasty. The other epigraph, found at Narwar in the same District, was noticed by A. Cunningham, ASIR, Vol. II, p. 315; F. Kielhorn, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 81; M. B. Garde, ibid., Vol. XLVII, p. 241, and Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of the Gwalior State, V. S. 1971, No. 8; D. R. Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 642; and H. N. Dvivedi, op. cit., No. 174. .It has been said that the eulogy in question was composed by Siva, son of Lohada. Actually, however, the poet's name was Śivanābhaka who was the son of Lōhața. The name of the person responsible for writing the letters on the stone is given as Amarasimha, though it is really Arasimha. There seems also to be some confusion about the week-day in the date of the record, which has sometimes been taken to be Friday, although it is actually Thursday. In any case, the published notices of both the inscriptions appear to be based on their inaccurate and incomplete transcripts since some of the interesting informations supplied by them have been altogether ignored.
The inscriptions contain each a eulogy recording the construction of a step-well during the reign of the Yajavapāla monarch Ganapati. An interesting feature of these epigraphs as well as some others of the type belonging to the time of the Yajvapala kings of Nalapura (modern Narwar) is that they speak of a number of people who settled in the Yajvapala dominions from Gōpadri or Göpächala (modern Gwalior). This was no doubt the result of the extinction of Hindu rule and establishment of the hold of the Turkish Muhammadans at Gwalior. A number of these displaced people appear to have been of Mathura Kayastha origin. Some of them (or at least their ancestors) were probably servants of the Hindu kings of Gwalior and a good many of them appear to have been absorbed in the services under the Yajvapala kings of Nalapura. The inscriptions also show that some of the Kayasthas of the Mathura community were assiduous students of Sanskrit literature and composed poems of no mean order.
1. Surwaya Inscription of V. S. 1350
The inscribed stone is a squarish slab, the lines of writing being engraved on an excavated bed leaving a raised margin on all the four sides. There are 23 lines in the inscription, the last of
1 These are Nos. 145 and 142 of 4. R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B. See ibid., Nos. 139 and 141; below, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 31 ff. See above, Vol. XXX, p. 148.
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[VOL. XXXII which is incised on the lower border. The writing in the excavated bed occupies an area about 164 inches in length and 17 inches in height. The letters are neatly and carefully engraved and the preservation of the writing is fairly satisfactory although a few letters are damaged here and there.
The characters belong to the Dāvanāgari alphabet of about the thirteenth century and resemble those in other records of the age and region in question. The letter b has been indicated by the sign for e. The language of the record is Sanskrit and, with the exception of a few passages at the beginning and end, the whole of it is written in verse. It is a prasasti written in 23 stanzas in different motres. The verses are consecutively numbered. As regards orthography, it may be observed that consonants are only in some cases reduplicated after r and anusvāra is used in most cases in the place of class nasals and generally also of final m at the end of the balves of stanzas. The date quoted in line 22 is V. S. 1350, Kārttika-vadi 7, Wednesday. It corresponds to the 23rd September 1293 A.D. The saptami tithi began on that date at 19 of the day.
The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the passage Om namah Sivāya. Next follow the 23 stanzas of the prasasti in lines 1-22. Verses 1-3 contain adoration to the god Sambhu (Siva), the goddess Mahārupda and the composition of good poets. Mahāruņdā was apparently a form of the Mother-goddess. Another epigraphic record suggests that she was the family deity of the Yajvapāla kings. The goddess was possibly also worshipped at the city of Surwāyā (old Sarasvatipattana) which lay within the dominions of the Yajvapālas and where the record under study was found. Since the word runda means 'a headless trunk', it is possible to connect Mahārundā with the well-known Chhinnamastā aspect of the Mother-goddess.
Verses 4 ff. describe the family of the hero of the prasasti. The first stanza of this section (verse 4) introduces the Lubdhaka family, the members of which are stated to have been always engaged in pürta-karman (i.e. meritorious works such as feeding Brāhmaṇas, digging wells, planting groves, building temples, etc.). According to Sanskrit lexicons, the word lubdhaka means 'a hunter'; but the name Lubdhaka in our record is no doubt the same as Lõdhā as found in contemporary inscriptions found in the same area. Since the stanza further states that the Lubdhaka family belonged to the Kāsyapa götra, it could scarcely have anything to do with the hunters who represent one of the lowest strata of the society. The Lõdhās of the neighbouring Agra region are stated to be an agriculturist community."
Verses 5-6 introduce Goddhala of the Lubdhaka family, who was famous for his liberality, while verses 7-9 describe Padma who was the son of Goddhala. While the father may be taken to have served many kings (īśvaras) who cannot be identified, the son is stated to have possessed immense wealth and to have been a great devotee of the god Sambhu (Siva). Padma is also described as a protector of the people. Verse 10 introduces the lady Siyā who was the wife of Padma. The following three stanzas (verses 11-13) describe the two sons of Padma and Siyā. The elder of the two brothers was Kākali and the younger Chāchiga who enjoyed the title Ränaka. Chichiga is described as a dharma-putra (i.e, one theoretically accepted as a son) of king Göpäla who is no doubt the Yajvapāla king of that name. Yajvapāla Gõpāla, whose known dates range between 1279 and 1289 A.D., was the father of king Ganapati mentioned below. Verses 14 ff. describe the activities of Chächiga who is stated to have visited the holy places of the gods Kēdāra and
i Cf. ibid., pp. 145 ff. And Plate ; Vol. XXXI, pp. 323 ff. and Plates.
Of, No. 139 of A. R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B; below, Vol. XXXIII, p. 39, text line 4. * H. N. Dvivedi, op. cit., No. 150.
• Cf. ibid., No. 162 in the Gwalior Museum, dated V. S. 1349 (1293 A, D.), which records the excavation of a tank by Mahata Jaitasimha of the Lodhã community.
Of. Whitworth, Anglo-Indian Dictionary, s.v. ; cf. Wilson's Glossary, s.v.

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No. 42]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GANAPATI
341
Somēśa (i.e. Sõmēśvara or Sõmanātha, as well as Prayāga and Gayasīrsha (i.e. Gayā) and to have offered pinda to his dead ancestors at the last-named place. Verse 16 states that Chächiga's activities in the various tirthas and [fields of] battle absolved him from his debt to his master Gopāladēva, The next stanza (verse 17) mentions the lady Sabaja who was the wife of Chächiga.
Verse 18 records the excavation of a vāpi by Chächiga. Since the following stanza (verse 19) refers to the sound of its waves, the word rāpi would appear to indicate here a tank rather than a step-well. But the inscriptions of the area in question use the word generally in the sense of a step-well. The reference to the waves, etc., in the description of the vāpi thus appears to be merely poctical exaggeration. Verse 20 states that Chāchiga also made a vātikā or garden apparently around the vāpi or in its neighbourhood. The garden is described as containing plants for both flowers and fruits. Verse 21 mentions Rāwaka Chachau (apparently a colloquial form of the name Chāchiga) as a servant of Ganapati, no doubt the Yajvapāla king of the same name, who was the son and successor of Gõpāla. As already indicated above, the known dates of Ganapati range between 1292 and 1300 A.D. The stanza prays for the prosperity (śubha) of the punya-sthāna (i.c. sacred place) meaning the area containing the väpi and the vāļikā.
Verse 22 states that the poet Jayasimha, who belonged to the Mathura Kayastha community and was the son of Lõhata, composed the eulogy. Lõhata is also mentioned in several other contemporary epigraphs (including the one of V. S. 1355 from Narwar edited below) which were composed by another of his sons, named Sivanābhaka. The next stanza (verse 23), with which' the pra sasti ends, says that the eulogy was written by Maharāja who was the son of Sõmarāja of the same community of the Mathura Kāyasthas. The name of the writer is spelt as Maharaja in the same stanza occurring elsewhere also. It should not therefore be regarded as a mistake for Mahārāja unless it is believed that mahā was changed to maha for the requirement of the metre. The word likhita in this stanza shows that Mabarāja wrote the letters of the record on the stone in ink or a paint since, as stated in line 23 incised on the lower border of tho inscribed slab, the engraver of the document was one Dēvasirisha.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, tho Loly places of Kēdāra iŋ the Himalayas and Sõmēša or Sómanātha, i.e. modern Pātan Sõnnāth in Kathiawar, as well as Prayāga near modern Allahabad in U.P. and Gayasirsha, i.e. Gayā in Bihār, are well known. The community of the Mathura Kāyasthas received their name from the city of Mathurā headquarters of the District of that name in U.P.
TEXT
Metres: verses 1-11, 16-17, 19-20, 22-23 Anushţubh ; verses 12, 15 U pajäti ; vorne 13 Indravajrū;
Verse 14 Salini ; verse 18 Vasantatilaka ; vorse 21 Arya.] 1 Siddham || Om namah Sivāya || Sriyam disatu vaḥ Sambhõr=mūrddhni saitā[n]savi kala |
Kāla-vyāla-kțit-ānēka-jaga2 d-vyāpatti-hā[r]iņi | 1 Yā smrit=āpi satāri hamti mano-vāk-kaya-sambhavam(vam) | agham
si tridaśair=vvamdyā Mahārumda . 3 punātu vah!! 2 Sad-ananda-mayin vamdē su-rasām sat-kavēr-giram(ram) | na yatra niyamo
Dhātuḥ prāgalbhyamravalamva(ba)1 See No. 139 of A. R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B ; below, Vol. XXXIII, p. 40, text line 27.
From impressions. This is No. 145 of A.R.EP., 1952-53, App. B. * Expressed by symbol. • There is an unnecessary dauda here to cover a little space at the end of the line.

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342
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
4 të || 3 || Luvdha (bdha)kānā1m-abhūd=vamśaḥ punyaḥ Kasyapa-gōtrajaḥ | pūr[tt]ē[n]a karmmanā saśvaj-jagat-samtōsha-pōsha-2
5 kaḥ || 4 Tatr=ājani janair-manyaḥ punya-karmaņi kōvidaḥ | Gōd[dha]lō märgan-anamdakamd-ölläsa-nav-amvu(bu)daḥ || 5 ||
6 Krit-nik-vara-pritir-a-kimpurusha-sevitaḥ | anugra-mitrō yö bhā[ti] Rājarāja iv=āparaḥ || 6 Tasya Padm-abhi-3
7 [dha]h putro va(ba)bhüv=abhayado nriņām(nām) | yatra sarvv-ätmana chakre Padma padma iva [sth]itim (tim) || 7 Anamta-vasunā yēna tāpa-śāṁ
8 ti-krita krita[m](tam ) chamdren-eva jagat-sarvvam yasas-chaindrikaya sitam (sitam) || 8 Manaḥ Sa[m]bhu-smritau yēna karō vasu-visarjjane | pa
9 r-ōpakarane vu(bu)ddhir-vvāņi satyē niyōjitāḥ || 9 Prāņēbhyō=[pi*] priya tasya Siyā nām= abhavat=priya | satya-sila
10 kulais tulyä patipa (va)tni-dhuri sthita || 10 Tasyam-utpaditau tēna sutau sukrita-śālinā | sadgupair-iva yau punyai
11 va(r=va)rddhishpubhir-alamkritau || 11 Tatradimaḥ Kakali-namadheyaḥ kalāsu dakshō==jani nirvipakshaḥ yasy-amtaram[g]e bhrisam-utta
12 rathgaih punyair-aganyair-achalatvam-api
12 Tasy-anujah Aryasi jūṁgakö1 Göpala
bhūmīpati-dharms-patraḥ | kahātrasyn påtrah sa
13 mabhut-su-vidyaḥ śrī-ranakas-Chachigadeva-saṁjñaḥ || 13 Sri-Kēdāram śraddhay=abhya
rchya samyak śri-Somēsam pūjayitya cha kamam(mam () snätvā
14 tirthē pāvane śri-Prayage yên-apt-ochchaiḥ pāvanatvasya sīmā || 14 Sraddhaluna yēna Gay-asurasya sirshe pitribhyo vimȧlam vi
15 tirya | pimḍam krita triptir-anasi-bhōga samuddhritam svamcha (svasya) [aa]tam kulanām(nam) || 15 Vidhay-anekadha krityam tirthēshu cha raneshu cha | śrīmad-Go
16 pāladēvasya yō vibhōr-anriņō va(ba)bhau || 16 Sahaj-akhyā priya tasya sama bhut-sahajair= gunaiḥ chetō-har-arthinam nityain haramti vasu
17 bhir-vyathām (tham) || 17 Ten-asthiram kalayatā vasu jivitain cha puny-ātmanā sakalajatu-kripa-paripa ava-śreyasårh aatata-vri[ddhi-karo-bhyupa
18 yō matv-ĕyam-achchha-sa (sa) lila niramapi vapi[h] 18 N-anyō-sti mat-parō lōkē punyahêtur-it-iva ya ta[t]-aghata-nadal-lōla-ka
19 llōlair-adhigarjjati | 19 Phala-pushpa-nat-ānēka-sakhi-chchhanna-dig-antara | adhvanyaérāmtihā tēna vāṭik-eyam cha kāritā ||
20 20 Śrīmad-Ganapati-nripatēr-bhrityō yō rāṇakaś Chachau-samjñaḥ tasy-anasva(śva)ram-etat-punya-sthanam subham bhavatu || 21 Śrīman-Mā
21 thura-Kayasthō Lõhaṭasy-amga-sambhavaḥ Jayasimha-kavis-chakre ruchiram-imām(mām) || 22 Mathur-anvaya-Kayastha-Sōma
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22 rāj-āmga-janmanā likhitā Maharajēna prasastir-iyam-uttama || 23 Samvat 1350 Kārttika-vadi 7 Vu(Bu) dha-vāsare || chha [*]
23 utkīrņņā Dēvasimhēna | kama[ṭhā]isaddhā"....
1 An unnecessary anusvara above this letter is rubbed off by the engraver.
There is an unnecessary danda here to cover a little space at the end of the line.
There is an unnecessary double danda here with a cancellation mark.
There is a mistake here due to a syllable being dropped inadvertently. Read jämghikō-bhūd°.
There is an unnecessary danda here together with a cancellation mark.
This indicates the end of the writing (cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 218). These may be two personal names, viz. Kamathai and Saddha.

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GANAPATI-PLATE I
1. Surwaya Inscription of V.S. 1350
Paniनाशिमानिसदिनानुशिमोडालोतानादी काला कालंद्यानिकता पाहता ।
हाविदामि तापमहादनि मनोमा कामसरवाशीमा निदाशयामदाडी। LYलाउवाद्वादशीवाद मुरसानादानतिमिनमाजियासाधावपाताही मचलेक 4 DAधकाला महरा 8
मानसपूतनाणाशावासातारा14 कातकाडानित जनाएकामगाविदसागोस्लीमादपि नंदकंदोल्लासन तीवुदOE 6 | तानकरीतिनियमदिनमायामानामोतातरातराकाहारमायामाता
मानाचवातदादोजागीदामचनिनाव एमापनदाताउत्तवमुताटोलवासी 8तिशत वाममहाशक्षिकदागिता राना मातोसनकरोनमतिमहज
को बुद्धिर्वाणानानिमोडिताHIDथापिटायसिमानामातवत्तिमामताशील कालमुलपतिLETUREतानमानुपातित मातीमुहातशानिजामशागरिवादोपणा
बालतिरलतपपतनामिना लामासमकालामुदकामानिमितवाहासातरखानामत 12 तोपरागत्वनावमाldhaREITHो समानकापालनमागतिक महात्मागास 1 12,
समविद्याधामणकवापिसाट व मंजमीन दानवदामा सिझनामा महिनाटिरचातकासमा ___14TMUJीमानामनामपिamrajHFiVYक्रमानुजानतावामराजापित मन1ि4
[ हातात मजालोमासमुहात जातंकुलामविकाशमा जाप नवटा योनिमोनाli Raate सातोसमनदाद दाणागोनिती सवितानातो दस्तावना ACTIHAUTOहिरकालाजानसमासना मनालाही
नु मायतन किया। ना दिमाम लिंग livaniuddiquirlमिनोनयन देउरितावातमहाल नदल्लीलया।
लाविनाति नाजशास्तिच दिवाना बनानाविहात माहितीवकारिता Edyातारा थानामा स्यानम्वरमामासान ततवानाराममा 20
सुरकायामालोद मानी BS सितम निवेशनिलिमार साधुराचा जादाबासांत । IS Maraiता महासं मतवालमानसाती
Scale : Two-Fifths

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No. 42]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GANAPATI
343
2. Narwar Inscription of V. S. 1355 This 1180. Ton is engraved on a rectangular slab. There are 21 lines of writing in the record, which cover an ares about 23 inches in length and 16 inches in height. The letters are as neatly and carefully incised as in the Surwäyā inscription edited above; but the preservation of the writing is more satisfactory in the present case, the number of damaged letters being fewer.
The characters are similar to those of the Surwäyä inscription. There is little distinction between the sign indicating a final consonant and that of the medial mark. In some cases, the danda has been placed so close to the preceding letter as to look like an a-mātrā. The language is Sanskrit and, like the Surwāya inscription, it is written in verse with the exception of a few passages at the beginning and end. There are altogether 28 stanzas in various metres in the eulogy under study. The verses are numbered consecutively. The inscription resembles the other record in point of orthography; but it exhibits several cases of the use of final m at the end of the first and second halves of verses. Consonants are occasionally redoubled after 1. The date of the record is quoted at the end. It is V.S. 1355, Kärttika-vadi 5, Thursday, which corresponds to the 25th September 1298 A.D. The panchami tithi commenced on that date at 38 of the day.
Like the Surwīyā inscription, the present record also begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the passage Om namah Sivāyu. Then come the 28 stanzas of the prasasti. Verses 1-2 contain adoration to Manmathasüdana (Śiva) and the Sun-god who is described as the husband of Ranna. In epic and Puranic mythology, the names of the Sun-god's wives are given as Samjña, Chhaya, Rajni, Nikshubhā or Nishkumbhā, Suvarchala, eto. The Prakritic name Rannā (probably derived from the name Rājñi) is not found in Sanskrit works. But there is evidence to show that Rannā was a popular deity regarded as the Sun's wife in the western parts of Northern India. An inscription of V.S. 1420, Chaitra-sudi 6, Sunday (March 10, 1364 A.D.), on the metal image of a goddess discovered in Gujarat, refers to the deity as Rannadēvi and describes her as the wife of the Sun styled Sümbāditya,' a well-known aspect of the god. Our inscription actually speaks of the god as one whose abode is at Samisthala'. This seems to refer to a temple of the god at a place called Samīsthala which is, however, difficult to identify. The place may have formed a part of Narwar or lay in its vicinity.
Verse 3 introduces the city of Nalapura (i.e. Narwar) which was the capital of the Yajvapāla kings mentioned in the following stanzas (verses 4-7). The kings mentioned are Chahada ; his son Nțivarman ; his son Asalladēva ; and his son Gopāla. Among the epithets of Āsalladava tri-vidhu-leshitisa-chūdāmani in verse 6 is interesting. The idea may be compared with that contained in the epithet aśvapati-gajapati-narapati-rāja-tray-ādhipali found in the string of royal epithets in many medioval rocords. This epithet seems to represent a king as the lord of threo-fold sovereignty, i.e. the three wings of sovereignty, viz., the cavalry, elephant force and infantry, wbile the passage quoted above from the record under study appears to refer to the supreme position of Asalla among kings who were regarded as Afvapati or Gajapati or Narapati according as they were strong in cavalry or elephant force or infantry. It seems that some kings considered themselves as sufficiently strong in all the three wings although their neighbours were inclined to apply to them any one of the three epithets with reference to the wing in which they were regarded as especially strong
Verse 8 mentions Gopāla's son and successor Ganapati who was the reigning monarch. Ganapati is here stated to have captured Kirtidurga, while the next stanza (verse 9) continues
Seo Journ. Or. Inst., Vol. IV, No. 4, p. 406. A temple of Rannāditya or Rappiditya existed at Pushkara according to certain inscriptions of the tenth century A.D. (cf. Nos. 510 ff. of 4.2.6 p., 1956-57, App. B).
* See, e.g., the charters of the Gahadavālas (above, Vol. IV, pp. 100-01, 119, etc.). Of. CII, Vol. IV, pp. o-ci.

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344 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII the description of the same king. The Deogarh fort was built by Mahīdhara, Chief Minister of Chandēlla Kirtivarman (c. 1070-98 A.D.), and was named as Kirtigiri after the Chandēlla king. The fort called Kirtidurga may thus be the same as the fortress of Deogarh in the Lalitpur Subdivision of the Jhansi District, U.P. The Chandēlla contemporary of Yajvapāla Gaņapati is difficult to identify as his reign period falls between those of Bhöjavarman whose known date is 1288 A.D. and Hammiravarman who is known to have ruled in 1308 A.D. When exactly Ganapati led an expedition against the Chandēlla kingdom cannot also be determined. There is no reference to his struggle with the Chandēllas in any other record, although Chandēlla Viravarman's invasion of the Yajvapāla (Jajapēlla) kingdom in 1281 A.D. and his war with Gaņa pati's father Gopala is referred to in several inscriptions. It may be that Ganapati was a subordinate ally of the Muslim Sulțāns of Delhi and helped the latter in their struggle with the Chandellas.
Verse 10 introduces the fort of Gopāchala (i.e., Gwalior) and verse 11 a Māthura Kayastha family of the Kāšyapa götra originally residing there. The next stanza (verse 12) mentions Alhaņa of the said family while verse 13 speaks of Alhaņa's son Känhada who was a dovotee of the god Krishna (Vishnu). Verse 14 describes Kānhada's son Vijahada as a mantrin (minister) engaged in the service of a king. But the name of Vijahada's master or the family to which he belonged is not mentioned. It is thus uncertain whether the king referred to had his headquarters at Gwalior or Narwar. Verse 15 mentione Vijahada's wife Mēnagā while the next stanza (verse 16) states that, having worshipped the river-goddesses Ganga and Yamunā at Prayāga (near Allahabad, U.P.), Vijahada got two sons who were named after the said deities as Gangadēva and Yamunadēva.
Versek 17-18 describe Gängadēva and his wife Lönä and verse 19 refers to their four sons. The next stanza (verse 20) gives the names of the four sons of Gängadēva as Palhaū, Harirāja, Sivarāja and Hamsarāja. Verse 21 describes Palhadēva, no doubt the same as Palhaū, as his master's favourite, and verse 22 states that he constructed a dharma-sthāna (i.e., & sacred place) for the merit of his brother Harirāja who was dead. Verses 23 ff. disclose the nature of this dharmasthāna. The first stanza of the section (verse 23) records the excavation of a vāpi. As already indicated above, the word vāpi is generally used in the inscriptions of the Malwa-Rajasthan region in the sense of a step-well, although the description in the present case, as in the Surwāyā inscription, seems to suggest a tank rather than a step-well. This may be due to an amount of exaggeration in the description as in the Surwāyā inscription edited above. Verse 24 adds that a chaitya (i.e., shrine) for the god Sambhu (Siva) and his consort, the goddess Umā, was also constructed apparently in the vicinity of the vāpī. Verse 25 speaks of the plantation of a kēli-vana or pleasure garden full of fruit trees and flowering plants probably around the vāpi. Verse 26 prays for the permanence of the dharma-sthāna (i.e., the sacred place consisting of the vāpi, chaitya and kēlivana) created by Palhaū or Palhadēva for the merit of his deceased brother Harirāja.
Verse 27 introduces a family of Kāyasthas (Lipiksit-kula) hailing from Göpādri (Gwalior) in which Mathura Damodara is stated to have been born. The family thus belonged to the Māthura Kāyastha community. The son of Damodara was Kötādhipa (i.e., treasurer) Lõhata. The name of the king whom Löhata served as a treasurer is not mentioned. Whether he was a
1 Cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 163. * Ray, DHNI, Vol. II, p. 736.
* Cf. above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 226ff.; IHQ, Vol. XXXII, pp. 403ff. The Budhera (Shivapuri District) pillar inscription of V.S. 1351 and Saka 1216 (1294 A.D.) is stated to mention Paramabhaffäraka Padmarāja of Kirtidurga. See Dvivedi's List, No. 170; Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of the Gwalior Stute, V.S. 1988, No. 23. Really, however, there is no mention of a king named Padmarāja in the inscription which is a record of the time of Yajvapāla Ganapati. See below, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 166 ff.

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No. 42] TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GANAPATI
345 king of Gwalior or Narwar is also not clear. There is, however, no doubt that Lõhata mentioned here is the same as the Mathura Kāyastha of the same name mentioned in the Surwäyā inscription edited above. Löhata's son Sivanābhaka, described as a master of pada (vocabulary, etymology or grammar), pramāna (logic), kavitā (poetry) and sāhitya (literary composition or the science of rhetoric), is stated to have composed the prasasti or eulogy under study. It will be seen that the Surwāyā inscription was composed by Sivanābhaka's brother Jayasimha. This Mathura Käyastha family hailing from Gwalior and settled at different places (such as Surwāyā and Narwar) in the Yajvapāla dominions thus produced a number of scholars. The same stanza is also found in several other prasastist composed by Sivanābhaka with the third foot differently worded.
Verse 28 states that the eulogy was written (i.e., written on the stone to facilitate the work of the engraver) by, Arasimha who also belonged to the Mathura Kāyastha community and was the son of Abhinanda. A probe passage following the above stanze states that the record was engraved by the Sūtradhāra (architect) named Dhanauka.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Nalapura, Göpădri or Göpāchala and Prayaga are well-known. We have suggested the identification of Kirtidurga with the fort of Deogarh in the Jhansi District, U.P., although it is not quite certain. Samisthala, as indicated above, cannot be satisfactorily identified.
TEXT"
[Metres : verses 1, 5, 12-13, 17, 24-25 Upajāti ; verse 2 Pajjhatikā; verses 3, 20 Aryā; verses
4, 7, 10-11, 15, 18-19, 22-23, 26, 28 Anushțubh ; verse 6 Indravajrā ; verses 8, 14 Griti; Verse 9 Upagiti ; verse 16 Upajati (Indravajrā and Indravansa); verse 21 Sragdharā;
verse 27 Śārdūlavikridita.) 1 Siddham om namah Sivāya || Svabhāva-pimgāḥ sasi-rasmi-subhrā bhujamga-ratn
āmkura-nila-bhāsahrakshamtu vô Manmathasüdanasya jayah(tah) bi(si)t-āvda(bda)
stha-surāyudh-ābhāḥ || 1 A-kalitam=api yaḥ 2 kalayati kālam nija-gaty aiv-āmita-mahim=ālam | Rann-öbaḥ krita-timira-niräsah pätu
Ravih sa Sa(Sa)misthala-vāsaḥ # 2 Astë punyair=labhyam pura-ratnam Nalapuram
Suschi(chi) Srimatiya3 m-api vahati sa-garvvā sat-pālyā vasumati yēna || 3 Tatram(tr-ā)jani jagad-vandyaga
Chāhadaḥ prithivipatiḥ pratāp-ānala-dagdh-āri-bhūbhřid-vamo nay-āšrayaḥ || 4
Abhünənsipas-tasya suto Nrivarma 4 vyarthikṣit-āsēsha-vipaksha-karmā ajasrarmē(aram=ē)v=āhita-Bädhu-sa(sa)rmmã yasah
parābhūta-Manushyadharmma | 5. Asalladēvas-tri-vidhah(dha)-kshitisah(sa)-chudá
maņir=bhūmipatis-tato=bhūtāpu5 ritam yasya bhfisain yasõbhirvra(r=bra)hmāmdam=āpat=tanut-ākhya-dosham | 6 Sri
Gopālo nripag-tasmad-abhütztais-tair-[n]ijair-gunaiḥ | gām=imäm=akhilām=uchchair=
yah pupösha dudoha [cha ( || 7)]. 67 Ga[na)pati-nfipatis=tasmān=nidhir=ēkas=tējasām=ajani adāya Kirtti-durggarh chakrē
kirttir=ana varir=iha yaḥ || 8 Tasmin=gamayati sakalām Vasudhā[m*] ma(sa)tām
pālanais=töshama(sham) 1 No. 146 of A.R.Ep., 1962-63, App. B, seems to suggest that Lohata's master was Yajvapāla Chabada of Nalapura. Cf. below, Vol. XXXIII, p. 68,89 (text line 14, note 9).
* See, .g., Nos. 139 and 141 of 4.R.Bp., 1962-68, App. B. Cf. below, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 13ff. : From impressions. This is No. 142 of A.R.Ep., 1952-53, App. B.
Expressed by symbol. An anusura above pu seems to be rubbed off by the engraver.

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दावपिमा शोशर रिम शुभा डोंगर नारनी नगासः विवाद गर्व ना डायः शिवः॥ अकलित कलकिलाये मितमदिमा लमारने प्रकृततिमिर निराश: पातु विससभी सेलबासः॥ रागनंनल पुरे नियमनाइट मविद तिसग इसिन्या वसमती मेन ॥ उत तानि देहायाद 3: पृथिवीपतिःप्रताप जलदगार इंशान मागाः॥४ 4 हाथी कृताशेषविप कूक मोवादि तसा सारा राजन मसल देव विविः दितीश: चूडामणिमिति तो रिटा नृशंस शनिवेदमांडमाप त बुतारा दोषम् श्रीगोपालो नृपाद सिद्धिए या मिमामतिया मुझे दो को षड़ दो दवा उगमागपति नृपतिसमानिक सामु निमादाय की मैच के कबीरनगरीदिदा भासिक नदिमा सोम सततो दिन निकासशीप कराया सवार संतम साल पर लोड मोद मनोहर: अदेवनादन त्रियोग क्लिप दान्त कर गोवाणीमा राससका नाम ईशान दिशानि दिएन्ना मवेद्यः श्रेया जिसने कलासु ददशममर्थिनःप्रा मजीवितार्थी विक, प्रदेता और तावीत. सकाल्दा सुनास सादव का शिक श्री डिश से की गति का विशतिःटिम स्टातिःस्फुटं नराश्री अरविद (१३टा विद डस ईमान कोडितारिषद्य निपदिकार्येषु भविवरिविका शिशुकृतवेदसुतच तो रा भागा खासा नपापातदेवता रामगामु ने पापा श्रीगोगदे नगर निविदामुनदेवमुत देव कारावेल वाले कटुं न पितो कारी॥ सितो गुंगीव वनाज्ञः श्रीगोगदेवः कृतीविना दिनाि शालिनी मिलोपनापनी कुटुंवगुरु दस ला ११८ या मुत्यादि वा सनतनमान्य शानिवार रात कलासु पल कोरिया प्रदनुस लायक शिवरा दसरा कोनि मोल गुण वारिवी सुधि ॥ निमिर दिन निरतः सत्य पूतांतरं गोवामी व दोविदातिषु गिजीवनदानः प्रमोदमानदाविनय विद्या मगलो. सगा द्वा: फुल्ली के जाति पनि जगत्का सिनिय ददेवः । गेटा सेन्सराच्या पापाविकद्यमः। देवा दिवंगत व भूमान कार ( २२ मा दुतिः शिशिरेरनाल ती सुकृतेडले श तिवापीस पीसी संघ खेः॥२३ मा सासु र चिउलेख सुकांतिके लारा मियति वेग मा सोच कर देता मुमानित तो शाय निदान।। २४२ महिरप विकम त्यस ने गौर पमा फलातिराम तापाप वाटा मिदें दिया एप सुखेन व के लिवनंत धानादिमोहितद्या व खंड टेबल मेरा लि गौ पादौ निधिक कलेवासगे माधुर तीचक और दवाएं निरूप
किरनघः कोशावि पोली दाद मालकवितामादित्य मधुरावह मकान मान प्रतिको
को
2
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GANAPATI-PLATE II 2. Narwar Inscription of V.S. 1355
20
Scale : Two-Fifths
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20

Page #463

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
346
[VOL XXXII
7 satat-ōdita-nija-tējas-taraņi-kar-āpāsta-samtamasām(sam) || 9 Asti Gōpachalo durggah svarggad-api manō-haraḥ | aneke dhanada yatra śriyo-py-arthi-klaga(m-a)pahāḥ || 10 Tatra Kā
8 syapa-gōtrāṇām Mathurāṇām su-mēdhasam(sam) | Kayasthanam-abhūd-vamśō nayavikrama-salinām(nām) || 11 Tasminu(nn-a)bhūd-Alhaṇa-namadheyaḥ royo-nidhib
sarvva-kalasu dakshaḥ | yam-arthinaḥ pra
9 pya manishit-ärth-adhika-pradam tatyajur-arthi-bhavam (vam) || 12 Sa Kanhaḍ-akhyam suta1m-āsasāda vikāsi-Krishṇ-amhri-sa (sa)rōja-bhrimgam(gam) | yon-asthirābhiḥ sthiram= asphuṭābhiḥ sphutam yasa[h*] śrī
10 [bh]ir-alam vitēnē ||13 Ya(Ja)jne Vijahaḍa-sa[m*]jña's-tasya va(ta)nūjo jit-ari-shad-varggaḥ | kshitipati-karyē dhuryo mamtri-varishṭho vikasi-sukṛita-śri[h] ||14 Tasya chamdra-karaśrēņi-subhagam tanvato yaśaḥ |
11 M[e]nag-akhya priya jajñē-nurupā pati-dēvatā ||15 Ārādhya Gamga-Yamunē Prayāgē sa prapa putrau prathitau tad-akhyaya | śrī-Gamgadēvam guņinām garishṭham śrēyōnidhim Yamunadēvam-utta
12 māṁ(mam) ||16 Deva-dvij-aradhana-lavdha(bdha)-varnṇaḥ kutumva (ba)-bhaktaḥ pitritōsha-kāri | sthitō guruņām vachane nayajñaḥ śrī-Gangadēvaḥ sukriti vibhāti || 17 Kirttiputa-bhuvas tasya charitra-vrata
13 salini asti Lon-abhidha patni kutumva(ba)-guru-va[t]salā 18 Tasyam-utpāditās tēna tanaya naya-salinaḥ | chatvaras-chaturaḥ punya-krityēshu cha kalasu cha 19 Jajñē Palhau
14 samjño Harirajas-tad-anu sat-kala-dakshaḥ | Sivaraja-Hamsarājau nirmimala-guņa-vāridhi sudhiyau || 20 Bharttur-vviśrambha-bhūmiḥ para-hita-nirataḥ satya-put-amtaraṁgō vägmi vāṁchchha (chh-a)dhi
15 kair-yō rachayati guninām vitta-dānaiḥ pramōdam | saktaḥ puny-õpapatvau(ttau) nayavinaya-vidam-agranih sad-gun-adhyah phullat-pakeja-bhabhir-[dhavalayati jagatkirttibhiḥ Pa
16 Ihadevaḥ || 21 Sreyase Hamsarajasya bhrātuḥ prāṇ-adhikasya saḥ | daivad-divam gatasy= ēdam dharmma-sthanam-akārayat || 22 Svadubbih kikirair-achchhairpu(chchhaih pu)shņatī sukṛitam jalaiḥ | saśvad-ga
17 rjjati vap-iyam vichi-samdya(gha)ttajai ravaiḥ || 23 Sudha-sitam bhasura-chitra-lēkham su-kamti Kailasa(sa)m-iv-ati-tumgam | so-chikarach-chaityam-Um-anvitasya Sambhōr= yalah-punya
18 tater-nnidanam(nam) || 24 Rana[d*]-dvirepham vikasat-prasuna[m] saurabhyama (va)t= svadu-phal-abhiramam | tap-apaha-chchhayam-ih-emdriyāṇām sukham navam keli-vanaṁ tath=ēdam || 25 ||
19 Bhrātā (trā) nirmapitam yavach-chamdra-suryam [bha]vatv-alam | śreyasē Hamsarajasya dharmma-sthanam=idam subham || 26 Gōpadrau Lipikṛit-kulē samabhavad-Dāmōdarō Mathuraḥ pu
20 putras tasya visuddha-kirttir-anaghaḥ kōś-ādhipō Lōhaṭaḥ | putras tasya pada-pramāṇakavita-sahitya-dhuryaḥ kriti chakre śrī-Śivanābhakō nirupamair-vrittaiḥ prasastim subham(bhām) [[|] [27*]
21 27 Śrīman-Mathura-Kayastha-vamsa-mukta-maniḥ
k[rit]i | Arasimhō-likhad-dhīmān
Abhinamd-amgasambhavaḥ | 28 utkīrṇṇā sūtradhāra-Dhanaukēna || Samvat 1355 Kārttika-vadi 5 Gurau [!]
1 An unnecessary anusvära above the letter was rubbed off by the engraver.
There is an unnecessary mark above this letter.
An unnecessary anusvara above this letter seems to be cancelled. The intended name may be Menaka. This akshara is redundant.

