Indian Antiquary Vol 18

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032510/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c. &c.,
EDITED BY
JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, C.I.E.,
BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE,
AND RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE,
CAPTAIN, BENGAL STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XVIII.-1889.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1904

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
The name of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
*
359
PAGE H. E. B.:
Social Customs, Death, in Bombay ... ... 287 CECIL BENDALL :A Grammar of the Sanskrit Language, by F.
Kielhorn ... * A Literary Query ... ... ... ... ... 284 G. BUHLER, PE.D., LL.D., C.L.E. - Sox FURTHER CONTRIBUTIONS TO TEB AN
CENT GEOGRAPHY OF GUJARAT ... ... ... 176 BAGUNA GRANT or NIKUMHALLAIASTI:
DATED IN TAX YEAL 406 ... ... ... ... 906 Report on the Search for Sanskrit M88. in the
Bombay Presidency during the year 1888-84 ... 184 c. V. CREAGH:Propitiatory Sacrifice of Buffalo in the Perak Malay Peninsula .. ..
.. .. .. 81 GOVINDA DASA -
Professor Kielhorn's Edition of the Mahabhlahya... 128 J. G. DELMERICK :
Onomatopoeia in Hindustan ... ... ... ... 294 J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.B.A.S., C.L.E.:SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARBS INSCRIPTIONS :No. 178. Gadigere Jain Insoription ; Baba-Sex
rat 998 ... .. ... .. ... . 86 No. 174. Copper-Plate Grant of the time of
Ajayapda; Vikra-Sehat 1981 No. 175. Bombay Asiatic Society's Copper
Plate Grant of Bhimadera II. ; Simha-Saturat
93 ... .. ... ... .. ... .. 108 No. 176. Royal Asiatic Society's Copper-Plate
Grant of the time of Bhimadeva II.; Vikram
Samyat 1968, and Sinha-Sachvat 96 ... ... 110 No. 177. Visag patam Copper-Plata Grant of
Devendravarman; the year 254 ... ... ... 148 No. 178. Visagpatam Copper-Plate Grant of
Anantavarma-Chodagangadeva; Bale-Sahvat
1003 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 161 No. 170. Visagapatam Copper-Plate Grant of
Anantayarma-Chodagergadera; Baku-Sathvat
1040 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 165 No. 180. Visagupatam Copper Plate Cast of
Anantavarma-Chodagangadors ; Bala-Sazvat 1007 ... ... ... ... *** .. . 172
PAGE No. 181. Multi Copper Plate Grant of Nande.
raja; Baka-Samrat 681 ... ... ... ... 280 No. 182. Belar Inscription of the time of Jays.
simha III.; Baka-Samvat 944 ... ... ... 270 No. 188. Kalbhari Jain Inscription ... ... 309 No. 184. Komaralingam Copper-Plate Grant of
Ravidatta ... ... ... ... ... ... 862 Tas COINS AND HISTORY OF TORAXANA ... 225 A BILBOTION OF KANARESE BALLADS :
No. 4. The Crime and Death of Seigyı... ... The Spurious Gurjara Granta of the Bake yours 400, 416, and 417 ...
. *** The Year commencing with the month shAdha ... 93 The Ambarnáth Inscription of Mamykņi ... ... Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III., "the
Gupta Inscriptions"... .. A Now System of the Sixty.Your Cycle of
Jupiter ... ... ... The Tithi of a Sankranti ... ... ... ... 249 Calculations of Hindu Dates :No. 21. Bihar Grant of king Sivasitha ; Lekah. manas na-Samhrat 298; the Hijrs year 801 ;
Vikrama-Samvat 1465; and Baks-Sauvat 1821 30 No. 29. Introli-Chhkróli Grant of a Blahtre
kata king Kakla; Sala Saravat 679 ... ... No. 23. Bagamr& Grant of the Roshtrakata
Mahamantadhipati Dhardvarhe-Dhruvarja
III.; Baka-Saravat 789 ... ... ... ... 56 No. 24. Bagamrd Grant of the Blahtrakata
Mahamantadhipati Krishnarkjs II.; Baka Bathmat 810 ... ... .... ... ... .. 90 No. 25. HaddAIA Grant of the Ch&pa Mahal
mantAdhipati Dharapivardha; Bala-Samvat 836 90 No. 26. Surat Grant of the Chanlukys prince
Trilôchanapáls of Latadila; Bals-Samvat 972 91 No. 27. Hulgar Inscription of the Kalachuri
king Smars; Sala-Samhrat 1096 ... ... 127 No. 88. Hulgur Inscription of the Deragiri.
Yadava king Mabaders; Baba-Sarhvat 1189 ... 128 No. 20. Kartakoti Sparious Grant of the
Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya I.;
Sakar Sahvat 538 ... ... ... ... ... 285 No. 30. Mahakota Insoription of the Mahal
manta Bappavaras; Baba-Surat 856 ... 316 No. 81. TAgund Insoription of the time of the Western Chalukya king Jayasimha III.; Baka Baavat 950 ... ... .. .. ... ... 879
80

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CONTENTS.
28
-
125
UN VODOVOL
.
250
PAGE G. A. GRIERSON, B.C.S. :THE INBORIPTIONS OF PITADAST, TRANSLATED
FROM THE FRENCH OF E. SENART ... 1,78, 105, 300 Progress of European Scholarship :No. 12. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlän
dischen Gesellschaft No. 14. Journal Asiatique for 1887 ... ... 88 No. 15. A Year of the Revue Critique ; July
1887 to June 1888 ... ... ... No. 17. Rarue de L'Histoire des Religions ... 346 Collections Scientifiques de l'Institut des
Langues Orientales du Ministère des Affaires
Etrangères .. ... ... .. .. ... Die Handschriften Verzeichnisse der Konigli
chen Bibliothek zu Berlin ... ... ... ... 96 The Danish Royal Academy's Prize regarding
the Philologioal Position of Sanskrit in India ... 124 Gustave Garres .... Philosophische Hymnen aus der Rig- und
Atharva-Veda-Sarihità, von Dr. Lucian Scher
man ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 386 F. 8. GROWSE, M.A., C.I.E., B.C.S.; FATERGARH AN ANCIENT TERRA-COTTA SEAL FROM BULAND
BHAHR ... ... ... ... THE HON. D. F. A. HARVEY, RESIDENT COUN
CILLOR, MALACCA :
Notes on Malacoa Folk Medicine ... ... ... 50 É. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE :EITRACTS FROM KALIANA'S RAJATARAMOINI :Nos. 1 and 2. Extracts from the First Tarangs
65,97 THE COUNTRY OF MALAKOTTA .. ... ... 239
THE NAMES OF THE COINS OF TIPU SULTAN ... 313 K. JAGANNATHJI:
Bombay Social Customs, Pregnancy ... ... 287 PROF. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN :COPPER-PLATS GRANTS OF THE KINGS OF KANAUJ :A. Copper Plate Grant of Chandraders and
Madanapalades; the (Vikrama) year 1155 ... 9 B. Copper-Plato Grant of Madanapala and
Govindachandradeva; the (Vikrama) year 1166 14 C. Copper-Plate Grant of Govindachandraders;
the (Vilcrama) year 1174 ... ... ... ... 19 D. Copper-Plate Grant of Govindachandraders
and BajyapAladiva; the (Vikrama) year 1199.. 20 E. Benares College Copper-Plate Grant of
Jayachchandrs; the (Vikrama) year 1982 ... 129 F. Bengal Asiațio Society's Copper-Plate Grant
of Jayachohandrs; the (Vikrama) year 1988... 184 G. Another Bengal Asistio Society's Copper
Plate Grant of Jayachahandra, the (Vikrama) year 1288 .. .. ... ... ... ... 186 . Another Bengal Asiatic Society's CopperPlate Grant of Jayachahandra; the (Vikrama)
year 1234 ... .. . ... ... ... ... 137 I. Another Bengal Asiatic Society's Copper
Plate Grant of Jayachchandrs; the (Vikrama) year 1236 ... ... .. ... .
... ... 139
100
PAGE J. Another Bengal Asiatio Society's Copper
Plate Grant of Jayachchandrs; the (Vikrama) year 1236 ... ... ... .... ... .140 K. Another Bengal Asiatic Society's Copper
Plate Grant of Jayachchandra; the (Vikrama)
year 1936 ... ... ... ... ....... 142 BENGAL ABIATIO SOCIETY'S COPPER-PLATH GRANT
OF TRILOCHANAPALA; THE (VIEBAXA) YEAR
1084 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 33 SIRPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF SIVAGUPTA ... 179 INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KINGS OF CARDI :A. Tewar Stone Inscription of GayAkarnadera;
the (Chedi) year 902 ... ... .. .. 209 B. LA1-Pahad Rock Inscription of Narasimh
deva; the (Chedi) year 909 ... .. ... 211 c. Alha-Gh&t Stone Inscription of Narasimha
deva; the (Vikrama) year 1216 ... ... ... 213 DJ Karanbel Stone Inscription of Jayasimba
deva ... dera... ..
.. .
214 E. Gôp Alpur Stone Inscription of Vijayasimha
deva ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 218 CHANDELLA INSCRIPTIONS - A. Dudahi Stone Inscr. tions of Develsbdhi,
grandson of Yabovurman B. Deógadh Rock Inscription of Kirtivarman;
the (Vikrama) year 1154 ... ... ... ... 297 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM UDAYPUR IN GWA. LIOR A. Stone Inscription of Kumarapalddeva ; (the
Vikrama year 1230P) ... ... ... ... 341 B. Stone Pillar Inscription of the (Vikrama)
year 1222 ... ... c. Stone Inscription of Ajayapåladeva; the
(Vikrama) year 1229 ... ... ... ... SUDI AND VADI ... ... ... .. THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OY JUPITER ... The Dates of Three Copper-Plate Granta of
Govindachandra of Kananj. .. The Vikrama Year commending with the month
IshAdha... The Sixty-Year Cycle of Japiter ... ... 380 MAJOR J. S. KING, Bo.8.C. -
SOMALI AS A WRITTEN LANGUAGE, No. 4 ... 116 THE FATE OF ST. MARK ACCORDING TO AN
ARAB HISTORIAN OF TES TENTH CENTURY ... 815 THE REV. J. HINTON KNOWLES, SRINAGAR:
Social Customs, Death, in Kasmir ... .. ... 287
KA Nag, a Kasmir Legend ... .. ... 318 W. E. MAXWELL, SINGAPORE :
Testa of Virginity among the Malays ... ... 61 W. R, MORFILL, OXFORD: PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP - Nos. 18, 16, and 18. Transactions of the
Eastern Section of the Russian Archeological
Society ... ... ... ... 9, 152, 377 V. KANAKASABHAI PILLAI, B.A., B.L. -
TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXT; KALAVALL OR THE BATTLEFIELD ... ... ... ... ... .. 268

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CONTENTS.
PAGE H. G. PRENDERGAST, M.C.S.:
Note on Names connected with the Telugu
Country
.
..
.
.
..
. 61
G. H. R.:
Rustio Customs in Oudh; LAkhil Bhat ... ... 386 PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S..
Soms SOUTH-INDIAN LITERARY LEGENDE CURIOSITIES OF SOUTH INDIAN SANSKRIT LITE
RATURE ... ... .. ... ... ... ... FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA - No. 29. The Jesamine King
... 87 No.30. The Arch-Impostor
... 120 No. 31. The Four Good Maxims; First Variant 349 Madras Social Customs, Parturition
... ... 287 VenkatAchalapati; a Madras Legend ... ... 317 DR. ROBERT SCHRAM; VIENNA:TABLE FOR THE APPROXIMATE CONVERSION OF
HINDU DATES... ... ... ... ... ... 290 E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE: THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI :
Chapter II. The Columnar Edicts... 1, 73, 105, 300 V. A. SMITH, B.C.S.:
A DATED GROO-BUDDHIST SCULPTURE... ... 257 Archeological Survey of India, Vol. XXIII.
... 96 The Bodleian Collection of Coins ... ... 248
PAGE DR. H. W. SMYTH, BALTIMORE :SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS, TRANSLATED
FROM THE GERMAN OF PROF. WEBER... 181, 369 TAW SEIN KO, RANGOON :FOLKLORE IN BURMA :No. 1. Maung Pauk Kyaing, or the Dull Boy
who became a King ... .. ... ... 275 CAPTAIN R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., M.R.A.S.:TEE COINS OF THE MODERN NATIVE CHIES OF
THE PANJAB ... ... ... ... ... .. 321 PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA :No. 13. The Floating Palace, or the Three
Wise Precepta ... ... No. 14. The Mistress of Light Ships; or the
Discarded Wife ... ... .. THE BALLAD OF THE GUJARI .. ... ... SUNKUNI WARIYAR:
A Variant of the Bloody Cloth ... ... ... 159
Perpetual Fire in Madras ... .. ... .. 352 PROF. E. WEBER, BERLIN :
THE SACRED LITERATURS OF THE JAINS ... 181,300
...
.. 21
.... 145
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. Progress of European Scholarship, Nos. 12, 14, 15 | Professor Kielhorn's Edition of the Mahabh Ashya,
and 17, by G A. Grierson ... ... 26, 88, 125, 246 by Govinda Dasa . . ... ... ... 128 Progress of European Scholarship, Nos. 13, 16 and
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III., "the 18, by W. R. Morfill ... ... . ... ..49, 152, 377
Gupta Inscriptions," by J. F. Fleet... ... Calculation of Hindu Dates, Nos. 1 to 31, by J. F.
... 219 Fleet ... ... ... 30, 55, 00, 187, 285, 310, 379A Now System of the Sixty-Year Cyclo of Jupiter, The Dates of Three Copper-Plate Grants of Govinda
by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... ... ... ... 221 chandra of Kanauj, by F. Kielhorn ... ... ... 56
Onomatopoin in Hindustani, by J. G. Delmerick ... 224 The Spurious Gurjara Grants of the Saka Years 400, 415 and 417, by J. F. Fleet
The Bodleian Collection of Coins, by V. A. Smith... 248 The Year commencing with the Month Ashidha, by The Tithi of a Sankranti, by J. F. Fleet..... ... 249 J. F. Fleet
The Vikrama Year commencing with the Month Tho Ambarnáth Inscription of Mamvaņi, by J. F. AshAdha, by F. Kielhorn ... ..
... 251 Fleet
A Literary Query, by Cecil Bendall ... ... ... 284 The Danish Royal Academy's Prize regarding the Philological position of Sanskrit in India, by
Gastave Garrez, by G.A.G.... ... ... ... 378 G. A. Grierson ...
... ... 124 | The Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter, by F. Kielhorn ...
NOTES AND QUERIES. Propitiatory Sacrifice of a Buffalo in the Perak Social Customs, Death, in Bombay, by H. E. B.... 287
Malay Peninsula, by C. V. Crongh ... ... ... 31 Social Customs, Death, in Kasmir, by J. Hinton Notos on Malacca Folk Medioino, by D. F. A. Knowles ... ... ..
Harvey ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 59 Madras Social Customs, Parturition, by 8. M. Note on Names oonnected with the Telugu Country
Nates Sestri ... ... ... ... ... ... 287 by H. G. Prendergast ... ...
Veókathohalapati, a Madrus Legend, by S. M. Tests of Virginity amongst the Malays, by W.E.M. 61
Natesa Sastri ... A Variant of the Bloody Cloth, by Sankuni Wariyar 159 KA NAg, Kasmir Legend, by J. Hinton Knowles. 318 Bombay Social Customs, Pregnancy, by K. Jagan Perpetual Fire in Madras, by Sunkuni Wariyar... 363 nathji
.. .
.. .. 2571 Rustio Customs in Oudh; Lakhi Bhút, by G. H. B. 386
61
.
.. 317

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'
CONTENTS.
!!
BOOK-NOTICES. PAGE
PAON Manual of Burmese, by Capt. Chas. Slack.. ... 32 Fa-Hien's Record of Buddhistic Kingdoma, transArcheological Survey of Southern India, by Jas. lated by James Legge ...
... 954 Burgos, C.I.E. ... ... ... ... ... ... 62
Manava-Dharma-Sastra, The Code of Mann; The A Manual of the Andamanese Language, by M. V.
Sanskrit Text, by J. Jolly ... ... ... ... 256 Portman, M.R.A.S. ... ... ... ..
The Coins of the Durranis, by M. Longworth Dames 256 Collections Scientifiques de L'Institut des Langues
Maanavi-i-Ma'navi, The Spiritual Couplets of
Maulana Julálu'ddin Mahammad-i-Bumi, transOrientales du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, III., décrits par le Baroa Victor Rosen ... ... 95
lated and abridged, by E. H. Whinfield, M.A.,
late B.O.S. ... ... ... ... ... ... 287 Die Handschriften Verzeichnisse der Koniglichen
India, A Descriptive Poem, by H. B. W. Garriok ... 288 Bibliothek zu Berlin, fünfter band, von A. Weber 96
Four Editions of ΣΤΕΦΑΝΙΤΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΙΧΝΗΛΑΤΗΣ, Archæological Survey of India, Vol. XXIII., by
by Vittorio Puntoni ...
...
.. ... ... 288 H. B. W. Garrick
... ... ... 96
Albérůni's India; the Arabic Text, by Dr. Edonard The Life of Hiuen-Taiang, by Samuel Beal ... ... 160
Sachau ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 318 Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. in the
The MSS. in the Library at Colombo, by F. H. Bombay Presidency during the year 1883-84, by Corbet ... ... ... ... .. .. ... 320
R. G. Bhandarkar, M.A., Ph.D. ... ... ... 184 The Nicobar Islanders, by E. H. Man ... .... 352 A Grammar of the Sanskrit Language, by F. Philosophische Hymnen aus der Rig- und AtharvaKielhor ... . .
* ... 253
Veda-Samhita, von Dr. Lucian Scherman ... ... 386
ILLUSTRATIONS Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of Chandradeva and An Ancient Terra-Cotta Seal from Bulandahar... 289
Madanapaladeva; the year 1154 ... ... ... 12 Kalbhavi Jain Inscription ... .. ... .. 312 Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of Trilochanapala; Map showing the Location of the Modern Native the year 1084 ... .... .. ...
Mints of the Pañjab ... ... ... ... ... 322 Bocares College Plate of Jayachchandra ... ... 130 Coins of the Modern Native Chiefs of the Pañjab 386, 834 Vizaga patam Plates of Devendravarman ... ... 144 A Selection of Kanarese Ballads; the Crime and Multát Plates of Nandarája; Saka-Samvat 631...284, 235 Death of Sangya; Air of the Chorus . ... 354 Barumra Plates of Nikumbhallabakti; the year 406. 988 Komaraliagam Plates of Ravidatta ... ... . 368

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Page #8

ERRATA IN VOL. XVII.
p. 3, Table II., opposite Chitra, in the last column,
The bija, however, has to be rejected for 183 28 10, read 184 28 10.
for the centuries anterior to the time p. 120, Text line 1, for Hiranya read Hiraruya- .
of its introduction, and this is to be >> line 16, for bhuvanamta , read
effected by a modification of Table 6. bhuvanamta..
Here again (Table 6), in col. b, the p. 146 a, last line; for preceding, read following.
figures, all through, as they stand, p. 1576, lines 24, 25, read 10000 --- (1800 + 200
include the bija. In the case of the + 9939) = 10000 - 1939 =8061.
centuries marked 15 to J. 3, in which p. 160 a, line 29, for 66277-5056, read 66277-5002.
the bija is not to be applied, in col. b. And, as the result of this, in lines 31
correct the numbers from 185 to 785, to 41 read, Hence the increase in 1000
inclusive, by substituting 0 for the last years is 13255 5000; in 100 years,
figure; thus, for 185, read 180; for 1325.5500; and in 59-75 days, 2.1684.
484, read 480; and for 785, read 780 And b for 5000 years is 499.8; for 1000
Then, with Table 5 as it stands, and years, 5000; and for 100 years, 450-0.
with Table 6 thus corrected, the final Therefore, as above :
résults will be in accordance with the b.
text of the Súrya-Siddhanta without A. D. 1899............. 581.8
the bija. For the centuries marked 5000 years ............ 499.8
G. I and G. 2, the application of the 5979 days............ 168-4
bíja is proper and necessary; and the
figures 972 and 486 are correct, as they Kaliyuga 0 ... 2500
stand. Accordingly b. for A. D.. 1899 is p. 161, Table 7, opposite 2nd August (common 581-8; or, the fraction being larger
year), for b 720, read 730. Opposite than , in round numbers 582.
13th August read b 129 for 126, and » b, line 11, for 1204, read 120.4.
opposite 14th August read b 166 for . b, note 17; cancel this note.
169. p. 163, Table 5, and p. 164, Table 6. As we have p. 168, Table 7, opposite 12th October (common seen under the correction notified
year) for d 630, read 639. above for p. 160 a, line 29 b. for p. 172. Table 10, opposite the argument 950, for A. D. 1899 is in round numbers 582;
equation 76, read 80. whereas in Table 5 it is given as 587.
Table 11, opposite the argument 200, for Following the same process, all the
equation 410, read 11.10. figures in Table 5, col. b, should,
p. 219, note 16, line 5, for Ardra, read Ardra-; strictly speaking, be decreased by
and line 11, omit the word March. 5; when they would be in accordance
p. 239 b, line 46, for trayô, read trayo-. with the revolutions of the moon's
p. 210 b, last line, omit the comma at the end of apsis as given in the text of the
the line. Súrya-Siddhanta Three or four
p. 248 , line 7, for Which, read which. hundred years ago, however, the Hindu
p. 250 a, line 20, for ithau, read tithau. astronomers applied to the elements of the Súrya-Siddhanta a correction,
b, line 11, for punar vasu-, read punarvasu-. technically called bija, which from
p. 251 b, last line, read (No. 17 instead of No. 9). that time has been generally adopted
p. 252 a, line 6, omit the comma after tithi. in calculations. In Table 5, col. b,
p. 270, in the column for the Tithi-buddhi, the figures, all through, as they stand,
opposite 720, for 1 9, read 1 9:0; and are correct for the elements of the
opposite 740, for 1 6, read 1 6.0. Súrya-Siddhanta as modified by this p. 271, in the column for the Tithi Kêndra, bija. And, as the Table is for the
opposite 1040, for 1 45, read 1 48. nineteenth century A. D., when the p. 315 b, last line, for Varahi-, read Varahabija has to be applied, the inclusion of p. 336 b, line 7 from the bottom, for mâna - the bija in it is proper and correct.
vijaya-rajyê, read måna-vijaya-råjyê.

Page #9

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XVIII.-1889.
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY É. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from Vol. XVII., P. 307.)
THIRD EDICT. Prinsep, 1.c. p. 584; Burnouf, 1.c., pp. 669 and ff.
• TEXT. 17 Dévânampiyê Piyadasi lâja hêvam aha (.) kayananm êva dêkhatil iyam mê 18 keyênê kateti nô mina pipan dekhati iyam mê cấpê kateti . iyam và
Asinave 19 namati [.] dupațivekhe3 chu khô éså hêvam chu khô êsa dekhiye imani 20 Asinavagâmini nama atha chamdiye nithůliyê kôdbê mânê [] isya 21 kalanêna va hakam mâ palibhasayisam esa badhe dekhiye iyam mê 22 hidatikâye iya ma namê på latikâyê [-]
NOTES. 1. It matters little whether we should read here, and lower down, dékhati or dékhamti. The subject is indefinite : one sees,' they see. And we must consider the form dakhati or dékhati as certainly the present and not the future (cf. Kern, J.R.A.S., N.S., xii. 389, note). See lower down the future participle dekhiya. It is unnecessary to remark that the regular orthography would be kayána (or nam) éva.
2. The syllables no mina are embarrassing, and the more so becanse the agreement of all the versions compels the greatest caution in making conjectures. Burnouf analyzed it into no imind, not by this, but I confess that I do not see clearly the sense which he proposes to draw from it, and perceive still less any meaning which would be usefully drawn from such an analysis. One thing is certain, that a negative is wanting. It may be contained in the first gyllable, no; but it may also be in the last syllable, na. Dr. Kern apparently, "so far agreeing with Burnonf, adopts the first explanation when he incidentally quotes this member of the sentence (J.R.A.S., N.S., xii. 389, note), and transcribes it as m punaḥ: mina would therefore represent punah. Perhaps the same could be found again in the form mana at the end of this edict : iyan mana mé. However, as will be seen in a subsequent note, punah, in this latter sentence, is not needed by the necessities of the sense, - quite the contrary. This analogy would

Page #10

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1889.
not therefore be decisive in favour of an identification which presents so many difficulties. We have met this adverb on several occasions in our inscriptions, but always under the form puna or pana (pané). The change of an initial p into m is anything but frequent; when, in Prákțit, we meet with mia, miva, for pi va (api iva), it is only after a nasal (cf. Weber, Hala, index, s.v.). Besides this we should have to explain the change of u into i, a change peculiarly unexpected after a labial. This transcription, therefore, ingenious as it may be, appears to me to be extremely hypothetical. I think it preferable to take refuge in & conjecture, and to read námá (for náma) na. Nama would be placed exactly as it occurs at the end of the sentence, after drinave; nothing could be more natural, for the two phrases are in antithesis. I may add that, at the end of the edict, I can see no more plausible expedient than to correct maname into mé náma. Burnouf supposed an accidental repetition of the syllable mé (ma), but we cannot adhere to this explanation; we shall, indeed, see that there is no reason for admitting the presence of the negative for which Barnouf sought. Nor can I follow him further in his translation of the latter portion of this sentence. He commences a new proposition at iyan vá ásinavé, which he translates, Et c'est là ce qu'on appelle la corruption du mal.' I scarcely see, in what precedes, to what this observation can refer; asinava is, on the contrary, defined a little lower down. Besides, the va and the final ti necessarily range this proposition in order with that which precedes it. We shall establish a perfectly natural and connected sense if we translate : "One does not say I have committed such and such a fault, or such and such an action is a sin.' " There is here no tautology. The first proposition deals with the material fact of the bad action which one does not feel bound to confess, the second deals with the exact appreciation of the value of those actions which one abstains from dwelling upon. Indeed, the remainder of the edict has for its object : 1st, to inculcate the necessity of selfexamination ; 2nd, to enlighten the conscience by definition, such as it is, of sin. With regard to ásinava, see the preceding edict.
3. The irregular orthography of Opativékhé for patiyavékhe will be remarked. This anomaly occurs again, e.g. in pativékhúmi, vi. 4, and also in anuvékhamana, viii. 2. The root prati-ava-iksh is consecrated in Buddhist terminology to the sense of examination of the conscience,' self-examination.' See, for example, a passage of the Visuddhimagga, quoted by Childers (s.v. pachchavékkhanan), which, among five subjects of self-examination, distinguishes those regarding the passions which have been destroyed and those regarding the passions which are yet to be destroyed. These are exactly the two. classes of self-examination of which the king speaks here. As I have pointed out elsewhere, the two words chu khô mark a double reservation. The first depends on the preceding phrase: One does not render an account of the evil which one commits; it is true that this self-examination is difficult. The second depends on this phrase itself: this self-examination is difficult, yet still it is necessary to examine oneself. Then follows the tenour of this examination.
4. Asinavagámini does not mean the vices which come from dsrava, but the actions which come under the category of asrava or of sin.' This is the only translation which agrees at once with the customary we of gámin and with the general sense of the passage. The hévari of the preceding phrase gives us notice that we are about to have an explanation of the self-examination which the king demands. As a matter of fact, the sentence commences with imani, which is in exact parallelism with the iyam of the preceding propositions. Moreover, and this is altogether decisive in the matter, the versions of Radhiah and of Mathiah mark off this beginning of the sentence with an iti, which emphasises its real purport. The continuation, yatha, &c., is an explanatory development, a kind of summary definition intended to explain the nature of ásrava, and in what sin consists. Chándya, the equivalent of the abstract noun chandiya, does not appear to have been used in the classical language.
5. Hitherto this last sentence of the edict has not been understood. Neither the phrases nor even the words have been properly separated. The new copies, which supply us clearly with the reading kálanena, can leave no doubt as to the construction. On the other hand, as most of the versions give palibhasayisal (i.e. palibhasayisan) ésa, it is clear that the ti

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
inserted between the two words by two of the versions represents iti. It hence follows that this phrase is put in the mouth of a third person, i.e. of the sinner, and that it defines that which it is necessary to watch carefully, with energy (badhan dekhiye). Numerous passages (e.g. K. viii., 2; Kh. xii., 32; Sahasaram, I. ; infra, viii., 1, &c.) leave no doubt as to the force of bádhah, which is that of a kind of superlative. The phrase isydkdlanena, &c., by itself offers no serious difficulty. Palibhdsuti in Pali means to decry,' 'to calumniate,' to defame. This is the meaning which we have here, whether the causal should have its full force, to cause to calumniate,' or whether, as appears to me more likely, it only conveys the meaning of the simple root. We have already met the form hakani as equivalent to ahai, and we shall subsequently meet it still oftener. That, therefore, which it is necessary to watch against with care, is the tendency to spread calumnies by reason of, i.e. under the inspiration of, envy. The versions of Radhiah and of Mathiah complete the sentence with a final iti, thus clearly shewing that the last phrase, iyan mé, &c., is also comprised amongst the things which are to be made a subject of consideration. We thus arrive at this perfectly natural interpretation : 'it is necessary to say to oneself, " that this watchfulness in avoiding calumny and envy) will be to my benefit in this world, that will be to my benefit in the other life." It is plain that we cannot admit the negative for which Burnouf sought in maname. The king never separates, and above all, never opposes present advantage and future (or, more properly, religious) advantage; and, in any case, if he ever did, the opposition would here be unintelligible. It cannot be supposed that the king should consider watchfulness in avoiding calumny as without effect on one's future destiny. Regarding my conjecture expressed above, according to which I read iyani mé náma, I would point out that the correction of 18 to 18 is particularly easy. As for punah, supposing for a moment that it can be represented by a form mana, it cannot easily be explained here, where nothing calls for an antithesis. I therefore translate this edict in the following manner :
TRANSLATION Thus saith the King Piyadasi, dear unto the Dêvas :- A man only seeth his good deeds; he saith unto himself, “I have done such and such a good deed." But, on the other hand, he seeth not the evil which he doth commit. He saith not unto himself," I have done such and such an evil deed; such and such a deed is a sin."
True it is that this self-examination is painful; yet still should a man watch over himself, and say anto himself, "such and such deeds, such as rage, cruelty, anger and pride, constitute sins." A man must watch himself with care, and say, "I will not yield to envy, nor will I speak evil of anyone; that will be for my great good here below, and that verily will be for my great good in the world to come."
FOURTH EDICT. Prinsep, p. 585 and ff.; Lassen, Ind. Alterth. II. p. 258, n. 2; p. 272, n. 1;
p. 274, n.); Burnonf, p. 740 and ff.; Kern, Taartelling der zuydelijke Buddhisten, p. 94 and #f.
TEXT. 1 Dévânampiyê Piyadasi lája hêvam há [.] sadvisativasa 2 abhisiténa mo iyam dhammalipi likhôpita [.] lajúka me 3 bahûsu panasatasa hasêsu janasi ayata têsam ye. abhihále va 4 damde vâ atapatiyê mê kates kitnti lajúka asvatha abhita 5 kammâni pavatayevů janasa janapadasa bitasukbam upadahêvû 6 anugahinêvu cha [.] sukhiyanadukhiyanam jânisamti dhammayutëna cha 7 viyovadisamti* janam je pa lan kimti hidatam cha pâlata cha 8 ålâdhayê vû ti [.] lajúka pi laghamtis pațichalita vê mam pulisâni pi mê 9 chhadamnâni patichalisamti têpi cha kâni viyovadisamti yêna mati lajúka

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
10 chaghamti âlâdhayitavê [.] atha hi pajam viyatâyê dhâtiyê nisijitu 11 asvathê hôti viyatadhâti chaghati mê pajam sukham palihatavê 12 hêvam mamâ lajûkâ kațâ janapadasa hitasukhâyê [.] yêna êtê abhîtâ 13 asvatha samtam? avimana kammâni pavatayêvûti êtêna mê lajêkanam 14 abhihâle va damḍê vâ atapatiyê katê [] ichhitaviyê hi êsá kimtis 15 viyôhâlasamata cha siya damdasamata châu [] ava itê pi cha mê âvnti 16 bamdhanabadhanam munisânam tilitaramḍânam 10 patavadhanam timni divasani mê 17 yôtê dimnê nâtikâvakani nijhapayisamti jîvitâyê tânam []
18 nâsamtai và nijhapayitâ dânam dâhamti pâlatikam upavasam va kachhamti [ 19 ichha hi mê hêvam niludhasi pi kâlasil pâlatam âlâdhayêvûti janasa cha 20 vadhati1 vividhê dhammachalanê samyamê dânasavibhâgê ti [-]
NOTES.
[JANUARY, 1889.
1. If there is no doubt as to the meaning there is at least some regarding the original form of the word which is here written áyatá. Dr. Kern corrects to áyutá, Sanskrit ayuktáḥ) both the form and meaning of which are satisfactory. It is nevertheless remarkable that lower down (D. viii, 1), in an expression exactly agreeing with that of the present sentence, we again find the same reading, ayatá, in which here all the versions are unanimous. It is the same in the third passage in which the word appears (Dhauli, 1st detached Edict, 1. 4). On the other hand, when we have certainly before us the substantive ayukti (Dh., detached Edict I. 11; II. 8; and also in line 15 of the present edict) the u, so far from being omitted, has acted on the y which precedes it, and has changed it into v,-ávuti. I doubt, however, whether we should go back to the analysis proposed by Lassen and adopted by Burnouf (áyattáḥ). Even if we call in the aid of the analogy of samayatta, the meaning does not exactly suit. I only see in the orthography here used the trace of some confusion which may have arisen in popular usage between the two participles, in themselves quite distinct, áyutta, and ayatta.
Lajúka is the ordinary spelling, beside which we have also lájuka with the á lengthened in compensation. This confirms the opinion of Dr. Jacobi (Kalpasútra, p. 113, and Gloss., s. v. that the etymological form is rajjúka. He justly compares the word rajjú of the Jaina text which is explained as equivalent to lékhaka, 'scribe.' I shall elsewhere deal with these officers, Suffice it to say, at present, that they appear to me to have been men specially invested with a religious character and constituted into colleges of some kind of sacerdotal description.
2. The meaning of abhihála is not defined exactly by the ordinary use of the word. The meaning offering,' which is that commonly met with in Pâli, does not suit the present passage, 'Confiscation,' adopted by Burnouf, and doubtless derived by him from the signification of 'taking,' theft,' attested by classical Sanskrit, is very arbitrary. Further on (1. 14-15) we shall see a direct parallelism between abhihála and damda on the one side, and viyóhálasamatá and damḍasamata on the other. It follows that here abhihála should have a value very nearly akin to that of viyóhála. Vyavahára points to a judicial action. I think, therefore, that we cannot do better than agree with Dr. Kern in deducing, for abhihára, after the analogy of abhiyóga, the meaning of 'pursuit,' 'prosecution' in general, derived from the signification attack, of which evidence exists.
Similarly, with regard to atapatiye, I agree with Dr. Kern in analyzing it as átma-pati, but I am compelled, by the general sense of the edict to give an altogether different meaning to the word. The sentence is repeated a little lower down, and we cannot separate the explanations of the two passages. In both instances we see that the measures taken by the king have for their end the giving to the rajjúkas a feeling of complete security, and the enabling them to attend without fear to the duties of their mission. But the second passage specifies another aim also of the king. The measures taken have their origin in a desire of securing 'uniformity (or equality) in the prosecutions, and uniformity in the punishments.' How could the king secure such a result while abandoning to his officials the arbitrary and uncontrolled right of deciding as to whether prosecutions were to be instituted or not, and as to the nature or

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI
5
extent of the punishments to be inflicted? This, it must be observed, is the meaning to which the translation of the learned Leyden professor leads. All is explained if we take atman as referring to the king himself, and, in this agreeing with Barnouf, the prosecations and the punishments as concerning, not the persons committed to the charge of the rajjúkas, but these functionaries themselves. "I reserve to myself, personally,' says the king, the institution of prosecutions against, and the awarding of punishments upon, them. It is manifest that this is an excellent method for establishing a perfect uniformity in the legal responsibilities of these officers; and it is at the same time a weighty guarantee on behalf of those most interested. They could fulfil their duties without inquietude, 'knowing that they were responsible to the king alone, and that therefore they escaped the possible intrigues and enmities of any official superiors. I deem it useless to insist on the reasons which render inadmissible the interpretation which Burnouf, misled by a false analysis of atapatiyé, proposed for this sentence.
3. There can, I think, be no doubt as to these last words, regarding which the reading opacha, instead of ovu chá, bas hitherto misled interpreters. Anugalinévu is nothing but the optative of anugrihnáti, derived and spelled according to all the analogies of Prakrit, and in particular of the dialect of our inscriptions. The vu is for yu, as in wpadahévu, and in many other instances to which attention either has been or will be drawn. The translation is quite • simple. The aim of the king is that the rajjúkas " should provide for, and favour the welfare and the happiness of the populations." We have previously shown how familiar the word anugraha is to the language of the king. It has almost the appearance of a technical term.
4. In order to understand this member of the sentence, it is indispensable to compare with it the expression of the viiith Col. Ed., 1.2, which refers to it and sums it up. There the king expresses the mission given to rajjúkas as follows: hévarh cha hévah cha paliyavadátha janan dharmayutan. This comparison appears to me to condemn the translation proposed by Dr. Kern (cf. again J. R. A. S., N. S., xii. pp. 392 and 393, note). Ova lati has in Buddhist language the exact and ascertained meaning of to exhort,' to preach.' We have already explained this in discussing the VIth edict. Vivóvadati has the same signification, except for the shade of diffusion which, marked here by the prefix vi, is in the circular edict given by the prefix pari. We have a direct proof of this in Dhanli, vi. ii; viyovalita [vé ] corresponding to óvaditaviyan of the other versions. This meaning is also the only one which suits the following Bentence.
On the other hand, the same comparison prevents our taking yuta in dharmayuténa as a neuter, and translating, with Burnouf, conformably to law. I have on a former occasion (I. 78) had occasion to remark that throughout our inscriptions harimayuta, or its equivalent. yuta, whether in the singular or in the plural, has always the same meaning, and designates the faithful people, the co-religionists of the king. So it is in the xiiith edict, in which the king enjoins his officials to confirm them by their exhortations in their good sentiments; so it is also here. We have, in fact, a very simple means of putting the present passage in complete ngreement with the former one: it is to take the instrumental in its meaning, so common and well known, of association. We accordingly translate, and with the faithfal (at the same time as the faithful) they will exhort all the people.'
We are now in a position to restore all its regularity to the rest of the sentence. We can only, if we follow the asual style of these edicts, refer áladhayera to the people, to those who are set under authority, as the subject. Kimti, in short, always announces the intention attributed to the subject of the proposition; here, to the subject of viyovadisanti, i.e. to the rajjúkas. As we enter, with kinti and ti, into the direct style, it would be necessary, if the verb applied to these officials, that it should be in the first person and not in the third. The idea of the king is therefore incontestably this the rajjúkas shall preach the gospel to my subjects, in order to provide for their welfare in this world and in the world to come.'
5. There can be little doubt here about the restoration of lagharnti to chaghamti. The difference between J and d is very slight, and the evidence of the other versions seems to be decisive. As to this form, no one has as yet noted its parallel use in Prakpit, or has determined

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[JANUARY, 1889.
its prototype in Sanskțit. Dr. Kern compares the Hindustani chahna, the meaning of which, 'to desire,'' to wish,' would be sufficiently suitable. But to explain directly, and without any intermediate form, an expression of the time of Asoka by Hindustani, is in itself so desperate an expedient, that it appears to me necessary to search once more in a less distant region. I have only a conjecture to offer. I should propose to take chagghati as an alteration of jagrati like pati-jaggati, which is so continually employed in the Buddhist language in the meaning of to take care,' to watch.' PAli presents more than one example of the hardening of a medial into a tenuis (cf. E. Kuhn, Beiträge zur Páli Gramm., p. 40; Trenckner, Páli Miscellany, 161 and ff.), and the other Průksits have even more instances. There are several in our inscriptions; I mention only one,-kubhá = guha.
Patichalati should be taken purely and simply as an equivalent of paricharati, only used in the classical language in the meaning, here very suitable, of 'to serve, to obey.' Examples of the substitution of prati for pari are not wanting in the Prakrit dialects. I cite only the Pali patipati for paripáti; and the Buddhist Sanskrit parijágrati, beside the Pâli pațijaggati(cf. Mahavastu, I. 435; of. also ibid., p. 396).
Dr. Kern, as well as Burnouf, corrects pulisáni into pulisánari, and makes it a genitive dependent on the substantive chhandarinani. The unanimity of the versions prohibits our considering a correction which is not so easy as it would seem at first, the regular form being pulisánari (1) and not pulisundin (D). It only remains for us to take pulisani as a nominative plural. So great is the confusion amongst the genders in all our texts, and the analogies in the history of the popular languages (I refer above all to Buddhist Sanskrit) are so numerous, that the use of a neuter termination with a masculine noun need not stop us for a moment. It is clear that the sense thas obtained is in every way satisfactory. Throughout the entire edict, the first thought of the king is visibly to connect all his officials directly with his personal action,-to cause his orders, his wishes, to reign everywhere and immediately. So it is here : The rajjúkas shall apply themselves to serve me, and (under their influence) the officials (designated generally under the term "men of the king") will follow my wishes and my orders.'
The parallel versions establish the true reading beyond a doubt to be chhardarinani, and not chhandanáni. There is therefore no need of thinking of a secondary derivative, equivalent in meaning to chhanda. Burnouf had already thought of taking pulisani as the masculine, and of analysing chhandannáni into chhandájía, but he would have made the two words accusatives and the second an epithet of the former. All this construction is irreconcilable with the meaning of patichalisanti. It is, on the contrary, very simple to recognise chhandavináni as a Dvandva, compounded of chhanda and ájñá, . will and order,' in the accusative case, dependent on patichalati.
There are, however, three syllables, the analysis of which it is necessary to correct. Hitherto chakáni has been considered as one word, the equivalent of the Sanskrit chakrám, (or, after correction, chaleránát) and attempts have in turn been made to translate it as a body of troops' and as a province. I have already (I. 161) had occasion to indicate that it is necessary to divide it into cha káni. I have shown the existence of an adverb káni in the language of Piyadasi; it depends on the evidence of the passagos in the vith. (1.6) and viith. (1. 18) edicts, where kedni is not as in our other examples, preceded by cha. As regards the meaning it remains somewhat undetermined, as indeed might be expected from its origin. The example of the vth. edict (1. 9) might suggest our attributing to it the meaning of 'in general,' 'in a general way'; but it seems to me to be on the, whole, safer, for the reasons given in the passage above referred to, to consider káni as almost equivalent to khalu, and the phrase cha káni to the phrase cha khu so commonly met with in this style.
Yéma, in the twelfth line, means in order that,' but this is not the only meaning which the word can have that of 'because' is not less common. If we adopt this latter meaning here (1.9), and refer té, as would be natural, to the pulisas,' we get a satisfactory explanation of the whole sentence. Let the rajjúkas conform to my views, and all my officers carry out my wishes. They also (the officers) will spread my religious teaching far and wide, if

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JANUARY, 1889.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
the rajjúkas take pains to satisfy me.' In other words, the king entrusts the rajjúkas with a mission of superintendence over his officers in general, which, if properly conducted, should ensure their joint action in helping forward his religious intentions.
6. It is annecessary to discuss again infinitive forms like parihatave for parihartave. The meaning of pariharati is quite fixed by the custom of Buddhist language, in which it signifies
to busy oneself,' to take care of,' (cf. e.g. Mahávastu, I. 403). All the rest of the sentence has been ingeniously explained by Burnouf. Dr. Kern has improved his analysis with regard to the word viyata, which he transcribes, not by vyápta, but by vyakta.
7. With Dr. Kern, I consider saitai as not equivalent to santan, but as representing the nominative plural santah. I have already (K. xiii. 11) drawn attention to the nominative ayô for ayah ; and this would be the exact converse, if the final 6 were not transformed into é in this dialect; but the frequent changes in it of nominatives neuter (an) into nominatives masculine (8) would furnish a ready foundation for & confusion of this nature. Sántas in this position will not construe. Regarding the rest of this sentence, see note 2. It is hardly necessary to draw attention to the close correlation which the words yena, éténa, in order that,' for this purpose,' establish between the two members of the sentence. With a form slightly different, the sense is exactly the same as in lines 3-5.
8. I cannot agree with previous commentators in taking kiinti as = kirtih. It must be the particle kinti, so common in our inscriptions. The termination of ichhitaviyé, which is the same in all versions, and above all a comparison with Bhabra, 1. 6, and with Dh., detached edict 1, 3, 9-11, &c., appear to me to be absolutely decisive. sd, as happens elsewhere (e.g. 1. 19 of the preceding edict), and ichhitaviyé, represent neuters.
I have already stated the meaning in which I take samatd. I know of no authority, either in Sangkrit or Buddhistio usage, for turning the word from its proper signification, which is not impartiality' (Barnouf), or equity' (the equitas of Dr. Kern), but equality' or 'uniformity.' It is this last meaning, too, which leads us to a correct understanding of the whole idea.
9. The transcription of avritti (Barnouf's dvriti is an obvious misprint) for duuti is admissible; but the meaning 'change of resolation' is unexpected, and entirely arbitrary. I have intimated above (note 1) that I transcribe it as dyukti. The change of y too under such conditions is so common that it need not cause as to hesitate for a moment. This transcription is moreover the only possible one in the désávutike of the 2nd detached edict of Dhauli (1.8), as Dr. Kern has already recognised. So also in anávutiya (1st detached edict, 1. 11), as we shall see later on. The meaning suits exactly,' from henceforth, this is my injunction, my decision.'
10. I have already (I. 158) had occasion to fix the true signification of tillita (tfrita). Tiréti refers especially to the completion, to the judgmont of a case, and ttlitadamda signiftes those men whose sentence of punishment has been delivered.' Yoté appears to me to have been perfectly explained by Dr. Kern, through its connection with the Sanskrit yautaka, and gives the sense, firat suggested by Burnouf, of respite.'
The revision of the different versions of the Corpus confirms the original reading jivitaye tánann throughout. It is on this and not on tisanam) that our interpretation must be founded, Dr. Kern's conjecture (jivitáydtí nánásanngai, do) must be condemned by one fact alone, that in our text tánann ends & line, and that hence, to judge from the constant practice of the texts which avoid the division of a word between two lines, the syllable natis could not be separated from the syllable which precedes it, to be joined to those which follow. Tanan etits the sense admirably. It is simply the well-known genitive plural of the pronoun tad. It can clearly only apply te the condemned persons who have just been named. It is also certain that these same persons are the subjeots of the verbs which follow, dáhaiti and kachhanti, and from this I draw several conclusions. First, that. tenet belongs to the sentence of which the verb ik nijhapayishti. It must, moreover, be the last' word of that sentence, for a cannot

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1889.
commence a new one, and nijhapayitá requires an object. It further follows that the condemned, under consideration, cannot be the subject of rijhapayisariti. This is the more important, as this verb has much puzzled interpreters, and no satisfactory explanation has as yet been offered for it. Jhap has been derived from kshup, the causal of kshi, and from a phonetic point of view, no objection can be taken to this. But, putting out of the question the fact that this verb is used nowhere else with the particle ni, this analysis leads to most complicated and unsatisfactory constractions. We find in Páli the verb nijjhápéti (cf. Childers, 6. v.), the regular causal of the Sanskrit ni-dhyai, with the perfectly legitimate meaning of 'to cause to know,'to turn the attention towards. We have here, it is true, the shortened form, nijhapéti; but this occurs under the same influences as those which have produced thapéti from sthápayati and other similar examples. Nothing, therefore, prevents us from identifying this verb as occurring here. The subject of the verb must necessarily either be indefinite, as often happens in our inscriptions (of. dékhati above in the 1st ediet), or, which will come to the same thing, the officials, these purushas and rajúkas, of whom mention has just been made.
A very easy explanation now unfolds itself for the phrase which commences with nátiká. vakáni. I grant, says the king, a respite of three days to those condemned to death before the execution of their punishment; they will bring them face to face with neitber more nor less' or in other words, they will explain to them that a space of three days and no more is all the delay accorded to them to live. This translation agrees exactly with the nijhapayitá of the following sentence. Hitherto a participle absolute has been sought for in this word; but in that case the use of the form nisijitu, a few lines above, would have led us to expect nijhapayitu. It is really a plural participle with which we are dealing, payitá being for pitd, just as we find védayitam in Pali and in Buddhist Sanskrit, and sukhayita below (viii. 3). Burnouf, I may add, took the word as a participle, although he analysed the root in an altogether different manner. The meaning is therefore, he who has had his attention drawn to, who is warned of.' The object can only be násaintain, which, as Lassen suggests, can well be referred back to násántam, 'the term' or 'limit of their execution.'
V&is vai, or rather, as we so often meet it, éva,
It is unnecessary to refer again to the adjective palatika, or to the futures ddharti and kachhaniti.
11. The phrase niludhasi kálasi is the last in this inscription which offers any difficulty. Both Burnouf and Dr. Kern suggest a reading niludhasápi kalasi, during the time of their imprisonment. If this translation is to be retained, the correction is indispensable. It would nevertheless, in the face of the agreement of all the facsimiles and versions, be better to avoid it if possible. To this consideration must be added others which are, I admit, less decisive. In the first place, we should have rather expected milódhasa, as both Burnouf and Dr. Kern have perceived. In the second, the use of kala to denote the time which elapses, or period, does not appear to me to be in accord with the custom of the language. I propose to avoid these various difficulties by taking kálasi as the locative of kárá, prison. The change of gender need not surprise us after so many analogous examples: at any rate, it is not so astonishing to meet the masculine locative kárasi of kárá, as to meet * feminine locative kalayan of kála, at Rûpnâth (1.2). Niludhasi would then appear in its proper position as participle, and the locative would mean, 'even in & closed dungeon'; even when shut up in duageon. This interpretation appears to me to render more striking, at least in form, the evidently intentional antithesis between this phrase and pdlatan.
12. This last portion represents, as indicated by the final iti, either a wish or an intention of the king. It appears as if a potential were needed. Perhaps we have here, if we take vadhati as being for vadháti, one of those traces of the subjunctive to which we have more than onco drawn attention both in Páli and in Buddhist Sanskrit (cf. Mahávastu, I. 499, &c.).

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JANUARY, 1889.] GRANT OF CHANDRADEVA AND MADANAPALA.
TRANSLATION.
Thus saith king Piyadasi, dear unto the Dèvas-In the twenty-seventh year of my coronation, I have had this edict engraved. Amongst many hundreds of thousands of inhabitants, have I set over the people rajjukas. I have kept in my own hands the ordering of all prosecutions against and of all punishments upon them, in order that these rajjukas may attend to their duties in security and without fear, and that they may establish and develop the happiness and prosperity of the population of my dominions. They will make themselves acquainted with their good and evil plight, and, together with the Faithful, they will exhort the (entire) population of my dominions so as to secure their welfare both in this world and in the world to come. The rajjukas will set themselves to obey me, and so will my purushas also obey my wishes and my orders. They will exhort far and wide, if the rajjúkas set themselves to satisfy me. Just as, after confiding a child to a skilful nurse, a man feels secure, saying to himself, "a skilful nurse sets herself to take care of my child," so have I appointed these rajjúkas for the happiness and prosperity of my subjects. In order that they may attend to their duties in security and free from disturbing thoughts, I have kept in my own hands the ordering of prosecutions against, and of all punishments upon, them. For it is desirable that uniformity should exist, both in the prosecutions and in the punishments. From this day (I pass the following) rule :-To prisoners who have been judged and have been condemned to death, I grant a respite of three days (before execution). (My officers) will waro them that they have neither more nor less to live. Warned thus as to the limit of their existence, they may give alms in view of their future life, or may give themselves up to fasting. I desire that even those who are shut in the prisonhouse may secure (their happiness in) the world to come, and I wish to see developing the various practices of the Religion, the bringing of the senses under subjection, and the distribution of alms.
COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF THE KINGS OF KANAUJ.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
I edit the first two of these inscriptions, at Mr. Fleet's request, from excellent ink-impressions made and supplied to me by him. My notice of the third is also from his ink-impression; but in this instance, owing to the condition of the original plate, the impression is not suitable for editing in full. And my account of the fourth inscription is from imperfect rubbings which were received through Sir A. Cunningham.
A.-Copper-Plate Grant of Chandradeva and Madanapaladeva.
The (Vikrama) year 1154.
This inscription has been previously edited, with a translation, by Dr. F. E. Hall, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXVII. pp. 220-241. It is on a copper-plate which belongs to the Library of the Bengal Asiatic Society at Calcutta. No information is available as to where the plate was discovered.
The plate, which is inscribed on one side only, measures about 1' 9" by 1' 2". The edges of it were both fashioned thicker and raised into rims, to protect the writing. Portions of the plate are somewhat worn, especially on the proper right side, from line 8 to about line 15; but there is no doubt whateyer about the actual reading of any part of the inscription, with the exception of the first three aksharas of line 13, which are almost completely obliterated by the incrustation of rust, so that only very faint traces of them are visible in the impression. The plate is thick and substantial; so that the letters, though fairly deep, do not shew through on the reverse side of it at all. The engraving is bold and excellent; but, as usual, the interiors of many of the letters shew marks of the working of the tool.-In the upper part of the plate there is a ring-hole, through which there passes a ring about thick and 34" in

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1889.
diameter. This ring bad been cut before the time when the grant came under Mr. Fleet's notice; but there is no reason for supposing that the present ring and seal are not the ones properly belonging to this plate. On the ring there slides a bell-shaped seal, about 27' high from top to bottom; it fits on to the ring by a circular opening, about * in diameter, in the lower end of it. The surface of the seal is circular, about 2' in diameter. In relief on a slightly countersunk surface, it has, at the top, a representation of Garuda, with the body of a man and the head of a bird, kneeling half front and half to the proper right, but with the face turned quite round in profile to the proper right; across the centre, the legend értMadanapáladévah 1; and at the bottom, a śnkha or conch-shell.-The average size of the letters is about t". The charactets are Nagari.-The language is Sanskrit, with nothing remarkable about it, except that in lines 15 and 16 there occurs the unusual phrase á padmasadmanð háhákántani yávat, in place of the ordinary á-chandrúrkam. -As regards orthography, 6 is throughout written by the sign for v; the dental sibilant is 39 times employed for the palatal sibilant (e.g. in asitadyuti, line 1, Yusovigraha and yasaḥ, line 2, samit-ásésha, line 3, &c.), and the palatal sibilant for the dental sibilant in éva-dattán, line 20, and sahasráni, line 21; and the dentaln is used instead of the anuscára in vanéa, line 1. A few other mistakes will be pointed out and corrected in the transcript of the text.
Thu inscription is one of the Paramabhatáraka, Mahdrájddhiraja, and Paramésvara, M8danapaladôve (or, as he calls himself in line 23, Madanadeva,) of Kanyakubja (or Kananj), who records that his father, the Paramabhatjáraka, Mahárájálhirója, and Paraméšvara, Chandradeva, when at Benares, granted the village of Ahuama, in the Dhanesaramaus pattala, to the Brahman Vamanasvâmišarman, a student of the Simavêda. And the date on which this grant was made by Chandra dova,' is stated in lines 11 and 12), both in words and in figures, to have been Monday, the third lunar day of the bright half of the month Magha of the year 1154, uttarayana-samkrantau.
That there is something remarkable about this date, or that, at any rate, the term uttarayana-savikrantau cannot have here its ordinary and well-known meaning "on the sun's entrance upon its northern course," is evident from the date itself. For the uttarayanasanileránti, which introduces the solar month Migha, must necessarily precede the new-moon which introduces the bright half of the lunar Magha, and it therefore cannot possibly take place on the third day of the bright half of the lunar Mágha. It is, of course, possible that the grant may have been actually made on the occasion of the uttardyana-sankranti, and recorded on a subsequent date; but there is nothing to show that such was really the case. And. I would rather confess that there is something here which, at present, I do not understand; and I can only draw attention to the date given ante, Vol. X. p. 188, in which the uttarayanasaukránti apparently is similarly coupled with the fifth of the bright half of Magha; and to two other dates, quoted ante, Vol. VIII. pp. 191 and 192, in which it has been coupled with certain days of the months Phålguna and Chaitra, when the sun can never enter upon its northern course. -Omitting the reference to the uttardyani-sankránti, I find that the third day of the bright half of Migha of the northern or southern Vikrama year 1154, current, corresponds to 19 January, A.D. 1097, which was a Monday, as required and was the 27th day of the solar Magha); for, on that day, the third tithi of the bright half ended about 10 hours after mean sunrise (for Ujjain). And the third day of the bright half of Magba of the
See below, note 40.
• Dr Hall took the date to refer to the time when the deed was ordered to be drawn up by Chandradeva's son Madanapaladeva, solely because, in Dr. Hall's opinion, one would expect to read, in line 12, mitena instead of anatra, if the data were meant to refer to Chandradeve's original grant. But matud has undoubtedly to be
aferred to Chandradeva's original grant, and its use is perfectly correct, because the agent of inátud must be the same as the agent of praiatta (in sanf pitya pradatta iti) in line 18.
In the numorons dates before me which mention an uttarliyana-or makara-samhleranti, that Benkranti is gone rally coupled with a day of the bright or dark half of Pausha; and I can at present recall only two dates where, in
northern year, the same sarktinti in (rightly) coupled with a day of the dark half of Migba. The whole subjeot Apparently is too intrioste to be treated here incidentally.

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नाचणगावाप्रतिकायकाठापीतलुटायला संरक्षण र तामविया) घाममात यामीदमीता तिवमानकापालानालामुदिवङ्गतामानादादि । 1 चीनियमूरिमा नावामागवियहरुमा दावः। तमुवान महीतरश्नसमनिनिकमानापारमतवारपारयापारियामातस्याभूतनासानायकरमिकलकाबाद ।
माउलादतापाd :श्रीवदादारा नवाया नादात पाण्यामिनाविरुवावा इतायीमातिपुतिराधामध्यमादाविकमगा ताताधानिहासिक । यतितमी यो पालयतानिगाहमामयनानगंदरतालिद गायेनावितातसमतीयतयाहालानिमातस्यात्मालामदनपालले तिदिता । (गिनिदातागोतानाम्यातिापतमालामालमित पायानि:पक्षालितकलिलयकलतरियामायस्यासीविनयपयाणसमायनुदानालाजेशलामा
विपदकमानमत चयअटीमाटालावदार तसिलिनतायुगलितस्यानागठामित स्रषापवतयादितचागमायाको उजिलानाननायोययमम्रो । रानातनमनधारमा राजपामवरपरममावनिडाजोपातका कुदातियत्ययातदतवादानुगातवा महारदा तिराहायरमे त मरिनारा मननपालवता (वडायीक वनमारमात्र तलाघामझामग्रामानवासना
HTTERDIनानातरादाराही मंदारनिटालाहितपतीदायनापतिलाष्ट्रगीसिकाट्रविदालत नियकानमित्रिकान रिफडतकारवरग। 10
कुल जानिएमबापयति यत्या बिनितातितिमततायिक पसिलतियामध्यनलठलायलाहलतागात स्।
जताट तिटाटणयतिगातीत लगानीमा शिवरायाटतियुट्रिासीमापनि त म ती सक्षतिकसानकादयसवअरेमाघमा ।। 12प्रती यायायामादि नवाराणस्यावरा यनसका जनश्यत्त १७ मावाठदिया नेता सांगण्यात यानिलोत्तमवईनगमाया मातायात
यासंदरतननितिनंवरतमुनिमन तिगगावधितांति मिरपालपाटनवदमासलातबाहायोषवितानसक्लासवरसमात्यहाँ ।। 15 तार तारापकालिमाटापरणायायातिपातिदेवता मानानारामनगावागालच्या नावाटयातमा मादल्यदानावयता
सात वाटा तनामिपावायवाया। लाला शामिपुत्रायवालमानवतानिमामीणोकल कुसलता नततरतलादकप्तर्वमापायझनोट । 10 यातायात कलायरतालिकाहानामानिनियासनामावनिकली मालित मुद्दया मिनिमयपदनो मनायघाटीयनानलागला
प्रसिदनालयागोहा कि बाबा तितावलोहामन्त्रमिया तिगृङ्गातिय मिषयलनि। उनानायणजम्मा गिाम । गाभिाना मदतवासनंहतो एनजिरायउहानिया नाचतरंदासहीनतानातिनःपाध्वियायालयायावया ।। सजायायंवर्मालपाणाकालमा जनयालािवहात हातकालनिःसगवादिालनयत्ययायदानामतत्यनस्यतया । ललिवल्लामकंगालकालावधक पाया
गया तलाव शिरतापरतावायोटारततात गातावश्वायाजान त्यापिततिःसदा गाणिजमतिकामद. लोया मायनरकंवमहायानीदरवानिपुरानारानानिवनायिसतरागानि । गवान मानवनिकामनामसापुतारादीनामाता ननिसलाविषयमाघातमात्रमशविण्यायपतोगमापागायणायडलविसमान। 4.
मात।। 21वना रानपकासकासास नस्य नवनायकाचितःसीखनुदयालाखतकरणकपुर
--- --- सहरतनालयाचा मंगलमहा NAM
Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of Chandradeva and Madanapaladeva.--The Year 1154.
OF.FLEET, Bo.c.s.
SCALE . 42
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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JANUARY, 1889.) GRANT OF CHANDRADEVA AND MADANAPALA.
11
northern or southern year 1154, expired, corresponds to Friday, 8 January, A.D. 1098; while the uttarayana-savikranti had taken place on Thursday, 24 December, A.D. 1097, which was the third day of the dark half of Màgha, by the parnimánta, or of Pausha, by the amánta reckoning.
The villaga granted, and the pattald in which it was situated, I am unable to identify on the maps at my disposal.
TEXT. i Om svasti || Akanthôtkantha-Vaikuntha-kanthapîțha-lathat-karahi samrambhah
surat-arambh8 sa Sriyaḥ śrêyase=stu vabil Asid'-Asi(si)tadyuti-vansa(mśa)
jäta-kshmipala-malisu divar=gatásul silkshad-Vi. 2 Vasvân-iva bhûri.dhamna namna Yas(36)vigrahsity=udarah 11 Tato-sutô-bhûn=
Mahichandras-chandra-dhama-nibham nijam 1 yên=param=akopira-páré vya
päritam yasa(áah | Tasy'=ibhûtetanayo nay-aika-rasikah kranta-dvi3 shan-mandald.vidb vast-6ddhata-dhira"-yod ha-timirah sri-Chandradevo nripab 1 yên=
ödáratara-pratâpa-sa(sa)mit-ase(s@)sha-praj-padravaṁ Śrimad-Gadhipur-âdhira
jyam-asamaṁ dôr-vvikramên=krijitam | Tirthani" KAsi(si)-Ku. 4 si(si)k-Ottarakosa(wa)l-Ondrasthaniyakini paripilayat-abhi' gamyal hêm=îtma-tu
lyam=anisa(sa) dadata dvijebhyo yên=aukita vasumati sa(sa)tasa (sa)s=
talábbih 1 Tasy-ktmajô Madanapala itikshitindra-chu5 dåmaņir vvijayatê nija-gótra chandra) yasyaibhishóka-kalas-6llasitnih pnyőbhih
prakshalitan kali-rajah sakalam dharitryüb. Yasy-asid-vijaya-prayann
Bamaye tungâchal-chchais-chala6 E-madyat-kumbhi pada-kram-sama-bhara-bhrasyan-mahi-mandala chodiratna-vibhinna
tâla-galita-styán-ksrig-udbhasitah se (58)sbah" pêsha-vasa (si)d=iva kshanam-asau
krôde nilîn-ênanah 11 Sô=yan samasta-ri7 ja-chakra-saṁsê vita-charaṇaḥ 11" paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramůsva(sva)ra
paramamahồsva (sva)ra-nijabhajópârjjita-śriKanyakuvja(bja)dhipatya - srichandra
dava-pâdanudhyâta-pa8 ramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramêsva (sva)ra-paramamahèsva (sva)ra-śriman-Madang
paladevo vijayi 11 chha 11" Dhalinisaramaua-pattalayam-Ahuama-grama
nivåsing 9 nikhila-janapadan= pagatan-api cha raja-rajñl-yuvaraja-mantri-paróhita-pratihara-sêni
pati-bhandigirik ikshapatalikn-bhishak (8)-naimittik-Antahpurika-data-karituragapa10 ttani karasthinagókulâdhikari-parashin Bamijñapayati v6(b)dhayaty-disa(sa)ti cha
Viditam=astu bhavatar " yath=ôparilikhita-grimah Ba-jala-sthalah su-lôha
lavan-Akarah 8811 madhoka-châta-vana-våţikä-vitapa-triņa-yhti-gôcbara-paryantaḥ sa-gartt-Osharah s-ôrddhv
Adhas-chatur-Agháta-visu(su) adhah (sva)-sim-paryantah chatuhpa(shpa)mcha
BA(ka)d-adhika-sa(wa)taikadesa(ka)-samvatsare Magho ma12 si su(ku)kla-pakshe tritiyayar S5ma-dind Varanasyan uttarayana(na)."
sankrantau ankatah Bara vat 1154 Magha su di 3 some Varanasyan
ddva-sri-Trilochana-ghatta Gamgâyâm snåtva Sriina. From the impression.
• Expressed by a symbol.
Metre, Srbka (Anushubh). Metro, Indravajra.
Motro, $16ka (Anushtabh).
Motre, Sard Glavikridita 10 This is distinctly dhire, and not virs.
"Metre, Vasantatilaka ; and in the next verse. "This akahara, bhi, is quite distinct here.
15 Metre, SardOlavikridita. ** Thin sign of visarga had originally been omitted. I believe the right reading to be Sinhal faisha-vald-iva: see ante, Vol. XV., p. 12, noto 97.
* This sign of panotaation is superfnous.
1 Thoss signs of punctuation are superflaous. On the siga, resembling chha, which stands between them, see anta, Vol. XVII. p. 140, note 45. 1 The consonant, dh, of this akshara is quite distinct, but the whole akshara may possibly be dhe.
This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
* The actual reading of the text is uttarinayana-Uttarinayana for wttardyana we also find ante, Vol. VI. P. 197, line 22.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1889.
13 [n-mahar ? Jaja-sri-Chamdradėvėna
prachura-payasêna
vidhivan-mamtra-dê va-muni-manuja-bhûta-pitriganams-tarppayitvà timira-patala-pâtana-patu-mahasam-Ushnarôchisham-upasthâyAushadhipati-sa(sa) kala-sê(se)kharam samabhyarchchya 14 [tri]bhuvana-trâtur-V vâsudêvasya půjâm vidhaya havirbhujam hutvâ mâtâ-pitrôr-âtmanas-cha paaya-yas(6)-bhivriddhayê Kausi(si)ka-gôtraya Visvâ(śvâ) mitra-Audalya-Dê varâta"-tripravarâChchhamhoga-s(s)khinë vri(beljhmaga-Divnavimi-pautrlys vri(br)hmaga-iri Vârâhasvami-putraya vrâ(brå)hmaṇa-sri-Vamanasvamisa (sa)rmmanê kusa(sa)lata-pûta-karatal-ôdaka-pûrvvam-i padmasadmanô hû16 hûkântam yavach-chhasanîkritya pradatta iti jñâtvå asmábbiḥ pitri-dâna-s (sa) sanaprakasa (sa)nartham nija-nam-ankita-mudrayâ tâmmra"-paṭṭakê nidhaya pradattô matva yathâdîyamâna bhagabhô
gôkarnna
17 gakara-hiragya-prabhṛiti-samast-Adâyân-ijñā-vidhêyîbhdyn
12
ST
dâsya[tha] II chha Bhavanti ch-âtra ślôkâḥ 11 Bhûmim yaḥ pratigrihnâ(hnâ)ti ya cha bhumim prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmâṇau ni. var-âsvâ(évá) 18 yatau svargga-gaminau II Sa(sa)mkham bhadrasanam chchhatram" vara-varaṇaḥ bhûmi-danasya chihnâni phalam-êtat-Puramdara | Sarvvân=" êtân-bhâvinaḥ pârthiv-êndrân-bhûyô Lhayo yâchatê Râkilê dharmma-sêtur nripânâ[m] pâlaniyo bhavadbhiḥ Va(ba)habhir"-vvasuddha(dha) bhuktâ râjabhiḥ Sagar-âdibhiḥ yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tadâ
19 mabhadraḥ 11(1) siminy6=yam
20 phalam | Suvarnnam=-kam gầm=êkìm bhumðr=spy=kam=angala[i], haran=narakam Apnôti yavad-abhâtasamplavam II Sva(sva)-dattam para-dattâm và yê harêta vasumdharam sa vishthâyâm krimir-bhûtvå pitṛibhiḥ saha
21 majjati Shashțin varsha-sahaśrâ (sri) ni svarggê vasati bhûmidaḥ âchchhêttâ ch-ânumantâ cha tiny-êva narakam (kê) vasêt 11 Yân="" fha dattâní para narêndrair-ddânâni va(dha)rmm-Artha-yasa(sa)skarâ ni nirmmâ
22 lya-vânta-pratimâni tani kô nåma sådhuḥ punar-âdadita II Vât-"abhra-vibhramamidam vasudh-âdhipatyam-ipâtamitra-madhura vishay-ôyapabhôgâh prapastrinagra-jalavimdu-sama na
23 rânâm dharmmaḥ
sakhi
Śriman-Madanadêvéna
param-aho paraloka-yanê II pitri-dâna-prakasa(sa)kah | sâ(s) sanasya niva (ba)ndhô-yan kârital sviya-mudraya (1) Likhitam karanika-thakkura
24 árî-Sahadêvêna Si(si) vama [stu] 1 Mamgalam mahâ-érth
kâlê
havisha
TRANSLATION. Ôm !
May it be well!
(Line 1.)-May the agitation of Lakshmi during the amorous dalliance, when her hands wander over the neck of Vaikuntha filled with eager longing, bring you happiness!
After the lines of the protectors of the earth born in the solar race had gone to heaven, there came a noble (personage) Yasovigraha by name, (who) by his plentiful splendour (was) as it were the sun incarnate.
Audala. 22 Read tɅmra,
Metre, Ślóka (Anushṭabh); and in the next verse. "Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh); and in the next three verses. Metre, Vasantatilaka. 30 Read Opabhogar.
30 I am doubtful about these three akeharas, of which only faint traces are visible in the impression. The aksharas were certainly not drajadhira.
According to the Avalayana-Brautasútra, Calcutta Ed., p. 883, the three names are Vaisvamitra-Devaret.
33 One expects pradatta iti mated. 25 Read chhattram.
Metre, Salini. Metre, Indravajrå. 1 Metre, Sloka (Anushtabh).

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JANUARY, 1889.) GRANT OF CHANDRADEVA AND MADANAPALA.
13
-
(L. 2.)-His son was Mahichandra, who spread his boundless fame, resembling the moon's splendour, (even) to the boundary of the ocean.
His son was the king, the illustrious Chandradėve, whose one delight was in statesman. ship, who attacked the hostile hosts (and) scattered the haughty brave warriors as the moon does the) darkness. By the valour of his arm he acquired the matchless sovereignty over the glorious Gadhipura," when an end was put to all distress of the people by his most noble prowess.
Protecting the holy bathing-places of Kasi, Kusike, Uttarakóbala, and the city of Indra," after he had obtained them, (and) incessantly bestowing on the twice-born gold equal (in weight) to his body, he hundreds of times marked the earth with the scales (on which he had himself weighed).
(L. 4.)- Victorious is his son, Madanapala, the crest-jewel of the rulers of the earth, the moon of his family. By the sparkling waters from his coronation-jars all® impurity of the Kali-age has been washed off from the earth.
When he went forth to victory, the brb of the earth bent down beneath the excessive weight of the footsteps of his ratty elephants marching along, tall as towering mountains : then, as if suffering from cold," Sasha, radiant with the clotted blood that trickled from his palate pierced by the crest-jewel, hid his face for a moment in his bosom.
(L. 6.)He who has homage rendered to his feet by the circle of all Rajas, the Paramabhatļáraka, Mahdrájddhirája, and Paramétvara, the devout worshipper of (Siva) Mahāśvara, the illustrious Madanapaladeva, -who meditates on the feet of the Paramabhattáraka, the Mahárdjádhirdja, and Paramétvara, the devout worshipper of (Siva) Mahêśvara, the illustrious Chandraddva, who by his arm had acquired the sovereignty over the glorious Kanyakubja,
(L. 8.)-He, the victorious, commands, informs, and decrees to all the people assembled, resident at the village of Ahudma in the Dhanogaramaus pattala, and also to the Rajas, Rájnis, Yuvardjas, counsellors, chaplains, warders of the gate, commanders of troops, treasurers, keepers of records, physicians, astrologers, superintendents of gynæceums, messengers, and to the officers having authority as regards elephants, horses, towns, mines (?), sthanas and gókulas,*-(as follows) :
(L. 10.)-Be it known to you that the illustrious Mahdrája (P), the illustrious Chandradeva,-after having bathed in the Ganges at the ghat of the divine holy Trilochana at Benares, after having duly satisfied the sacred texts, divinities," saints, men, beings, and the group of ancestors, after having worshipped the sun whose splendour is potent in rending the veil of darkness, after having praised him whose crest is a portion of the moon, after having per. formed adoration of Vasudeva, the protector of the three worlds, after having sacrificed to fire an oblation with abundant milk, rice and sugar,--at Benares, in the year eleven hundred increased by fifty-four, in the month Magha in the bright half, on the third (lunar day), on a Monday, on the sun's entrance upon its northern course, in figures, in the year 1154, 81. di. 3 of Mågha, on Monday,-has given, in order to increase the merit and fame of his parents and himself, the above-written village with its water and dry land, with its mines of iron and salt, with and including its groves of madhúka and mango trees, enclosed gardens, bushes, grams and pasture land, with its ravines and saline wastes, with what is above and below, defined as to its four abuttals, ap to its proper boundaries, to the Brahman the illustrious Vâmanasvamisarman, son of the Brahmaņ the illustrious Vårahasvamin, son's son of the Brahman Dêvasvamin, of the Kausika gôtra, (and) whose three pravaras are Visvâmitra, Audalya and Devarata, a student of the Chhandoga šákhá,*-(confirming his gift) with the pouring out)
. GAdhi's town' is Kanyakubja. * 1... Benares, Kanyakubja, Ayodhy4, and probably. Indraprastha (or Ancient Delhi); see ante, Vol. XV. p. & note 46. > Other grants have -rajah-patalam the coating of impurity.'
Soe anto, Vol. XV. p. 12, note 97. See ib. p. 9, note 54. » See ib. p. 10, note 55.
- vis of the Samavede.

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14
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1889.
from the palm of his hand (of) water purified with kusa grass ......" (and) ordaining (that it should be his) as long as sun and moon" (endure) ;
(L. 16.)-(And) that, knowing this to be so), to make known (our) father's order of (this) donation, we have set it forth on (this) copperplate, furnished with a seal marked with our own name, and have (thereby on our part) given the above-written village). Aware of this), you, being ready to obey (our) commands, will make over to the donee) every kind of income, the due share of the produce, money-rent, and so forth.
(L. 17.)-And on this subject) there are the following) verses :-[Here follow nine of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, which it is unnecessary to translate.]
(L. 23.)-This deed, making known (his father's donation, has been ordered to be drawn up by the illustrious Madanadeva, (and it is furnished) with his own seal.
Written by the writer of legal documents, the Thakkura, the illustrious Sabadêva. May it be auspicious! (May) bliss (and) good fortune (attend)!
B.-Copper-Plate Grant of Madanapala and Govindachandradova.
The (Vikrama) year 1166. This inscription has been previously edited by Babu Durgaram Basu, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLV., Part I. Proceedings, pp. 131-135. It is on another oopper-plate which belongs to the Library of the Bengal Asiatic Society, and was presented by Mr. J. Growse, of Mathura. It was discovered, in 1869, at a place called 'Rahan' in the Etawab' District in the North-West Provinces, by a person who was digging in a field.
The plate, which is inscribed on one side only, measures about 1' 74" by 1' 1". The front of the plate is quite smooth; but on the back of it the edges were both fashioned thicker and raised into rims all round, as if to protect an inscription that was, or was intended to be, written there, there are, however, no indications of this grant being a quasi-palimpsest through the obliteration of an inscription on the back and the engraving of a new one on the front of it. The writing is well preserved throughout; and, excepting one or two aksharas, there is no doubt whatever about the actual reading of any part of the inscription. The plate is substantial; and the letters, though fairly deep, do not shew through on the reverse side of it at all. The engraving is good; but, as usual, the interiors of some of the letters shew marks of the working of the tool.- In the upper part of the plate there is a ring-hole, through which there fits tightly a copper rivet, secured at the front with an eleven-leaved water-lily. At the back this rivet secures & copper-band, about it and 1 broad, with a. cross-line pattern on the outer side of it, the projecting part of which is folded over 80 as to give an inside circular diameter of about . Through this there slides, quite loosely, a ring about " thick and 21" in diameter; it had been cut, before the time when the grant came under Mr. Fleet's notice, and probably before the time when it was obtained by Mr. Growse ; and the seal belonging to it is not forthcoming.-The average size of the letters is about 1
-The characters are Nagari.-The language is Sanskpit. In line 23 we have the Praksit word puppha, for pushpa ; in line 16 the term srl, probably denoting a measure of land ; and in line 21 several rare revenue-terms, the exact meaning of which is not apparent. As regards orthography, the sign of the upadhmaniya has been employed in otaih-payőbhih, line 6, and antahpurika, line 13; b is throughout denoted by the sign for v; the dental sibilant is 11 times used for the palatal sibilant (e.g. in varisa, lines 1 and 2, asasha for asésha, i.e. akésha, line 4, &c.), and the palatal sibilant 9 times for the dental sibilant (e.g. in fárya, lịne 2, vasumatí,
» Soe ante, Vol. XV. p. 10, note 57.
0 In the original, the words & padmasadmand hdhdkdntarh yavat take the place of the ordinary chandrarkan vávat or 4-chandrarkas yavat, and they convey, I believe, the same meaning. It is true that the dictionaries give neither padmanadman forsun, nor hahakanta the beloved of Hohd' for moon;' but padmdaarui, the etymological sense of which is the same as of padmaradman, is said to mean the sun,' and considering that Hand is the name of Gandharva, and that there are close relations between the Gandharvas and Sôma (the moon), hahakanta may really be very old name of the moon. According to Dr. F. E. Hall, the phrme in the original is a hundred to one, corrupt.

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JANUARY, 1889.) GRANT OF MADANAPALA AND GOVINDACHANDRA.
15
line 5, &c.); sh is used for kh in suchí, line 2; khya for koha in akhyapagalika, line 12. Other errors, such as the occasional use of h for bh, and vice versa, of m for n, &c., which are owing to the carelessness of the writer or engraver, will be pointed out in the transcript of the text.
The inscription refers itself (in line 11) to the reign of the Paramabhat draka, Mahárájádhiraja, and Paramésvara, Madanapaladeva of Kanyakubja (or Kanauj), whose son Govindachandradeve, apparently acting on behalf of his father, thereby makes known that the Ranaka Lavarapravaha, who must have owed allegiance to Madanapala, when at Åsatiks on the Yamuna, gave part of the village of Ramaïtha, in the Sigurodha pattala, to the Brahman Guņachandra, a student of the Rigveda and emigrant from the village Bhatakavade.
The date on which this donation was made, is stated (in lines 17 and 18), in figures only, to have been Sunday, the 15th of the dark half of the month Pausha, of the year 1166, at the time of a solar eclipse.
The introductory metrical portion (from line 1 to 10) of the inscription gives the genealogy of the so-called Rathôr princes of Kanyakubja, down to Govindachandra, referring those princes, like the Basahi plate of Govindachandradêva (with which this inscription has much in common), to the Gahadavala-vamba, and mentioning, before Madanapala's father Chandradêva, only the one prince Mahitals, clearly the Mahials of the Basâhi plate. The statement that Chandradeva acquired the sovereignty over Kanyakubja when the two great regal families of the solar and lunar races had perished, is identical in purpose with the statement of the Basahi grant, that Chandradêva roge to power when Bhoja and Karna were no more. Beyond this, attention need only be drawn to Govindachandra's wars against the Hammira, which are referred to in line 9.
The date, the details of which have been given above, does not appear to work out satisfactorily. Taking 1166 to be the current northern or southern Vikrama year, the corregponding date, by the purnimánta reckoning, would be 4 December, A.D. 1108, and by the amánta reckoning, 3 January, A.D. 1109. On 4th December, 1108, there was a solar eclipse, but it was not visible in India, and the day was a Friday, not a Sunday; and 3rd January, 1109, was a Sunday, but without a solar eclipse. For Vikrama 1166, expired, the corresponding dates would be Thursday, 23 December, A.D. 1109, and Saturday, 22 January, A.D. 1110, both without an eclipse and therefore in every respect unsuitable. And for the Vikrama year 1165, current, the corresponding date, by the purnimánta reckoning, would be Monday, 16 December, A.D. 1107, when, about noon, there was a solar eclipse which was visible in India, and by the amanta reckoning, Taesday, 14 January, A.D. 1108, without an eclipse. - Considering that in all the years from A.D. 1100 to 1120 the 15th of the dark half of Pausha never fell on a Sunday on which there was a solar eclipse, I for the present incline to believe that some of the recorded details of the date are erroneous; but all I can say with certainty is, that of the several corresponding dates given above, Sunday, 8 January, A.D. 1109 would be the most suitable, if the writer had made a mistake concerning the eclipse.
Regarding the places mentioned, none of which I am able to identify, I may add that Asetika on the Yamuna is also mentioned in line 9 of the Basahi plate.
TEXT." 1 0[**] Paramâtman[e] namah | Akumhôtkamtha-"'Vaikuntha-kanthapitha-lathat
karaḥ i sam rambhah surat-arambhê se Sriyaḥ śrêyase-stu vah | Abhûn=""
n[ri]pô GAhadavala-vamsé(se) Mahitalo nama ji2 t-arichakraḥ sthit[6] dhara-bhâram=asesha[m P]" @sha Sèshah sushi(khi) yasya su(bho)je
nidhaya | Pradhvastê Soma-Sa(s)[y]-odbhava-vidita-maha-kshatravamaa (sa)dvayê-gminnu napriys-vêdadhvani 'jagad-akhilam man
#ante, Vol. XIV. p. 103. ** Ketre, Upajati.
From the impression. 5 Road aftsham-daha.
Metre, Sloka (Anushţubh). " Metre, Sragdhard.

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16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1889.
3 nyamanah Svayambhah kritvå deha-grahîya pravaṇam=iha manaḥ [6]addha
vu(ba)ddhir-ddharitryâm=addharttum dharmma-margam prapri(thi)tam=atha
tatha kshatravansa-dvayam cha 11 Vamśê" tatra tataḥ sa esha samabhůd-bhupa4 la-chûdâmaṇiḥ pradhvast-ôddhata-vairi-vira-timirah sri-Chandradevo nfipah yên=
i(d)daratars-pratâpa-samit-asa (še)sha-praj-padrava - śrimad - Gadhipur - âdhirajyam=
asamam dôr-vvikramêņmárjjitan 11 5 Tirthänis Kasi(bi)-Kusi(ki)k-Ottarakobal-Endrasthaniyakani paripalayat-Abhigamya!
hêm Átma-tulyam-anisam dadatá dvijebhyê yên=amkitå vasu(su)mati satasa(sa)s=
talabhiḥ 11 Tasyritmajo 6 Madanapala iti kshitîndra-chûdâmaņir=[vv]ijayatê nija-gòtra-chandraḥ 1 yasy-abhi
shēka-kalas-ollasitaih=payôbhiḥ prakshålitan kali-rajah-patala prithivyḥ 11
Yasy=&sid=vijaya-prayâ7 ņa-samaye tungachal-ôchchais-chalan-madyat-kumbhi-pada-kra[m]A[sa]ma-bhara-bhra
syan-mahîmamdal [6] I chadaratna-vibhinna-tålu-galita-styân-Asri(sri)g-udbhâsita
Séghah [py@ sha-Vask (sa)d=iva kshanam-as[au] krð8 de mi(ni)lin-ana nah*] 11 Jậtas="tatô rajanijânir=iv-amvu(mba)råsêr=Gg[0]vinda
chandra iti karti-bhar-abhiramaḥ | ráj atmaj[e*]na bhavatá sam[u*]pâjjá(riji)
tâni Ramêņa Dasarathin=êva yaśà[m]si(si) yena 1| Durvvârg-"apha9 [ra]G[au]da-dviradavara-ghata ka[m]bha-nirbheda-bhîmô Hammiram nyasta-vaira
muhur=asama-rana-kridaya yô vid hatte i sasa)sva(sva)t-samchåri-valgat-turaga
khurapat-ollêkha-mudra-sanapa(tha)-kshôņi-svi(svi)ka10 ra-dakshah 88 iha vijayate prarthana-kalpavrikshah | Paramabhattaraka-maharajú.
dhiga(râ)ja-param[@jávara - paramamåbêśvara - mi(ni)jabhujøpârjjita-briKanyaku
vja(hja)dhipatya-sriChardradove11 pâdânudhyAta-paramabhattaraka-mahar[]jadhiraja-paraméávara - paramamaheśvara - śriM&
danapaladova-vijayarajyê 11 Asy-aiv=âtmajô mahârâjaputra-sri.Govimdachandra
devaḥ 11 12 Sigurodha-pattal [y] Ramaïtha-grâme samasta-mabattama-janapada-nivasi
lôkan prativasi-lokams=cha || raja-rajñîm-matri"-parohit-amâty-akhyaksha)pata
lika(ka)-ham(bh&dâgârika-bhi. 13 shag-n[ai mittika-a[e]nâpatio-antahpurika-samast-adhikari-purush-adin samajõitjñá)payati
samyo(b)dhayati cha | Yath=&stu vidit-êyam=anityat-aya[ro]gatâ y[u]shma
bhihi Vat-tapa-vasat=tri(tri)nagra-lagn-A14 va[byâ]ya-vindur-iva na athira-pa[dam ?) va (ba)dhnati jivitam Nalini-dala-gate(ta):
jala-lava-chamchala-jaladhara-dhårå-jala-janita-va(ba)dvu(dbu) da-vat kshana
drishta-nashta sa[m]pat | Kshanikån=i[n]driya-su15 khâni Satamvas gatvaram dehinâm=àyub 11 Tad=i[dam ?] may=&pi sakâta:5
-śâpr(str)-&rth-avisamvadina(ni)bhiḥ śruti-smpitibhirvupajáta-nischayena anamta
phala-bhôga-bhajanam bhumi-dânam matva 11 asmin 16 gråmel halanám chatu[r*]bbih pramâyob(?)" 11 sirå 1 sa-jala-sthala s-share
påsbaņa(na). I giri-dadadi) vana-vâţik-êm[r]a-madhuka-loha-lavaņa kara urddh,
[v]-Adha(b)-siddhi-yut sa-daskparadha-dandi I tri(tri)ņa17 parnn-A[dy)-Akar-Adiya-sahita li sam 1166 Pausha va di 15 Ravau il ady=ébb(h)
Åsatikayam dôvatA-Muraitha-ghatte Yamunayam yathÀ-vidhin snåtvå
déva-manushya-pitsi-tarpaņíd=anamtaram "Metre, Sardalavikridita. "Metre, Vasantatilaká; and in the next verse. "Metre, Sardulavikridita. $0 This akshara looks like pyé or yye. Read faisha, and compare ante, Vol. XIV., p. 12, note 97.
In the original, this akshara is e, preceded by the medial i, and followed by the medial d; but the medial au is similarly denoted below in Gauda, line 9. * Metre, Vasantatilaka. "Metre, Sragdhara.
" Originally Hanummiran. * Here and below, in places which it is unnecessary to point out separately, the sign of punctuation is superBuous. 56 Read - rájil-mantri
- Read-sindpaty: * Read satatan.
Rond sakala.. 60 Read -niéchayeneanamta. 1 Read matt-damin. "Perhaps praméya. Read yathd-vidhi.

Page #27

JANUARY, 1889.) GRANT OF MADANAPALA AND GOVINDACHANDRA.
17
18 bhagavaintam sûryamwupasthya 'tad=anu ch-abhishta-dêvat[AR]-Mahêsvarań pancha
bhir-upachâraih samabhyarchchya bhagavató JÄtavedase půrn-ahutim dat[t]vå
RAhu-grasto savitari í mata-pitrô. 19 rektmanas-cha punya-yaś6-bhivriddhayê | bhatta-vra(brahmanya | Gnga-"pautriya
- Rilho-putrậya | Bhatakavada-gråma-vinirggatâya Sarkhyâyana-s(ba)khinê
Gautama! Aitatha(?). | Amgi20 rasa- I tri-pravaraya | śrut-adhyayana-sampanna- vra(bra)hmana-Gunachandraya 11
viśuddhëna manasa kasa-pûtêna hast-ôdakêna kshity-udadhi-pavan-Amva(mba)
râni yâvat râņaka-sri-Lava21 rapravahona basa(sa)natvena pradattah(tta) 11 Iti matva sa(ya)thA-diyamânar
bhagabhôgakutaka-vimšatichhavatha-turush kadamda- aksha pataládaya-valadi.
kumaragadianakaka22 ra-hiranya-vahy-Abhyantara-siddhi êtat=saryvan anyad-api bhůmy-âvâr-no-pat
syamânam mad-Ajõå-pålana-pravaņair-bhûtva" état-sarvvam=asm[ai u?]'opanêta
vya état-sa[n]tatyai' api! Na kên=A23 pyratra vadhâ kâryâ árutva muninam vachah | Samgam(kham)" ha(bha)dr-aša(sa)
na chhatstram var-âsvå vara-varankh bhadâna-druma-puppbå(shpa)ni phala[m] svargah Paramdara | Bhûmin yaḥ pratigrihnâ(hņâ)ti yasatu
bhůmi[m] 24 prayachchbati táv=ubhan panya-ka[r]mmâņau niyatam svarga-gâminau ll Vaba).
hubhir-vvasudhá bhukta rajabhiḥ Sagar-Adibhiḥ 1 yasya yasya yada bhůmis
tasya tasya tad phalam 1 Sva-datta[rn] 25 para-datti(ttar) va y[6] harêta vašum(sum dharâm 68 vishthấyám krimi[r]
bhôtva pitsibhih saba "majjati || Shashtir"=vvarsha-sahasra(srk)ņi svargge
Vasati bhúmidah achchhêttà ch=ûnumatâ cha tivanti narake 26 vaset 11 Gâm=ekar svarņņam akam cha bhůmya(mê)r-apy=[@]kam-am gulam 1
haran-narakam=&pn[0]ti yâvad-ahůtasamplavam || Yân"=iha dattâni pura
narômdrair-ddânâni dharmmartha-yasa(sa)skarkņi ni. 27 rmmalya-vânta-pratimâni tâmi(ni) k0 nama sådhuḥ punar=adadita || Yê" pásyanti
mahibhřitô mama kule kim(in)vå parasmin=mahim tëshâm=esha may
Anjalir-vvirachito nrâdêyam=28 smât=kiyat dûrvvâ-kândamapi svadharmma-niratâ dattam maya pályatám vâyur
vvásyati tapsyati pratapanaḥ śrutvå manînam vachah 1 Likhitô=yam
mahattaka-sri29 Gångêy-ânujñaya Tribhuvanapålêna thakkura-sri-Dôvânga-sumtên"-ti || Sunarakkudaņéna Sat[@]hara-sotên=ti" 11
TRANSLATION.
om!
Adoration to the Supreme Spirit ! (Line 1.)-May the agitation of Lakshmi during the amorons dalliance, when her hands wander over the neck of Vaikuntha filled with eager longing, bring you happiness!
In the Gahadavala family, there was a prince, named Mahitala, who defeated the host of (his) enemies, (and) by entrusting to whose arm the whole burden of the earth, Śêsha enjoyed permanent comfort.
" Perhape altered to Giga..
. One erpoota Auchathya : see Amalyana-frautasdira, Calcutta Ed., p. 878. The Bas Ahi plato of Govindachandra, ante, Vol. XIV., p. 103, 1. 15, has Ayitatha. - Read -dand-Aksha-. " Read - siddhy.
"Perhape-Ukarahan.. .. Read =bhdtv-aitat. 10 Read and wpa-.
" Read -tyd api. 11 Metre, Sióka (Anushțubh); and in the next five verses.
1 Read Bhashfit traha-. * Metre, Indravajra. * Metre, Sardálavikrlaita. 16 Read-outen
"1 Originally-sutindi (P)

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18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1889.
When the two well-known great regal families, sprung from the Moon and the Sun, had perished, then, the self-existent (Brahman), the pare minded, considering the sound of the Veda to have become almost extinct in the whole world, having conceived the inclination to assume a bodily form here, in order to re-establish on earth the path of religion, as well as the two famous regal families, 's
In that family there was then born that illustrious prince Chandraddva, the crest-jewel of rulers, who scattered the haughty hostile Warriors as the moon does the) darkness (and) who by the valour of his arm acquired the matchless sovereignty over the glorious Gadhipura," when an end was put to all distress of the people by his most noble prowess.
Protecting the holy bathing-places of Kabi, Kubike, Uttarakovala, and the city of Indra, after he had obtained them, (and) incessantly bestowing on the twice-born gold equal (in weight) to his body, he hundreds of times marked the earth with the scales (on which he had himself weighed).
(L. 5.) - Victorious is his son Madanapala, the crest-jewel of the rulers of the earth, the moon of his family. By the sparkling waters from his coronation jars, the coating of impurity of the Kali-age has been washed off from the earth.
When he went forth to victory, the orb of the earth bent down beneath the excessive weight of the footsteps of his rutty elephants marching along, tall as towering mountains : then, as if suffering from cold, Sasha, radiant with the clotted blood that trickled from his palate pierced by the crest-jewel, hid his face for a moment in his bosom.
As (the moon) whose wife is the night (sprang) from the ocean, 80 was born from him Govindachandra, pleasing by his great loveliness, who, As son of the king, acquired fame like Rama, the son of Dasaraths.
Victorious is here that tree of paradise for granting) requests, who, terrific in cleaving the frontal globes of arrays of irresistible mighty large elephants from Gauda, again and again by the play of his matchless fighting makes the Hammira lay aside (his) enmity. (and who is) skilled in appropriating the earth (which is) marked by the scraping of the hoofs of (his constantly marching bouncing horses.
(L. 10.)- In the reign of victory of the Paramabhatjáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Paraméstara, the devout worshipper of (Siva) Mahdávara, the illustrious Madanapaladéve-who meditates on the feet of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahdrájádhiraja, and Paraméévara, the devont worshipper of (Siva) Mabesvara, the illustrions Chandradeve, who by his arm had acquired the sovereignty over the glorious Kanyakubja :
Flis son, the illustrious Govindachandradeve, the son of the Mahárája, commands and . informs all the Mahatlamas and the people residing at the village of Ramaïtha in the Sigurodha pattala, as well as the neighbouring people, (and) the Rajas, Rájnis, counsellors, chaplains, ministers, keepers of records, treasurers, physicians, astrologers, commanders of troups, superintendents of gynæceums, all officers having authority, and others, -as follows:
(L. 13.)-You should know that this life does not last for ever. As the dew-drop which sticks to the point of a blade of grass, on account of wind and heat, has no stable position, so it is with life. Unsteady like the drop of water on a lotas-leaf, resembling the babble produced by the shower from a eloud, fortune appears for & moment and then vanishes. Momentary are the pleasures of the senses. Ever fleeting is the life of mortals. Of this" I
" The sentence contained in this verse is incomplete, because it contains no principal verb; and I consider it impossible to connect the verse grammatically with the following verse, although it may be true that Chandradés is intended to be described as an incarnation of Brahman. To me it appears, that the verse Vash tatra originally followed immediately upon the verse Abhiinansip, and that the verse Pradhvante Bima- has been inserted here froin some other praiasti in which it was followed by a verse which is not given in the present inseription.
" For this and some of the following names and expressions compare the preceding inscription.
* In the original one would expect to read here yathistu rahsariwiditam, Viditéyam. The following must be understood to be the words of the Raraka Layarkpraváha (in line 90), whose donation is made public by Govindschandra.
. If the original is correct, which I doubt, the word chanchala must be taken to qualify the following bud. buda. I have translated as if the reading were -chanchald.
Here again the words of the original, tad-idarh, are ungrammatical.

Page #29

JANUARY, 1889.]
GRANT OF GOVINDACHANDRA.
19
too have become convinced by the Vedas and the law-books, which (in this matter) do not differ from the teaching of all the Sastras; and, considering that donations of land secure the enjoyment of endless rewards,
(L. 15.)-I, the illustrious Ránaka Lavarapravaha,--having duly bathed in the Yamuna at the ghat of the deity Muraïtha, here at Asatika, having satisfied the divinities, men and ancestors, having adored the holy sun and thereupon worshipped with fivefold offerings my favourite deity Mahêsvara, having presented a full oblation to the holy fire,-to-day, on Sunday, the 15th day of the dark half of the month) Pausha, of the year 1166, during an eclipse of the sun,-in order to increase the merit and fame of my parents and myself, have given as a grant in this village one sira,&* measuring four ploughs, with its water and dry land, with its saline wastes, stones, hills, rivers, groves, enclosed gardens, mango and madhika trees, mines of iron and salt, together with what accrues above and below, with the fines for the ten offences, (and) with the receipts from grass, leaves and so forth, and from mines (*), to the Bhatta, the Brahman Gunachandra, the son of Rilhê (and) son's son of Gúga, who has gone forth from the village Bhatakavada, a student of the Samkhyâyana sakha,S+ whose three pravaras are Gautama, Aitatha and Ångirasa, ** (and who is) a Brahman conversant with the Vêda.- with a pure mind confirming my gift) with the pouring out) from my hand (of) water purified with kuća (grass), (to be his) as long as earth, sea, air and heaven (endure).
(1.. 21).-Aware of this, (you) being disposed to obey my commands, will have to make over to him and also to his descendants the share of the produce, .......... the money. rent, whatever accrues from without and within, all this, as it may be given (now), and also whatever else may be produced from the cultivation () of the land. Nobody shall cause any obstraction in this matter, listening to the following) sayings of the sages :-[Here follow eight of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, which it is unnecessary to translate).
(L. 28.)-This was written, with the cousent of the Mahattaka® the illustrious Gângêya, by Tribhuvanapala, son of the l'hakkura the illustrious Dövånga. (Engraved it was P) by Sunarakkudaņa(*), son of Satê hara.
C.-Copper-Plate Grant of Govindachandradeva.
The (Vikrama) year 1174. This inscription has been previously published, with a translation, by the late Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XLII., Part I., pp. 324-328. It is on a copper-plate which belongs to the Government Museum at Lucknow, and was found, with the grant of the same king bearing the date of (Vikrama)-Samvat 1161, published by Mr. Fleet, ante, Vol. XIV. pp. 101-104, in the village of 'Basehi,' in the 'Etawah' District in the North-West Provinces.
The plate, which is inscribed on one side only, measures about 1' 51" by 114." The edges of it were fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surface, so as to serve as rims to protect the writing. But a good deal of the surface of the plate is very much corroded by rust so that at many places the writing is quite illegible. And small pieces of the plate have broken
* I have not found this technioal term anywhere else; it is evidently related to sfra, 'plough.' On hala' plough, as a measure of land, see e.g. ante, Vol. XVI. p. 209, note 48. And with the construction halindh chaturbhil compare compounds like bhamashaka-chaturnam, ruta-draut, ante. Vol. XVII. p. 13, line 29, and p. 229. line 6.
** i.e. the Sankhayana sakha of the Rigveda. 85 One would expect Angirada. Auchathys and Gautama, and the g@tra Uchathya.
* I am unable to explain properly the technical terms which follow here in the original. Of other grants, the Basahi plate of Govindachandra, ante, Vol. XIV., p. 108, 1. 12, has bhagakdtaka (instead of bhagabhigakataka of the present grant), akshapatalaprastha (instead of akaharatalddaya), turush kadanda, and (as it appears, in the place of vitiati.chhavatha,) visatiath-(P) praatha; the plate of the Yuvarija Jayachchandra, ante, Vol. XV., p. 8, line 22, has turushkadanda and kumaragadianaka (as I would now read); and the Raiwan plate of Govindachandra, Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LVI. Part I. plate VI. line 24 has turushkadanda and kumaragadiyánécharp). The term turushkadanda occurs also in other grants.
" If lithith-yam of the original is not a mistake for likhitah or likhitamsidanh, we must supply some mascu. line word, such as nibandha).
"The same term oocars in the Basahi plate, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 104, 1. 21.
# I am very doubtful about the meaning of those last words of the grant, and am unable to explain them properly.

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away at each of the four corners, and at the ring-hole. The letters do not shew through on the reverse side of the plate at all. The engraving is good; and but few of the letters shew any marks of the working of the tool. In the upper part of the plate there was a ringhole; but the ring and seal are not now forthcoming. The weight of the plate is 6 lbs. 1 oz.—The average size of the letters is about 8. The characters are Nagari -The language is Sanskrit:
Having regard to the large amount of this record that is illegible, it seems unnecessary to preduce the text in full, by restoring it from perfect grants of the same dynasty. It is sufficient to state that the inscription is one of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahardjádhiraja, and Paramésvara, the illustrious Govindachandradeva of Kanyakubja; that it contains the usual genealogy of the rulers of Kanyakubja, from Yakovigraha to Govindachandra; and that it records a grant, by Govindachandre, of two villages (the names of which are quite illegible) to a Brahman Thakkura named Dêvapalabarman.
Of the legible portion of the inscription, the only thing of importance is the date, which by Dr. Rajendralal has been transcribed incorrectly, and which really is as follows:
(Line 13.) . . . . . . chatuhsaptaty-adhik aikâdasa-sa(ka)ta-samvatsarê Phålgunê mâsi krishņa, pakshồ tritiyayên=tithau Sukra-ding-rk&=pi samvat 1174 Phálgu.
(Line 14.) [na va di 3 (P)] Sukre ... .e., "in the year eleven hundred increased by seventy-four, in the month Phálguna, in the dark half, on the third lndar day, on a Friday; in figures, the year 1174, Friday, Phálgana ya. di, 8]."
Taking this date to be recorded in the Vikrama era, according to either the northern or the southern reckoning the corresponding dates would be as follows:
(1), For the Vikrama year 1174 current,
(a) by the amanta reckoning, Wednesday, 21 February, A.D. 1117;
(b) by the párņimanta reckoning, Monday, 22 January, A.D. 1117. (2), For the Vikrama year 1174 expired,
(a) by the amanta reckoning, Sunday, 10 February, A.D. 1118;
(6) by the purnimanta reckoning, Saturday, 12 January, A.D. 1118.
Of these four dates, the first three evidently are altogether unsuitable; nor do I believe that the tithi intended was the one ending (about 11 hours after mean sunrise) on Saturday, 12th January, 1118, for that tithi did not commence till about 12 h. 50 m. after sunrise of the preceding Friday," and the calculation of the dates of other grants of Govindachandra appear to show that the reckoning followed was the amánta reckoning. Such being the case, I for the present incline to believe that there is some error in the details of the date, and that the year intended was really the Vikrama year 1173 current. For the date corresponding, by the amánta reckoning, to the 3rd of the dark half of Phâlguna of Vikrama 1173, current, is 8 March, A.D. 1116, when the third tithi of the dark balf ended 15 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise, and which was a Friday, as required.
D-Copper-Plate Grant of Govindachandradeva and Rajyapaladva
The (Vikrema) year 1199. In Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXII. p. 59, Mr. 4. C. L. Carlleyle mentions two inscribed copper-plates, constituting one grant, which were found at Gagaha,' to the west of the Râpti River, about 21 miles south of Gorakhpur, in the North-West Provinces, and were secured through the kindness of Mr. Lamsden, then Collector of the District. What has become of the original plates we are not told ; and my account of the inscription is from indifferent impressions, made over to Sir A. Cunningham, and transmitted to ma by Mr. Fleet.
0 PhAlguna-ksinhua-tritiys being one of the Kalpddi-tithe (Nee Dharmasindhuadra, P. 62), the ceremony with which the donation was oonnooted probably wm Iraddha ("Lou Kalp Adi-Eithichu friddhi pitri-tripi'), and
fruddha should not be performed during the night.