Page #464

INDEX
By B. R. Gopal, M.A., Ootacamund
[The figures refer to pages, n after a figure to footnotes, and add. to additions. The following other addreviations are also used: au.-author; ca.capital; ch.-chief; Chron. Chronicle; cs.city; co.country; com. composer; de.deity; di.-district or division; do.=ditto; dy.-dynasty; E.-Eastern; engr. engraver; ep. epithet; f. family; fe.-female; feud. feudatory; gen. general; gr.-grant, grants; hist.-historical; ins. inscription, inscriptions; k.-king; L.-locality, L.m.linear measure, land measure; m.-male; min. minister; mo.mountain; myth.=mythological; n.name; N. Northern; off.=office, officer; pl.-plate, plates; pr.= prince, princess; prov. province; q.-queen; rel. religious ; ri.-river; S.-Southern, 8.a.same as; sur. surname ; te.=temple; Tel.-Telugu; t.d.territorial division; tit.title; tn.town; tk.-taluk ; vi.village; W.-Western; wok.-work; wet.=waight.]
a, initial, a, medial,
a, initial,
ä, medial,
abda-puja, ceremony, Abhimanamahodadhi, tit., Abhimanyu, Rashtrakuta k., Abhinanda, m., Abhinavaditya, Chalukya k... abhyantara-siddhi, privilege,
Aba, mo..
Abu Zaid, au..
Achalapura, 8.a. Ellichpur, ca., Acharya, ep.. a-chata-bhata-pravěka, privilege, Achyuta, de...
Adhvara-tantra, wk.,
Aditi, mother of gods, Adittavadi, vi.,
A
45, 55, 92, 199, 229-30, 284
105
45, 55, 79, 92, 229-30
105, 157 287
64, 66
114 and n 345-46 213-16 48
135, 136 and n, 221, 300
50 114
178, 181 and n, 301, 304
48
Adhigadēva, Muchchaka ch.,
adhikarika, off..
adhishthana,
Aditya, donee,
Aditya, god, Aditya I, Chola k.,
Aditya II, do., Adityasarman, donee, Adityavarman, W. Chalukya k.,
agama,
Agasti, m.,.
150 339
163
318 and n 266 285, 289 257, 265, 267 307 99 and n, 100 and n, 101,
197
185 100
Adityavarna, m.,
Aduturai, vi.,
Aduturai ins. of Parakrama Pandya,
.
PAGE
.
178, 183-84
213, 214 and
n, 215-16
64, 67
192-93
192-93 255,265-66
6-4, 67
(347)
Agastya, sage, Agastyêsvaradeva, god, Aghöra, aspect of Siva, Aghorasiva-Mudaliyar, n., Agnichayana, rite Agnihotra, do.,
Agnihotrin,
Agnishtöma, sacrifice,
Agra, di.,
PAGE
38 n, 46, 51, 152, 253,254
.
.
111
294-95 .297 81 and n.164 79, 81 294-95,297 340 249-52, 254-55 Ahammada Suratrāṇa, 8.a. Muhammad Bin Tughluk, Sultan of Delhi,.
agrahara,
Ahammadu Suratrāņa, 8.0. Ahammada Suratrana, do., Ahanaṇuru, wk... Ahavanila, tit.,
242. 260 101 n 65, 68 79
Ahavaniya, sacred fire,
222
Ahmedabad, ci.,. Ahmednagar, do.. Ahmednagar di., ai, initial,
37 31
293
ai, medial, formed with a prishthamäträ stroke, 220 Aigala Dimaraka, Midha ch., 71, 74 Aihole ins. of Vijayadityaa, 318 Aihole, vi.,. 177, 318 Ain-i-Akbari, wk., 300 n Aira, f... 84, 85 and n, 86-87 337 337 and n 337 115
Aivar, s.a. Pañcha Pāṇḍava, Aivarmalai, hill,. Aiyampalaiyam, vi., Ajanta ins. of Nannarāja, Ajay, ri.,
Ajayavarman, Paramāra k, Ajayavarman II, do.,
Ajita, m Ajmer, ci., Ajmer ins.,
194
181
.
241
28
and n, 151
147 n 9, 55
299-300 299, 301

Page #465

348
PAGE
Akalavarsha, tit., 130, 135 n Akalavarsha, 8.a. Govinda II, Rashtrakuta k... 161 49, 54-55, 59
Akälavarsha, s.a. Krishna II, do.,
Akalavaraha, 8.a. Krishna III, do.,
akara-val-öttara, privilege, Äkäsikä, vi.,
143 36 72-74
165 n
157
114
202 and n, 203
Akkanagamma, fe.,
Akola, di...
Akola, tn.,.
Akyab, di.,
Aladēvasarman, m.,
akshasalin, goldsmith, akshayani, akshayani, s.a. akshayanivi, per
manent endowment,
Alagum ins. of Anantavarman,
Alagundi, vi.,
Alaka, myth. ci.,
Alamanda pl. of Anantavarman,
Alama Saha, Muslim k.,
Alampur, tk.,
Alampur, vi.,
Alampura, s.a. Alampur, vi.,
Alapa, k.,
Alapura, s.a. Halapura, vi.,
'Alauddin, off..
'Ala-ud-din Khalji, Sultan o Delhi,
Alavay, I., .
Al-Biruni, au.,
Alesandra, vi.,
Alhaghat, vi.,
Alhaghat ins.,
Alhapa, ch.,
Ali, s.a. Alliya, n.,
Al Istakhri, au.,.
Alikasudala, Alikasudra, k. alipaka, aliyaka, privilege,
Aliyama, n.,
Allahabad, ci.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Al-Ma'sudi, au.,
Alphabet, see under Script
Aluarasa Gunasagara, s.a. Gunasagara
Alupendra, Alupa k.,
Alupa, Alupa, dy.,
•
Alwar, di...
Amalananda, au., Amalapur, tk.
73 103 141, 154
232 n, 325 320, 323
262
202 334 n
175 and n 159-60
158, 159 and
n, 160, 163
.318 n
159 n 332
147 n,
243 and n, 244-47
200 and n
58
.
•
Allama-prabhu, saint,
Allivadina, 8.a. 'Ala-ud-din Khalj!, Sultan of
Delhi,
Alliya, off.,
172
121
121
344, 346
64 50
22, 24 48 47 n 341, 344
165 n
.
•
246 n 64, 66 50, 61
319
317, 318 and n, 319 and n, 322 58 33 n 255-56
Amalapuram, tn., Amara, Oinvar k.,
Amaragängeya, Chahamana k.,
Amaragiri, mo., Amarakosa, wk.,.
Amarasimha, off.,
Amaravati, myth. ci.,
Amaravati, vi.,
amatya, off.,
Ambika, goddess, Arhdhra, co.,
Andhra, people,.
amatya-sabha, 'council of ministers', Amba, q., Ambabai te.,
Ambaipa, Ambaiya, m.,
Ambasamudram ins. of Varaguna II,
Amir Khusru, au., Athkull, .,.
[VOL. XXXII
PAGE
256
333
300 and n
55
232
339 .,262
83, 86, 89
72, 74, 83 n, 314 278, 281 286, 290
Amvaipa, Ambaipa, m., Anagha-parshad, assembly, Anahillapattana, ci.,
Anaimalai ins. of Marañjaḍaiyan.
Ammai-endal, 8.a. Nammiyendal, vi., Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakuta k.,.
Anamale, hill,
Anamta-bhatta, donee, Anamtaśarmman, do.
Anandachandra, Chandra k., Andhra Pradesh, State, Anesejjeyabasadi, Jaina monastery, Anandachandra Stupa,
Anangabhima III, E. Ganga k., Ananta, donee,
Anantadeva, Anantapäla, ch., Anantapala, Anantapalarasa, off., Anantapalayya, do., Anantapur, di.,
Anantasarman, donee,. Anantavarmadeva, Anantavarman, E. Ganga k., Anantavarman Chōdaganga, do., Anantavarma-Vajrahastadeva, do., Anargharaghava-țīkā, wk., Anavema Reddi, Reddi k., Anavõta, Musunürich.,
22 262 243
222, 226, 228
111 46 and n, 50-52, 55, 59, 61, 129, 130 and n, 133, 158 Amoghavarsha II, do., 50, 55-56, 59 Amoghavarsha III, do., 55, 56 n, 59 amrit-abhisheka, Amtikeni, k.,
Artiyoga, Amtiyoka, do., Amudalapadu, vi.,
.
.
33 n 58, 60 n
337 and n 143, 152
.
40 n 22 11, 22
175
60
56 33 337 n, 338 and n 192 258, 266 154-55 105, 107-08 201, 244 319 . 103 325-26 259, 266
63 194 193 1, 248, 296 141
201-02, 203 and n, 204
232 p, 280 310
334
256
250

Page #466

PART VIII]
Anavita I, ch.. Anavõta Reddi, Reddi k.,
Anayasimha, Anayasimhavarman, off.,
Anda-nadu, t.d.,.
Andanallur, vi.,
Andanattu-Vēlän, ch.,
Andavelan, 8.a. Andanattu- Vēlān, ep., Andavölän Kurumbar-Adittan Pulla Nakkan, ch., 270 and n, 271, 275
100
Andhra, people, Andhra, State,
Andavanallur, 8.a. Andanallur, vi., Andavēlāṇ, 8.a. Andavelan Kurumbür. Adittan Pulla Nakkan, ch., Andhra, Andhra, co.,
.
Andhra, 8.a. Satavahana, dy.,
Andhradeśa, co.,
Andhrädhipa, ep.,
Anitalli, Reddi q.,
Anivärita, 8.a. Vikramaditya I, tit., Aniyamkabhima, E. Ganga k., Añjanavati pl. of Govinda III,
270
24, 33 n, 56, 58, 86, 188, 193, 239-40, 242, 248, 250-55 86, 239, 249 1, 82, 91, 175 and n, 185, 187, 255-56, 296
88 33 n 59
248, 250, 254 176, 183 313 159-60, 162 n, 163 n 188 n, 194 217 254 47-49, 53, 55-56 43
.
ankakāra, off.,
Ankola,
Annadeva Chōda, Tel. Choda ch.. Annaiya, Annammaiya, m., Appama, do.,
Anupama, pr.,
anusvāra,
.
Annamaiya, Annammaiya, 8.0. donor,
Anna-mantri, Bendapüdi ch., Annasvamin, m., Annaya, do.,
Anniga, Pallava k., Antikeni, k.,
Antiyoka, do.,
Anugrasila, tit.,
Anumakonda, ci.,
Anumakonda, territory,
•
PAGE
248 253 n
140-42,
152-53, 155
274
99
270 n, 274
274
.
Annaiya, 49, 53 and n, 56
251-52
160, 163
242, 254, 258, 263, 265
56
24
11, 24
91
193
193
100
anusvära, of Bengali type, anusvära, changed to class nasal,
169 n, 240 284 92, 119,
140, 213, 277,284, 294, 299, 305, 340 284 anuevara, of Devanagari type, anusvära, used for final m., 45, 55, 158, 240, 305, 340 anusvära, used for anunäsika, Anvalda ins. of Someévara,
171
302
.
•
.
•
.
INDEX
Apadēva, donee, Aparagangeya, Amaragängeya, Chahamana k.,.
Aparajita, Guhila k., Aparajita, Pallava k., Aparajita, Silähära k., Aparanta, co., Apētana, donee, Apitama-nayaka, m., appa, Kannada honorific, Appalu, donee, Appaya, do.,
Appaya-bhatta, do., Arab, people, Arabia, co., Aradhya, Aradhya-Brahmana, 8.a. Saiva Brahmana,
Araiyan Kannappan, donor,.
Araiyan Kannappan, s.a. Rajakesari Parayan, do.,
Araiyan Vira-Solan, donee, Arakan, t.d. Arali, vi.,
300 and n 207 273 n 50, 62 29
311, 315
312, 316 113-14
257, 265 266 259, 266-67 47 and n, 50, 56, 61, 64, 210
58
Arangal, 8.a. Warangal, ca., . Aranyarāja, Paramāra k., Arasamma, fe., Arasappa, Arasappa-nayaka, Söde ch., Arasappa-nayaka I, do., Arasappa-nayaka II, do.,
.
Arasavalli, vi., Arasi, lake, Arasimhha, scribe, Aratha, k.,. Arethi, do., Aratturai, I.,
Arbuda, 8.a. Abu. mo.,
Arcot, North, di,
Arcot, Bouth, do.,
Ārēdu, vi.,.
Arikesarin, 8.a. Kééideva, Silähära k., Arikulakosari, Chola pr.. Arimandalikadhibabhujanga, tit., Arisavalli, 8.a. Arasavalli, vi.,
'ariz-i-Mamalik', off.. Arjjuna, 2., Arjjuna, Gürjjara k.. Arjjuna, Arjjunadeva, Paramara k.,
Arjuna, 8.a. Arjunavarman II, do., Arjuna, epic hero,
Arjuna, Chaulukya-Vaghela k.,
PAGE
42-43
349
Arjuna, m.,
Arjuna, s.a Tripurasimha, Oinear ch.,
181 and n 196-97
186 100
103, 107 201-03, 205 243 and n
136 and n, 137
80
80
80 80
310, 312 320, 323 339, 345-46
.
286 286
185
135-36, 144 110 and n, 111 99, 185, 247
251 62 100-01 66
311, 312 and n, 316 . 243 67 . 227 142, 151-52 146-47
0 n. 151 221, 223
64 332 n

Page #467

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
PAGE
.
92, 94, 97
Arjunadova, a.a. Arjunavarman,
k. . . . . . Arjunasimba, Oinvår ch., . Arjunavarman, Paramära ..
. . .
.
PAGE Paramara
. 142, 145 . . 333
142 and n. 143, 145-46 . . 146 . . 160 : : 17
Ayana, s.a. Uttarayana, . Ayana-kula, f... Ayirāvanam, myth. elephant, Ayodhya, ca.. . . Ayus, k., . dyukta, off., . Ayyanavālu ins. Ansvota,.
270-71, 275
241, 280 . 46, 51
.
Arjunavarman II, do.. . . Arupāditya, com., . Arya, traders and Agriculturists;
.
.
.248
.
Arya, 17...
.
Arye, 7.. . . . . . Aryadēsa s.a. Āryävarta, co. Arya-dulya Maha-parshad, 088embly, 46, 61,
56, 64 Aryar ja, Maurya k., . . . ., 208-11 Aryavarta, 60., . . . . . 46, 51 Arya Visakhamitra, Magadh
84 Abadhara, poet, . . . .
142 n Asagavvá, .,
. 129, 130 and n, 134 Asalla, Asalladēva, Yajvapāla k., . . 343, 345 alap. preceptor, . . . . . . 111 aahfa-bhoga, privilege,. . . . . 35-36 Ashfadhyāyi, wk., . . . . 179 n Asia, Central, co.. .
. 68 Asíkanagara, ..a. Rishikanagara, ci.,
86 Aslan, Muslim ch., . . . . . 331 Asoka, Maurya, k., . . . 1-5, 29, 221 Abokachalla, k., . .
. . 278 Assam, State,
104 n, 280, 283, 288, 291 n Astavāla-grāma, vi. . . . , 120, 122 Akvamodha, sacrifice, 98-94, 176, 182, 294-95,
297, 320 Awapati-gajapati-narapati-raja-tray-adhipati,
. . . 343 Atiranachanda, tit.. . . . . 91 Atirupa, Oinvar ch.
. . 333 Atisakha, vi. .
. 300, 302-03 Atithi, Sacrifice,. .
. . 164 Atri, W., . . . Atrléarman, ... .
. 141, 165 Atyantakame, tit. .
. . 91 Augasi pl. of Madanavarman,
. . 120 Ava, B.8. Apanathin, ep. . . 141, 163 oudgraha, sign, . . .
46, 65, 284, 299 ovakara, mound,. .
. . 287, 291 Avantinātha, k.,. . . i 289 n Apurathin, ep..
119, 122, 140-46, 153 n, 164
and a äväta, laz,. . . Avimakta, 1, . . . . . 281 and a Arimukta-bhattarska, de., .
. 281 n Arimukta-nadi, 8.a. Genges, ri... 278, 280, 281
and a Avinasi, tk.. . . . . . . 192 Avinadi, si.. . . . . . . 191
B
. . . . . . 105 b, closed or box typo, . . . . . 217 b, indicated by the sign for
45, 105, 112, 135, 140, 208, 284, 299, 306, 340 Bachobbauri Pargana, 1.d., . . . . 332 Badāmi, L., . 176-78, 181, 209, 214, 294,
296-97, 317-18 Badāmi ing, of Harihara. . . . . 256 Bādāmi ing, of Kirttivarman, . . 294 a Bådémi ins. of Pulakēsin,
294, 295 and a Badtéarmma, donee, .
. 178, 183 Badrkot, fort, .
. . . 243 Bäghmári, vi.,
. . 233 Bahabadin, Bihabadinu, 6.. Baha-ud-din
Gurshaap, off.. . . . 166, 168-69 Bahal, vi., . . . . . 33 n, 142 Bahal ins. of Simhapa, Bahi-ud-din Gurshäsp, off...
. 168 Bahudhara, donee, . . . . . 69-70 Bahuliwad pl. of Govinda III,
1580 Babur pl. of Nřipatunga, .
• 273 Baigram pl. of Gupta year 128,
• 104 Bairmo, vi.. . .
329 a Balabhadra, Oinvar ch., .
333 Balabhadrakarman, M., .
. 141, 164 Balagāmi, vi.. . i .
180 a Balaji Bajirava, Pishwa,
. . 31 Balasēna, com..
. . 209, 212 and a Balavarmadēva, Mléchchha k., . . .283, 287 Balavarman, Bhauma-Naraka, k., . . . 286 Balavorman, Michchha k.,
283-86, 288, 290 Balban, of. .
. . . 244 Balhard, s... Ballaharaya, Vallabharaja,
. 214 . 164
•
60
Bali, demon, .
. . . bali, offering,
. . Ballaha raya, s... Vallabharaja, tit.. . Ballala, Malava k.. . Ballöla, .a. Vira-Balala II. Hoysala k., Balligave,. . . . . . Balvan, I., . . . . . . Balvan ins. of Hammfra, . Baga, dy.
. . . .
136-37 172-73
180 . 146 146, 221 110-11

Page #468

PABT VIII)
INDEX
351
.
.
241, 280
. 332
•
145
.
.
332
PAGE Banaras, ci., 118, 126, 173, 277-80, 281 and n, 305 Benavise-12000, i.d. . .
. . 180 n Banavasi, vi., . . 217, 218 n, 317, 319 Banda, di.. . . .
120-21 Bandhogarh ins.. . . Bangavādi, vi.,.
. . 110 Bangavādi ins. of Narasimhavarman,. . 111 Bannahalli pl. of Krishnavarman, . . 293 n Banakhora pl. of Harsha, Bapatla, ik.. . . .
. 96, 114 Bappa, k., .. . , .
. . 220 Bappadēvs-pătaka, I., . . 287-88, 291 Bappairāja, 6.. Vākpatirāja I, Paramära k., . 143 Barabar.cave ins., . Barahpur, vi.. . . .
. .
. .
306, 308 Barani, au..
. . . 243 Barasai, range of hills, . . . . Barganga ins. of Bhütivawman, . 104 n, 105n Bargi, vi... :
. . 218 Barind, 8.a. Varēndra, 1.d., . . . Barli, vi.. .
. 299-300 Barma-bhupala, ch., . .
. 77-78 Baroda, State, . . .
. . 179 Bargára, I.. Basala, donee, . .
. . 225 Basava, rel. teacher, . . 180 and n, 181 and a Basava-Kalyāna, 8.a. Kalyāna, I., . . 65 Batava Purana, wk.,. . 180 and n, 18! Basavēsvara, off., . .
165 and n Bassein, tk., . . . .
20, 32 Bateshwar, vi... :
118 Bateshwar ins. of Yalóvarman, .
118n Baud pl. of Prithvimahadevi,
140 n Bayana, vi.. . . . .
. . 115 Bayana ins.,
. 115 Begusarai, in.. . . Belgaum di. . .
77-78, 218 n Bellary, do., . , 86, 193, 214-15, 244 Belli-Sambhudēvs-bhatta, m., . . . 81 Belur, vi., .
. . .. 159 n Benares, 8. a. Banaras, ci., . . 173, 277 Bendapūdi, f.) .
• 251 Bengal, co.,
108, 232, 277, 279-81, 332,
334 and a Bengal, North, do.. .
. 280 Bengal, South-Eastern, 8.a. Vanga, do., . . 279 Bengal, South-West, do.. .
. 281 Berar, 1.d., . . . .
113, 115 Berar pl. of Nannarája,
113-14 Berlin Museum pl. of Chhittarāja,
62-63,
84 n, 66 n Bēta, Kakatiya ch., .
. . Betwe, ri., . . . . . . 121 bk, . . . . . . : 229, 240
PAGE Bhidāna, I., .
. . 50 Bhādāna gr. of Silāhāra Aparajita,
50 Bhaddināyaka, Bhadimanayaka, donee, 312 and
n, 316 Bhadra, do., .
.
.
257, 265 Bhadrachalam, tk., . . . . . . 256 Bhagadatta, Pragyotisha k., . . . 285, 289 Bhagavat, ep.. . .
.84 n Bhagavat, 8. a. Siva, de.. . . . . 179 Bhagavat, 8. G. Vishnu, de., . . . 94, 178 Bhagavati, goddess, 48-49, 56, 58, 60, 64, 67 Bhagavati, 8. a. Dadami, do., . Bhagiratha, myth. k., . . . . Bhagirathpur ins. . . Bhaillasvamin, 4. a. Bhilsa, ci.
. Bhaillasvåmin te..
. . . . 145 Bhaillasvämipurs, 8. a. Bhilsa, ci.,
147, 151 Bhairavasinha, Oinvār k., 329-30, 332 and n,
334 and n, 335-36 Bhakti-kabitipa, Bhaktirāja, Tel.-Choda ch. 252-54 Bhämäna, Rashfrakifa k., . . .
112-14 Bhabhibutiya, mound, Bhammaharomgarikā, 1..
48, 68 Bhanabhi, ., . . . . . . 222 Bhandup pl. of Chhittarija,.
.
.
. . . 64 Bhanpura, 1. d..
• 112 Bhanu I, E. Ganga k., , , , , 325-26 Bhanu II, do., . . . .
326-26 Bhanu III, do.,
.
231, 326-26 Bhinn IV, do. . .
. 325 Bharadvája, sage, .
242, 263 Bharata, Bhäratavarsba, co.. 148, 151, 241, 260 Bharatpur, di...
.
. : 58 Bhaskara, au.. .. . .
180 Bhaskara, de., .
.
• 122, 125 Bhaskara, donee,
267, 265 Bhaskara, m.. .
64, 67 Bhaskaradēva, Raydri k.. .
. 280 Bhaskara-vamba, J.,
. . 280 bhafa, off., . Bhâtelă, pond, . . Bhatta, &. a. Syamadēvs-bhatta, donce, Bhatt-agrahara,. . . . 119-20, 122, 126 Bhaffaraka, ep... . Bhatfaraka, male divinity,. . . Bhaffäraki, goddess, . . . . Bhatfrika, do. . . .
. 296 Bhaffarika, ep.,. . . 29, 130 n, 134 Bhauma-Näraka, dy...
. . 285-86 Bhavs, 8. a. Siva, de., • : 278, 281, 289 Rhavanātha-Hridayanarayana, Oinodr ch., .333 n Bhavānipati, 8. a. Siva, de., .
. 122. 125 Bhavasimha, Oinvår ch., 331 and o, 332 n, 333 and n Bhavaskand , n., .
• 87 n
.
329
.
.
•
.
163
.
115

Page #469

352
PAGE
217, 219
Bhavasvamin, donee, Bhillama, Yadava k., 32 and n, 33, 38 and n, 78, 171
Bhillama II, do.,
62 n
Bhillama V, do.,
32
and n, 59
Bhillamala, 8. a. Bhinmal, I., 56, 58 Bhillamäladeva, s. a. Madhusudana, de.,
56-57,
59-60
144, 221
144
61 n
195
Bhoga-bhagu, taxes,
Bhogapati, off.,
Bhogavati, serpent goddess,
Bhoginika, donatrix,
Bhōglévara, Oinvär ch.,
Bhima, Chaulukya k.,
Bhima I, do.,
Bhima II, do.,
Bhima, donor,
Bhimadeva, off.. Bhimana, M., Bhimaparakrama, tit.,
Bhimaéarman, donee,
Bhimavaram, vi.,
Bhimavarman, Pallava k.,
Bhimēévara, de.,
Bhimesvara te.,
Bhimesvara Puranami, wk., 245 and n, 251 and n
Bhinmal, vi.,
56, 58 and n
48
163
37
113, 117
331, 333, 334 n
218
144
147 n 22, 24
endowment,, 73
50 344 145 142 and n . 162 n 178, 183 221 229, 232-33, 235 325 178
1 29 108 163
140, 154 85,87 85 108 99, 100 104 n 99, 100 and n, 101
36 202, 205 165
Bhoja, dy.,
Bhoja, s. a. Bhoja I, Paramāra k.,
Bhoja, s. a. Bhoja II, do., Bhoja, people,
bhojan-akshayani, bhojan-akshayani,
Bhōjarāja, Paramāra k., Bhojavarman, Chandella k., . Bhopal, I., .
Bhopal pl. of Arjunavarman, Bhor Museum pl. of Govinda III, Bhoyisarman, donee,
Bhrigukachchha, 8. a. Broach, I.,
Bhubaneswar, di.,
Bhubaneswar ins.,
Bhudevi, s. a. Prithivi, goddess, Bhuigaon, vi.,
Bhümichandra, Chandra k., bhumi-chchhidra-nyaya, maxim,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Bhüpatiéarınan, m.,
Bhatagrähaka, de.,
Bhatagrihyu, domestic spirit, Bhütichandra, Chandra k., Bhati Parantakan, ch., Bhütivarman, k., Bhütivikramakésari, ch., bhill-öpälta-pratyāya, lax, Bhüṭṭaka, I.,
Bidar, di.,
.
.
.
278-81
188, 195
33 n 178, 183 187, 267
93 187
187, 194
•
Bidar, in., Bigha, 1. m.,
Bihar, State,
Bihar, North, co., Bijapur, di.,
Bijja, Bijjala, Modha ch., Bijjala, Kalachuri k., Bijjala II, do.,
Bijjala, Tel.-Choda ch., Bijjana, Mödha ch.,
Bijjana, Tel. Choda ch.,
PAGE
167
47
108, 120, 279, 329 and n, 341 330 78, 179, 293, 318
72 180
165 and n 246 'n 72
246
302
148
331
47 191 . 285
Boddana, m.,
188, 195
Boddapadu pl., of Vajrahasta III, 310 and n, 316 n Bodhgaya, 1.,
114
278
114
254
325
Bijolia ins. of Sömesvara, Birwania, vi,
[VOL. XXXII
Bisapi, do.,
Biswa, I. m.,
Bittiga, s. a. Vishnuvardhana, Hoysala k.,
Boar, incarnation of Vishnu,
Bolangir, di.,
Bollaya, donee, Bolli-bhatta, do., Bombay, ci., Bombay, State,
Bodhgaya ins. of Asokachalla,
Bodhgaya ins. of Tunga-Dharmavalōka,
Boggara,f.,
Bōpadēva, donee,
Brahmagiri edict of Asōka,
Brahmakundi, e. a. Gundlakammā, ri.,
Buddhappaiya, off., Buddha-stopa,
Buddhism,.
259,267 258, 266 29, 45
29, 31. 51, 58, 61, 77, 79, 129, 157, 179 42-43
254
Brahman, ch..
253.
Brahman, god, 31-32, 94, 143. 226, 241, 294, 297, 327
178, 184 333n
285-86 31, 37
140, 143, 174 288 31, 306 n 34 n 58, 179 n 159 64-65, 221
8, 84, 106, 109
72, 74 106, 10 89, 94 46,51 344 n
Brahmaéarman, donee, Brahmasimha-Harinarayana, Öinear ch.,
Brahmapala, k., . Brahma-Purana, wk.,
Brahmapuri, Brahmana settlement, Brahmaputra, ri., Brihaspati, a.,
Brihat Muhurtasindhu, wk., Brihatsamhita, do.,
British Museum pl. of Govinda III, Broach, I., Buddha,
Budba, ... Budhora ins.,
Bukka 1., Vijayanagara k., Burdwan, &,
.
.
248 281