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From these it appears that the inscription is on two plates, which measure about 1' 6" by 11" each, and which, to judge from the ring-holes at the bottom of the first and at the top of the second plate, are or were held together by a ring. Each plate contains 17 lines of writing. The lower half of the first plate, on the proper left side, and the upper part as well as the proper right side of the second plate, appear to be in a bad state of preservation, so that it is impossible to make out with certainty from the rubbings the proper names of localities and private individuals, contained in these parts of the inscription. The engraving appears to be good. The average size of the letters is about." The characters are Nâgari.-And the language is Sanskrit.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
21
The inscription is of the time of the Paramabhaṭṭaraka, Mahárájádhirája, and Paramésvara, the illustrious Govindachandradeva of Kanyakubja. In lines 1-12 it gives the usual genealogy of the rulers of Kanyakubja, from Yasovigraha to Govindachandra; and its proper object is to record (lines 13-25), that the Mahúrája-putru, or son of the Mahárója, the illustrious Rajyapaladeva, by the consent of the lotus-feet of the illustrious Govindachandradeva endowed with all royal prerogatives (samasta-rája-prakriy-ôpéta), when encamped at a village the name of which is illegible, granted a village, the name of which also is illegible, in the [Ha ?]thaunda pattalá, to a [Brahman] Thukkura of the Vatsa gôtra, a follower of the Yajurvéda sákhá. The inscription contains the usual admonition to give to the donee whatever by this grant may be due to him (the bhagabhôgakara, pravanikara, játakara, gokara, turushkadanda, etc.), and it contains (lines 25-34) some of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses. And it closes (in line 34) with the remark that this támra-paṭṭaka was written by the Karanika, the Thakkura the illustrious Vivika.
The date on which this donation was made, is in lines 18-19 given as follows:
(Line 18.) ...... samvatsarêshv-êkâdasa-sa (sa)têshu nava-navaty-adhikêshu Phâlgunêmi(Line 19.) si [gu]kla-pakshê êkâ[da]śyâyâm" tithau Sa(sa)ni-dine tath-ânké-pi samvat 1199 Phalguna su di 11 Sa(sa)nau .... i.e., "in eleven hundred years increased by ninetynine, in the month Phâlguna, in the bright half, on the eleventh lunar day, on a Saturday; in figures also, in the year 1199, Saturday, Phalguna su. di. 11."
Taking this date to be recorded in the Vikrama era, the possible equivalents would be,for the (northern or southern) year 1199 current: Sunday, 8 February, A. D. 1142, when the 11th tithi of the bright half ended about 11h. after mean sunrise;
for the (northern or southern) year 1199 expired: Saturday 27 February, A. D. 1143, when the same 11th tithi ended about 13 h. after mean sunrise.
The true date accordingly is Saturday, 27 February, A.D. 1143; and the year mentioned in the inscription is the Vikrama year 1199 expired.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.
No. XIII.-The Floating Palace, or the Three Wise Precepts.
Once upon a time there lived in a certain city a merchant who had an only son. When this son came of age, the father, with a view to put his business capacities to the test, proposed to place at his disposal a sum of money large enough to enable him to begin life as a respectable merchant, but with this proviso, that if, at the end of a certain period, the merchant found that the young man had made good use of the money entrusted to him and showed an aptitude for business, he would leave him in his will all his immense wealth, but if, on the contrary, he found that his son was wanting in that foresight and shrewdness which are the characteristics of a merchant, and launched into unprofitable speculations and thus lost money, he would disinherit him without mercy.
Read ékádalydm.

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The young man, who had all along hoped that he would one day quietly come into possession of his father's wealth, demurred at first at this proposal, but when he saw that the old man was determined, he reluctantly consented, and taking the money from his father went to all his friends and consulted with them as to what he had best do with it.
They all suggested different ways in which to make use of the money, till at last one old man, who was reputed to be a sage, proposed to him that if he made over the whole to him he would in return give him something worth all of it and more. The simple young man agreed, and keeping but a trifle for himself made over all the rest of the money to the old fellow, and that worthy in return gave our hero a sheet of paper neatly folded, saying with a look of great importance, "Take this, my good friend, make good use of it, and you will find that this scrap of paper is worth a great deal more than the sum you have invested in its purchase.".
Our hero took it home; and on opening it found the following sentences inscribed on it in bold characters:
1. "Hesitate not, but tread boldly.
2. "A sister in prosperity (lit. plenty), a true friend in adversity (lit. scarcity).
3. "He who falls asleep within a king's palace is lost, while he who keeps awake is saved." (1)
The credulous youngster read the lines over and over again and then treasured up the paper like a thing of great value. He then invested the small sum he had still left in a few cheap articles of merchandise, and quietly booked himself as a passenger on board a ship bound for a distant shore.
The father, who had all this while been watching his son's movements, felt very sorry to find that though he had placed a large sum of money in his hands, he was fitting himself out as a petty trader only, instead of chartering a whole ship for himself and his wares, as became the son of a great merchant, and so when the time came for the young man to bid farewell to his father the latter remonstrated with him strongly on what he considered his meanness, and the two parted in high anger.
The poor fellow went on board with a heavy heart and the ship sailed away. After a long voyage, she entered the mouth of a large river, and cast anchor near a magnificent city situated on its banks.
Now in the middle of this river, and at a short distance from the city, there was a large and most beautiful palace, which was the wonder of all who came from far and near, for instead of being built on terra firma, it appeared to be floating over the surface of the waters, rising, as it were, from the depths of the river, without a yard of dry land around, along which one could walk over to the door and enter it. Besides the beauty and grandeur of the palace itself, there was another object that attracted the attention of the people on board, and that was a lovely damsel who appeared at one of its windows.
Our young hero, however, did not seem to take much interest either in the damsel or in the palace, so occupied was his mind with his own affairs, although he constantly heard his fellow-passengers discussing among themselves as to how it could be that the palace appeared to float on the surface of the river and how people could go in and come out of it.
Now as our young hero was thinking of landing and entering the city to see if he could find a market for any of his wares there, the owner of the beautiful palace, who had been watching him all the while, called out to him and invited him to come to it. The young man could not for the life of him see how he was to approach the palace, in the absence of any visible means of communication with it, and was greatly puzzled as to how the
In Gujarat! these sentences run as follows:
९. जोइसनां पाऊं ठेसनां
२. उतनी व्हॅन अछतनो यार
३. राजाना म्हेलमा जेकोई सूवे, जोगते जीवे बंधे तो मरे.

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was to act, when he bethought him of the old man and his scrap of paper, and the first sentence in it showed him a way out of his difficulty. It ran thus:-" Hesitate not, but tread boldly." So he went as close up to the palace as a boat could take him and then, to convince himself that it was really water that surrounded the palace, he plucked a piece of thread from his garments, and let it fall unperceived by any one upon what seemed to be the surface of the water, and to his great delight he found that the thread remained as dry as before, for it was not water that encircled the palace, but only a pavement of glass, so cleverly contrived as to resemble the water around, and thus deceive the unwary stranger's eye.
This contrivance not only served to attract attention towards the palace, but gave the owner, who was a bad character and enticed away unwary strangers into his den to rob them of their possessions, time to observe closely and form his opinion of the person to whom he offered his hospitality.
So when he saw our hero walking boldly on, as if he had found out the trick of the glass pavement, the bad man felt himself outdone for once, and thought he had to deal with one who might be more than a match for him. Nevertheless he welcomed him with great show of kindness, and pressed him to remain in his palace and consider it as his own till he could find suitable quarters for himself in the city.
The unsuspecting young man saw no reason why he should not accept the proffered hospitality; and ordering all his wares to be brought over to the palace, he took up his abode there with the minister and his daughter.
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
23
He had a very pleasant time of it for some weeks, for his host and his daughter treated him with so much kindness and affability that he could hardly think of quitting their hospitable abode. There was one thing, however, which made the young man feel very uneasy as to his future. The sale of what few goods he had brought with him realized but a trifling sum of money, which melted away like snow in his hands in the face of the great expenses he had to incur to keep up appearances, and he had nothing left which he could invest once more in merchandise and thus try his luck again. So he wandered aimlessly from one part of the city to another in the hope of finding some suitable means of earning a livelihood.
One day as he was walking about the streets dressed in rather a homely suit of clothes and presenting a care-worn appearance, he happened to catch sight of his only sister, whom he knew had married into a wealthy family, and had often occasion to visit the city he was in, with her parents-in-law. She was standing at one of the windows of a large house, and their eyes met as he looked up, but she drew in her head and did not appear to notice him. So he went up to the door and desired one of the servants to go up and inform his mistress that her brother wished to see her. But the rich lady thought it beneath her dignity to acknowledge so near a relationship with one who went about on foot unattended by any servants or horses, and dressed in a style not at all becoming her father's son. So she sent him word that she did not want to see him or to have anything to do with him.
This hurt the poor fellow's feelings to the quick, and he walked away from the house in no very enviable frame of mind. He had not proceeded far, however, when he fell in with a person whose face he remembered as that of an old playfellow, the son of a man of very modest means, who had once been on very good terms with his father. The other recognized him also, and the two men, after greeting each other very kindly, began to talk of their private affairs. When this old acquaintance heard our hero's story, and learnt in what manner he had parted with the large sum of money placed at his disposal by his father, how he had been left amongst strangers without the means of subsistence, and how heartlessly his own sister had disowned him, he felt very sorry for him, and offered to place at his disposal a small sum of money which he had scraped together out of his slender earnings, saying:-"Take this, it is all I have; I am but a poor man's son, and can content myself with only the bare necessaries of life, but it is a different thing with you, who have been bred in the lap of luxury; make therefore what use you choose of this money, and do not concern yourself as to how you are to return it to me. First of all, provide yourself with suitable apparel, buy a good horse,

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and keep a few servants, and you will soon see that you will find credit in the city. Nor will you have cause any longer to complain of the coldness of your sister, for, if you do as I tell you, she will lose no time in owning you as her brother.
The rich man's son was greatly touched with his poor old friend's generosity, and accepted his offer with the greatest reluctance. At the same time the second of those dearly-bought sentences "a sister in prosperity, a true friend in adversity," came to his recollection, and he praised the wisdom of the old man.
This newly found friend took the opportunity of warning our young hero against the apparent kindness and friendship of the owner of the floating palace, who, he informed him, was one of the ministers of the state, but was known to be a very dangerous character. So at parting, the young merchant made a promise to his friend to bid good-bye to his host and his daughter as early as circumstances permitted.
Shortly after this his host, the minister, who had long since found out that his guest was worth nothing to him, but was on the contrary continuing to be a burden upon him, set about thinking of some method by which to get rid of him. At last he hit upon a plan by which to dispose of him effectually.
The king, his master, had an only daughter who was afflicted with an incurable disease, which had baffled the skill of a great many physicians, who had come from far and near to cure her and win the promised reward. This reward was nothing less than the hand of the fair Princess herself and the sovereignty of half her father's kingdom. Nearly every day a physician presented himself before the king and obtained permission to watch by the Princess's bed and find out what it was she was suffering from, with a view to cure her, but before next morning he was found lying dead in the chamber. So the wily minister thought this a very feasible mode of doing away with his young guest, and going up to the king one day, he told him that he had a man staying with him, who was proficient in the healing art, but pretended for some reason or other to be ignorant of it, and that, therefore, if the king wished to secure his services he had only to send his men to bring him into the royal presence, and see if he could not induce him by threats and promises to undertake the cure of the Princess.
The king agreed to this, and sent armed men to the floating palace to seize the stranger and bring him into his presence.
When the guards seized hold of the unsuspecting young man, he, in his fright, asked, his host to interfere and save him, but the doublefaced villain, still pretending to be his friend, advised him to obey the king's mandate without opposition and leave the rest to fate.
Acting upon this advice the young man went with the guards and stood before the king who questioned him as to the extent of his knowledge of medicine and offered him the promised reward if he took the Princess's case in hand and cured her. But our hero declared himself quite ignorant of any knowledge of medicine and related how he was only a merchant's son. The king, however, would not believe him, and the more the poor fellow declared himself ignorant, the more the deluded king disbelieved him, so much was his mind prejudiced by the minister's story.
At last, partly by threats and partly by promises, the monarch induced the young man to consent to keep watch by the Princess's bed for one day at least and leave chance to do the rest, hoping that the sight of the poor lady's misery would melt his heart and induce him to try his remedies on her.
So the supposed physician went with the attendants into the chamber where the sick Princess lay and was there left alone with her. Not knowing what to do, he sat for some time narrowly watching the fair patient. He saw that her abdomen was swollen to an enormons height, and heard groans of great agony issuing from her mouth. In other respects, however, she appeared to be all right, for her highly beautiful face was calm and serene, and she looked as if she were wrapped in sweet slumber, in which state, as he had been told by the attendants who had led him into the chamber, she had been lying for months past, taking no other food but milk, which too had to be poured down her throat. The young man felt greatly for her,

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FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
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and fervently wished he had the power to do something for the poor suffering creatore. He sat by her bed the whole day, watching her movements, and towards evening he ordered the attendants to strew her bed with soft, fragrant flowers, for, he said to himself, "how bed-sore and tired she must be feeling, lying here so long and so cheerless! The odour of sweet flowers will do her good.” So they strewed her bed with the choicest flowers that could be had, and placing a pail of milk near her bed, retired, leaving her alone with the reputed physician.
Left thus alone to his thoughts our hero sat and pondered for a while on what he thought his very equivocal position, wondering much how the king could have been led into considering him a physician, and how the next morning he would be able to account for his failure in curing the Princess. By degrees slumber began to steal upon him and he was about to lie down to go to sleep, when all at once he remembered the lines, "He who sleeps in a king's palace is lost, while he who keeps awake is saved." So up he started and rubbing his eyes and shaking off sleep, he sat intently gazing at the Princess again. Nor was his night's vigil unrewarded, for about midnight, he perceived the patient writhing in great agony, and giving out low moans, indicative of extreme pain. He thereupon went nearer her bed and stood by, gazing with pity on her lovely face, when what should he see but a fierce serpent slowly thrusting its head out of the poor lady's mouth, and looking stealthily about as if to see whether there was any one near! The young man, surprised and bewildered as he was at this anexpected sight, had presence of mind enough left to hide himself behind some curtains and watch what followed. The loathsome reptile, seeing the coast clear, began to draw its whole length out of the Princess's body, inch by inch, without fear, the Princess all the while giving low groans of agony, and finally with a heavy jerk it fell out amongst the flowers, and hid itself beneath them. Seeing his prey thus secure our hero came out of his hiding place and was just going to strike it with his sword, when the greedy reptile, happening to see the pail of milk hard by, slid from amongst the flowers and glided towards it. Just then the brave young man drew his sword and gave the hateful creature such a heavy blow with it as to kill it on the spot.
The joy of our hero knew no bounds when he saw the venomous reptile that had so long been tormenting the sweet Princess lying dead on the one hand, and that beantiful lady, now free from pain, with her abdomen fallen to its natural level, pouring forth her thanks on the other.
He allowed the loathsome carcass of the dreaded reptile to remain where it was, that he might show it to the king as a trophy of his victory, and engaged in a pleasant tête-à-tête with the fair Princess.
With morning came into the room a couple of sweepers who had been sent there as usual to clear away the remains of any physician who may have dared to treat the Princess that night, but what was their surprise when they saw the physician alive and hearty and conversing with the Princess, who was herself sitting up in bed, looking quite well and happy, and a large serpent lying dead beside her bed. They retreated respectfully and spread the good news everywhere in the palace, so that the king was soon on the spot.
When the monarch saw the body of the huge reptile and found his beloved daughter sitting up in her bed and looking cheerful and happy he comprehended at a glance what had happened, and was beside himself with joy. He held his dear child to his heart, and then, embracing the reputed physician, congratulated him on his success. Now it was that every one came to know what the poor Princess had been suffering from, and how it came about that every physician who attended her was found dead in the morning, for, judging from the account oar hero gave the king, the venomous reptile had been in the habit of coming every night out of the poor lady's mouth and stinging the unfortunate physician in attendance on her while he was asleep.
The young merchant now felt really thankful to the old man who had given him, among others, the lines that warned him against going to sleep within a king's palace, for he clearly saw that bat for them he too would have lost his life like the other physicians.

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There was immense joy and rejoicing all over the kingdom when the Princess for the first time after her recovery from her terrible illness, rode through the city, and the fame of the fair-haired youngster who had cured her, when so many others had failed, spread far and wide, and every one, high and low, sought his friendship and did him honour. Nor was our hero's sister tardy in her attentions towards him, now that he stood so high in the royal favour. She sent messergers to invite him to make her house his home, and expressed herself highly concerned in his welfare ; but her brother knew her too well to be carried away by these manifestations of her regard, and sent her word that he could do well without a sister who had discarded him when he was poor, and wanted now to make up to him only because he was rich and powerful.
Now that his beloved daughter was thoroughly cured, the king thought it high time that the promised reward should be bestowed upon her deliverer. So he sent for his astrologers and bade them fix upon a day on which to celebrate the Princess's wedding with the young merchant. But our hero's heart was not as light as it should be, considering that he was loved by the Princess as much as he loved her, and that they both looked forward to their union with the greatest raptare; for he saw that the proud nobles and grandees of the king's court looked upon him as a mere upstart and a creature of circumstances. He thought, therefore, of going back to his own country to solicit his father's forgiveness and bring him over with all his friends and relatives to celebrate his nuptials with the king's daughter with fitting pomp and coremony. So he obtained the king's permission, and fitting out a magnificent ship sailed in it to his native country.
His father was both surprised and happy to see him back again and greeted him with the greatest kindness, for his heart was glad to find that his son had at last shown himself possessed of those qualities that he prized in a merchant's son, by making the most of the money he had placed in his hands. So he made preparations on a grand scale and sailed with a train of friends and relatives towards the country of his daughter-in-law elect, and there amidst universal rejoicing, the nuptials of the illustrious pair were celebrated with immense pomp, and the promised half of the kingdom was soon made over to the happy bridegroom.
Oar hero, however, did not forget, amidst all this pomp and rejoicing, the poor friend who had assisted him in his poverty. He duly sent for him, and not only returned to him with interest the money he had so generously placed in his hands when he was poor and needy, but bestowed upon him a high post as a reward for his unselfish and disinterested friendship.
MISCELLANEA.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. may be mentioned that of the date and time No. XII.
fixed for reading the edicts publicly. He also Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen points out that Asoka's instructions for the Gesellschaft (Journal of the German Oriental inspection-tours of his higher officials agree Society) for 1887; Vol. xli.
with those of the Brahmaņical law-givers, and (a) The first part opens with a continuation of with the Rájaniti, and offers a new derivation Prof. Bühler's Essays on the Aboka Inscrip- for sakhindlashbhs in the first edict from tions. The present paper deals with the flakshnárambhaḥ. In the second edict, he exdetached edicts of Dhauli and Jangada, and plains chakiy as the fut. part. pass. of the comprises text (in the Dôvanagari and Roman Prakṣit verb chak to be able,' a representative characters), translation, and notes. The text is and possibly a relation of the Sanskrit sak. founded on Dr. J. Burgess's paper impressions, The Mahârâshtri form chay occurs in Panyachecked by paper rubbings obtained by General lachchhí, vs. 202, and in Hêmachandra's Prakrit Cunningham. Owing to its nature, a summary Grammar, IV. 86 (sakes chayatara-tira parah), of the contents of the paper would be useless and in the Défikosha. Amongst new explanations given by Dr. Bühler! This is followed by a reprint of Dr. Ignaz

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MISCELLANEA.
27
Goldziher's paper, read before the Oriental those admitted as mythical in the lists of the Congress at Vienna, in 1886, on the Mahdist Shahnama. If the Avesta were written at the movement of North Africa.
time of Zarathustra, we should expect to find Next comes a facsimile of an Arabic and his contemporaries divided into two great Chinese inscription from a mosque at Canton, camps of believers and unbelievers; but inwith notes and translation by Herr K. Himly. stead of this we find the Avesta to be a fanatical The inscription is in a mosque described by book, showing us the existence of various kinds Dennys in the Treaty Ports of China and Japan, of heretics. The historical arguments for the and dates from the year 1350 A.D.
antiquity of the Avesta, - viz. (1) that, with the Dr. O. von Böhtlingk contributes a short note exception of Ragha, it mentions none of the on the Maurya question and the Mahabh- noteworthy towns of the time of the Achæmeshya, in which he replies to Dr. Kielhorn's nides or Párthians, (2) that it contains none criticisms on a former paper of his on the of the more usual later tribe-names, and (3) subject.
that it contains no historical notices, -are met The number concludes with an appreciative by the contention that it does not deal with review by the same scholar of Dr. J. S. Speijer's historical reminiscences, but only with the Sanskrit Syntax.
mythio period of Iranian Folklore, Places (6) Dr. George Ebers, the well-known which occur in the folk-myths are menEgyptologist, opens the second part with a tioned, and not others. The argument that notice of the life of Dr. Gustav Seyffarth, who Zarathustra speaks of himself in the Gáthás died in New York in Nov. 1886, at the age of in the first person, is met by the fact that 89. Dr. Seyffarth was the first professor of Ahura Mazda does the same. The author Egyptian Language and Antiquities at Leip-who dared to speak under the name of the zig. He was the first discoverer of polyphonic highest God would not hesitate to speak under hieroglyphs, and, with some reservations, of the the name of his prophet. Four other argusyllable-signs of that system of writing. ments for the antiquity of the Avesta are :
This biographical sketch is followed by a (1) that the people of the Avesta did not appear continuation of Dr. Carl Lang's translation of to know salt; (2) that they did not know Ibn-al-Mu'tass's heroic poem regarding Mu'ta- glass; (3) that coined money was not current did as Prince and Regent, already noticed. among them; (4) that they did not know the
Dr. F. von Spiegel contributes & second article working of iron. All that can be said abort on the Fatherland and Age of the Avesta the first three is that they are not mentioned The paper is devoted to a reply to criticisms of in the hymns, which considering their character Dr. Geiger and others on his theories con- is not extraordinary. Moreover in north and cerning the late age of this work. He first east Iran, cattle and farm-produce are still used deals with the linguistic side of the argument, instead of money. Regarding the fourth conand shows that the fact of the Avesta being tention it rests on the interpretation of the written in an ancient dialect is not necessarily word ayagh, which the upholders of the age a proof of the antiquity of the work. He draws of the Avesta translate as 'bronze.'Dr. S. Spiegel, attention to the habit of scholars writing at the however, maintains that, as in Sanskrit, it present day both in Sanskrit and in Latin. meant metal' in general, and also 'iron.' He further maintains that the language of the An appendix to the article is devoted to Avesta, while agreeing in many points with disproving the existence of the so-called Bak. Sanskrit, has also some hitherto unexplained trian Kingdom of Vistakpe, which has hitherpoints of difference, which seem to show traces to been dealt with by writers on ancient of the influence of modern Persian, and which history as a reality. can only have come into existence in later ages, 1 Dr. David Kaufmann contributes a note on whether owing to corruption of the dialect or to Hebrew lexicography, and is followed by a the fact that portions of the Avesta were paper by Dr. J. H. Mordtmann on the typowritten in & dead language. Moreover the graphy of Northern Syria, according to Greek whole work rests on a mythic foundation, and inscriptions. The same author also gives a the kings mentioned in it are the same as short note on five forgotten Himyaritio

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1889.
inscriptions existing at Sana'a, the capital long array of these worthies, and their systems, of Yemen.
is described An appendix gives a list of the Dr. C. de Harlez next contributes extracts writings of Aristotle known to the Arabs. from a translation of the Shang-yu-pa-ki. The Dr. H. Gelzer, in two short notes, identifies Emperor Chi-teong, son of the illustrious the modern sites of the ancient Egyptian TriKanghi (1723-1736) was one of those sovereigns mathis and Kopritheos Kôme. of the Manchu dynasty, who have left full Dr. H. von Wlislocki gives us next a further traces of their administrative action. Amongst set of specimens of the Gipsy language of other things he has left is a collection of Transylvania. It consists of three capital decrees addressed to the right divisions folk-tales worthy of Grimm, with, this time, a of the Manchu-Mongol Army. They were literal Gerinan translation. pablished in Manchu, and afterwards translated Herr K. Himly discusses Chess, and other into Chinese. The present paper consists of connected games, with special reference to translated extracts. These decrees are of im. their introduction into and method of play in portance to students of the histories of Chinese Burma, Siam, China and Japan. He is not civilisation, and of the middle kingdom. inclined to dispate the Hindu origin of the
Dr. H. Hübschmann next contributes an game, and maintains that at any rate its birthelaborate paper on the formation of Ossetic place ought to have been a country, where the nouns. Thirty-five primary and secondary use of elephants for warfare was well-known. suffixes are dealt with, one by one; the deriva Prof. Aufrecht gives us some Sanskrit tion, meaning, and use of each being separately notes. The first concerns the rare Kasmiriconsidered.
Sanskrit word héraka, which he identifies Dr. Heinrich von Wlislocki gives some folk- with the Arabic S love, desire.' songs of the transylvanian Gipsies, with a He next shows the use of the word namaka translation in German verse. To philologists as a technical term for the first section of the a literal proge translation in addition would Rudrajapa. The third note deals with the have been an advantage.
date of Narahari, the author of the RájaniHerr Felix Liebrecht in his short notes com- ghantu, whom he places as not earlier than the pares a Malagasy sermon on the shortness of commencement of the 15th century. The life with similar opinions in old Egyptian catalogue of Indian poets is added to every Literature, and refers to the Arabic origin of year. Dr. Aufrecht brings two new poets, the jus primo noctis.
Bhatta Bhallata, and Indrabhậnu to light, and The number concludes with two reviews, the discusses the identity of another named first by Dr. Dieterice on Dr. Schwarzlose's Mälavabhadra. treatise on the arms of the ancient Arabs, as An imitation of the Gita-Govinda, entitled described by their poets, and the second on Mr the Ráma-Gíta-Govinda, and also attributed to Payne-Smith's Thesaurus Syriacus (Fasc. vii.) Jayadeva is next discussed, and the paper con
(@) Part III. commences with an essay by Dr. clades with an account of a BrihachchhárigaKarl Vollers on the living Arabic now spoken dharapaddhati published in Benares in the in Egypt, with special reference to the works of year 1874. This latter is an enlarged edition of Spitta Bey, and other grammatical writers. the Sárngadharapaddhati previously brought to The paper consists of additions and corrections notice by Dr. Aufrecht. to Spitta Bey's grammar.
Dr. F. Pollenson follows with some Essays on This is followed by a baptismal liturgy in Vedic Criticism. The word prithivi he says, Ethiopic, with a Latin translation, taken from is given in the dictionaries as meaning earth.' & work entitled Hydragiologia (published in This meaning is however too narrow, as its Rome, 1586 A.D.) by Dr. Carl von Arnhard. derivation from prithu shows, it can mean any
Dr. M. Klamroth continues his interesting expanse, and in fact we have the tisras prithiseries of articles on Greek authors quoted by vyah, earth, air, and heaven, mentioned. al-Ya'qubi. The present paper deals with Ands and nipidhravách have been translated Grecian Philosophers. Translations are given by Grassmann (in Rig Veda, V., 29, 10) as ugly, of the various passages of Ya'qabi in which a' and reviler, and by Ludwig noseless and speak

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MISCELLANEA.
ing an enemy's tongue. The reference is to the is derived from the root smi, to be clear, to Dasyus. Megasthenes refers to Indian tribes beam;' cf. Lat. micare for smicare. It was who were noseless (appuves) or monthless (dorowo) originally an adjective like varuna and indra;
Anas, if it is a + nás (as Ludwig takes it) cf. mitramahas, having gleaming splendour. means noseless, if it is an + as it is mouthless. So also Varuņa is wrongly derived from Dr. Bollensen suggests that the latter is the root var 'surround. It is from another root correct interpretation,-the Aborigines, speak- var or vas, 'to shine,' and is an adjective ing unintelligibly (msidhra-vách) and when meaning "shining. It occurs more than once spoken to being monthless, i.e. dumb.
as a simple adjective in the Rig Veda. As a god, Amongst the Aryans, the head of the nobles Varuņa is the day-light as distinct from sun(súri) was the Maghavan, who always rode in light, i.e. the light of day when the sun is a carriage. The other nobles usually rode on obscured. horse-back. So it was in the god-world. Indra, Varuna's frequent companion, is a The chief gods always had their carriages. special Indian creation, and does not belong to Hence the Asvins were not so much riders the original Aryan Pantheon. His name must (Reiter) or knights (Ritter), as travellers in a be derived from a root in current use in India, carriage drawn by horses. The horses were and not from one which has fallen into oblivion called váhní (vii. 73, 4) and are described as like those of Mitra and Varuņa. With Grassplump (sámbhrita) and strong-hoofed (vilupam). mann, Dr. Bollensen connects it with indh, to Dr. Bollensen maintains that they do not re- be clear,' with loss of the aspiration. It was present the twilight, but the morning and the also originally an adjective, cf. indratamá evening stars.
(ushús) 'very cle wr,' 'very bright. As a god, The next note deals with grammar, and Indra is the clear one,' the bright one,' and refers to Rig Veda vi. 61, 13, in which the loc. therefore the first morning light, that precedes pl. term su is believed to have been elided the aurora and the sun. The stars are then after an á. Incidental mention is also made still in the sky and harness his chariot. of the word apus, fem., water, or used as an Every morning, darkness and light are at adjective following.
warfare, and Indra conquers Sushna the In dealing with ulóka and lóka Dr. Bollensen demon of darkness, who holds the light maintains at considerable length that the former imprisoned. Then he brings into manifestais the original word and discusses Prof. tion the dawn, the sun, and day-light. He is Ludwig's objections to the theory. Amongst accordingly a war-god. other poets, he draws attention to the fact | In the next paper, Prof. Oldenberg, criticises that löka occurs only eight times, and only in M. Bergaigne's essay on the adhyâya division the most modern hymns, while ulóka 29 times of the Rig Veda in the latter publication. and only in the most ancient ones.
Dr. O. von Böhtlingk next combats Dr. The earliest Trinity of the Aryans, was Bühler's proposition that iti and cha, can have Mitra, Varuņa, and Aryaman. The last is the meaning of ádi. This is a continuation of the most mysterious. He is only mentioned in an old controversy. one hymn of the R. V. (vii. 64, 3), where the | The number concludes with a review, by plural verb shows that besides Mitra and Dr. J. Löw, of Ascherson and Schweinfurth's Varuņa, the words dévú arya must refer to him. Illustration de la Flore d'Egypte. Dr. Bollensen sees in déra aryas, the God (d)-Part IV. commences with translations Aricus, the tribe-father of the Aryans, their by Dr. H. Hübschmann of some Ossetio folk. peculiar national God from an ethnic, as Indra tales of more than usual interest. The first is from a religioas, point of view.
fifteen relate to the Narts, a fabulous tribe, Mitra is pre-Indian, and was the Sun-God half-men half-angels, and the concluding one of the Indian world. On Indian ground he is deals with Ossetic beliefs as to the fate of the superseded by Savitar as the sun-genius, and soul after death. by Surya as the Sun in visible form. He is Baron von Schlechta-Wassehrd next gives merely described as the friend of Varuņa, a translated extracts from Firdûsi's Ydsaf and colourless etymology enough. Really the word 'Zulikhd, in German verse.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
This is followed by a short notice from the pen of Herr H. G. Schils of a new translation of the Man-yo-siu, an ancient Japanese poem. The translation is in course of publication in the Journal of the French Société des Etudes Japonaises et Indo-Chinoises (Paris, Maisonneuve).
Dr. J. Barth next contributes some essays on Semitic philology, the most important of which deals with biliteral nouns.
In a former number of the Zeitschrift (xl. 412) Dr. Morales, translating from BarHebräus, gave the peculiar properties of wine according to Indian writers. It had the properties of a peacock, an ape, a lion, and a pig. Dr. M. Grünbaum now gives a number of similar legends from Semitic sources. Thus, according to Damiri, when Adam planted the vine, Iblis slew a peacock over it, and the earth drank up the blood. When the leaves showed themselves, he slew an ape, when the fruit appeared, a lion, and when the vine came to maturity, a pig. The vine drank the blood of the four animals, and hence their peculiarities appear in the various phases of drunkenness.
Prof. O. von Böhtlingk contributes some notes on the Kátantra' and laments the unfinished condition in which Dr. Eggeling is leaving the Bibliotheca Indica Edition. He also
gives us some miscellaneous critical notes on
various points of ancient Sanskrit literature.
Prof. R. von Roth contributes an interesting paper on Wehrgeld or Blood-money in the Veda. He shows from a quotation from the Tándya-Brahmana, that the Vêdio vaira (cf. the Anglo-Saxon vere) can only mean 'blood-money,' and that the amount was paid in cows, in the Vêdic period, just as Tacitus relates of the Germans. According to the Tándya-Brahmana the number of cows was a hundred, probably in the case of the honestiores and optimates as mentioned by the Latin author.
In Apastamba the vaira-yatana which Prof. Roth translates as payment of blood-money,'
I may note that this grammar has great authority amongst the Pandits of Dhaka (Dacoa) and Eastern Bengal.-G. A. G.
i.e. Lakshmanasena-samvat.-I have taken a liberty with the published text, which gives the number of the year here as 288; though the translation gives 293. But, as the Lakshmanasena era commenced in or about A.D. 1106 (see Indian Eras, p. 76 f.), the Vikrama and Baks years that are quoted show that the figure in the tens place must be 9, not 8. Also, the real number of
(JANUARY, 1889.
is assessed at 1000 for a Kshattriya, 100 for a Vaisya, and 10 for a Sadra.
The volume concludes with reviews of the following works:
Codrington's Melanesian Languages, by Dr. W. Grube.
Winkler's Das Uralaltaische und seine Gruppen. (On the Ural-altaic and the groups composing it), by Dr. O. Donnes.
Schreiber's Manual of the Tigraic language, spoken in Central and Northern Abyssinia, by Dr. F. Prætorius.
Hirschfield's edition of the Al Khazari of Abu'l-Hasan, Text and Hebrew translation of Jehnda ibn Tibbon, by Dr. J. Goldziher.
Wellhausen's Essays on Relics of Arabic Heathenism, by Prof. Th. Noldeke.
Cornill's edition of The Book of the Prophet Esekiel, by Prof. Augustas Müller.
Hoberg's Edition of Ibn Jinnii on Declension, (Text and Latin translation) by Prof. Thorbecke.
Bondi's Hebraic and Phoenician loan-words in Hieroglyphic and Hieratic Texts, by Dr. Steindorff.
G. A. GRIERSON.
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. No. 21.
In the copper-plate grant of king Biva
simha, from somewhere in the direction of Bihar Grierson in this Journal, Vol. XIV. p. 190 f., the in the Bengal Presidency, published by Mr. date (from the published text) is-La-sam 293 Sravana éu di 7 Gurau Abdê Lakshmanasenabhupati-matê vahni-graha-dvy-ankitê másê Śravana-samjakê muni-tithau paksha valakshe Gurau... 1455 Bake 1321,-" the year of Lakshmanasena 293, (the month) Sravana, the bright fortnight, the (civil) day 7, on Thursday; in the year, (of the era) that was sanctioned by king Lakshmanasena, numbered by the (three) fires, the (nine) planets, and (the numeral) two, in the month
.... San 801 Samvat
that has the appellation of Sravana, on the tithi (that has the number) of the (seven) Seers, in the
the year is made quite clear by the immediately following repetition of the date in words.
Here, again, I have taken a liberty with) the publi shed text, which gives the number of the year as 807. But it is not difficult sometimes to make a mistake between 1 and 7, in reading the older Devanagari figures. And the year referred to is evidently the Hijra year 801, which commenced (see Indian Eras, p. 127) on the 18th September, A.D. 1899, and ended with the 2nd September, A.D. 1399.

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
JANUARY, 1889.]
bright fortnight, on Thursday..
such, though they are not distinctly so qualified;
The (Hijra) year 801; the (Vikrama) year 1455; and (2) proves that the southern reckoning of in the Saka (year) 1321." the Vikrama era was preserved in Bihar down to A.D. 1399.
Here the data are :-The year 293 of the era of Lakshmanasêna, the Hijra year 801, and Vikrama. Samvat 1455 and Saka-Samvat 1321, not specified either as current or as expired; the month Bravana (ordinarily July-August); the bright fortnight; the seventh civil day, and the seventh tithi; and Guru, i.e. Guruvåra, or Thursday.
Since, in the absence of an examination of the original record, the correct Hijra year can only be established by inference, the most important item is the mention of Saka-Saivat 1321.
And this shews that we have to find the English equivalent in A.D. 1398 or 1399, according as the given Saka year is to be applied as current or as expired.
By Professor K. L. Chhatre's Tables, the results
are:
(1) In Saka-Samvat 1321 current, the given tithi, Sravana sukla 7, ended on Saturday, the 20th July, A.D. 1398, at about 55 ghatis, 50 palas, after mean sunrise, for Bombay.*
(2) And in Saka-Samvat 1322 current (1321 expired), the given tithi, Bravana sukla 7, ended, as required, on Thursday, the 10th July, A.D. 1399, at about 17 gh. 10 p.
This resulting date can be referred to the given Vikrama year, only if the latter, Vikrama-Samvat 1455, is taken as a southern Vikrama year, expired; and as really denoting the southern Vikrama-Samvat 1456 current, commencing with K&rttika sukla 1, corresponding approximately to the 12th October, A.D. 1398, and ending on the 30th September, A.D. 1399. For, the northern Vikrama-Samvat 1456 current (1455 expired), commencing with Chaitra éukla 1, extended approximately from the 19th March, A.D. 1398, to the 7th March, A.D. 1399, and had ended before the date in question.
This record, therefore,-(1) gives an instance of the use of an expired Baka year, and an expired Vikrama year; to be applied as
NOTES AND QUERIES.
PROPITIATORY SACRIFICE OF A BUFFALO IN THE MALAY PENINSULA. A Malay in Trong, Perak, wrote to the Assistant Resident as follows on the 19th March 1885:"Yourservant begs to inform your honour that on Saturday we will slaughter a white male-buffalo in Trong, to cleanse the kampong (village) of all evil, in accordance with the custom of the old people.
31
The charter is issued from the town of Gajarathapura; but I do not know the modern representative of this name. If the times should be reduced for the town of Bihar, they would be about 2 gh. 7 p. later in each
This date has been noticed by Gen. Sir A. Cunningham, in his Indian Fras, p. 77f. He gave the same result, Thursday, the 10th July A.D. 1399. But, instead of explaining it by the use of the southern scheme of the Vikrama year, he seems to have accepted a statement made by Buchanan, on the authority of a Brahman named Kamalakânta, to the effect that, in that part of the country, the Vikrama era was taken as commencing only one hundred and thirty-four years before the Saka era, instead of one hundred and thirty-five years, as is taken to be the case in Northern India generally. The meaning of this statement, unless it can be shewn to be limited to the period from Chaitra sukla 1 to the purnimanta Karttika or amanta Aévina krishna 15, is that, in the part of the country to which this record belongs, the reckoning of the Vikrama era, with the northern scheme of the year, is one year behind the reckoning in other parts of Northern India. And, on this view, the resulting English date would belong to the northern Vikrama Samvat 1455 expired or 1456 current, com. mencing with Chaitra sukla 1, corresponding approximately to the 8th March, A.D. 1399, and ending on the 25th February, A.D. 1400,-according to this supposed erroneous reckoning of the era. But any such reckoning could have really come to exist, or to seem to exist, only if the years of the Vikrama era, given in the Tables and Almanacs, were current years; which is not the case. And other instances will be forthcoming, which, taken all together, render it quite certain that the true explanation is that which I have put forward; viz. the preservation in Bihar and in neighbouring parts of Northern India of the southern scheme of the Vikrama year, commencing with Karttika sukla 1, at least as late as the end of the fourteenth century A.D. J. F. FLEET.
"If this is not done, then there will be less pad! (paddy) and perhaps more sickness. This is done once in six years. There is an abstinence from everything during this one day (22nd March Sunday). No persons from a distance can enter Trong on that day. In former times on such occasions the limit for people living close by is three days and people from any distance seven instance. This would not cause any difference in the resulting week-days, as determined for Bombay. C. Patell's Chronology, p. 156. Indian Eras, p. 183,
Indian Eras, p. 188.

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days; but now your servant cannot undertake the smallest piece of meat would entail the most to preserve the barrier so long ; one day would be disastrous consequences on the whole comall that your servant can undertake for."
munity. Can any one give any information regarding
Larut.
C. V. CREAGA. the above custom P It would be interesting to Saorifices of this sort are not uncommon in know whether it is observed in other Native States remote parts of the Malay Peninsula. See the or in Sumatra or Java.
note on Pělas Něgri (Note 67 in Notes and I am informed that only & white male-buffalo Queries, No. 3, issued with No. 16 of the Journal can be used, which must be killed and eaten in the of the Straits Branch R. A. 8.). Forbes, author of jungle. The whole of the flesh must be consumed a Naturalist's Wanderings in the Eastern Archi. at a kanduri (feast), which is held for the purpose pelago, 1885, alludes (pp. 197 and 198) to the at & convenient distance from the village-not a custom of the people of Pasumah, West Coast of particle must be taken away. I am informed on Sumatra, to sacrifice a buffalo to purify a village. good authority that the surreptitious removal of
W. E. MAXWELL.
BOOK NOTICE. MANUAL OF BURMESE, by Capt. Cras. SLACK. Nothing is said of the changes that the initial
London :-Simpkin, Marshall & Co.; Trübner & Co. consonants of words and particles undergo in com.
We suppose it was inevitable that the British position, and yet this is one of the first puzzles of occupation of Burma should produce some such the language : e.g., kó is an objective suffix; chyun. work as this, which professes, in forty very small Okká, to me; wago, to the ox: k'ald is young, pages, to teach Burmese to "travellers, students, ménk'ald (female = young) a girl; lúgald (male = and merchants, and also the military and others young), a boy: ma...... bu is negation; main official position." Capt. Slack has never been thwd-bf goes not; ma-pyit-pú, is not: kweta in Burma apparently, and has merely "compiled" cup, but shwegwet, a golden cup. his booklet, so it might well have been much In dealing with the numerals there is nothing worse than it is.
to show the learner that one cannot, as a rule, use The system on which he proceeds is clear and in one, two, three, etc. by themselves in Burmese as telligent, and itonly requires a realknowledge of the adjectives, although it must be clear to all that it language and the people to make it a useful work. is impossible to speak a word of any language As it is, we fear that the student will learn but very without a correct knowledge of the numerals. little from it, and a good deal of that will be wrong. Each class of noun in Burmese has its proper
There are vital omissions in the book which numeral adjectival suffix: e.g., akaung, brute. prevent its being of any value as a teacher. Thus benet, belongs to all animals not human: nwa, ox: the Burmese letters are given in the original thing, three : wwd thing-gaung, three oxen. Ak"6, character, but the peculiar effect of final stopped thing, belongs to words not having any other consonants on preceding vowels is nowhere even suffix: kadin, bedsteads; nga, five: k'adin ngd hinted at, though it is the main feature of gú, five bedsteade. 'As'in, a line; hle, boat; Burmese orthography. It is explained that the chyaul, six: hlè chyauk-s'in, six boats. 48', Burmese alphabet is derived from the same vehicle; hlé, cart; ngd, five: hlé ngd-xl, five carts. source as the various Indian alphabets allied to However in reviewing a book that gives the tha Nicart, but it is nowhere explained that while " grammar" of a language in two small pages, we the equivalente for 7 spell leán, those for 3 need hardly go further into omissions. spell kin, and those for a spell ks or ke. Again, The "Bentences" occupy three and a hall pages,
spells ket, Tepells kit and so on. Within and the chief thing wrong with them is that the its rules Burmese orthography is, on the whole, components are not explained and the hyphens regular; but the rules are peculiar and have to be are frequently in the wrong place : 6.g., "I learnt if there is any desire to make head or tail forget" is given 18-kyun-ok ma-hmat-mi-bw. of words written in the vernacular character. I which is really "I [do] not remember.”
The effect of the accent 8 is roughly explained, A good "simplified grammar" of Burmese by a but that of is ignored, though it is intended to scholar who knows something of grammar ag & represent & great peculiarity of the language, science is a great desideratum. There are many which lies in an extremely staccato, and to foreign who know grammar and many who know Burmese, ears a practically inaudible, sound of final con but no writer that knows both has as yet put his sonants. In hundreds of cases these accente form views on paper, to the great disadvantage of the only difference in words of widely different the now numerous students of that difficult meaning, which would be otherwise homonyms. language.

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FEBRUARY, 1889.]
GRANT OF TRILOCHANAPALA.
83
BENGAL ASIATIC SOCIETY'S COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF TRILOCHANAPALA.
THE (VIKRAMA) YEAR 1084.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.LE.; GÖTTINGEN. T EDIT this grant from an excellent ink-impression, made and supplied to me by Mr. Fleet. 1 It does not appear to have been previously published; though a reference on the plate,to an entry in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVII. p. 621, recording the presentation of a copper-plate grant, which seems to be this one, by Mr. R. Brown,-would indicate that it has been on band for about sixty years. But the inscription has been incidentally mentioned, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 8, note, by Dr. F. E. Hall, who,“ with the plate before him," stated that it contained a land-grant of the "king Vijayapala, son of Adyapala, son of Trilochanapala." The original plate is now in the Library of the Bengal Asiatic Society at Calcutta. From the entry in the Asiatic Researches, referred to above, it appears to have been discovered at Jhusi, a town in the Allahabad District, North-Western Provinces. opposite the city of Allahâbâd, on the left bank of the Ganges.
The plate, which is inscribed on one side only, measures about 17}" by 141", without including the projection, the object of which is not apparent, at the top of the plate. It is smooth; the edges of it being neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into a rim. Its preservation, - however, is perfect; and every letter has come out clearly and distinctly in the impression, so that the actual reading of the text is nowhere in the least doubtful. The plate is thick ; and the letters, being rather shallow, do not show through on the back of it at all. The engraving is good; but, as usual, the interiors of some of the letters shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool.-There is no ring-hole in the plate, for a ring, with a seal attached to it; and no indication of a seal having been soldered on to it.The size of the letters is between " and ".--The characters are Nagari. They are boldly and beautifully drawn; but either the writer or the engraver has often confounded those signs which are at all similar to one another (na and ka; da, bha, and ha; ma and sa; va, cha, and dha; sa or sva, and tha; and others), and has several times omitted the superscript é and the medial d, so that the inscription contains a rather large number of minor mistakes which will be pointed out in the text. -The language is Sanskpit; and, except for the benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 12-16, the inscription is in prose. The language is grammatically correct; except that in line 12 the singular form asya has been employed for the plural éshám, or rather @bhyah.-In respect of orthography, I may note that b has throughout been written by the sign for v; that the dental sibilant has been employed for the palatal sibilant in param[6]svara, line 2, dasáparádhah, line 5, sikha, line 7, asésha, line 8, and kusa, line 10; and that for the conjunct mra we find mora in sámvra, line 5.
The inscription is one of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárájádhirája, and Paramésvara, the illustrious Trilochanapaladeva, who (lines 1-3) is represented as meditating on the feet of the Paramabhatáraka, Mahárdjádhiraja, and Paramésvara, the illustrious Rajyapaladeva, who, again, is said to have meditated on the feet of the Paramabhatáraka, Mahárájádhiraja, and Paramêsvara, the illustrious Vijayapaladeva. Trilochanapaladeva, being in residence on the banks of the Ganges near Prayaga, (lines 3-11) in the customary manner informs the king's officers and the mahattamas and other inhabitants of the village Lebhundaka, in the Asurabhaka vishaya, that, having bathed in the Ganges and having worshipped Siva, etc., he, on the Occasion of the dakshindyana-sarikránti or commencement of the sun's entrance on its southern course, on this meritorious day, gave the aforesaid village, with its belongings, to six-thousand Brahmans belonging to Pratishthana,' who were of various gôtras, had various pravaras, and were followers of various Vêdic schools; and he admonishes the people concerned to
1 The original has Pratisthana; but I have little doubt that the name intended is Pratishthana, a town at the confluence of the GangA and Yamun... on the left bank of the Gang, opposite to AllahAbad;' and that Pratish thana is the older name of the very town Jhoat, where the grant is reported to have been found. See ante. Vol. XV. p. 140, note 3. The samo place appears to be meant by drffa-pratishthana, in the grant of Govindachandra, in Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXVII. p. 249.

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34
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1889.
make over to the said donees whatever in accordance with this grant might be due to them. After some of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses (lines 12-16), the inscription, at the end of line 16, is dated in the year 1084 (expressed by decimal figures only), on the 4th day of the dark half of the month) Sråvara.-There is hardly anything in the wording of the inscription which calls for any special remark; and the phraseology of the whole is so well known from other inscriptions, as to render a full translation superfluous.
The inscription affords no clue as, to the line of sovereigns to which the three princes mentioned in it may belong, and, beyond noting that a prince Trilochanapala appears to have opposed' the Sultan Mahmûd in A.D. 1021, I am unable to offer any suggestion on the subject. Nor am I able to identify the village mentioned in the inscription, or the vishaya in which it was situated.
The details for calculating the date are, in line 16,—the year 1084 of an unspecified era, the 4th day of the dark half of the month Sråvana, being, as appears from line 8, the day of tho dakshinayang-sankranti. The mention of the dakshinayana-sanhkránti, which introduces the first day of the solar month Sravana, coupled with a day in the dark half of the lunar month Srâvaņa, shows that the year with which we are concerned is & northern year, with the purnimanta arrangement of the months. And referring the year 1084 to the Vikrama era, the corresponding European date should fall in A.D. 1026 or A.D. 1027, according as 1084 is the current year or denotes the years expired. In A.D. 1026 Sravana Va. di. 4 was the 6th July; which cannot be the day intended by the grant, because the Karkatasavikránti, which introduces the solar month Sravana, had taken place already on the 25th June In A.D. 1027, on the other hand, the fourth tithi of the dark half of the lunar Šrávaņa ended, at Prayaga, about 2 h. after sunrise of the 26th June, causing that day to be called the 4th of the dark half of the lunar Sravans; and the same 26th June was the first day of the solar Srávana, the Karkata-sankranti having taken place about 2 h. 30 m. after sunset of the preceding day. Accordingly, 26 June, A.D. 1027, 'is clearly the day specified in the grant; and the date 1084 of the grant is thus proved to refer to the Vikrama era, and to denote the number of years expired.
TEXT. i Ôm svasti(11) Sri-Prayage-samipa-Gang-tat-âvâsé paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhiraja
param[ee]śvara-sri-VijayapAlad[@]va-på2 danudhyâta-paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhirâja-param[e* Java (sva)ra-sri-Rajyapalad[6]ve
p[{"]bh(a)-anudhyâta-parasa(ma)iga(bha)ttâraka-maharajadhira3 A-paramsavara-srimat-Triloohanap[4*]ladevah Abura[bha]ka-visva(sha)vê LO
bhundaka-grâmê 1 samupagatâ mapa"]n=râjapurushån=[vrâ(brâ)]hman.Ottaram4 guva(cha) pratinivasi-samasta-sa(ma)hattama-janapad-4[di]n-maka(na)yati sa[mvP(mb)].
dhayaty=kjja (jña)payaty=astu vaḥ sé(sa)mviditam yath=8parilisi(khi)ta-grâmô
yam (sva?]'. 5 sima-třiņa-yûti-gôchara-parshabhah' sa-jala-sthalah B-Amvra(mra)-madhûkaḥ sa-1[6]ha
lavan-akarab s-ar apa-jângalah sa-danda-dasá(6)paradhah sa-pân. 6 shaņa-khá(njih sa-garh(rtt)-Osharaḥ 3-ad ha-ürddhvah purvva-datta-vasu-dôva-vra(bra).
hmaņa-varjjichô(t)=smábhir-[jja]lanidhi-jalataramga-dha(va)day[au]vanam-anging
7 ganayya kari-kalabha-kar några-chapalam la[kshm?]isvilajyam A[ru]t-hava(ta)-dipa
si(si)khâma(nta?)-taralatamân=[v]ishayânematy=[]sarvvam-[@]va samsk
Soo Lesson's Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. III. p. 740; Sachaa's Alberuni', India, Vol. II. p. 862. • From the impression. Expressed by a symbol.
These signs of punctuation are superfluous, • of the two akaharas in these brackets the first is quite distinct, and the second I can only read pa. Both uppser superfluous, and I believe that the writer has merely repeated here the second and third akaharas of the preceding samupagatd. This akshara looks rather like ma.
. Read-paryantal. . Read lakshmirs pilskya (for lakshmim-vilikya).
10 Read ashrams.

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2
4
10
12
14
16
Bengal Asiatic Society's Plate of Trilochanapala.-The Year 1084.
सुद्धिश्री प्यार समीपादानामादाय मा राजा विवाद खाओतिक पा कुपागरुक हुडालमा
जूडी मेरिलोक पलट
महापापकथा या बा
याक निकल ग
जगत बराम गादत्त पालशाक असहायल या विदिश सीमात लय तालसमद अऊला लक्ष्यामा कख बाद लखाका ए घশধ । দদচাড় সऊ पितर वर हबशंका या हिललिविनिजता के लोक खिला हो गाजत हम्दीमलित किया माया पुण्यद बंद पाक कला मावलीसविलियन कु पथिटे पर पिता फँसायोगी नातिनाला तापतेव सस्ता पति स तहलका नाकाकुलाः काला पतयेो ना वा श्रीरामाला का दिन लगाएँ कचरा सा गाव के के हो । सुलाराज किसका कफि स क राराराई किरात सारासारबादा (गार क सहति ॥ सियःवतिया मिराका रूमति के कवि कालगति नामक जुलपति साहनी
प्रदेस तिरा
कामवाणाः इनिया करता तिला कि दल्योः एक दे
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S..
SCALE 38
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #46


Page #47

FEBRUARY, 1889.)
GUDIGERE JAIN INSCRIPTION.
8 ra-sågaram samåkalayya adya punye-hani dakshinayana-samkrantau asé(se)sha
kalikala-kanma(Ima)sha-prakshålaja(na)-patiyasyâ sakala-ti9 rthamayyâm bhagavatyam Gamg&yam vidhivat=snâhâ(två) d[e]vatâ -manupya(shya).
pitsims-tarppayitvå bhagavantar (sma P]ryasarppayitva"? $[io]va-bhattara10 kam půjayitvå måtâpitrôr=Atsa(tma)naš=va(cha) punya-yaśô-bhivriddhayê kusa(sa)-latá
pûtena hast-Odaki(ke)na Pratistha(shtha)na-samva(mba)ddha-sha11 t-sahasra-vrå(brâ)hmaṇabhyô nâkâ(nâ)-gôtr[*]bhyaḥ nânâ pravarêbhyah" nânâ-sakha
(khô)bhyah sasaka(na)tv[@]na pradasta(tta) iti matva bhavadbhir-yath12 diyamâna-bhaga-sê(bhô)ga-kara-hirany-adikam-asy*=ôpanētavyam 1 (11) Vasba)hubhir
vvasudha bhuktà râjabhiḥ Sagar-âdibhihi yasya 13 yasya yada bhômisetas[y]a tasya tada phalas(m) II Sva-datta[m] para-datta[m]
vê yê harêt=tu va[s]undhana (râ) [1] sa vishțhảy[á]m [kri]mir=vbhû
(bbhů)två pi14 tạibhih saha majjati | Bhúsi(mi) yah pratigrihņti yasata bhůmi[mo] (pra).
ya[chchhalti[io] na(a)bhvô(bhau) tau p[u]ņva(nya)-karmmålau(nau) [n]iyatau's
svargga-gå15 minau | Suvarņņam=8kam gâm=@kam bhûmêr=apy=ôkan(m)=amgalam [] haran=
narakam-apnôti yavad-&hâtasamplavam 11 Sansva(kha) bhadr-âsanam 16 chhat(tr* Jan var-âśva vara-[v]åraņâh [1] [bh]ůmi-dậnasya chihnâni phalam
svarggah Pura[n]dara 11 Sam 1084 Sravana va di 4 [11]
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.
No. 173.-GUDIGERE JAIN INSCRIPTION.-SAKA-SAMVAT 998. I edit this inscription, which has not previously been published, from an ink-impression supplied to me in February, 1883, by a Native friend who then held the post of Mamlatdâr at Lakshmêshwar, but whose name I cannot just now recall.
Gudigere' is the chief town of a Sub-Division of the same name, belonging to the Junior Miraj State, within the limits of the Dharwad District. Its Kanarese name, under the more precise form of Gudigere, occurs in lines 21, 23, and 26. And it is also mentioned under the Sanskrit name of Dhvajatataka in line 12. In these two names, kere and tatáka are exactly synonymous; both meaning 'a tank. And the use, in the Sanskrit name, of dhvaja, a banner, flag, flag-staff,' seems to indicate that gudi is here to be taken, not in its most customary sense of a temple,' bat as meaning "a vessel raised up on a long bamboo, as at & festival.'-- The inscription is on part of a stone-tablet, measuring about 2' 10' broad by 3' 2' high, standing against the wall of a Jain temple at this town. It is only a fragment; the upper part of the tablet, containing all the introductory portion of the record, and the usual sculptares at the top, being broken away and lost.
The writing, which covers the entire front of the extant portion, save for å margin of about an inch down each side and at the bottom, is in a state of very good preservation throughout; and nothing is illegible, except in those parts of lines 1 and 2 in which the fracture of the stone occurred. -The characters are the so-called Old-Kanarese characters, of the regular type of the eleventh century A.D. They include, in line 19, the decimal figures 8 and 9. The virama is represented sometimes by its proper Kanarese sign, as in frímat, line 7, urwiyo!, line 9, and eleyo!, line 10; and sometimes by the vowel , as in anubhavaneyala, line 3, dhátriyola, line 16, and gudigereyolu, line 26. And an interesting instance in which a pronunciative 11 Road saryam -archchayitva.
Originally hydr.
13 Read #bhya wpa. 14 Metre, Slóka (Anushţubh); and in the following verses. 15 This akshara is really t, with the sign for i before and the sign for d after it. 1 The.Gadagerree of the map; Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 41. Lat. 16° N.; Long. 75° 26' E.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1889.
value has to be given to the latter form of it, occurs in line 13; where the metre requires us to pronounce aruhane, as written; though what is intended is aruhane, i. e. arhane. The average size of the letters is about 1". The engraving is bold and excellent. -The language is Old-Kanarese; with two Sanskrit verses in lines 40-42. And the inscription is in mixed verse and prose. Three curious words occur in it. In line 8, we have rundra, large, great, lofty,' which occurs in many other inscriptions in the Kanarese country, and the formation of which has been explained by Mr. K. B. Pathak.' In line 9, in-introducing the mention of Ashtôpavisi-Kanti, the disciple of Srinandipandita, we have bishshinti, a disciple." And in line 22, we have gudda, which on previous occasions I have shewn must have the meaning of a disciple,' or something very similar; and of which we have also the feminine form guddi. My previous explanation of the word is fully established by the present inscription; for, while in line 22 the Sónabőva Singayya or Singanna is called the gudda of Srinandipandita, the latter, in line 13,-mentioned there unaer nis epithet of paravádi-sarabha-bhérunda, -is distinctly called the Guru of Singayya. And I have only to add that, as the word is applied here to a Sénabova or 'accountant,' and in my previous instances either to Settis or merchants,' or to Gaudas or village-headmen,' it evidently means an ordinary pupil;' and not a religious pupil, or disciple,' which is plainly the meaning of bishshinti.-In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice, are (1) the use of the upadhmániya, represented by the same sign that stands for the Old-Kanarese, in manahpundarika, line 6; (2) the use of the OldKanarese l in the Sanskrit word kalpánta, line 11; (3) the doubling, very exceptional at so late a period, of p after the anusvára, in sarppanan, line 13; and of before y, in yasaya and tassya, line 41; (4) the occasional use of b for v, in Sanskpit words only, in bhabya-sébya, line 16, and in priyanada and brati, line 17; and (5) the occasional use of the wrong sibilant, as in namasyam, lines 11 and 23, visés-ánna, line 14, and sástr-ámsita, line 5, sarabha, lines 6 and 19, suchi-subha, line 16, and saka, line 19.-A special point of interest is the allatment of the properly regal titles Paramešvara and Paramabhaltáraka, in line 4, to "the divine Arhat." I have no other instance of this use of Paraméśvara. And the only other instance, known to me, of the use of Paramabhattáraka in this way, is in line 43 of an inscription at Mamdapur in the Belgaum District, dated Saka-Samvat 1172 expired (Indian Inscriptions, No. 1), in which it is applied to a Saiva priest named Vimalaśiva or Vimalasambhu.
The inscription is a Jain inscription. The extant portion of it opens with the mention of an official, holding the post of Pergade, named Prabhâkara (line 2), or Prabhakarayya (1.3). In his time of office (anubhavane, 1. 3) there was a Jain priest or teacher named Srinandipaņditadeva (1.7), Siriyanandimunindra (1.9), or Sirişandi (1. 17), “who had crossed to the other shore the sea of nectar of the Siddhantas and all the other Såstras which are useful in investigating the real nature of all the good and evil and other substances that proceeded from the water-lily that is the mouth of the divine Arhat, the omniscient one, destitute of passion (vita-rága),' the Paramédvara, the Paramabhattáraka, who is decorated with a third eye which is the unsurpassed knowledge of the doctrine of unity (kévalajñana) that is the refuge of the whole circuit of the earth ;" and who had the other name or epithet of paravádi-sarabhabhérunda (1. 6), indicative of his skill in vanquishing those whose doctrines were opposed to his own. While this Acharya, 'Srînandipandita, was practising asceticism (1.77), his disciple
• ante, Vol. XI. p. 273.
> I thought at first that, though the word appeared to be fishshinti, it might optionally be read fishpinti, Or even sippinti. And, if we should adopt the reading fish pinti, there are instances, in other inseriptions, which would justify our pronouncing it fishi-panti, which might represent sishya-pankti. This last word, however, though quite possible, is not altogether a probable one; especially since the passage introduces only one disciple, and not
row or line of disciples. And further examination of the whole record satisfied me that the word is undoubtedly fishshinti. • ante, Vol. X. p. 189, note 16, and Vol. XII. p. 99 ff.
ante, Vol. XII. p. 101. • The use of Srimat in line 7, is an instance of the habit of emphasining the use of irf as an integral part of a proper name (nee Corp. Inecr. Indic. Vol. III. p. 8, note 8).
This was also a Buddhist title; e. g. in line 1 of the Srdvaati inscription, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 62.
• This, in Jain inscription, is rather peopliar instance of borrowing from Hinduism; the origin of the metaphor being the three eyes, one in his forehead, -of the god Sivs.

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FEBRUARY, 1889.]
GUDIGERE JAIN INSCRIPTION.
37
(sishshinti, 1 9) was Ashtôpavâsiganti (1. 10), or Ashtopavâsi-Kanti (1. 29), "who delighted in the duty of maintaining the religion of Jinêndra." And this latter person obtained from 'Srinandipandita a namasya-grant of seven mattars of land (1. 11), and applied it, under the protection of the Twelve Gavundus or village-headmen of the village of) Dhvajatataka (1. 12), for the worship of Pârsva-Jinêsvara, and for providing food for people versed in the sacred writings.
The inscription then introduces the Sénabộva Singanna (1. 13), Singa (1. 14), or Singayya (1. 22), whose god was the Arhat, and whose Guru or teacher was 'Srinandipandita (1. 13); who was a very moon in causing the increase of the ocean of the Jain religion (1. 15); who was a very bee at the water-lilies which were the feet of the ascetic Sirişandi (1. 17); and who was the Sénabova or village-accountant of 'Srinandi (1. 18).
It then proceeds to record that, at the trahe or afrahe of the Anala samvatsara, which was the sake year 998 (expired) (1. 19), 'Srinandipandita, shewing the charter to Kaladiya-Nayimmarasa (1. 22), acquired possession of the western fields, in the lands of Gudigere, which, on the authority of a copper-charter, were under the control of the Jain temple called Ånêsejjeya-basadi (1. 21) which Kunkumamahadevi, the younger sister of the glorious Chalukya Chakravartin Vijayadityavallabha (1. 20), had formerly caused to lo built at Purigere; and gave, out of those fields, to his pupil (gudda) Singayya (1. 22), as & sarvanamasya-grant, fifteen mattars of land (1. 23), which Singayya allotted (1. 24) for the purpose of providing food for the saints at Gudigere, making it the duty of the king, the Pandits, the Twelve Gávundus, and all pious persons (1.25), to see that the proceeds of the land were applied only for that purpose, and were not diverted to any other religion or any other object, and to continue the grant as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean, and the earth might endare (1. 27).
The boundaries of this land were : - On the east, the cultarable land of Bandigåvanda (1.28); on the south, the road to the village of) Pullurgar; on the west, the culturable lands of the basadi, and of Nakayya; and on the north, the joint-fields (pasugeya polam) of the Gavundus. And the boundaries of the seven mattars of land, granted, as stated in lines 10-11 above, to Ashtôpavasi-Kanti, are here specified (1. 30) as being, on the east, the culturable land of the village of) Bangagéri (1. 30); on the south, the culturable land of the village. chaitydaya ; on the west, the culturable land of the Pergade Prabhakarayya; and on the north, the road to Pullungar. Thus there were given two paryaya-allotments of twenty-one muttars of land (1. 31).
Also, in the same western fields, 'Srinandipaņdita gave, as rent-free land (umbali), one hundred and eleven mattars to the Twelve Gávundas (1. 36); fifteen mattars to Rudrayga (1. 37), son of the Pergade Prabhakarayya ; fifteen mattars to the Sénabówa Habbanna (1. 38); seven mattars to Makiyara-Kavanna ; four mattars and six hundred kammas to Kantiyara Nakayya (1. 39); and twenty mattars, as a sarvanamasya-grant, to the god BhuvanaikamallaSântinathadeva (1. 40), i.e. to a Jain temple or image of "Såntingtha that had been built or set up by the Western Chalakya king Sômêsvara II., who had the biruda of Bhuvanaikamalla.
The inscription ends with two of the customary benedictive and imprecatory Sanskrit verses, in lines 40 to 42.
Of the places mentioned in this inscription, in addition to Gudigere itself, which is spoken of under the names of Gudigere and Dhvajatataka, the latter being the Sanskțit translation of the Kanarese name,Pullumgür is the modern Hulgur, in the Dharwad District, six miles south-west of Gudigere. And Purigore is one of the ancient names of the modern Lakshmeshwar, in the Miraj State, about six miles east of Gudigere. Bangagéri, which cannot now be recognised in the map, must have been an ancient hamlet of Gudigere, or of Lakshmêshwar.
As regards the date of this inscription, we have, in line 19, the details of Saka-Samvat 998; and, coupled with this, of the Anala samvatsara, which, as by the southern luni-solar system it was coincident with 'Saka-Samvat 999 current, shews that the given 'Saka year is to

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38
[FEBRUARY, 1889.
be taken as an expired year, though it is not qualified as such. And further we are told that the copper-charter was exhibited at the sråhe of this year; but I have not succeeded in obtaining any explanation of the word éráhe, or, as it may possibly be read, asráhe.
The name of the reigning king is lost with the missing fragment of the stone. But the date shews that the record belongs either to the very end of the reign of the Western Chalukya king Sômêsvara II., or to the commencement of the reign of his younger brother and successor, Vikramaditya VI.
1
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The Chalukya Chakravartin Vijayadityavallabha, who is mentioned in line 20, seems to be the Western Chalukya king Vijayaditya, of whom we have an inscription at Lakshmêshwar, dated in the thirty-fourth year of his reign, when Saka-Samvat 651 had expired, and consequently in 'Saka-Samvat 652 current (A.D. 729-30), which records the grant of a village for the benefit of the Jain temple called 'Sankha-Jinêndra-vasati at Pulikara (Lakshmêshwar). The only other person with whom he could be identified, is a certain Maharaja Vishnuvardhana-Vijayâditya, who is mentioned in a Dâvangere inscription, from Maisûr, as a 'son' of the Western Châlukya king Sômêsvara I., and who in 'Saka-Samvat 988 or 989 was governing the Nolambavadi Thirty-two-thousand District in Maisûr. It seems probable, however, that he was not really a son of Sômêsvara I., but only a distant relative of his, in the same degree of descent with a son; and that he belonged properly to the Eastern Chalukya family." And, for this reason, and because of the use, in line 20, of the word munnam, formerly,' which indicates a certain amount of antiquity, I think that we have undoubtedly a reference to the Viyayâditya who commenced to reign in A.D. 696. The present mention of his younger sister Kunkumamahadevi, gives us a new name in the Western Chalukya genealogy.
lavara
beendi
TEXT." Vri1 ||
Sara U
53,1
ante, Vol. VII. p. 112.
10 Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 136.
naya-mukaran-ant-adu
ming-[e] vig-na
2 y-akaran abhay-akaram dvija-divikaran] -
bhikaram budha-nisâkaran-udgha-yasam Prabhakaram | Ant-enisida perggade 3 Prabhakarayyan-anubhavaneyalu || Om [S]v[as]t[i] Samasta-bhuvanavalaya-nilayaniratisaya-kê valajñâna-nêtratri (tri)tîya"-virâjamâna
4 bhagavad-arhat-sarvvajña-vitaraga-paramêsvara-paramabhaṭṭaraka-mukhakamala-vinirggat
5
ânêka-sad-asad-adi-vastu-svarûpa-nirûpana-pravipa-siddhâ
nt-adi-samasta-sâ (sa)str-âmritapârâvâra-pâragarum-anêka-nripati-makuta-tata-ghațita-mani
gana-kirana-jala-dhârâ-dhaut-âvadâta-pûta-chara
6 pâravindarum
budhajana-manaḥpundarika-vana-marttaṇḍarum
shat-tarkka-Shanmu
kharum parama-tapaścharaṇa-niratarum paravâdi-sa (sa)rabha-bhêrund-âpara7 nâmadhêyar-appa śrimat Srinandi-pandita-dê var-âcharyyar-âgi tapô-rajyam-geyyuttamire | Vri Jina"-samay-âgam-âmbunidhi-pâragar-u
8
gra-tapô-nivåsigal manasija-vairigal sa (sa) ma-dam-ambudhiga! budha-sajjana-stutar= vvinata-narêmdra-ramdra-makut-ârchchita-pâdapayôja
9 yugmar=emb=initu mahat[t]vadim Siriyanandi-munîmdrare dêvar-urvviyo! | Avara sishshimtiyar || Sama-dama-yama-niyama-yutar=vvi
See my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 47f. To my remarks there, I would add that the inscription calle Vishnuvardhana-ViyayAditya sarvalókásraya or refuge of all people, which is a very customary Eastern Chalukya epithet, but does not, I think, occur in any of the inscriptions of the Western branch of the family. 13 sc. Vritta; i.e. ' metre.' 1 Metre, Champakamála.
13 From the ink-impression.
15 Or perhaps ant-adum-ang[e].
16 Here, and throughout this inscription, this word is represented by a symbol; not in writing. 17 Read trittyanêtra. 18 Metre, Champakamála.
19 Metre, Kanda.

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10 mala-charitrar-Jjinêmdra-dharmm-ôddharana-krama-niratar-elele tôpavâsigantiyar-eleyo! H Vri Ant-avar=êļu
11 mattarane panditar-iye namasya(sya)m-âgi kalpânta-dinam Pâráva-Jinêsvara-pûjegam śrut-âtyamta-sad-anna-dâna12 vidhigam sale koltar-idah nitântav-ôrant-ire rakshipa[r] Dhvajataṭakada panneradum-gavunduga! || Om Namah siddhébhyah
13 Ôm Samasta-guna-samppannan-appa érîmat sênabôva Simganṇamge | Aruhane11 nambida deyva[m*] gurugalu paravâdi-sarabha-bhêrunda14 budhar-ppara-hitame tanage charitam dore-vettuda Simgan=êm krit-ârtthano jagado! Parama-"éri-Jaina-dharmmakk-anavarata-visês(sh)-anna-dânakke 15 munnah Bharatam śrêyâmsan-igalu nija-kula-tilakam Jaina-dharmm-âbdhi-chaṁdram shpu(sphu)rad-udyat-têjan-atyunnatan-amala-yasam sishta-ratnakaram
16 bâppure
Simgam bhabya(vya)-sêbya (vya)m su(su)chi-su (su) bha-charitam dhatriyolu punya-pumja[m*] Kanda | Para-hita-charitran-anupama-vara-gupa-nila17 yam pri(pri)yamba(va)dam dharmma-dan-akshara-pakshapâti yati-pati-Siripadibra (vra)ti-padâbja-bhṛimga[m] Simga[m] Amala-charitra [m] budha-hritkamal-âkara-dinakaram krit-ârttham Jaina-krama-nalin(n)-êshtha(shta)m 'Srinandi-munindrara sénabôva Simga[m] dhareyol Ant-enisida || Om II
18
19 Sa(sa)ka-varsha 998ney-Anala-samvatsarada Braheyolu Svasti Śrimat paravâdi-sa (sa) rabha-bhêrund-âpara-namadhêyar-appa
20
Srînandi-pandita-dêvar=mmunnam śrîmat Chalukya"-chakravartti-Vijayadityavallabhânujey-appa śrimat Kuhkuma-maha
21 devi Purigereyala mâdisidh (d)-Â nêsejjeya-basadige tâmbra" sâsana-maryyâdeyimd= âlva Gudigereya bhûmiy-olage pa
22 dava na polan-ottu-vôg-ildade" Kaladiya-Nâyimm-arasamge sâsanamam tôri padeda bhumiy-olage tamma guddam Simgayyamge kârn
GUDIGERE JAIN INSCRIPTION.
27
29
23 nyadim sarvva-namasya (sya)m-âgi padinâlku mattaram daye-geydu kottad-ay-Ayyan= â padinâlku mattarumam rishiyargge Guḍi
24
80
25 perat-omd-edegam-uyyal-âgad-int-i maryyâdeyan-arasum paṇḍitarum pannirvvar= ggavundugalum dharmmav-ariva var=ella
naḍasuvudu II
Kanda II
26 ruv-oḍeyar-âgi parirakaho-geydu sva-dharmmadim Guḍigereyolu dharmmaingalig-odarisuvavar-ella
ravi jaladhi
vodeyari dharmma[m*]-kâv-odeyar-em-ôrvvare venaved"-udḍupati dhâtri nilup-annevara[m] Antu Simganņam biṭṭa 28 keyya chatus-simey-ent-ene mûda Bandi-gâvundana keyi temka Pullumgüra
batte paduva basadiya keyyu[m]
Nakayyana keyi badaga gâvundugaļa pasugeya polan-antu mattar=ppadinâlku || Mattam Ashtôpavâsi-Kantiyara
30 bitta keyge chatus-simey-ent-ene mûda
Bamgagêriya keyi temka grâma
chaityalayada keyi paduva perggade
31 Prabhakarayyana keyi baḍaga Pullumgara baṭṭey-antu mattar=êluman=int=1
Prayâgey-Argghyatirttham
39
gereyol-âhâra-dânam nadev-ant-âgi bitan-i keyyol-puttid=artthamamn"=illiy=âharadânakk-allade perat-omdu dharmmakkam
yeradum paryyayada mattar-irppatt-o
32 ndumam pratipâlisuvavargge Varanasi Kurakshetram
lók-ottamar-esev=Ash
modal-âgi punya-tirtthamgalo
bara[m*] paḍedu
20 Metre, Utpalamâlika.
3 Metre, Kanda; and in the next verse.
ss Metre, Sragdhara.
31 Metre, Kanda.
Or we may read samvatsarad-airaheyolu. 28 Read támra.
35 Read śrimach-Chalukya.
27 The letters paduva were at first omitted, and then were inserted in the margin,-the pa at the end of line 21, and the duva at the commencement of line 22.
38 Or perhaps ottum-ég-ildade.
39 Read artthaman.
30 Metre, Kanda.
From dharmma[m] to udupati, the reading is quite certain; but, whether I have divided the words rightly, and what correction is to be applied for the fault in the metre, is doubtful.

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33ļu sūryya-grabañadolu sâsira kavileyan=aļamkara-sahitam chatu[r]vvôda-pâragar
appa sâsirvvar-brâhma34 narggey=nbhayamukhi-gotta pa(pha)ļam=ak[ko]uvidharmmaman-aliyalu mana
damdavarggey-int=i punya-tîrtthangalolu sasi. 35 ra kavileyuma[] sasiryva[r]=brâhmanaruman-alida pamchamahậpåtakanakku ||
Om Svasti 'Srimat paravadi-barabha-bhé. 36 rund-Apara-námadhêyar-appa Srinandi-pandita-dêvar=mmattama paduva-volad-olage
pannirvvar ggåvand[u]galge daye-geyd=umbaļiy-agi 37 kotta mattar=nnura Pannondu perggade Prabhakarayyana maga Rudrayyange
daye-geyd-umbaliyagi kotta mattarappadi38 nálku sê nabova Habbaņņamge daye-geyd-umbaliy-agi kohta mattar-ppadinálka
Makiyara-KAvaņņamge day[e*)-geyd=a[m]bali39 y.agi kotta mattar-la Kantiyara-Nakayyange dayo-geyd=umbaliy-Agi kotta mattare
nnálka kammav=aru-núru srimad-Bhuvansi. 40 kamalla-Śântinátha-dêvargge sarvva-namasya (sya)m-igi padeda mattar-irppattu 11
Bahubhir"-vvasudha bhukta rajabhirs(8) -Sagar-Adibhih ya 41 saya yassya yada bhůmis-taasya tassya tada paspha)lard II Sva-dattam para
dattam v yo haréta vasundhara[m] shashthirwyvarsha-sahasra42 yarmishthâyân" jậyatê krimiḥ 11
SOME SOUTH INDIAN LITERARY LEGENDS. BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, M. F. L. S.
INTRODUCTION. I have frequently had the privilege of laying before the readers of this Journal the folk. tales of the people of Southern India; but in addition to these there are current among them many legendary tales based on Sanskrit or Tamil Literature and Tradition. These legends, are, I think, worth recording in the forms in which they occur in popular use, and I propose in the following pages to give specimens of them. They are specially interesting, because now-a-days they are rapidly disappearing before the march of education and the spread of communication with the outer world.
The time to hear them is during moonlight nights, after the simple toils of the villagers are over for the day, and their frugal, but withal plentiful, repast is finished. It is then that they delight to squat themselves on mats in the open moonlight, and spend a few hours relating folk-tales and folk-legends to each other. Several such evenings have I spent most pleasantly, with simple but hospitable companions, during my travels in search of the ideas that pervade them. And I trust that the results of what I have been thus able to record, may prove to be something more valuable than matters of mere passing interest.
LEGEND I. On a certain day, a learned but poor Pandit was coming to the council house of king Bhoja on a visit. His intention was to display his learning to that great monarch, and receive presents from him for his hard-earned knowledge. Now, to go to a king with empty hands is considered a great sin among Hindus. So, on his way he bought some sticks of sugar-cane as a present for the king, cut them into smaller ones, each of a cubit's length, and made a bundle of them. When he approached the palace, he found he was too late to enter the council. chamber that evening, for the king and his learned assembly had already dispersed. So, the Brahman, not relishing the idea of missing the morning council as well, by going elsewhere for the night, made up his mind to sleep on the palace premises, so as to be ready.
31 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh): and in the following verse. » Read shashtish varaha-sahasrani vishthayan.

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SOUTH INDIAN LITERARY LEGENDS.
41
.
The place he chose for the night's repose was a stable; and there he put the bundle of sugar-cane under his head for a pillow, and soon began to snore away the night, for the day's work had been too much for him. In the middle of the night a groom happened to come into the stable. The pillow had slipped from beneath the Pandit's head and attracted the groom's attention. He opened it and found it to contain sugar-canes. He at once determined to take possession of the canes, and rolled up in the bundle, in their place, some half-burnt sticks of fuel. He then put the bundle back into its original place and went away.
Our hero arose early the next morning, never dreaming that any trick had been played upon him, for the bundle appeared to his eyes to be exactly the same as when he had rolled it into his kerchief the previous evening. He rose up and hastily took the bundle under his arm, not liking to open it, lest some of the troublesome palace peons should snatch away part of the present he was carrying for the monarch. Proceeding thus hastily, he took his seat in the midst of the learned Pandits assembled before the king, and in his turn pronounced several benedictory verses in a general way. And lastly wishing to bless the king with the sugar-canes in his hand, he opened his bundle. But what was his dismay and confusion, when, instead of the capes, only some half-burnt fuel-sticks met his eyes! The whole conclave of Pandits was amazed to see one among their number with such a present in his hand. However, our hero, who had a ready wit, sang the following benedictory verse :
दग्धं खांडवमर्जुनेन हि वृथा देवद्रुमैर्मण्डितम् दग्धा वायुसतेन हेमनगरी लंकापुरी स्वर्णभूः । दग्धः सर्चसखो हरण मदनः किं तैरयुक्तं कृतम्
शरियं अनदुःखकारकमिदं केनापि दग्धं न हि ॥ “ The (great) forest of the Khándava, full of divine trees, was burnt down by Arjana ; the city of Lanka, otherwise called Hêmanagari (the golden city) whose surface was all of gold, was burnt by Váyu's son (Hanımân); the friend of all, the god Madana (Cupid), was reduced to ashes by Hara. Why should this happen? What bad aurts did they do P But this poverty of mine, which puts me always to sorrow, has never been burnt by any one."
So sang the poor Brahman, hinting thereby that he meant by the presentation of those sticks that the king should burn his poverty with them. And the monarch too, famous throughout the world for liberality, amply rewarded the Pandit, being extremely pleased with the verse.
LEGEND II. In a certain learned village there lived a poor Brahman who had no learning by which he could earn his living, or which could enable him to go with the others to the king, when he held assemblies of Pandits, and return home with presents from him. Now, to go to the king and get from him some present, was his great aim in life; and, finding all the means of doing it unaided hopeless, he resolved at last to go for help to the great poet Kalidasa. He went to him accordingly and represented his case. The great poet promised to oblige Bhojanadasarathi-for that was our hero's name and told him to get by heart the following benediction : Tera GT Fa, “May there be to you the attainment of the three-fold happiness."
With the greatest difficulty, and after spending a month over it, Bhôjanadaśarathi at last got it by heart. Kalidasa then wished to take him to the king and previously told his majesty that a fellow-student of his was coming the next day to the assembly. Bhoja (for that was the king's name) was highly pleased to hear it, and awaited the happy occasion.
In due course Bhojanadaśarathi came into the assembly and was introduced to the king. He carried a cocoanut in his hand; and, presenting it to the sovereign, essayed to pronounce the benedictory sentence. Bat, as the troubles of his poverty always stood before his mind's eye, he remembered pida, 'misery,' much better than sukha, happiness,' and so tumbled into the mistake of substitating the former for the latter and said retencanter CET, "May there be the attainment of the three-fold misery to you."

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The king's face changed colour on hearing such on unwelcome benediction, if benediction it might be called, from the fellow-student of the great poet. And all the assembled Pandits were struck dumb with fear and astonishment. But in order to save BhojanadAsarathi, Kalidasa at once rose up and said,
आसने विप्रपीडा च सुतपीडा च भोजने।
शयने दारपीडा च तिम्रः पीडा दिने दिने । "May Brahmaņs trouble you when you are on your throne; may your sons trouble you when you sit down to eat; may your wives trouble you (for amorous sports) when you are in bed. Thus may there be three kinds of trouble to you day after day."
Thus KAlidasa explained away the three miseries wished by Bhojanadaśarathi to the monarch. And the king, highly pleased, rewarded the poor Brâhman, though of course he did not deserve anything.
LEGEND III. One day a poor Brahman went to Kalidasa, and requested him to take him also to the assembly of king Bhoja. The great poet asked him whether he knew anything to bless the king with, and the Bråhman, being the son of a reciter of Upanishads replied that he had heard his father often repeat the words fraf ar: acara: but that was all he knew, and even of that he did not know the proper intonation or meaning. "Very well, it will do," said Kálidasa, and asked the Brahman to come to the king's assembly the next day; and our hero, much pleased, went away.
As the next morning was a special occasion, learned Pandits from all parts of Jambūdvipa had assembled there to bless the monarch and receive presents. Our poor Bråbman too came; and, when his turn approached, without using the peculiarintonation of the Upanishads, he said सहनशीषों पुरुषः सहवाक्षः सहस्रपात्.
Every Pandit there was astonished to hear so gauche a repetition of a portion of one of the Védángas. Kalidasa read the faces of the assembled Pandits, and standing up in their midst said : “ Panditáh! Learned Sirs ! The Pandit who has just quoted from the Upanishad did not adopt the usual intonation, as he meant it to be but one-half of a verse. You must all try to patch up the other half. The whole assembly heard what Kalidasa said, and tried their best to fill in the other portion, but in vain. Then rose up Kálidasa, the king of poets, and said affa
r , which may be rendered thus -- Tava sainye pradhávati," when your army marches," Sahasrasirshá purushah chalitah," the thousand-headed (hooded) god Adiśêsha changes his position (unable to bear the weight)." Sahasrákshah chakitah," the thousand-eyed Iodra fears for his safety," and Sahasrapát, "the sun becomes," chhannah, "clouded by the dust raised by the army." The king praised Kalidasa, scolded the assembled Pandits, and rewarded the poor Brahmaq.
LEGEND IV. Four poor Brâhmans visited Kalidasa on a certain day and requested him to introduce them to the king. The poet asked them whether they knew any Sanskrit verses to bless the king with. The first Brahman said that his father was a great reader of the Ramayana, and that he had heard him often repeating the words of THCare, and that he knew only so much. The second Brâhman replied that his father was a great Purána-reader, and that he had heard him often repeat sifarage, and that he knew only so much. The third Brahman stated that his father took great delight in the Harivansa, and that he had heard him often repeat the words
fare, and that he knew only so much. And the fourth Brahman said that his father, grandfather, great-grandfather and others, were all priests, and that he had often heard them pronounce, while discharging their duties, the words fogori TTHU, and that he knew only so much. Kalidâ sa was pleased with them all, and, pitying their poverty, asked them to be present at the king's assembly the next day.

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SOUTH INDIAN LITERARY LEGENDS.
Next morning the great poet went in advance, and informed the king that four of his fellow students had come to the town, and that they would soon be in the council to see him. In due time the four Brahmans entered the hall of assembly, and the monarch received them very kindly, as he had heard they were fellow-students of the great poet. After being seated, each began to repeat what he knew; and that most learned assembly of Pandits, with Kálidasa at its head, heard the following jumbles of Sanskrit verse :
कूजतं रामरामति श्रोत्रियाय कुटुंबिने ।
उवाच वचनं श्रीमान्पितॄणां दत्तमक्षयम् ॥ Each quarter of this being borrowed from & separate source, no one in the hall could make a grain of sense out of it. But up rose Kalidasa, and said that the best verse ever uttered by Paņdits was the one that was just given out, and he explained its meaning thus:-रामरामति कूजंतं (नारद ) श्रीमान् (प्रया) इदं वचनमुवाच पितृणामुद्दिश्य कुटुंबिने श्रोत्रियाय यहत्तं
29- "To Närada, who was always pronouncing Râma, Rama,' the most holy (Brahma) said thus :- Whatever is given in honour of the manes (pitris) to the Srôtriya Brâhmans who have large families, becomes the most imperishable donation in the world. And as the four Bråbmaņs who have come now to the court are Srôtriya Brâhmaņs with large families to Protect, they remind you, o king of the words of Brahmå to Narada, and ask you to follow the same advice."
So explained Kalidase, and the monarch at once issued an order that each should be rewarded with a hundred-thousand gold coins for each letter.
LEGEND V. A certain boy, who had just begun Sanskrit and had not advanced beyond the declension of nouns, went on a certain day to Kalidasa and said he wanted be taken to the assembly of king Bhoja. The poet asked him what he knew. He said that his master had only the previous day taught him kavih, kavi, kavayah-*14, at 2:-the declension of the word kavi (poet) in the singular, dual and plural of the nominative case. Said the poet " Come with me to the assembly to-morrow, and, blessing the king with af: 4, 4, request the assembled Pandite to compose a verse on it."
The boy did accordingly. No one present was able to compose a verse upon those forms, till at last Kalidasa got up and said :- Tra artek 9: arafa ya last for at wa tarefa refa 11 "When Valmika was born, the word as (poet) came to existence in the world ; and then when Vyasa too was born, the dual a (poets twain) came into use; and when you began to wield the sceptre, the whole world became full of poets, and 77: (poets) came into use.
The king was exceedingly pleased at this praise and amply rewarded the boy.
LEGEND VI. A certain buffoon named Bhukkunda, very learned in Sanskpit and of most ready wit, lived in the country of king Bhoja. One day he committed a great crime for which, by the laws of the state, he was to be executed. When taken before the king, to have sentence pronounced upon him, he said :-EAT ITU TE: I feet, TATAN TENGS T i pary
war | "Bhatti (the great grammarian and minister) is gone. Bharavi (another poet) is also gone. Bhikshu (a beggar) is dead and gone, and Bhimasena too is dead. I am Bhukkunda. And you are Bhúpati, o king! Infer from this that the god of death has entered the Bha series in order (Bha, Bhd, Bhi, Bhi, Bhu, Bhu). And that when I, Bhukkuņda, die, the next person to die after me is yourself, your name being Bhupati."

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The witty arrangement of the names of the dead persons confused the king. He seriously began to think that, when Bhakkaņda dies, Bhậpati, i.e. he himself, must die next. So he pardoned Bhukkaņda. This verse is quoted as an instance of ready wit, though there is not much logic in it.
LEGEND VII. In the Maisar Darbar, during the days of Krishnaraja Udaiyar, a certain Pandit concluded a verse with the words of Praha 1-"She looks with her eyes a little shut," and wished his fellow Pandits to patch up the verse on the condition that the verse was to be natural and treat of a thing without sentiments of love. One of the Pandits rose up and said:
गहनेषु करीषवांछया विचरती किल तिन्वणीफलं ।
परिचयॆ पुलिंदसंदरी दरमीलन्नयना विलोकते ॥ "While searching for cakes of dried cattle-droppings in the forest, a pulinda (hunter) woman comes across a tamarind fruit and when tasting it, she looks with her eyes a little shut."
The allusion here is to the fact that, when anything acid is eaten, the nerves of the cheeks and the eyes contract and make the eater half shat his eyes for a second or two. The peculiarity of the above verse is that it is without sentiments of love, as is always the case when women in Sanskpit literature are represented as looking with half-shut eyes.
LEGEND VIII. King Bhoja was seated one day among the learned Pandits in his assembly, when a poor Bråhman presented himself before his majesty. Mendicants can be distinguished by their very faces, so the king said to him Hrafer!“Whence have you come, O Brahman
P T at 791 "I have come from Kailasa, 0 king." Then his majesty asked him-Free get a "Is Siva there doing well then ?" And our Brahman hero replied Tarta. "No, There is none there. Siva is dead and gone."
The king was apparently startled and wishing to confound the Brahman asked him "What had become of the several things which were in Siva's person if he had died P" Whereon the Brahman repeated the following verse which is unparalleled for its beauty among such effusions :
अर्दू दानववैरिणा गिरिजयाप्य ,हरस्याहृतम् देवेत्थं दिवि भूतले पुरहराभावे समुन्मीलात । गंगा सागरमंबरं शशिकला नागाधिपाः भ्भातलम्
सर्वज्ञत्वमधीश्वरत्वमगमत्त्वां मां च भिक्षाटनम् ॥ “Half of Siva was taken away by the enemy of the Dânavas (Vishņu); the daughter of the mountain (Pârvati) too took away half of Hara (Siva) to her own body. Thus the conqueror of Tripura, the great Siva, was swallowed up in the heavens (by Vishņu) and on the earth by Pârvati, and became a cypher. He had the Ganges on his head; she went to the ocean as her lord. He had the moon-disc on his head; she went to the sky. He had several serpentlords (as his ornament); they went to the nether world. He had the mastery of learning and the lordship of wealth; they came to you, O King! And lastly, Siva was a mendicant; and he bequeathed his mendicancy to me."
Thus replied the Brahmaņ, most truely accounting poetically for the way in which Siva disappeared, and hinting very cunningly that, because Bhoja was a wealthy and learned king, he had come there to beg. The king, who wished to confound the Brahman by dragging him into unnecessary questions, was himself confounded. He rewarded the Brahman amply, and sent him away.
In the above verse, the half of Siva being taken away by Vishạn is merely a poetical fiction. There is a god Hari-Hara, sometimes called Vishạn and sometimes Siva, by the

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Vaishnavas and Saivas respectively. In this. avatára or incarnation, half is Hari (Vishņu) and balf Siva (Hara). This is most ingeniously represented in the above verse as Hari stealing away half of Siva. And in the incarnation of Siva as Arddhanåriśvara, half of him is himself and half Pârvati. This is what is meant by the other half of Siva being stolen by Parvati, as the poet cleverly represents it. And of course, when the two halves that make up one Sira disappeared, Siva himself disappeared.
Some orthodox Saivas sometimes criticise the last line of the first verse f a fana: and say it is irreligious of the king, to have spoken about the god as having died. But they make things right by representing that the words fuit and at: can also be separated as FTTT and अमत:. And by the rules of the Vyakarana (हसिप || and अतो गणेशिवः मतः and शिवोअभृतः both become respectively शिवोमृतः॥ In शिवो अमृतः Siva does not die, but only undergoes & sort of poetical death for the occasion; only in the mouth of the Brahmaņ mendicant.
CURIOSITIES OF SOUTH INDIAN SANSKRIT LITERATURE.
BY PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S.
I.-Punning Verses The following two verses, one on Siva and one on Vishņu, are looked upon in Southern India as among the best examples of puns upon words in Sanskrit.
Siva, in his incarnation of Naţêsa, was always going astray with strange women. One night he returned home very late and knocked at the door of the goddess, when the following questions and answers passed between them
कस्त्वं धूली प्रविश भिपजां वेश्म वैधं न जाने स्थाणुले न वदति तरुनीलकंठः प्रमुग्धे । कैकामकां वद त्वं पशुपतिरबले नैव तीक्ष्णे विषाणे
इत्येवं शलकन्याप्रतिवचनजडः पातु मां पार्वतीयः ।। which may be rendered thus :
Parvati.-"Who is it that knocks at the door? Sida.-Sur,
Pârvati-If you are suit go to the doctor's house for treatment, as I do not know medicine.
Siva.--I am Sthanu, my dear. Parvati.--Sthåņu! Trees do not speak.. Siva:--No; I am Nilakantha Parvati.-It so let me hear one of your léká notes: Siva.--No; my dear! I am Pasupati
Parvati.-Then bow is it that I do not see your sharp home.. (Sivs was confused by the natural interpretation given to each of his names by Parvati.) May that lord of Pârvata who stood confused and unable to reply to the questions of the daughter of the king of mountains, protect me!"
The pans here lie in the words 8axi, Sthanu, Nflakantha and. Pabupati. Each of these four means Siva and also a person suffering from stomach-ache, a piece of wood, the peacock, and the bull as the lord of the cattle (cow). When Sivs says that he is salt, Parvati interpreting the word to mean a person buffering from belly-ache, wants her husband to go to the doctor's house as she had not stadied medicine. Sivs then says that he is Sthâņu; and as that word means also 'wood' she wonders and says "if you are & Sthanu you could never have spoken, as trees do not speak." Then Siva has recourse to a third name of his which also unfortunately means a peacock. The word is Niiskaptha. Then Pârvati teases the god and wants to hear one of his kékas—the special name, in Sanskrit, of the peacock's notes all Nflakanthas sing kkas. Once more Siva tells his wife that he is Pasupati which also means a ball.

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Parvati then wants to see whether her husband has the horns of a bull and for that purpose opens the door. Then says the story that the god and goddess were reconciled, and the poet calls upon Siva's protection in his half-amorous mood!
In the same strain, but representing the adventures of Krishna, who was notorious for his adventures with the fair sex, is the following verse
अंगुन्या कः कवाट प्रहरति कटिले माधवः किं वसन्तो नो चक्री किं कुलालो नहि धरणिधरः किं विजिह्वः फणीन्द्रः । नाहं घोराहिमीं स्वमसि खगपतिनों हरिः किं कपीन्द्र
इत्येवं गोपकन्याप्रतिवचनजडः पातु मां पद्मनाभः॥ which may be thus rendered :
The Gopis.--"Who is it that strikes (slowly) at the door with his fingers ? Krishna or Padmanabha.-Madhavs, you enraged woman. The Gópís.-What? Is it the god of the spring season P Krishna.-No. I am the Chakri-the bearer of the discus. The Gspís.-What? Are you the potter (who bears the wheel) ? Krishna.-No. I am the bearer of the earth. The Gópis.-Then are you the double-tongued king of serpents P Krishna-No. I am rather the killer of the serpent (Kaliya). The Gópís.-Then are you the lord of the birds (Garuda) who is the killer of serpents ? Krishna.-No. I am Hari.
The Gopis.-What? Are you then the lord of monkeys (Hari) ? May the god Padmanabha who stood bewildered and unable to reply to the questions of the Gôpis protect me!"
Here also the names chosen by Padmanabha for revealing himself have all double meanings. Thus, Madhava means Vishņu as well as the spring season, and Chakri also means the potter. The bearer of the earth is Vishnu and also the lord of the serpents Adiśêsha; and the Gôpis whose aim was to worry the god so interpreted his name. Then Kộishna told them that he was the killer of the serpent as it is known that he vanquished Kaliya while yet a boy by jumping into the pool in the Yamuna where that serpent demon dwelt. As Garuda kills serpents, the Gôpis at once asked him if he was that bird. He denied it and said that he was Hari which unfortanately means the lord of monkeys also.
Both the above verses are often quoted in Southern India as examples of puns, though they are not found in any of the set books.
II.-Fate. The following verses are always quoted by the South Indian Pandits for the supremacy of 9, fate.
A hen and cook pigeon were once seated on the branch of a tree, when a hunter came to the root of the tree, and bending his bow was just about to aim an arrow at the birds. The hen pigeon saw him and said to her lord by her side that a raiserable death awaited them as they were deprived of escape through the air, as just at that time a kite was wheeling over their heads. She had scarcely finished speaking when & serpent started from under the tree and stang the hanter, and he in confusion at the prospect of immediate death missed the pigeons and hit the kite by accident. Thus both the enemies of the pigeons--the hunter below, and the kite above, went together to the world of death. And fate, whose ways are wonderful, preserved the loving pair of pigeons. The following is the verse relating the story in pathetic Sanskrit, though the logic in it may not satisfy the modern students of Bain's "System."
कान्त प्राह कपोतिकाऽऽकुलतया नाथान्त्यकालोधुमा व्याधोऽधोधृतचापसंहितशर: इवेनः परिभ्रामति । एवं सत्यहिना स वष्ट इषुणा श्येनोऽपि सेनाहतः सूर्ण तौ तु यमालयं प्रति गती देवी विचित्रा गतिः।।

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"The hen pigeon much bewildered said to her lord- My lord, now has come our last moment to us. The hunter pulling tight his bow has aimed his arrow at us. Over our head the kite circles in his flight.' Scarcely had she spoken this, when by a serpent he was stung and by his arrow the kite was killed, and both their enemies went at once to the house of death. The ways of the fate are wonderful." In another verse the difficulties of a doe are enamerated :
अमे व्याधः करधृतशरः पार्श्वतो जालमाला पृष्ठे वहिर्वहति च वनं संनिधौ सारमेयाः । एणी गर्भादलसगमना शाबकः पादलीमः
चिन्ताविष्टा कलयति मृयी किं करोमि कयामि। “In front of her is a hunter with a full-drawn bow in his hand: on both sides of her he has spread his nets so that escape on either side is impossible; to turn back and run away is also impossible, as he has lighted a big fire which is burning the whole forest. The space between the hunter and the nets is guarded by the hounds. With all these external difficulties, the doe is full heavy with young and not at all able to walk quickly, and a young one is running between her feet. In the midst of so many difficulties she is buried in the ocean of anxiety and says to herself. What shall I do? Where shall I go?!”
While thus surrounded with dangers the following events occurred, or are supposed to have occurred, and made her escape possible :
मध्ये ज्या त्रुटिता शरासनमभूमं दवाग्नेर्भयात् निर्यातइशशकश्शुनानुगमितः पाशश्च दग्धोमिना। शान्तो वहिरकालमेघसलिलैः सूता मृगी गर्भिणी
वामापत्सरितं ततार कृपया देवस्य लक्ष्मीपतेः॥ “The bow-string broke in the middle (from too strong & pull); the bow too was smashed to pieces. From fear of the forest-fire a hare left its bush and ran and was followed furiously by the hounds. The nets were burnt by the fire. All of a sudden an untimely cloud appeared and poured volumes of water apon the fire and quenched the flames, and in that very place after crossing all the channels of difficulty by the favour of the lord of the Lakshmi (Vishņa) the doe was confined and brought to bed of another young one."
Thus if fate only desires it, everything shall take place as it should. In this way many an idler generalizes in remote villages and quotes the three verses given above as his authority for so doing.
III.-On Mask. The following beautiful verse is current as one addressed by a great Paņdit to a rogue -
कस्तूरिकां वृणभुनामटवीचराणां निक्षिप्य नाभिषु चकार था वधार्थीन् । मूढो विधिः स खलु पुर्जनलोलजिह्वा
मूलेषु निक्षिपति चेत् सकलोपकारः।। The fool Brahmå by placing musk in the navel of those poor beasts which graze on grass and roam the forests made them (most unreasonably) objects of slaughter; but if, instead of that, he had kept it at the root of the tongues of wiokod people it would have been a great help to all."
The author means that wicked men would lose their tongues, and thus their wickedness, and that the rest of the world, would get musk from their tongues instead of from harmless beasts.

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IV.-An old man's wife, The following is a fine (but somewhat tasteless) verse based on the observation that a lamp is useless to the person who bolds it while walking :
करे गृहीतापि पुरे स्थितापि स्नेहेन सम्यक् परिवर्द्धितापि । परोपकाराय भवेद्धि नित्यं
वृद्धस्य भार्या करदीपिकैव ।। "Though held by the hand, though made to be before us, though well kept up by snéha, ( oil and also affection), like a lamp held in hand which always becomes zsefnl to others, and not to th o person who holds it, is the wife of an old man." The author evidently means a young wife of a very old husband.
V.-On Friendship. The following is a fine verse on friendship :
दारुभेदनिपुणीप पंडंत्रिः निष्क्रियो भवति पंकजबद्धः बंधनानि किल सन्ति बहूनि
स्नेहरज्जुकृतबन्धनमन्यत् ॥ " Though the six-footed (bee) is an expert in boring even trees, it gives up all its powers and becomes actionless when it is enclosed in the lotus. There are several kinds of bonds; but the bondage of friendship is unparalleled."
The bee is supposed to be tied down by the rules of its friendship to the lotus. Hence it does not like to use its tree-boring powers which, if brought into action on the lotus, would destroy the latter in no time.
VI.-The Advaita Philosophy. The following verse is related in every village as an example of the Advaita Philosophy, and' apart from the fact, it stands unparalleled in beauty. It is a conversation between Sitâ and her faithful friend Trijata :
वस्ताहं सखि भंगकीटकनयं संवीक्ष्य सीते कथं श्रीरामार्पितचित्तवृत्तिरधुना रामी भविष्याम्यहम् । तत्किं ते प्रभुणा समं नहि रतिस्तादात्म्यसिद्धेः कुतः
सोपि त्वां भवितैव तार्ह युवयोः संसर्गलाभो भवेत् ॥ Sita observed a wasp bring a worm to its nest in the tree under which she was confined. The bee used to sting the worm during all its leisure hours, but the worm, which was always in drend of the Wasp boon turned into a wasp itself. When an animate thing, so low 88 a worm, by thinking with dread upon an object which it hates, can itself become a wasp, a fortiori can men who follow the Advaita philosophy become siva by thinking upon Siva with an idea of doing a pleasurable daty ? This is called Bhfingakitakanyaya. The meaning of the verse is as follows:
Stta.--"Well, my friend, after witnessing the evolution of the wasp and worm I fear much. Trijatá.—Sita! What do you fear P
Sitá.-That I who have been thinking of Råma for ever shall now become Rama (by the rules of the above explained evolution).
Trijatá.--What of that?
Sita.-With that lord of my life, I shall lose the pleasures of a wife, as those would become impossible in me after my becoming Rama.
Trijatá.-Fear not. He must always be thinking of you and become changed to yourself by the rules. Then there shall still be the happiness to you both of a husband and wife."
Though this is a conversation existing only in the imagination of the poet, it is considered a very find expression of genuine affection between husband and wife.