Page #470

PABT VIII)
INDEX
353
PAGE
PAGA
Burma, co., . baffya, mound,.
. .
103 222
32 107-08
:
.
..
221
Cambay, L., Cambay pl. of Govinda IV, : Coylon, co.,
. .
: .
58, 95, 100, 272, 274 Ceylonese Chronicle,. . . 272 ch, . . . . 105, 118, 175, 240, 325 Cha, 8. a. Chaturvedin, ep:, .. 140-41, 153-55 Chabitara, platform, . . . . 277 Chachau, 8. a. Cháohiga, Ludhaka ch... 341-42 Chichiga, Chichigadēva, do. . . 339-42 Chichigadova, m., . . . : Chichigadova, Vaijaväpåyana k., 221-22,225-26,
228 Chadalavāda, vi.. .
253n Chadaiya Mirar, .. a. Srimära Srivallabha,
Pandya k.. . . . . . 271 Chahada, Yajvapila k., . 343, 343 and n Chahamina, . a. Chauhan, dy. 126, 136, 138, 141.
43, 146, and n, 152, 155, 221, 300-03 ChXhamana, myth. hero .
. . 300 chaityam, temple, .
. . 346 Chakra, weapon of Krishna, . . 289 Chakra, &. a. Sälambha, k.,
. . 286 Chakrakūta, l.. .
. 193 Chakrapani, donee, Chakravartin, Rt.,
. . 186 Chalgār, vi.. . .
. . 80 Chalikya, s. a. Chalukya, dy..
• 176, 182 Chalisgaon, tn.,
. . . 210 Chalukya, Chalukya, dy.. 32, 95, 115, 130, 165 n. 176-79, 180 n, 181, 187, 190 n, 191, 196, 209.
214-16, 294, 295 and n, 296-97, 320, 322 Chalukya of Badāmi, da., . 38, 115 and n, 175 Chalukya, Early, do., . . . . 178, 209 Chalukya, Eastern, do., 58, 107, 187, 188 n, 195 Chalukya of Gujarat, do. .
. . . . 210 Chalukya of Kalyana, do... . 32, 78, 165 Chalukya, Western, do. .. 188 n, 193, 195-96.
295, 297, 317-18 Chafukyabharana, ep... . . . . 188 Chamda Säta, Salavahana k.. . . .83 n Chatdrätrēga, dy. . . . . . 124 Chimēna, donec, . .
. ?11, 315 Changadēva, off. . .
. 281 Changaděva, donee,
. 42 Champakäranga, . .
. . 335 Champaran, di., . . Chamunda, Chi.mundarāja, ch..
03-69, 71 Chamundasoma, engr.. . . 113, 117
Chanda, 5. a. Chandra Sata, Satavahana .. . 83 Chandala, community, . . 57, 119, 121, 125, 127, 307,
309, 323 Chåndaladevi, Chandoladēvi, Chandella q., 120, 122 Chanda Säta, o.a. Chandra Sata, Salavdhana k., 83, 86 Chandoladovi, Chandella q.. . . 120, 122 n Chandella, dy., .
118-20, 126, 344 Chandona, donce, . .
. 311, 315 Chandēsvara, off. . . . . . 331 n Chåndód, 8. a. Chåndvad, vi., Chandra, dy. . . . . Chandra, M., . . . . . 37, 43 Chandrabandhu, Chandra k., . . . 108 Chandraditya-niyoga, t. d.,. . . 311, 315 Chandradityapura, 4. a. Chåndvăd, vi... .. 32 Chandragupta, Maurya k.,. . . 208-11 Chandrapura, .. a. Chåndvad, vi.,
32. Chandra Sata, Satavahana k., . 83 and n, 86 Chandrasitha, Oinvår k., . 333 and n, 334 Chandrabet, Chandrasriya, fe., .
106 Chandráttroya, . a. Chandella, dy., 119, 121, 124,
127 Chandu-nayaka, m.. . .. . . 311, 315 Chåndvad, vi.. . . . . . .
32 Changadēva, of.. . . . Chapada, engr... . . . . Chåpotkata, f. :
210 Characters, see under Script
Charkhari pl., . . . . . . 121 Charmakara, shoe-maker,
. 323 n Chăța, 8. a. Cheta, off.. . Chitu verse,
. 246, 248 Chatupad yamanimanjari, wk., . 246 n, 248 n Chaturmasya-vrata, . . . . . 311 Chaturtha-varsa, .. a. Sadra, community. 312, 316 Chaturvēdimangalam, I., . . . . 185 Chaturvēdin, ep. . . . 140-41, 153 n Chaturvidya, community. . . . . 160 Chauhan, dy. .
. . 136 and Chaul, L., . . . . . . . 62 Chaulukya, dy., 33, 56 n, 61 n, 144-45, 221, 300 Chaulakya-Väghēlā, do., Chaupaiya, .. a. Nauppaiya, off... Chaurõddharana, do., . . . . 287.291 Chāvā, donee,
• 225 Chavaśā, 1.,
48, 53 Chávõtaka, 6. a. Chapôtkata, J... · 210 Chēdi-Mahameghaváhana, dy.. .
84-86 Chelliamma, te., . . . .
. 199 Chelläru, vi..
· 274 Chēmakära Dhamaya, donee, . Chendalar grant of Kumaratishnu, . .. 02 A Chengam, Ik.,
• 110 Chennabasava, saint. . . . . . 181 n
163
•
335

Page #471

354
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
194
PAgr Cholaga, ch.. .
195 Chola-Kataka-chūrakära, tit., Cholanlalaikonda, do., . . . Chõla-rajya-nirmūlana, do.,. Cholesvara, do.,. . . Chõlika-vishaya, t. d.. . Chronogram : Gaja-Ramz-viyach-chandra,
. . . 187 Giri-tarka-bharu, . . Karu-var-nilhi, . . . . 311.314 Kha-agni-arka,
305, 309 Saila-värdhi-dyumani, . . . Sarasva-madana,
332 n Vada-ranthra-Haranētra,..
. 332 n Viyad-situ-nidhi
314 Chukkabotta-Mallayapeddaya, donee, 259, 266-87 Coimbatore, di...
. . .
. . 192 Cuddapah, do.. . .
. 49, 248 Cülara mea, wok.. . 271,272 and n, 273 n
.
.
249
.
.
.
254
PAGE Chennays, dones, . . . . 267, 265 Chera, co.,. . .
. . 192 Chēra, dy., .
. 99, 101, 269 Cherakumballi, 3. a. Ikshupalli, vi., . . 194 Chhadama, n., . .
. . .47 n Chhadvai, Silahara k.,
. 62 and n Chhaya, de.. . .
. . . 343 Chhāyā-Somanātha te.
. . 244 Chhinnamastă, de., .
: . 340 Chhinturāja, Chhittarāja, Silahāra ch., . 62 and n,
63, 64 and n, 65-66, 71-72, 74 n Chicacolo pl. of Devendravarman,
. . 202 n Chicacole pl. of Indravarman, . . 203 n Chicacole pl. of Vajrahasta III, Chidana, donee, . . .
• 312, 316 . Chidapõta-nayaka, donor, .
. 312, 316 Chidivalasa pl. of Dēvēndravarman, . .. 312 n Chidumõja, m.,. . .
. 311, 316 Chthada, donee,
. 65, 67 Chikkalavalasa pl. of Vajrahasta III, .310 and n Chikka Narasimgayya, 8. a. Narasimha II, Hoysafa k., . .
. 171, 173 Chilluka-bhatára, ascetic,
.
179 Chinanu, l. . . .
. . 48, 53 Chinchani, vi.. . .
45, 61-63, 73 Chinchani pl. of Chămunda, .. . 69, 71 Chinchani pl. of Indra III, . . . : 69 Chinchani pl. of Krishna III, 36 n, 62, 65, 69 Chinchani pl. of Vijjala,
. . 68, 72 Chingleput, di... . · 189, 199, 273 n Chinna ins.,
83, 85 n, 86 Chinna Marrúru, vi., .
.. .. 182 Chinna-Nägapūndi, do..
. . . 110 Chinnapa, fe., .
. . 311, 315 Chiriyapa-nāyaka, donor, . . 312, 316 Chiruvádo, l., . .
. . . 267 Chitaldroog, Chitaldurg, Chitradurg, di., 172, 213
and n Chitor, fort, . . . . . . 243 Chitorgarh ins.,. . .
. 144-45 Chitradurg, di.,. .
. . 213-15 Chitrakantha, charger,
. 176, 183, 321 Chitravāhana I, Aļupa k., 317-18, 319 and n, 322 Chitravahana II, do., . . . . .319n Chittaya, donee, . . . .: 258, 266 Chittoor, Chittur, di., 110, 185, 193, 273 n Choda, 8. a. Chola, dy. 11, 22, 24, 253-54, 256 Choda dēka, . a. Chola-dēga, co., 231, 235-36 Chodaganga, 8. a. Anantavarman Chodaganga,
E. Ganga k.. . . . . . . 280 Chola, co., . 6. 58-59, 117,188, 193-94, 269-71, 321, Chola, dy... 100-CI 181, 177, 185, 186 and n,
187-89, 190 and n, 195-96, 199, 231 n, 271, 274 Chola-Chalukya, do., . .
. . 188 Chola-dida, co.,. . . . . 231, 238
d. .
: 207, 240, 254 Dabaru-Khánu, gen., Dabhoi, tk.,
. . 179 Dabok ins.,
. .2100 Dacca, di.,
. 279 Dådari, vi..
. 120, 122 Dadbak-i-Hazarat, off. .
243 Dähäla, co.,
46, 62, 144-45 Dahanu, tk.,
. . 46, 61 Dahanu, vi., Dahigaon, do.. . Dahimgaum, 8. a. Dahigaon, do.,
38,43 Dah Pabatiya, tn.,
. . . 288 Daitya, . . . . . .
40 n Dakho], 1. .
. . . 246 Dakin, 5. a. Deocan, co., Dakolu, 8. a. Dakhol, I.,
.248 dakshina, sacred fire, .
. .
79 dakshina, perquisite, Dakshinapaths, co.. . . . . Dakshinatya, do.. . .
. 147, 169 Dalamapeggada, off... . . . 311, 314 Damachandra, engr.,
202, 203 and , 206 Dámara, Dâmara-nayaka, donee,. 311-12, 315-16 Damarattadi, m., .
. . 311, 315 Dāmasvåmin, donee.. Dāmaya, do..
. . . 285 Dardinagdva, tit.
. . : 77 Demodara, donee,
. . . 42-43 Dámlazn, ... .
344, 346 Damodaratarman, do.. .
.
.
.240 D
210
.
.
178. 184

Page #472

PART VIII]
INDEX
805
.
48
PAGE Dimodarasvamin, dones,
. . 178, 184 Dana, customs duty,
. . 36 danachöri, smuggling, . . . . 36 Danakhanda, wok.
. 70 n Danarádi, ascetic,
. 112, 116 danda, mark of punctuation,
. 87, 284 danda, looking like an e-matra,
• 343 danda, fax, . . .
• 36 and n danda-das-aparddha, privilege, Dandaka, forest,
.. . . 31 dandapata, police tant,. . . 287, 291 Dandapur, l.. .
49-50 Dandapur ins. of Prabhūtavarsha, . Dandaviveka, wk.. .
. . . 334 Dandin, an..
. . . 93 n Dandinagova, til.,
. . 77-78 Dant, our. .
.. . . 36 Dandanayaka, off.,
. , 191, 194 Dantidurga, Rashfrabaga k., 48, 52, 56, 58, 118 n,
158, 161 Dantivarman I, do. . . Dantivarman II, do.,. .
. . 46 Dantivarman, Paramära ch.. 136 and n, 137 Dapupatiohalt, 1. d., . . 201, 203, 206 Darbhanga, di.. .
329 n, 831-32 Darbhanga, tr.,
. . 331 Darpaniriyana, Oinar ch..
329-30, 336 Darrang, di., .
. . 288 darlana, tax, . .
. : 256 Dakami, 8. a. Dēvi, goddess,
47-49, 53, 56 Datapura pl. of Govinda III.
. 160 Daulatabad pl. of Sankaragana,
115 Daulatpurā pl. of 843 A. D.,
58 n Divaha, vi.. . . .
. 120 and n, 122 Dāvanagere ins. of 1123 A. D.
. 214 n Divapagore, tk., . . . . . . 213 Daviha, Davoba-grāma, vi.. . . 120, 122 n
343, 346
PAGE 15th, 80, 168, 164, 166, 168, 170, 171 n, 172, 175 and n, 177, 178, 183, 216,
219, 318, 322 Dark 1st,
. . . . 332 3rd,
. 302, 326-27, 332
. . . . 123, 125 5th,
. 119, 122, 331, 343, 346 6th,
. 231 7th, .
231-33, 233-37, 340-41 10th, .
. . . . . 331 12th,
. . 305, 309 15th, . . • 63, 67, 71, 75, 332 and a Days of the week :Sunday, 84, 80, 95-96, 98, 171, 172 n, 173,
231-33, 235-37, 301, 314, 343 Monday, 33 and n, 34, 42, 46, 54, 166, 168, 171 n, 172, 253 n, 302, 311,
314 end n, 318, 381 Tuesday, 34, 119, 122-23, 126, 194, 332 Wednesday, . 34, 79, 81, 171, 291, 302, 306,
309, 332, 340, 345 Thursday, 171 n, 263 n, 301-02, 331, 889, Friday, 34, 120, 140, 153, 302, 382, 839 Saturday, 79, 81, 83, 126-27, 171, 326-27,
332 and n Decean, co.. .
. 32, 86, 244, 248 Déchi-bhatta, donet,
. 267, 266, 267 Dedē, m.,. .
. . . . 64, 67 Dekkan.co.,
296 Delhi, ca.,. 145, 22 , 241. 45, 248 and n, 247-48,
330-32, 334 and n, 344 Denavada, vi.... .
. 120, 122 Deogarh, fort, . . . . Dzullika, donatrix, .
. 113, 117 Déva, dy... . .
. 107 Déva, Musunari ch...
250, 253 Devi, off-. .
88, 86 Dövachandra, Chandra ., : :
105, 108 Dévadha, m., . . . . . 119, 122 Dévadhara, do.,
. 225 Dévāditya, doncs,
· 225 Dėvagiri, ca., 32, 37, 147, 168 and 1, 243-44 Dévaditya, m.,. .
. . 225 Dévaiya-rapaka, 6. a. Dövayya, off.
160n Dévakull, L., • .
. . . 331 Dövami, fe., . . Dévånarpiya, o, a. Abóka, Maurya k., . 6-8, 10-12,
23, 25-26, 30 Děv-ändaja, 6. a. Garuda, divine bird.. . 107 Dör-andaj-davaya, 6.a.8-1-Dharmarij--Sodajn
vati, dy.. . Devapla, Paramar a I., . . 148, 146-146,
161, 931
4th,
.
.
Days of the fortnight :Bright 1st, . .
. . 171, 332 2nd, .
. . 33, 42 3rd (Akshaya-trillya) . . 46, 54
79-81, 299, 301-02, 304 Bth, . .
.. . 301, 332
• 140, 153, 301 8th,
129, 134, 287n 9th,
. . 302, 331 10th. i 48 n (vijayd-datamt), 172 n, 302 11th, 171, 173, 311 (prabodhini-Blädaff) 12th, .
284, 311 (thana-duadah) 18tb, . . . . .
. . . . . 126-27
eh.
.
.
:.
407
.
.
.
92, 95-96, 98
.
14th,

Page #473

356
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
PAGE
Рлаш Dévapälapura, 8. a. Dipalpur, vi, . . 143, 147,
152 Devaraya II, Vijayanagara k., . . . 80 Devarinayadu, off, . . . . . 247 Dóvartta, m., . . . . . . 42 Dévatarman, donee, .
. . 94, 97 Dóvalarman, do., .
. . . 225 Dévasarman, m., . . . . 141, 154 Dėvasarmasarman, dn., . . . . 154 Dévasimha, engr. . .
. 341-42 Dövasimha, 4. a. Garudanārāyana, Oinvar
ch., . . . . 331 and n, 332-33 Dévasimhapala, Paramara k., . . 144, 149 Dövayya, .. a, Dovaiya-rapaka, off. 160 and n, 164
.
89
Devendra, M.,
202 and 2, 203
.
.
201
Dharmachandra, Chandra k., Dharmadharakarman, m., . . . . 140 dharmadhikaranika, judge, Dharmaditya, k., . . . 104-05,
232 n Dharma-lekhin, off., . .
120, 124 Dharma Mahämätra, do., .
16-17 Dharmamaharajadhiraja, tit., Dharmapura, vi.,
. . . 176 n dharma-putra, . . .
. 340 dharma-sõstra, . . .
. 265 dharma-sthana, sacred place, .
• 344-45 Dharmavijaya, Chandra k., .
• 105 Dharmayuvamaharaja, tit...
. . . 202 Dharmmadharabarma, .,.
. . 154 Dharmmalēkhin, off-, . . Dharwar, di.,
.
317-19 Dharwar, in., . . . . Dhavagartā, co.,. . . . . . 210 Dhavala, Maurya k., . . . . . 209-10 Dhavalappa, o.a. Dhavala, do.. .
210 Dhavalätman, .a. Dhavala, do., . - 209-10 Dhauli, vi., . 1, 4, 8 and n, 6, 29, 80
and n Dhidhā, dones, . . . . . . 228 Dhilli, 8.a. Delhi, ca.,. . 246 n, 250-56, 281 Dhimit, donee, . . . . ... 225 Dhira, 8.a. Dhöra, Rashfrakufa k., Dhfrasimha Hridayanārāyana, Oinear ch., 332
and n, 338 and n, 834 Dhod ins.. . . . . . . . 300 Dhors, 8.a. Dhruva, Rashfrakafa k., . . 131 n Dhritichandra, Chandra k., . . . . 108 dhruna, off., ' 48-49, 53-54, 66, 68, 72-73,
76 Dhruvs, Rashtrakūta k., . . 55, 131 n, 168 Dhrw-adhikaranika, 8.a. Dhruva, off... . 66 dhruvapati, do., . . . Dhruvarāja, Rashtrakifa k., 48, 49, 52, 54,
169 Dhimarăja, Paramdra k.,. . 135, 136,
144, 140 Dhulis, ci., . .
. . . 129 Dhumdhi, de. .
. .810 Dhura, 1. .,
47, 49, 86 Dharbhata, Paramara k., . 138 and n, 187 dhvaja, banner, . .
. . 282, 287 Dhvaja-tataka, o.a. Gudgéri, vi.. . 319 Di., 2.a. Dikshita, ep... • 141, 168-54 diksha. . . . . 178 and n, 180-82 diksha-guru,
. . . 179 Dikshita, ep. . 119-20, 122, 140-41, 183 n Dimarāka, 6. a. Aigula, Modha ch.. : 71.74
.
.
.
.
.
.
Dévëndravarman, E. Ganga k., 202 and n, 203
and n, 312 n Dövgir, .a. Dēvagiri, ca., . . 248 n Dēvi, o.a. Bhagavati Dalami, goddess, 48-49, 55 Dövthara, vi., . .
47, 49, 51, 53, 55 Devimahatmya, wk.. .
.
332 deyya-dharmma, vift, . . . . dh, . . .
. . 240 d, having the form of ddh,. . tha, . .
• 240 Dhdim, m., .
124-25 Dhimant, a.a. Dhammikhadi, 1., 222, 226,
228 Dhami, 8. a. Dhaim, m., . . .
. .
127 dharma, .. . . . dharmalipi, . . . • 10, 13-14, 16 Dhamma-mahamdta, of.. .
. . 18, 20 Dhammikhadi, I.,
. . . 222 Dhanada, 8.a. Kubora, de.. Dhanauka, architect, . . .. . 345-46 Dhandha, donee, . . . . . . 226 Dhandhoka, Paramara k... 136 and n, 137 Dhaniks, &. . -
. . . 207 dhanyadhivdea,. .
. . . 181n dAdnya-hirany-dděya, tax, . . . 48 Dhknyakata, vi.. .. .
. .
. . 89 Dhår, ci... .
. . 139, 147 Dhari, ... Dhir, do., . . 140, 144, 147 and
n, 149-50, 153 Dharapkota, vi.
. . 89 Dharanivardha, Paramara k. . . 136 and n,
137 Dharsimha, m., . . .
. . .
140, 163 Dharava, vi... -
. 160, 163 Dhardvarba, o.a. Dhruva, Rashfrakata k., 136, 188
and n, 137-38, 163 Dherma,. . . . . 9, 11-12, 14-16,
17-21, 23-25, 28 Dharma, de.,
. . . 148
848

Page #474

PART VIII]
Dinakara, m., Dindigul, tk.,
Dindiraja, s.a. Karka, Maurya k.,
dipadhara, off.,
Dipalpur, vi.,
dipavali, festival,
Dip-ölsava, 8.a. dipavali, do.,
disidharika, 8.a. drisi-dhärika, off.,
Docheya, do.,
Doddavad, vi.,
Dombalaiya, off.,
Dōnasarman, Drōpasarman, m., Dönepündi grant of Namaya-nayaka, Dörasamudra, s.a. Halebid, ca., Draksharama, vi., dramma, coin,
dramga, dranga, s.a. dramma, do., Dravida, co.,
Dravida, people,
Durgaditya, do.,. Durgaditya, com.,
Dridhaprahara, Yadava k.,
dribi-dharika, off.,
drona, 1. m., Drönaáarman, m.,
Drōnavāra, dy., Dudahi, vi.,
Duduhi-vishaya, t. d.,
Daggabhata-acharya, 8.a. Dürgābhatta-cha
rya, m.,.
Duggana, donee, Dugganarattadi, m.,
Durga, 8.a. Parvati, goddess,
.
234-35
311, 315 311, 316
46-47, 48 n, 51, 296, 297 n 334 235-36
Durgabhaktitarangini, wk.,
Durgabhatta-acharya, m., Durgabhattar, 8.a. Durgabhaṭṭa-ãoharya, do., 233,
236-38
112, 115
Dvadasarka, de.,
Dvadaáätman, do.,
Dvaitanirnaya, wk.,
208-11
.85 n
147
57
57, 60
85 194 78
69-70, 72, 74
94, 97 240, 252 192
187-91, 194 56-57, 60 and n, 73, 74 n, 75 and n
Durgagapa, k., Durgasarman, donee,
Durlabhasimha, 8.a. Ranasimha, Oinvär ch.,
Dutaka, off..
Dvaravati, ca.,
Dvenchandra, Chandra k., Dvi, s.a. Dvivedin, ep.,
Dvivěda, Dvivědin, do.,
PAGE
64, 67
269
.
72-74
56, 58-59, 158
249 32, 37 85,87
287 94
332 n 124 124-25
113 n, 117 112 178, 183
333 n 160 n
.
307, 309
307
334
. 32 n
108 140-41, 154-55
119, 122, 14041, 154 n
INDEX
e, &,
é, case-ending,
¿, initial,
¿ medial,
Earth, de.,
Eastern India, co., eclipse,
eclipse, lunar,
E
Edaviya-papa, coin, Edevolal, t. d.,
Ehuvula Santamüla, Ikshvāku k., Ekädaba-Rudra-bhiksha,
Ekagnidänapaddhati, wk., Ekama, m.,
Ekōrama, Saiva saint, Elapura, ...
Elburz,
Elephants, 1.,
Elkurk-Appale-bhatta, donee,
Ekantada Ramayya, saint, Ekäsaya, t. d.,
Ekadila, Ekasilanagara, e.a. Warangal, ca.,
Emblem:
Ellichpur, vi.,
Ellora pl. of Dantidurga, Elukurk-Appale-bhatta, donee,
51 164
25 n, 71, 75, 96,
118, 158, 194,242, 251,
253n, 254, 256
327, 328 n
319
88 n 232-36 331 43
32, 240
5, 87, 30 45, 92, 230
63, 158, 207, 220
197, 285
.
Faridpur pl. of Dharmaditya,
Faridpur pl. of Gopachandra, Farrukhabad, di.,
.
Boar, 8.a. Varaha, Gajalakshmi, Garuda, .
Varaha, Emmedale-6000, t. d.,
Erachchhapattala, a.a. Erachhavishaya, do.,
357
•
PAGE
181 n 130, 133 241, 255-56, 260 180, 181 and n
318 246 n 61 264 ..114 113 n . 258
176 119
32 and n, 64, 107, 140
Erachha-vishaya, do.,.
Era Docha, 8.a. Era Docha-nayaka, Richerla ch., Erapota, donee,
Erapota, Musunuri ch., Erich, vi., Erragudi, do.,
.
Eruva, t.d.,
182, 216 194, 320
12023. 121
258, 264 250 121
1-3, 4 and n, 5-6, 29, 30
and n .252
104-05,
239 n
104-08
47, 209, 211

Page #475

$58
Ferishta, aw., Firüz Shah Tughluq, Sultan of Delhi,
Five Dravidas, co.,
Five Gaudas, do., Futüb-us-Salatin, wk.,
9, subscript, looking like n, Gabhisthira, m., Gadadhara, av.,. Gadag, tk.,.
Gadag, vi.,.
Gadayuddha, wk.,
Gaddapalli Peddibhatta, donee, Gadheya, s. a. Visvamitra, sage k.,
Gadhi, myth. k.,.
Gadväl pl. of Vikramaditya I,
Gahaḍvala, dy.,
Gajadharafarman, m., Gajamukha, de., Gajapati, dy.,
Gajapati, ep.,
Gamdhara, co.,
Garga.dv., Gamga, ri.,
G
Gajaratnapura, 8.a. Šivasimhapura, ci.,
Gajasahini, off..
Gajjana, s.a. Ghazna, I.,
Gambhuvaka, m.,
Gangadhara, 8.a. Siva, de.,
Gamgayarya, donee,
Gananayaka, a.a. Ganesa, de.,
Ganapati, Kakatiya k.,
Ganapati, Yajvapāla k.,
Ganavayan, m.,
Gandhara, co.,
Gandikota, vi.,
"
Gapapatidova, Kakatiya k., Ganapati-nayaka, ch. Gapapaya, m.,
Gapapay-arya, do.,
Gapapeévaram ins. of Kapaya-nayaka,
Ganesa, de.,
Gapeéa to..
Gapäevara, Oinvär ch.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
334 n
188 311, 334
243 n, 246 n, 248
and n
PAGE
243 n
119 287, 201
332-33 171, 173
33
214 n
257, 265
.
137 135
95, 175 n, 176-77 126, 277, 279, 305, 308, 343 n 141, 154
259
231
343
331
251
384 and n 57, 60 16 131-32, 162 134, 137, 321 148 258, 266
63, 66, 71, 74 33 and n, 39,
251
339-43, 344 and n, 345
251
.
252
242, 263
254
256
111
17 248
63, 71, 229, 296
337n 331, 332 n. 333
Ganga, dy.,
Ganga, Eastern, do.,
Ganga, Imperial, do., Ganga, Western, do., Gangă, ri.,
Ganga, goddess, Gangadeva, m., Gangădēvi, au.,
Gangadhara, Tel.-Choda ch., Gangadhara, donee, Gangakrityaviveka, wok.,
•
Gannaya, donee,
Gannaya Proggada, off., Gaonri, 1.,.
Gaonri pl. of Govinda IV,
Garbh évarika, fe., Garga, m.,.
Garga, do.,. Garuda, emblem,.
Gangaraja, ch., Gangaraja, off.,
Gangaraiyan Alappirandan, Ganga ch.,
Gangavadi, t. d., . Ganges, ri., Gängöya, dy., Ganitabrahman, ep., Gañjagatti, vi., Ganjam, di.,
Ganjam pl. of Vajrahasta III,
Gañjigatte, vi.,
Ganna, donee, Gannavaram, tk.,
Gannaya, 8.a. Gannaya-mantrin, Kolani ch.,
[VOL. XXXII
PAGE
62 n, 110, 115 n, 177 n.
231-32, 371 201, 202 and n, 203-04, 313-14, 325-26, 232, 280, 310 107, 327 111
Gauda, community,
Gauda, dy.,
Gauda, m.,
Gauda, a.a. North India, co., Gauda-desa, Gauda-rajya, do.,
Gauda-Varendra, do., Gaudisvara, tit., Gaudiya, community, Gauhati, ci., Gaula, co...
.
36, 43, 135, 222, 226, 228
344, 346
344, 346
249
252 43 332
253
191
111
191, 195-96
41 n, 277, 281
202, 206
266
213
203
310 and n 172/ .266 n 195 251 and n
258, 266 245
•
50 50
287, 291
287, 291
Garudanarayana, s.a. Devasithha, Oinvar ch.,. Garudanarayana, s.a. Purushottama, do.,
Gauda, co.,
179 64
331
333 n
277-81, 331, 334
48 108 160, 164 51 113,
117, 131
277-81 279
48
288 246
.

Page #476

PART VIII)
INDEX
859
.
86
277
PAGU Gaur, L. . . . . . . 279-80 Gauri, goddess, . . . . . 112, 116 Geuri-kedara te., .
. . . 229 Gautamönvara, de., . , 242, 256, 259, 267 Gautami, 3.a. Godavari, ri.,
. 31,
254-86 Gautamimahātmya wk.,
. . 31 Gautamiputra Satakarni, Savdhana k., 83,86 Gautamiputra Yajia-Satakarņi, do... Gevads-niyoga, t. d.,
311, 315 Gavaki, fe., . . .
. . 311, 315 Gavi, m.,. .
. . . . 64, 67 Gaya, I., . . .
. . . 341 Gayasīrsha, 8.a. Gaya, I.,
. . 341 Gayasura, demon, .
342 Gayatrisiva, dones, .
. 178, 181, 183 Gazipur, di.
306, 308 Germany, Co.,. . Dhapaka oil-mill,
• 64, 87-68 Ghanaskandha, J., . .
. . 96, 98 Ghanaskandha, m., . . Ghårāpuri, 3.4. Elephanta, I.,
. 61 Ghataja, 1.d. Agastya, sage,
. 38 Ghazna, I. . .
. 334 n Ghiyag-ud-din Tughluq, Sultan of Delhi, 167, 244,
263 Girija, goddess, . . . . . 116 Giri-suta, 4.4. Parvati, do.. . . . . 46, 61 Girnår Edict of Abóka, 1, 4 and n, 5 and n, 6,
17 n, 24 n, 29, 30 and n Glag vinda, wok.. .
.
.
. . . . 220 Goa, t. d., . Godachi pl. of Kirtivarman,
204 n, 296 Goddhala, Lubdhaka ch., .
340, 342 Godavari, di.,. .
. 187 Godavari, ri.,. . 31, 36-37, 42, 242, 248-49,
252, 254-58, 262, 264 Godavari, East, di.,.
• 239, 256 Gögādēva, .a. Köka, Malava k., . • 147 n Göggi, Silahāra k., .
. . 61 Goggi, Gögi, ch.,
. . 62 a Gohila, dy. . .
. . 220 Gokarpnasvámin, god, .
204, 312 Golachalanipuri, a.a. Kolachelamapura, ul., 246 n Golden Mountain, 6.a. Meru, myth, mo. . 241 Gollabhatti, done, .
178, 181 Gollska, n.,
. . 209, 212 n Gomati, ri.,
. . . 129 Gomi, 4.. Gomati, ri.,
. . 129 Gonka, Velaranfi ch., .
. . 194 Gonkovara te.,. .
• 194 Gooty, fori.. . .
. 248 Gooty, tk.,. . . Gooty, tn., . .
ΡΑΟΣ Gopidri, 4.a. Gwalior, fort,. . 339, 344-46 Gopichala 8.. Gwalior, do.. . 339, 344-46 Gopachandra, Chandra k., . 140 and n, 105 Gopala, Yojvapala, k., . . . . 340-45 Gopichettippalaiyam, tk., . .
192 Gopinatha to.. . . . . . . 251 góprachára, pasture land, . . 287, 291 Goeagi, J.,. . . . .
246 n Gotra : Aghamarshana,
35, 43 Atreys, . 34, 43, 141, 168, 268-69,
288, 312 Aupamanyaya, . . . . 287, 291 Badarāyana, . . . . 36, 42 Bahvpicha, Bhalandana,
. . 178, 184 Bharadaya, a.a. Bharadvája, . . 89 Bharadvaje, . : 35, 42-43, 47, 52.63 88,
90, 93, 96, 140-41, 163-54, 178, 183-84, 225, 242,
254-56, 257, 206 Bhargava,
. . . . 36, 48 Chandratreya, . . . . 141, 164 Chha ndogs . Dévarata, . .
. 35, 43 Dövarāta Kausika,
214, 216 Dhaumya, .
217, 219 Glava, . .
. . 84-85, 87 Gárgya, . . . . 34, 42, 268, 267 Gautama,
35, 43, 119, 122, 140, 163
and n, 225, 268, 266 Harita, . . 35, 43, 84, 87, 178, 183, 226,
258, 266 Jåmadagnya,
. . 36, 42-43 Jåmadagnya-Vatsa . .
. . 35 Kapi. . . . . 34, 43, 257, 205 Kasyapa. . 34, 42-43, 140.41, 164,
160, 163, 178, 183, and n, 184, 226, 258, 266, 301, 303, 311,
314-15, 340, 342, 344, 346 Kätyāyana,
. . 141, 154 Kaundinya. 34, 42-43, 130, 133, 178, 183,
257-58, 266 Kaulika . 34-35, 42-43, 178, 183, 184, and
n, 268, 266, 300, 303 Kautsa, . . 119, 122 124-25, 127 Lavanghiyang, . . . . . 225 Lohita, . . . . . . 35, 43 Maitreya,. . . 178, 183, 258, 267 Mänavya, 176, 182, 215, 218, 294, 320 Maudgalya, . . . . . 94 Maudgalyayans, . . . . . 97 Mitrayuys, . .
. . 36, 43
.
.
.
296-97