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MISCELLANEA.
MISCELLANEA.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. No. XIII.
Transactions of the Eastern Section of the Imperial Russian Archæological Society.
(a.) Meeting of the 24th September (6th October) 1887.
J. S. Yashtrebov, Consul-General at Salonika, presented the Society with a collection of Old Coins, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Slavonic and
Italian.
V. V. Veliaminov-Zernov, in a letter to Baron Rosen, expressed his consent to the publication of the fourth part of the Essays on the Tsars of Kasimovo.
Vice-Consul Villier-de-Lille Adam presented to the Society a collection of Egyptian Antiquities, bronze and alabaster statuettes, heads in terracotta, &c.
V. A. Zhukovski read a paper on M. Bielozerski's book Letters on Persia, included in the Collection of Geographical and Topographical Notices of Asia, and in his careful review of the above-mentioned book 'shewed the superficial. nature of the views of M. Bielozerski and the levity with which he had addressed himself to the task.
(b.) Meeting of the 26th October (7th November)
1887.
S. J. Chakhotin sent some Eastern Coins for inspection, one of which, according to Baron Tiesenhausen, exhibited special interest.
The Fifteenth Volume of the Transactions of the Eastern Section, containing the text, translation, notes and preface to the History of the Mongols, by Rashidu'ddin, published by I. N. Berezin, will appear as soon as the index which is now in the press is ready.
A letter was received from A. T. Soloviev, with some coins and an impression of a Chughatai Coin of Kazan-Timûr, which, in the opinion of Baron Tiesenhausen, is very curious.
V. Villier-de-Lille Adam sent three Egyptian Statuettes as a present to the Society.
A. M. Pozdneiev read a paper on Calmuck Literature, which is important, although boasting no great antiquity.
(c.) Meeting of the 13th December 1887. V. M. Uspenski sent four coins, one of which is unique according to Baron Tiesenhausen.
N. N. Pantusov sent to the Society six Chinese Proclamations to the inhabitants of the Ili District in three languages, Chinese, Manchu and Turki, of the years 1880-1881, the time of the transfer of Kulja to China; they contain an
49
amnesty offered by the Chinese to the inhabitants of that district.
V. V. Radlov read a paper on the yarliks of Tuqtamish and Timur-Qutluq (which will be published shortly in the Transactions).
S. M. Georgierski communicated extracts from his large work on Chinese Social Institutions. (d.) Song about Khudvar Khẩn,N. Ostroümov communicates from Tashkand a song on the Banishment of Khudvår Kháǹ from Fergana. It is said to produce a great effect upon the Mussulmâns, who weep upon hearing it sung. The author is unknown. A translation is added. The piece is in the usual Oriental style, full of trite reflexions, e. g.," My life has passed, O God! My actions have been vain." In one verse he is made to say-"I have fallen into Russian nets, and have been shut up in a cage." In a note to the poem Baron Rosen says that he does not think either the text or translation quite accurate, but as the Sart dialect is so little understood, he has only ventured on a few emendations.
(e) The Embassy of Spaphari.-This is a translation from the Chinese, giving an account of an embassy sent in the year 1676 by the Tsar Alexis Mikhailovich to the Emperor of China. Communicated by A. Ivanovski.
(f) Remarks on the kurgans of Turkistán, by N. Veselovski.-These are called in Western Turkistan, kepe, which means hillock. The word kurgan, which was undoubtedly used for such mounds in ancient times, is now preserved only in the names of towns and villages. There are no traditions among the natives that these mounds were heaped up over the graves of their ancestors. The writer did not excavate any of the mounds used as graves, but collected information about them wherever he could. When kurgans of this kind are found alone they are very high, but smaller when they are in groups, and the place is then called by the natives mintepe, the thousand' hills. The most numerous are situated in the Margelan district of Fergana. In the mintepes various articles are found, such as buckles, rings, metal lookingglasses, &c. The fact that mintepes are only discovered near the Sirdarya, leads us to conclude that they were raised by nomads. On the other hand, kurgáns are sometimes used by stationary populations as fortifications, but by the nomads they are never employed as such. A fort of this kind is Toi-tepe (situated 35 versts from Tashkand, on the way to Khojand). Some kurgáns stand quite alone and have no towns near them, as Chorloktepe, forty versts to the north of Tashkand. It

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[FEBRUABY, 1889.
is a lofty cone-shaped hillock. Between seven his family and about 1500 persons, and another and eight years ago a great hoard of silver coins extensive emigration in 1802-1815. It is in this of the Timarts was found here and three golden way that the Asiatic Museum of the Academy of earrings. Here the writer conducted excavations Arts acquired its rich collection of manuscripts. with the following results:-On the northern side Many valuable articles are scattered about in the there was a clay wall and some cylinder-shaped different governments. Thus Stroyev foard in the wells, and unmistakable signs of a dwelling. year 1829 at Vologda, a splendid copy of the NomoAmong other things were found a little earthen canon of the Sixth Ecumenical Council, perhaps pitcher, some trinkets, a piece of glass, two iron the autograph of the translator himself, Euthy. knives, one of which was curved like a sickle, a mius, of Athos, a Georgian, who died in 1028. So stand made of stone with three legs, a little brass also the palitaa of Tula and the cope of Kiev. lamp (chirdgh), a brass coin of the so-called Brosset published many of the inscriptions in Bukhar-Khudats, a large earthen pot, within 1839; see Inscriptions tumulaires Georgiennes de which were three stones for grinding by hand, Moscou et St. Petersbourg, expliquées par M. many pieces of earthen vessels, ashes, stones, &c. Brosset. Some of the inscriptions are translated
The Academician Müllendorf, in his Sketches of in the paper, and it is hoped that some more will the Valley of Fergana does not regard the kurgdns of Central Asia as artificial, but holds that the (1.) Inscription on a Priest's Cope at Kier! people merely made use of the natural ones which “O Mother of God, Virgin Mary, protectress they found. With this opinion the writer does not not only of Moscow, the country of the North, but agree. He thinks the forts among the Turkmans also protectress of the whole world, defender of the work of an earlier settled population. There is all those who worship thy Son as God, be not a very interesting kurgds in the Khanate of ashamed of tw at the day of judgment, thy serBukhari, between the Kishlak Shirin-Khatun and vants, the Tsar Archil and Tsaritsa Ketevan and the town of ZiA'u'ddîn (the old Debusia). The our children." Archil was born in 1647 and writer had not heard of keurgdns being excavated married in 1667 the sister of Heraclius I. He by natives, but still they are constantly being de. came to Russia in 1690 and died at Moscow in stroyed. The natives use some of the earth in 1712. He was a considerable author in Georgian. them me manure. Pieces of land in which lour. He prepared the Georgian Bible for the press gáns are found are therefore valued more than which was published after his death at Moscow others, and, in consequence, many of them have in 1743. lost their original forms and threaten to disappear, (2) Inscription on an icon. Thou defender It is from earth being taken in this way that of all sinners, Most Holy Mother of God, of Kasan, objects are found. Colonel Voitzekhovich gave be merciful and spare from all sickness and the writer some which had been found by a Sart affliction him who devotedly adorne thee, Alexan. in his field.
der, the son of the Tsar." The article concludes with a list of lurgans in There were several sons of Georgian Tsars bear Turkistán, which the writer recommends to the Jing the name Alexander, and living in Russis in investigation of antiquaries.
the XVIII, and XIX. centuries, and as there is no (9) Georgian Inscriptions found in Russia, date it is difficult to say who this 'adorner' of by 4. Tsagarelli. Many Georgian Inscriptions the Kazan icon was. and other antiquities have been found in the (3.) Georgian inscription on two guns, one interior of Russia. The relations between Russia large, the other small, preserved in the Museum of and Georgia date from the last quarter of the the Admiralty at St. Petersburg. They are in sixteenth century. Embassies coming from Geor. civil characters without any abbreviations, and gia to Moscow brought presents for the Tsars and there is a date on the largest gun "Eristavi Patriarchs, such as embroidery, robes for priests, Rostom, 1756." How these guns got into their icons, church furniture, books with miniatures, &c. present place is unknown. Perhaps they were In the same way Russian embassies going to Geor. brought here from Kutais after Imeretia had gia received similar presents or bought things been united with Russia in the year 1810; perin the country. In the XVIIth and XVIIIth bape they came to Kutais as trophies of victory centuries came many emigrante, tears and their after the defeat inflicted by Solomon Tsar of wives, with large suites, and priests. Two emigra- Imeretia on his powerful vassal Rostom Eristavi, tions are especially noteworthy. In 1725 ar who had declared war against him in 1767-1768. rived the Georgian Tsar Vakhtang VI. with all The Tear Solomon, having defeated Rostom,
[The inscription is given both in the ecclesiastical and civil alphabet.)

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MISCELLANEA.
51
اندر چهار). reading in the verae itself و شش
imprisoned him and had his eyes put out. Perhaps both agree in thinking that it has to do with at that time Solomon brought these guns among laying the fingers in the hand and counting by other things to Kutais. In Russia in the them and was a way of referring to the extreme eighteenth century, there were emigrants of the atinginess of Mahmud of Ghazni, as the satire family of the prince Eristavi.
is well known to have been written by Firdasi (4.) " We, the Tsar George and Tsaritsa Tamara, because Malumad had not paid him the promised have ordered this palitsa to be embroidered money for the Shah Nama. V. Zhukovski adds 30 that our souls may be remembered. Amen." two further interpretations heard in Persia--the This is embroidered in silk on a palitsa (part first from one who knew the whole work by heart. of the dress of the apper clergy) now at Tula. He did not think there was any allusion to count. There is also a verse of the 44th pealm in Greek. ing on the fingers. The line made sense if the In Georgia there were several couples having the numerals of the hemistich were changed into the names George and Tamara. Thus # George and corresponding letters in the abjad, or alphabet, Tamara ruled about 1187 to 1190. There was also arranged in numerical order thus :the Tsar George X. and his wife, according to 93 = (4 3) + (
9 9) 93-(4 + 2 +6) + (40 + some Mariama, according to others Tamara. A
10 + 1 + 30) letter of this Tsar has been preserved addressed to
The second computation may thus be arranged Boris Godunov. There was besides the Tear George XI. who ruled from 1675 to 1688, and
according to the abjad, (s+ y + 3) + ( + is again from 1691-1695, and was married to Tamara,
+ 1 + J) i.e. , U. He then translates, The latter Tsar did not have any close relations
• The hand of the Shah Mahmud of lofty lineage with Russia. The palitsa hardly belongs to the
is very avaricious and foul.' twelfth century, although, from lack of date, it is
The second interpretation belongs to a difficult to say when it was brought into that
scholar of Isfahan. It proposes a different country.
(h) Buddhist Prayers, translated by I. Minayev. A panegyric of Harshadêva. Nothing is known Suldigal di ), and explains that by the laying of the author. Taranátha mentions à king of of the fingers on the hand as expressed by the Kasmir named Harshadêva.
figures 9 x 9 and 3 x 4 the hand takes the form (1) A List of the Persian Turko-Tártar and of a closed fist. The reason why Firdusi expresses Arabic MSS. of the Library of the University of the avarice of Mahmud by a closed fist is to be St. Petersburg, by K. Saleman. The titles are found in the well-known story of a certain given first in Russian and afterwards in the ori- durvesh, who came to Mahmud of Ghazni. The ginal languages.
latter put his hand in his pocket, but drew out 6) Miscellaneous Notes.
a closed fist and placed it in the duruesh's hands, (1) Interpretation of a Saying in a Satire by pretending to give him something. M. Zho. Firdúst, by V. Zhukovski. The satire is against kovski adds that this explanation seems somewhat Mahmud Ghaznavi. This is the line, which may far-fetched. be literally translated as follows:
(2.) The 80-called Khan Cuci or Zuci, by V. "The hand (properly palm) of Shah Mahmad of Tiesenhausen.-In the well-known work of Heyd exalted origin is 9 x 9 and 3 X 4."
on the trade between Europe and the Levant in Mohl thinks that it is an allusion to a game and the Middle Ages, in the chapter on the mercantile translates : "La générosité du roi Mahmoud, de affairs of the Venetians and Genoese in Persia *i illustre origine, est rien et moins que rien." (11, 123), from the end of the thirteenth to the He afterwards corrected the last part as fol- end of the fourteenth century, mention is made lows :-"n'est rien ou plus de chose." This cor- of a privilege' which is only preserved in a rection was introduced by Mohl in consequence Latin translation. This was given in the year of of an explanation communicated to him by the serpent (according to the Tatar manner of Kasimirski at Tehran from a certain Mulla
computation), or the year 1305 of the Christian Muhammad 'Ali, who explained Firdûsi's 9 x 9 and era, by the then Tätâr Sultân' to the Venetians, 3 x 4 in connection with an ingenious trick of and begins with the words : Verbum Çuci (or counting on the fingers si Mohl was according to another reading Zuc) Soldani duci
Uowed by Stanislna Guyard (Chapitre de la pré- Venetiarum. Heyd is right in thinking that the face du Farhangi Djehangiri sur la dactylonomie.) privilege' was given by the Khan Uljaït, but is He differs in some points from Mohl, but they wrong in taking Zuci for a person's name; it is
[Here follows the translation and after it the original hymn.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1889.
only a transcription of the Turkish word jy extracts from it relating to the taking of Bukhara which means his word' or his decree,' and was
by the troops of Boghra Khân. Khilal employs the customary word at the commencement of
the account of a contemporary merchant, Aba'-1. documents issued by the Mongolian Khans.
Hussain ibn Ilyas. The narrative of the (3.) Coins belonging to S.I. Chakhotin (conti
merchant is extremely curious, because it shews
us the great influence which the Musalman holy mued.)-The only one of these coins, in the writer's
men, now called ishin, had at that time on the opinion, hitherto unclassified, is a silver coin of
bulk of the population. the Turkish Sultan Murad IV. (1032-1049), the
(6.) Pånini I. 4. 79.-In his remarks on this son of Ahmad, struck at Damascus, and remark
sútra Böthlingk (Panini's Grammatik) refers to able for the fact that on it we meet for the first time with the Musulman ejaculation May his
Vajrachchhodika (Anecdota Oxoniensia, I. 35, 10, shadow be lengthened!' Also a copper, and as it
42, 7), and on page 477 says: Dr. H. Wenzel appears, unclassified Baljaq coin of Sultan Kai- macht mich darauf aufmerksam, dass zum khusrav I., son of Khilij-Arslan (588-607), with an den angegebenen Stellen im Tibetischen durch the representation of horseman on one side." Ursache weidergegeben wird. Both expressions (4.) Maimatal, by D. Kobeko.--Among the
quoted in Mahrivejutpatte, 223, 15, and in the documents of the diplomatic relations between
Tibetan text, are translated by the word 'cause.' Moscow and the Crimean Horde are the instruc
The PAli upanisd, with which may be compared tions given by the Grand Duke Ivan III. to
far (Sukhvdtívyúha, 31, 9) has the same meanthe Bayar Semen Borisovich, sent by him in
ing, viz., cause. the year 1486 to the Khan of the Crimea,
(7) Chandragomin, by I. Minayev. Among Mengli-girei. The Khân in his answer uses the
the authors cited in the Subhdshitdvall (edited by word maitamal, which appears to mean public
P. Peterson, Bombay, 1886), is found Chandrago." chest or treasury, but is employed in no other pin. The editor of this remarkable anthology documents relating to Russian dealings with the (on p. 36 of the preface) makes the following East. The Khan has taken for his treasury the
suggestion :-"May be the Chandragomin to goods of a Rrussian who died in the Crimea. This
whom the Chandra Grammar is ascribed." The custom prevailed with the Turks till the commer.
first part of the suggestion seems to me utterly
improbable. cial treaty with Russia in 1783.*
The part of the verses ascribed to
Chandragópin are taken from Sishyatekha, the (5.) Story of Khilal-as-Sabi concerning the
work of Chandragðmin. taking of Bukhard by Bogra Khan, by Baron Rosen-All investigators of the history of
The writer then cites the verses under No. 3384, Central Asia regret the meagreness of informa
and also says that those under No. 3448 are taken
from the Sishyatêkha. He does not quote them tion about the Turki Dynasty which reigned over M&waru'n-Nahr in the course of the fifth and sixth
in full, because he hopes in a short time to publish centuries of the hijra and took the place of the
the entire work of Chandragůmin. Chandra
gồmin, as is well known, was one of the celebrated Samanis. The writer wishes to point out a useful source of information in the chronicle of
Buddhist teachers. Taranatha often makes men.. Khilal-as-Sabi, which serves as the continuation
tion of him. of another chronicle by Sabit ibn Sinan, uncle of
(8). On the name Balavari,' by Baron Rosen.Khilal. The history of Khill includes the years
In the review of the book by Zotenberg, Notice sur of the hijra 363-447 (973-1055). The opinions of
Le livre de Barlaam et Joasaph the writer expressed Musalmån authors on the value of the works of
the supposition that in the name of the book) Khill and his uncle are given by Chwolson in
Balavari, translated by Saint Euthymius from Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, St. Pet. 1856.
Georgian into Greek, was concealed the same InLately Baron Kremer has succeeded in finding the dian name or word which in the form b-l-y-h-r work of Khilal in the Ducal Library at Gotha. Besides this newly-discovered production of the Musalman version of the romance. The Khilal, we have also a fragment of his chronicle, name Balevari, and all the information about the including the history of three years, i.e. 390-392 translation of the book of that name, the writer years of the hijra (= 1000-1002). It is preserved took from Professor Tsagarelli's work on the in the British Museum (Cod. Add. 19, 360). This Documents of Georgian Literature, Part I. St. manuscript the writer saw in 1879, and made Petersburg, 1886, pp. 53-54, who in his turn copied
stands in the place of the name Varlaam in بلوفرا
See Lane-Poole, Catal. III, No. 102. Here Baron Rosen appends a note that it is the word
baütmalorbaitu'l-mal, a term always used awong Musal. mins for treasury.
It is like the French droit d'aubaine.

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it from the life of SS. John and Euthymius, pre- the time of Muhammad, as an introduction to the served in a manuscript of the year 1074. Of this Study of Islam. Part I. Sketch of the Religious ancient manuscript, as Professor Tsagarelli says, Life of the Heathen Arabs at the time of Muham. two copies exist. On referring to these copies the mad. (Missionary Miscellany against Musalman Professor finds that the form Balavari is incorrect; doctrines Part XVII.)- A Review by V. R[osen]. in one of the copies before v stands , in another consisting of many pages, in the main unfavour. gh, and so we must read the name Balahvari, or able. The reviewer recognises in the author Balaghvari. The word balavari signifies 'founda- laboriousness and a good knowledge of Arabic, tion, which agrees with what the writer pre- but inasmuch as he confesses that he had viously supposed. He concludes with a hope that not the opportunity of consulting some of the the Greek original will be found, and thus it will most important Arabic works, does not think be seen how far the life has been paraphrased by that he ought to have undertaken to write the Georgian translator.
the book. The only course open for the real (0) Criticisms and Bibliography.
student of history of whatever country he (1). A Description of the Territory of Sir-daryo, treats is the careful study of the original autho. compiled from official documents by E. Smirnon, rities. The reviewer then recapitulates some St. Petersburg, 1887.--The district contains about of the early authorities on Arabian history, but 1,200,000 inhabitants. The book is very useful we must not copy their mistakes, eminent though and will do something to dispel the illusions they were. Oriental history and philology have prevalent about the richness of the country latterly made great strides. The reviewer gives (which has already cost the Imperial treasury a three requirements which are fundamental in the great deal), especially Chapter VII. on the indus. case of every one who treats of Oriental history. tries of the territory. The cotton and silk indus- (i) The writer must have recourse to the most tries are languishing. Chapter III. is weak where important authorities which have been published. the author discusses the population, because he (ii) A criticism of the authorities, as careful goes too much into history, about which he knows and many-sided as possible, and, as a natural but little. The work concludes with sixteen result, a correct estimation of the importance and statistical tables of very various character. It is meaning of each separate fact. to be hoped that other districts will be described, (iii) As much accuracy as possible in details.. those of Fergana and Zaravshan (if possible-- But M. Moshanov fails in these. His authoriwithout any history).
ties, are at sooondhand; he knows nothing of the (2). The Travels of the Shah Nasru'dden in Ma- great advances in Arabic epigraphy. He shews sanderan. (Diary kept by his Highness.) Translated no critical use of authorities, and his details are from the Persian by E. Koriander, Mining Engi- inaccurate, being from translations, &c. An neer.The Journals of the Shah Nasru'ddin, example is given in his treatment of Al.Uzza, an oompiled by himself at the time of his travels in ancient Arabian deity mentioned in the Quran, Persia (in Mazandôrin, Kerbela and Khurasan), in The work has no scientific value, but the reviewer spite of occasional monotony and dryness in style, hopes for something better from the author on possess considerable interest in many particulars. account of his knowledge of Arabic and his The Shah is full of curiosity, and introduces enthusiasm in the study. ethnographical, social and archæological obeer- | (5). Dictionnaire des noms propres palmyra. vations, but the chief interest of the book is niens, par E. Ledrain.-The object of the work geographical and topographioal. The Shah often is to collect into a corpus the proper names, scatvisits the most out-of-the-way places, and so who- tered over collections of every kind, learned travels ever undertakes to translate his diary ought to and monographs which are found in Palmyrean give the geographical names very accurately (an Inscriptions, and in this way to furnish as comalphabetical list of them would not be without its plete material as possible for the future investi. use), but M. Koriander gives neither. He has gator of Palmyrean onomatology. The author done his work very carelessly, suppressing some makes no comments on the names, which are things, adding others, and confusing the narra- more than four hundred in number, and are tive. The book is of little valge. The original transoribed in the Hebrew alphabet. Of the names appeared at Teheran in 1294 A. H.
introduoed by M. Ledrain a large number do not (3). Contomporary Persia. -A good book and belong to the dialect spoken at Palmyra. Owing well translated.
to the city being on one of the highways of com(4). M. Mashanov. A Sketch of Arab Life in merce, there lived there a multitude of strangers
A translation of the work by Dr. Wills.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUABY, 1889.
and especially Greeks, Romans, Persians, Parsive. Yakat tells us that among them were thians and other Aryans. There are 14 Greek found a group representing two women embracing, proper names in this list, the orthography of which served as a subject for some verses of which is very capricious. The same remark applies the Arabian poets: this has completely disapto the Latin. Many valuable hints are given peared. In the same writer we meet with an on pronunciation of these transcriptions. With account of the grave of a woman, made of gypsum, the exception of Parthian and Persian all the found in the time of Mervan II., which contained other names are of. Semitic origin and are mytho. an embalmed body, covered with various orna. logical, personal, and geographical. Some of the mente, &c. former show the existence of deities of the Semi. The author devotes the fourth chapter to tic pantheon not otherwise known. Many of the the discussion of the caravan-routes, leading theophoric personal names are compounded of from various places to Palmyra mentioned by Baal with some other word-thus Yaribel. The the Arabian Geographers, and finally in the fifth book is a very valuable one.
chapter considers the legendary stories of the (6). Palmyre sive Tadmur urbis fata que Arabs about the fate of Palmyra, which all treat fuerint tempore Muslimico. Scripsit H. Grimme. of two important epochs in its history,-its founMonasterii Guestfalorum 1886. The History of dation by Solomon and destruction in the time Palmyra has been often specially treated, but of Zenobia or Az-Zabba. It is remarkable that only in its more ancient and glorious period and the personality of Aurelian is completely ignored not after 273 A.D., when Aurelian took the in these traditions and he is changed by the city and nnited it with the Roman Empire. M. Arabian historians into a certain Amir, Emperor Grimme discusses its history from the time of of Hiza, and even the legend about the ruin of the conquest of Aurelian till the time when it falls Zenobia has nothing in common with the histori. out of mention in history. The work is in five cal narrative. chapters. In the first the author gives a sketch (7) James Legge. A record of Buddhistic King. of the history of Palmyra in 273 till its subjuga. doms, being an account by the Chinese Monk Fdtion by the Arabs in 634 in the time of the Hian of his Travels in India and Ceylon (4.D. Khalifa Aba Bakr. The chief authorities here 399-414), in search of the Buddhist books of Discipare the Byzantine historians. As far as can be line. Translated and annotated with a Corean gathered Palmyra at that time took no part in the recension of the Chinese text. Oxford, 1886. The political events which frequently shook the very review does not deal with the translation from foundations of the Byzantine Empire in the time the Chinese, but is rather a general discussion on of Justinian and other monarchs. That Emperor Få-Hian's travels. Two questions are treated : paid particular attention to Palmyra, then almost (1) Where did FA-Hian goP (2) What sort of in ruins, and ordered that it should be rebuilt and Buddhism did he see? The work of Fa-Hian is of surrounded with walls, spending for this purpose, a naive character, arid the sole object of the pilaccording to the testimony of Theophanes and grim is religious. He occupies himself with no Malala, large sums of money. After the loss of matters concerning the people he visited it was its commercial prosperity Palmyra acquired strate. only to see the Buddhist temples and sacred gical importance, and when during the sway of the things. The sketch of the life of F&- Hian given Arabe it was filled with a large population pro- in the article is mainly taken from Dr. Legge's fessing Islåm, it played an important part in the book, as also is the scope of his travels. quarrels of the Ummayis and the 'Abbasis. On (8) Chanakya Resension de cinq recueils de the taking of the town by Mervan II., its walls stances morales (Chanakya Nitibataka, (Chanawere demolished, and as they were never rebuilt kya) Nitiédstra, Laghr-Chanakya Rájantisdstra, it lost its strategical importance, and sank to Vriddha Chunakya Rajanilibdatra, Chanakya the dimensions of a small provincial town but sloka, par Eugene Monseur, Paris, 1887. The rarely afterwards mentioned by historians. M. careful study of the whole series of manuscripts of Grimme brings his history of Palmyra down to the celebrated collection of ethical sayinga, the year 1401, namely to the conquests of Timär made by M. Monseur, appears an excellent in the East, when Tadmor is again mentioned by addition to the Indische Spriiche of Böthlingk. the Arabian historians, and with this the second The author divides the manuscripts known to chapter of the work concludes.
him into five recensions, and their number is The third chapter is occupied with a dis. continually being increasel. Chanakya was a cussion of the information given about favourite book for elementary instruction, and the Palmyra by the Arabian Geographers. The texts passing through so many hands became ruins in their time were much more exten. ! corrupted. In the preface the character of the
.

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MISCELLANEA.
55
collection is discussed, and the manuscripts of which dhê=nkato=pi) saṁ 600 70 9 tithio 7, - "in the author has made use. The text of the Sayings six centuries, increased by eighty less by one, gives 218 new ones, which are not in Böthlingk. of the years that have gone by from the time The reviewer calls attention to a small collection of the Saka king; in the bright fortnight of of sayings, the manuscript of which is in Paris
(the month) Ăśvayuja; or, in figures, the year Vidura-niti-sdra; foll. 9, 1. 8. The collection is divided into 8 adhydya in 70 blokas (22, 13, 11, 6,
600 (and) 70 (and) 9, the tithi 7." 7, 23); many of them have not yet been published,
This last record might perhaps be taken as as far as could be ascertained by a hasty inspection.
referring only to the immediately following (9) Bibliographie analytique des ouvrages de words with which the charter ends, -"and Monsieur Marie-Félicité Brosset, Membre de (this charter), which has the Rája Adityavarman l'Academie Imp. des Sciences de S. Pétersbourg, as its Dútaka, has been written by me, the 1821-1879. S. Petersbourg, 1887. The study of illustrious Bhỏdalla, the son of the Baládhikrita the Georgian language may be said to have been the illustrious Tatta." The mention, however, founded by M. Brosset. His writings are 80
of the month Aśvayuja suffices to .shew that numerous and scattered over so many publications
the equinox mentioned in line 29 is the that it would be impossible to realise their bulk
autumnal equinox, which must occur during unless we had a list. The work is by his son,
the lunar month Asvayuja, and is to be taken L. M. Brosset, who has given every production of his father. The great scholar was adopted by
as represented by the Tule-Samkranti or Russia, and devoted himself to her.
entrance of the sun into Libra. And the result (10) Orientalische Bibliographie, Unter Mit
will shew that this record gives the day on which, wirkung der H.H. Prof. Dr. A. Bezzenberger, Prof. in celebration of the sankránti, the grant was Dr. H. L. Strack, Dr. Joh. Müller, &c., herausge- made; whether we are also to understand that geben von Prof. Dr. A. Müller. Bd. 1, Erstes Heft, the charter was actually written on the same Berlin, 1887. The reviewer gives the new work a day, or not. hearty greeting.
As in some previous instances, whether the W. R. MORFILL.
given Saka year.679 is literally indicated as
current, or as expired, is not quite certain." CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES.
But a satisfactory result is obtained only by No. 22.
taking it as an expired year. In the Antroli-Chharoli oopper-plate Thus, in Saka-Samvat 679 current, by Prof. grant of a Rashtrakata king Kakkal of K. L. Chhatre's Tables, the given tithi, Gujarat, from the Surat District, pablished, Asvayaja sukla 7, ended on Sunday, 5th with a Plate, by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, in September, A.D. 756, at about 49 gharís, 37 the Jour. Bo, Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 105 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay);" ff., it is recorded that he made a grant of the eighteen days before the Tuld-Sanakránti, which village of Sthåvarapallikå - (line 29) vishuva- did not occur till Thursday, 23rd September, samkrantau, -- "at the sankranti of the equi- at about 32 gh. 28 p. nox." And at the end we have the date (from Buty in Saka-Samvat 880 current (879 the pablished lithograph; line 36 £.) - Saka- expired), the Tula-Sankranti ocourred on nripa-kal-atîta-samvatsara-sata-shatkê ék-ôn- Friday, 23rd September, A.D. 757, at about ksity-adhikê Åśvayuja-áuddh-åkate=pi(read sud- 48 gh., or 1.12 A.m. in the night between the
• Bibliothèque Nationale, D. 240.
1 The exact poeition of this Kakka in the Rashtrakata genealogy has not yet been determined and onequently he cannot be distinguished by dynaatio number from other kings of the same name.
• Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji seems to have been at first rather in doubt as to whether the number of the riven tithi was 7 or 9; and, in fact, in col. 4 of his Table (ante, Vol. VI. p. 44) the numerical symbol that is used here has been given as representing 9. But, se pointed out by him in editing the inscription, a distinotly different symbol for 9 is used in the number of the year. And, coupled with this, the coincidence of the ending of the neventh tithi on the proper day for the ceremonies of the soikranti, shews that he was certainly right in inally deciding to interpret the symbol as 7 here.
See my remarks, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 119 f., on the use of atita in the compound which gives the number of the century.
With the modified Table for the abdapa, do, given ante, Vol. XVII. p. 268 f., which will be followed for the future.
The times are for Bombay all through. The exact place for whioh they should be reduoed is not certain : As the camp at which the king was, when he made the grunt, is not given in the record. But Sthavarapalliks seems to be evidently the modern Ohhåroli itself, as suggested by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji. And, for any place in Gujarat, the times would differ only by a few palas from the times for Bombay; without any differenoe in the resulting days.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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Again, in Saka-Samvat 790 Current (789 expired), the púrnimánta Jyêshtha krishna 15 ended at about 46 gh. 28 p. on Wednesday, 7th May, A.D. 867; on which date there was no solar eclipse. But the amanta Jyoshtha krishna 15 ended on Friday, 6th June, A.D. 887, at about 2 gk. 48 p.; and on this day there was an eclipse of the sun, which was perhaps visible in the most northern parts of India.
This last result, obtained by applying the given Saka year as an expired year, is the one that was given, on the authority of Prof. Jacobi and Dr. Burgess, by the editors of the inscription. And, on the analogy of the results for No. 22 above, it is in all probability the correct one. But the point to which attention is to be paid, is, that, whichever of these two eclipses is selected, this record proves that, by A.D. 866 or 887, the amanta southorn errangement of the lunar fortnights had been applied to the years of the Saks era in Gujarat.
J. F. FLEET.
Friday and the Saturday. This actual moment would be coupled with the tithi śukla 6, which ended on the Friday, at about 59 gh. 37 p. Bat, owing to the late hour at which it occurred, any rites and ceremonies connected with the sankranti would be performed on the next day; and the tithi ending on that day would be coupled with them. And the given tithi, Åsvayuja sukla 7, did end on the next day, Saturday, 24th September, at about 53 gh, 54 p. This, therefore, is evidently the English equivalent of the given date.
This date is of interest, in giving, as far as I can find, the earliest reliable instance of the use of the Saks era in Gujarat, in & date that affords details for calculation.
No. 23. In the Bagumra copper-plate grant of the Rashtrakata Mahasamantadhipati Dhardvarsha-Dhruvaraja III. of Gujarat, from the Nausari District in the Baroda State, published by Dr. Bübler and Dr. Haltzsch in this Journal, Vol. XII. p. 179 ff., the date (from the published text; Plate ii. b. line 16 f.) is-Sakanpipa-kal-atîta-samvatsara-satêsha saptasu ékOna-navaty-adhikeshy-ankatah 789 Jyêshthamâvâsyâyâmiditya-grahaņa-parvasi, "in seven centuries, increased by ninety less by one, of the years that have gone by from the time of of the Saka king ; (or) in figures, 789 (years); on the new-moon téthi of (the month) Jyêshtha; at the conjunction of an eclipse of the fun." And the charter records the grant of a village by Dhruvarkja III., on this occasion, after bathing in the NarmadA at the Mülasthana-tirtha at Bhrigukachohhs or Broach.
Here a satisfactory result is obtained, whether the given Saka year 789 is taken 88 current or as expired. Thus, in Saka-Samvat 789 current, the půrnimánta Jy@ehtha krishna 15 ended at about 2 ghalis, 2 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay), on Saturday, 18th May, A.D. 868; on which date there was no eclipse of the sun. But the amanta Jyoshtha krishna 15 ended on Sunday, 18th Juno, A.D. 806, at about 20 gh. 18 p.; and on this day there was an eclipse of the sun,' visible in India.
THE DATES OF THREE COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
In the Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LVI. Part I. pp. 106-123, Dr. Führer bas published, with photolithographs, three new copper-plate grants of Govindachandradeva of Kankuj. That Dr. Führer has adopted, without a word of acknow. ledgment, my translations of the grants of Jayachchandra, published ante, Vol. XV. pp. 6-13, as well as certain suggestions and conjec." tures of mine, is a matter which concerns only himself. Of more general interest are the datet of these grante.
According to Dr. Führer, the grant No. I. " was made on Monday, the full-moon day of the month Margasiraba, in the (Vikrama) year 1180, answering it appears to Monday, the 21st Novem, ber, 1123 A.D."--In reality, (1) the 21st November, A.D. 1123, was a Wednesday; (2) in A.D. 1123, the full-moon day of Märgadirsha was Tuesday, 4th December; (3) Dr. Führer's photolithograph, if it is worth anything, shows that the grant was made in 1187, not in 1180; and (4) Dr. Führer takes no notice whatever of the sariakranti, mentioned apparently in connection with the date.
• Bee a separato note on the spurious Garjars granta of the Saka yaara 400, 416, and 417.
+ Von Oppolser's Canon der Finsternisso, pp. 198,
199, and Plato 99.-This eclipse is also mentioned in the Sirur rooord, see ante, Vol. XVII. p. 149.

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MISCELLANEA.
According to Dr. Führer, the grant No. II. possibly, the day immediately following or preced"is dated Thursday, the 4th lunar day of the ing a sankranti). bright half of the month Bhadrapada of the Taking, as for reasons which need not be (Vikrama) year 1181, answering it appears to mentioned here we must do, 1187 to be a year of Thursday, the 9th September 1124 A.D."-Here the Vikrama era, the possible equivalents for the again, (1) the 9th September, A.D. 1124, was a 15th lunar day of the bright half of Margasirsha Tuesday; and (2) in A.D. 1124, the 4th of the would be bright half of Bhadrapada 'apparently' corres- for the northern or southern) year 1187, ponds to Friday, 15th August.
current, And, according to Dr. Führer, the grant No.
Wednesday, 27th November, A. D. 1129, III. " is dated Friday, the 15th lunar day of the
when there was full-moon about 16 h. bright half of Chaitra of the (Vikrama) year 1185,
after mean sunrise ; and answering it appears to Friday, the 20th March for the (northern or southern) year 1187, 1128 A.D."-And here again, (1) the 20th March, expired, - A. D. 1128, was a Tuesday; (2) in A.D. 1128, the
Monday, 17th November, A. D. 1130, 15th of the bright half of Chaitra was Sunday,
when there was full-moon about 1 h. 18th March ; and (3) Dr. Führer has made no
25 m. after mean sunrise. reference to the term manuddau, mentioned The second of these two dates does furnish the apparently in connection with the date; a term week-day required, but on neither date was there which, indeed, Dr. Fübrer takes to denote "the a sankranti; for the nearest sankranti took sun's entrance into another zodiacal sign after placemidnight."
in A, D. 1129, on Monday, 25th November. Each of the three dates does present certain which was the 13th of the bright half of difficulties, which, using only the photolithographs Margasiraha; and for which we are indebted to Dr. Führer, I shall in A. D. 1130, on Tuesday, 25th November, try to point out in the following remarks :
which was the 8th of the dark half of a No. I.
month; while the preceding savikranti had
taken place on Monday, 27th October, The date is contained in the following passage:
which was the 9th of the dark half of a (L. 18.) ...... samvat 1187 Margga su di
month. (L. 19.) psurnni(rana)masy&m tithau Boma
Unless there be some rule concerning saria dine ladyêha srimad Varanasyan sam. krantis which is unknown to mo, there appears krantau.....
therefore to be some error in the recorded deWhat first strikes us here, is that the term 8*
tails of the date; and the possibilities seem to di is followed by the expression paurnamdeydi me, either that the grant was made on a Monday, tithane, on the full-moon tithi,' an expression the day of a sankranti, the 13th (not the 15th) ordinarily made use of when a date is given in
lunar day of the bright half of Margasirsha, -in words, while, when the date is given in figures,
which case the true date would be Monday, 25th eu di is employed, followed by a numeral for the
November, A. D. 1129 ; or, that the word arerieday, which, in the present case, might have been krantau has been wrongly inserted in the grant,
krantau has been wrono expected to be 15. Of this exceptional usage in which case the true date would be Monday. shall treat on a future occasion. As regards the 17th November, A. D. 1130. In the former case present inscription, there can be no doubt that the the figures 1187 would denote the current year; in meaning intended to be conveyed is, that the the latter, the ye
the latter, the year expired. In my opinion the grant was made in the year 1187, on the full probabilities are that the full-moon tithi is rightly moon tithi or 15th lunar day of the bright half of quoted in the grant, and that the true date therethe month Margasirsha, on a Monday. On this fore is Monday, 17th November, A.D. 1130 : day the king, when at Benares, made a certain and I may point to the grant of Chandradôva and grant, having, we are told, bathed in the Ganges | Madanapaladôva of the year 1154, as a clear
on the occasion of a savikranti, or entrance of the instance in which (similarly to what I suppose to sun into a sign of the zodiao.. Since, under ordin- have been done in the present grant) an ulardary circumstances, the sankranti here spoken of yana-sankranti has been wrongly quoted, coupledshould coincide with the date mentioned before, as it is with the 3rd day of the bright half of we obtain for calculation :--the year 1187 of an Mågha, a day on which the uttardyana-sansunspecified era, the full-moon tithi or 15th lunar kerdnti can never take place. day of the bright half of Margasirgha, being a I may add that of all the years from Vikrama Monday and also the day of a samkranti (or, 1180, current, up to Vikrama 1190, expired, the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUABY, 1889.
full-moon day of Mårgasirsha was a Monday, only in Vikrama 1187, expired; for that day was equivalent, - in V. 1180, current, to Wednesday, 15 Nov., A.D. 1122; » » 1181,
Tuesday, Deo, A.D. 1128 1182, ,, Sunday, 23 Nov., A.D. 1124; , , 1183,
> >
Thursday, 12 Nov., A.D. 1125; 1184,
Wednesday, 1 Dec., A.D. 1126; 1185,
Sunday, 20 Nov., A.D. 1127; 1186, » » Saturday, Dec., A.D. 1128; 1187,
Wednesday, 27 Nov., A.D. 1129; ..,1198, ... Monday, 17 Nov., A.D. 1130; , 1189,
Sunday, Dec., A.D. 1181; ,, 1190,
Thursday, 24 Nov., A.D. 1132 » » 1191,
, Tuesday, 14 Nov., A.D. 1133. And in all the years enumerated there was a samkranti on 25th November, which was a Mon. day only in A.D. 1129.
No. II. The date is given as follows: (L. 16.) ..... samvat 1181 Bhadrapada
t 181 Bhadrap de su di [4] Gurau.
In the photolithograph, the figure following upon su di looks as if, in the original grant, a 3 had been altered into 4, or a 4 into 3; and all that can be said with certainty, is that the grant was made on a Thursday, which was either the 3rd or 4th day of the bright half of the month Bhadrapada, of the year 1181; on the occasion, as we are told in line 21, of making the great gift of the pancha-lângala' or 'five ploughs.'
Referring the date, again, to the Vikrama era, the possible equivalents for the 3rd and 4th days of the bright half of Bhadrapada would be: for the northern year 1181, current,
Sunday, 26th August, A.D. 1123; and Monday, 27th August, S for the northern year 1181, expired, or the Boathers year current,
Thursday, 14th August, 2. and Friday, 15th August, 3 A.D."
A.D. 1124; and for the southern year 1181, expired-
Monday, 3rd August, A.D. 1125. and Tuesday, 4th August, Of these, Thursday, 14th August, A.D. 1124, which was the 3rd of the bright half of Bhadra- pada, would exactly suit us, if we could be quite sure that the figure following upon the term su di of the inscription were 3; but that figure may be 4, and it must be borne in mind that the
Bhadrapada-Sukla-tritiya is one of the manvaditithis, being the anniversary of the fourth Manu Tamasa, and that this would probably have been stated in the inscription (as it has actually been stated in No. III.), if the grant had been really made on the 3rd. At the same time, it must be observed that, under certain circumstances, the same particular Thursday, 14th August, A.D. 1124, though civilly the 3rd day of the bright half of Bhadrapada, might also have been coupled with the fourth tithi, if namely (in the absence of any distinct statement on the subject) we were allowed to assume that the donation spoken of in the grant had been made in connection with the Siddhivindyakavrata, prescribed for the Gandea-chaturthi, i.e. the fourth tithi of the bright half of Bhadrapada. That tithi, in the present case, began at Benares 43 m. after midday of the Thursday in question, and it ended 5 m. after midday of Friday, i.e. it covered, so to say, a portion of the madhyahnakdla (which lasts 72 m. before and 72 m. after noon)' of either day; and, such being the case, any ceremony in honour of Ganesa would necessarily have had to be performed on the Thursday, not on the Friday, and the Thursday would, for the purpose of the attending religious ceremonies, have been correctly coupled with the 4th (running) tithi.
Under any circumstances, I consider it certain that the date is Thursday, 14th August, A.D. 1124, and that the figures for the year, 1181, accordingly denote the current southern Vikrama year.
No. III. The passage containing the date runs thus:
(L. 15) .. pańchasi(81) ty-adhik-aikadasa(sa) - Ba(a)ta . samvatsaråshu Chaitre masi su(u)kla-pakshe paurņnamasyam tithau Bu(su)kra-dinė anke=pi samvat 1185 Chaitra su di 15 Bu(u)kre (ady=ha) srimad-Vârt
(L. 16.) naayar manvadau Gargây snátva.
The inscription, accordingly, is clearly datedin the year 1185, on the full-moon tithi or 15th lunar day of the bright half of the month Chaitra, on Friday.' On that day the king, when at Benares, made a certain grant, having bathed in the Ganges on a manvadi, i.e., apparently, on that particular manuddi-tithi which coincides
On this gift see, e.g., HêmAdri's Chaturvargachintamani, Danakhanda, p. 287.-The published grant has paraldigala-mahadand" at the consion of giving the valuable present of a plough to the highest (i.e. BrAhmana)," which is of course mistake. Another more serious error which the oditor has fallen into is that, according to him, the grant was made by the king Govindachandra "with the consent of the illustrious rejas, feudatory princes (admanta), and the great lady,
the queen, the illustrious Dalhanadtof (frimad rajaodmanta-mahamdorf.frl-Dalhana-dévfbhir); whereas it is quite clear that, in reality, it was made by the queen (whose name Mr. Fleet, I believe rightly, suggests to be Alhaņadevi) with the consent of the king (Srimad-rajasammatya).
Compare, e.g., Kalamddhava, p. no: madhydhnge trimuhartah sydt..

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FEBRUARY, 1889.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
59
with the full-moon tithi of the month Chaitra, which is the anniversary of the thirteenth Manu Rauchya.
Taking 1185, again, to be a year of the Vikram ma era, the possible equivalents for Chaitra sukla 15 would be :for the current northern year,
Tuesday, 29th March, A.D. 1127; for the expired northern or current southern year,
Sunday, 18th March, A.D. 1128; and for the expired southern year,
Saturday, 6th April, A.D. 1129. Of these, Saturday, 6th April, A.D. 1129, comes nearest the week-day we are in search of, and the question is whether the preceding day, Friday, 5th April, A.D. 1129, though civilly the 14th of the bright half of Chaitra, could by any possibility have been coupled with the 15th or full-moon tithi of the month. That tithi, at Benares, commenced about 40 m. before sunset of the Friday in question, and it ended about 60 m. before sunset of the next day, and if we could show that the religious ceremony with which the grant was connected had been performed very late in the
afternoon of Friday, or at any time up to sunrise of Saturday, every difficulty would be removed. The grant having been made on a manuddi-tithi, the ceremony performed on the occasion probably was a brdddha. So far as I understand the some. what intricate rules accessible to me, a ceremony of this kind may be performed late in the afternoon; and assuming this to have been done in the present case, it was right to say that the donation was made on Friday, during the (run. ning) full-moon tithi of Chaitra. For the present, I therefore consider Friday, 5th April, A.D. 1129, to be the true equivalent of the date; and I accordingly take the figures 1185 to denote the southern expired year.
Lest the above should be objected to on the ground that the results in the case of Nos. I. and III. are for expired southern years, while in the case of No. II. the result is for the southern cur. rent year, I may add that, similarly, out of four grants of Jayachchandra lately sent to me by Mr. Fleet, three are dated in expired southern years, while one is dated in the current southern year. Göttingen.
F. KIELKORN.
NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES ON MALACCA FOLK MEDICINE. The next stage is called mambang berdlang, (1) Cure for Dropsy.
when the spirit returns; and now the roots of Penyakit bengkak-bongkak, the illness of swell- němbërtas' and júang-júang ranting' are boiled ing, i.e., dropsy.
with those of the five ingredients already men. Mix the leaves of brilangan bosar!, kdyu kadok, tioned and the decoction is drunk, while the kdchang kayu (the domesticated variety called ointment prepared for the first stage has added kdchang kdyu kampong as distinguished from
to it the charcoal obtained from the burnt shell of kdchang kdyu hatan) kdchang pdrang, and mång.
the lábu kémbong. kada bisar): pound and make into an ointment
Third stage, mambang sěrau. If the preceding and smear on parts affected. The roots of the treatment fails to stop the progress of the illness, above are also boiled, and the decoction is to be
and the third stage comes on, a decoction from drunk, no other drink being allowed for a period the roots of akar tapak gdjah, and paar merah of three days. This is for the first stage of the
is added to that used in the preceding stages disease, which is called mambang kuning, the yellow while the leaf and wood of the kdras tree are spirit who causes the illness, and makes the com
added to the ointment. plexion of the patient assume a yellow tinge. Fourth stage, mambang sdru. When this super.
1 Gmelina Asiatica. • Leaf like the betel-leat, chavica sphørostachya. . Variously given a cytinus cajan and cajanus Indicua.
• This refers to the large curved pod, thought to resemble the Malay woodman's knife called parang, which grows on the tree probably labļab cultratus.
Morinda sp. probably M. persicafolia, of which the root is used to produce a red dye.
• Rdas, joints as in sugar-oane, and bamboo; there is a timber tree called borsas.
Ranting, twig, juang-jdang, opposing, perhaps in dicating the way in which the twigs grow.
• Sort of gourd, Sanak. aldbu kembong, swollen, big, round: lagenaria sp.P nat. fam. cucurbitacea.
I have failed to gather the meaning of drau here; there are several plants so named.
20 Akar, lit. root, but here meaning oreeper or liane : tapak sole (of foot), gajah elephant, loul thought to resemble that animal's footprint.
11 The red púar (amomum sp.) . paar is a term applied to several varieties of amomum and also to different plants; the amomum varieties spring up like weeds on deserted clearings.
The heart of this tree furnishes the Malay variety of eagle-wood, probably aquilaria agallocha, called gaharu (of. Sanskrit agaru or aguru) by the Malays who recog. nize four qualities of it, viz., gaharu lampam very black. 1st quality: End quality gaharu tandok or g. risik Srd quality g. cangkang or g. budya; 4th . midang unmarketable refuse of last, but used privately. Cambojan variety is alamylon agallochum. For ceremonies used in collecting gaharu soo Indian Notes and Querie, Vol. IV. note 154).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
FEBRUARY, 1889.
venes, a decoction of the root of the künyet. Let God be gracious, be gracious Muhammad, kanyets and the ground (i.e. pounded) leaves of The blessed Apostle of God. it are added to the previous decoctions and oint- There is no God but God. monts, and the following charm is recited :
(2) Cure for Abscess. Jat namanya dyer Ayér menjddi bátu
Pěnyakit bárah (abscens). The shoots of ledyu Bátu měnjadi amal
baluh-biluh, i.e., the bamboo tree, are ground Jin kata Allah
and applied to the site of the abscess. Minal kata Muhammad
The presence of an internal abscess is ascerBukan aku yang punya tawar,
tained by gazing into a mixture of water, lime, Malin Ketimun yang punya tduar
gambier, strih and betel nut. After using it Mambang kuning, mambang berilang
for this purpose the mixture is tiwar'd or charmed, Mambang serau, mambang sirt,
and then smeared over the place. Kábul Allah, Kabul Muhammad
The tdwar is as follows:Kabul baginda rasul Allah,
Bismillahi irrahmán irraltm; bdrah di húlu La illaha il Allah.
barah di hilir, latiga tampang kladi, bárah di It is difficult to render the foregoing into Eng- húlu, barah di hilir, kena tawar, ta' menjadi. ligh with any confidence that the real meaning Silang silun, dapat belalang golong, buat min. has been attained, as other changes besides the jamu jembalang těrěnak téréni terdju, tinggal Muhammadan additions may have taken place in di rimba, tégoh tégoh tēmas-tēmas, cheremin dyer, the wording, in the process of handing down from cheremin bumi, simínum nama bu, sigudam generation to generation. It is probably of Java. nama bapa, sčlákum yang punya bisa, Che, Putih nese origin. One rendering is
yang punya tdwas. Aku tahu asal engkau bdrah Jat is the name of the watert:
ddrah asal engkau barah, bukannya aku yang The water becomes stone.
punya tdrar, Malin Kelímun yang punya tdwar. The stone becomes a charm.
Kėbul Allah, kėbul Muhammad, kẽbul baginda Jin stands for God
rdsul Allah. Minal for Muhammad
In the name of God, the compassionate and Another rendering is
merciful! Beginning of the abscess, and end of the Let the water become stone,
abscess and third comes, the kladio shoot. BeAnd the stone become a charm.15
ginning of the abscess, end of the abscess, when To the Jin I recite the name of God
charmed develops not. Here and there we find To Minal that of Muhammad.
ihe coiled grass-hoppers and prepare a feast for It is not I who make this charm,
tbe Jembalanga softlys and quickly; he dwells It was Malin Kělimun who made it.
in the jungle ; firmly we make ready the mirror, Yellow spirit, returning spirit,
the mirror of earth." Siminum" is thy mother's Sorau spirit, Saru” spirit.
name, Sigudam (the hammerer) thy father's, 13 Kanyet proper is the curcuma, saffron. The Malays Artocarpea and the other of the Euphorbiace, but I recognize several varieties, viz. K. padi (c. serumbet) cannot say which this is. K rimba (c. sumatrana) K, santan (c. purpura.scens) and 19 Uncaria gambir or Wanclea inermis. K. besar. The kunyet kunyet of the text is a shrub or tree, and is used medicinally in other ways besides
10 Areca catechu.
" Chavica betel. those mentioned here.
13 Lit. abscess at the source, abscess at the mouth, as * It was suggested to me that this referred to the though speaking of a river. spirit of the dropsy, but it would seem more likely to * Colocasia antiquorum. The first four lines (excluding indicate the decootion which is to operate by virtue of the invocation) form sort of pantun, of which kind the charm.
of verse the first two lines have seldom any coherent 1 (de 'amal,) a pious act prayer for aid, charm.
meaning, but here there is said to be some figurative
intention when the kladi stalk is out close to the 1. Malin is probably error for ma'lim (Ar. ple) ground the shoot is said to be visible, and this reference tencher, master in this one of magio: Kelmun his name
is said to indicate the discovery of the abscess. is possibly & mystic form of Sulaiman or Selaman as the
15 Silang allun, mystic for sini adna. Malays call it. These two lines would naturally be held to
» Mystic term for the seat of the absoess. mean that the word jin is substituted for God and Minal
» The spirit who causes the sickness. for Muhammad, but it seems hardly likely that the Tårdnak tereni, soothing words, such as are addressed charmer would say that, if it were so; and assuming that to children. the words have not been altered, and stand somewhat elliptically, a highly Malay practice, the latter rendering
Tandju in the ordinary vocabulary in a word derived
from Persian, meaning to weigh in the scales, but here a seems more reasonable as Invoking the name of God and l-myatio word for laju, swift. his prophet to exercise some of the powers working with the spirit of sickness and described anjin generically and
30 Témas-tēmas mystic for kemas-kemas. Minal particularly. Another rendering would be jin Referring to the combiued ingredients mentioned Rays God, Minal says Muhammad.'
in the second paragraph of this charm. 11 I can find no meaning for this.
* 8 is a personal prefir, minum to drink, meaning 15 There are two trees of this name, one of the together, the drinker.
en aning, og dereformeerde oorbe first to

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FEBRUARY, 1889.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
61
Sildleum'," was the poison, Che' Patih devised Upputoru, not far south of the western mouth of the remedy; I know thy origin, abscess; blood | the Godavari, was thy origin, abscess; not mine is the charm, it Sima is the most popular word for country on is the charm of Malin Kēlimun." May God be the banks of the Kșishna and the Godavari rivers. gracious, and Muhammad: may the mighty Every little tract with any peculiarity is a sima, Apostle of God be gracious.
e.g., Reddisima, Jhallisima, Divisima, Kayasima. D. F. A. HARVEY.
Sometimes a tract, surrounded by simas thus NOTE ON NAMES CONNECTED WITH THE named, but with no peculiarity of its own, is TELUGU COUNTRY
called after its principal village or town, e.g., The tract of country commonly spoken of by Gudivadasims. The people of these simas, from Europeans in the Madras Presidency as the Telugu which came the weavers who supplied the East Country is by the people themselves called Tenu. India Company with their famons salum pores, gurajyamu or Tenugusima, but to the world at roomaulls, madapollums, etc., seldom use any large it is, I think, best known as Telingana, and other word for country, no matter how extensive. for that reason only I use the last term in my In speaking to the early European traders of their notes. Tamil people, and more especially those of country, they would call it "mí sima," for to Madras, often speak of Telugu land as Golleti. this day they cannot get their tongues round simei, the Tamil pronunciation of Kollêtisima, Portugal, Holland, France, and England, and i.e., the country of the Kolleru (Colair) Lake, the never attempt to, if they can possibly avoid it. largest fresh-water lake in India, lying between The removal of the emphasis from the possessive the Krishna and Godavari Districts. That at pronoun mi, your, to the common noun síma Masulipatam being one of the earliest English would convert the latter into a proper noun, the factories, the neighbouring people naturally at. use of the possessive pronouns with proper nouns tracted more attention tlan those that were sub- being common; and thus Sima would come to sequently come in contact with, and amongst mean Europe. Whether the Tamil símei is a them the Bestá Bôyin (fisherman bearers) of the transliteration of the Telugd síma or separately Kollêtisima on the borders of the Kollêru were derived, I do not know found peculiarly trustworthy servants. When Masulipatam. H. G. PRENDERGAST. their English masters went on promotion to Madras, they were accompanied by their trusty | TESTS OF VIRGINITY AMONGST THE MALAYS. Böyis, and from that day to this Bestá Bôyis | Among the Malays tokens of virginity, such have been employed as attendants in public and as are mentioned in Deuteronomy axii. are mercantile offices in Madras and have continued examined by the parents of the bride the to maintain their good reputation. Being the morning after consummation of a marriage. In most prominent Telugu people in Madras at the the State of Perak on the occasion of a marriage time of their immigration, the name they gave among the higher classes when the bridegroom their own little tract was naturally assumed to be is introduced into the bride's chamber, four or that of the whole country. From Gollêtisimei has five old women are there and remain there. been derived from Gollêti, a Telugu man, used as a His mos apud novas nuptas, quae, ante sextum term of contempt, signifying unsophisticated. The vel septimum diem, ne virorum notitiam habuisse ordinary Tamil name for a Teluga man is Vaduvan, teneantur (quod virgini dedecori maximo haben. Northerner.
tur) mariti amplexus pati nolint. Marito instant. Sir William Hunter, when he was inclined to toties refugientem, toties anus nutricesque lecti believe that all South Indian languages were custodes captam reducunt. Inde, quum dies Kolarian, adduced as evidence in favour of his prescripti praeterierint, a custodibus admonita theory the frequency of pames containing the in lecto palvinis rite suppositis collocatur. Viro syllable Kol, including the Kolair Lake (sic). gaudia jamdudum optata tandem rapere licet. But the name is not Kolair, but Kolleru. Kollu At simulae primum raptum sit hymen, nappae is a contraction of kolans or golamu, a natural albae, in lecto super patinam argenteam ad id pond or lake, and is found in Palakollu, Gundu. paratae, notas tres transversu pene retracto, gollu, Kollari, Kollipara, etc. Hru means river. imprimere necesse est. Nappam, die proximo Kolléru, therefore, is the lake-river, which receives inspiciunt parentes cognataeque labe rubrissima the innumerable streams between the Kộishna and infici fas est. the Godavari that do not discharge into those The bride and bridegroom salute the bride's rivers and disembogues itself into the sea by the parents on the day after the consummation of the » Lákum is the name of more than one creeper.
». This may be a slip for Che Patih, or it may be an alias of Malin Kalimun.

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marriage. If the bridegroom has reason to be straight across the forehead and along the nose dissatisfied with his bride, he indicates this by down to the chin. The ends are cut off just leaving the handle of his keris uncovered or below the chin. If when the scissors snap the omitting to put on a jacket.
released hair springs back and parts right and In a Malay household where a virgin is about left it is a sign that the girl is not a virgin. If to be married a domestic ceremony called putus the hair remains straight in its position the kérájat is sometimes performed. The girl is laid omen is satisfactory. Some anxious fathers have on her back and a silk cloth placed over her been known to forestall fate by stiffening a girl's bosom. Seven hairs are selected at the back of hair with war. This is only a test (per-tanda-an). the head and are brought down across her face!
W. E. M.
BOOK NOTICES. ARCHXOLOGICAL SURVEY OF SOUTHERN INDIA.-Thef The significance of the Amaravatt sculptures in
Buddhist Ståpas of Amaravati and Jaggayapeta in the Krishna District, Madras Presidency, surveyed
yea the history of Indian art and religion has been in 1882, by Jas. BURGESS, C.I.E., &c., Director fully recognized ever sine the publication of the General of the Archaeological Survey of India. With translations of the Asoka Inscriptions at
first edition of Tree and Serpent Worship twenty Jaugada and Dhauli, by GEORGE BÜRLER, C.I.E., years ago, but their value cannot be correctly &c., Professor of Sanskrit in the University of
appreciated until their date is fixed. Mr. Fergus. Vienna, Trúbner and Co. London, 1887. 4to, pp. ix.
and 131; with 69 Plates and 32 Woodcuts.“ Bon, arguing correctly from certain erroneous pre
This magnificent volume, illustrated by numer- mises, fixed their date in the middle of the fourth ous woodcuts and sixty-nine full page autotype, century A. D. Dr. Burgess now clearly proves collotype, and engraved plates, is the first pro- that this date is too late, and that the great rail duction, in a finished shape, of the archeologi- was erected shortly before A.D. 200. The original cal Survey of Southern India, and is fully stúpa was built much earlier, and the inner rail equal in execution and value to any of the five a little later. sumptuous volumes of reports of the Archæolo. In the work under review, the argumente detergical Survey of Western India, which it resembles mining the chronology, being mixed up with a in external appearance.
multitude of topographical and other details are The sculptures from the stúpa of Amaravati difficult to follow, and therefore, considering the have been made famous by the late Mr. J. Fergus. importance of the dates now determined, it seems son's work on Tree and Serpent Worship, half of advisable to state briefly the outline of the arguwhich is devoted to the illustration and discus- ments used. sion of the marbles then accessible, some of which Inscriptions of two kings of the Andhra dyare exhibited on the walls of the grand staircase nasty, namely, Palum yi. Vasishbhfputra, and of the British Museum. Since Mr. Fergusson Sri- Yajna-Satakarni-Väsishthiputra, have been wrote, the site has been explored by Mr. R. discovered at Amar vatl, and the correct date of Sewell, M.C.S., and by Dr. Burgess, and hundreds the monument has been elicited by the discussion of additional sculptures have been exhumed. In of these documents. But it does not rest upon the work under review, Dr. Burgess describes their interpretation only, and is established by the principal specimens of the new discoveries, and several arguments of cumulative force. reproduces numerous beautiful drawings of slabs Mr. Fergusson judged that the style of the now loat, which were prepared over seventy years Amaravati marbles is intermediate between that of ago under the direction of Colonel Mackenzie. the sculptures in the Satakarni.Gautamiputra Dr. Burgess' work is consequently to be regarded cave at Nasik, and of those in the Kanheri chaitya as a supplement to the Amaravati section of cave. This judgment has not been disputed, and
Tree and Serpent Worship. The two books, fixes correctly the relative age of the great rail at taken together, give a very full and splendidly | Amaravatt. For the determination of its absolute illustrated account of the fragmentary remains of age by the style-test, it is necessary to know the the great monument at Amaravati, which appears dates of Satakarni-Gautamiputra and the other to have equalled or surpassed in magnificence
Andhra kings. It is impossible, within the limits any building erected by the Indian Buddhists. of a short review, to state fully the arguments
The atúpa itself has been utterly destroyed, which are used to determine the Andhra chronoand the marbles which now are so closely studied logy, but I shall try to indicate them briefly. The are the disjointed fragments of the casing of the date of Satakarni Gautamiputra depends on that central monument, and pieces of the two highly of the Satrap Nahapana Kshaharata of Gujarat, soulptured railings which surrounded it.
whom he defeated, and whose son-in-law has left

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BOOK NOTICES.
68
inscriptions, dated 40, 42, and 46 (of the Saka era). concluded that the Amaravati inscriptions in Nahapana was contemporary with the Satrap exactly the same character must belong to the Chashtana of Ujjain, the Tiastanes of Ptolemy, same period. He also pointed out that Mr. who therefore, lived a little anterior to A.D. 150, Fergusson had exaggerated the difference in the and whose date is further fixed by the known date style of the sculptures at Amarárati and of those of his grandson Rudradêman in the year 72 (Saka on the Sanchi gates, which are known to belong era). Ptolemy's evidence further shows that to the first century A.D. Chashtana was approximately contemporary with We may consequently take the year A.D. 190, Siri Polemaios, i.e. the Andhra king, Pulumiyi. as practically the correct date for the great Vásishthiputra. Chashtana's date is thus fixed rail at Amaravati, "the richest and most elain three different ways, and Nahapâna's date borate piece of screen-work in the world." agrees with his, within very narrow limits of I have devoted so much space to the examinapossible variation. The date of the Andhration of the chronological argument that it is kings, with the help of the information given in impossible to further notice Dr. Burgess's careful their inscriptions, is thus determined, and we and interesting account of the ruins and sculptures obtain for Pulumâyi-Våsishthiputra's reign the of Amaravati. The inscriptions from that place, approximate date, A.D. 135-163; and for Śrt. given in the volume, are for the most part edited Yajia-Satakarni-Gautamiputra's reign the ap- by Dr. Hultzsch. proximate date, A.D. 178-200.
A few pages are devoted to the description of the The date of the great rail at Amaravatt is scanty remains of an early stupa at Jaggaya.thus determined by the combined eviderrce of style peta or Bêt&volu, thirty miles north-west from and inscriptions of the Andhra kings.
Amar vatt. This monument appears to have An independent argument to establish it, is been erécted not later than B.C. 100. obtained from the statement of the Tibetan his Dr. Bühler's edition of the Asoka inscriptorian Tåranátha, that the famous Buddhist tions at Dhauli and Jaugada, which forms the patriarch Nagarjuna, "surrounded the great concluding section of the volume, has, of course, shrine of Dhanya kataka (Amaravatt) with a rail no connection with the discussion of the ruins at ing." Nagarjuna's date rests on that of the Amaravati and Jaggayapeta. Indo-Soythian king Kanishka, whose Buddhist The facsimiles of the inscriptions are photocouncil was presided over by Parávika, to whom lithographed from excellent paper-impressions Nagarjuna was fourth in succession. Assuming, prepared by Dr. Burgess, and establish the text as is generally admitted, that Kanishka reigned beyond all possibility of dispute, except in a few circa A.D. 78-100, Nagarjuna must have built his most minute details. M. Senart had already railing before A.D. 200. The accounts in various edited the separate edicte, addressed to the officials Buddhist writings, expressing Nagarjuna's date at Tosalt and Sam&på, from Dr. Burgess's impresin terms of the nirvana, may be interpreted in
sions, and Dr. Bühler's readings and versions of nearly the same sense, but are not as good these documents naturally differ little from those evidence. The same date for Nagarjuna is sup- of the French scholar. ported by the fact that Dr. Eitel, the student of Dr. Bühler points out that the revised text Chinese Buddhism, independently arrived at the proves the error of the supposition that the Dhauli conclusion that the patriarch ruled the Buddhist version was ill-engraved and carelessly executed. Church between A.D. 137 and 194.
It is really quite as well engraved as the other The palæography of the Amaravati inscrip- tests. The Dhauli and Jaugada versions of the tions confirms the inferences based on the argu- fourteen edicts (Nos. XI. to XIII. being omitted ments of which a summary has been given above. in both) are copies from one and the same oriConsideration of the palæographical argument, ginal, and differ from each other only in the supported by numismatic evidence derived from quantity of one vowel, and the character of coins of the Andhra kings found at Amaravati, another. Dr. Bühler promises an essay on the long ago led Sir A. Cunningham to adopt substan- palmography of the Asöka inscriptions, to appear tially the dates for the Andhra kings and the in the Zeitschrift der Deutsches Morgenlandisches Amaravati rail, which Dr. Burgess supports by the Gesellschaft. The discovery of the fact that the distinct arguments that I have endeavoured to Dhauli version of the edicts is really as well ensummarize. Şir A. Cunningham referred "all graved as the other versions, hns elicited from him the inscriptions of the king Gotamiputra Sata- | an emphatic warning that the interpreter of the karni and his successors Pudumayi and Yadnya Asöka inscriptions " is not entitled to make many Sri to the first and second centuries A.D.," and and great conjectural changes in the text." The
Archæol. Burvey of India, Vol. 1. Introd. p. xxii, published in 1871.

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text is itself good, and errors are to be looked for Andamanese in any dialect. Mr. Portman is in the copy rather than in the original.
however apparently ignorant of all this. We can Dr. Burgess has recently prepared a facsimile see how he views them. "The Andamanese freof the Khálsi text of the edicts, and the world is quently une particles which are without meaning, already indebted to him for a trustworthy repro- and appear principally to serve the purpose of duction of the Girnår version. Before long we euphony !" Of course, they really serve the purmay expect to see the text of all the versions pose of grammar, as Mr. Portman would have authoritatively settled.
known, had he really made grammar a study. 25th August 1888.
V. A. SMITH. As a specimen of the thoroughly superficial
treatment that Mr. Portman's subject has received
at his hands, we would commend his six paraA MANUAL OF THE ANDAMANESE LANGUAGE. By M. V.
PORTMAN, M.R.H.S., etc., Extra Assistant Superin- graphs on the Pronoun. It is all the more aggratendent, Andamans and Nicobars.
vating that he should have been guilty of these, as This is one of those works full of pretentious
this point has been so well illustrated by the rubbish which deserves plain language. It has
predecessors he has ignored. been compiled at the request of Colonel T. Cadell,
The author seems to have had a notion that his V.O., Chief Commissioner of the Andaman and
grammar would not teach much, and pinned his Nicobar Islands." Colonel Cadell has been unfor.
faith to his dictionary and dialogues, by the use of tunate in choosing, as the exponent of the lan
which he "ventures to think that any person guages of the islands over which he has been
brought into contact with the Andamanese in any placed, an officer whose ignorance of language and
part of the Islands will be able to make himself grammar in general and of the Andamanese lan
understood on all ordinary subjects." Will he ? guage and grammar in particular, is only equalled
Let us see. by his extraordinary presumption. He com- The first sentence given is "How hot it is tomences by saying that there is "no work extant on
day,"-in Åka Biada (sic), Badiká, wye, káwai. the various dialects of the Andamanege." Well,
Query : what does bad (kd mean P What wye P there is the Report of Researches into the Language
and what kárai P The Dictionary is Englishof the South Andaman Island, 1882, by no less a
Andamanese without reverse. So we must try personage than Mr. A. J. Ellis, F. R. S., then Pre
the English. How is pichi kácha, hot is uya-da : sident of the Philological Society. As a matter of
to-day is not given, so let us try day which is also fact Mr. Portman must have known of this very
not given, but daylight is bódo-len, and this is valuable Report and the work on which it was based, for the simple reason that he has adopted
|- ká-da and it is is also káda!! Really an examinathe same spelling, so far as his general ignorance
tion of the first sentence makes us wonder at the of his subject would let him.
impudence of the author. The grammar is given in five duodecimo pages,
"The sun is very hot" is the next sentence.
Perhaps we shall be more fortunate. In Aka spaced long primer type !! Of course there is no
Biada it is given as ká bódó uye dogada. It is is grammar worthy of the name. The vowel system
ká-da"; sun is bódóda; hot is wya-da : very is not is hopelessly incomplete,--the most interesting sounds being altogether omitted, and others given
given, but is dógada. It is given as the equivalent
of much in the dictionary. The sentence is really, wrongly. There is something charming in the naïveté that allows the author to say that his
“This sun hot much."
Let us take another sentence at random. "I system is Hunterian, and then to go on to say "o has the sound of o in hot" (sic) and" au has the
'will go if it is fine," is given as dodonga bedig
bodo lédá. Four words are given in the Dictionary sound of aw in awful" (sic) as specimens of it.
for "to go" but none in the least like any of the The description of an agglutinative language in
above, viz., katik ké, on ké, mócho ké, jud ke; if the following words is quite sublime :-“The roots
is not given at all; fine is our old friend bódo-da, of the Andamanese speech receive additions by
which seems to do duty for a good deal. So out of means of prefixes and suffixes, but the roots them
the four Andamanese words we can only even selves have also an independent existence as words."
guess at one. Like the Christy Minstrel. we He then gives three prefixes-all quite wrong
"give it up.' as are all his examples, oblivious of Mr. Ellis's fine
Mr. Portman has had a very fine opportunity of explanation of this very difficult point in the
adding to the world's knowledge, rendered all the Andamanese language. The prefixes in Anda- better from having been carefully shown the way manege as a matter of fact are found in almost be should travel by Mr. A. J. Ellis. He might every word, and grammatically affect, every sen- have produced something unique in its lasting tence. They have been elaborately and accurately value. Instead, he has exhibited an amonnt of explained by Mr. E. H. Man, and without a com- self-assurance which can hardly result from prehension of them no man can ever hope to talk anything but inordinate conceit.
1 This is really a word + postposition, and means Ka-dá here would really be 'this' or to-day.' properly "in the sun"; vide Mr. Portman's own book!

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EXTRACTS FROM THE RAJATARAMGINI.
65
EXTRACTS FROM KALHANA'S RAJATARAMGINI.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE.
No. 1.-EXTRACTS FROM THE FIRST TARAMGA. MHE Rajataramgint, or River of Kings, of Kalhana, has always attracted a great deal of
I attention, partly because it is the only historical work of its kind in the Sanskrit language, but more especially because it claims to give a consecutive account of the Kings of Kasmir from almost the very earliest times.
Until recent years, however, the text of it has been available to us only in the not very accurate editions published — at Calcutta, in 1835, by the Pandits of the Bengal Asiatic Society, containing the whole eight Taramgas; with the Doitiyá Rájatarargimi of Jônarâja; the Tritiya Juina-Rájatarangini of Srivara pandita, a pupil of Jônarâja ; the Rajavali-Patáká, or Chaturthi Rajatarasigint, of Prajyabhatta ; and the Rajatarangiņa-Sangraha :- and at Paris, in 1840, by M. Troyer, containing the first six Taramgas of the Rijatarangini itself.
As regards translations, in 1825, in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. pp. 1 to 119, in his "Essay on the Hindu History of Cashmir," Prof. H. H. Wilson gave an abstract account of . the contents of Taramgas i. to vi. In 1852, M. Troyer completed a French Translation of the whole eight Taramgas. Prof. Lassen has given an analysis of the entire work in his Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. II. And in 1879 and 1887, Jogesh Chunder Dutt published at Calcutta an English translation of Kalbaņa's work, which is at least useful in helping to facilitate references to the original text.
And, in the matter of the adjustment of Kalhana's chronology, Prof. H. H. Wilson considered the subject in the remarks attached to his abstract account; and Gen. Sir A. Cunningham has dealt with it in 1843, in his paper on "The Ancient Coinage of Kaśmir," in the Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. VI. pp. 1 to 38. Bat no very satisfactory results, at least for the earlier period, have as yet been attained. As good an illastration of this as can be wished for, is to be found in connection with king Mihirakula. His initial date, as deduced from the Rájataraingini itself, is Kaliyaga-Samvat 2397 expired, or B. C. 704 ; and the end of his reign, seventy years later. Prof. H. H. Wilson brought him down to B. C. 200 (loc. cit. p. 81). And Gen. Sir A. Cunningham arrived at the conclusion that he should be placed in A.D. 163 (loc. cit. p. 18). With the help, however, of newly discovered inscripcions, which are the only really safe guide, Mr. Fleet (ante, Vol. XV. p. 252) has now shewn that his true date was in the beginning of the sixth century A.D.; that as nearly as possible the commencement of his career was in A.D. 515; and that A.D. 530, or very soon after, was the year in which his power in India was overthrown, after which he proceeded to Kasmir and established himself there. This illustrates very pointedly the extent of the adjustments that will have to be made in Kalhana's earlier details; and furnishes us with a definite point from which the chronology may be regulated backwards and forwards for a considerable time. A similar earlier point is provided by Kalhana's mention, in Taranga i. verse 168, of the Turushka king Kanishka, who, according to his account, was anterior by two reigns to B. C. 1182,--the date of the accession of Gônanda III.,-bat who is undoubtedly the king Kanishka from the commencement of whose reign in all probability runs the Saka era, commencing in A.D. 77. And a still earlier point is furnished by the mention of king Asoka in Taramga i. verse 101. According to Kalhana, he stood five reigns before B. C. 1182. But it can hardly be doubted that he is intended for the great Buddhist king Asoka, whose accession has now been shown by Gen, Sir A. Cunningham to have been in B. C. 260 (Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. I. Preface, p. vii.). This question of adjustment is one that I shall not at present enter upon. And I will here only remark that the earliest lists evidently include, as consecutive kings, many persons who, if they existed at all, were only ancestors or other relatives of actual kings of Kasmir, and did not themselves occupy the throne; that the introduction of the names of such persons after a break in the direct succession, of course

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necessitated forcing back the date of the immediately preceding actual king in each instance to a period long before the true one; and that no completely satisfactory solution can be arrived at, until we are able to determine which of the names have to be eliminated on these grounds.
The first step towards the soquisition of a reliable text of the poem was made by Dr. Bühler, who visited Kaśmîr in 1875, and obtained there a complete Sårada MS. of the Rájataragini itself, which is now in the Bombay Government Collection; a collation of another MS., which he has kindly placed at my disposal; some explanatory treatises and abstracts; and some MSS. of the Nilamata-Purána and other counected works. His valuable report was publishod in 1877, as an Extra Number of the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. And an extract from it, pp. 52 to 60, referring specially to the Rájatarasgimi, and including a translation of verses 1 to 107 of the first Taramga, pp lxvi. to lxxxii., has been printed in this Journal, Vol. VI. pp. 264 to 274. From the materials collected by him, with some others obtained by myself during my own visit to Kasmir in 1885, I am preparing & new edition of the text. But the completion of it, of course, is a work of time. And meanwhile, at the desire and with the support of Mr. Fleet, I propose giving in this Journal translations of some of the earlier portions of the book.
Kalhana's narrative opens with a fragmentary account of 52 kings, who were supposed to have reigned for 1266 years. The earliest definite starting point taken by him is the coronation of Yudhishthira; his authority for which (verse 56) is a verse given by Varkhamihira in the Brihat-Sanhita, xiii. 3, as being according to the opinion of Vriddha-Garga :" When king Yudhishthira roled the earth, the seven) seers (ie, the constellation Ursa Major) were in the nakshatra) Maghih; the Saka era (is) 2526 (years) (after the commencement) of his reign." Accordingly, the coronation of Yudhishthira took place 2526 years before the commencement of the Eaka era, or at the expiration of Kaliyuga-Saṁvat 653 (verse 51), and in B.C. 2448. Kalhana himself was writing (verse 52; ante, Vol. XVII. p. 213) in Saka-Samvat 1071 current, i.e. in A.D. 1148-49 "At this present moment, in the twenty-fourth Laukika year (of the popular Kasmiri reckoning by cycles of a hundred years), there have gone by one thousand years, increased by seventy, of the Saka era." And, as an intermediate point, but how arrived at he does not explain, he had the accession of the fifty-third king, Gonanda III., which took place "on the whole," se, roughly, 2330 years before his own time, i.e. in B.C. 1182.
He then proceeded thus:Coronation of Yndhishthira before the Saka era ..... ......... 2526 years; verse 56. Add the years of the Saka era expired up to the time when Kalhaņa was writing
...... 1070 , 52.
3596 Deduct the years expired from the accession of Gônanda III. up to the same time ..................................................... 2330
53. Remainder, the duration of the period of the first fifty-two kings ... 1266 , 54.
He thus obtained 1266 years for the 52 kings in question; his own words (verse 54) beingHence I am of opinion that 1266 years are comprised in the sum of the reigns of the 52 kings." And he made the first of these fifty-two kings, Gônanda I., a contemporary of Yudhishthira.
* I shall use the following abbreviations in my notes:P= the SArada MS., No. 170 of Dr. Bühler's Kaimir Collection, preserved in the Deccan College, Poona.
I owe the use of this most important MS. to the kindness of Mr. Chatfield, Director of Public
Instruction, C=the Caloutta edition.
T=Troyer's edition. K. 3. Dr. Böhler's Detailed Report of a Tour in Kasmir, &c.; Bombay, 1877. A. G. = Gen. Sir A. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I., London, 1871.
• See also Dr. Bilhler's Report (quoted hereafter a K. R., p. lxxv.), in the note to which the details sro explained in a different manner, but with the same result. Verse 54 seems to oontain the conclusion whioh Khana drew from verses 61 to 83. I take tat in the sense of tammdt, hence'; and I snpply mand with mata. which is the reading of the Sarada M8.

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EXTRACTS FROM THE RAJATARAMGINI.
67
The Afty-two rulers in question are as follows:
LIST OF THE KINGS OF KASMIR.
16
..
»
57
64
70
1. Four rulers whose names are taken from the Nilamata-Purana ............... verse
1. Gonanda I. .................... He is made by Kalhaņa a contemporary of Yudhishthira in B. C.
2448. At the call of his relative, Jarâsamdha, he besieged Mathura, the city of Krishna on the banks of the Kalindi, i.e. the Jamna, and vanquished the descendants of Yadu (59, 60). But subsequently he himself was slain by the Yâdava leader Långaladhvaja,
i.e. Balarama (61 to 63). 2. Damodara I., son of the preceding .........
→ He, in order to revenge his father's death, attacked the Vrishộis (or
Yadavas), who had been invited to a svayavara by the Gandhå ras
(65 to 68), and was killed in battle by Kệishna (69). 8. Yasovati, widow of the preceding.............. Damodara I. died before a son was born to him; and Yaśðvati, being pregnant, was installed at the advice of Krishna (70), and in due
course of time bore a son (74). 4. Gonanda II., son of Damodara I. and Yasovati .. He was named after his grandfather (76). He was the contemporary
of the Kurus and Påņqavas; but, on account of his infancy, he
took no part in the war between them (82). II. 5 to 89. Thirty-five kings whose names are lost... III. Eight kings recorded by Padmamihira on the authority of Helårája's
Párthivúvali ........ 40. Lava ....... He founded the town of Lôlôra (86), --still existent in the Lolab
Pargañá (K. R. p. lxxix. note),--and gave to Brühmaņs the agrahara of Lêvara on the river Lêdari (87), i.e. the modern Lidar, the principal northern tributary of the Vitasta, which it joins
near Bijbihára (loc. cit.) 41. Kuba, son of the preceding .............. He presented the agrahára of Kuruhâra (88), which is supposed to
be the modern Kular in the Dachhinpara Pargaņå (loc. cit.) 42. Khagendra, son of the preceding ........................................ , He established the two principal agraháras, Khagi and Khônamusha
(90), 1.e. the modern Kakapur and Khanmôh (loc. cit.) 49. Surendra, son of the preceding ...................... He founded, on the frontier of the Darad country (or Dardistån),
a city named Sôraka and a vihára named Narendrabhavana (93); also, in his own territory, a vihdra named Sôrasa (94).
He died without leaving issue (95). 44, Godhara, of another family.....................
....... He presented to Brahmaņs the agrahára of Hastiśál (96), which seems
to be now known as Asththil (loc. cit.) 46. Suvarna, son of the preceding ...................... He diverted the Suvarnamaņikulyå, - the modern brook Sunnamaya
in the Adhvan Pargana (loc. cit.), - and caused it to flow in the
95
P roads alt
and alte, instead of #o in C and T.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1889.
98
„
99
19f.
101
district of) Karála (97), which seems intended for the Adhvan
Pargana (loc. cit.) 48. Jangka, son of the preceding ........
......... verse He founded the vindra and agrahara named JAlora (98), - identified
by the Kasmiris with the modern Závur, near Zevan (loc. cit.) 47. Sachinara, son of the preceding ......... He founded the two agraháras of Samångåsa and Asanára, which are
supposed to be respectively the modern Svanges in the Kotahára Pargana, and Chrar (loc. cit.) He died without leaving any issue
(100) IV. Pive kings mentioned by the author of the Srichhaville ........
48. Aboka, son of the son's son of Sakani, and son of the paternal
grand-uncle of Sachinara ................................................. He adopted the religion of Jina i.e. Buddha), and covered Sashkaletra
and Vitastatra, -the modern Hoklitr and Véthyotr in the Devasar Pargañá (loc. cit.), - with numerous stúpas (102). He built a chaitya at the city of Vitastâtrapura, within the precincts of the Dharmiranya-vihára (103). He founded the city of Srinagari (104), - apparently not quite identical with the present capital of Kasmir (loo. oit. p. 1 xxxi. note). Also he removed the old brick enclosure of the temple of Vijay8sa (at Btjbibira), and built a new one of stone (105); and within the precincts of that temple, and near it, he built two other temples named Asokékvara (106). Then the country was overrun by the Mléchchhas; and he obtained from Bhatéka a son, the Jalauka of the next verse, in order to destroy
them (107). 40. Jalauka I., son of the preceding ........ He was a constant worshipper at Vijayavara, the modern Bijbihira
(A. G. 98f.), at Nandisakshetra, elsewhere called Nandikshếtra, in the Lar Pargana (K. R. lxxii. note), and at Jy&shtheba (118). He expelled the Mléchohbas, breaking their power at a place named Ujjhatadimba (116). He conquered Kanyakubja, 1.c. Kenanj (117). He reformed the administration of Kasmir, by establishing regular courts of law (118 to 120). He founded Våravals and other agraháras (121). At Dvåra, -i.e. the Pass of Varahamála, the modern BAramalan-and at other places, his queen Thanadovi established shrines of the Divine Mothers (122). He paid worship to Nandiba at the spring of Sodars (123); consecrated the temple of Jyéshțharudra at Srinagart (124); built a stone temple at Nandikshetra and worshipped Bhatéka (148); diverted the river Kanakavabini (150); and died at the tirtha of Chfram/chana (151). In connection with him there are allusions to the Någas (111, 114). Also to the Bauddhas or Buddhists. The latter, described as being very powerful at that time, were vanquished in his reign by the magician Avadhůta (112). They were subsequently oppressed by the king himself (136), who wantonly destroyed one of their viháras (140). The Bodhisattvas then deputed the goddess Krity, one of the (six) Krittikls or Pleiades, who induced him to make reparation by building
108
.P reada
Fre, like Cand T.

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MABCH. 1889.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE RAJATARAMGINI.
69
Buddhist vihdra, which he named Krityasrama, and in which he
set up a statue of Ksitys (131 to 147). 50. Damodara II, ..
........... verse 153 It is not known whether he belonged to the house of Asoka, or to
another family (153). He was a worshipper of the god Mahdevara (Siva) (154). He built a long causeway named Guddasētu across the swamp called Sada Dámôdariya (156, 157) or Damodara
süda (167), and other stone causeways, to stop inundations (159). Then there intervened the reigns of Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka ................
..... 168 These kings were of the Torashka race; nevertheless they built
mathas, chaityas, &c., at Sushkalêtra and other places (170). During their long reigns, Kaśmir was for the most part in possession of the Bauddhas (171). Each of them built a town, named after himself (168); 1.6. Hushkapura, Jushkapura, and Kanishkapura,-identified by Sir A. Cunningbam with the modern Ushkar, Zukru, and Kampar (A. G. 99 ff.); also Jushka, who founded Jushkapurt with its vihára, built the town of Jayasvâmipura
(169). 81. Nagarjuna, Bodhisattva ........................
.........
173 His connection with any of his predecessors is not explained. His
accession was when one hundred and fifty years had expired from the parinirvana of Buddha (172); this, however, would really be in B. C. 328, long after the time to which Kalhaņa refers him, and before the real time of his supposed predecessor, Abóka. He resided at Shadarbadvana. "the grove of the six Arhats' (173).
He encouraged the Bauddhas (177). 52. Abhimanyu ...............................................................
174 He granted the agrahára of Kantakôtsa (174), and founded the town
of Abhimanyupura, at which he built a temple of Siva, named after himself (175). In his time, Chandracharya and others brought the Mahâbhâshye into use, and composed their own grammar (176). In his reign the Bauddhas became powerful, and stopped the rites ordained by the Nila-Purána (177, 178). Then the Nagas attacked the Bauddhas, and distressed them by causing every year a heavy fall of snow; until at length a Brahman, Chandradêva, practised ansterities, the result of which was that Nila appeared to him, stopped the plague of snow, and re-estab
lished his own rites (179 to 184). As regards the third part of the above list, a few words may be added, in order to shew its entire worthlessness for historical purposes. Padmamihira, or Héláraja, seems to have tried to connect the name of each of these eight kings with the name of some locality in Kasmir that happened to begin with the same initial. Thus, Lava is said to have founded the town of Lôlôra, and to have granted the agrahára of Lê våra ; and Kusa is mentioned as bestowing the agruhára of Kuruhårs; and so on. The question of popular etymology at once suggests itself. And we cannot help suspecting that the names of the kings are nothing but pure inventions, taken from, and intended to account for, the names of real localities which otherwise could not be easily explained.
With these preliminary remarks, I will now take up the translation at the point where Dr. Bühler left off :--

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1889
*
TRANSLATION. (Verse 108) Then this son of Abóka) Jalauka (I.) (by name), a (very) Indra on earth, who purified the world with the whitewash of his fame, became king. - (109) Verily, even the gods are taught (for the first time) to be astonished, when the tales of his divine power reach their ears. — (110) For surely, he would have been able to fill the void of the mundane egg with his gifts of gold, as the magic fluid (which he possessed) traced (i.e. enabled him to discover) crores (of hidden treasures). - (111) Having charmed the water i.e. having attained the magic power of living under water), he entered the lakes of the Nagas, and seduced the youthful daughters of the hooded serpents. - (112) A magician (named) Avadhata, who vanquished the crowd of the votaries of the Bauddha (doctrine) who were very powerful at that time taught him the knowledge (of magic). - (113) This veracious king had made a vow that he would always worship (at) Vijayébvara, Nandisakshetra, and Jyeshtheba. - (114) A Naga, who was his friend, would not allow. (him) to travel by (relays of horses which were kept ready in every village, but used to convey him always himself. - (115) After this hero had expelled the Mléchchhas, who obstructed the earth, he conquered the earth whose girdle is the ocean, by victorious expeditions. — (116) Even now the place where those Mlechchhas, who had overrun the country, were deranged (ujjhafita) by him, is called Ujjhatadimba by the people. - (117) Having conquered Kanyakubja and other (parts of the) earth, he introduced thence into his own country people of the four castes and legal practitioners. - (118, 119) Like & common country, the kingdom (of Kasmir) had not reaped the due benefit of judicial administration, property, &c. For hitherto there had been (only) seven departments in this country,-the overseer of justice, the overseer of property, the overseer of the treasure, the commander of the army, the messenger, the domestic priest, and the astrologer. - (120) Establishing eighteen courts of law, the king introduced from that time a state of affairs that was wortby of Yudhishthira. - (121) With the wealth which he had acquired by valour and might, this liberal (prince) founded Varavala and other agraháras. - (122) At Dvara and other places, bis noble queen Isanadevi established powerful circles of the divine) Mothers.-(123) Having heard the Nandi-Purána from a pupil of Vyasa, the king paid worship to Sodara, &c., ont of devotion to Nandisa. - (124) (Even) when he consecrated (the temple of) Jyêshtharudra at Srinagart, he did not think it possible to show) devotion to Nandiša without (worshipping) Sodara.--(125, 126) Once upon a time, when the pressure of work had made him forget his daily rites, and while he was distressed by the impossibility of bathing in the distant waters of Sodara, he
10
104 alu Mel P. 4: PT. 100 atat p. 110 P. 4°ZET PC.
119 9aac P. 113 Vijayébvera is the modern Bijbihåra ; see A. G. p. 98f. Nandilakshetra is elsewhere called Nandikshetra ; on its site, see Dr. Bühler's note on verse 36, where P reads to instead of ETHIC. On Jyështheba, see note on verse 124, below.
11. OKT P. 215 Kalhapa places the arrival of the Mléchchhas in the reign of Aboka ; see verse 107. 126 The readings of P agree with those of T.
11 To P. 11. The original titles are Dharmadhyaksha, Dhanadhyaksha, Kofadhyaksha, Chamupati, Duta, Purddhas, and Daivajna.
110 karmasthana seems to mean elsewhere a public building : see iv. 587, 588 ; v. 166 ; vii. 210, 569 (571 of the Calcutta Edition). The eighteen law-courts (karmasthanuni dharmyani), which Jalanka is supposed to have founded, are probably dorived from the eighteen kinds of law-suits mentioued by Manu, viii. 3 to 7.
narut: P.
1. DvAra, the Gate,' is the pass of Vardhamula, the modern Baramula: nee K. R. p. 12 and note on verne 31. The circles or rings of the Mothers' (matrichakrani) ere elsewhere mentioned by Kalbana in connection with tamples of Siva: nee Böhtlingk and Roth, 8. v.mitrichakra. The synonym dévfchakra occurs at i. 133.
19 From the absequent passage it appears that Sodara was the name of the holy spring at Nandikshetr. the shrine of Nandiba or Nandirudra (verse 127).
15* Jyêshtharudra is called Jyéshthesa in verse 113. General Cunningham, A. G. P. 95, identifies it with the temple on the Takht; but see K. R. p. 17. 13 97° P.
125 antar P.

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MARCH, 1889.]
perceived that from a waterless place water was suddenly rising, which agreed with (the water of) Sodara in colour, taste, and other qualities. -(127) Then the proud (king) was able to satisfy his devotion to Nandiradra, by bathing in that spring which had (thus) appeared. - (128, 129) When an empty gold vase, with a lid on its mouth, which he threw into Sodara for the purpose of a test, emerged two and half days later from the water which rose at Srinagari, the doubts of the king were removed. (130) Surely, it was Nandisa himself who had come down in order to enjoy the offerings (of the king). Otherwise, such an event, which had, never been seen (before), would not have taken place before (his) eyes. (131) One day, when the king went to Vijayêsvara, a woman, who was walking on the road, asked him for food. (132) After he had promised to give her whatever food she wished, she changed her appearance (so as to assume the form of a female ghoul), and expressed a desire for human flesh. (133) When he, who had ceased to hurt living beings, gave her permission to eat flesh from his own body, she spoke thus: (134) "You, O magnanimous king, are a Bodhisattva, whose vows are strong on account of virtue (sattva), as your compassion with living beings is so great." (135) The king, who, being a worshipper of Siva, did not know the language of the Bauddhas, said to her, "Who, sweet mistress, is the Bôdhisattva, for whom you take me ?" (136) She answered the king:-"Hear my message; I am sent by the Bauddhas, whom, out of anger, you have oppressed. (137) "We are the (six) Pleiades (Krittikáḥ), who live on the flank of the Lôkâlôka mountain, who are full of sin (tamas), and who have made the Bodhisattvas their only refuge, in order to be freed from sin. - (138) "You must know that Bodhisattvas are certain beings, who, since (the time of) the blessed lord of the world (Buddha), have got rid of lust (klesa) in (this) world. (139) "Eager to rescue the universe, they are not angry even with an offender, but benefit him patiently and will guide him to the knowledge (bodhi) of his own self.-(140 to 144) "When, lately, distarbed in your sleep by the noise of the instruments of a vihara, and instigated by wicked persons, you destroyed (that) vihara out of anger, I, (attracted by the power of) the meditations of the angry Bauddhas, had set out to kill you. (But) then the Bodhisattvas, having called me, gave me the following instructions: You are unable to hurt that virtuous prince; but at his sight, O happy woman, your sins will be destroyed. In our name ask him, who was led into sin by the wicked, to build a vihara, providing all requisites from his gold. If this were built, no further) slaughter at the destruction of viharas would take place; and he and his instigators would have made atonement.' (145) "Therefore, in this disguise, I have put your great virtue to the test. Now my sins are destroyed. Farewell! I take my departure." (146) After the king had promised to build a vihara, the goddess Krityâ, whose eyes were beaming with joy, disappeared. (147) Then, having built a vihara (called) Krityasrama, the prince caused (a statue of) the goddess Krityâ, whose sins were removed, to be erected on that same spot (where he had met her.) (148) Having built a temple of stone at Nandikshetra, the prince paid to Bhûtêśa worship in the shape of jewels together with (other) treasures.(149, 150) Practising austerities for a series of nights at the tirtha of Chiramōchana, sitting in the (posture called) brahmásara, his body motionless in meditation, the king accomplished at last his desire of reaching Nandisa by the pious work (of conducting the river) Kanakavahini. (151) One hundred of the ladies of his harem, who had risen to dance out of joy, he gave to Jyeshtharudra at the (very) moment of dancing and singing (152) Having enjoyed supernatural power, and having finally entered Chiramôchana, the king, together with his wife, attained union with Siva.
EXTRACTS FROM THE RAJATARAMGINI.
-
पर्याप्त PT. द्युत्थापिता P.
130 नेष्यन्ति P. C. विश्वोद्धर° P.
351
-
133 हिंसा ° PC. मांसं for दातुं P. 131 स्तामस्यः P.
1. महासत्त्वः P.
1235 गतक्रेशा PT. • अनुशिष्टा P.
100 सबै PT.
71
200
" कृत्याश्रमं PT. कृत्यां देवीमबन्धयत् P.
150 Kalhana attributes similar works to other kings. Thus Suvarna diverted or conducted (pravartayati) the Suvarnamanikulya to Karala (i. 97) and Mihirakula conducted (avatarayati) the Chandrakulya river (i. 318)
' P.
प्रविष्टवीर P.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1889.
(153) Then a prince called Damodara (II.), who was either a descendant of the race of Asoka, or was born of another family, protected the earth. - (154) Even now tales are told of the miraculous power of this (king), who was highly resplendent with superhuman faculties, and was the crest-jewel of the worshippers of 'Siva. — (155) (The god) Kovêra himself concluded Friendship with that happy and virtuous favourite of Siva. -(156) Being the foremost of kings, like Kavêra, he ordered the Guhyakas, who obeyed his commands, to build the long (causeway called) Guddastu. - (157) By this causeway he sought to bridge the water at the town which he had built in the (swamp called) Sada Damodariya. - (158) Since the good deeds of men (in former births) are limited, obstacles arise-alas! - to a man of lofty mind, who wishes to produce some uncommon beneficial work. - (159) For he strove to cause the Yakshas to build in his country long causeways of stone, in order to stop inandations.-(160) Inconceivable is the power of the austerities of mighty Brahmans, who will reverse the power even of such (kings). - (161) One has seen the fortune of kings rising again, after it had been destroyed by the power of an heir or of others; bat if (lost) through contempt of Bráhmang it will never return. — (162) Once the king, who was going to bathe on account of a sráddha, was asked by some hungry Brahmans (to give them) food before bathing. - (163) When he, who wished to enter the (river) Vitasta, refused to give them food until he had entered it), they placed that river before him by their religions) power.-(164) Although they told him - Here is the Vitasta; touch her, and feed us!" yet he believed that the river had been brought by (oinful) witchcraft (and not by the righteous power of austerity). - (165) When he said to them—"I will not give food without having bathed (in the real riter); depart (sarpata), yon Brâhmans, at once !" they cursed him-"Become a serpent (sarpa)!" - (166) After he had implored them for mercy, they spoke“Your curse will cease after you have beard the whole Ramdyana in a single day, and not till then)." - (167) Even now, when, ont of thirst, he is rushing far into the (swamp called) Damodara-sada, people recognize him by the smoke of his breath, which is hot in consequence of the curse.
(168) Then there were three princes in that same country), called Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka, who built three towns that were designated by their names. - (169) The pureminded Jushka, the founder of Jushkapura with its vihara, also built Jayasvamipura.-(170) Thongh they were descendants of a Turushka race, these pious princes built mathas, chaityas, &c., at Bushkalotra and other places. -(171) During the long period of their reigns, the country of Kasmira was, for the most part, in the possession of the Bauddhas, who had acquired great power by renouncing the world (pravrajya).
(172, 173) At that time, one hundred and fifty years had passed in this earthly sphere since the complete extinction (pariniruritt) of the divine Sakyasinha (Buddha); and a Bodhisattva became sole king in this country; this was the glorious Nagarjuna, who resided at Shafarhadvana.
14 999 P.
146 One of Kavera's names is R Ajarkja, the king of kings'; he is the lord of the Yakshas or Guhyukas. gà ° P. 10 PT.
TATTET P. pat P. Erera PC.
14. HP.
20 for a P. 10 Huahkapura, Jushkapura and Kanishkapura have been identified by General Cunningham with Ushkar, Zukra, and Kampur; see A. G. p 99ff.
110 T P. PC. On Sashkalētra, see Dr. Bühler's note on verse 102. 111 4 P. FR for P. 111 T P. 9° PT. TRIP.
173 AT P. P. t o PT. According to Schiefner's Tibetische Lebensbeschreibung sakyamuni's, p. 810, Nagarjuna, the founder of the MAdhyamika school, was born in the time of Kanishka. Kalhape agrees with this tradition in placing Nagarjuna just after Kanishka. On the other hand, his report that Nagkejuna beanme king of Kasmir, seems to be as fanciful w his assertion that he lived only 150 years after Buddha's parinirvana.

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
78
(174) Then the fearless Abhimanya, who was the donor of the agrahára of Kantakotsa became a paramount sovereign (and tha) appeared to be a second Indrs. - (175) After this illustrious (king) had caused a (temple of) Siva, which bore his name, to be built, he founded the extremely rich (town of) Abhimanyupura. - (176) Chandracharya and others brought into use the Mahabahahya, baving obtained its traditional interpretation from another country, and composed their own grammar. -- (177) At this juncture, the Bauddhas, who had been protected by the wise Bodhisattva Nagarjuna, became powerful in the country. - (178) Having defeated in controversy all wise disputants, these enemies of tradition stopped the rites proclaimed in the Nila-Purána. - (179) The Nagas, whose oblations had (thus, been stopped, caused a heavy fall of snow, and a destruction of the people in the country) where the rules of conduct were disregarded. -(180) As the snow fell every year for the distress of the Bauddhas, the king dwelt in the cold season, for six months, at Darvabhindra and similar places. - (181) At that time, the performers of oblations poblesed a miraculons power, by virtue of which the Brahmans did not perish, while the Bauddhas entered death. (182) Then a Brahman of the Kasyapa (gôtra), Chandradeva by name, underwent austerities, in order to please Nila, the lord of the serpents and protector of the country. - (183) Having appeared to him, Nlla stopped the plague of snow, and pronounced again the rites of his Puriņa. - (184) As the first Chandradera removed the plague of Yakshas, thus the second removed the intolerable plague of Bhikshus (or Bauddhas) in this country.
(To be continued.)
.
THE INSCRIPTIONS, OP PIYADASI. BY M. E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from p. 9).
FIFTH EDIOT. Prinsep, l.c. pp. 590 ff. (cf. p. 965).
TEXT. 1 Dévenampiye Piyadasi lája hávam abA [.) sadvlaativasa 2 abhisitóna mé imáni játâni avadhiyAni kanisêyatha 3 suké sáliki alane' chakavake hamad namdimukhó gélate 4 jatüki ambákapilika dadi anathikamachhê vôdav@yake 5. gang papataké samkujamachhe kaphatasayake pamnasasa simale 6 mdake Okapimda palasate sêtakapote gåmakapoté 7 save chatupadê yê patibhogam nô etio na cha khadiyati [.] ajakanâ-i* 8 Adaks ch sukali chê gabhin va pâyamin və avadhaya påtaka(?) 9 picha kêni Agamásike [.] vadhikukutê" nð kafaviye [.] tusd(?) sajtve 10 mô hấpetaviya [] divê Anathâyê và vihieâyên và mô hấpetavire [1]
116 P.
19 WEET PT. Y P . ** The above translation of this important vorte is that proposed by Professor Kielhorn, (ante, Vol. IV. p. 107.), with whom Dr. Bühler agrees (K. B. p. 71). Preoda urce TFHTTCTTHC for which Kielhorn oonjootures our 1 4.
B o PC. M A P. For referenown to the Darvas and AbhisArus noe ante, Vol. XIV. p. 891, and Böhtlingk and Roth.
1 ATHENT P. earri fisad: P.
14 : PO. The first half of this vorne refers to p age of the Nilamate-Purdna, an extraot of which has been given by Dr. Bühler, K. B. p. 40. There KMyape-Chandrabra is mid to have delivered the country, with Nlla's help, from old and from the Prilohau, for whom Kolhapa mbatitates the Yakabos.