Page #477

360.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
PAGE
.
.
. 42226, 255, 258, 260
Götraconid. Mudgala,
. . 35, 42 Paritara, . 35, 49 Sär dilya, . .
. 166, 184, 267 Sámkşityāyana, . 178, 183, and n Sanaga, .
. . . 225 Sandilya, . 35, 42, 141, 178, 184, 225, 258 Savarni,
. .
. . ..
. .
. 141, 156 and n Srivatsa, . .
. 42, 258, 267 Upamanyu, . . .
. . 225 Uchathya, Utathya,
. 153n Väbhrysáva, .
35, 43 Vadhals, . .
• 258, 288 Vaijavāpa,.
• . 220 Vaijavāpāyana,
. . 224 Väsishths,. 35-36, 42-43, 141, 154, 158, 179,
258, 266 Vataa, . . 36, 42-43, 141, 166, 225 Visvamitra,. .
. . 35-36, 43 Goula, vi... ...
. . 120, 122 Govardhanabarman, dones, . . . 140, 154 Govinda, do., . .
. 43, 258, 266 Govinda, Oinpár ch., .
333n Govinda, 6. a. Govinda III, Rashfraktfak., . 169n Govinda I, do.. . 46, and n, 50, 52, 158 Govinda II, do., . .
. 46, 56, 158 Govinda HI, do.,
46 n, 66, 129, 187 n, 158
and n, 169, and n, 160 Govinda IV, do.. .
. 47, 49-60, 66 Govinde, . Govindachandra, Gahadavila k.,. . . 279 Govindapur ins.,
. . 232n Govindarija, .. a. Govinda I, Räsh frakifa k., 46, 160 Govindarája, 4.a. Govinda II, do., . 48, 52
56, 59, 162 Govindaraja, .. a. Govinda III, do. . 131, 163 Govindarája, 4. a. Govinda IV, do., . 56, 59 Govindarija, Maurya k., .
210 Govindarasa, off.. . . . . 194 Gramakita, do... . . .
163 Grima-maryada, . . .
. 35 Guddigoro, vi., .. a. Gudgøri, vi... 319-20, 322-23 Gudgéri ina.. . . . . . .319 Gudgëri, vi.. . . . . . .319 Guhe, ... . . . . . • 133 Guhakvara, de... . . . 113 and n, 117 Guhila, dy. .
• 147 n, 210 Gujarlt, co., 32, 33 and D, 68, 61 n, 138 and
1, 136 , 144, 210, 221-22,
245, 343 Gujarra rock edict of Aboks, Guldmarlja, ho .
. 203
PAGS Gulepüpdi, vi... .
• 264 Gulbarga, di.. .
. 168, 295-96 Gunamarāja, m.,
. . . 203 Gunamahärnpava, E. Ganga k.,. Gunasagara, Afupa k.,
. 319 Guzavirakkuravadigal, Jaina monk, . 337-38 Gundama, E. Ganga k.,
. 313 Gundama-nayaka donee, . . . Gundamaraja, E. Ganga k., . . . . 313 Gupdana, donee, . . . .
311, 315 Gundlakamma, ri., .
. .284 Guntur, di., . . 83 and n, 85-86, 89,
96, 193-95, 247, 261, 263 n Guntur, in.. . . . . Gurazala, do.. .
. 83 Gurjara, Gürjara, co., 32-33,56 n, 58 n, 69, 132,
150, 227, 245 Gurjara, Gürjara, people, . 38, 40 and n, 56, 58,
210, 212 Gårjaca-Prathara, dy.. . . . 47, 66 Gurjeritra, co.,. . . . 58 and a, 65 n Garijaradhibuara, ep., . . . . .223 guru-dakshind, .
. . 178 and n, 181 guru-tantra,
. . 266, 266 Guttal, vi..
. 80n Gwalior, ci., .
. 339, 344, 345n Gwalior Musoum ins., . . . 339, 340 n Gwalior Stato, . .
. 146, 339 Gyadina Buratina, Muslim k. . . 384
Halebid, ci.,
.
.
49
, . .
. . . 30, 104, 229, 336 A, written with a vertical line,
. . . 105 Hachchalu, vi... . . . 172 Hadagalli, tk., . .
. . 193 Hadappobvara, Hadappēsvara-kataka, . a. Dah Parbatiya, ca.. .
. 287-88, 290 Haihaya, dy. . .
. . 286 Haiyungthal, vi.
285-86 Haiyungthal pl. of Harijaravarman, . 286-86
32, 192, Haleritti, I., Haleritti ins. of Nityavarahs Nirupams. Vallabha, . . . .
. 49 Halmidi ins. of Kakustha,. .
318 a Halsi, os., . . . . . .
218 Hslsi pl. of Harivarman, . . .
293 Halsi pl. of Kökusthavarman,
202 Halsi pl. of Ravivorman, .
• 217 Hajuvägilu, di., .
. Hamjamana, Parsee colony, . . . 48 Hammira, k., . . . . 33, 39 and a Hammira, Chahamana k... 146, 147 and ), 321

Page #478

PART VIII)
INDEX
361
..
.
48
PAGB Hammiramadamardana, wk., 33n, 142 and Hammiramahäkävya, do. . . 147 n, 300 Hammfraverman, Chandella k., . . 344 Hamasarāja, m.,. . . . 344, 346 Haryamana, Parsee colony, 48, 63, 64, 72, 74 Hangal, tn., . . . . . . hanjamana, s.a. hanyamana, Hansi ins. of Prithviraja II, . . . Hanuman, de.. . .
293 n Hanumantapuram, vi., .
. 110 Hanumantapuram ins. of Vijaya-Isvaravarman, 110 Hara, 6.a. Siva, de., . .46, 61, 116, 130, 160 Haralahalli, vi.,'. . . . . 32 n Haranand, Malwa k., ..
147n Harapanhalli, tk., . . . . 215 Harasimha, Oinvår ch.,
332 and n, 333 Harasura, donee, .
. . . . 225 Hari, de.,. . 62, 69 and n, 148, 161, 214-16 Hari, donce, . . Haridēva, do.,
. . .225 Haridõvabarman, do.,
. . 141, 154 Harihara, m., .
. Harihara, Vijayanagar k., .
256 Harihars I, do.,. .
248 Harihara II, do.,
36 n Harinārāyana, 4.a. Bhairavasin a, Oinvår ch.,330, 334 Haririja, m., .
. 344, 346 Harirkja, Pratihara k.,
. 118 Harisarman, donee, . . Haribarmatarman, do.. Harisavalli, «.a. Arasavalli, vi.. . 311-12, 314 Harikohandra, Paramara k.. . . . . 145 Harisimha, k., . .
. 330 Haritfputra, ep... 84-88, 176, 182, 215, 218, 320 Harivanja, sok... .
. 254 and Harjara, Harjaravarman, k. of Pragjyštisha,
285-87, 289 Harsha, Harshavardhana, k. of Kananj, 161, 176,
182, 207, 214, 216, 320 Harshavarman, k. of Pragjyotisha, . 286-86 Harsola pl. of Siyaka, . .
66 n, 143 Hároppsvara, Hadappsvars, ca., . 287 Hassan, di.. . .
. . 159 hastibandha, tax, . . . . . 287, 291 Hatun ins. of Patölasihi, Havori, tk., . . . Havik, community. . .
79 n Havyaka, 8.a. Havik, do.. . 158, 159 and n Hēmāchala, .a. Mēru, myth. mo., .
260 Hômadpanta, . . . . . . 31
madri. au., . , 32 and n, 70 n, 142 n H&malapurt, .a. Alampura, vi.. . . 169 n Himkohala, mo... .
. . . 260 Him Ilaya, do.,. . . . . 241, 341
PAQJ Himguvära, I., . .
48, 58 Hindustan, . .
. • 243 Hinganghat, ik.. . .
. 160 Hirahadagalli pl. of Sivaskandavarman, 89 Hiranyagarbha, ... Brahman, god, . 295 Hiranyagarbha, mahädäna, 294, 296 n, 297, 322 Hiriyakölu, L.m., . . . . . 174 Hiuen-teang, Chinese pilgrim, 68 n, 179, 288 Hiyarahāra ., .
. . 47, 62 Holalgunda-30, t.d., . . . . . 78 Holalkere, tk., ....
. . 213 Hothnehalli, Honnohalli, vi...
79-81 Honnur pl. of Vikramaditya I, . 176, 177 Hooghly, ri., . .
- 280 Hosakote, vi. . . . . . 80 Hosavůr, Hosavūru, .a. Hosur, do.. . 171, 173 Hoshangabad, ... . .
. . 114, 145 Hosur, vi., . . .
171, 173 Howraghat, I., . .
283 Hoyisava, 6.a. Hoysala, dy... 171, 173, 191-95, 216 Hoysalaba, . . .
. 193 Hoysala-Yadave, dy... .
. 32 Hulekal, vi.. . . . .
• 80 Humnabad, tk., . . .
• 165 Hana, tribe. . .
56, 58-69 Hana-Gürjara, tribe..
. . 143 Hungund, tk., . .
· 318 Hasain Shah, Muslim ruler, . Havina Hippargi inn, of Amoghavarsha I, 40 n Hyderabad, os.,. . . . . . 286 Hyderabad, State, . . . 65, 166, 176 Hyderabad pl. of Vikramaditya I, 176 n, 177 n. 396
.
.
60
i, initial, . .
. 45, 55, 71, 92, 175, 207, 218, 229, 231, 278 and n,
284, 325, 330, 337 i, medial, . . . 104-05, 112, 207, 231 1, modial, . . . 176, 207, 213, 230-31 Ibn Khurdadbs, au. . Ibn Haukal, do.. . .
. 60 Ibrahim Shah, k. of Jaunpur,
331, 334 n Ichchawar, vi... .
. 121 Ichchawar pl. of Paramardin,
120, 124 Idaipparai, vi... .
, 110 Idaiyir, do. . .
274 Idaiyattankudi, do.. Idaiyáttúr, do., .
• 274 Idavai, I., . . .
270-71, 273-76 Idaval, ... 86lantaka-chaturvedimangalam, vi.. . . . .
. 269-73 Idayatti, de. . .
. . 274 Idayatti-mangalam, do..
. 60
. . . . 274
* 80 n
.
.
274

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
PAGE Isvarapotarāja, 8.9. Paramēbvaravarman II
Pallava k., . . . . . . 91 Italā, Italāgrāma, vi., . . . 126, 127 and a Ittakā, do., . . . . . 320, 322 Iyakki, 8.a. Yakshi, de., . . 337-38
.
.
.
334n
Iltutmish, Turkish Suie
145
РАах Iddachāhape, m.. . . . . 311, 316 ijardär, oft
. . 36 Ikshupalli, vi., . . . .
194 Ikshváku, dy.. 83 and n, 84, 87, 88 n, 89, 241,
260 Iliyās Shāh, k.,. . .
. . 145 Indrarāja, a.a. Indra III, Rashfrakafa k., i 52 Immadiba, Mweundrich., . . . . 250 India, co.,. . . . . 50, 179, 279 India, Eastern, do. . . 103-04, 279-81 India, Northern, do...
176, 305-06, 343 India, South, do.. . 87 n, 88, 249, 308-07,
337n Indian Musoum pl. of Dåvendravarman, 200 and n Indian Republic,
256 Indore, t.d., . . Indre, de., . . . 31, 52, 227, 253, 287 Indra, Rashfrakita k.,
. . . 168 Indra I, do., . . . . . . 46 Indra II, do..
. 46, 52 Indra III, do., 45-47, 49 and n, 50, 55-58, 61-62,
64-65, 69 Indragadh, I., . . . . 112-13, 115 n Indragarh ins. of Mälava year 767, . . 210 Indrakila, hill, . . . . . . 187 Indra-nipa, a.a, Indra III, Rashtrabljak.. 49 Indraraja, do. . . . . . . 101 Indraraja, o.a. Indra II, do., .
. 46 Indraraja, Indrarajadēva, s.a. Indra III, do., 46-47,
53, 55 Indravarman, E. Ganga k., . . . 203 Insignis : Bheri, . . . . .
.313 Chamara, . .
• 290 and n Chhatra, .. .
. 290 and n, 313 Dhakkā, . . .
. . . 321 Sankha, •
. . .312 Iparumkal, o.a. Vipanagamdla, vi., 177, 182-83 Irājakesarin, tit.,
. . 196, 198 Irukkuvēl, ..
. . . 99 Tda, .a. Siva, de.,
•
289 Isakki, Jaina de.,
. . 337 n Isamy, au.. . . : 243, 246 Isana, aspect of Siva, . .
. . . 181 Is-anvaya, dy... .
. 107 Islam, religion,
. 248-49 Isra, .a. Isvara, off.,
326, 328 Távara, de.. . . . . 41 n, 342 Ikvara, donee, . .
. . 258, 266 fávars, ..a. Paramēbvaravarman I, Pallava k., 95 Isvara, 01
950 Távara, 5.a. Iara, do.. . . . 326
j, doubled after t, . j, modified to y. . .
. . 83 Jabalpur,ci., . . . . . 46 Jadana, ch., . . . . . 142 Jagannārāyana, m.,.. . . . 933 n Jagadökamalla II, W. Chalukya l.. . 166 Jagaddēva, Paramära k., .
144-45, 149 Jagattunga, 8.a. Govinda III, Rashfrakufa k., 46,55,
59, 82 Jaggayapēta, vi.. . . . . 83, 87 JÄhnavi, ri., . . . . 116, 184 Jaitasimha, m., . .
340 a Jaitra, 6.a. Jaitrasimhadēva, Iaijavapayana
ch., . . . . . . 224, 228 Jaitrapala, o.a. Jaitugi, Yadava k., . 38 Jaitrapaichapana, ep.. .
. . 224, 227 Jaitrasithha, m.,. . . 140, 163, 221 Jaitrasimha, 6.a. Jaitugi, Paramära k.,. . 146 Jaitrasimha, ..a. Jaitrasithadēva, Vaijanipd.
yana ch., . . . 220-26, 97-28 Jaitugi, Paramära k. . 33 and a, 39-40, 146, 101. Jaitugi II, do.. . . Jajapella, 8.a. Yajvapala, dy.. . . 844 Jäjnagar, I., .. . Jākadova, m., . . . . . Jakkaya, donee,. . Jakkipēdi, m., . . Jälā, do., Jalaun, di., Jámadagnya, o.a. Parasurama, myth, hero, 241.43 Jämbotta-panchali, i.d., . , 201, 200x Jambadvipa, . . . . . 241.9A Jambukósvars, 3.a. Siva, de.,
143, 162 Jamdadasa, Jamdamala, off. 187 n, 169 Jananāthapura, vi. . Jananātharājapura, 8.a. Dräkshāram, Janardana, donee, . . . . . Jaņdamala, off., . . Jatavarman Srivallabha, Pandya, k., . Jatila, 8.a. Varaguna I do.. . . . . Jatila-Parantaka Neduñjadaiyan, do... 338 Jatilavarman Parāntaka Neduñjadaiyan, 6.a. Varaguna I, do., .
. . . . 271 Jaugada, L., . .
• 4,5 and n, 6, 29, 30 Jaunpur, do.. . . 331, 334 and n Javakhoda, vi., . .
. . . 129
10
do
20

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Javantinathapuram ins. of Varaguna, Jaya, 8.a. Jayātmā, fe., Jayachchandradeva, Gähadavala k., Jayadeva, au..
Jayakeáin I, Kadamba k.,
Jayamala-Virabahu, Pragjyotisha k., Jayanaga, k.,
Jayanaka, au.,
Jayangonda, tit.,.
Jayangondasola-mandalam, t.d., Jayabakti, Chandella k.,
Jayasimha II, W. Chalukya k., Jayasimha, 8.a. Jayavarman,
k...
Jayasimha, com.,
Paramara 140, 144, 146, 147 n 341-42,345 301, 304 334
Jayatasimha, engr.,
Jayatma, s.a. Jaya, fe., Jayavarman, 8.a. Ajayavarman, Paramāra k., 145 n Jayavarman, 8.a. Jayasimha, do., 140, 146-47, 151
53, 156
Jethawai pl. of Govinda III, . Jhalrapatan, vi.,. Jhanjha, Silahära k.,
Jhansi, ci.,.
Jhansi, di..
Jharika grant of Govinda III, Jharika, 8.a. Zari, vi.,
Jihvāmüliya,
Jimatavahana, myth. hero,
Jivadivasvamin, de,
Jääna-diksha, ceremony, Jodhpur State,
Jadara-Dasimayya, saint,
180 n
Jésala, m.,
225
Jesala, 8.a. Jesaladeva, Vaijaväpäyana ch., 220-23,
225-28 163 n 112,207 61, 62 n 124 124, 344-45 159 160, 163
92, 293,297 n, 317
64, 66 89-90
181
58 and n, 142
129 42-43 53, 60 225
Jogaddi-bhatta, donee, Jógadeva, do., Jöggapaiya, do., Jojala, do.,
"
PAGE
270 n, 338
334
126, 305, 309
220
K
Kachaya Reddi, off.,
Kachoya Reddi, do,
•
·
47 n
286, 289 104 n 300
190 n 190 and n 119, 121, 124, 127 180 n
.
.
k.
k, modified to y,.
Kaba-Nand. Kaba-Nayand, 8.a. Kapyana
nayaka, Musunuri ch.,
.
103, 158, 166, 207, 337
30
256
245
256
Kachhella, co.,
210
Kadamba, dy., 47 n, 64, 78, 176, 202 n. 215, 217,
218 n, 293, 295, 318 n
Kadamba-mandala, t.d.,
319
.
+
INDEX
1
PAGE
215
79, 81 319 320, 323 104 n 288, 346 143, 149
Kaitabhajit, 8.a. Vishnu, de., Käkaladeva, Paramāra ch., 136 and n, 137 Kakali, Lubdhaka ch., 340, 342 Kakati, Kakatiya, dy., 32-33, 159 n, 193, 240-43, 244 and n, 245, 246 and n, 247, 250, 251 and n, 260 Kākatēsa, 8.a. Prataparudra, Kakatiya k., . 251 Kakatya, 8.a. Kakatiya, dy., 32, 38 Käkita, 8.a. Kakatiya, do., 245 and n 46. Kakka I, Rashtrakuta k., Kakkala, m., 64, 66 46,52 k., 202 n, 318 n 191 31 n, 260-61 321 108
Kakkarāja, 8.a. Kakka I, Rashtrakuta k., Käkustha, 8.a. Käkusthavarman, Kadamba
Kaia, s.a. Kalapäla, k., Kāla, 8.a. Yama, god, Kalabhra, co.,
Kalachandra, Chandra k., Kalachuri, dy., 46-47, 78, 115, 144-45, 165, 180 31 Kalagrāma, 8.a. Kālēgāon, vi., 104 Kalaikuri-Sultanpur pl. of Gupta year 120, Kalákalachcheri, vi., 196-97337-38 125
Kālam, do.. Kalamjara, fort,
Kālāmukha, sect.. Kālañjara, fort,
Kalanju, wt., Kalapala, k., Kalapriya, s.a: Kalpi, vi., Kalas, I.,
Kalas ins. of Govinda IV,
Kalasõdbhava, 8.a. Agastya, sage,
Kadambavadi, do., Kadatoke, vi., Kadur, di.,
Kahpur, vi,
Kailan pl. of Sridharaparāta, Kailasa, mo.,
.
•
363
180 and n
119-21, 123-24, 126-27
99, 102
191
47
50
50 253 n 190 288 n
Kalattür-kōṭṭam, t.d.,
31, 35-36, 44 n
31
Ka-lo-tu, s.a. Karatoyä, ri.,. Kālēgion, vi., Kālēévara, 8.a. Yaměsvara, de., Kālē vara te., Kalhana, au., Kāli, goddess, Kalidasa, m.,
31 107 144 n 43 284 21-22 186, 196-97
Kalidasa, poet,
Kaliga, Kalinga, co., Kālikuḍi, vi.,
Kalinga, co., 23-24, 84-86, 107, 189, 204, 248, 271, 278, 280-81 Kelinganagara, s.a. Mukhalingam, ci., 201, 203-04, 311, 314 131.
Kalivallabha, tit.,
.
.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
.
PAGE
.244
.
49
Kaliyanga, Ganga ch., . . . , 177n Kallagráma, vi., . . . . . . Kallékvaradeva te., . . Kalpi, vi.. . . . . . Kälsi, do.,
1, 4, 6 and n, 6, 16 n, 29,
30 and n Kalugåthva, 8.8. Kalēgaon, do.. . 31, 34, 42 Kaluvachóru grant of Anitalli, 248, 250, 254 Kalva parti, tk., . . . . . . 182 Kalyana, ci.. . . 165-68, 170, 180, 193 Kalyanapura, 8.a. Kalyāna, do. . . . 169 Kalyani, 3.a. Kalyāṇa, ca.,. . . . 165 Kima, Musunürich., . . . . . 250 Kams. 3.4. Bhaktiraja, Tel.-Choda ch., . . 253 Kämadina, ..a. Mallika-Kimadina, off., 168, 169
and n Kamaladova, donee . . Kamaladharabarman, m. .
140-41, 153 Kamalapuram, vi., . . Kamalapuram ins. of Indra III,, . Kamalasimha, m., . . 140, 153 Kamandaludhara, myth. Paramära k... 144, 149 Kimaråja, ch., . . .
. . 253 Kamarnava, E. Ganga k.,
310, 313 Kimarnpava II, do., . .
. . 313 Kimaropa, o.a. Prāgiyotisha, co., 283, 288-88, 288
and n, 289 Kamathái, m., . . . . . Kamaya, donee,. . . . 258, 266 Kampana, pr., . .
. . 249 Kámaraga, tit...
. . 91 Kathboha, Kamboja, tribe, .
. . 16, 22 K&mboja, co., .
, 17, 24 Kimokvara Thakur, Oinvar ch., . 330-31, 333 and
n, 334 n Kanayakára, community. .
. . . 120 Kapadda-grama, vi., . . . . 69-70 Käpaduka, do.,
. 48-51, 53, 65 Kanakadri, myth. mo... .
. . . 161 Kanakadurga-mandapa, . . . 187 Kanakasihha, Paramära k..
144, 149 Kanam, sof.. . .
337-38 Kanars, North, di., .
. 79, 217, 218 n Kanaswa, vi.. .
. 112, 207, 209-10 Kanaswa ins. of Sivagana, . . 112, 207 Kaneuj, ci. .
46, 66, 277, 279, 305 Kanchi, Kafichipura, do., 89, 95, 161, 176-77, 193
94, 199, 252 Kifchi-déba, co. Kanchigonda, tit. .
. . . 193 Kanchipati, do... . . . . 162, 321 Káfichipotti-bhattarikā, goddess, 201, 205 Kanchipura, o.a. Kāñcht, ci..
. 251-52 Kandahains of Narasimha Darpanariyapa, 332
PAGE Kandarāda, vi... Kandukuru, tk., .
. . 96 Känhada, m., Kanhaka, engr. . . . . . 147, 156 Kanhara, Yadava k., . . . 33 and n Kanhavēņa, 8.. Krishna, ri., . . 85 Kari, 1... . . . . . 269 and n kanikkadamai, . . . . . . 100 Känkua, dones, . . . . . 69-70 Kannada, co., .
179, 182, 308 Kapnaradēva, k.,
. 100 Kapparu,. . .
. . . . 197 Kanoj, ci., . . . . . . 209, 211 Kantha, t.d.,
.61 n Kanti, .a. Gandikota, vi., .
248 Kanyakubja, ... Kanoj, ci., 48, 208-09, 211 Käpa, .. Kapaya-nāyaka, Musunuri ch., 250-81,
254, 256 Kilpa, o.a. Kapaya-näyaka, Virasamanta ch... 262 K&palika, Saita sect, . . . . 179-80 Käpälivarman, Bhoja k., .
. . . 218 Kapa Nidu, o.a. Kapaya-näyaka, Yusundrich., 256 Kapardin I, Silahara k.. . . . . 61 Kapardin II, do.. . . . . 61-62 Köpaya-näyaka, Musunuri ch., 242, 249-52, 254.
256, 263 Kapaya-nayaka, Virasamanta ch., . 252 Kara, tax, .
. 163 Karahātanagara, I.,
. 318 Karanaka, Karanika, off. . . . . 10 n Karaavalli, vi.. . . . . . . 80 Karatöya, ri..
288 and n Karhad pl. of Krishna III, Karka, 8.a. Diodiraja, Maurya k.. 208-09, 211 Karka, Rashfrakufa k.. . . . . 130 Karkka I, do.. Karkkarāja, 6.a. Karkka I, do.. . Karpa, epic hero. . . . 40 n, 131, 151 Karpa, Kalachuri k., . . . . . 144 Karpa, Chaulukya k., . . . . 145 Karna I, do.. . . . . . 144-45 Karpáta, Karnataka, co., 32, 38, 145, 161, 166, 168.
69, 179, 195, 330, 335 Karnul pl. of Adityavarman,
yavarman, . . . 213 Karnul pl. of Vikramaditya I, .
175 n Korppatēsvara, de.. Karppatēsvara, I..
. . 218-19 Karra, tn., . . .
• 243 Kaprali, donatrix,
99-100 Kärttikėya, god, . 175, 178, 192, 215, 320 Kärttiki Mela, festival. .
. . 139 Karuka, iaz, .
. . 36 Karuka-siddhantin, e.a. Kalamukha, sect, 180 Kårupaka, off...
. . . . 10 n

Page #482

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INDEX
365
PAGE Kärunika-siddhantin, 6.a. Káldmukha, sedi..180 Karur, l.,. . . .
. . . 192 Karuvûr, ..a. Karür, do., . . . 192 Karvan, vi., . . .
. . . 179 Kasakudi pl. of Nandivarman Pallavamalla, 93 Kashmir, co.
.
. 58, 107-08 Kadi, ci., . . . . . . 79, 81 Kä-Visvēsvara te.,
. . . 139 Kasu, coin,
. . . 197 Kabyapa, J., . .
296 and a Káéyapa, m., . .
. . 297 Kåtayavēma, Reddi k.,
.
256 Kathaka-riddhantin, 8.a. Kālamukha, sect, 180 Kathiawar, t.d., . . . . 61 n, 210, 341 Kattana, donee, . . . . . 371, 315 Kaurushya, rel. teacher, . . ; 179-80 Kaubika, ..a. Visvāmitra, sage, . . 143, 149 Kauthem pl. of Vikramāditya V, . . 214 n Kautuka, m., . . 49, 55-56, 59, 65, 69, 73 Kautuka-mathikā, monastery 64-65, 67, 69, 73 Kavatika, 6.a. Kautuka, m., . , 69, 73 Kavatika-mathika, ... Kautuka-mathikā,
monastery, . . . . . 69-70 Kavēra, co.,
. . . 321 Kävēri, ri., 101, 143, 147, 140, 177, 186, 190,
249 Kavērivallabhan, tit.. . .
. . . 111 Kaviprasanti, wk.. .
. . 280 n Kavubiyan Nārāyanan, n., . . . . 197 Kavyadarka, wk., . Kavyaprakäsavivēka, do.. . :
331 Kāyastha, community. 58, 60, 167, 170, 311-12, 314.
16, 339, 342, 344, 346 Kāyāvarõhaņa, 8.a. Karvan, 11.,. . 179 Kedara, low land,
•
287, 291 Kedara, de.,
. . 340, 342 Kedåra, I., .
. . . 341 Kēdáraraya, off.. .
. . 334 and n Kela, m.,. . .
. . . 226 Kelāpur, tk., .
. . . 160 Kēlhana, Chalamana k.. . • 136 and n, 138 Kemgala, lake,
. . . 323 Kēnana-gráma, vi.. .
•
73, 75 Kendur pl. of Kirtivarman II, . 317 n, 318 Kērala, co.
. 161, 177, 191, 321 Keralaputra, k.. . . . . . . lln Kesami-nayaka, ch.. . . . . . 262 Késarin, off.. . .
. . 64 Kēšava, de.. . .
242, 255, 259, 267 Kēbava, donee, . 43, 225, 257, 259, 266, 267 Kēšava, m., . . . . 120, 122, 225 Kebava-bhatta, do.. . . . . 79, 81 Késavaiya, off..
. . 64, 66 Kebavasvamin, donee, . .
178, 183
PAGE KAAVASTAmin to.. . . . . . Kēkidēva, ch., .:.
. 62 Kouvola., Keruvolala, ... Kisuvolal, L., Khadiravati, goddess, . .
. . 71, 74 Khalji, dy.,
. 146, 147 n, 244-45 Khamadēva, off., . , 300, 303 and a Kbambesvart, goddess,
. . . 324 Khambha, vi.. . . Khambhagaum, 6.a. Khamgaon, do.. . 86, 43 Khamēbvart, de.. .
. . 325 Khamgaon, vi... . . . . . 36 Khanapur, tk., . . .
. . .218 n Khandesh, co., .
. . 33 n, 146, 210 Khandesh, East, di... . . . . 37 Khandesh, West, do. . . . 37, 129, 216 Khapdimals, engr., . .
. . 202 n Khåravēla, k., .
. 85-86 Kharepatan pl. of Anantadēva,
. . 63 Khari, 1.m.,
• 232 Khasa, tribe, . . .
• 56, 58-59 Khazain khaz-ul-futah, wk...
246 m Khoja Ahamads, off...
166, 168 Khölēsvara, m., .
. 33 Khuara, at.. . .
246 Khusru Khan, off. .
. . 243 Khvaja Ahamada, do..
. 166, 168 Khwaja Hāji, do.. .
. .. 243 Khwaja Jahan, ruler of Jaunpur, . . 334 n Kikata, Maurya ch.. . Kisiyor-nādu, t.d., .
186, 196-97 Kil-Muttugur, vi., .
110, 111 and n Kilor, do... .
. . 99 Kirtidurga, o.a. Deogarh, fort, 343, 344 and n, 345 Kirtigiri, ..a. Deogarh, do., . . . . 344 Kirtikaumudi, wk.. . . . . . Kirtilata, do., .
.
. . 331 Kirtisimha, Oinvär ch., 331, 333 and n, 334 n Kirtivarman, Chandela k.,. . 119, 121, 344 Kirtivarman, I, Chalukya k., 176, 178, 182, 209,
294 and 2, 295 and n, 320 Kirtivarman II, do... . . . 317, 318 Kirtiväsa, Krittivāsa-kshētra, *.a. rhuba
neswar, I., . . . . . 234, 237 Kirapūr, vi.. . .
192 Kirukuppator pl. of Krishnavarman II, .218 Kisuvolal, o.a. Pattadkal, I., . 317-19, 322 Ko-Chohadaiya-Marar, 5.a. Sadaiya-Märar
Srimara Srivallabha, Pandya k., 270, 275 Ko-Chohadaiyan Ranadhirap, do.
273 Ködandarama to.. . . . . 189 Kodavali ins. of Chada Sāta, . 83 and n. 86 Kodumbālor, f.
. . 99, 101 Ködūru grant of Anavõta Reddi.
263
.
210
.
. 93 n

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EPIGRAPHIA İNDİCA
[VOL. XXXII
147
· PAGE Köki, Malwa k., Kokilasvamin, done, .
178, 183 Kókkalla I, Kalachuri k., .
46-47 Kolaba, di., . . .
.61 Kolachelamapura, vi., . .
. 245 Kolai, port,
. . 51 Kölāļa, 8.a. Kolar, I.,
. . 191 Kolani, f.,. .
.. . 251 Kolani Rudradēva, 8.a. Prataparudra, Kolani ch., . . .
247-48, 251, 253 Kolani Soma-mantrin, off.. . . . 251 Kolanuvidu, 3.a. Sarasipuri, ci., . . 251 Kola:, di.,. .
. . 110, 191 Kolávā-pattalā, do.. . . 120, 122 Kolonūru-thirty, .d., .
. . 78 Kolhapur, tn., . .
33 n Kõli, tribe, . .
• 61 Kolimahāra-vishaya, i.d.,
47, 51, 53 Kõllagrāma, vi., . .
. 48, 51 Kollapuram, tk., . .
. 182 Kolläru, vi.. . . Komdarasa, ...
. . . 178 Komana, donce,. . KO-Māran-Jadaiyan, Pandya k.,. ' 274 Kommuru, vi., . . . . . .
. 194 Kona-dosa, 4.a. Kona-mandala, t.d., . 258-56 Kona-mandala, do. . . . 242, 254-55 Kona-rashtra, 8.a. Konamandala, do... 256 Kons-ma, 8.a. Kona-desa, do.. . . Kons-sthala, 3.a. Kõnamandala, do.. . Kon-ávani-mandala, 6.4. Kona-mandala, do, 264 Kondapalli-300, do.. .
. . 194 Kondarasa, 7.,..
174 Kondavidu, ci.,. .
. 245, 254 Konērinmaikonda, Konêrinmaikondaru, tir., 187 and n Könērirājapuram, vi., . . • 192 Kongalar, tribe,. . . . . . 271 Kongar, do., .
. . . 191 Kongu, co., .
. . 191-92 Konguņivarmman, k.. Konkan, co. . . . . 33, 60, 210 Konkan, Northern, do., 48, 51, 57, 61, 62 and n,
63-64, 72, 74 n Konkana, Konkana-1400, 1.d., . . 72 and n • Koppa, tk., .
. . 319 KO-Pparakesari, fil.,. . . 196 Körukopds ins. of Mummadi-niyaka,. . 252 Korasõdaka-panchali, i.d., . . . 203 n Koroshanda pl. of Visakhavarman,
203 n Xodadhipa, off., . . . . . 344, 346 Kotul, di., . . .' . . 209, 221
Paca KO- Vijaiya-Nandivikkirama Paruman, K0. Vijaiya-Nandivikrama-paruinan, Pal
lava k.. . . . . . . . 99, 101 Köyättür, 8.a. Laddigam, vi., .
193 Köyil-Tevarāyan-pēttai, 6.a. Tiruchchöyalür, do.,
• 185 Krishna, o.a. Vishnu, de., 32 n, 46 n, 146, 161, 161,
344, 346 Krishna, donee, . . . . . Krishna, di.. .
. . . 83, 86-87 Krishna, 6.a. Kanhara, Yadava k., 33 and n, 40 and n Krishna I, Rashfraküfa k., 46 and n, 55, 158 Krishna II, do.,. . 46-47, 49-51, 61-62 Krishna III, do., 36 n, 55, 56 and n, 58, 61, 62 and
n, 64-65, 68, 69 and n, 135 n, 143 Krishna, ri., , 85-86, 182, 252, 264
65 Krishnabēppa, 8.a. Krishni do... . 176 n Krishnadēva 8.a. Kanhara, Yadava k.,. . 33 Krishnadēvs, Paramara k.,. 136 and n, 137 Krishpaditya, donce, . . . . . 225 Krishṇamattamba, t.d., . 201, 203-04 Krishnaraja, Maurya k., . . . 208-11 Krishnarāja, Paramāra k.,. . 136 and n, 137 Krishparaja, 8.a. Krishna I, Råsk frakūta
k., . . . . . 46, 52, 55, 58, 130, 161 Krishnaraja, 1.a. Krishna II, do... 46-47, 52 Krishnaraja, 3.a. Krishna III, do. . 55, 59 Krishnabarman, M., . . . . 141, 155 Krishnavarman II, Kadamba k., 218, 293 n Krishnavonnā, 8.. Krishna, ri... Krittiväsa, Krittivāsa-kshētra, 8.. Bhu.
baneswar, I., . . . 232-33, 235, 237 Krityamaharnava, wk., Kshatriya, community, . .
. 141, 156 Kohita, off.. .
. . . 64, 66 Kubera,de.
. 93 Kubunūru, Kubuņūru-grāma, vi... 94, 96-97 Ku-cho-lo, ... Gurjara, co.,. . . 58 n Kudamakku, 6.4. Kumbakonam, in.. . Kuhundinagara, ca.. .
· 318 Kukkaika, 6.a. Kukkāyya, com
. 160 Kukkiyya, do...
. 160, 164 Kukshi, vi.. . .
. 130 Kulavarman, off.. .
94-95, 98 Kalhanabarman, m.. .
. . 141, 164 - Kulõttunga I, Chöja k., 186 and n, 187 and n, 188
and n, 189 and n, 190 and n,
191, 192 and n, 193-95 Kulottungakőla-valanādu, i.d.,
187 Kujumbur, vi.. . . . 269-71, 273, 275 Krılyavāpa, 1.7., . . . . . 232 n Kumara, ep. . . . . . 172 Kumara, m., . . . . . . 113
•
258
255
-
-

Page #484

PART VIIT]
INDEX
367
ΡΑΟΣ
Lakhanavati, ca.
333
.
207
Kumāra, m., .
• 194 Kumaray, tit., .
. 270, 276 Kumarapala, Paramära k...
136 n Kumarapala, Chalukya k.,,
145 Kumāra-Somēbvara, Chalukya pr.,
• 195 Kumāra vishnu II, Pallava k.
92 n, 93 Kumari-sahasa-dosha, privilege,
. 48 Kumbakonam, in., . . . . . 274 Kumbhadauda, Kumbhadāuda-grama, vi., 140, 147,
153, 165 Kumbhodbhava, 8.a. Agastya, sage, . 254 Kumkumadēvi, Kumkumamahadevi, Alupa q..
317, 319, 322 Kun yara, m., . . .
61 n Kūnaya-nayaka, ch., . .
.. 252 Kundavär, di., ... .
320, 323 Kundesvar ins. of Aparajita, Kundiprabha, 8.a. Gundlakammă, ri.
254 Kuntagapi, vi...
217-18 Kannur, I., . .
• 271 Kupēra, lake,
320, 322 Kuppatarman, donee, . .
214, 216 Kuram, 8.a. Kurram, vi. . Kurnool, di., .
. 1, 194, 214, 245 Kurram pl. of Paramēbvaravarman, . 92-93 Kuruhkolla, lake,
. 320, 323 Kukasankira, vi.
201, 203, 205 Kukikea, acetic, .
179 Kutch, i.d.,
61n Kathi, m., . . Kuttaka, *., .
88 Katta år, 5.a. Nataraja, de.. Kuvalaiyasinganallür, 6.a. Möyür Tiruppattur, vi.. .
274 Kuvaläla, ci. .
. . 111
.
93
PACH Lakhamidovi, Chandella g., .
120, 122 Lakhapapura, vi.. .
140, 148, 154
. . . . 280 Lakhimi Lakhimādēvi, Oinvär q., 331, 332 and n, Lakhnauts, a.a. Gaude, co., . . . .. 245 Lakkundi, vi., . . .
. . . . 33 Lakshmadēva, 8.. Jagaddēva, Paramāra k.144 n,
145 Lakshmana, Oinvār ch., .
333 n Lakshmasimba, Guhila k.. .
147 Lakshmikvar, Lakshmēsvara, vi., . 318 and , 319 Lakshmi, fe., .
. 301, 304 Lakshmi, goddess, 48, 59, 130, 197, 227, 264 Lakshmideva, 6.a. Vishnu, de., . . 296 n Lakshmidhara, dones, . . . 42-43, 69-70 Lakshmidhara, m. . . . . . 43 Lakshmidbarabarman, do., .
. 141, 165 Lakshminatha Kamsanårāyana, Oinvår ch. 332, 338
and a Lakshmivarman, Paramāra L., . . . 145 Läkula, Lakul-agama, rel. system, 179, 180 and a Läkul-agama-samaya, Lakula-siddhanta, do., 180 Lakulin, Saiva saint, . . . 179, 180 and a Lakulisa, ... Lakulin, do., . . . . 179 Lakultaa, 1.. Siva, god. . . . . . 179 Lakultavara-pandita, saint, .
180 n Lalgudi, tk., . . . .
. . 273 Lalgudi ins. of Varagunamaharaya, 270 n. 337-38 Lalitāditya Muktăpida, Kashmir k., . 108 Lalitpur, i.d., . . . . . 124, Languages :
Bengali, . . . . . . Gujarati,
. . . . 222
. 88 Kannada,
,11 , 113, 168, 171 Migadhi, Marathi,
. 168 Oriya,. .
. .
. . . 229-33, 325 Pali, . .
. . . 106, 109 n Persian. . . . . 48, 167 Prakrit, . 4, 29, 83, 87, 144, 222, 233 n Sanskrit, 40, 5, 30, 32, 45, 66, 63, 87, 92-93, 106,
109 n, 112-13, 129, 135, 140, 158, 166, 175, 187 n, 195, 200-01, 208, 214, 217, 220, 222, 230, 233 and n, 234 n, 235 , 240, 251, 277, 284, 294,
296, 299, 305-06, 310, 317, 340, 343 Tamil, 93, 99, 110, 185, 188-89, 199-200, 229,
231 and n, 232-33, 236 n, 269, 337
and n Tolngu, 110, 187, 188, 195, 231, 240, 248, 262 Turkish,
.
. . 88 Lår, ... Läta. co., . Läta, Late-doka, do...
61, 64-65, 142
192
.
88
Hindi, .
... ........ .....
... 4, 83, 213 I, changed to r, . .
30 1, diacritically markod,
230 n 1, Vattoluttu form, . .
110 6. . . . . . 79, 217, 230 and n,
240, 317
171, 317 Laddar Doo, 8.a. Prataparudra, Kakatiya k., . 246 n Laddigam, vi.,. .
. . 193 Laghu-Möyipadraka, do.. . . . 130, 138 Laghubaltātapasmaili, wk., .
70 n Lähadapura, vi., .
305-09 Laharpur, do.. . .
. . 306 Laida, do., . .
. 327 Lajfika, off .
12 Lakaviraya, stream,
390 and 1, 323
.
.
.
61

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368
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. Xxx
PAGE
PAGS
.
107
Lafa-pråkdra-raya-dhvamsaka, tit., . . 64, 66 Lathika, tribe. . . . . . . 16 Lauhita, Lauhitya, 6.a. Brahmaputra, ri., 286-86,
288, 290 Lauhitya-väridhi, 8.a. Brahmaputra, do.. 288 lava, I.m.. . . . . . . 126 Lavana prasada, Vaghela ch., . . 33, 221 Layingadēva, off.. . . . . 244-45 Legend on coins ; Niti, . . .
. 107 Nitichandra, . Sri-Sivasys .
107 Sri-Talakadu-gonda,
191 Vira, . .
107 Virachandra, . . .
107 Legend on seal : Avimuktélparasya .
281 n Leyden (Snialler) pl. of Kulottunga I,. . 187 Likhandvali, sok.. .
. 332 and a Limbăditys, com., . .
. . 69, 71 Limbaiya, of... . .
. . 64, 66 Linga. Purana, wk., . .
. 179 n Lingavarttiku, do. .
. : 331 Lingayata, sect, . .180 and n, 181 and n Lipikpit, 8.a. Kayastha, community, : 344, 346 Lodha, Lubdhaka, do.. . .840 and n Löhada, m., . .
. . 339 Lobaner pl. of Pulakekin II,
. . 178 Löbárå grant of Govinda III, . .157 n, 160 Lõpi, m., : . . .
. 344, 346 Lõhata, off., 339, 341-42, 344, 346 and n, 346 Lokaditya, til... .
. . 92 Loka-mahadēvi, E. Ganga . . 201-02, 205 Lokanatha, donee . Lokanátha, k...
. 104 Lokapura-12, 1.d., . . .
78
. Lubdhaka, dy...
339-40, 342 Lunar dy.
• 241, 261, 263
186
Madha, Madhai, coin, 232, 234-36, 237-38 Madhava, 4.9. Rajavallabha Pallavaraiyan, donor, . . .
. . 187 Madhava, Ganga ch., . .
: 177 Madhava, M.,. . .. .
42-43 Madhavalarman, donee, . . 140-41, 153 Madhavasvamin, do.. . . . . 175 a Madhubani, l... . . . . 331 Madhukāmärppava, E. Ganga k.,
313 Madhukovara, 8.2. Siva, god, . . 167-70 Madhukovara to.. . . . .
. 166 Madhumada, 8.2. Muhammad, n., . 47 n Madhumata, off. . . . . . Madhumati, ch., . . . . 47, 52-53 Madhumati Sugatipa, off-, . . . 50, 62, 65 Madhurantakam, vi.. . . . . . 189 Madhurintaki, Chola pr., . . . . 195 Madhuravijayam, wk., . . . . 249 Madhu-ripu, o.a. Krishna-Vishnu, de... 46 n Madhusudana, .a. Bhillamaladēva, do., 56, 59 Madhusudans, m., Madhusudana, Oinvår pr.,. . . . 333 n Madhya Bharat, 1.d., . . . . 112, 129-30 Madhya Pradesh, State, 46, 112, 118, 157, 210 Madiraikonda, tit.. .
. Madirattadi, m., . . . 311, 316 Madras, ci.. . . . . . . 239 Madras, State, . . 185, 189, 199, 269 Madras Museum plates of Jatilavarman, 271 Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta, 310 and n Madura, Madurai, ci., 58, 192-93, 200, 249 Madurai, di., . . 192, 269, 274, 337 Maduraikooda Parakesarivarman, 6,. Paran taka I, Chola k., . .
. . 100 Madukarman, donce,. . . 178, 184 Magadha, co.,. . . . . 84 n, 209 Magadha, dy... Magam, vi.. .
241 Māgām, do.. .
. . . 256 Mägols, do.. . Mahabala-gávunda, donor, . . . 171, 173 Mahabharata, epic, .
. . 10 n, 130 n, 332 Mahabhashya, wk., . . . . . . 179 Mahadananirnaya, do.. . . . 332, 334 Mahadova, dcnee, . . 43, 69-70, 225 Mahādēvs, ... . . . . . 42 Mahidova, Yadava k., 33 and n, 40, 41 and
n, 42 Mehādēvasarman, dones, . . . 141, 154 Mahajana, . . .
. . 308 Mahakala, de... . .
145, 147 n Mahaksha patalika, off.. . . . . 61 a Mahakumāra, tit. . . . . . 145
.
193
m, . . 103-06, 171, 220, 229, 284, 299, 335 m, final, 45-48, 65, 87, 92, 106, 112, 143, 277, 284,
317, 343 Madai, Madha, coin, . . . 232-33, 238
Madanapala, Pala
k
i
us and n, 119, 121,
Madanavarman, Chandella k., 118 and n, 119, 121,
123- 127 Madanpara pl. of Visvarūpasēna, . 278 n madappuram, Mädēvs, de., . . . . 99, 101 madh, bastion . . . . . 31
.
.
.
111

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PART VIII)
INDEX
369
PAGE
67
SO
Mahakata ins. of Mangalaka, 295, 318 and n Mahamada, ..a. Sultan Muhammad, k., . 166 Mahamahekvara, 6.a. Siva, god,. . . 170 Mahamandaltkvara, tit., . 64-68, 68, 71, 244 Mahamatra, off. . . . 97, 14, 26 Mahamatya, do.. . . . . 62 n, 66 Mahaparehad, assembly. . 66-67, 60, 64-65 Mahapärshika, off.. . . . Mahaprabhu, do.. . . Mahaprachandadandandyaka, do.. . 198 mahapradhana, do., 72, 166, 171, 173, 311, 314 Mahapradhani, do.,. .
. 245, 247, 251 Mohan, do., . .
. . 64, 66 Maharaja, scribe, .'
841-42 Maharaja, tit., ... 84-87, 89, 199-200, 202, 295 Maharaja-bappa-svamin,
. . 89 Maharajadhiraja, tit., 47, 49, 119, 123-24, 166,
214-15, 283, 331 Maharajadhiraja-srf-Suratana, do.. . . 167 Maharajakula, do.. . . . 220-21, 225, 228 Maharanaka, do., . , 220-21, 225, 228 Maharishtra, Mahārāshtraka, co., 116, 168 and n, Maharashtra-mandala, t.d.,
. . 168, 168-69 Maharayasthapanacharya, ep.. . . . . 245 Mahkrunda, goddess, . . . . Mahasabha, assembly, . . . Mahasadhanika, off.. . . . . 142 and n Maldsamantadhipati, tit.,, 64, 66, 71, 193 Mahasardhivigrahika, off. . . . 281 Mahdaandhi, 8.a. Mahdaāndhivigrahika, do., . 142 Mahäsändhivigrahika do., 62 a, 64 n. 66, 142,
202-03, 278 Mahisarman, donee, . . .
. 226 Mahásēna, god, . . . Mahābramana, 8.a. Buddha,
. 108 Mahata, tit., . . :
· 340 Mahathakkura, off.. .
72, 74 0
.. . 119, 121 Mahdyuvaråja, tit., . .
. 202 n Mahbubnagar, di.. . . . 175 and n, 182 Mahöndra, 8.a. Indra, god, . . 285, 289 Mahendra, o.a. Mahondravarman II, Pallava k., 95 Mahēndrachala, o.a. Mahēndragiri, mo., 204, 312 Mahēndragiri, do., . .
. . 203 Mahondravarman I, Pallava k., . . 93, 96, 200 Mahēndravarman II, do... . . 93, 95, 176 Mahöndravikramavarman, 6.a. Mahendre
varman II, do.. . . . . 93, 97 Mahoba, Mahovara, god, 52, 94, 119, 123, 178-79,
232, 260, 286 Mabodvara, sect, . 179, 181 n, 232, 236-38, 390 Mahesvara armen, m., . . . 141, 165 Mahtlvarabiromani, op. . . . . 118n Mahidbars, off. . . . . . 344
PAON Mahimada, o.a. Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlak, '. . . .
. 167, 169 Mabfpala, Paramara k., . 136 and n, 137 Mahishivisa, lake, . . . . 320, 328 Mahisinéha, di.. . . . . 119-22 Mahlak Deo, k.,
. 147 Mahoba, vi.. . . . . . . 121 Mahoba pl. of Paramardin, . . 121, 124 Mahodaya, .a. Kanaaj, ci.,
47 Mahratta, 4.a. Yadava, dy..
168 Mahuallgrāma, vi., . . .
120, 122 Mailaya Roddi, m.. . . .
• 246 Maili, a.a. Pötuganti Malli, off... . : 246 Mailugi, o.a. Mallugi, Yadava k., . .
92 Mairala, donee,. .
42-43 Maithila, community. . . . . : 48 Makā, k., . .
. 22, 24 Makulika, hill,
820, 322 Måla, 6.a. Malla, m... .
167 n, 169 Malabar, co., . .
• 243 Malaiyaman Tirumudikkari, ch., . . . 101 Malakëtaka, .a. Malkhod, ca., . .. 294-97 MAlapalli, I., . . .
. . . 267 MAlava, co., 58, 117, 132, 188-37, 144-46, 147 mad
n, 148-49, 221, 248 Mälava, people, .. . 136 n, 146, 162, 221-22, 226 Malaviya, do. . .
. 66, 58-59 Malaya, mo.,
. . . 38 Malda, di.. .
279-80 Maleyakhoda, ..a. Mölkhed, ca., . . 296 Malayala, people, . . . . • . 191 Maldēva, donee,
43 Malik Fakhr-ud-din Jana, off,... 248 Malikhoda, 6.a. Maskhed, ci.,
. : 296 Maliki Némår, 8.a. Malik Nēmar, off... 246 n Malik Jhāju, do..
. . . . . . . 243 Malik Kafür, do. . .
. . 246 n Malik Ni'Ib Kafar, do., , 243, 246 and n Malik Němár, 8.a. Malik NA'Ib Kifar, do.. . 246 Malik Tughril Тughấn Khan, Yavana ch., 280 Malkhód, ci., . . . 61, 129-30, 296 Malla, m.. . . .. 167 and n, 170 and n Mallaka, n., . . . . 209, 212 n Mallapadēva, off.
. . 188-89 Mallasarul pl., . . . . . . 104n Mallavaram ins. of Vemåreddi, 253 and n, 254, 256 Mallaya, dones, . . . . . 257, 265-67 Mallesvara te., . . . . . . 195 Mallika-Kämadina, off.. . . 166, 168-69 Mallikarjuna, Yadava k.,. . . 33n Mallikohi, dones . . . . 257, 266-66 Malliy Ar-grāma, vi... . . . 177
.
.
218
Mahattara, do....

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370
PAGE
258,266 32, 38 32 n, 113, 114 and n, 115, 135, 139, 142-45, 147 n, 148, 210, 344 242, 249, 254, 262
76 257, 265
265, 267
152-53
149, 153 281
241, 256, 268 311, 315 267
Mallu-bhatta, donee, Mallugi, Yadava k., Malwa, co.,
Malyavanta, Malyavat, mo., Mambalaiya, off.. Mamchi-bhatta, donee,
Mamchyappalu, do.,
Mandapa. Mamdapa-durga, fort,
Māmdhātri, Mändhatṛi, I.,
Mamgadeva, off..
Märgäm, 8.a. Magam, vi.,
Mamkana, donee,
Mamidi-kumta, 7.,
Mammalaiya, off.,
mamtrin, do.,
Mamväņi, Silahāra ch.,
65, 68, 73
79 62-63
Mana, k.,
Manahali pl. of Madanapala,
84 279 244-45 95
Manarangodariraju, off., Mänavarman, k.,
Manavarttika, Manavartti, maintenance, 316 and n
Mañchikallu, vi., Mañchyappalu, donee, mandala, district,
82, 83 n, 87 258
72-74, 181 n, 233, 237-38
Mandalay, ci., Mandale svara, off., Mandalika, do...
103 73 72, 74, 251
Mandapa, Mandapa-durga, s.a. Mända, fort, 140-41,
143, 146-47
Mandara, mo.,
Mandasa pl. of Rajendravarman,
Mandasaur, Mandasor, di., .
Mandasaur ins. of Yasodharman
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
.
.
Mändhätä pl. of V. S. 1317, Märdhätri-durga, 8.a. Mändhätä, fort,
.
Vishnu113, 300 n Mändhätä, Mändhätṛi, fort, 139-40, 146-47, 149 n,
vardhana,
153
Mangalur grant of Simbavarman,
Mängcla, 8.a. Magola, vi.,
Manikarnika-ghat, Manikarnika-ghatta, I.,
Manikyadevi, fe.,
Minkir, a.a. Mālkhed, ca.,
Manmathasüdana, s.a. Siva, god, Mannargudi, tk.,
.
146, 147 and n 143, 147,
153
Mandor ins.,
Mändradeva, donee,
. 300 n 43 112-13 147
Mandsaur, Mandasaur, l.,
Mandü, do.,
Mangadova, off.,
278
Mangalêéa, Mangalia, W. Chalukya k., 178, 295, 318
and n 92 n 193 126-27 193 60
343, 345
247
130 202-03 210
.
.
[VOL. XXXII
PAGE
159 and n 273 316 n
. 5 and n, 29, 30 and n
69, 193
Manne pl. of Govinda III, Manni-nādu, t.d.,
manovarti, maintenance, Mansehra, vi., mantrin, off., Manu, au.,
316 and n Manuma-Rudradeva-mahārāja. 8.a. Rudramadevi, Kakatiya q., Manusmriti, wk.,
244 . 306 n 316 n 50, 61, 296
160, 163
Manuvarti, manuvritti, maintenance, Manyakheta, 8.a. Mālkhed, ca., Māragrama, 8.a. Mārēgāon, vi., Maragundi, do., Marañ-Jadaiyan, 8.a. Varaguna I, Pandya k., 269, 270 and h, 271, 337 and n
320, 323
13 62 n . 114 n 99 99-101 273 271 259, 267 194 32 n 58 n 194
.
Märäsarvva, ch., Marasimha II, Ganga k., Maratha, South, co., Maravan, n., Maravan Padi, ch., Maravarman, Pandya k., Märavarman Rajasimha, do., Maraya, donee,. Maraya Panda, ch., Mardi ins. of Bhillama, Märkandeya Purana, wk., Markapuram, tk.,
178, 182-83 181 and n 135, 222
Marrara, Marrüragrāma, vi., Marula, Marulasiddha, rel. te cher, Marwar, co., Matha, monastery, 31, 79 n, 111, 181, 232-33, 236 Mathika, te., 47-49, 56-57, 59-60, 64-65, 69, 73 Mathura ci.,. 32 and n, 207, 210, 341 Mathura, Mathura-Kayastha,community, 339, 34142, 344-46 320, 322 . 281 n
185 203 n 36 and n.
1, 86, 208-11 209-10
Matkupa, lake, .
Mateya Purana, wk., Matsyapurisvara te., Matchandra, M., Maulika, tax, Maurya, dy.,
210 210 311, 314
Maurya of Konkan, do., Maurya of Malwa-Rajasthan, do., Maurya of Valabhi, do, Mavanaka, fe.,. Māvēndi, vi., Mäviraṭṭadi, m., Mavuranayaka, donee, Mäyäpandya, Pandya pr., Mayidavolu pl. of Sivaskandayarman, 87-89, 202-03 Mayilamma, fe., 194 Mēda, community, 119, 121, 125, 127 Mēdama, fe., 311, 315 311, 314-15 Medapa-nayaka, donee,
311, 312 and n, 316 311, 315 312 816 272
·

Page #488

PART VIII)
INDEX
371
Pias Modba, dy.. . 61-62, 68-69, 71-72, 74 Modhérā, in., . .
. . . . 61 DModi, I., . .
. . . . 146 Modi ins. of Jayavarman,. .
. . 146 Mókshobvara, donee,. .
. 226 Monghyr, di., . . .
. . 329 Months, Lunar : Chaitra, 43, 119, 122, 172, 231, 299, 301-02,
304, 331, 348 Dvitrya-Chaitra, . Vaisakha, 48, 54, 80, 96,176 and n, 177, 178, 183 Jyestha, . . . . .
172n Ashadha. 34, 129, 134, 171, 173, 301-02, 311,318,
322
.
.
148
269
PAGX Méghacharya, preceptor,
sor.
.
. . . 179 Mēghanida, 8.a. Uchohangidurga, • 216 Mel-vēlar, e.a. Vēlür, vi., . .
110-11 Mēnaga, Monaka, fe., . . 344, 346 and n Mēru, mo..
. 65 Mērutunga, au.
. . 142 Metres : Anushtubh, 37, 44 n, 81, 58, 68, 69, 70 m, 73,
76 n, 92, 106, 116, 121, 130 n, 137, 148, 160, 182, 208, 211, 214, 215 n, 216 n, 269, 281, 288, 297 n, 298 n,
303, 306, 312, 341, 345 Arya, 37, 51, 106, 130 n, 148, 160, 182, 222 259, 281, 288, 292 n, 303, 312, 341,
348 Aupachchhandasika, .
• 288 Drutavilambita, .
51, 58 Giti, . . .148, 160, 281, 288, 312, 346 Harini, . . . . Indravajra, 44 n, 61, 121, 137, 160, 222, 269.
288, 289 n, 303, 341, 845 Indravamba,: .
288, 846 Málint,. . . 58, 121, 148, 303, 312 Mandekrintā, . . Pajjhatika, . . . . . . Praharship,. . Prithvi, . . . Pushpit&gră, 61, 73, 76 n, 180 n, 148, 160 Rathoddhata, . . . . 222, 269 Salin, . . 37, 61, 66, 69, 73, 121, 148, 341 Sürd Olavikridita, 37, 67, 68, 69, 116, 121, 130 n,
137, 148, 160, 167, 169 n, 211,
222, 269, 281, 312, 345 Bikharipi, . . . . . 37, 148 Sragdhara, 37, 61, 68, 116, 148, 160, 346 Upagiti, . . . 68, 148, 259, 345 Upajati, 51, 58, 130 n, 148, 160, 222, 289,
289, 303, 341, 846 Upendravajra, . . . 148, 288 Vamastha, .
• 66, 69, 78, 288, 312 Vasantatilakā, 37, 51, 58, 180 n. 148, 160, 222,
281, 289 n, 312, 341 Mēyur Tiruppattur, vi.. Mhow, l... Midnapur pl. of Sasinka, .
. 104 a Mikir hills, . .
• 283 Mikonrai-nidu, t.d., .
110-11 Minhaj-uddin, au.,
. . 230 Mišaru-miére, do.
. 384 Mithila, O., . .
329 n, 330 Mléchchha, dy., .
. 283, 286 Mbohohbe, people,
33 n, 181, 221, 263-14 Milchchhavara, ep... . . . 222-23 Midha, community,. . 61 D, 63, 66, 73
Adhika-Ashādha, . . . . . 171 Nija-Ashadha; . . . .
. .
171 Prathama-Ashādha, .
. 302 Sravana, 34, 217, 219, 301-02, 318, 882 Bhidrs, a.a. Bhadrapada, 287, 301-02, 832 Bhidrapada, 33-34, 42, 63, 67, 140, 163, 214, 216,
284, 802 Praushthapada, 8.a. Bhadrapada, 287 and a Abvija (Abvina), 48n, 67, 263, 305, 809 Karttika (Kárttigai, Kärttikai), 67, 71, 76, 108,
164, 166, 168, 170, 171 n, 231-88, 236-37, 311, 314, 331-32 and 2,
340, 342-43, 846 Märgatsha,. . . . . 301-08 Pausha (Paushya). . 94-96, 98, 331-32, Māgha,. . 68-69, 70 and n, 79-80, 301 PhAlguna, . .
, 123, 126-27, 302 Solar: Mins,. .
326-27 Moon-god, Morakosvarad@ya, god, .
173-74 Mother-goddess,
• 55-56, 178, 340 Mrohaung, 1.. . .
. .. . 103 Mrohaung ins of Anandachandra, . 106, 107 Muchchbaka, S., Mudakavi, si., . .
.
.
. . . 77 Mudhol, I., . . . . . . 293 Mudrāka, off. . . . .
. 281 n mudra-vyapara,. . . . . 166, 169 Mughal, dy. . . .
243 Mubammad, off.. .
47, 64 Mubammad-bin-Tughluq, Sultan of Delhi, 188, 242,
244, 249 Muhammadan, community, 221, 227, 242, 244,
247-48, 264-86, 381, 339 Mubammad Shah, ... Sultan Mubammed bin Tughlug,
Sultan of Delhi, . . . . 167 and a Muharla prakasa, tok.,
. . 84 and n Muharlachintamani, do.. . . . . 84 n
•
143
. .
274 147

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372
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
PAGE
PAGE
.
332
.
173
173
•
252
Mukhalingam, vi.. . . . 203, 811 Mukhdum-i-'Alam, off.. . , mukhya, city elder, . . . . Mukutēsvaranatha, 8.a. Siva, gnd, Malaka, sur.. . . . .
. 36 Molarāja, Chaulukya k.,
56 n Mola-samgha, Jain sect. . .
. 319, 322 Mulgund, vi... . . Maļika, sur., . .
86 Multai pl. of Nannaraja,
113 14 Mulugunda, 8.a. Mulgund, vi. . . Mulugunda-12, 1.d., . . . . 171, 173 Mummadi-nāyaka, ch., . Mummadiba, Musunuri ch.,.
. . . 250 Mummuni, 6.a. Māmvāni, Silahara ch.,
82-63 Mummurake, off.. . . 69-70, 72, 74 Munda-rashtra, t.d., .
. . 96 Munin&tha, ascetic,: . . . 179 Muñija, a.a, V&kpati II, Paramara k... 144, 160 Muntakhabut Tawārikh, wk., .
332 'n Muppidi, Muppidi-nayaka, off.,247, 248 and n, 252 Murári, s.a. Vishnu, de., . . 149, 285, 289 Murtizapur, tk., .
. 167 Musalman, people, 50, 249, 254, 279.80, 331 Musi, ri., . . Muslim, community, 60, 242-64, 256, 279-81,
334 and Mussalman, do.. . 244-46, 248-53, 255-56 Musuņa, 8.a. Musi, ri., . . . .94, 06 Musunari, f.
241-42, 249-52, 264, 261-62 Mivarköyil, vi.. .
99-100 Mavavadya, t.d., . Mavuvadya-marga, do.. . . 96-97 Muzaffarpur, di.. .
. . : 330 Myakadoni, vi.. . . 83, and n, 86 Mysore, ci.. .
. . : 179 Mysore, State, 4-6, 77, 8 n, 10 n, 32, 77, 79, 110,
159 n, 166, 171, 180 n, 192, 213,
217-18, 296, 317, 319.
87
.
.
.
.
268, 288
Nadola, vi., .
. 186 Näddka, m.,
120, 122 Nadupa-nāyaka, ch., . .
311, 316 Nadupäru grant of Aravēma Reddi.. 268 Naēda-vishaya, di.. . . . . 326-28 Nagadaha-pratijägaranaka, 1.d., 140, 147, 168 Nagadēve, m., . . . . . 43 Năgagrāma, 8.4. Näigaum, vi., .
37 Någanaiya, off. . . . . 82 a, 64, 66 Nagar, vi.. . . . .
. 207 Nagar ins. of Dhanika,
. . 207 Nagarāditya, donee, . . .
. .
. .
225 Nagarapati, off. . . . . Nagarattår, assembly, . . . . Nagardhan, vi.. . Nagardhan pl. of Svåmirdja, . . 114-18 Nagari pl. of 1230-31 A.D., . . 326 Nāgārjuna, ch., . . . . . 62-68 Nāgārjunikonda, I., . . . 88-84, 87, 89 Nagar Karnul, tk.,
Bar araul, R., . . . . . . . 178 Nagasarman, m. .!
178, 183, 226 Nägas Ura, do., .
. 226 Nägasvämin, donce, . . . 267, 265 Nägatirtha, ... Någavardhana, god or rel. teacher,
179 Nägaya, donee, .. Nagdah, vi.. . . . . . Nägēta, au; . . . . . . 179 Nāgēbvara te., . . Nägi-pallava, Tagi-pallava, ch., . 94-95, 97-98 Nagpur, di.. . . . . . . Nagpur Museum ins. . . . . 146 naidhani-sila, boundary pillar, . . 202 Näigaun, vi., .
.
. 36, 37, 43 Nakkam-Pullan, ch., . 269 and n, 270, 271, 272
and n, 273-76 Nakshatra : Anuradha, . . .
140, 163 n Asvina,. .
. . . 287 and n Krittik., .
. . . . 167 Maitra, a.a, Anuradhā, .
140, 163 Rohiņi, . . . . . 187, 170, 314 Sravana, , .
. . . 287 a Nakulin, 8.a. Lakulin, ascetic, . .179 n Nakulita, 8.a. Lakuláa, do. . . : 179 Nalanda ins. of Yadóvarman, Nalapura, 8.a. Narwar, ca., 339, 343, 348
and n Naldrug, di. . . . . . . 86 Nalgonda, do., .
. . 244 Nalkunde, vi.; .
. 216 Nellayenakonda, 8.a. Yenakonda, I... Nallur grant of Harihara II, . Nalldr-nädu, Nalläru-nādu, t..., . . 186, 196-97
.
37
me . 4-5, 30, 83, 87, 168, 186, 207, 220, 231,
310 7, final, . . . . 48-46, 66, 240, 284
. . 186 #1, oursivo, 4, 29, 87, 106-06, 213, 240, 284 #. . . . . . . 110, 310 N&bhaga, myth. k., . . . . 241, 260 Nabhaka, co., . . . . . . .22, 24 Nabhapamti, Nábhapankti, do.,
.22, 24 Nadagam, vi.,
. Nadagam pl. of Vajrahasta, . 310 and u