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(MARCH, 1889.
11 jivêna jîvê nô pasitaviye [.] tisu châturmâsisa' tisayam punamasiyam 12 tinni divagini charudasa pannadasai petipadâye dhavâye chỉ 13 anuposatham machhê avadhiyê nô pi vikêtaviyê (.] @táni yêvå divasani 14 nagavanasi kêvatabhôgasi' yani amnâni pi jlvanikayani 15 nð hamtaviyani [] athamipakhûyê châvudasayé pamna dasayé tiskye 16 panvas nê tân chất mâyfan gadivasảyê gônề nô nilakhitaviyeko 17 ajakê địa kê Bakalô & vấpi anô nflakhiyati nô nilakhitaviye [-] 18 tisayé punávasune châtummâsiye châtummasipa khay& asvasa gônasa 19 lakbanê nð kațaviye [.] yâva sadvimsativasaabhisitenamê étaya 20 amtalikâyê pamnavisati bamdhanamokhâni" katani (2)
NOTES 1. The nenter játar can only be taken here in the meaning of játi, race,' species,' of animals. I have drawn attention elsewhere to another example of this use of the word (Mahávastu, I. 593). Avadhiyáni kațâni, 'have been established, specified' as not to be slain.
2. This enumeration of names of animals constitutes one of the principal difficulties • of the present edict. Several words for which lexicographers provide us with no Sanskțit
equivalents, remain obscure, and, as we are dealing with technical terms, etymology, even when it does appear with probable clearness, cannot lend us assistance. Fortunately this ignorance, much though it may be regretted, does not interfere with the general comprehension of the passage; the more exact identification of some of the animals to which we cannot assign names, would be of small importance to us. The future, as it extends the range of our knowledge, will
doubtless fill up many of these lacune. What we are now certain of is that the enumeration which commences with s@yathá includes the words savé chatupadó-khadiyati. It is there only that the general prohibition ceases. What follow are temporary or special interdicta, and accordingly the first word of the next sentence can only be ajakd. We thus find classed under the general heading not only aquatic animals and birds, but also terrestrial animals, quadrupeds. The suka and ádrika are well known; and it is with aluna, i.e. aruna, that our doubts commence. I do not know what connection Prinsep (p. 965) claims to exist between aruna, the mythical half-bird charioteer of the Aurora, and the species of crane known to Anglo-Indians as the adjutant bird; but I am willingly disposed to admit that his Pandits saw correctly in identifying our aluna with this bird to. The St. Petersburg Dictionary only so far recognizes aruna as an animal, by describing it (after Suśruta) as a little poisonous animal.' The names on each side of aluna here scarcely allow us to imagine such a meaning, but refer us to some kind of bird. Nandimakha, according to Susruta, appears to be applied to an aquatic bird; I have no means for determining the real ame. Géláta is altogether uncertain, the identification with gridhta, allowed by Prinsep's pandits, cannot be upheld. The origin of the word, however, does not appear to be particularly obscure. Sanskțit has many names of birds into the formation of which ata appears as a second member. Such are vyághráta, dhámyata ; and we have in this word probably a new example, which I would transcribe as gairdta, from giri, a mountain.' Jatúká
& bat,' offers no difficulties. This word appears to wind up for the present the enumeration of birds; not because the word ambákapiliká (kipilika, at Allahabad) is clear, but because the Påli kipillika, the Sanskrit pipiliká, seems to give us the key to the second member of the compound. With regard to the first member, I cannot agree with Prinsep either in recognising the Sanskrit amba, or in adopting, for the whole compound, the meaning "mother-ant," i.e. "Queen-ant;" The legislative specification would become, through its minuteness, too difficult to grasp. I am hence driven to choose between amra, 'a mango-tree," (which we shall,' by the way, meet subsequently under the feminine form ashba), and ambu, 'water.' In the latter case, the termination would be a cause of surprise, but the inexactitude of the vocalic notation in our texts gives us some margin, and, subject to correction, I imagine that what is here alluded to is some animal designated by the periphrase 'water-ant.' From one point of view the conjecture is satisfactory, for the name appropriately heads a series of aquatic animals. Thus, the word which immediately follows, and

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of which the correct form (cf. M. and A.) is dudi, means "& small species of tortoise." We next have certainly to deal with a fish, machha, i.e. matsya; as for the former part of the compound I would not take it, with Prinsep, as corresponding to anarthika, but as the equivalent of anasthika. The fish in question is named as "the boneless one," perhaps figuratively, and on account, for example, of its extreme suppleness. The cerebral th appears to me to recommend this etymology. I learn from Mr. Grierson that, at the present day, in Magadha, the praun is said to have no bones. It is not eaten by Vaishnavas. I can imagine only one possible transcription for védavéyaka, -vaidarvéyaka. Darvi means the expanded hood of a snake, and we can suppose that vidarvi, or, which comes to the same thing, its patronymic form vaidarvéya, might allude to some fish as resembling a snake less the hood.' It could thus, for example, mean "an eel;" but this is a pare hypothesis, for I do not meet the word in the Sanskțit dictionaries. From the sense of 'swelling' given for pupputa, it is natural to think that gasgápupufaka is applied to a particular fish of the Ganges, remarkable for some protuberance. The sannkujamachha should be the same as the bankuchi, or skate-fish' of Sanskrit lexicographers. There is only between them; a shade of pronunciation which is sufficiently explained by the Pråkpit weakening of ch into j. The next word heads the list of terrestrial animals, at least it does so in its second half, sayaka, which is, I think, in Sanskpit Salyaka, 'the porcupine. The first member is doubtful. We, however, meet in Yajsavalkya, I. 177, the porcupine (under the form sallaka) associated with the tortoise (kachchhapa), and one is strongly tempted to search for a similar association here, and to take kaphata as equivalent to the Sanskrit kamatha. I admit that the phonetic transition is the reverse of regalar, but the objection would not be absolute, especially for a kind of proper name, which was in frequent use, and which, even under its classical form, bears all the characteristics of a popular origin. Moreover, these two animals are mentioned in the verse of the Dharmasastra above quoted, as being allowed to be eaten, and it is therefore natural that they should not be included here in the final category of savé chatupadé, &c. The same verse speaks of the hare, basa, which we also meet in our pashnasasd, whether the latter word is a mere equivalent of basa, or whether the addition of parna marks A particular species. For simala, I cannot discover any Sanskrit equivalent, the correspondence of which would be either phonetically regular, or at least justifiable. Sandaka is the Sansksit shanda, and means a bull living at liberty. For ôkapirida I cannot offer a certain translation. At least the form and the existence of the word are vouched for, for we meet it elsewhere in PAli. In Mahdvagga, vi. 17, 6, it is narrated how the Bhikshus leave outside the monasteries the provisions which have been brought to them, and skkapindakápi khádanti chôrápi haranti; 'the wkkapindakas eat them, the thieves carry them off. The two last items in the list, sétakapota and gámakapota, which admit of no hesitation, and evidently referring to two species of pigeons, appear to authorise the restoration of palasate to palapaté. i.e. turtle-dove.' The correction of into
is very easy, and, no matter how well these inscriptions are engraved, in our reproductions there is no want of clear instances in which corrections are necessary. If the new revisions definitely guaranteed the reading palasaté, we should be driven to recognize the PAli parasato, and to translate it by 'rhinoceros' (cf. Trenckner, Pal Miscell., L. 50), which would look very singular here.
3. Prinsep, while construing the sentence wrongly, correctly recognized the meaning of the expression patibhogann ti, to enter into, to serve for consumption. The king, who wished to restrain as much as possible the slaughter of animals, naturally forbade in general terms the killing of all those which did not serve for urgent needs, and of which therefore the slaughter was not indispensable. I suppose that patibhoga does not refer exclusively to nourishment, but in general to all the needs which dead animals could serve to satisfy. If it were otherwise, na cha khádiyati would only repeat the idea without adding anything new.
4. After the general and absolute prohibitions come those which are accidental and temporary. Ajakanání gives no sense. We require a feminine singular, and there is no place here for a neuter plaral. The slight correction of 1 to + gives the reading ajaká kani

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O
equivalent to ajaká khu, which is completely satisfactory of. I 161). The particle kdni reappears in the next pbrase. The pandits of Prinsep, warned by the neighbouring gabhini, hit upon the true meaning of the following adjective. We cannot, however, transcribe it as payasrin., but prefer to read piyamáná, which easily gives the meaning of 'in milk, suckling.' We should also read avadhiyá and not avadhấya, and, with R. and M., potaka instead of pátaka. Asarhm daika is necessarily formed from a shad-mdsa; and it is therefore, in short, forbidden to slaughter the mothers (goats, ewes, and sows) when they are with young, or when they are suckling, and their young when they are less than six months old.
5. Vadhri means & ennush,' and vadhi-kukkufa can only be taken as a compound signifying, 'capon.'
6. Tu sagivé has an exact counterpart in the expression sajivani pránakáni of Mahávastu, 1. 22, 5, one may not roast alive any living thing.'
7. This vihished refers to the destruction of game, brought about by burning down the forest in which it lives.
8. We have here, at the conclusion of the edict, three series of dates, the accurate explanation of which offers more than one difficulty. We shall consider them together. We must first compare them with two parallel indications taken from the detached edicts of Dhauli and Jangada. Shown in a tabular form these series are
B tion chátumáriou
afhamipakhaye
tiskye tisáyasha posnamásiyah
chdyudaraye
ทุนหataสนธิ์ tihni divasáni
pashnadaraya
chátualmásiye ohdvudasait tiskye
chátumámpakhúyé pashnadasan
pundvasund pafipaddy
tisu chátunmasisu dhurdy chd anupbeathast sudivasaya With which compare the following in the Detached Edicts :
II. antichátumasash tiséna nakhaténa (Dh.) tisanakhaténa (Dh.) anudtukmdsap tissnash (J.) . arutisash (J.)
I must drst warn my readers that, in spite of the anelogy of the words, the passages in the Detached Edicts do not appear to me to have an exact similarity with those in the above Table. I do not consider that in the two cases the meanings are the same, and moreover, the forms used, differ. But if we begin by comparing between each other the expressions of the two Detached Edicts, we shall find that the second omits the word anuchátuhmdsan. As both instances refer to the public recitation of the edicts themselves, it is impossible to imagine any reason for suggesting an intentional difference between the two passages. It appears to me to be indisputable that the tisanakhatána or arutisan of the second means exactly the same as the more developed phrase of the first, I first, therefore, conclude that anuchátumdsash does not restrict the sense, but merely calls attention to the particulars defined by the simple expression tiséna nakhatána. The relation between the two expressions cannot be the same as that which ought to exist here between the first two in our list A., for, as a matter of fact, if the thematic elements are the same in each case, the grammatical forma used are very different. The femi. nines chdtushmasi and tisd can only, conformably to usage, mean the fall-moon corresponding to each of the festivals called chdturm dryas (four-monthly) and the full-moon in conjunction with the nakshatra Tishya' (cf. the formation of Srávaná, according to Panini, IV. 2, 5); while, on the other hand, tiadna nakhatána cannot mean the fall moon of Tishya,' but signifies literally "under the nakshatra Tishya.' Again, anuchátusimasaris cannot be analysed as anuchaturmásaish, and translated every four months' for the d, in this hypothesis, would be unexplainable. The only possible transcription is anucháturmdryan, 'at each of the festivals called chátur másyas,' and so in fact we find the same an actually combined with the name of

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an undonbted festival in anuposathan, 'at each uposatha. After this analogy, and being given the fact that anutisas (J.and tisanakhaténa are equivalent terms, we must render all these expressions, tisena nakhaténa, tisena, &c., as at the festival of Tishya.' The addition of anuchátusimdsam proves, in short, that a festival, corresponding in date to that of the three annnal sacrifices of the Brahmaņs is referred to; and it is clear that the dates of these sacrifices, being fixed by the occurrences of three definite full-moons, could not regularly, in accordance with astronomical rules, correspond with one and the same nakshatra. My twofold conclusion is therefore: (1) that the quotations from the Detached Edicts must be translated
at the festival of Tishya' and at the festival of Tishya, which is celebrated at each of the cháturmásya festivals'; and (2) that these data are without importance in regard to our present passage, in the interpretation of which they cannot help us. It is this interpretation which principally interests us at present.
In the series A., a group at first separates itself off by its' syntactic form. This is the words tini divasáni, &c., that is to say three days, the fourteenth, the fifteenth (of the month), and the pratipad (or first day of the following half month).' It is evident that this indication must depend on what precedes for the necessary specification of what particular month or months is or are referred to; and regarding this the only doubt which can be raised is whether it depends only on tisky anh purinamásiyan (I accept this reading provisionally) or whether also on tisu chátushmasisu. If we depended merely on grammar, we might hesitate, but the data following, dhuvaye chá anuposathan, settle the question. These words can only be translated by and on the fixed day, each updsatha,' or in other words, and, generally, on each day of wpôratha. The use of dhruva in the first of the fourteen (rock) Edicts may be compared with this. Now, as each day of the full-moon is necessarily a day of wpôsatha, to separately mention the three full-moons of the months in which the festival called cháturmdoya is, celebrated, would be merely superfluous, and we must therefore look upon the whole of the first part of the sentence down to dhuvdyé as a single compound, and translate 'Besides the fullmoons of the months in which the festival cháturmasya is celebrated, and the full-moon of Tishya, the fourteenth and fifteenth days, and the day following. I admit that hitherto the reading puhnamdsiyam has been considered as certain, bat I must confess that I am very far myself from thinking it to be so. I shall have more to say about this, after having explained the two last series.
Of these, the third presenta scarcely any uncertainty. It includes the full-moon in conjunction with Tishya, the full-moon in conjunction with Punarvast, and the full-moon which corresponds to each of the cháturmasya sacrifices. As for the last term, chátumbripakhdye, chdturm bokpaknha means, according to custom, the half-lanation which follows the fall-moon (oach fall-moon) called cháturmdsi; and, as here one day in particular is referred to the feminine chatushmasipakhá (which, of course, is to be construed with tithi understood) certainly represents the first day of this half-lunation. It is thus exactly equivalent to the patipadaye. of the first list, innamuch as this word depends on tisu chátusamäsisui. I may add that the difference of form between the singular chátuinmásiyê, which we have here to designate each of the chdturmdsi full moons, and the plural tisu cháturimárisu of series A., would naturally (if it were necessary) add confirmation to the explanation which I have just given of the latter phrase. It establishes an intentional distinction between the two cases, and, the sense being oertain in the present enumeration, we are left no alternative except to adopt for the phrase in series A. the interpretation, which for independent reasons we have already adopted.
The three first terms of serios B. give no room for doubt. Afhamipakhd is the equivalent. in a slightly irregular form of construction, of pakshashtami, “the eighth day of the half lanation" (of. e.g. Dhammap., p. 404 : chatuddasi panchadaa yava pakkhasa affhami), that is to say, of each lunation. To this the Sinhalese expression atawaka (ashtapaksha) (Sp. Hardy, East. Monach. p. 236) exactly corresponds. But it is doubtful if the 14 and the 15 refer only to the 14th and 15th of the month, i.e. of the first half, thus corresponding to the fall-moon, or whether they apply also to the second fortnight of each month. To judge from modern customs

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(cf. Sp. Hardy, loc. cit), one would be inclined to the first solution ; but, as the idea of a triple uposatha in each half lanation is expressly borne witness to by the Mahavagga (II. 4, 2), I have no hesitation in considering that such is also the intention of the king in this passage. It is true that great uncertainty appears to have prevailed in the tradition about the uposatha. The same work, a little further on (II. 14, 1) only admits 'two-upôsuthas, those of the 14th and of the 15th,' but, on the other hand, another passage (II. 34, 3-4) speaks expressly of the patipada uposatha, that is to say, that which corresponds to the first day of the month (the amawaka of Sinhalese terminology). I do not doubt, however, that Piyadasi considered this day as hallowed by a religious consecration. It is on this one day that the difference between the generic expression, dhuvayé anuposathark, of series A., and our series B., depends ; if this more concise expression is not repeated here, it must necessarily be so in order to exclude some element which it contains, and that element can only be the pratipad. With regard to the rest of the list, I would refer to what has been said about series A. and the plural tísu chátunmásisu; here again, all the full-moons being comprised in the dates chávudasáyé and pasinudasiyé, the terms tisaye and chátonmásísu have no use except as determinatives of the last word, sudivasáyé. I regret that this last term is obscure to me, for I know of no parallel examples of the technical use of the word. We evidently want here something different from a vague astrological expression corresponding, I suppose, to the Vedic sudinatré ahndun (cf. Weber, Die Véd. Nachrichten von den Naksh. II. 315). A comparison with the other lists ought to guide us. We shall subsequently see that the acts successively forbidden by the king necessarily constitute a series of decreasing gravity. It is therefore à priori more than probable that the lists of reserved days, admitting the fact that there is a distinction) should be reduced in parallel lines: the second should contain less than the first; and the third less again than the second; but all the days excepted in the two last should be included in the first. In a general fashion, this conjecture is at first sight justified. Between list B. and list C. it is verified in detail, provided that chatuimdsipakhd can be included under the last head of B.-tisu chátumásisu sudivasá, for the full-moons of Tishya, Panarvasú and the chaturmasyas are included under the two first terms chdoudará and pannadasa. On the other hand, to establish an analogy between A. and B. the last portion of B., tisayé to sudivasá must be included in A., either in the last term, dhuvayê chá anuposathaw, or in the last but one, tisu-palipaddy. In the first case, the three first terms of B. include all the days of uposatha except the patipada uposatha, and sudivasá onght to designate the first of the month, the first of the light half of the month of which the full-moon is in conjunction with Tishya, or Punarvasů, or one of the three months of cháturndsya). In the second case, it would designate the first of the dark half which follows (the full-moons in question). To sum up, therefore, C. appears to require that sudivasd should designate the 16th of the months above referred, and A. permits this interpretation. The conclusion follows that we are driven to admit that B. practically had in view the days which come after the fall moons in conjunction with Tishya and with Punarvasg, and after the fall moons of the months of cháturmásya.' It may seem, perhaps, somewhat surprising that the name sudivasa, lucky day' should be applied to the first of the dark half for in general it is the light half, which is considered as particularly auspicious; but the scruple must necessarily vanish before the positive fact, witnessed by the perfectly clear testimony of our first list, that the day in question, at least in the lunations specified, was considered as having a religious consecration.
This newussary agreement between our three lists upon which I have just insisted, leads us to one last remark. The expression tisáyain puinamásiyas of A, should surprise the reader: tisáyash alone would be sufficient, as all the following lists attest. We should rather expect to find pusinamasi added to tisu chatun másísu, the first full-moons indicated, if it were added any. where. On the other hand, the full-moon in conjunction with Puparvasd plays so important part in the subsequent lists that it is out of the question that it should not be here also. How could it be permissible to slaughter animals on a day on which it was not permissible even to mark thom P I have therefore no hesitation in maintaining that, instead of purnamasiyan, punávasuyam should stand here. I do not deny that such a correction may appear bold, in the

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face of the agreement, which, at least apparently, exists between different versions dispersed in different places; but nevertheless, whatever the difficulties may be; whether this agreement actually exists; or whether it is less real than the eyes of explore:8, led away by a first reading, in appearance very simple, of the Dehli pillar, believed ; to whatever medium, to whatever accident it may be due, I cannot prevent myself from seeing in puranamásiyasi a certain error for punávasayan. This last word, it may be added, has itself had a very unlucky fate. In the two following lists, our facsimiles give vasune. The first reproduction in the Asiatio Researches is the only one which indicates, at least in the second instance, the true reading, and gives punúvapuyé for punávasuyé. If need be, the form punávasune could be explained, but it would be with difficulty; and considering the close resemblance which exists between the signs 1 and J, I have little doubt but that we ought to restore the only normal form, -vasuya.
9. The two words nagavana and kévatabhoga offer some difficulty. The derivation is clear (kaivartabhôga), but neither appears to be used in the literature known to us. They might without violence be treated as proper names, but why should the king mention particularly two specified localities, in the vicinity, for instance, of his capital, in edicts intended to be published over his whole empire? This conjecture is therefore improbable. What does appear to me to be certain is that of these two terms the former relates to hunting, and the latter to fishing. A passage, which is unfortunately corrupt, in the Mahávastu (I. 24 and notes) leads me to think of the kinds of parks in which game was preserved either to protect it from theft or for gradual consumption: nagavana " elephant park," might refer to an enclosure of this description; and kévatabhôga might mean a fish-pond, such as exists in all countries. The king would prohibit the slaughter, on certain specified days, of any kind of animal whatever, whether quadrupeds or fishcs, even those which their dwelling-place destines to an early death.
10. The only obscure word here is the verb Rilakhiyati. Prinsep naturally thought of the verb raksh, but I do not see how it is possible to explain a nirakshati, nor, if we elude this difficulty, how to draw any reasonable sense from it. We must try the verb laksh. There can be no doubt that the next sentence turns on the prohibition of lakshana, which is used in a wellknown sútra of Pâņini (VI. 3, 115) to mean the marks, srastika, mani, &c., which, as the scholiast explains, they make on the ears of cattle to distinguish the owner of each. This meaning exactly suits our word lakhana, for bullocks and horses are, in fact, domestic animals, and consequently fitted for receiving marks of this kind. But what are we to do with nflakhati in the present sentence? It is natural to look again for the Sanskpit laksh in the root lakh ; bat, on the other hand, it is evident that there is a considerable difference between the two operations successively enumerated. This follows not only from the difference in the terms used, in the prefix added in the first case, and omitted in the second, but also from the circumstance that in both, partly at least, the same animals, bullocks (gônasa), are dealt with. The long, which occurs almost consistently throughout all the versions, of nilakhiyati, shows that the true transcription can only be nirlaksh, and this analysis does, in fact, admit of a very simple translation. If we refer to recognized meaning of lakshana, 'the sexual parts,' a denominative nirlakshay would mean 'to cut,' to castrate,' and, as a matter of fact, all the animals mentioned, being domestic ones, are of that class which could be so mutilated. I believe that I can identify the same meaning in nirlakshana as opposed to lakshanavant in a passage in the R&mdyana (Gorr., II. 118, 5) which is quoted by the St. Petersburg Dictionary, but interpreted, wrongly as I think, in a much vagaer fashion. It will now be seen why I spoke above of a decreasing gradation in the series of cases dealt with by our ediot. The first prohibitions deal with the slaughter of animals; the second series interdicts their castration; and the third, the infliction upon them of a much lighter suffering, which might consist, for example, in slitting the ear. • 11. The meaning of this last sentence has, I think, been well defined by Lassen (II.' 272, n.), although I do not adopt the meaning of 'execution' which he claims directly for bandhana. Basidhanamökkha means literally deliverance from bonds, 'setting at liberty,' but it the ting only spoke of setting at liberty twenty-five prisoners in twenty-five years, the royai

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olemenoy would appear but moderate, while, on the other hand, the repetition of twenty-five general amnesties in as many years would be equivalent to the suppression of all punishment. I consider, therefore, remembering the connection in the fourth edict between the words basadhanabadha and patavadha while they are nevertheless not synonyms, that Piyadasi here speaks only of important prisoners, and that, as in the last edict, this qualification is here applied exclusively to those condemned to death. This is indeed, also, the only interpretation which would justify the presence of this declaration in this place, at the end of an edict consecrated to recommending a general respect of life.
The following translation results from the preceding observations -
TRANSLATION. Thus with the King Piyadasi, dear unto the Devas :-In the twenty-seventh year after my ooronation have I forbidden the slaughter of any of the animals belonging to the following tribes; that is to say, -parrots, mainas, aruņas, chakravákas, flamingos, nandimukhas, gairdtas, bats, water-ants(P), the tortoises called dudi, the fishes called anasthikas, vaidarvéyakas, pupputas of the Ganges, the fishes called sankuja, tartles and porcupines, parnasaias (), simalns (?),- bulls which wander at liberty, foxes (P), turtle doves, white pigeons, village pigeons, and all kinds of quadrupeds which do not enter into consumption and which are not articles of food. As for she-gosta, ewes, and sows, they may not be slaughtered when they are with young or are in milk, nor their offspring when less than six months old. Caponing fowls is prohibited, nor is it allowed to roast alive any living being. It is forbidden to set fire to a forest either in malice or in order to kill the animals which dwell therein. It is forbidden to make use of living beings in order to feed living beings. At the three full moons of the cháturmásyas, at the full-moon which is in conjunction with the nakshatra Tishya, at that which is in conjunction with the nakshatra Panarvas, on the 14th and the 15th and on the day which follows the fall-moon, and generally on each day of uposatha, it is forbidden either to kill fish or to offer them for sale. On the same days it is forbidden to kill either animals confined in gameparks or in fishponds or any other kind of living being. On the 8th, the 14th, and the 15th of each lupar fortnight, and on the days which follow the full-moons of Tishya, of Panaryasth and of the three cháturmásyas, it is forbidden to castrate ox, he-goat, ram, boar, or any other animal, which is usually castrated. On the day of the full-moon of Tishya, of Panarvas0, of the cháturmasyas, and on the first day of the fortnight which follows the full-moon of a cháturmasya, it is forbid. den to mark either ox or horse. In the course of the twenty-six years which have elapsed since my coronation, I haye set at liberty twenty-five (men condemned to death).
(To be continued.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS,
BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.8., M.B.A.S., C.I.E. No. 174.-COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE TIME OF AJATAPALA.-VIKRAMA SAMVAT 1231.
I edit this inscription, wbich has not previonsly been published, from the original plates, which I obtained for examination, in April, 1883, from the Bombay Secretariat. I have no information as to where they were found, or as to the owner of them.
The plates, which are inscribed on one side only, are two in number, each measuring about 147 by 91". The edges of them were raised into rims, to protect the writing; and the inscription is well preserved and very legible throughout.-In the lower part of the first plate, and the upper part of the second, there are holes for two rings; but only one ring is now forthcoming. It is a plain copper ring, about thick and 21" in diameter, It had been cut when the grant came under my notice; but there are no indications of a heal having been attached to this ring and abstracted from it. In the first plate, the ring-holes were originally

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GRANT OF AJAYAPALA.-VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1231.
81
made at the top; but they were filled in-again with circular pieces of copper. The seal, if there was one attached to either of the rings, is not now forthcoming. In the lower proper left corner of the second plate, however, after the end of the inscription, there are engraved the sun and moon, and the figure of a god, seated, and facing full-front. As the god is four-faced, as well as four-armed, and seems to be seated on a water-lily, it must be a representation of Brahman. -The weight of the two plates is 10 lbs. 1 oz., and of the ring, 3 oz.; total, 10 lbs. 4 oz. — The characters are Nagari, of the regular type of the period and locality to which the inscription refers itself. They include, in line 31, the decimal figures 1, 2, and 3. The engraving is good ; the interiors of the letters are so filled in with rast, that any marks of the working of the tool cannot be observed. The plates are thick and substantial; and the letters do not show through on the reverse sides at all. -The language is Sanskrit. And the inscription is in prose throughout; except for two invocatory verses at the commencement, and nine benedictive and imprecatory verses quoted in lines 14 to 16 and 23 to 31. The text contains some technical fiscal terms which require explanation ; talabhédydghánakamalakasundhaka, in lines 19-20: and sarv-abhyantara-siddhi, in line 20. And in line 19 we have the word kaikafa which has been met with in other passages in the sense of boundary,' in which it is used here. In respect of orthography the only points that call for notice are-(1) the preferential use of the anuspára instead of the proper nasal, e. g. in pariparathayati, line 7; dardanayaka, line 9; and anngiksitya, line 17; though the proper nasal is need in mandalam, line 8, and vindu, line 15, and elsewhere; and (2) the use of v for b throughout, e. g. in vibhartti, line 1; vráhmanapátekát, line 2; and lavdha, line 5; except once, in line 23, where a distinct form for b seems to be used in the word bahubhir.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Chaulukya king Ajayapals of Anhilwaq. But the grant recorded in it was made by one of his feudatories, the Mahamanda10vara Vaijalladeva, who, as we learn from line 17, belonged to the Chahumana lineage, or, as the name is actually written here, ChAhuyana-and who had the government of the mandala or province on the banks of the river Narmada; and the charter was issued from the city of Brahmanapatake. The inscription is non-sectarian; the object of it being to record the grant of a village to a sattrágára or charitable alms-house, for the purpose of feeding Brahmans.
The places mentioned in the inscription are Anahilapatake, the capital of Ajayapala and his ancestors ; Brahmanapatake, the town from which Vaijalladeva issued the charter; Alavidagamva, the village granted, which is defined as being in the group of villages known as the Makhulagamve Forty-two-villages, belonging to the Parna pathaka; and Khandohaka, the village in which was situated the sattrúgára to which the grant was made. Apahilapataka, or, as the name was sometimes written, Anahillapataka, is perhaps better known under the somewhat later and slightly corrupted name of Anhilwad or Anhilwadapatan. It is said, in the Jain chronicles, and elsewhere, to have been founded in Vikrama-Samvat 802 by the Paramâra king Vanarâja ;' and it appears to have passed from the possession of the Paramaras into that of the Châwada kings; and to have been acquired from the latter by the first Chaulukya king, Mâlarâja, in Vikrama-Samvat 997. It was subsequently laid waste; but the date of this event appears not yet to have been properly fixed; for, whereas Col. J. W. Watson seems to attribute the destruction of the city to the armies of Ald-ud-dîn in Vikrama-Samvat 1297, we find it still mentioned, as the capital of Visaladeva, in Vikrama-Samvat 1317. It is now represented by the modern town of Patan, the chief town of a Sub-Division of the same name in the Gaikwâr's Dominions, about sixty-five miles in a north-westerly direction from Ahmadabad. The other places remain to be identified.
The record contains two dates. In line ff., in connection with the making of the grant, we have the details of Vikrama-Samvat 1231, expressed fully in words, and not distinctly
ente, Vol. XVI. p. 265, line 23.
a an elephant. It is said
ante. Vol. IV. p. 147f.
Ie. . ante, Vol. XVI. p. 256, line 23. The only meaning given in Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary Mre 'mail, defensive armour; an iron hook to goad an elephant. It is said to be derived from the root kank, 'to go.'
* ante, Vol. XI. p. 958; Vol. IV. pp. 145., 147. • ante, Vol. IV. p. 148.
ante, Vol. VI. p. 212. The Patan, Pattan, Pattan, Anhalwada, Anhalwar Patan, and Anhilwara Pattan,' of mape, &c. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 21. Lat. 23° 51' N.; Long. 74° 10' E.

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specified either a current or as expired, the month Kárttika, the bright fortnight, the eleventh tithi, and Somadina or Monday; and we are told that, when Vaijalladdva made the grant, he had fasted on this day, and had done worship to the gods Siva and Vishņu at the Karttik-ody&pana festival, And in line 31 we have the details, for either the writing or the assignment of the charter, of the same month, fortnight, and year, here expressed in decimal figures; and of the thirteenth civil day (and, with it, the thirteenth tithe), coupled with Budha, i.e. Budhavâra or Wednesday. The English equivalents ought to be found in A.D. 1173 or 1174, according as the given year, whether referred to the northern or to the southern reckoning of the era, is to be taken as current or as expired. And we have to note that the first of the given tithis is the well-known prabodhini or utthana.ékádasi, when Vishņu wakes up from his four-months' slumber; and that the text distinctly intimates that the grant was made to celebrate this tithi and its festival. The results, however, are not altogether satisfactory. By Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, I find that
In (northern and) southern Vikrama-Samvat 1231 current, Karttika enkla 11 ended on Thursday, 18th October, A.D. 1173, at about 51 ghatis after mean sunrise, for Aphilwad ;' and Karttika sukla 13 ended on Saturday, 20th October, at about 43 gh. 2 p.
And in (northern and) southern Vikrama-Samvat 1232 current (1231 expired), Karttika sukla 11 ended on Tuesday, 8th October, A.D. 1174, at about 32 ghatis; and Karttika sakla 13 ended on Thursday, 10th October, at about 19 gh. 25 p. The tithis began respeotively on Monday, 7th October, at about 38 gh. 8 P., and on Wednesday, 9th October, at about 25 gh. 39 p. And those dates would do, if we could apply the tithis as ourront tithis. But there is no justification for the quotation of the current tithi, in recording the writing or the assignment of the charter. And both Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit and Prof. Kielhorn have informed me that there is no rule by which the fasting and ceremonies, connected with the prabodhini-8kddati, can have been performed in this case on the Monday. Accordingly, even the eleventh tithi cannot have been quoted here as a current tithi. And the dates thus obtained for the commencement of the two tithis are not admissible.
Bat, in northern and) southern Vikrama-Samvat 1299 current (1282 expired), Karttika bukla 11 ended, as required, on Monday, 27th October, A.D. 1176, at about 37 gh. 23 P.; and Karttika bukla 18 ended on Wednesday, 29th Ootober, at about 25 gh. 80p. These results satisfy the requirements of the case, vis, that both the given tithis should have been quoted, and must be applied, as ended tithis; and these soom certainly to be the real days that were intended. Accordingly, as there is nothing to raise & Buspicion. that the grant is other than an authentic one, we must conclude that, in spite of the distinct record in words as well as in figures, we have here a genuine mistake in respect of the given year; and that 1231 was wrongly written for 1232, which is to be applied as an expired year, and, in consideration of the locality to which the record belongs, is to be referred to the southern reckoning of the era.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti | Jayô=bhyudayas-cha | Jayati Vyömakesongan yah sarggâys vi(bi)bhartti tâm sindavím sirasa lêkham jagad-vij-
Akur-- 2 kritim II Tanvantu vah Smaráråtêh kalyanam-anisam jatahi kalp-anta-samay.
oddâma-tadid-valaya-pingal[4] 11 Sri-Vra(bra)hmanapatakat [..] Sri-A3 nahilapatakadhishthita-samastarájávalivirajita-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramêsva(sva)ra-parama
bhattaraka-Varvarakajishņu-sri-Jayasimhadova4 pAdânudhyâta-Umapativaralavdha/bdha)prasada-praudharpratâpa-nijabhujavikramaraşkigaņa
vinirjjtaðakambharibhupala-paramabhatta
The times here are for Aphilwa], all through. . From the original plates. • Metro, Blok (Anushtabh); and in the next verde.
Represented by a symbol.

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GRANT OF AJAYAPALA.-VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1281.
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5 raka-maharajadhiraja-paraméévara-ari-Kumarapaladóva-pkdanudhyata-paramabhatáraka
maharajadhiraja-paramamahdávara"-ári 6 mad"-AjayapAladdva-kalyana-vijaya-rajyê [*] tat-pâdapadm.pajivini mahamatys-árt
Som svare srl-srikaraş-Adau samasta-mudra7 vyâpârân=paripamthayati sat-îty=htasmin=kálê pravarttamâne [1] Samadhigatapanche
mahksavda (bdA)lamkârôpeta-samastaprakriyåvirajamâna-maha8 mandalesvara-sri-Vaijalladevah srimad Ajayapaladavna prosâdîkritya Narmmada
tata-mandalam-anusisan vijay-dayi || Parana-pathaka-pra9 tiva(ba)ddha-Makhulagamva-grâma-dvichatvárimsat grâmânâm"* madhyât Alavide
gAmva-grâme samasta-damdanayaka-dêsathak[k* ]ur-adhishthinaka-kara10 napurusha-sayyâpâla-bhattaputra-prabhțiti-niyukta-rajapurushan vra(bra)hman-êttaran
pratinivasi-vishayika-pattakila-janapad-adim-cha 11 vô(b)dhayaty-Astu vah samyiditam yathậ11 Asmabhiḥ śrf-Vra(bra)hmanapataks.
sthitai[bo] nfipa-Vikrama-kalad-arvvak. Oke-trimbad-adhika-dvedaba-ba12 ta-sam vatsar-Antarvarttini Karttika måsi sukla-pakshe ekadagyam Somadind
upoehys Karttik-ody&pana-parvvani char-Achara-garam bhagavam. 13 tam Bhavani-patim Purushottama cha Lakshmi-patin samabhyarchchya
samsarasy=Asâratâm parijñaya nalini-gata-jala-lava-taralataram jivi. 14 tam=Akalayya mada-vivasi(sf)krita-kari-karnna-tâla-taralam briyam-anuchi[m]tya cha 11
Tath hi [1] VAT"-Abhra-vibhramam-idam vasudh-Adhipatyam-At&pe 20 15 mâtra-madhurê vishay-pabhôgam(h) prâşâs=triņâgrajala-vinda-sama naråņam dhar.
mmah sakhê param-ahố paraloka-yânê 11 Api cha [1*] Bhrs. 16 mat'-samsára-chakr-&gra-dhår-Adhårâm=immâm" sriyam prâpya yê na dadas-téshám
paśchât[t]ậpah para phalam | Iti jagatố vinaśvaram sverpam=&ka17 layya drisht-Adrishta-phalam-amgikritya cha matapitrorektmanas-cha punya-yako. bhivșiddhayê Chahuyan-Anvaye[na] mahamandale.
Second Plate. 18 évara-fri-Vaijalladévèns' Khamdohake dakshiņa-dig-vibhågê apůrvve-pamchasat
vrl(bra)hmaņânâm" bhôjan-[a*]rtham upari likhita Ale19 vidagathva-gråmaḥ sa-vșiksha-mála-kulas-chatuh-kan kata-visaddhah khany-akara-nidhi
nikshepa-sahita[ho] talabhêdyåghanakamalaka20 vundhaka-dada-dôsha-prâpt-adâya[ho] abhinava-mârggaņaka-prabhsiti-sarvv-adâyair
apêtah sarvv-abhyantara-siddhyâ déva-vrå (bra)hmaņa-bhukti-varjjam 21 á.chamdr-arkka-yavat basanikritya Khandobakótya-satragaraya" udaka-parvvakatvena
pradattah (w) Tad-asmin grêmê samutpadyamána-bh22 gabhoga-kara-hiraṇy-adikam-kjĐA-Gravaņa-vidhêyair-bhtva bhavadbhir-amai samppane.
tavyan sâmânyam ch-aitat-paqya-phalan ya(buddhvi asmad-varsa23 jair-anyair api b hävi-bhOktsibhireasmat-pradatta-dharmma(rmma)dayayamanuman
tavyabi palanfyas-oba (11) Uktarchs Bahubhir"-vvasudh bhukta
rajabhih Sa24 gar-adibhih yasya yasya yada bhämis-tasya tasya tada phala (11) Yân"-iha
dattani pura narồndrair danani dharmm-Artha-yasas-karåņi | nirmmálya-ram
u As shewn by other grants of this family, e.g. ante, Vol. VI. p. 194, No. 3, line & read mahardjadhirdja. param fuara-paramamahfuara.
Here, and in line 8, Srimat is used, instead of bri, in conformity with the custom of preferring the use of frimat before & name commonoing with vowel (see Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. p. 10, note 4). But if oocuri, and with hiatus instead of junction by sardhi, in the grant of Vikrama-Samvat 1280, ante, Vol. VI. p. 197, line 13; and in some other places in the same series; and also at the end of line 2 in the present grant. 13 Read dvichatodrinsad-gramandı.
* Metro, Vasantatilaks. 15 Raad apata.
Metre, sloka (Anushtabh). 11 Read imdt.
After the wae of asmabhih in line 11, the introduction of this instrumental singular is unnecessary. Road pashchatad-ord(brd)hmanandh.
10 Read attrdgårdye. Metro, 81ks (Anushţubh).
* Metre, Indrarajri.

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25 ti(ta)-pratimini tâni k náms sådhu[bo] punarmidadîta (11) Asya o kula
kramam-adâram-udáharadbhirwanyaischa dama (na)m=idam-apy-anumôdaniyam
lakshmya26 s=tadid-valaya-vadvuda-chanchalâyâ êvaṁ phala para-yasah-paripälanaṁ cha 1
Sarvvân"-êtân bhävinaḥ pârthivêndran bhůy8-bhûyê 27 yâchaté Råmabhadrah sâmány =yam dharmma-sêturænfipâņam kald-kâle pålaniyo
bhavadbhih (11) Sva" dattâm para-dattám và yê haréta 28 yasumdharam shashți-varsha-sahasråņi vishțâyám jáyatě krimiḥ (11) Iha" hi jalada
lila-chamchalê jiva-lôké třiņa-lava-la29 ghu-sârê sarvva-samsara-saukhye apaharata dur-asah sisanat dévatanan naraka
gahana-gartt-åvartta-pât-otsuk yah 1(11) Iti" 30 kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lolam sriyam=anuchi(m®]tya manushya-jivita cha sakalam
widam-udâhritam cha vudva" na hi purushail para31 kirttayo vilôpya iti | Samvat 1231 varshe Karttika su di 13 Vu(bu)dhe 11
Mamgalam mahd-srih || Dao * prati32 hâra-Sobhanadevaḥ | Sva-hastô=ya m ahậmandalesvara-sri-Vaijalladévasya 11 Uparôo 30 rio 31 Vámadêvah !!
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. After two verses in praise of the god Siva, under the names of Vyômakåsa (line 1) and Smarârâti (1.2), the inscription gives the following genealogy - The Maharajadhiraja, Paraméśvara, and Paramabhattáraka, the glorious Jayasimhadeva (1. 3), who was established at the famous (city of) Apahilapataka (1.2), and who was victorious over the Varvarakas. His successor (lit. he who meditated on his feet;' pád-anudhyáta) was the M. P. P., the glorious Kumarapaladeva (1. 5), who acquired the favour of a boon from the god Umapati (Siva), and who conquered in battle the king of Sakambhari. And his successor is the M. P. P., the glorious Ajayapaladeva (1. 6), a most devout worshipper of the god Mahêśvara ('Siva) (1.5).
In the reign of the last mentioned king (1. 6), and while his feudatory (lit. he who subsists like a bee on the water-lilius that are his feet;' padapadm-ópajivin), the Mahámátya, the illustrious som svara (1. 6), is superintending all the functions oonnected with the royal seal in the records (sríkarana) and other departments :
From the famous (city of) Brahmanapataka (1.2), the Mahamandalésvara, the illustrious Vaijalladeva (1. 7), who has attained the panchamahásabda, and who through the favour of the glorious Ajayapaladeva, is governing the province on the banks of the river Narmada (1. 8), informs the Dandanáyaka, Débathakkura, Adhishthanaka, Karanapurusha, Sayyúpála, Bhattaputra, and all the other royal officials at the village of Alavidag&mva (1.9) in the middle of the group known as the Makhulagámvs Forty-two-villages, belonging to the Parna pathaka (1. 8), and the neighbouring Vishayikas, Pattukilas, and other people, headed by the Brahmans :
"Be it known to you (1. 11), that, by Us, while stationed at Brahmanapataka (1. 11), - having fasted on Monday, the eleventh tithi in the bright fortnight in the month Karttika, in the yaar twelve hundred, increased by thirty-one, after the time of king Vikrama; and having done worship, at the festival of the Karttik-ody&pana, to (Siva) the divine lord of Bhavani, the father of all things animate and inanimate, and to Purushottama (Vishņa), the lord of Lakshmi (1. 13),- for the increase of the religious merit and
» Metre, Vasantatilaka.-The metre is faulty here, and we must correct asya into eshdrio. 14 Metre, Salini.
95 Metre, Sloka (Augshubh). » Metre, Malini.
"Metre, Pushpitágra. ** Read buddhud.
i.e. ddtakak. 30 and 1 What offices are denoted by these two abbreviations, is not apparent. Possibly the two words are a mistake for one word, wpari, which would stand for uparikó.

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SUDI AND VADI.
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the fame of Our parents and of Ourself (1. 17), (by Us, viz.) by the Mahamandalésvara, the illastrious Vaijalladeva" (1. 18), who belongs to the Chahuyaņa lineage (1. 17), for the purpose of feeding fifty new Brahmaņs in the southern division in the village of) Khandbhaka (1. 18), the above-mentioned village of Alavidagåmva, with certain rights and privileges that are specified, but exclusive of the rights of enjoyment of gods and Brahmans, is given by this charter to the charitable alms-house (sattrágára) at Khandobaka (1. 21).
" (In lines 21 to 31 the grantor gives an injunction to future rulers to continue the grant; and quotes seven of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses. And his speech ends with the word iti, in line 31.]”
Line 31 contains the date of the year 1231, the month Karttika, the bright fortnight, the civil day 18, on Wednesday; which must denote the day on which the charter was written or assigned.
And the inscription ends with the record that the Dútaka is the Pratíhára Sobhanadeva; followed by the words "this is the sign-manual (sva-hasta) of the Mahamandalesvara, the illustrions Vaijalladeva; and by the mention of an official named Vamadeva, whose post and connection with the grant are not quite clear.
SUDI AND VADI.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. As regards the true signification of the expressions su. di. and va. di., and their use in ancient records, I, of course, entirely concur in the views expressed by Mr. Fleet, in a note on p. 147 of Vol. XVI of this Journal, But there can, in my opinion, be no doubt that, in more modern times, the Hindus have looked upon sudi or sudi, and vadi or badi, as words, and have taken the former to be equivalent to śukla-pakshé ' in the bright half,' and the latter to krishnapakshe 'in the dark half' of a month.
In grammar, one would naturally look for these terms, if they should have been regarded as independent words, in the gaņa svarádi; and it is instructive to note that, while in the KasikaVritti, composed about A.D. 650, there occurs neither sudi nor vadi among the svarádi, the Ganaratnamahodadhi, which we know to have been compiled about A.D. 1140, does contain sudi, explained by sulla-pakshe, in that gans; and the quite modern Ganaratnávali enumerates among the svaradi both áudi and vadi, explained by bukla-pakshe and krishna-pakshé respectively.
And I am even able to quote several dates in which the terms sudi and vadi have actnally been coupled with a tithi or lanar day; a proceeding which may be utterly illogical, but which shows that the writers had altogether forgotten the original meaning of sudi and vadi, and that, to them, these terms were synonymous with śukla-pakshé and krishna-pakshe, and nothing else.
1.-From a photolithograph in Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XX. plate xxii., we learn that on the pillar of a temple at Dubkand,' abont 76 miles south-west of Gwalior, there is a short inscription, dated
Samvat 1152 Vaišasha (kha)-sudi-pamchamyam, i.e. 'on the fifth (lunar day) of sudi (i.e. the bright half) of Vaibakha, of the year 1152.'
2.-In Professor Peterson's valuable Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1884-86, Appertdix, p. 156, the date of the completion of a commentary on the Bhavabhavand is given in the following verse, -
Saptatyadhik-aikAdaśa-varshasatair=Vikramad-atikrâmtaiḥ nishpannå vșittir-iyam Sråvaņa-vadi-panchami-divasê, II
See note 17 above. * The exact force of aprirva is not evident. But it seems to indicate fifty fresh Brahmans, who had not been fod on any previous occasion, and who perhaps had just come to establish themselves in the village, or at the sattrigara.

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i.e. this commentary was completed on the day (on which ended) the fifth (lunar day) of vadi (i.e. the dark half) of Śrâvana, when eleven hundred years increased by seventy had gone by since Vikrama.'
3.-From my own Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, p. 46, it will be seen that & copy of Hêmachandra's Sabdánusásana-laghuoritti was completed, at Stambhatîrths, -
Samvat 1315 varsha Chaitra-vadi-chaturthi-diné Vu(bu)dha-våre, - i.e. 'in the year 1315, on the day (on which ended) the fourth (lunar day) of vadi (i.e. the dark half) bf Chaitra, on a Wednesday.'
4.- From Silaratnasûri's commentary on Mörutunga's Méghaddta, an extract of which is given in Professor Peterson's Report for 1884-86, Appendix, p. 249, we learn (verse 4) that the author completed his work, at Anahillapataka,
Varshê chandra-nidhậna-pûrva-1491-kalitê sri-Vikramárkátotatha
Chaitr-Antaravadi pamohami-Badhadinê śrêshth-Anuradh-yutei.e. 'in the year, (reckoned) from the glorious Vikramarka, (which is made up of the moon (1), the treasures (9), and the Púrvas (14, i.e. in) 1491; in (the month) Chaitra, on a Wednesday, the fifth (lunar day) of vadi (i.e. the dark half), coupled with the excellent (nakshatra) Anuradha.'
5.-In Professor Peterson's Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1882-83, p. 94, we readSamvad-grah-Åśva-muni-bhQ-jñê tê masë Madhau sudi
trayodakyan Soma-vârê samåptôəyaṁ Sukh-odadhih 11 i.e. this ocean of pleasure was completed on a Monday, on the thirteenth (lunar day in) sudi (i.e. the bright half) in the month Madhu (i.e. Chaitra), in the year known by the planets (9), the horses (7), the sages (7), and the earth (1; i.e. in 1779).
These dates, the wording of three of which, at any rate, is proved by the metre to be indisputable and the number of which might easily be increased), will suffice to show that from about A.D. 1100 sudi and vadi were really interchangeable with sukla-pakshe and krishnapakshe, and that they were used in these senses both by themselves and also in composition with prebeding or following words. And such being the case, we cannot be surprised to find suli and vadi also coupled with the new-moon and full-moon tithis, and with the tithi called pratipad or pratipadd, as, e.g., in the following dates :
6.- A copper-plate grant of Virasisha, pablished by Dr. F. E. Hall in the Jour. Americ. Or. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 542, is dated
Samvat 1177 Karttika-vadi amavasyam' Ravi-dind, - i.e. Son Sanday, on the new-moon (tithi or lanar day, in) vadi i.e. the dark half) of Kärttika, of the year 1177.'
7.-The 'Raiwin' plate of Govindachandradêva, published by Dr. Führer in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LVI. Part I. p. 109, is dated, in line 18,
Saravat 1187" Margga-sudi paurnni(rna)masyam tithau Sóma-dind, - i.e. on Monday, on the full-moon tithi (or lunar day, in) sudi (i.e. the bright half) of Margasîrsha, of the year 1187.'
8.-The Alha-Ghat inscription of Narasimhadêva, of which a photolithograph is given in Archol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. plate xxvii., and of which I owe a rabbing to Mr. Fleet, is dated
Saivat 1216 Bhadra-sudi-pratipada Ravau,i.e. the first lanar day of sudi i.e. the bright halt) of Bhadrapada of the year 1216, on a Sunday.'
Although dates like these prove that the later grammarians certainly did not invent the meanings which they have assigned to sudi and vadi, in actual usage the connection of these terms with a tithi must nevertheless be regarded as exceptional; for, in the majority of cases sudi and vadi are even in later dates followed by a numeral figure, while the word denoting a
Dr. Hall has altered amapdayam, unnecessarily, to amavdeyd yan. • See page 57 above.

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tithi is as regularly preceded by sukla-paksha, krishna-paksha, sukla, krishna, sita, asita, or some similar expression. And judging from the large number of dates before me, I feel little hesitation in saying that the two terms retained their original signification, and were felt to be what they really are, abbreviations of two separate words, up to about the beginning of the twelfth century of the Vikrama era. At any rate, I may be permitted to point out that, if an expression like sudi-pañchamyám, which we have met with in the date No. 1 above, had been habitually employed in earlier times, we might certainly expect to read sudi-panchamyám, instead of sita-pañchamyam, in the following verse, which occurs in my Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, p. 9, and in Professor Peterson's Report for 1884-86, Appendix, p. 149:
Samvatsara-sata-navakê dvishashți-sahitê-tilamghitê ch=âsyah |
Jyêshthê si(si)ta-pamchamyam Punarvvasau Guru-dinê [samâptir-abhût ] i.e. and this (work) was completed when nine hundred and sixty-two years had gone by, in (the month) Jyaishtha, on the fifth (lunar day) of the bright (half), on a Thursday, (the moon being) in (the nakshatra) Punarvasu.'
In conclusion, I may add that some of the dates quoted above are of considerable interest, for various reasons, which I shall have occasion to state fully in a separate paper.
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S.
No. 29.
THE JESSAMINE KING.
In a certain country there lived a petty king called the Jessamine King (Mallikairajan), because when he laughed the country, for ten kos round, became fragrant with the scent of jessamines; provided his laughter was not forced, but came naturally to him. His fame soon spread throughout the world, and many came to see him, and to wait for a chance of enjoying the scent he gave out. The Emperor, however, to whom the Jessamine King paid his tribute, sent for him in the pride of his superiority, and in obedience to the mandate, the Jessamine King went to his master, who tried in several ways to make him laugh, but in vain. After trying all he could the Emperor grew hopeless of success, and thinking that his vassal was impertinent, sent him to prison. So the poor Jessamine King, for no fault of his own, was imprisoned.
Now just opposite the prison there lived a deformed cripple with whom the Emperor's wife had an unlawful intimacy. She was in the habit of going to him at the tenth ghatiká of every night with pudding and sweetmeats, and remaining with him the whole night. Several people knew of this, and the Jessamine King was informed of it by the jailor, but he never seemed to take any notice of it.
One night the emperor's wife came rather later than usual, at which the cripple became highly enraged, and kicked and struck her with his deformed legs and hands. She bore it all patiently and without a murmer, and gave him the sweetmeats and other things as before. After eating his fill, the cripple thought within himself:-"What have I been doing to-day! 1 have severely punished a woman who is my protectress. Notwithstanding my intimacy with her, she is a woman of high rank. Perhaps she will discontinue her visits to me."
Thinking thus he spoke to her :-"My dear! you must excuse my kicks! Were they very severe ?"
"No, my love!" said she. "I am as happy after them, as one who has travelled over the fourteen worlds."
Not Jyeshthisitapanchamyam, t.e., Jyeshth4 asita-pathchamyam, as given in Professor Peterson's Report. The corresponding day, for the bright half of Jyaishtha, of the southern Vikrama year 962, expired, is Thursday, 1st May, A.D. 906, when the fifth bithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise, and when the moon was in Punarvasu up to about 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.

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Now below the verandah in which this conversation was held, there was wandering about a washerman, who had lost an ass some days before. He had searched everywhere, but was not able to find it. After spending the earlier part of the night in looking for it, he rested himself under the verandah for a short time, and there he heard a woman saying that she was as happy as one who had travelled over the fourteen worlds, and he mistook her for a great traveller.
"Surely she must have met my ass somewhere or other," thought he, and getting up as once, he fell at her feet with tears in his eyes, saying "Mother! have you seen my lost ass ?"
The Jessamine King had been watching all this, and as soon as the washerman fell at the wicked Empress's feet saying "Mother, have you seen my lost ass ?" he could not contain his laughter. He laughed till his sides were like to split, and lo! all around the sweet jessamine scent began to play.
The servants of the emperor, who were ordered by his Majesty to rouse him at the first sign of the jesɛamine scent at whatever time it might appear, now aroused him from his sleep. The emperor got up and thought to himself, "I tried my best to make my vassal laugh, and used all the means I could, but I failed altogether. What can be the reason for his laughter at this hour of the night ? I will send for him."
As soon as the Jessamine King was sent for, he made his appearance in due obedience to the Emperor's mandate, and did his best to conceal the reason of his laughter from him. But finding at last that his life was at stake he told the whole story. So the end of it all was that the Emperor sent his wife and the cripple to the gallows, and the Jessamine King to his own Dountry.
MISCELLANEA.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. No. XIV.
Journal Asiatique for 1887 (Vols. IX. and X). (1) January 1887.-M. Urbain Bouriant describes an interesting find of three leaves of a Coptic Romance of Alexander. These were discovered amongst a number of Theban MSS. purchased at Akhmim by M. Maspero for the Bibliothèque Nationale. They are three detached fragments, and the rest of the work cannot be found. This is the first work of fiction of Coptic origin which has been discovered. M. Bouriant gives the text and translation of the fragments. The MS. is doubly interesting because the Romance of Alexander appears to have had its origin in Egypt, whence it was at least partly borrowed and translated into Greek by the Pseudo-Callisthenes, from which the various western versions of the legend have sprung. An Oriental version of the story of Alexander had its origin in Persia, and has been recorded by many authors, from Firdûsî downwards. This version is, however, almost certainly, to be referred ultimately to the western version of the Pseudo-Callisthenes for its origin. The present Coptic MS. appears to be probably a modernized edition of the ancient Egyptian original of both these versions.
The next paper consists of translated extracts
by M. De Harlez of the Tchou-tze-tsieh-yaotchuen, or summary of the essential principles of the philosophy of Tchou-tze. It was written in the year 1602 by a disciple of that philosopher, named' K'ao-pen-long. The extracts translated are Chapter III., on the perfecting of instruction, and Chapter V., on the obligation to subdue and correct oneself.
The number concludes with an examination of the text of the Moabite Stone, by M. ClermontGanneau, with special reference to a recent work on the same subject by MM. Smend and Socin. The paper being one of textual controversy cannot be summarised.
(2) February-March, 1887,-opens with an account of another Coptic MS. by M. E. Amélineau, of the French Archeological Mission in Egypt. The document is historical, written in the 13th century, and deals with the martyr John of Phanijoit. The author was a priest named Mark, a disciple of Michael, Bishop of Bubastis (or Zagazig) and Belbéis. The martyr John was a Christian, who turned Musalman in order to marry a woman of that faith. On her death he returned to Christianity, and, filled with remorse, endeavoured to persuade 'the king' at Cairo to return him the documents relating to his first apostasy. He was at first treated as a
I spell these words as they are transliterated in French. I have not ventured to spell them in the English fashion.-G. A. G.