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PART VIII]
namasya-vritti, tax-free holding, Namaya-nayake, Musunuri ch., Namdampandi pl. of Rajaraja I, . Nammiyöndal, vi.,
65
240, 252
255
111
Nampali, do.,
Nampali gr. of Rajendravarman, Napa, do.,
Nanaghat, pass, Nandagirinathan, tit.,
203 202-03 142 84 n 111 94-96, 98 220-22, 228
Nandakurra, 8.a. Nandavaram, vi., Nandapadra, a.a. Nandapura, do.,
Nandapura, do...
220-23, 227
Nandavaram, do.,
96
Nandavěna, Nandavana, di., 120-21, 122 and n
Nandganj, vi.,
305, 309
Nandigama, tk.,
Nandini, cow,
Nandipura, Nandipuri, 8.a. Nandapura, vi.,
nandi-samärädhana, ceremony,
83 135 222 . 181 n 114 92 n, 100 99-101 93 222
Nändöd, Nandol, vi.,.
114, 115 and n
Nanna, Nappa, Rashtrakuta k., Nanna-Gunavalōka, do., Nanpappa, Nappappa, do., 112-114, 115 n, 116, 210
114
Nannaräja, 8.a., Nannappa, do., .
Napparāja, do., Narabrahman, m.,
Nandivardhana, e.a. Nagardhan, I.,
Nandivarman, Pallava k.,
Nandivarman III, do.,
Nandivarman Pallavamalla, do.,
Narada, sage,
Narahari, donee,
Naraka, myth. k.,
k.,
Narasimha, E. Ganga k.,
Narasimha, s.a. Narasimha IV, do.,
Narasimha I, do.,
Narasimha II, do.,
Narasimha III, do.,
Narasimha IV, do.,
Narasimha, Hoysala k.,
Narasimha, 8.a. Narasimha II, do.,
Narasimha I, do.,
Narasimha II, do.,
Narasimha III, do,,
113-15 116 225 58, 180 n 258, 266 and n 285-88
Naranarasimha, 8.a. Narasimha IV, E. Ganga k., 231
Narasapatam pl. of Vajrahasta,
310 and n
Narasaraopet, tk.,
247
Narasimghadeva, 8.a. Narasimha II, Hoysala
PAGE
•
.
Narasimha te.,
Narasimha, 8.a. Narasimhavarman I, Pallava
-
232
232
230, 232 32 172 173
171, 172 and n 172 n 79
172 n
232
231
280
k., 95, 214 Narasimha Darpanarayana, Oinvär ch., 330, 332 and
n, 333 and n
INDEX
Narasimhadeva, 8.a. Narasimha III, E. Ganga 232, 235, 237
Narasimhavarman, e.a. Vijaya-Narasinga 236
man, ch., . 110, 111 and n Narasimhavarman I, Pallava k., 92 n, 93-96, 111 n, 176-77, 200 Narasimhavarman II, do., . 91, 92 and n, 93-96, 111 n
.
Narasingaperuman, s.a. Vijaya-Narasimhavarman, ch., Narasingavarman,
s.a. Vijaya-Narasimha
varman, do.,
Naravarman, Paramāra k., Nārāyaṇa, god, Nārāyaṇa, m.,
Nārāyaṇa te., Nārāyaṇan, m., Nārāyana-bhatta, do., Nārāyapappayya, do.,
187 197 47, 52-53 258 Nārāyaṇaéarman, do., 119-20, 122, 141, 155 Narmada, ri., 139, 143, 147, 149 n, 226-28, 241, 244, 246 D 221 339, 341, 343-45 . 334 D 32, 37, 83, 86 334 n 192 Nätiya, Nätiya-grama, vi., 140, 147-48, 153, 155 naukabandha, tax, 287, 291 62 n, 64 and n 49, 64-65, 178, 210
Narmada-tata-mandala, t.d., Narwar, ci.,
Nasarata Saha, Muslim k., Nasik, I., .
Nasira Saha, Muslim k., Nataraja, god,
Naupaiya, Näupyaiya, off., Nausari,.,
49
210
178 121
do.,
·
Nausari pl. of Indra III, Nausari pl. of Pulakesin Avanijanaáraya, Nausari pl. of Sryasraya Siladitya,
Navarashtra-mandala, di., Navaratha-pattala, s.a Navarashtramandala,
373
Navasahasankacharita, wk., Navasarikā,.,. Navilgunda-40, t.d., Nävtiya, vi.,
Nayachandra, au.,
Nayagama, 8.a. Näigaum, vi., Nayaka, feudatory ch., Nayakirtti, Jain preceptor, Nayanmar, saints, Nedamari, W. Chalukya k., Neduñjadaiyan, Pandya k., Nelkunda, 6.a. Nalkunda, vi., Nellore, di..
Noma, m.,
PAGE
110 145, 150
176, 178, 216, 241, 259, 320 42-43, 178, 183 and n, 258, 265-66
.
111
.
120-22 135, 143 n
210
78 148 147 n, 300 37 80, 245-46, 250, 252, 254 172 192 214 n I 192 n 214-16 91-96, 247-48
301, 304 n

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
48
0, modial, .
112, 158, 220, 240 Oddapatti, vi., .. . . . . 111 Odra, co., . . . . . . 56, 58-59 Oinavir, Oinavārs, Vinivära, Oinvár, dy. 330, 331
and n, 333-35 Okkūrudaiyan, ch., . . . . . 247 Omgodu grant of Skandavarman II,. 92 n Omkára, .a. Siva, de.. . . . . Omkära te. . . .
. 152 Ongole, tk., . . . . . 96, 263 n Onkära, .a. Onkārēkvara, de., . . 143 Onkārzsvara te., .
. . 143, 149 n Orohha, I., . . . . . . 118 Orissa, Stato, . 58, 229, 231-32, 234 n, 325-26 Orugal, o.a. Warangal, ca., . . . . 245 n
P
PAGE Nepal, co., .
• 58, 332 Nērilika, vi., . .
. . 320, 323 Nēsāri pl. of Govinda,
. . 159, 260 n Nēvāsā, vi., . .
31 and a nidhana, privilege, . Nidijëru-vishaya, t.d... Nidubrölu, vi., . . .
. 194 Nigalanka, Nigalatkamalla, tit.. . . . 77-78 Nijabhujavikramaditya, do... .. . . 64, 66 Nikshubhā, 8.a. Nishkumbha, de.. Nilădri, Nilagiri, 8.a. Nilgiris, hills, . . 191 Nilakantha, donee, . . Nilambur pl. of Ravivarman, . . .218 n Nilgiris, hills, . . .
. . 191 Nimar, I., . . .
. . 145 Nimbaravim, 8.a. Limbārl or Vimbāri, vi., . 36, 43 Nirupama, 8.a. Dhruva, Räshfrakufa k., 66, 69,
131, 162 Nisarpur, vi., . .
. . . 130 Nishkumbhã, de. .
. . . 343 Nikumbha, demon, .
. . 58 Nigvapuraka, vi.,
• 130 and n, 133 Niti, Nitiobandra, Chandra k., 105-06, 107 and n,
108-09 Nittavinoda-valanádu, t.d., 186, 196-97 Nityavarsha, til., . . Nityavarsha, 8.a. Indra III, Rashtraküla k., 47, 50,53 Nityavarshadeva, 8.a. Indra, II, do.,. . 49, 54 Nityavinoda, tit.,
. . . 186 nivartana, l.m., . . .
217, 219 niyögika, off. . . . niyukta, do. . . .
163 Nizâm-ud-din Ahmad, au., Nolamba, dy... .
. . . 110 Nolamba-Pallava, do.. .
. . 216 Nowgong pl. of Balavarman, 283-84, 288 n, 289 n Nripatunga, Pallava k.,
273 and n Nrisimha, de.,. . . . . . 79 Krisimha-bhatta, donee, .
, 257, 265 Nșivarman, Yajvapala k., .
343, 345 Numerals - . . .
55, 230
. . 230 1, Telugu type,
. . 230 2, Oriya type,
. . 230 2, Telugu-Kannada,
325
. 46, 56 6, Telugu-Oriya type,
• 230 8, . . . 8, Gaudlya-Oriya type,
. . 230 Numkamāja, donee, . . . . 311, 316 Namkapa, Numkama-nayaka, ch., 311-12,315-16 Nusrat Khān, off.. . . . . . 243 Nusrat Shah, Sultan of Bengal, . . 332
.
349
P. . . . . . . . 32, 220, 229 P, resembling y. . .
. 310 Pä, s.a. Pathin, sur.,.
. 141, 164-66 Pachar, vi.. . . . . . . 124 Pacher pl. of Paramardin, . . . 120, 124 Pachhima-deda, 8.a. Pakobima-deka, 6.d., 326, 328 Pada, I.m., . . 119-20, 140-41, 163-55 Padakku, measurement, . . . 269 and n Padali, o.a. Pättali, vi.. . . . 201-03, 205 Padarthachandra, wk., .
. . 334 Padesika, off... . . . . . 12 Padira, eur., . Padirrupattu, wk., . . . . . 3370 Padma, Lubdhaka ch., . . . 340, 342 Padma, 8.a. Lakshmi, de., . . . Padma, ri.. . . . . . . 281 Padmadharabarman, donee, .
125-26 Padmagupta, 8.. Parimala, aw., . . . 136 Padmaladēvi, g.
. 193 Padmanabha, com., . . . . 301, 304 Padmanabha, donee, . . . 43, 226, 238, 266 Padmanabha, m., . . . . . 43 Padmanabhakarman, donee, . 140-41, 163 Padmanagara, 8.a. Padman, vi... . . 114 Padma Purana, wk.,. .
. . 70 Padmaraja, k.,. . .
. 344 n Padmasiihha, m..
140, 153 Padmasinha, Oinvår ch., . 331, 332 n, 333 Padmatanka, coin, . . Padmin, vi., . .
. 114 Padumadharalarman, 8. a. Padmadharaśır.
man, dones, . . . . . . 124 Pagaravirayá, stream, . 320 and n, 328 Paitapa, fe., . .
. 311, 315
.
78

Page #492

PART VIII]
Pailani, t.d.,
Paithan pl. of Ramadeva, Paithap pl. of Govinda I11,
Paifi, paufi, measure, Paitryanika, people, Pala, dy.,.
Palada, Paulinda, people,
Palaka, k
2
Palani, Palani, tk.,
Palasika, s.a. Halai, ci.,
Palava, Pallava, dy.,
Pālēru, ri.,
Palhadeva, m.,
Palhana, engr.,
Palhanadeva, Chahamâna ch.,
Palhaçadovavarman, m.,
Palhau, do.,
96 344, 346 124-25 125 141-42, 155 344, 340
301, 303 and u 82-83 161-62, 321
56, 58, 87-91, 93-96, 99-101, 111 n, 132 and n, 159, 176-77, 195, 199-200, 202 and n, 203, 214, 233, 271-73
92 and n, 93
92-93 175 n 269 and n, 273-75 269-71, 275 140, 154 53 311-12, 315-16 154 n
154 n
11, 22
218
Pülhüka, off., Palnad, tk.,
Pali-dhvaja, banner, Pallava, dy.,
Pallava, Early, do., Pallava, Later, do.,
Pallopadu, vi., Palli-nadu, t.d.,. Pallivēlān, ch.,
Pam, s.a. Pandita, ep., Parkcha-Gaudiya-mahaparshad,
Pamohali-niyoga, t.d., Pamchapathin, ep., Pandita, do.,
Pandiya, e.a. Pandya, co., Pamktipura, Panktipura, I.,
Panchalinga, vi.,
Pañchalinga to.,
PAGH
121 32 n, 142 158-60, 162 n,
163 n 234
17, 24 279-80 22 285-86, 289
192, 274, 337
Pinktipura-vishaya, t.d., Pammappalu, donee, Panaiyar, vi.,
Panchacharya pañchōtpattiprakarana, wk.,
Pancha-gauda, t.d.,
Panchamahasabda,
Pañcha-Pandava,
.
Pancha-Gaudetavara, tit.,
Pancha-Gaudesvararaya, do.,
Pancha-Gaudiya-Maha-parshad, assembly,
Panchapathin, ep.,
Panchavati, I.,
Panda, temple superintendent,
•
assembly,
218 and n
89
.
218
257, 265
•
.
51, 334
334 334 n 46 48, 56, 64 80 180 n 313 337 n
140
222
56
•
167 n
180 n
.
INDEX
PAGE
185
235
186, 196-97 140, 301, 304 . 180-81 185
Panditärädhya, Satva saint, Papditavatsalachcheri, l., Pandu, a.a. Pandya, dy., 272 and n, 273 n Pandya, dy.,. 11, 24, 32, 38, 56, 58-59, 100-01, 161, 177, 192 and n, 215, 247, 251-52, 269, 270 n, 271 and n, 272 and n, 273-74, 318-19, 321-22, 337 231, 233, 236, 274
273 186
175 n
Papḍāravādai, vi.,
Pändidesa, 8.a. Pandya-dosa co., Pandikulasani-valanādu, t.d., Pandila, ep.,
Pandya, Pandya-desa, co.,. Pandya, 8. a. Varaguna II, Pandyakulasani, til., Pāngal, tr., Papikavada, vi.,
Panini, au., Papiyal, vi.,
Panjim pl. of Jayaköéin I,
Panni-nādu, s.a. Palli-nadu, t.d.,
Panta, community,
Panthipura, Pantipura, s.a. Panktipura, I.,
Panurgal, 8,a. Hangal, in.,
Panugallu, vi., Papanasam, tk., Paraiyamaliyär, ch.,
Parakisari, Parakesarivarman, tit.,
120, 122 179 n, 265 175 n
254
218
218
244 185
110 100 n,
189, 191, 196-97 Parakesarivarman, s.a. Parantaka I, Chola k., 100 and n, 101, 186, 188 Parakrama-pandya, Pāndya k., 110 n, 192 Paramabhagavata, ep., 94, 178 Paramabhattaraka, tit.,
Paramasiva, donee, Paramesvara, tit.,
Parameévara, a.a. Pulakesin II, k.,.
375
·
.
47, 49, 119, 123-24, 163, 188, 314
94 274
94, 178, 314
Paramabrahmanya, ep., Paramagudi, tk., Paramamahēévara, ep., Paramara, dy.,. 32 n, 56, 135 and n, 136 and n, 139-143, 144 and n, 145-47, 148 and n, 221, 300 Paramāra, myth. k., 136, 137, 139, 142, 149 Paramardidēva, Paramardin, Chandella k., 118 and n, 119-20, 123-27 178, 181, 183 47, 49, 119, 123-24, 214-15, 287
Parame vara I, Pallava k... Paramavarapötavarman, s.a. Parameévaravarman I, do.,
47 n 269 n
W. Chalukya 176, 182, 216 199
91

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
IVOL. XXXII
Pattali, ..a. Padali, vi.. . Pattanárkyapa ins. of Pratapasitha,. Paffadharadhipati, off.. . . Pattavardhanapura, 6.a. Kalugātava, vi..
Pags 201-04 . 221
142 . 34,
42
303
PAGE Paramokvaravarman I, do., 01 and n, 92-97,
176-77, 199-200 Paramõpāsika, ep., . . . . . 106 Parantaka, o.a. Kulöttunga I, Chola k., . 187n Parāntaka I, do.. . . 100 and n, 101, 185
86, 187 and n, 188-89, 190 and n, 191, 194-98 Parantaka Brahmadhiraja, donor, . . 187 Parantaka Madiraikonda, 1.a. Parantakadēva, 188n Parantaka-Ppaffivélan, tit., . . 269-71, 274-76 Parantaka Varaguna I, Pandya k., . 337n Parintaka Viranäräyapa Sadaiyan, do, 270,
273 Parintakokvara te.,. .
. 189 Parantapa, epic k., . . . .
289 n Pärastka, people, 66, 68-69, 242, 261-62, 321 Paraburima, myth. hero, .
148, 241-42 Parēyi-grāma, vi.. . . . 119-20, 122 Pargana, t.d., . . . . . 143, 147 Parikara, s... uparikara, tax, . . Parimala, au... . .
. 138 Parishad, s... Parishada, councillor, . . 334 Parpa, ri.. . . . .
. . 138 Parsee, e.a. Pärasika, people,
48, 66, 72 Parsvabhatára, ... Parbvanátha, Jaina
tirthankara, . . . . . 337-38 Pártha, 8.. Arjuna, epic hero, . . . 168 Pârvati, goddess. .. 46-47, 65 n, 67, 138, 140,
187 Parvati-pati, 6.a. Siva, de... Pakchima-doka, i.d., . . . . . 328 Påbuni-vishaya, do...
126-27 Pabupata, sect, . 112-13, 118, 179, 180 and n Pabupati, 6.a. Siva, de..
143, 148, 179 Påtalemalla, ch.,
62 n Patall, vi.. . .
320, 323 Påtalipura, I., .
126-27 Pitaliputra, cỏ,
17 n, 119-20, 122, 126 Pataliputra-bhat;&ghrahāra, 1, . • 124 Pataliputra-nagara, ci., .
124-26 Patanjali, Patañjali, au...
. . .
179, 265 Patan Somnath, I., . .
341 Pathăn, tribe. . . .
. . : 266 Pathari, I.,
. . . 146 Pathari ins. of V.6. 1236,.
. . 146 Pathin, ep. . . . . 141, 164 n Patna, oi.. . . . . . 120, 329 Patoladēva, k., . Patta-bandha, coronation ceremony. . . 318 Patfa-bandh Otsava, do.. . . 49 Pattadakal, vi.. . . . . 179, 318 Pattadakisu volal,... Kisuvolal, ca.,. 318 Pattakil, ... Patel, off. . . . 140, 147
192
231 274
.
.
163
Pattēkam, do.,
. . 196 Pattikonda, tk., . . . . . ! Paulastya, sage, . Paulinda, people, Paulomi, 8.a. Sachi, goddess, Paura-mukhya, city elder, . . . . 66 Pauti, measure of capacity, . . 232, 285 Peda-Bhadraya, dones, . . . . 267 Poda-Bhāvana-bhatta, do., . , 267, 266, 267 Podakop dapuri, vi.. . . . . . 264 Peda-Narasimha, 8.2. Narasimha III,
E. Ganga k.,. Peda-Siddhaya-bhatta, donee, . 267, 265, 267 Poddabammidi pl. of Vajrahasta III, 310 and
n, 311 Pedda-Marrdru, vi... . . . 182 Peddaya, donee,
.
. 267, 268, 267 Penchakravartti, tit., . . . . 190 n Pennägadam, vi.. . .
. . 186 Pentapādu grant of Bhaktiraja, . 263-64, 266 Penugonde, vi.. .
. . 198 Perambalur, tk., . . Periya, 8.a. vada, ep. . Periyaköttai, vi., . . Poriya-Narasimhadēva, o.a. Narasimha III,
E. Ganga k... . .. . Periya Puranam, wk., .
. 188 Periya Vadugan, 3.a. Vikramaditya VI, k., . 192-93 Permånadideva, ep. . . . . . Persia, Co., . . . Persian, a.a. Pärastka, people, Perumal Kulottunga-choladéve, Chola k., . Porumānadtgal Srivalluvadēva, ... Brimira Srivallabha, Pandya k... . .
274 n Perumanallar, vi., Perumanalür, do.. Perumballi, Perumbulli, do., 269, 270 and n,
271, 274 and n, 276 Perumbulli ins. of Varguna II, Porumur, vi...
. . 274 Pochwa,. . .
. . 86 Pathada, m., . . Potinika, people, Pēva, m., . .
226 ph, . . . .
217, 229, 240 Phalodi ins. of Prithvirkja III, . . Pikira grant of Simhavarman, .. Pillalamarri ins. of Kapaya-nayaka, . . 266 Pi-lo-mo-lo, 8.a. Bhinmal, h., . . 68
.
.
238
.
88
199
.
.
226 16
• .
302 92

Page #494

PABT VIII)
INDEX
377
.
.
121
22
01 98
•
160
ΡΑΟΣ Pimpala-Gaundala, us. p
u pqa, I. . . . . 115 Pina-Bhavana-bhatta, donee, . 267, 266, 267 Pins-Siddhaya, do... . • 257, 266, 267 Pinnama-nayaka, do.. . .
312, 316 Pinnaya, do., . .
267, 265 Pipalaka, vi.. . .. . 120 and n, 121-22 Pipalõau-durga, fort, . . Piplianagar pl. of Arjunavarman, . . 143 Pipra, vi.. . . .
335 Pirantakadēva, 3.a. Parantakadēve hola ke 186 Pitalahara, brazier, .
124 Pitämaba 8.a. Brahman, de..". . 143, 149 Pitamaha, au... . . . . . Pithapuram, in..
239 Pithapuram ins. of Mallapadēva, . 188-89 Pithapuram ins. of Prithvi vara, . . 266 Pitinika, people, . . Piyadasi, o.a. Abbka, k., 10, 12-13, 18-21, 25-28 Pooha, Musunuri ch.. .
. 200 Poohana, donec,
267 Pochandrya, do... .
206 Poohaya-nayaks, Musun ürich., .
253 Pochi-nayaka, do.. . Podili, W. Podili, tn... " Pobanā, vi.. . Pakkökivallabha, ... Pulakodin I, Chalukya k.,
... . . . . . 178, 182 Polur, tk., . . . . 110 n, 111 Polava, 6.a. Paluva, tribe,. . . . 191 Popa, Popa-vishaya, d.a. Pohana, .d., . 160, 163 Pongal-nada, do.
191-92 Pongalirkkanadu, do..
. . 192 Ponna, ci., . . .
. 61 Ponni, ..a. Kävori, ri.,
. 190 and n Porular, vi.. . .
. . 274 Pote, Musunari A.,
. . 250 Potama, 58., . .
. 311, 316 Potappaya, donee, . . , 267, 268, 267 Poti, do., . . . . 42-43 Poti-bhatta, do...
. 259, 266 Poft, s.a. pauti, measure,
233, 237-38 Potuganti Maili, Potuganti Maili, of... 246 and n Prabandhachintamani, wk...
. 142, 144 Prabandhakoba, do... .
. 300 n Prabhakara, donee, . .
.. . 42 Prabhutavarsha, til.,. .
. 130, 133 Prabhutavarahs, ... Govinda III, Rashtra.
befak., . . . . . . 163 n Prabhatavarsha, o.a. Govinda IV, do., . 49, 130 Prabidhini-Ekadas. . . . . . 311 Prabodh Otsava, s.a. Utthanadvadasi. . 311 Pradhika, off.. . . . . . 12 and n
PAGE Pradhana, do.. .
. 74 Pradhana-niyðgika, do..
72 Prágiyotishe, Co.,
283, 288 Pragjyotisha, Pragjyotishap ra, ci., . 285, 288
89 Pragvata, caste,
118 Prahlada, . .
40 n Prakasha, vi...
129 Prálumbha, k., .
286 Prasaditya, Racherla ch., .
. 245 Prasangaraindvall, wk., .
• 242 Pratapacharitra, do... . Prataparudra, Kakatiya, k., . 241-42, 243 and n, 244, 246 and n, 248 and n, 247, 248 and
n, 280, 281 and n, 262, 260-61, 333 Prātaparudra, .. Kolani Rudra, Kolari ch., 261 Pratápasimha, Paramara k., . . . 221 Pratihāra, dy., . . . .
88, 118, 800 Pratijagaranaka s.a. Pargana, t.d.,
140, 147 Pratishthāns, ci., .
. 87 Pravara: Abharadvasu, . .
. 141, 168 Ambarisha,
119, 122, 126, 127 and Amgirass,
. 128, 163-64 Angirasa, 119-20, 122, 127 and n, 140-41.
188 Apnavad, Apnuvad, Apnavins . 141, 168
and a Atklla,. .
141, 1540 Atrēya,
141, 184-56 Aurva, . . . . 141, 166 and a Auvathya, . .
140, 168 Avatairs, .
140-41, 164 Ayisya,
. 120, 122, 153 Bärhaspatya,
140-41, 163-84 Bharadvāja,
140-41, 163-54 Bhargava, .
. . 141, 186 and a Chyavana, . .
. . 141, 166 and a Daivala,
. . 141, 168 Gautama, .
120, 122, 140, 163 and a Gåvishthira,
. . 141, 154-55 Indrapramada, . . . 141, 166 Jámadagoya,
141, 166 Kalyapa, .
. 140-41, 154 Katya, .
141, 154 Kila, ... Atkile,
141, 154 Naidhruva,
140-41, 164 Parbarys, . .
. . . 141, 184 Parviltitha, . . . . 141, 154-58 Sektrys, . . . . . 141, 104 Sandila, . . . . . . 155

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:
178
Sandilya, .
141 Sävēdasa, .
+ 155 n Uchathys,
153 Usathya, a.a. Uohathya, .
• 163 n Voitahavya,. .
. . 165 n Vāsightha, . .
. . 141, 154-56 Vitvamitra,. .
. 141, 164 Yauvanäsva, . . 119, 122, 127 and n Yovana, 8.a. Yauvanāśva,
125 Pravarta, pravarta-våpa, L.m.,
232 n Pravarti, pravartikā, measure,
232 Prayaga, I., . .
341-42, 344-46 Prithivi, goddess, . . Prithivivallabha, ep.,
. . 295 Prithu, myth. k., .
. . 163 Prithvibhata, a.a. Prithviraja II, Chahamana,
300-01, 303 Prithvichandra, Chandra k., . .
108 Prithvidhara, com... . . . 120, 124 Prithvi-mahādēvi, 9.. . . . 140 n Prithviraja, o.a. Prithviraja IIT, Chalamana
k.. . . . . . . 300, 303 Trithviraja II, do.. .
300-01 Prithviraja III, do.,. .
126, 300-02 Prithvirajavijaya, tok.,
145, 300 and n Prithvtávara, Velanafich., .
anch . . . . 255 Prithvivarman, Chandella k., . 119, 121, 124,
127 Pritichandra, Chandra k...
Tak.. . . . 108 Priyadarkin, 6.a. Aboka, k.
11-14, 16-20,
23, 26-27 Pröksharavi, donee. .
. . . 225 Prðla, Kakatiya ch.
. . 193 Prola, o.a. Prolaya-niyaka, Murundri ch. 241-42,
249-61, 264, 261-64 Prola, 6.a. Prölaya-nayaka, Virasamanta ch.. 262 Prola-nddu, ..a. Prolaya-näyaka, Muunturi ch., . .
. . . 240 Prola-noni, o.a. Prðlaya-nayaka, do. . . 268 Prðlavaram, 6.a. Vilasa, vi.. . . . 242 Prolavaram grant of Kapaya-näyaka, 249-60,
256 Pralaya, ... Prolaya-nayaka, Musunurich., 242,
250 Prilaya Anna, off.. .
246 and n Prolaya-nayaka, Musunarich., 242, 249-52,
263 and n, 254, 256 Prolaya-n yaka, Virasamanta ch., . , 262 Prðlaya Roddi, ch... . . . . 254 Prolaya Vemn Raddi, do... . . . 256 Padt Aditta Pidirap, m., . . . 100 n Padi Aditta Pidari, fe.. ... 100 and n, 101
Padi Mádévadigal. . . . . . 100 Pudukotta, 1.d.,
187 Pagavarman, Chalukya pr., 294 and n, 296 and n,
296-97 Pulakökin, ... Pulakökin I, Chalukya k.. . 320 Pulakóéin I, do.. . 176,294-95, 297, 317 Pulakõsin II, do., 116, 176-78, 209, 214 and
2, 296 Pulakokin Avantjanžéraya, Gujarat Chalukya ch., . .
210 Pali, lake, . . . . . 320, 323 Puligere, s.a. Lakshmēsvar, l., . . . 318 Pulikara, 8.a. Lakshmēsvar, do... . 318, 323 Pulivur, lake, . . . . . 320, 322 Pulla-Nakkan, ch., . . . 269-71, 274-76 Pullan-ēri, tank, . . . 269, 271, 274 Pullabakti, Silahara k., . .
. 61 Puļumāvi, Satavahana k.,. . . 83, 86 Paluva, people, . . . . . . 191 Paluva-nadu, i.d., . . . . . 192 Pami-rashtra, do., . . . . 94, 96-97 Pundi-niyoga, do., .
311-12, 318-16 Pupisa, Punisa-raja, ch., . . . 191-92 Punjab, State,. . Pañjāri, vi.. . .
199, 200 and n Punnaya, donee. . . . 258, 266 Puraditya Girinārāyana, Drönavara k.. . 332
and n Purananūru, tok.. . . . . Purl, ci., . . . . . 61 and n Purf 8.a. Brahmapuri, L., . . . . 143 Puri pl. of Narasimha IV, . . . 230 Purigere, .a. Lakshmēbvar, l. . 317-19, 322 Parikara, s.a. Lakahmebvar, do., . 318, 320, 322 Parnapăla, Paramara k., . 136 and n, 137 Purshita, off. . . . .
• 74, 193 Purüravas, myth. k., . . . 37, 46, 51 Purushapariksha, sok., Purushottama, o.a. Vishņu, de.,
259 Purushottama, m., . . .
42-43 Purushottama, Oinvår ch., . . 333 and n, 334 Purushošarman, donec, . .
. 141, 165 Purva-nada, 6.a. Paluva-nadu, 1.d., . 192 n Pushkara, 1.. . . .
843 n Pushyagiri-pañchali, 1.d., .
203 Puvvaiya, off... . . . 47, 52
.
.
80
Qazi, off.. . . . Qivamaddin Qutlugh Khan, s.a. Mallika
Kimadina, do.. . . . Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah, Sulfan of
Delhi, . . . . . . .
168
243

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INDEX
379
PAGE
РАав
, . 4-5, 29-30, 32, 45, 84, 92, 108, 119, 185, 188, 171, 207, 212, 214, 217, 229, 240, 294, 310, 329,
338, 340, 343
Radha, di.. .
. 279-81 Radhanpur pl. of Govinda III, . 129, 131 Raghava, de., . . . . .
263 n Raghava, m., . . . . .
42-43 Raghavasimha, Oinvār ch.
333-34 Raghusisha Vijayanārāyana, do. . . 383 n Raghuvamba, wk., . 93 n, 284, 289 n, 290 n,
314 n RĀbada, m.. . . . . 301, 303 Rahappa, k., . . . . . . 181 Rahasya, 3.a, Rahasyadhikrita, off., 202 n, 203 Rahatgarh, I., . .
. 146 Rai of Jajnagar, 6.a. Narasimha I, E. Ganga k., 280 Raichur, di.. . . . . . Rája, Masunuri ch., .
. 250 Raja, Yadava k., . . 32, 38 and D Rajabanauli, I., . .
• 382 and n Rajachandra, Chandra k.,
. . 108 Rajadhiraja, ep.. . . .
. . 188 Rajaditya, off... .
94, 95 and n Rajghat, I., . .
277, 281 and Rajagi, o.a. Raja, Yadava k.. . .: Rajahmundry, l.. .
. . 245, 263 Rajahmundry ins. of Muhammad Shah bin Tughluq, . . .
. 187 n Rajahmundry ins. of Salār 'Ulwl, Rajahmundry Museum pl. of Sarvalokā draya
Vishnuvardhana,.. . . . 105 Rajahmundry Museum pl. of Annadovachoda, . . . . . .
254 Rajakesari, channel, . . . . . 197 Rajakdaari-charuppadimangalam, vi... 185-86,
196-97 Rajakësari Pērayan, a.a. Araiyan Kannappan, ch.,
. . 186, 197 Räjakësarivarman, .a. Aditya I, Chola k.,. 99
and n, 100 n Rajakesarivarman, 8.a. Parantaka, do.. . 186 Rajakosarivarman, 8.a. Kulottanga I, do., 191 Rajamahendra, tit., . .
. 188 and n Rajan, do.. .
142, 287, 291 Rajanaka, Rajánaka, do., . . . 287, 291 Rajanyaka, s.. Rajanaka, do.. . . 287 Rajapandita, do. . . Rajaparamédvara, do.. .
. 188 Rajapitamaha, do.. .
33 0 Rajapur, In. . .
61 n Rajaputra, ep., . . . . 142, 287, 291
Rajaraja I, Chola k., .. 99 n, 186, and n, 190 n Rajaraja Chodaganga, Chola pr., . 188 Rajaraja Mummadi-Chola, do.,. . . 188 Rijarāja-narendra, E. Chalukya k., . 188 n Rājarāja, 8.a. Sundara-pindya, Pandya k... 247 Rijerudriyam, wk., . . . . 251 and n Rijasimha, Pallava k., . . . 111n Rajasimha, Pandya k., , randya k.. .
. .
. . 100, 270 Rajasthan, State, . . 56, 58, 209, 301-02 Rajalarangini, wk., . 58 n, 85 n, 107 and n Rajavallabha, off. . . . . 287, 291 Rājavallabha Pallavaraiyan, s.a. Madhava, donor, . . . .
. . 187 Rājēndra, Velanän tich.. Rajëndravarman, E. Ganga k., 201, 202 and n,
# 203 and n Rajjuka, off. . . . . 9 and n, 12 and a Rajar, de., . .
.. . 343 Rājpiplā, 8.a. Nándod, I., . . Rajput, community, . . . 135, 220, 800 Rajpurl, tn., . . . . .
61 n Rajputana, co., .
221, 245 Räjugi, o.a. Rāja, Yadava k., . . Rajuka, off.. . . . . Rajula-Mapdagiri, I., . , 2, 4 and n, 8 n Rajyasri, 1... . . . . . 136, 138 Raktapura, o.a. Kisuvo!al, 1.. . 318 and n Ral, 8.a. Radha, t.d., . . . 280-81 Rama, o.a. Rama Dabarathi, epic hero, 130 n, 143,
148 R&ma, 8.a. Paraburima, do. . 143, 148,
261 Rama, gen.,
. . . 33, 41 Rāmabhadra, Oinvår ch., . . 329 n, 332-34 Ramachandra, de.. . . . . 303 n Ramachandra, Oinvar ch., . .. . 333 n Ramachandra, Yadava k.,. . 142, 146, 244 Ramachandra, 8.a. Savāyi Ramachandra
nayaka, ch. of Sūde, . . . $1 n Ramachandrapuram, tk., . . . . 187 Ramacharita, wk., Rāmadatta, off.,
. 331 n Ramadēva, donee, . .
. . 43 Ramadēva, Paramara k.,.. . 138 and n, 137 Rāmadēva, 8.4. Ramachandra, Yadava k., 32 n, 244 Rāmalingēkvara, de., . . . . . 82 Ramanathapuram, di., . . 68, 274 Rāmanāthapuram, in., . . 269-71, 274 Rāmānuja, au.. Rām.vati, ci. .
. . . . 279 Rāmaya, donee,
258, 266-66 Ramaya-bhatta, dv., . . . 259, 266 Ramayana, epic, . . . 130n, 152 n Ramdurg. 1., . . . . . . 77
248
.
.
330

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.
.
206
•
343
Rämēsvaram, . . . . Rämēsvara-tirtha, do.,
. 159 Ramtek, do., .
. 114 Rapa, tit., . . .
... 220, 339 Ranajaya, do...
91 Ranaka, off. ; .
287, 291 Raparigavarman, Chalukya pr., . . 177 n Ranasimha, Oinvår ch., .
333 n Ranasithiha, Paramära k.,. . 136 and n, 138 Ranastambhapura, ci., . 146-47 and n, 221 Ranasthātri, tit.,
. . . 294, 296 Rangapuram, vi.. . . . . . 193 Ráðjanagaum, 8.a. Ranjani, do... . 86, 43 Ráðjani, do. . .
. . . 36 Ranna, au., . .
214 0 Rannā, de., . . Rannāditya te.,
343 Rsnoméya, com..
. . 203 Rantambhor, L.,
. . 243 Raadnagara, do,
. 318 rashtra, t.d., .
.. . 72, 306 n Rashtrakata, dy., 45, 46 and n, 47, 49-62, 68-66,
88, 61, 62 and n, 64-65, 68, 69 and n, 112-13, 114 and n, 118 and n, 116, 129-31, 136, 143-44, 158
59, 161-62, 210, 296 Rashtrapati, off.. . . . . 74, 168 Rashfrika, do., . . . 9 and n, 17 Rasi :
Kanya, . Tula, . . .
Vrischika, . . rasi-mitra, . . Rasika priya, wk., Ras Mala, do.; . .
. 144 Räta, m., . .
142, 152 Ratana, do., .
• 225 Ratāya, .a. Ratnēgvarasimha, Oinvär ch., . .
333 Rathika, off., . Ratinátha, Oinvår ch., .
333 n Ratna, m. . . . . . Ratnagiri, di.,. . .
• 61 n Ratnapala, Brahmapala k., . .
286-86 Ratnasimha, Oinvär ch., .
333 n Rattada-niyoga, t.d., . . . . 312, 316 Ratnēsvarasimha, Oinvår ch., . . 333 Rautta, tit.,
• 142 Rävaji Mahadeva Vyasa, donee, . . : 31 Ravada, demon. . .
152 n Ravat, tit. . . . Ravisvāmin, donee,.
178, 184 Ravivarman, Kadamba k., .
217-18
PAGE Rayabandivimochaka, tit. . . . 248 Rayabhujabalabhima, do., .
33, 42 Rayajagadala, do.. . . . . 33, 42 Rāyanarayana, do.,
. 33, 40, 42 Rayapitamaha, do. . . . . 33, 40, 42 Rāyāri, dy. . . . 278, 280-81 Räyäridēva Trailökyasithha, k., . . . 280 wecheria, dy.. . . . . 248, 248, 282 Reddi, do.. . . . . 246, 248, 263-54 reddikam, off-. . . .
. . 187 Rēka palli, vi.,. . . 242, 249, 254-56, 262 Renderula-nadimi-vishaya, 6.a. Konaman
dala, t.d., . . Rentachintala, vi.. . Repukācharya, preceptor, . . . 181 and n Rēva, Déva, off. .
. . 88, 86 D Rēvā, 8.a. Narmada, ri., . 143, 147-48, 149 and
n, 220, 223, 227 Révadass, m., . . Rēvaddi-bhatta, do., . . . . 129, 133 Rēvana, do.. . . .
... 49, 66-68 Rēvapasiddha, s.a. Ranukkoharya, preceptor, 181
and o Revasa ins. of Bomēdvara, . . . . 302 Révasarman, dones, . . . . 178, 188 Rewa, t.d., . . . . . 61 n, 121 Rayaru grant of Narasimhavarman II, 91-94, 98 and
2,. 96 ri, initial, . . . . .
. 284 Rigveda, . . . . . . 36, 160, 291 rikta-tithi, . . . . . . 83-84 Ripurdjagöpigðvinda, tit., . . . 334 = Rishi, donee, . . . . . . 43 Rishikanagara, ci., .
. . . Risiyapa-bhatta, dones, . . . 160, 163 Ritikara, s.. Karhayakara, community, 120, 123 Rohera, vi.. . . . . . . 136 Ruchiptai, au... Rudra , ascetic, .
. 232 Rudra, com., . Rudra, o.a. Siva, de. . . 286, 327, 328 and n Rudra, Kakatiya k... . . . . 33 Rudradēva, 4.a. Prataparudra, do.. . 248 a Rudradova, Kolani ch., . . . . 252 Rudradeva, 6.a. Rudra, Kakatiya k.,
38 Rudramndovf, Rudrambi, Kakatiya q. 244 Rudranārāyana, invår ch., . . 333 n Rudrabarman, donee, . . . 178, 183 Rudrakiva, Rudrabivacharya, do., 178, 181, 183
and n Randha, wi.. . . . . 222, 226, 228 Rüpakara, off.. . . . . . . 147 Ropanāriyapa, a.a. Bhairavasithha, Oinear k., 336
22
•
85
•
225
142

Page #498

PART VIII)
INDEX
381
PAGE
Rupanārāyana, 8.a. Dhirasimha, Oinvār ch., Rupanārāyana, .a. Rāmabhadra, do., .
PAGE
334 334
S
270
... 4-5, 103-04, 229, 305 . 4-5, 32, 63, 158, 166, 171,
229, 240, 284, 329 Sa, 8.. Sandhanika, ofl. . . . : 165 Sadaiya-Máran, 8.a. Srimāra Srivullabha, Pandya k., .
. . . 270, 274 Sadaiya-Mārar, 8.a. Srimāra Srivallabha,
do.. . . . . . . . Badådiva, Vijayanagara k., . . . Saddha, ... . . .
342 n Sadhadēva, m., . . .
301, 303 Sadhanika, s.a. sähania, off.. 140-41, 163, 165
and n Sidhara, ch.,
. .. .
. .
. . . 68-69 Sadharanalarman, m.. . . . . 141, 154 Sadyöjäta, aspect of Siva, . . .
181 Sāgar, I., . . . .
168 Sagannā, 8.a. (invär, dy., .
331, 333 Sågaya-räpaka, off... .
142, 152 Sahaja, 7., . . . . .
341-42 Sahajdharman, donee,
120, 122 Sahari, s.a. Sähni, off.
142 and n Sahania, do., . .
. 141 Sahārana, m., , . . 119, 122, 124-25, 127 Sahasachakravartin, tit.,
• 6-4,66 Sahasanka, do..
32, 38 Sahasrabahu, ch.,
. . . 68-69 Sahini, off., .
142 n Sahirăvi, 8.a. Sehrăv, vi.. . . 222, 226, 228 Sahiyārahira, m., . Sahni, off .
• 142 Saindhava, co. . .
. . 210 Saiva, sect, 178-80, 181-82, 185, 232-33, 251 Saiva-diksha, ceremony, . . 178, 181 n Saivasarvasvasara, wk., . . . 334 Saivism, : . 113, 178-79, 180 and n, 181-82 Sajana, donec, . . . . Sakambhari, I., . . . . . 221, 300 Sakapura, o.a. Shujalpur, do.. . 143, 147, 162 Säkapura-pratijāgaranaka, t.d.,. . 143 Satha :
Bahvpicha, . . . . 34-35, 42-43, 127 Chhandoga . . . . . . 34 Kapva, . . . . 287, 291 Kaathuma, . . . . . 141, 155 Madhyamdina, . . . 141, 164-56 Maitriyani,. . . . . . 47, 53
Rik, . .
. 140, 163-54, 257-58 Taittiriya, .
. 34-36, 42-43, 130, 133 Väjasan@ya,. . . . 124-26 Yajus,.
254-56, 257-59, 263, 266-67, 287 Sakra-dhuaja, .
. . . 287 and n Sakr-utthana, festival, . . 284, 287, 291 Salada, donee, . . . . . 226 Salagräma, alagramam, w.a. Quigranam, vi., .
. . . 270-71, 273-75 Sāļaigrāmam, Salaigranam, do., . 274 and n Salakhapa, Salakhanasiinka, off.. . 142 and n,
143, 152, 156 Salakhananimhavarman, do., . . 141-42 Sulekha, fe., .
. .
. 301, 304 Salambha, k., .
. . 286 Sular 'Ulwi, off., . . . , 248, 263 Sālastumblia, k.
. 283, 285-87, 289 Salāsthūnanukhya, off., .
64-66 Salem, di.
. 110-11 Salem pl. of Sripurusha, . . . 115 Sallakshanasimha, .a. Salakhanaeithhu, off. 166 n Sallakshanavarman, k., . . . . 124 Sallakshapavilāsapura, 8.a. Vilāgapura, l. 124-26 Samadhigatapanchamahālalda, tit., .. 66 Samadhigal-aščaha-pancha-mahafalda, do., 04, 71 Samanta, ., . .
• 208 n Samanta-padira, off., .
326-27 Samanturaya, do. .
280 Samaradhananjaya, tit., . .
91 Samaragrama, 8.a. Simraon, I., . .
338 Samaveda, wk., . . . . Sâmbăditya, de.,
. 343 Sambalpur, I., . . .
327 Sambhu, 8.a. Siva, god, 152, 170, 212 n, 340-42,
414, 346 Sambhudēva, com.. . Sambodhi, I., . .
. . . 19-20 Sandhivigrahika, of.. .
. 54 Sangha, Buddhist Church, .
6 Samirāja, com..
. . 202-03, 206 Samlethala, I., . . . . . .343, 345 Samjha, de., . . .
. 343 Samkanna, ch., . . . Sammagåra street, . .
. . 320 summagara, s.a. charmakära, shoe-maker, 328 and n Samuddharanabarman, m.. . . . 141, 166 Samur, 8.a. Chaul, I., . . . . 62 Sannid, agreement, . . . . 306 and a Samyana, 1.a. Sanjan, ci.,. 45-61, 63-64, 56-88,
81-68, 69, 71, 72-74 Samy DA-700, 1.d.. . . . . . 72 Samyana-mandala, do., 47, 61-62, 62, 66, 74 n Sathyana-pattana, ci., . . . 62, 64-66 Samyana-fiattana-700, 6.d., . . 68, 70-74
291
.
.
226
.
.
.
80
.
Sammagåra street

Page #499

382
Bandhivigrahika, off.. Sandhivigrahin, do., Sandhyakaranandin, a., Sanga, off..
Sangalcoda pl. of Nannarāja, Sangam,
Sangama II, Vijayanagara k., Sanjan pl. of Amoghavarsha I, Sanjan, ri.,
Sanjan, e.a., Samyana, I.,
Sankara, m.,
Sankara-Dasimayya, saint, Sankaragana, k.,
Sankaragana, m.,
Sankaragana-Rapavigraha, Kalachuri k.,
Sankranti,
Sankranti:
Dakshinayana,
Karkataka,
Makara, a.a. Uttarayana,
Uttarayana,
Vishu, Vishuva,
Santamagaluru ins. of Kolani Rudradeva,
Santivira-kkuravar, Jaina monk,
Saptamatrika, Seven Mothers, Saptanga, seven constitulents, Saptăélti-pratijägaranaka, t.d., Sarada, de.,
Sarama, divine bitch, Saramga, m.,
Saranagatavajrapanjara, tit., Barangadava, Chaulukya-Vaghela k.,
Sarangapanideva, Seuna pr.,
Sarasipuri, ci.,
Sarasvata, community, Sarasvati, goddess,
49
187, 203
280
142
. 113-14
101 248
46 n, 158-59
47 45-46, 48, 51, 56, 58, 69, 73 112, 117
. 180 n. 115 134
48
68, 70 and n, 96
Sarasvati-pattana, 8.a. Surways, ci
Sa-nga, m.,
Sarngadharapaddhati, wk.,
•
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Sarvabhauma, tit.,
Sarvachandra, com., Sarvadhiköraniyukta, off., Sarvadhikarin, do.,
Sarvajñasarasvati, pontiff,
Sarvalökäéraya Vishnuvardhana,
lukya k.,
Sarvananda, aut., Sarvapa, fe.,
Sarvasimha Oinvär ch.,
34, 129, 134 171, 173 92, 94-95
34, 92, 94, 96 119, 122
PAGE
247-48,
251, 258
Sarva, s.a. Siva, de..
Sarva, 8.a. Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakuta k.,
337-38 182, 320
246 n
143, 147, 153
291
64, 66, 68-69
221 244 and n
251
.
31 42
48
314 and n
340
43
221
143, 148
+
130,
133
32, 38
202 n
69-70
171, 178
79, 81 and n
E. Cha.
187 and n, 195
282
311, 315 333 n
Sasanka, k.,
Sata, s.a. Satakarni, Satavahana k., Satakarni, a.a. Satavahana, dy., Satakarni, Satavahana k., Satakratu, s.a. Indra, de.. Satara, I.,
Satamita, Satyamitra, off.. Satavahana, dy.,
Satikaputa, co., Sattenapalle, tk.,
Satyamitrs, off.
83 n
Satyaaraya, s.a. Pulakesin II, Chaluaya k., 168,321 Satyaraya-Prithivivallabha, s.a. Abhinaviditys, Chalukya k., Satyaáraya-Prithivivallabha, a.a. Pulakeéin II, Chalukya k., Satyaáraya-Sriprithivivallabha,
köéin II, Chalukya k., Satyavakya, tit., Satyavarman, E. Ganga k... Saura Purana, wk., Saurashtra, co.,
Sauris.a. Vishnu, de.,
Savayi Ramachandra-nayaka, ch., S&viräth-Chandrasriya, Chandra q., Sayapa, fe., Script:
Bengali, Box-headed,
Brahmi, Devanagari, East Indian, Gaudiya, Grantha,
Gurumukhi,
Kalinga, Kannada,
Karani, Khardahṭhi,
Kutila,.
Någari,.
Nagari, Eastern, North Indian, Oriya,
IVOL. XXXII
Pallava-Grantha,
Sarada, Southern,
Tamil,.
Tamil, archaic, Telugu,
Telugu-Kannada, Vatteluttu,
PAGE
104 n
84 and n
85 85
161, 291
114 n . 83 n
83 and n, 85 and 86, 89
n,
11 82
8.a. Pula
214-16
214, 216
176, 182
62 n
. 202 n 148 n 32 208.09 79-81 106, 108-09 311, 315 104, 229, 278 298 2, 4, 29 32, 277-78, 299, 305, 340 284 229, 284, 325, 329 93, 185, 197 n, 199, 229, 231, 236 n, 275 n
207 201
77, 79, 171, 296
230
112 79, 81 n, 135, 140, 166. 220 310 45, 55, 63 229, 325
220 207
217, 293, 317 93, 99, 105, 110 199-200, 229 187, 240
.
87, 89 n, 92, 175, 213
110-11, 337

Page #500

PART VIII]
INDEX
383
.
86
. .
83 48
• •
100 87
.
.
38
PAGE Soal emblem:
Boar, . . . . . . 213, 317 Bull, . . . . . 46, 201, 310 Gajalakshmi,. . . . 123, 126 Garuda,
45, 129 and 167 Lakshmi, .
126, 120 Biva, . .
129 Standing human figure,
. 203 Vardha, . .
176 Season of the year : Grishms
181 Hemanta ,
• 83 n Sehráv, vi.,
• 222 Solle, ch., . .
. .
68.09 Smaraka, h... Sém baka, do... Somra pl. of Paramardin,.
119-20, 124 Sēna, dy...
. 279-80 Sina I, Ceylonese k., ..
. . 272 Sena II, do.
. 272-73 Senapati, off.. . . .
. 193 Bennilam, vi. . . . . 270-71, 273, 276 Steha, serpent de.. . . . 37, 39 n Sötu, b., . . .
. . 161 Busbandha, wk.,
. .. 332 Satudarpart, do.,
332 Seuna, ... Khandesh, co., .
210 Soupa, dy.. . . Słupachandra, Yadava k., . Soupachandra I, do., . . Bupaoandra II, do., . .
. . 32 n, 210 Bbupa-deka, co.,
. . 37, 42 Seven Mothers, . . .
176, 178, 294, 296 Hoven Sage, . .
103 Savar, vi,
192
4-5, 214, 217 oh, writton for kh,
. . 186 Shabads, tk., . .
. . 129 Shahbazgach, vi.. . , n, 9, 16 n, 10 p,
26 n, 30 eud n Shams-i-Shiraj 'Aff, au... . . . 247-48 Shashthi, godden, . Shēr, ... Syira Mallika, off. . . . 168 Shiggaon, I., .
. 317 Bhirahatti, lk., . . . . . . Shivapuri, di..
. 339. 344 Bhojā, ... Khoja, Khwaja, sur., . 166, 167 n, 168,
169 and n Bhoråpur, In.. . . . . . . 108 Bhujalpur Pargana, 1.d., . . . . Siddham symbol, . . 2, 230, 277, 286, 300
340-41, 348, 346 Siddhantadurbana, philosophy. . . 181 Siddhodrana-maths, monanery.. . 232-87
PAGE Siggalli, vi., .
. . 820, 328 Bihada, pr., .
. 167 n Sthapaiya, of... . . . . . 64 n Sibavamma, o.a. Simhavarman, Pallava k., 8D Siksha-guru, . . . . . . 179 Bila, vi., . . .
. . 187 Sila hāra, dy.. 33 and n, 50-61, 67 n, 61 and in
62 and n, 63-65, 68, 71-72, 74 n Bilara, 6.a. Silah&ra, do.. . 62-68, 66, 74 n Silobar, in.
288 Silotara, Bildtari, Bildtra, Silberi, Silsttara, Silpakara, Silpin, artisan, .
297 Siluva, 11.. .
84, 67 Sima, 1.d., .
• 291 Simdhurája, Paramara k.,. Sindore, 1., . . Simgappaya, donce,.
267, 266, 267 Simgaya, do. . . .
267, 265, 267 Singaye, Singayo-niyaka, Recherla ch., Simghapa, Yadava k., . . . • 88-40 Simba, Laga ch..
. . . 142, 102 simha, o.a. Binghapadeva, Yadava I., . . Simbachalam ins. of Narasimha IV, . . 281 Simhagiri, dones, . . . . . 268, 268-67 Bimbala, co., 66, 68-69, 270-71, 272 and n,
273, 276, 891 Bimhapa I, Yadavak,
. .
. . . 82-83, 142 Simhapa II, do.. . . . . 83 Bimhapadēva, ... Bimbana, do., . , 142, 162 Simbarāja, 6.a. Singhapa, do.. .
. . 32 Bimbhavarman, Pallava k.,
87-90,92 n, 202n Simbhavishpu, do.. . . . . 92-93, 200 Bimraon, 6.. Samaragrāma, I., . .
. 385 Sind, Sindh, co. . . . 136, 210 Sindhinagara, ..a Srinagara, l...
89 Sindhurija, Paramara k. Bindbu-yugm Ontara-doka,.. Konamanda
la, 1.d., Bindinagara, ... Brinagara, do... Bindindra, ..a. Srinagara, do.. . Bind Ora, m., . . . Singala, ... Bimbala, co.,. Singama I, Recherla ch. .
• 248 Binghapa, Yadawa k.. 32, 33 n, 39 n, 40 n,
244 and a Singhapa II, do.. . . . . 88 and n Singha padova, do. . . . . . 33 Sinnamanur pl.of Rajasimha, . . . 270 Sinnamanur (Larger) pl. of Varaguna 1, 270-71, 338 Sinner, 4.a. Srinagare, co., . . . . 32 siridika biridika, siridirka, taz, 69, 73, 78 and n Siripallo, vi.. . . . . . 266
37
.
271

Page #501

384
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXII
•
PAGE
PAGE
.
.
Siriyapa-nayaka, donee, . . 311 and n, 316 Sirohi, t.d., . .
. . . 135 Sirrambakkam, ... Tenkāraņai, vi., . 199 Sirsi, tk., . . . . . 79-80, 217 Sirsi pl. of Ravivarman, . . 217-18 Sirso, vi., . . .
. . 167 Sirupalle, a.a. Siripallo, do., . 266, 268 Sisa vai grant of Govinda III, . 187 n, 160 Sitapur, di., Sive, com., . . . . . 339 Siva, de., . 31, 37, 41 n, 46, 73, 88, 94, 112,
113 n, 115, 119, 136, 140, 143, 148 n, 162 and n, 167, 178-79, 180, 181-82, 232, 236, 27778, 281, 285-86, 800, 308, 327-28
340-41, 843-45 Sive, o.a. Sivasitha, Oinuar ch., .
335 Siva, honorific sufflat, .
87 n, 192 Siva te... . .. . 112-13, 277, 279, 281 n Siva-bhagavata, .a. Kapalika, secl, . . 179 Siva-Brahmana, do... . • 181 n, 192 Siva-diksha, ceremony. . . . 181 - Sivagana, k., . . . . . Sivagapa, Brahmana pr.. . • . 112, 207, 209 Sivakhandsvamma, ... Sivaskandavarman, Pallava, k., . .
• 87 Sivamaks Sada, Satavahana k. . . 84-88 Siva-mandala-dikoha, ceremony, 178, 181 and n, 188 Sivanabhaka, com., . . 339, 841, 345-46 Siva Purana, tok.. . . . . 148 Sivarija, m., . . . . . 344, 346 Sivashanmukha, R.,. . . . . 87 Sivasimha, 8.a. Rūpanāriyada, Oinvår k., 331, 333
and a, 334-36 Sivasimhapura, ca.
331 Sivaskanda, ., . . Sivaskandavarman, Pallaca., 87-88, 89 anda
92 n, 93, 202-03 Sivasvamin, donee, . . . . 178, 183 Sivayogashram, tok.,. . . . 248, 251 Siy, fe... . .
. 340, 342 Siya, .a. Siyaka, Paramara k. . 144 and n, 180 Siyadopi, si.. . . .
. . 118 Siyaka, 8.a. Harsha, Paramara k., . 144 and a Skanda, de.. . . . Skandavarman, Pallava k., . . . 87 n Skandavarman II, do., . Skanda Bānādhiraja, ch... .. 111 Slotra, .a. Srotra, tax, . . . sode, .a. Sonda,si., . , 79, 80 and n, 81 Sodhala, sodhaladēva. Vaijardpdyana ch., 220-21,
223, 226-26, 228 and n Sola-mandalam, i.d., . . . . . 187 881a-nadu, do.. . . . . . 974
Solanki, dy.. .
. . . . . 136 Bolantaka-chaturvedimangalam, vi.,. 278 Solar race,
. . 241, 251-53 Solabarman, m., .. . . . 141, 164 Boma, do.. . . . . . . . 225 Somada, Somadăpurt, h. . . . 80, 81 n SomAditya, 7., . . . . 94, 95 and a Somaiya, do.. . . . . . 66 Bomajiyar, do., .
.
. 200 a Sömanātha, o.a. Somdávara, god,
• 341 Sómanátha, m.. .
12.43, 312, 316 Bomappaya, donee,
258, 285 Somsrája, m...
. 341-42 Bomárka, dy...' .
• 260 Såmatiyar, m., .
200 and a Somaya-bhatta, doncs, . . . 267, 265 Soma-yaga, sacrifice, . . . . 79, 81 n Somayajiyar, e.a. somajiyar, m.. . 220 88mayarya, donee . . . . . 267 Bomoka, o.a. somóbarman, do... 120, 122, 124 Somosa, ... Bomē vara, god, . . 341-42 Bomēbarman, 6.9. Somēka, doncs, 119-20,
122, 124 Somedvara, au.. . . . .
83 Sömēsvara, Chāhamana k., . . . 300, 302 Somovara, god, . . . .
• 841 Somüvara, Hoysala pr., . .
171-72 som svara, Paramāra k., .
161 Somēdvara, 6.a. Somēbvara-suri, rel. teacher, . .
. . . . 180n Som kvars III, W. Chalukya k., . , 165, 195 Som kvara IV, do... Sömösvaradevavarman III, Telugu-Choda ch., 327 Som svara-pandita, ., . . . . 180 Somokvara-suri, rel. Teacher, . 180 and n Sömödbhuva, 8.a. Narmada, ri., . . 241, 244,
248, 261 Sönda, Sondo, 8.a. Sode, vi.,
79, 80 and
n, 81 and a Bonepur, do.. . . . . . 325-27 Sopăra, tn.,
. . 29 Sorab pl. of Vinayādiiya . 318, 319 and n Srah, year. . .
. . . 326 Sravapa-Belgola, vi., . . . . 171-72 Bravarasimhakarman, donee, 178, 184 and n brishthin, off... . Srl, goddess, . . . 178, 187, 314 and n Artbhara, tit., . . Betbhavana, I., . .
. . . 168 Bridatta, au..
. . . 331 Brdovi, goddess . Sridhara, donec, Sridhars, m., .
43 Sridharaparita, k., . . . . . 104
87 D
.
.
.
179
.
87
•
91
225

Page #502

PART VIII]
Sri-dharmaraj-ändaja-vamsa, dy., Sri-Harsha, Paramāra k., Sriharsha, 8.a. Harshavarman, k., Srikakulam, t.d.,
Srikakulam, tn.,
Srikakulam (Chicacole) pl. of Satyavarman,
Srikartha, com.,
Srikamtha, donee,
Srikam tha, ep... Srikantha, com., Srikanthaéarman, donee,
Śrīmāla, I.,
Srimāli, community,
Srimāra, s.a. Srivallabha, Pandya k.,
Srinagara, ca.,
Srinatha, Oinvär ch.,
Srinatha, poet,
PAGE
107 144 and n, 149 286 201, 203, 310, 312
203, 310-12
202n 156
257, 265, 267
265
Brirayanarayana, tit.,
8r1-8amanta, com.,
Srisailam, hill,
Srisailam ins. of Kachaya Reddi,
270-73,
274 n 32 333n 245, 251
Sringaradevi, Paramara q.,
Srinidhi, tit.,
136n 91 332
119-20, 122, 124-25, 127
Srinivasa, au., Sripals, m., Briprithivivallabha, tit. 178, 295 Sri-Prithivivallabha-mahārāja, s.a. Pulakesin
I, w. Chalukya k.,
294-95, 297
273n
Sripurambiyam, v., Sripurusha, Ganga k.,
111, 115 n
Srirangam ins. of Dovari-nayaḍu,
247 33
203 and n
245
IV, do., Sriyādēvi, fe.,
Brötaka, rent,
brötra, do.,
Sruti, 8.a. Veda,
•
.
147 140, 154 220 n, 224, 228 220, 225, 228
Sthalapurana, wk.,"
sthana, I.,.
•
245, 256
Sristhana, 8.a. Thāņā, I., 72, 74 Brivallabha, tit., 133, 295, 296 and n; 297 Srivallabha-narendradeva, 8.a. Govinda III,
Rashtrakuta k.,
Srivatsaéarman, m., Sri-Vira-Naranarasimhadēva, s.a. Narasimha
•
IV, E. Ganga k., Sri-Vira-Narasimhhadeva, 8.a. Narasimha
Sryaéraya Siladitya, Chalukya ch.,
Stambha, Rashtrakuta k.,
Stambhêévari, 8.a. Khamesvari, de., sthala, high land,
•
158 141, 154
231-33, 235-36
231, 233, 236-38 106 36 n, 56, 57 and n, 60 36
291
178
159
325
287,
291
159n
318 and n
INDEX
Sthanaka, 8.a. Thāņā, I., Sthapu Ravi, Chera k., Sthirakaya, Paramāra k., sthiti, decree,
Sthili-patraka, record of decision or decree, Subahu, Yadava k., Subhananda, com.,
Subhatavarman, Paramāra k.,
Subhatunga, Rashtrakuta k., Suchindram ins. of Marañjadaiyan, Südaküpa, L.,
Sudarsana, Sudarsanacharya, preceptor,
Sudava pl. of Devendravarman, Südha, com.,
Sadra, community,
Sugata, com.,
Sugatipa, 8.a. Madhumati, ch.,
Sukla-Pradyumnaéarman, m.,
Sukritasamkirtana, wk., Sulaiman, au., Sulfan, tit.,
Sumana, m., Sumbha, demon,
Sumēru, mo.,
Sumkuviraya, stream,
Sun, de.,
Sunapura, 8.a. Sonepur, l.,
.
Surat pl. of Karka, Suratana 8.a. Sultan, tit.,
Sundara-chōla, Chōla k.,
Sundara-chōla, 8.a. Paräntaka II, do., Sundara-pandi, Sundara-pandya, Pandya k.,
Sură, donee, Süraditya, m., Süralivirana, garden, Sarasčna, k., Surashtra, co.,
Suratanu, s.a. Sultan, do., Surathotsava, wk... Suratrana, s.a. Sultan, tit.. Surendravarman, k., Siri-bhatta, donee,
PAGE
61 n 101
144, 150 306, 309 306n
.
385
32 and n
161
337
145
178
79, 181-83, 184 and n
141,
154
145 50
145, 147, 165, 167 and n, 168, 242-44, 245 and n, 247, 330-32, 344 225 58
49, 53, 119 320 and n, 323 307, 343 32627 100
186
247
225
225 320, 323 37 136 n, 210 130 166-67, 169 246n 145 167, 241 104 n 258, 266
120,
124
145,
151
203 n 120, 123 311-12, 315 49
•
47, 49, 52-55

Page #503

886
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXII
ll -
.
PAGE
.
31
Surpäraka, 8.. Sopārā, tn.
29 Surways, l.,
.
339-40, 345 Surwiya ins... .
339, 343-45 Stirya, de., Saryachandra, Chandra k.,
. 103 Surys-vamsa, dy.. . .
248n Sutra : A pastambha,. . .
94, 97 Sutradara, mason,
345-46 Suvarchala, de.. .
. . 343 Suvarna, m., . .
64, 66 Suvarna-Garuda-dhvaja, tit., . . 66 Suvarnagiri, I., . .
. . 9n Suvarnapura, 8.a. Sonepur, do., .
- 326 Suvarnavarsha, 8.. Govinda Rushfrakafa k., . .
65,59 Svidi, 8.a. Sode, vi... .
• 80 Svāmikarāja, k.,
113-14 Svāmikarija, m.,
• 1750 Bv&mirāja, k., .
114-15 Svåmibarman, m., .
94, 97 Bvarnaralli-matha, monastery, . . 79 Syamadēva, Syåmadēva-bhatta, donee, 287, 291 Byara Mallika, off.
.
166-69 Byåra Bhada, do. . . . 167-68, 170 Sylhet, di., . . . , 280, 334 n
PAO Taluti, o.a. Tarodi, vi., , : , 160, 163 Tämana, m.. . . . . . . 42 Tambapamni, Tambapani, co.,. . 11, 22 Tamgellapalli, I., . . . . 259, 267 Tamil, co., . . 1
193, 200, 233, 247, 249, 308 Tamif-Navaler.charitai, tok., . . 1900 Tämraparņi, co., : . . . 11, 24, 249 Tanjavur, di.,. . . 58, 185, 192 n Tanjavur ins. of Vikrama-chola, . . . 190 Tanjore, di., .
. 247, 274 Tankári, vi.. . .
.: 222 T'antrapradipa, wk...
. 332 Tapachakravarti, Tapasohakravartin,
pontiff. . . . . 233-35, 237-38 Taparaja-mahāmuni, Taparāja-munigal, 8.4.
Tapaschakravartin, do... . 232-34, 236-37 Tapavi, lake, . . . . . 320, 322 Tapărāja-mahāmuni, Tapöräja-muni, pontiff,
232-33, 235-86 Tāpti, ri,
. . . . 129 Tarikh-i Firishta, wk., . . 145 n, 147 Tarodi, vi, . . . . . . . 160 Tarupinkura, tit.... . . . . 91 'Tasgaon, vi.. . . . . . . 33n Tātadarman, donce, . .
178, 188 Tathāgata, .a. Buddha. . . . Tatpurusha, aspect of Siva, . . 181 Taziyatul Anaar, wok.. . . Tehri, vi., . . . . . . 118 tēja-svāmya, tax, . .. Tekkali pl. of Anantavarman, . .. 203n Tekkali pl. of Rajëndravarman,. . 202 and n Tel, ri.. . . .
. . . 327 Telangana, Telingana, co.,. . 191, 252, 268 Telugu co., . . 189, 193, 250, 265 Telugu-Choda, dy.. . . 194, 246 and n, 252
53, 327 Telunga, co., . .
. . 245 Tenali, tk., . . .
. .
. . 193 Tēni, vi. . . . . 141, 148, 154-88 Tenkäraņai, do.,
. 199-200 Tennavan, preceptor, . .
. 111 Тервуар Ilangбуёlar,
s.a. Maravan Padi, donor, 99 and n, 100-01 Teonthar, 1.d., .
. . . 121 Ter, us.,. .
. . 68 Tereyür, do., . .
. 193 Tévattūr, do., . .
. . . 274 Tezpur, tn., .
. .
. . . . .288 Tezpur pl. of Vanamálavarman, . . tha, 8.a.-Thakkura, tit.. . . . 120, 124 Thakura, s... T'hakkura, Thakura, do., 167 and n,
189-70
.
108
147n
1,
79, 83, 87, 186, 217, 229, 240, 284, 337 1, final, . . . 45, 65, 112, 240, 284
229, 231, 240 Tabugat-i-Akbari, wk., . . . 243 Tabaqal-i-Napiri, do.. . • 145 n, 280 Tagarapura, ... Tor, I., . . . 65, 72 T'agaraphraparamdávara, tit., . . 66, 71, 74 Tägi-pallava, ch., . .
94-95, 97-98 Tailapa, vi., . .
. . 33n Tailimga, 6.a. Tilimga, co., . . . 261 tairthika, s.a. tirthika, priest, . 88, 90 Tajika, Tajiya, ..a. Arab, community, . 47 and n,
60, 52, 56, 58, 64, 210 Tajjika, 8.a. Täjika, do. . . . 66,58-59 Takart, vi. . . 140-41, 148, 153-55 Takari, do.,
220, 222, 224, 226, 228 Takkolam, do,
199n Takehullika, donatrix,
. . 113, 117 Talabhi, vi., . .
. . 160, 163 Talakadu, i.d., . . Talakadu-konda, tit., .
. . 191 Talamanchi pl. of Vikrimiditya I, 176 n, 179,
213
.
.
191

Page #504

PART VIII]
INDEX
387
.
190
.
99n
PAGE Thakkura, tit.. . 69-70, 119-20, 122, 166, 167n,
169, 170 n, 301, 303 and a Thana, di., . .29, 45, 51, 59, 61 and 1 65,69 Thapa, tn.. . . . . . 61 n, 72 Tidamari, 6.a. Nedamari, Chalukya k., ... 214n Tigula, 6.a. Tamil, community, . 192 and Tikamapedi, m., . . Tikamagarh, 8.a. Tehri, I...
. . 118 Tikäsarvasva, wk., .
232 Tilskväda, vi., .
• 222 Tilang, co., . .
246 n Tilimga, do., . .
. 260 Tiling, 3.a. Tilinga, do.
242-45, 247.
48, 256 Tilinga, do., .
241-43 Tilingadēša, 8.a. Tolugu country,
. . 255 Tintin-pattalā, t.d., . .' . 120-22 Tippaya, donee, . . . . 259, 266 Tippers pl. of Lokanātha,
• 104n Tirabhukti, 8.a. Tirhut, co. . . .829-31,
386 Tirthapur svara te., . . . . . 185 Arthika, priest, .
. . . 88 Tiruchchēlür, 8.a. Tiruchchéyalür, vi., . . 185 Tiruchchēlir-Mahādēva, de.. . 186, 196.
97 Tiruchchöyalar, s.a. Köyil Tevarayanpöttai, vi., 186 Tiruchchirai, do. . . . . 192n Tiruchirappalli, di., . . 58, 192, 269, 273-74 Tiruchirappalli ins. of Maran-Jadaiyan, 270n Tirujñānasambandhar, saint, .
. 185 Tirujñānasambandhamürlistämigal Puranari,
:
.
.
193
PAGE Tiruvayirai, ..a. Aivarmalai, vi.. . 337-38 Tiruvayottipperumal. god,. . . Tiruvellarai ins. of Varagupa-mahårāja, 270 n. 337.
38 tiruvidaiyaffam, . . .
190 Tiruvirattānam, vi., . . .
. 99 Tiruppalatturai, do, .
. . 99 Tiwarkhed pl. of Nannarāja, . . 113-14 Toda, tribe. . . . . Tölāpauha, vi.. . . . . 141, 148, 164 Tolkappiyam, wk.. . Tondai, Tondai-mandalam, 6.d., . 58, 190 n,
193, 238 Torgal, Toragale, vi.. . . .
77 Tottaramadi pl. of Kätayavēma,
256 Toyyēru, vi.. . .
250 Toyyēti Anavõta, Murunuri ch..
250 Trailokyasvimin, de, . . . 72, 75 Traividya, J., . . . , 160, 163 and n Travancore, I... . . . . . 274 Tri, s.a. Trivedin, tit.. . . 141, 165 Tribhuvanachakravartin, do.. . 188, 188, 194,
196-97, 247 Tribhuvanamalladēva, 8.4. Vikramaditya VI,
w. Chalukya k., . Tribhuvananflu, lit., . . . . 64-66, 68 Tribhuvanavallabha, do.. . . 180, 183 Trikalinga, co.,. . .
33, 38, 313-14 Trikūtasvara te., . .
171 Trilinga, ... Telinga, co., . Tripathaga, s. . Gangi, ri., Tripura, demon, . .
. 148n Tripurantaka, Chola k.,
. . 195 Tripurantakam, vi...
194 Tripurasimha, 8.a. Arjuna, Oinvär ch., 333 and n Tripuri, Co., . . Trishashtismsiti, wk.,
142n Trivedin, tit. . . . . 141, 156n Trivikrama, donee, .
258, 266 Tryambakösvara, I., . .
• 31 Tughluq, dy.,. .
244, 256 Tulamaya, k.,. . .
22 Tulāpurusha, gift, . .
. 334 Tulasi-vivdha, ceremony, . . . . 311 Tulijapur, vi., . . . . . . . 31 Tulukkar, 8.a. Turushka, community. 247 Tungabhadri, si., . 132, 168, 169 and ,
160, 163-64 Tunga-Dharmivaloka, ch. . : 114 Tuppadahalli, vi.. . . 179-74 Taraka, Turuka, 8.a. Turushka, community, 244,
245 . 246, 248 n
185n
46
Tirukkalar, vi.. .
. . 247 Tirukkalikunram, do..
. 200 Tirukkovalür, do. .
99-100, 102 Titukkovilur, do..
! 99, 101 Tirukkudamūkku, ..a. Kumbakonam, do., . 270
71, 273-73 Tirumalai, ., . . .
270, 273 Tirumuttin Sivigai kuduttaruliya Nāyanar, god, . . .
• 185 Tirunelveli, di.,
. 68 Tiruttani, tk., . .
. 110 Tirutturutti, vi. . .
274 Tiruvadatturai, do... .
185-86 Tiruvadi ins. of Nfipatunga,
273 Tiruvälangadu, vi..
185.87 Tiruvallur, tt.,
199 Tiruvänilai-Aludaiya Nayanar te.. . Tiruvannamalai, vi.,
. Tiruvaratturai, 8.a. Tiruvadatturai, do.. . 198 Tiruvaratturai-Nelváyil, 8.a.
Tiruvadatturai, du. . . . .

Page #505

388
Tydgasamudra, tit., Tyägasimha, k.,
24
Turamaya, k., Turushka, s.a. Muhammadan, people, 221, 223, 227, 241-42, 244 and n, 249-50, 253, 260, 62
189 285-86
, initial,
, medial,
, medial,
•
.
Ubhayakaladhavala, tit., Uchchangi, Uohohangi-durga, I., Uchchangi-parvata, s.a. Uchchangi-durga, do.,
Uchoharinga, s. a. Uchchangidurga, do., Uohohadringa-vishaya, t.d.,
Uchoharing!, 8.a. Uchohangidurga, l., Udaipur ins. of Jayasimha, Udaipur Museum ins. of Prithviraja III, Udari, I.,
Udari ins. of Ramachandra,
Udaya, m.,
Udayaditya Paramāra k.,
U
Ühepa, engr.,
Ubpatti, vi.,
Ujjain, L.,.
Udayagiri, tk.,
Udayakarna Nibbankasimha, Rayari k.,
Udayasithha, Oinvär ch.,
Ujjayini, ca., Ulugh Khan, off..
45, 92, 213, 230, 284, 293
87, 105, 112, 229 112, 157, 229-30, 343 66 192 n, 215
Udayavarman, Paramāra k.,
Udayendiram pl. of Nandivarman,
Uddharana, m.,
Uddharapaéarman, do.,
Uddyota, wk.,
Udranga, privilege,
Ugradanda, tit.,
Ugra-pandya, Pandya pr.,
146 146
301, 303 and n
144 and n, 145,
150 96 280 333n 145
92 n, 93
225
154
179
48
92
272
120, 123 320, 323 147-48
18, 144-45, 147 n, 210 167, 243-44, 246 n, 248, 253 344, 346 104n 130, 133
Uma, goddess,
Umachal ins. of Surendravarman,
Umbaropika, vi.,
Umhbari, do.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Undikavātikā, I.,
Undikavätikā gr. of Abhimanyu, Unhissaka, hill,
Upa, s.a. Upadhyaya, tit... Upadhmaniya, Upadhyaya, tit., Uparikara, 8.a. parikara, tax,
PAGE
·
.
215 215 214-16 215 147n
302
·
103 141, 154
45, 99, 175, 217, 317 141, 154n, 265-67
48,287, 201
160
114 114
Upasanin, til.,
Upendra, 8.a. Vishnu, god, Uppinakatte, I., Uppuṭūru, do... Upumgali, canal, Uragapura, ca., Urar, assembly,. Uravar, do.,
Urpputüru, Upputaru, vi., Uruvupalli grant of Vishnugopa, Úrvaál, myth. fe.,
Usiki, vi.,. Utkala, co., Utkhelana,
Utpalaraja, Paramāra k.,
Váchaspati, au., Vachaspati-miéra, do., Vada, a.a. Periya, ep.. Vadadru, donee,
Utrēsvara-näeka, 8.a. Uttaréévara-nayaka, m.,
Uttama, fe.,
[VOL. XXXII
PAGE
154n
52, 285, 288
194
96
Uttama-chola, Chola k.,
Uttangarai, tk.,
111
176, 182, 216, 320-21
Uttara-niyoga, subsequent assignment, 311 n. 315 Uttarapatha, t. d., . Uttarêárara-nayaka, m., . Uttar Pradesh, State,
232-33, 235, 337-38 120, 124, 126, 207, 209 211, 305, 308, 341, 344-45 Uttungs-parvata, s. a. Uchchapgi-durga, I., Uva, m.,
V
Vaddabyavahari, off., Vadugan-Karran, m.,
100
111
94, 96-97 202n 37 314n 48 287, 291
136 and n, 137
234 301, 304 100n
.
267
177
.
215 64, 66
Vada-Narasinghadeva, a.a. Narasimba III, E. Ganga k., Vadasura, donee,
4, 46, 55, 118-20, 158, 171, 229-30, 284, 310 334
332-34 231 225
234 225 80 n 269, 275
Vaghadi, Väghādi-grāma, vi., 140,147, 153, 155 Vaghamara, Vaghamārā, s. a. Baghmäri, I., 232-37 Vaghaväsa, do..
48, 50
Väghěla, dy., Vaidumba, do.,
33, 221 314 326-28 61 n
Vaidyanatha, de.,
Vaijada, m.,
218 and n
Vaijapayana, Vaijavāpāyana, dy.,.220-22, 226, 228 Vaijayanti, co., Vaijaéarman, m., Vaikanka, n.,
Vaikartana, 8.a. Karna, epic hero, Vaikumtha-bhatta, donee,
141, 154 287, 292 40n 258, 266

Page #506

PART VIII]
INDEX
389
PAGE 167 anda,
Vaipapala, ... Vaipasimhs, ..
169
.
.
62
.
313
.
107
Vainasitha, .a. Vainapala, do., : : 167 and n,
170 Vainatayan, ri.. . . . . . 255 Vairigajamkusa, til., . . . . .. 66 Vairisimha, ... Vajrata, Paramara k.,. 144 and n Vaideshika, philosophy,
. . 180 Vaishnave, rel. sect,. . . 178, 265, 294 n Vaišvadēvs, sacrifice, . . Vaibya, community, .
. . 187 Vajapéya, sacrifice, ...
. 294, 297 Vajjada I, Silahara k., . . 61, 62 and Vajjads II, do, Vajjadadēvs, do. . . Vajji-niyaka, donec, . .
. 311, 315 Vajradatta, Pragjyotisha k.,
285, 289 Vajradēva, k.,.
285-86 Vajrahasta, 6.a. Vajrahasta III, E. Ganga k., 311,
314, 316 Vajrahasta I, do.. . Vajrahasta II, do.. . .
• 313 Vajrahasta III, do...
310, 316n Vajrabakti, Chandra k., Vajrata, a.a. Vairisimha, Paramára k., . 144 and n Vajrata, k., . . .
. 161 Vakpati I, Paramára k.,
136n, 144 Vikpati II, do.. . .
. : 144 Vikxatirija, 14. Vakpati I, do., . .
143-44,
150 Valabhl, a. Wala, ca., . . . 210 Valshauda-grāma, vi.. . . . . 119-22 Valanddu, 1.d., . . .
. . . 187 Välauda, vi., . . .
155 Valanda-gråma, do... . , 140, 147, 153 Välhanadēvi, Chandella q.,
.
120, 122 Vallabha, donee . . . 258, 266 Vallabha, ep. . .
. 30, 161, 295 Vallabha, 8.. Govinda, Rashfrakafa k., 162 Vallabhadeva Srivallabha, Raydrik... Vallabharaja, Rashtrakufa k., . . . 50,
161 Vallam, vi.. .
199-200 Vallanadēva, ., . .
224, 228 Valluvikkangaraiyar, ch.,'.
111 Vámadēva, aspect of Siva, Vimadevalarman, . .
. 155 Vimana, donde,
• 178, 183 and a Vimana, ., . .
42-43 Vimanalarman, doncs,
. . 141,
164 Vamanavimin. do... .
178 183 Vimadasvamin, f., .
120, 122 Vamgala-Kali, canal, . .
. . . 267
PAGE Vamgūravadi vishaya, 1.d.,. . . 177, 182
83 Vănguru, vi.. . . . .
. . 182 Varkipa, tribe,
. . 66, 69 Vana-durga, .a. Rokapalli, I.. .
263-64 Vapakon Adiyaraibar, 6.a. Skandha Bapidhi
raja, Bana ch.. . . . . 110-11 Vanamåla, Vanamälavarman, Pragjyotisha k., 286,
289 Vans parti, vi.. . . . .
. . 175 Vanavāsl, 3.. Banavasi, ou., . . 176, 182,
317-20, 322-23 Vändiuri, vi.. . . . .
121 Vändiuri-pattalā, di.. .
120-22 Vanga, co. . .
. . 279.80 Vani-Dindori pl. Govinda III. . 129, 131 Vañji Vēl, Cherak. . . . .
99 Vanklpa, tribe,. .
. 68 Vappaghoshavăța gr. of Jayanaga, . . 1040 Vappuvanna, Silahara k., . . . . Varaguna, fe.,
.
. 99-100 Varaguna, 8.a. Varaguna II, Pandya k., 272
and n, 273 and R, Varagupa I, do.. . . 271, 274 n, 338 and a Varaguna II, do., .
270, 272 anda,
273, 337, 338 and a Varaguna-lovara, de., , . . 274 and a Varagupa-mabarkja, 6.a. Varaguna I, Pandya k.. .
.
. 270 Varagupa Maharaja, o.a. Varaguna II, do... 270
and n, 271, 272 and n, 273 n Varāhs, incarnation of Viskpu,. 29, 178, 241, 260,
296 Variha-lañchhana, emblem, Varahamihira, au.. . . . . 68, 179n Varāhavarttant, .d. . . . 311, 314 Värāhi, goddess,
. . . . . 296 Varahldēva, god, . . . 293 n, 294, 296
97 Varakhed, a.a. Naigaum, vi., . . 36-37 'Varanasi, ..a. Banaras, ci., . . . 126-27,
173-74 Vázánasl, do... .
. . 174 Vāzāső-pattana, t.d., .
287-288, 290
91 Vardhamina, Vardhaman-opadhyaya, au... 332
334 Vardhanapura-pratijägaranaka, 1.d.,' . 140,
147,153 Varēndrs, di.. . . . . . 280 Varindrl, a.a. Varēndra, do.. . . . 280 Varēndri-mandala, a.a. Varëndra, do.
280 Värika, temple superintendent, . .' 66-67, 60 Varishthaka, ofl . . . 69-70 72, 74
181

Page #507

390
Variyaka, 8.a. Bargi, vi., Varman, dy.,
Varnaghatanavaidagdhi-Viśvakarman, ep.,
Varuna, de.,
Varvara, people,
Vasauha, vi.,
Vasava, de.,
Vasishtha, ri., Vasishtha, sage,
Vasishthtputra Chanda Sata, Vasishthiputra Puļumāvi, do., Vasithiputa, metronymic, Vastavya, community, Vastavya-Kayastha, do., Vastu, homestead land, Vasudeva, de.,
Vasudeva, donee,
Vasudeva, m., Vasudevaéarman, do., vät-adeya, tax,
Vātāpi, 8.a. Bādāmi, ca.,
Vätäpikonda, tit.,
vala-pratyaya, tax,
Vätasura, m.,
Vathaiya, do., Vafi, L.m., Vataarāja, k., Vaffi, s.a. Vati, l. m., Vaamdarman, donee, Vavauda-grama, vi., Vayu Purana, wk., Vida, Vadadhyapaka, ep., Vedamta, philosophy,.
Védanga,
Vedanta,
Vedantakalpataru, wk.,
Vedhas, de.,
Védi, seat,
Vēdiappan te.,
Vēlaiya, off..
Velanäţi, dy.,
Velapur, 8.a. Bēlür, vi.,
Veligalani pl. of Kapiléévara,
Velir, f.,
Vellāru, rt..
Velpäru, vi., Velugōdu, dy.,
Velugofivarivambacharita, wk., Velugofivarwamsavali, do., .
Volushpalli, vi., Vélar, do.,
PAGE
217-18 279
124
.
93, 300, 303
56, 58-59 120, 122 93 256
34 n, 70 n, 135, 137, 143, 149, 291, 300 Satavahana k., 83 n 83, 86 83 n 120, 123 124 287, 291 52-53
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
111 n
36
225
49, 54
232, 234-36
131 236-37 141, 155 124-25 179 n 94, 160, 242, 249, 263, 265-66 255 265-66 94
255
3311 130, 160
79, 81 n
110 and n 64, 66 255 159n
325
101
185
82, 85 n 245 248 n 245
and n, 248, 252 and n 258, 266-67 110-11
•
.
43
225
141
36
38, 318
•
.
Vēlvikkudi pl. of Maravarman Rajasimha,
Velvikudi pl. of Neduñjadaiyan,. Vēma-na aka, ch.,
Vema, Panta ch..
Vēmā Reddi, s.a. Vēma, do.,
Vērgika, k., Venga, ch., Vengai-mandalam, t.d., Vēngala-nādu, do., Vengl, co.,
.
251
254
253 and n . 162 252-54 190 and n 192 58, 107, 132, 187-89, 19396, 252-53 194 194
194
188
163
80 111
242, 254-55, 258,
263-64, 266
Vēņņē, lake,
320, 322
64, 66
Verthalaiya, eff., Vēsāli, L.,.
103-05, 107 103-05
Vēsāli ins.,
62n 130n
311, 318
Vesugi, Yadava k., Vichitravirya, epic k... Viddama, fe., Videlvidugu, standard stone 99, 102 Vidurämra, 8.a. Umbari, vi., 160, 163 Vidyadhara, donee, 42 Vidyadharaéarman, m., 140-41, 158 Vidyapati, au... 331, 332 and n, 334 and n Vidyapatiéarman, m., 140, 154 Vidyavinita, tit., 91, 92 n Vighnesvara, de., 259 Vigraharaja, s.a. Visala IV, Chähamana k., 221, 300-01, 303 285-87 71.72, 74 n. 76 n
167, 170 344, 346
71.72, 74 n, 70 n
.74 47 228
71 74, 76 37 285-86, 280 226 188
Vongi-12000, t.d., Vengl-14000, do., Võngipura,
Vengi-Chalukyan-ankakāra, tit., Vēngl-vishaya, t.d.,
Venkatapati, Vijayanagara, k., Veņmani, vi., Vennaya, donee,
[VOL. XXXII
Vigrahastambha, k., Vija, 8.a. Vijja, n.,
Vijāditya, com., Vijahada, m., Vijala, 8.a. Vijja, n., Vijaladeva, m.,
.
Vijambā, Rashtrakuta q.,
Vijapayana, 8.a. Vaijaväpäyana ay..
Vija-rapaka, Modha ch., Vijaya, k.,
Vijaya, k. of Pragjyotisha, Vijayaditya, m., Vijayaditya, E Chalukya k.,
.
PAGE
271,
338
.
192

Page #508

PABT VIII)
INDEX
391
PAGI
Vinayāditya, E. Ganga k., . . . 313 Vinayāditya, W. Chafukya k., 116, 177, 318 n,
318 Vinayaditya I, do. . . . . 175 Vinayāditya Satyābraya, do.,
.321 Vinayaka, a.a. Ganēsa, de., . . 71, 74 Vinayaka, donee, . Vinaya-mahādēvi, E. Ganga q.. . . 310, 31. Vindhya, mo., . , 32 and n, 38, 46, 54
130, 132-33, 146-47, 151, 17 Vindhya-bhubhrit, ep., . . . . . 32 Vindhya Pradesh, State, . . . . 11 Vindhyavarman, Paramāra k., .
10 Vinftarăsi, ascetic, . . . 112-13, 11 Vipaksharayabhujārgala, tit., . . . Vipanagandla, vi., .
. 11 Vira, 8.a. Virachandra, Chandra k., . . 11 Virabühu, o.a. Jayamala, Pragjyotisha k., 28
.
.
.
.
.
225
PAGE Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k., 116, 317, 318 and n,
319, 322 Vijayaditya Satyasraya, do.,
317, 321 Vijaya-Távaravarman, ch., . . . . 110 Vijayanagara, ca., . . . 80, 248, 256 Vijaya-Narasimhavarman, Vijaya-NarasingaVarman, ch., . .
. . 110 Vijaya-Panktipura, 8.a. Panktipura, ca. 218 Vijayapura, do., .
68-69, 89 Vijayarkadēva, off., '. . 223-24, 227
28 Vijayabakti, Chandella k., 119, 121, 124,
127 Vijayasēna, Sēna k...,. . . 279-80 Vijayasura, M., . . . . Vijayavāda, in., .
195 Vijayavida ins. of Paräntaka, .187 and n, 188-.
89 Vijja, 8.a. Vijjala, Módha ch., . 65, 69, 71.
72, 74 n, 76 n Vijjala, 8.a. Vijja-riņaka, do., . . 62 n, 65,
68-69, 72 Vijjala,..a. Vajjada I, do., . . . 62 n Vijjaladēva, do., .
68-69, 71 Vijjana, do., . . Vijja-rāņaka, do., .
65, 68, 72-74, 76 Vijñānēévara, au.,
. . . 165 n Vitiänin, off, .
. . 120, 124 Vikksiyappap, c.,
. . . . 101 Vikrama-chõla, Chola pr.,. 188-89, 190 and n,
191-92, 194-96 Vikrama-choladēva, Chöļa k. Vikramaditya, W. Chalukya k., , . 318 n Vikramaditya I, do., , 95, 116, 176 n, 176,
177 and n, 178-79, 181-82,
213, 214 and n, 215, 295 Vikramiditya VI, do., . . . 165, 179, 193
.
72
Vira-Ballāļa II, Hoysala k., 32-33, 171Virabhadrēsvara te., . . . . 1 Vira-Bhānudēva, E. Ganga k.,
325 Vira-Bhānudēvarāja, do., . . Virachandra, 8.a.Viryachandra, Chandra k., 105 Vira-chöda, Chola pr., . . . .) Viradhavala, Vaghela k., . . 33 and n, : Vira-ganga, s.a. Vira-Ballāļadēva, ch., . .17 Vira-Kanakagiri, 8.a. Uchchangidurga, I., . : Vira-Naranārasimhadēva, 8.a. Narasimha
IV, E. Ganga k., . . 232-33, 235 Vira-Narasimhadēva, do., .
233, 236 Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., . 99-100, Virapurushadatta, Ikshvaku k.,
Kuky
.
. 83, 8: Virarājēndra, Chola k., . . . . 18 Virarajendra-chola, do., .. .
. ] Vira-Rudra, 3.a. Pratāparudra, Kakatiya k., 2
96
Virašaiva, .a. Lingāyata, vect. . . . 1
180 and n, 181 ani Virasaivācharapradipika, wk., .
.18 Virasāmanta, dy. . . . .: Virasekhara, . .
. .27 Virasimha, 8.a. Vairisimha, Paramära k., 1
331,
Vikramaditya Satyasraya, .a. Vikramāditya I, do., .
. 177-78, 183, 321 Vikramaktaarin, tit; . . Vikramapura, ca.,
• 279 Vikramasitha, Paramara k.. . 136 and n,
137-38 Vilcramasinha-pattana, 8.a. Nellore, ca., 247 Vibrama-doan-uia, wok., . . .. 190 n Vilass, vi. . . . 242, 247, 254-56, 264 Vilasa grant of Prolaya-niyaka, . . . 247 Villapura, 8.a Pachar, vi. . . . 124 Vilavatti grant of Simhavarman, . . . 92 n Vlifiam, L., . .
270-71, 273-75 Vindhya, mo... . . . . : 162 Virkadēvatarman, M., . . 141, 154 Vipariyi-nayaka, dones, . . . 311, 316
. .
. .
Vfrasimha, Oinvår ch.,
. Virasola-maņdalam, i.d., . Virattānēsvara te., . . Viravara, Oinvār ch., . . Viravarman, Chandčila k.. . Viraya, stream, . . . Virochana, de., .. Virūpäksha, Vijayanagara k., Virūpāksha to. . . .
.
.

Page #509

392
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI
PAGE
PAGE
.
.
274
144, 150
130, 138 32 , 142 n
. 247 . 268
Võlari, Parmara k.,.
. . Vöyipadraka, vi.. . . . . Vratakhanda, wk., :
. Vriddhachalam ing. of Sundara-papdya, Vriddha Gautami, .a. Godāvari, ri... Vriddhagirikvara to., . VriddhA-Födāvarl, ri., Vrishabha-laichhana, emblem, Vumchaniyoga, i.d., Vunns-Guruvāyapälem, vi. . Vyāsa, sur.. . . . . . Vyavahárachintamani, wk., . Vyavahärska, of.. . . . . Vyavasthā, . . . . .
267
313 312, 316 . . 35 . . 334
291 56, 69-60
33
.
.
210
Virupakshi, vi.. Viryachandra, 8.a. Virachandra, Chandra k., 106,
107-08 Visakha, de.. . . . . . . Visakhapatnam, tn., . . . . 239 Visakhavarman, E. Gange k., .
203n Visala, Visala, Vaghela k., . . 33, 40, 221, 224n Visala, donee, . . . .
225 Visala, Visaladēvs, Vaijavāpāyana k., . 220-25
227-28 Visala, Visaladēva IV, Chāhamana k., Vidaladēva, Vaghela k., . . Visala dēva, m., . . . .
221 Visa-padira, 8.a. Visva, off., . . 326-27 Vibesbavidita, com.. . . . . 95, 98 Vishaya, 3.. Pattala, 6.d... . . . 120 Vishaya-Karana, off. Vishayapati, do., . . . . 163 Vishayik-adhikarika, do. . . . . 48, 53 Vishayin, do... .
. . . 64, 66 Vishnu, de., , . 31-32, 39, 40 n, 66, 68, 73,
94, 143, 148 n, 149, 178, 182, 187, 1898, 208-09, 211 n, 241, 250, 285, 311, 313,
320, 327-28, 344 Vishnu, donee, . . . .
42-43
. Vinhpu-chatarvôda, 1h., .
. . 160 Vispugopa, Pallava pr., . .
202n Vishnugopavarman, Pallava k., . 92n Vishnuks, com.. . .
124-25 Vishnuvardhana, Hoysala k., .
192-96,
216 Visasya, donee, . . . 259, 267 Vikva, «.a. Visa Padira, off., . • 326 Vibvámitra, sage, . . . . 135, 143 Vitvanátha, donee, . . .
. 43 Visvanatha Naranárāyana, Oinvär ch., · 3331 Vievapati-bhatta, .. . . . 79, 81 Visviridhya, 6.a. Visvökvarärädhya, preceptor, 181 Visvarūps, Oinvär ch., . . .
333n Vibvar pasēna, k.. . . .
278 n Vibvásadēvi, Oinvar . . . 331, 332, 333 Viivetvara, de.. . . . 79, 121, 124, 127,
250 Vilvovara, donee,
259, 268 Vibvētvarärådhya, o.a. Vibriradhye, pre ceptor, . . . . .
180-81 Vi vedvaralarman, m., .
141, 165 Vittana, dones, . .
311, 316 Vittanarsttadi, m., . .
311, 315 Vittapa, fe.. . . .
311, 316 Vitthaya, donee, . .
267, 264 Vivadachandra, tok., . .
. . 334 Vivtkachintamani, do.. .
. . 180n Vokkipa, s.a. Wakhan, L., . . . 58
Waghli, vi..) . . . . . . 210 Wakhan, I., . . . . . . Wala, vi., . . . . . Wani-Dindori pl. of Govinda III, .. 108 Warangal, ca. . . . 32, 167, 239, 248 and
244-246, 248, 260-262)266 Warangal, di.,. .
. . 248 Wardha, do. . . . . . 100 Wardha, ri., . . . . . . 180 Wassaf, au., .
. . . . 147, 247
y . . . 6, 29-30, 87, 92, 104-06, 110,
171, 199, 230, 240, 329 y, resembling . . . . . 325, 329 y, tripartite form of . . . 103, 105 Yacha, Recherla ch., . . . 246 Yadava, dy.. . 32 and n, 33 n, 46 and . 66, 62 n, 78, 131, 142, 146-47, 168 n, 171,
210, 211 2, 221, 223, 227, 244 Yadu, 6.a. Yadava, dy.. . . 46 and 2, 61-52,
56,08
Yada, k... . . . . Yaduraja, do. . . . . Yadava-Nardyana, ep.. . . Yajfachandra, Chandra k.. . Yajfama, donec, . . . Yajha Satakarni, Satavahana k.
E.,
32, 38, 48, 61 . . 89 . . 173 . . 108 , 267, 265 . .. 83 and
1, 860 . . 792
Yajfiatattvaprakada, wk., Yajstavaltya, at.. . Yajna alleyasmriti, ok., Yaj ikara, of., . Yajurveda, . .
. . . .
. . . . .
. . . 64,66 242, 260, 201

Page #510

PART VIII]
Yajvapala, dy.,.
Yakshi, de., Yama, do.,
Yamatirtha, I., Yameévara, de.,
Yamuna, ri., Yamunacharya, aut., Yamunadeva, m.,
Yarahāra, n.,
Yarra-Preggada, poet,
Yasodhara, m.,.
Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, k.,
Yasodhavala, Paramära k.,
Yaéōrāja, off.,
Yaáövarman, Chandella, k., Yövarman, Paramāra k., Yalovarman, k.,
Yasovarman, k. of Kanauj, Yavana, co.,
Yavana, people,
Yavanddhipa, ep., Yavanesvara, do., Yayati, epic, k.,
Years:
300, 302-08 118n
145 and n, 161
107-08 211
24
11, 17, 241-42, 245 and n, 248 n, 250-51, 253, 262 and n,
280
254
Ashadhadi,
Chaiträdi,
Kärttikadi,
Brāvanādi
Years (Cyclic): Akshaya,
Bhava,
Chitrabhānu,
Durmati,
Durmukha,
Hevilambi,
Krödhana,
Kehaya,
Manmatha,
Nala,
PAGE
339-41, 343, 344 and n,
345 and n 337
31 and n, 93, 163, 223, 227, 241
31
31
47, 121, 321, 344, 346
180 344, 346
47, 52 n
Parabhava,
Paridhawin,
Parthiva,
Prebiota,
Pramadin,
Pramathis
Bakshasa, Subhabrit,
254
301, 304 113, 136 and n, 137
.
261
32, 37, 46, 51, 241,
260
302
302
302
302
166 n, 170, 172
63, 67
244
33, 42
80, 193
80, 256
172-73
166, 168, 251
187, 193
172n
194
171n
249, 256
171, 173
79-80
140, 153
33n
.
172 71, 75
INDEX
Vijambin, Vyaya,.
Years (Eras):
Chalukya-Vikrama,
Christian,
Ganga, Gupta,.
Harsha,
Hijel,
Years: regnal,
1st,
2nd,
198-94 255 201, 202n 104 and n, 202 n, 210, 284
210n 280
Kalachuri,
210
La-Sam, Lakshmanasena-Samvat, 330-31, 332 and n Mälava, 113, 209-10 Saka, 33, 45-46, 61-63, 68-69, 70 n, 71-72, 75, 129, 134, 158 and n, 159, 163, 165 and n, 166, 170, 171 and n, 172 and n, 173 n, 175 n, 177 n, 187 and n, 188-89, 194-95, 210, 231, 249-51, 253 n, 256, 280, 311, 314, 318 322, 330-33, 337, 338 and n, 344 n Salivahana-Saka, 79-80 Vikramaditya, 224, 228 Vikrama Samvat, 112-13, 118-19, 122-23, 126-27, 140, 220, 244, 277, 280, 299, 301-02, 304-05, 331, 339, 340 and n, 34143, 344 n, 346
3rd,
4th,
5th,
6th,
7th,
8th,
9th,
11th,
12th,
14th,
15th,
16th,
17th,
18th,
19th,
20th,
21st,
22nd,
23rd,
24th,
25th,
27th,
35th,
40th,
•
393
PAGE
193
46, 54, 256
·
199 110-11, 175 n, 189 110-11, 192 192
175, 178, 183, 187, 284, 287, 291, 326 100, 175 n, 179
189 110 n, 273, 337-38 107, 186, 188-89,197 318 96, 217 : 100
114
99, 101, 177 n
194 110, 232-33
92, 95-96, 100 n
187
196
231
100n
110 100, 247
99, 100
218
198

Page #511

394
45th,
47th,
49th,
50th.
51st,
Year 22 (Anka), Yenakonda, i... Yenamalakuduru, vi.,
Yeotmal, di.,
Yerragudi, s.o. Erragaḍi, vi.,
Yogaraja, k.,
Yögéévaraéarman, donee,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE
187n 188, 192n 189, 192n 188 195
232-33, 235-37, 326
1
195
160
1
136 and n, 137
141, 155
Yoginitantra, wk.,
Yojana, measure of distance, Yona, 8. a. Yavana, people, Yudhisthira, epic k., Yukta, off., Yuvamahäräja, tit., Yuvaraja, do.,
Zari, vi.,
PAGE
288 23-24
11, 16, 22
294, 303 12n 89, 202
33 n, 68, 202 and n, 203, 297
[VOL. XXXII
Z
160

Page #512
_