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madman, but finally made himself so obnoxious, called kyphi. The Greek authors Dioscorides, that he was put to death. The king referred to Plutarch, and Galen, have transmitted to 11s is Muhammad Abd'l-Fath, surnamed Al-Malik recipes for its composition, and similar formula al-Kâmil. The paper contains notices of contem. have also of late been discovered in Egyptian porary history and geography, together with the hieroglyphic texts, dating from the reign of text and translation of the whole work.
Ptolemy VII. The author utilizes these two sets Next follows a continuation of M. Abel Ber of directions for the identification of a number of gaigne's Researches into the history of the Egyptian names of plants and drugs. Rig Veda. These have been already referred to A note by M. Clément Huart on the Musalman more than once. His main theory may briefly be religious movement called Babism, and another described as follows:-He takes the well known by M. de Rochemonteix on the identification adhyaya division of the Rig Veda. There are 64 of some Egyptian place-names, conclude the of these divisions, all of which should be of about number. equal length. Some adhyâyas, however, exceed the (4) The second number of Vol. X. commences proper length in a degree which cannot be explained with a study on the Arabio dialect of Da. in any satisfactory way, and it hence follows that mascus, by Mgr. David, Syrian archbishop of they contain interpolations of later date. By a that city. The article is supplementary to one series of elaborate and ingenious calculations, he written on the same subject by M. Huart in 1883. is able to point out the passages which he suspecte It includes notes on pronunciation, orthography, to be interpolated. It would be impossible to inflexion, and vocabulary. give a satisfactory account of his full theory in a The next article is a summing up by M. H. summary like the present. I may add here that Sauvaire of his series of papers on the numishis conclusions are combated by Dr. H. Oldenbergmatics and metrology of the Musalmans. The in the 41st Vol. of the Zeitsch. des Morgenland. article principally consists of valuable lists of Gesell. (p. 508 and ff.); and that on p. 488 of Vol. X. prices of necessaries from the 7th to the 17th of the Journal Asiatique, M. Bergaigne replies centuries A. D. to Dr. Oldenberg, and also denies that he is This is followed by the text and translation of indebted for any portion of his theory to Mr. the History of King Na'aman of Khurasan, Pincott.
an Arab tale in the vulgar dialect of Syria. It is (3) Volume X.--commences with an interest- communicated by M. A. Barthélemy. It is a ing paper by M. J. Darmesteter, on Points of story worthy of the Arabian Nights. Contact between the Shah Nama and the
ween the Shah Nama and the M. Urbain Bouriant next gives us some further MahAbharata. He takes for his text the Maha. fragments of the Theban Romance of Alexander prasthanikaparpa of the later work, and the account already mentioned. Three more leaves of the MS. of the Renunciation of Kai Khusrd in the former. have been discovered at Akhmim, by the author, There is a great resemblance between the final who gives text, translation, and notes. scenes of the life of Yudhishthira, and of the Two reviews conclude the number. One refers Persian hero, and M. Darmesteter, after dealing to Dr. W. Radloff's erumples of the popular with them in some detail, comes to the conclusion literature of the North Turkish tribes, and that the portion of the Mahabhdrata in which the the other deals with two grammars of the episode is described is a later addition, and that dialect of Algeria. the original version is the Persian one con (5). Part III. of Vol. X.--commences with tained in the Shah Nama. The legend probably three vocabularies of Dialects of Berber by M. filtered into India between the Seythic inva- René Basset. They were collected in the course of sion and the 6th or 7th century of our era, | two missions on which the author was sent by the but nearer to the earlier than the later epoch. The Governor-General of Algeria. The first dialect is story of the renunciation and the ascent into that spoken in Gourara and Touat. The second heaven of Kai Khusra, has not only travelled is the argot of Mzab, and the third the dialect of eastwards from Persią, but has also been adopted the Youaregs Anelimmiden." in the East. We find it, in the 12th century. This is followed by notes by M. Barthélemy, attached to the patriarch Enoch, in a Jewish principally on Grammar, on the Arabic Story of work, the Book of the Just (Sefer Hayyashar), Na'aman dealt with by him in the previous which colleots all the legends formed round the Book of Genesis.
In the next paper, as already mentioned, M., The next article, by M. Victor Loret, leals with Abel Bergaigne, writes a postscript to his paper the Sacred Perfume of the ancient Egyptians, on the division of the Rig Veda into adhydyas
* These words are spelt as in the original.-G. A. G.

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in which he replies to the criticisms of Prof. Bat, in Baka-samvat 811 current (810 Oldenberg, and rejects the claims to the discovery expired), while the párriménta tithi ended at pat forward by Mr. Pincott in J.R.A. 8., Vols.
about 24 gh. 11 p. on Saturday, 16th March, XVI. and XIX.
A. D. 888, on which day there was no solar M. Clermont Gannean gives a fourth instalment
eclipse, the amanta Chaitra krishna 15 ended of his notes on Arab Epigraphy and History, The present paper contains a critique of Dr.
on Monday, 15th April, A.D. 888, at about Gildemeister's article on an Arabic inscription
5 gh.; and on this day there was an eclipse found at Banias, the ancient Paneas, in Galilee, of the sun,' which seems to have been visible which appeared in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen in the south of India. Palästina-Vereins, Vol. X., pp. 168 and fl., and This result corroborates that obtained under a note on the bridge constructed at Lydda by No. 22 of these Calculations; and shews that Sultan Baibars.
by this period the amants southern arrangeA transcription and translation by M. Oppert,
ment of the lunar fortnights had permaof a Babylonian contract concerning a slave, is
nently superseded the purnimanta arrangethe most interesting portion of the miscellaneous
ment with the years of the Saka era in notes which conclude the volume.
G. A. GÉIERBON. Gujarat.
No. 25. CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES.
In the HaddalA copperplate grant of the No. 24.
Chapa Mahasamantadhipati Dharanivardha, In the Bagumra copper-plate grant of the the feudatory of a king named Mahipaladeva, Rashtrakata Mahasamantadhipati Krish- from the eastern part of Kathiawad, pubparaja II. of Gujarat, published, with & lished by Dr. Bühler in this Journal, Vol. XII. Plate, by Dr. Hultzsch in this Journal, Vol. page 190 ff., it is recorded that Dharanivaraha, XIII. p. 65 ff., the date (from the published who was residing (Plate ii. line 1 f.) at Vartext and lithograph; Plate ii. b, line 11 f.) is dhamana, which has been identified by Dr. - Saka-nțipa-kal-atîta-savatchhara (read sa Bühler with the modern Wadhwan in the Vatsara)-satêshv=ashtasu dah-ôtarëshu (read Jhålàwad Prant in Kathiawad, granted the das-ôttarëshu) Chaitre amâvâsyâ(read Chaitr. village of Vinkala to a Brahman, -(Plate ii. âmâvûsya)-säryagrahaņa-parvaņi, -"in eight line 12) udagayana-mahaparvaņi, -"at the centuries, increased by ten, of the years that great festival or conjunction of the udagahave gone by from the time of the Saka king; at yang," i.e. at the winter solstice, which is the conjunction of an eclipse of the sun on to be taken as represented by the Makarathe new-moon tithi of (the month) Chaitra." sankranti or entrance of the Sun into CapriAnd the charter records a grant of the village cornus. And towards the end, we have the full of Kavithasidhi, - which has been identified details (Plate ii. line 21) of - Saka-Samvat with the modern Kösâd in the Olpad Táluka of 836 Pausha su di 4 uttarîyanê, -"the Saka the Surat District, - by Kțishyaraja II., on year 836; (the month) Pausha; the bright this occasion, after bathing in the Narmada at fortnight; the (civil) day 4, (and, with it, the the Bhagavat-tirtha.
fourth tithr); at the uttarayana," i.e., again, Here, again, a correct result can be obtained at the festival of the winter solstice. only by taking the given year 810 as an ex- Here, again, a correct result can be obtained pired year.
only by taking the given year as an expired Thus in Sakar-Samvat 810 current, by Prof. year. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, the párnimánta Chaitra Thus, in Saka-Samvat 836 carrent, Pausha krishna 15 ended on Sunday, 26th February, sukla 4 ended at about 45 ghatis, 45 palas, A.D. 887, at about 40 ghafis, 4 palas, after after mean sunrise (for Bombay), on Saturday, mean sunrise (for Bombay); and the amánta 4th December, A.D. 913; eighteen days betithi, on Tuesday, 28th March, at about 22 gh. fore the Makara-saskránti, which occurred 30 p. And on neither of these days was there at about 52 gh. 31 p. on Wednesday, 22nd an eclipse of the sun.
December. * ante, Vol. XVI. p. 100 .
Von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse, pp. 200, 201, and Plate 100.

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But, in Saka-Samvat 897 current (836 of the village of Erathâņa, - identical, as expired), Pausha bukla 4 ended on Friday, pointed out by Mr. H. H. Dhruva, with the 23rd Decomber, A.D. 914, at about 36 gh. modern Erthân in the Olpad Talukî of the 58 p. ; and the Makara-sankranti occurred Surat District, - to a Brahman, on this on the same day, at about 8 gh. 4 p. ; and occasion, by Trilôchanapaala, who was then any rites and ceremonies connected with it at the Agastya-tirtha on the shore of the would be performed on that same day.
western ocean. Dr. Bühler's published text gives the year That the given Saka year 972 is to be applied 839; which is also quoted in his introductory as an expired year, is shewn by the mention remarks; though in his translation the year is of the Vikrita samvatsara of the Sixty-year given as 836. For the year 839, however, Cycle of Jupiter, which by the mean-siga whether it is taken as current or as expired, system of the cycle was current at the comcorrect results cannot be obtained. Thus, in mencement of Saka-Samvat 971 current, but Saka-Samvat 839 current, Pausha bukla 4 ended by the southern luni-solar system was at about 34 gh. 22 p. on Saturday, 30th coincident with Saka-Samvat 973 current (A.D. November, A.D. 916; twenty-two days before 1050-51). In this year, the purnimanta Paasha the Makara-sanikeránti, which occurred at about krishna 15 ended, not on a Tuesday, but on 39 gh. 7 p. on Sunday, 22nd December. And Sunday, 16th December, A.D. 1050, at about in Saka-Samvat 840 current (839 expired), 52 ghalis, 49 palas, after mean sunrise (for BomPausha sukla 4 ended at about 41 gh. 59 p. bay); and on this day there was no eclipse of on Saturday, 20th December, A.D. 917; two the sun. But, in accordance with what we have days before the Malara-salikránti, which now found to be the regular arrangement of occurred at about 54 gh. 39 p. on Monday, the lunar fortnights for the years of the Saka 22nd December, and the rites and ceremonies era in Gujarat, 'in this period, the amanta of which, moreover, would not be celebrated Pausha krishna 15 ended, as required, on till the following day, Tuesday. The published Tuesday, 16th January, A.D. 1051, at about text fortunately includes a reproduction of the 24 gh. 28 p.; and on this day there was an original figures; of which the last seemed to eclipse of the sun,' which seems to have me, at first sight, clearly to mean 6, and to be been visible in the south of India. & transitional form between the numerical In publishing this inscription, Mr. H. H. symbol and the decimal figure. And the Dhruva translated the words amáväsyű-tithau results shew that the real reading undoubt- stirya-parvaņi by "on the day of the new-moon, edly is the year 888.
that of the solstitial festival." But, that this No. 26.
is not correct, and that súrya-parvani is only In the Surat copper-plate grant of the | used, under metrical necessities, for the more Chaulukya prince Trilochanapala of Lata- complete and more customary expression suryadesa, published with. & Plate, by Mr. H. H. grakana-parvani, is shewn by the fact that in Dhruva in this Journal, Vol. XII. p. 196 ff., the same year the winter solstice, as represented the date (from the published lithograph; by the Mukara-sarikránti or entrance of the Plate iii. line 3 f.) is - Sakê nava-satair sun into Capricornus, occurred at about 19 gh. yuktê dvi-saptaty-adhikê tatha Vikritê vatsaré 31 p. on Monday, 24th December, A.D. 1050; Paushê misê pakshê cha támasê amavasya which day is not in agreement with the given tithau sürya-parvany-Angäravarake, " in tithi by either the amánta or the purnimanta the Saka (year) that is possessed of the number arrangement of the lunar fortnights. of) nine centuries and is increased by seventy
J. F. FLEET. two; in the year Vikrita; in the month
THE SPURIOUS GURJARA GRANTS OF THE Pausha, and in the dark fortnight, on the
SAKA YEARS 400, 415, AND 417. new-moon tithi; at the conjunction (of an At page 56 above, I have stamped the Antrólieclipse) of the sun; on Angaravaraka, or Chhårüli grant of Saka-Samvat 679 (expired) as Tuesday.” And the charter records a grant giving the earliest reliable instance, that I can
> Von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternise, pp. 216, 217 and Plate 108.

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find, of the use of the Saka era in Gujarat, in a justified, for either year, on that score at any date that affords details for calculation.
rate: unless by some backward calculation, such In doing so, I excluded intentionally the as I shall suggest further on. Bagumrå grant of Dadda-Prasantaraga, which (2) As regards the date, again Jyêshtba purports to be dated in Saka-Samvat 415 (ante, ksishna 15, and again with an eclipse of the sun, Vol. XVII. p. 183 ff.), and the Ildo grant of the mentioned in the Iled grant of Saka-Samvat same person, which purports to be dated in 417Saka-Samvat 417 (ante, Vol. XIII. p. 115 ff). For, 1 In the year 417 current, the given tithi even after full consideration of the arguments put corresponds in the same way, either to Thursday, forward by Dr. Bühler in his article on the the 21st April, or to Friday, the 20th May, A.D. Bagumra grant, I cannot see my way clear to 494. On neither of these days was there an eclipse admitting the genuineness of these records; and of the sun, visible or invisible. The nearest solar of the Umeta grant of the same person (ante, eclipse was that of the 19th June;' which date Vol. VII. p. 61 ff.), which purports to be dated corresponds to the purnimdnta and amanta in Sakı-Samvat 400, but with no details that can interoalated Ashadha krishna 15. be tested.
1 If the intercalary month could be placed before I have, however, no leisure to consider this matter Ashadha, this date would then correspond, in the from all the points of view that are concerned. same way, either to the purnimanta natural AsbAnd therefore, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji being now dha, or to the amdnta natural Jyêshtha, Krishna deceased, I hope that someone else will take up 15. But, as a matter of fact, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit the general question. Meanwhile, I would draw finds, by actual calculation of the places of the attention to the following points :
sun and the moon according to the Súrya(1) There was no solar eclipse at all, visible or Siddhanta, and also by the rule for mean interinvisible, on the date, Jyéshţha krishna 15, men- calations, that the intercalary month was tioned in the Bagumr& grant of Saka-Samvat Åshidha, and no other; and that the intercalated 415, whether the year is applied as current, or as fortnights must have been named AshAdha, as expired.
according to the present practice. Only by the In the year 415 current, the given tithi verse Mdah-ddi-sthé savitari &c., could they corresponds, either to Tuesday, the 12th May, receive the name of Jyêshtha; and then the 19th or to Wednesday, the 10th June, A.D. 492, June would be the new-moon day of Jydahtha by according as the pirnimánta or the amanta the amanta arrangement, and by that only. By arrangement of the lunar fortnights is applied. no means whatever can the date in question be The nearest solar eclipse was that of the 10th made to correspond to the new-moon day of the July; which date corresponds to the porni- purnimanta Jyêshtha mánta Sravana, or the amanta Åshadha, krishna In the year 418 current (417 expired), the 15.
given tithi corresponds, in the same way, either In the year 416 current (415 expired), the to the 10th May, or to the 8th June, A.D. 495. given tithi corresponds in the same way, either On each of these days there was an eclipse of the to Saturday, the 1st May, or to Monday, the sun. And, subject to the question as to whether 31st May, A.D. 49. The nearest solar eclipse an eclipse should be visible or need not be so, was that of the 29th June;" which date corres- either of these eclipses might be accepted as the ponds again to the purnimanta Sravana, or the one intended, according as we apply the párni. amanta Ashadha, kfishna 15. And this eclipse manta or the amanta arrangement of the lunar was taken by Dr. Bühler as the one that is fortnights. probably intended; with the suggestion that (3) But, a uniform process must be followed " the discrepancy in the name of the month in respect of the two grants; considering "may have been caused by a mistake of the that the charters purport to be issued by the same " writer, or by an erroneous intercalation." person, and that there is only an interval of two This suggestion would apply equally well to years between them. And we must also see how the eclipse of the 10th July, A.D. 492. But they can be made to harmonise, without any there was no intercalary month either in Saka- change in the name of the given month, which Sarhvat 415 current, or in 416. And therefore is the point in respect of which there is the least it is difficult to see how the mistake can be likelihood of a mistake.
1 See von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse, pp. 162, 163.-It was not visible in India. But this point need not, for the present, be taken into consideration.
* This eclipse, also, was not visible in India; see von
Oppolzer's Canon, pp. 162, 163, and Plate 81.
This eclipse was visible in Gujarat, and in other parts of India.
. Neither of these eclipses was visible in India.

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If the year 417 of the Ilao grant is taken as forget to substitute the purnimanta for the expired, we have either the eclipse of the 10th May, amanta months in his results,-then, admitA.D. 495, which day corresponds quite regularly ting, in respect of the Bagumra grant, an to the pirnimanta Jyêshtha krishna 15; or that erroneous intercalation, or even a mistake of of the Bth June, A.D. 495, whicl day corresponds a month, either of which would be quite possible quite regularly to the amanta Jyêahtha krishna 15. in calculating back for so long a time, wo have a But, to match it, taking the year 415 of the very simple explanation of the circumstances Bagumra grant as expired, we have only one under which these grants were fabricated eclipse, that of the 29th June, A.D. 493. And if, by with a plausible approach to accuracy. the introduction of an erroneous intercalation, the
J. F. FLEET. new-moon of Jyêshtha is brought to this date, this can only be effected by using the ananta month. THE YEAR COMMENCING WITH THE MONTH Again, if the year 417 of the IIAO grant is
ASHADHA. taken as ourrent, we have only one eclipse, that
Some time ago, I heard from Mr. Vajeshan. of the 19th June, A. D. 494. If, by assuming an kar Gaurishankar, of Bhaunagar, that, in the erroneous intercalation, or by adopting the more western part of Kathaway, there is current a year ancient role of the Brahma-Siddhanta for naming commencing with the Ashadha sukla 1 that the intercalated fortnights, the new-moon of precedes the Karttika sukla 1 with which the Jyêshtha is brought to this date, this again can Vikrama year of the rest of the Province com. only be effected by using the amanta month. mences; and that this year is called the Halari And, to match it, taking the year 415 of the year, as belonging specially to the HALAr Prånt or Bagumr& grant as current, we have only one Sub-Division of Kåthiâwâd. eclipse, that of the 10th July, A. D. 492. And, if Since then, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit has ascertained the new-moon of Jyêshtha is brought to this from a merchant of the Halar Prånt, now resident date, this can only be effected again by introduc- at Barai, that, in addition to that part of the ing an erroneous intercalation, and again by country, this year is at present in use at using the amanta month.
Amreli, Damnagar, and Jaitpur or Jetpur, in (4) Thus, whether the years are taken as Kathiawad. And he has seen letters from current or as expired, the possibility of obtain- Kathiawad, addressed to the same merchant, in ing uniform results rests entirely upon the which, before the month of Ashadha of Sakause of the amants arrangement of the lunar Samvat 1810 (expired) (A.D. 1888-89), the Vikrama fortnights, for a period in which it is not at all year is quoted as 1914 (expired); and after Ashâdha likely that this arrangement was used with the sukla 1, ás 1945 (expired). He has also ascertained years of the Saka era, even in Gujarat: supposing that the same year is in use at Idar in the that the era itaelf was then used there, which I do Mah-Kantha Agenoy, about sixty-four miles not believe to be possible.
north-east of Ahmadabad, and within a radius of (5) On the other hand, the amanta arrange- about fifty miles round that place; but that there ment is the one that, irrespective of the scheme the year commences, according to one informant, of the year for the civil reckoning in any particu- with the amants Ashadha krishna 2, and lar part of the country, was habitually used by according to another, with AshAdha sukla 2. Hindu astronomers for purposes of calouls- And in & Panchang for A.D. 1888-89, printed tion. This is the arrangement that would, as a at the Union Press, Ahmadabad, he has found matter of course, be applied by the calculator, in the samvatsara-phala the passage - samvat employed by the forger of a grant, to reckon back 1944 Ashadh-Adi-samvat 1945 Saka 1810 asmin for a real, or possibly real, eclipse. And so, if we varshé Sårvari-nama-samvatsarah agro ...... only refer the fabrication of these grants to the Kirttika-sul-12-Guruvåsarê Plava-samvatsaraperiod when the amants arrangement had per- pravēšah," the southern Vikrama) year 1941 manently superseded the purnimanta arrange (expired), the (Vikrama) year, beginning with ment for the Baks years, everywhere except in Ashadha, 1945 (expired); Saka 1810 (expired); Northern India and in those parts of Central in this year (i.e. on Chaitra sukla 1), (there is) India in which the purnimanta arrangement is the samvatsara named Sarvari [by the meanstill preserved, -in consequence of which fact, even sign system): later on....... on Thursday, the if he had any means of ascertaining that the 12th tithi of the bright fortnight of Karttika, arrangement had been different in the period, and there commences the Plava samvatsara." in the particular part of the country, for which he These notes are now issued in the hope that was calculating, the calculator might easily they may lead to the collection of additional
Seo Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. Introd. p. 79, note 1.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
information regarding the origin and use of this curious year; its initial day in different parts of the country, and the reason for any differences in that respect; and whether the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights is anywhere used in connection with it.
J. F. FLEET.
THE AMBARNATH INSCRIPTION OF MAMVANI. In the stone inscription of the Mahamandalêsvara Mámvanirajadêva, at the temple of Ambarnath near Kalyan in the Thana District, the details of the date, according to Dr. Bhau Daji's published text (Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc. Vol. IX. p. 219, line 1) are - Saka-Samvat 782 (in decimal figures), not specified either as current or as expired; Jyêshtha śukla 9; on Šukra, i. e. Šukravára or Friday. And according to his translation, altering only the name of the other Mahamandaléévara mentioned in line 6, which he misread, the inscription records that, on this day, certain officials of Mâmvâni constructed a house of the Mahamandaléévara Chhittar jadeva; the concluding words being mahúmanḍalebvara brima [ch] Chhittarajadévasya bhavanam sampaditam.
While, according to Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's published text (id. Vol. XII. p. 329), the details are-Saka-Samvat 982 (in decimal figures); Śrâvana śukla 9; on Sukra, i.e. Sukravåra or Friday. And, according to his translation, with the reading in line 6 which I have given above, on the day in question there was constructed a temple of the god of the Mahiman laléévara Chhittaraja.
Thus, while agreeing in respect of the lunar fortnight, the tithi, and the week-day, Friday, all of which items were quite certain, the two versions of this record differ in respect of the
month, and, by two centuries, in respect of
the year.
By calculation, from Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, I find that
In Saka-Sauvat 782 current, the tithi Jyêshtha sukla 9 ended on Sunday, 14th May, A.D. 859, at about 35 ghatis, 1 pala, after mean sunrise, for Kalyan; and Sravana sukla 9 ended on Wednes. day, 12th July, at about 25 gh. 12 p.
In Baka-Samvat 783 current (782 expired), Jyeshtha sukla 9 ended, as required, on Fri
[MARCH, 1889.
day, 3rd May, A.D. 860, at about 16 gh. 34 p.; with the month Ashadha intercalary, as entered in the Tables, Sravana sukla 9 ended on Tuesday, 30th July, at about 15 gh. 42 p.; and, with Śrâvana itself intercalary, or any subsequent month, instead of Ashadha, Śrâvana śukla 9, of the intercalated or of the ordinary month as the case may be, ended on Sunday, 30th June, at about 52 gh. 8 p.
In Saka-Samvat 982 current, Jyeshtha śukla 9 ended on Sunday, 23rd May, A.D. 1059, at about 45 gh. 29 p.; and Sravana śukla 9 ended on Wednesday, 21st July, at about 52 gh. 43 p.
And in Saka-Samvat 983 current (982 expired), Jyêshtha sukla 9 ended on Thursday, 11th May, A.D. 1060, at about 48 gh. 27 p.; and Śrâvana śukla 9 ended on Monday, 10th July, at about 3 gh. 33 p.
Now, as regards the merits of the published readings of this date, each of which is accompanied by a lithograph,-Dr. Bhau Daji read the name of the month as Jetha, i.e. Jyeshtha; and, in reading it as Śravana, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji marked the second and third syllables as doubtful. But both the lithographs shew distinctly that, where the former read tha and the latter vana, there is only one akshara, and that it is shtha. And it follows that the preceding akshara can only be jys or jyai; formed rather carelessly or anomalously in the original, or else not represented properly in the lithographs. As to the given year, the second and third figures are undoubtedly 8 and 2. The first figure is represented in both of the lithographs without any essential difference; except that in Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's it is rather more square and upright than in Dr. Bhau Daji's. And, in altering the interpretation of it from 7 to 9, Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, while admitting that it closely resembles the modern Nagari 7, relied on the arguments (1) that a similar "figure" occurs in the Valabhi grants and in them represents 9; and (2) that a very similar figure is to be found in the record of the year in an inscription of Bhôjadeva of Gwalior,* dated in the (Vikrama) year 933, in which its value is distinctly given in words as 9. To these he might have added (3) that, in lines 4 and 5 of the same inscription of Bhejadeva, in the details of the lands that were granted, we have forms of from every point of view, we require a proper mechanical
facsimile, and a critical edition, of this inscription.
The times here are for Kalyan all through.
This is the modern name of the temple, as given, for instance, in Bombay Places and Common Official Words, p. 29. In Dr. Bhau Daji's text, line 5, and in his translation, the name of the god is given as Amrandtha. In his lithograph, it is rather doubtful whether the first two syllables are dmra or ámva. In Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's text, the name is given as Amvanatha; and in his translation as Ambanitha; while, in his lithograph, the first two syllables are amva. It is evident that
The whole inscription is in Nagari characters; and it is of interest in furnishing one of the earliest instances of the use of those characters in Southern India.
The reference is to the Gwalior inscription, dated Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 407 f., and Plate ii. No. 4 (Vikrama)-Samvat 933, Magha sukla and su di 2; Jour. (see ante, Vol. XV. p. 108, notes 24, 25.

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MARCH, 1889.]
BOOK NOTICES.
95
the figure 7, explained in words, which cannot be shew that a Friday cannot be obtained for Sravana taken as closely resembling the first figure as sukla 9 in any of the four years, even if the given in either lithograph of the date now under tithi were used as a current tithi,- for which discussion; though they do belong to the general application of it, however, there is in this case no type of the Någari figure 7 of the period, and justification, on a consideration of all the facts resemble pretty closely the figure 7 as it occurs in of the case, it cannot be doubted that Friday, 3rd the date of the Samångad grant of Dantidurga, of May, A.D. 880, is the proper English date; and Saka-Samvat 675 expired, ante, Vol. XI. p. 112, that the real reading of the text is Sakaline 30, and Plate. But, omitting this last point, warhvata(t) 782 Jyêshtha-buddha-9-Su(áu)kri. his conclusion, on the grounds actually put for- With his own reading of the date, Dr. Bhagward by him, was that "the date can be inferred wanlal Indrajin-relying also on the fact that to be 982;" the only difficulty-which he sought the Ambarnáth inscription mentions a certain to explain away by the supposition that, at this Mahapradhana Naganaiya as an officer of MÅmtime, there were two figures in use for the same vâni, while the other record, now to be referred number,-being, that a totally different figure, to to, gives the name of a Saruddhikarin Neganaiya which no value but that of 9 can be assigned, is used as an officer of Chhittaraja -proceeded to idenin this record to denote the number of the tithi. tify these two officials as one, and to suggest that,
In the Valabhi grants, however, we are "if this reading of the date be correct," the concerned with numerical symbols; not with Mahamandalákvara Chhittaraja of this inscription decimal figures, as in the present record; and might be identified with the SilAhera Mahamanno analogy can be founded on them, beyond dalesvara Chhittaraja who issued the Bhandup the general fact that the decimal tigures were grant, dated in Saka-Samvat 949; and that developed from the numerical symbols. Fur- Måmvåņi was probably his son or successor. ther, in the process of this development, the And, in publishing the Khêrêpåtan grant of the decimal figures that were arrived at, were not silthêra Mahamandaldóvara Anantadeva, dated absolutely identical in different parts of the in Saka-Samvat 1016, Mr. K. T. Telang identified country: and we are dealing with very different Mâmvatni with the Mummuni who is given in that parts, in respect of the Ambarnáth and Gwalior record as a younger brother of the Chhittaraja inscriptions. Also, not one of the lithographs of by whom the Bhandap charter was issued. The the three inscriptions is a reliable mechanical similarity in the names of Mamyani and Mumreproduction; so that we do not know what are muni, coupled in each instance with the proximity the exact forms, differing perhaps very slightly, of the name of Chhittaraja, was sufficiently though certainly in some detail of vital im. tempting to justify this identification ; on the portance, which we have to compare or to contrast. fucts of the case, as they were then understood. Again, even if two forms of one and the same But we must now abandon these identificafigure were ultimately arrived at, and were used, tions; the first two of which plainly were in in one and the same part of the country, it is still reality factors that helped to induce Dr. Bhagimpossible to believe that the risk of confusion wanlal Indraji's alteration in the interpretation of would be incurred, by employing them in one and the Ambarnáth date, rather than deductions from the same record. And finally, whatever may turn that interpretation. And, if Mâm vàpi belonged to out to be the exact form of the figure now under the Šilâhâra family at all, he must be placed very discussion in the Ambarnáth inscription, both the much earlier in the genealogy, and perhaps before lithographs, even as they stand, distinctly shew Kapardin I., with whom the list given in the that it belongs to the general type of the Nagari Bhandup grant commences, and who was eight 7, and not to that of the Nagari 9.
generations anterior to saka-Samvat 948. With the caloulated results before us, which
J. F. FLERT.
BOOK NOTICES. COLLECTIONS SCIENTIYIQUES de L'INSTITUT des LANQUES more than once in the pages of this Journal in the
ORIENTALES DU MINISTERE DES ATYAIRES ETRANGERSS. III. Manuscrits Persans, décrits par le Baron
notes on the Progress of European Seholarship. Victor Rosen. St. Petersburg, Eggers and Co. 1886. The Catalogue, it is hardly necessary to repeat, is 8vo. pp. IV., and 889, with 3 photolithographs.
a work of immense industry and learning, and in References to this work will have been met with every way worthy of its author. It deseribes Published by Dr. Bühler, ante, Vol. V. p. 276. the Ambarnkth insoription is simply Vari; vis. by ante, Vol. IX. p. 38.
taking érimon-Yani, instead of brf. Wampani. But I think
that, taking into consideration the construction in the It may be noted that Dr. Bühler (Report on Sanskrit text, both the lithographs are sufficiently reliable to Manuscripts, 1877, p. 52) preferred to read the name in shew that the real name is undoubtedly Mimpi.

Page #108

96
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1889.
EN VERZ BERLIN.
Handschrank
minutely, with many an interesting excursus, the ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, Vol. XXIII. Report contents of 132 MSS., several of which are of great
of a Tour in the Panjab and Rajputând in 1883-84.
By H. B.W. GARRICK, Assistant, Archeological value. Most interesting of all is a copy of the Survey of India, under the Superintendence of Divan of J&mi, believed to be in the poet's own
of Major-General Sir A. Cunningham, K.O.I.E.
&c., Office of the Superintendent of Government handwriting, and three illuminated specimens of Printing, India, Calcutta, 1887. Royal 8vo. pp. IV. celebrated works remarkable for their exquisite and 142; with 28 plates. caligraphy. Of the latter may be mentioned
o the latter may be mentioned This twenty-tbird volume of the Reports of the copy of Nizami's five poems, which is adorned with Archaeological Survey of India closes the series several frontispieces, and twenty-four vignettes.
| edited by Sir A. Cunningham. It is altogether Five of the latter have the remarkable peculiarity
the work of Mr. Garrick, and does not contain
a line written by his late chief, and it is, therefore, that the rocks, stones, trees, &c., are designed so
hardly necessary to add that the volume is of very as to present at the same time pictures of men
slight value or interest. It is, perhaps, not quite and of animals. The effect is said to be most
so bad as the notorious Volume XIX. by the same comical. No. 130, a small collection of ghazals by
writer. Still, it is so bad that it is almost different authors, is noteworthy as being a perfect
impossible to pick out from the text any fact specimen of the handwriting of Mir Ali Al.
or observation deserving of notice. Husaini, one of the most celebrated scribes of the
The following passage, however, if the facts are 10th century. The collection of Babi MSS.is
correctly reported, is of some interest to studente complete, and gives Baron Rosen an excellent
of rude stone monuments : opportunity for a full description (with extracts) "At Kochêra, about two marches from Nagaur of their contents.
(in Jodhpur State), I observed some stone circles Geo. A. GRIERSON. which measured from 12 to 15 feet in diameter,
but the peasants informed me that their occurrence DIE HANDSCHRIFTEN VERZEICHNISSE DER KÖNIGLICHEN BIBLIOTEEK ZU BERLIN. Fünfter Band,
was due to a favourite recreation of the Rajput Verzeichniss der Sanskrit- und Prakrit-Handschrif youth called tdhar or ewdrs. This game-the ten, von A. Weber. Zweiter Band, Zweite Abtheilung. Berlin, A. Asher &
mention of which quickly divested these circles
Co. 1889. 4to. Pp. i I., 355-827.
of a mystical, or indeed any other significance, The second section of the second volume of and which may perhaps account for the origin of Piof. A. Weber's Catalogue of Sanskrit and
such circles in other parts of India-is played in Prakrit M88. in the Berlin Library, follows
the following manner:-A sufficient number of the 'first after a short interval. It is in every way
large stone boulders (some of which would take a
strong man to lift) are first arranged in a circle. worthy of its predecessors. The present work deals with Jaina Literature falling under the
and this circus is called dhanni, a small village.' head of Siddhanta : Full particulars will be found
The young shepherds then heave smaller stones
into this mock village, and he whose stone falls in Vols. XVI. and XVII. of the Indische Studien, and ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 279 and ff. The third
nearest the centre of the circle, where, it is said,
the fattest cattle of the village are kept, gains & section of the volume, which deals with non
certain advantage over his fellows. I understand Siddhanta Jaina Literature, and which will
that the game is of very early origin, and it is contain the Indices to the whole catalogue, is in the
locally said to be one of the Zild, or field sports, of "press, and will be looked forward to with interest
the pastoral incarnation, Krishna." as completing this great work. The section now
This note is curious, but it obviously afforda no under consideration describes 155 MSS. with all explanation of megalithic circles, the sepulchral the care and minuteness which distinguishes character of which has been abundantly proved. previous volumes. The twelve angas occupy one- I can find nothing else in the text which is hundred and eighty-one pages, the twelve updagas worth quoting. The Plates are of some value, seventy-two, the ten painnas (prakirnas) fifteen, and include fairly good representations of build. the six chhedasútras forty-nine, the nandi and the inge, both Muhammadan and Hindu, and a few annógaddra-suttam (anuyðgadvarasátran forty | inscriptions. Plate xxviii. gives a photographic four, the four múlasútras one hundred, and reproduction of a squeeze of the rock-cut insmiscellaneous texts five pages. Notices are also cription at Tugam in the Hisêr District, which is given of texts which form part of the Siddhanta, included in Mr. Fleet's volume on the inscriptions but which are not in the Berlin Library, and of
of the Gupta period. An imperfect inscription the Siddhanta of the Digambaras. The greater
of late date from Bhatinda, badly reproduced in portion of the work has been read in proof by
Plate xxvü., is wrongly labelled as a Gupta Prof. Leumann, whom the author thanks not only
inscription. The scale of the Chitor inscriptions,
given in Plates IX., xxi., and XIV., is inconfor the correction of several misprints, but also
veniently small for many suggestions. GEO. A. GBIERSON. | 25th August 1888.
V. A. SMITH

Page #109

APRIL, 1889.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE RAJATARAMGINI.
97
EXTRACES FROM KALHANA'S RAJATARAMGINI.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE.
(Continued from p. 73.) No. 2.--EXTRACTS FROM The First TARAMGA; CONCLUDED. He remainder of the first Taramga treats of the dynasty of Gonanda III., and introduces 1 ts to what purports to be a much more definite history, inasmuch as from this point there is given the duration of the reign of each king, and we have also the assumed startingpoint of the accession of Gônanda III. in Kaliyuga-Samvat 1919 (expired), or B. C. 1182. For the period commencing with this point, Kalhana does not quote any particular previous writers as his authority; and probably we come now to the details which, as he tells us in verse 15, were pnt together from his examination of the charters (áásana) of previous kings recording the consecration of temples and grants to them, the laudatory inscriptions (prakasti-patta), and manuscripts (sástra).
I subjoin a list of the twenty-one kings of this dynasty, with the supposed duration of the reign of each of them, and, --without at present entering on the question of adjustment, with the year of the accession of each of them as deduced from the starting point of the commencement of the reign of Gônanda III. CONTINUATION OF LIST OF THE KINGS OF KASMIR.
Length of reigu. V. The Dynasty of Gonanda III.
y. m. d. 1. Gonanda III.; B.C. 1182 ; verses 185 to 191 ............
35 00 His connection with his predecessor, Abhimanya, is not stated. He continued
the worship of the Nagas (185), and restored the rites proclaimed by Nila, thereby breaking the power of the Bhikshnu or Bauddhas (186). He is mentioned (190) as an ancestor of Pravarasêna I., who will be introduced
in Taramga üi. verse 97. 2. Vibhishana I., son of the preceding; B.C. 1147; verse 192.................. 53 6 0 3. Indrajit; B.C. 1094; verse 193 .........................
.......... 35 0 0 His connection with his predecessor is not explained. 4. Ravana, son of the preceding; B.C. 1059; verses 193 to 195 ................ 30 6 0 He set up the linga called Vateśvara (194), and endowed it with the whole
country of Kaśmir (195). 5. Vibhişhana II., son of the preceding; B.C. 1028; verse 196 ................ 35 60 6. Nara I., also called Kimnara, son of the preceding; B.C. 993; verses 197 to 274 ........
40 90 He was a wicked king, and brought mach misfortune on the country (198).
In consequence of his mistress being carried away by a Sramana, who dwelt at the village of Kimnaragrâma (199), he burnt thousands of vihdras, and gave to the Brühmaņg the villages that had belonged to them (200). He built a town, which was called after him Narapura (244) or Kimnarapura (274), on the bank of the Vitastů (202 and 260). This town was situated near Chakradhara (261 and 270), a Vaishņavs temple, whose name survives in the mound of Chakhdhar near Bijbihậra (K. R. 18). King Nara fell in love with Chandralekha, the daughter of the Någa Subravas, and the wife of 8 Brâhman named Visakha, who dwelt at the town of Narapura (203 to 253). Failing in his attempts to seduce her, he tried to take her by force from her husband (254 to 256). The Brahman and his wife escaped and fled for protection to Saśravas, who destroyed the king and his town by thunderbolts (257 to 259). After the destruction of the city, the Khxsas became powerful (317).
.........
............

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
7. Siddha, son of the preceding; B.C. 952; verses 275 to 285.. 8. Utpalaksha, son of the preceding; B.C. 892; verse 286...... 9. Hiranyaksha, son of the preceding; B.C. 861; verse 287 He built a town named after himself, i.e. Hiranyâkshapura (287). 10. Hiranyakula, son of the preceding; B.C. 824; verse 288 He founded (the town of) Hiranyôtsa (288).
[APRIL, 1889.
Length of reign. y. m. d. 60 0 0
30 6 0
37 7 0
.... 60 0 0
11. Vasukula, son of the preceding; B.C. 764; verse 288
12. Mihirakula, son of the preceding; B.C. 704; verses 289 to 324... [He was in reality the son of a king named Tôramaņa, belonged to the Hûna tribe, and came to Kasmir and finally established himself there, about A.D. 530, after a career in India that was terminated by Bâlâditys of Magadha and by Yasodharman, see ante, Vol. XV., pp. 245 to 252]. He was a cruel and vindictive king. During his reign, the country was overrun by the Mlêchchhas (289). He invaded Simhala, i.. Ceylon, and overthrew the king of that country (294 to 299). On the way back, he put to flight the Chôla, Karnata, Lata, and other kings, and ruined their cities. (300, 301). He installed the god Mihirêévara at Srinagarî; and in (the district of) Hôlâdâ he built a great city named Mihirapura (306). He gave agraharas to outcaste Brahmans from the Gândhâra country (307). He diverted the river Chandrakulyå (318). So hateful was he, that it was only the power of the gods that prevented his subjects from rising and slaying him (324). And yet he was not altogether wicked; for, even when the country was overrun by the Dâradas and Bhauttas, and the national religion was destroyed, he still insured the maintenance of pious observances (312); and at Vijayêévara he granted a thousand agraharas to the Gândhara Brahmans (314). Finally, in his old age, he became much afflicted with disease (309); and eventually he atoned for all his sins and acts of cruelty, by immolating himself in the flames, on a plank studded with razors, swords, and knives (315).
13. Baka, son of the preceding; B.C. 634; verses 325 to 335
He restored justice and security (328). He founded the temple of Bakêśa, diverted the river Bakavati, and built the town of Lavanôtsa (329), where he reigned (330). His death was caused by the witch Bhatta, who slew him, with a hundred sons and grandsons, as a human sacrifice to the Divine Mothers at Khêrî (331 to 335).
14. Kshitinanda, son of the preceding; B.C. 571; verse 336 15. Vasunanda, son of the preceding; B.C. 541; verse 337
He was the author of a Kámasástra or work on the science of love (337). 16. Nara II., son of the preceding; B.C. 489; verse 338
17. Aksha, son of the preceding; B.C. 429; verse 338....
He established the village of Akshavâla (338). 18. Gopaditya, son of the preceding; B.C. 369; verses 339 to 345 He bestowed Sakhôla, Khâgi, Kâhâdigrama, Skandapura, Samângâsa, and other agraháras (340). He consecrated the temple of Jyêshthêsvara on the Gôpådri hill, and granted the Gôpa agraháras (341). He banished neglectful Brahmans to Bhûkshiravâtika and Khâsatâ (342); and induced others, of purer habits, to immigrate, and settled them in Vaśchika and other agraháras (343).
19. Gokarna, son of the preceding; B.C. 308; verse 346
He founded the temple of Gokarnêévara (346).
************ *****..
60 0 0 70 0 0
*********
63 0 13
30 0 0 52 20
60 0 60 0 0
.... 60 6 0
57 11 0

Page #111

APRIL, 1889.]
EXTRACTS FROM THE RAJATARAMGINI.
20. Narendraditya I., also called Khinkhila, son of the preceding; B.C. 250; verses 347 to 349
.......
Length of reign..
y. m. d.
He consecrated the temple of Bhûtêsvara, and diverted the river Akshayini (347). His Guru Ugra built the temple of Ugrêsa and a circle of the Divine Mothers (348).
*********...
21. Yudhishthira I., also called Andha-Yudhishthira, son of the preceding; B.C. 214; verses 350 to 373 He lost the throne and was exiled through a conspiracy of his ministers with some neighbouring kings (360 to 373).
99
Total of the reigns of the second Tarainga......
third fourth
36 3 10
.....(Not stated)
TOTAL...... 968y. 2m. 23d.
Thus, from the beginning of the reign of Gonanda III. to the end of that of Narendraditya I., the text. purports to account for a period of 968 years, 2 months, 23 days. In the explanation of Taramga i. verses 48, 49, I venture to agree with M. Troyer against Dr. Bühler, and to translate:-"Misled by the tradition that the Bhârata (war) took place at the end of the Dvâpara (yuga), some have considered as wrong the sum of years (contained in the statement that) in the Kaliyuga the kings, beginning with Gônanda (I.), ruled over the Kasmiras for 2268 years." Kalhana does not really doubt the correctness of this number. What he seeks to do, is, to prove, with its help, that the great war took place in Kaliyuga-Samvat 653 (expired), or B. C. 2448. Taking this number, and dedacting from it the 1266 years during which there reigned the fifty-two kings from Gonanda I. to Abhimanyu, there remain 1002 years as the period of the dynasty of Gônanda III.; and further deducting the 968 years, 2 months, 23 days, made out above, there remain 33 years, 9 months, 7 days, as the supposed length of the reign of Yudhishthira I. or Andha-Yudhishthira.
These numbers admit of being controlled in the following manner :-According to Kalhana's own statement (i. 53), a rough number of 2330 years had elapsed from the accession of Gónanda III. up to the time of the author himself. Deducting from these 2330 years the 1002 years from Gônanda III. to Yudhishthira I., there remain 1328 years to be accounted for. An addition of the figures, which are mentioned in the seven later Taramgas, gives a slightly different result:
from (1). Durlabbavardhana to
(14). Brihaspati Add the period from the death of Brihaspati, Saptarshi-Samvat [38]89 (iv. 702), to the date of the Rájatarashgint, Saptarshi-Samvat [42]24 (i. 52)
3. m. d. 192 0 0 589 10 1
212 5.27
335 0 0
Total
1329 3 28
In order to reconcile this total with the result of the first calculation, we have the choice. between two ways of procedure. Firstly, the reign of Yudhishthira I., which was made out above as amounting to 33 years, 9 months, 7 days, might be shortened by 1 year, 3 months,
1 See my previous paper.
2 At the end of the third Taratiage, P has the following verse :- सैकोननवतियात्र वर्षाणां शतपचकः । दश मासाच
मैकाहा गता दशसु राजसु ॥. In order to obtain this total, rond परिवर्त in verse 379 and चतुर्भिर्मासैरूनां in verse
526 of the Paris edition.
The length of these 14 reigns is correctly given in M. king, Sangramapida, who ruled only for 7 days (
Troyer's table, Vol. II. p. 306, besides that of the 9th ), and not for 7 years.

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28 days, the difference between both totals. This would, however, necessitate an identical deduction from the 2268 years of the first Taramga (verse 48), which seem to have been one of the bases of Kalhana's chronology. Therefore, it will be necessary to assume the second alternative, that Kalhaņa gained his 'rough' number of 2330 years by disregarding the odd months and days which are found in the totals of the reigns of the third and fourth Taramga. If the extra 10 months and 1 day of the third, and the extra 5 months and 27 days of the fourth Taramga, are left out of consideration, the result of the second series of items will be 1328 years, as it ought to be theoretically according to the first calculation. To sum up, it seems very probable that Kalhaņa placed the end of the reign of Yudhishthira I. and the accession of Pratápaditya I. in Kaliyuga-Samvat 2921 (expired), or B. C. 180.
TRANSLATION, (185) King Gonanda III., who obtained the kingdom at this juncture, caused the processions, sacrifices, &c., to the Nagas to take place just as before. - (186) After this king had restored the rites proclaimed by Nila, the Bhikshus and the detrimental effects of the snow passed altogether away. - (187) Whenever there is a time of need, the good deeds of subjects produce kings who re-organize the far-decayed country. - (188) Those who strive to oppress the people, perish together with their lineage ; but prosperity attends the race of those who will repair the loss. - (189) Having observed this (foreboding) sign at every event (which has happened) in this country, the wise are able to foresee the good or bad luck of future kings. - (190) Pravarasona (I.) and other virtuous and immortal descendants of this (king) who renewed the country, enjoyed this earth for a long time. - (191) This prince (Gonanda III.), who was the first of the race of Gonanda, just as Raghu was the first of the race of Raghu, ruled over the earth for thirty-five years.
(192) The son of Gonanda, called Vibhishana (I.), protected the earth for sixty years, diminished by six years and six months.
(193) There ruled successively Indrajit and Ravana, father and son, for thirty-five and for thirty, and a half years. - (194) The Winga (called) Vatesvara, which Ravans (founded) for the purposes of worship, is (still) resplendent; the colour of its line of dots has been observed to foretell coming events. -(195) That prince gave the whole country of Kasmira to Vatêsvara, whom he had placed in a matha with four halls.
(196) The long-armed Vibhishana II, the son of king Ravana, enjoyed the earth for thirty-five and a half years.
(197) Then Vibhishana's son, called Nara, whose other name was Kimnara, and whose prowess was praised in song by the Kimnaras, became king. -(198) Though (at first) of good conduct, this prince produced a series of great misfortunes, through the bad luck of his subjects, and through the vice of sensuality. -(199) An ascetic (dramana), who dwelt alone in a vihara, which was situated at Kinnaragrama, carried off his (the king's) mistress by the power of magic. -(200) Angry on account of this (act), he (the king) burnt thousands of viharas, and bestowed their villages on Brahmaņs, who resided in the mathas (which were situated in their) midst. - (201, 202) On the bank of the. Vitasta, he built, with the riches which he had acquired by conquering the world, a town, which appeared to be a synonym of “Heaven" and surpassed the town of Kuvera. Its market was full of roads ; its river resplendent with navigation; and its gardens teeming with flowers and fruits. -
18 Here, and in 191, 192, P reads 117, as opposed to the of Cand T. This mistake of the Calcutta Pandita was first rectified by Dr. Bühler, K. B. p. 54. 11 HIT PT.
110 PT. 190 draft T. Pravaraaena was the name of two kings of Kasmir; it is here mentioned As A representative of the restored line of Gonanda III., vie., of the kings from Meghavahana to BalAditya (see Taratinga iii.).
193 ETUP. 195 http. 396 Stor P. ATU PT. 19 : P. ** P; a: CT; read . Instead of ateit, which is also the reading of P, read #19T.
:

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(203) In a garden at that (town) there was a lake filled with clear and sweet water, the dwellingplace of a Naga, Subravas by name. [(204 to 253) The Brâhman Visakha marries Chandralekha, the younger daughter of the Naga Susravas, and lives with her at Narapura. King Nara falls in love with Chandralekha]. (254) Having cast off the fetter of shame, he frightened that woman by trying to seduce her through messengers, who pleaded (his) desire. (255) When (he found that) she was not to be persuaded by any means, the libidinous (king) asked even her husband, the Brahman, for her. Of what are those ashamed, who are blinded by passion? (256) After the king had been repeatedly rebuked also by that (Brahman), he despatched soldiers, to carry her away by force. (257) Attacked by these from the front of the house, the Brahman escaped with his wife by another way, and fled to the palace of the Naga for protection. (258) When the two had arrived and reported that event, the lord of snakes, who was blind with rage, rose from the lake. - (259) Having produced dense darkness by roaring and lowering clouds, he burnt the king with his town by a shower of terrible thunder-bolts. (260) Carrying away the oily fat and blood, which dropped from the burnt human bodies, the Vitasta became, as it were, marked with the eyes of a peacock's tail.(261) Thousands of frightened people, who entered for refuge the presence of (the god) Chakradhara (Vishnu), were burnt in an instant. - (262) Just as formerly the -fat of the thighs of (the demons) Madhu and Kaitabha, thus many bodies of burnt people then covered Chakrin (Vishnu). (263) At that time the sister of Susravas, a Nagi called Ramani, came from a cave in the hills, to help (her brother), carrying heaps of rocks.(264) When more than a yojana of the way remained, and she perceived from afar that her brother had been successful, she petted a shower of rocks on the villages. (265) Then the ground of the villages became stony for five yojanas. This (ground), called "the forest of Ramani," is even now covered with huge rocks. (266) Having produced a terrible destruction of people, the snake (Suśravas), filled with remorse and depressed by the censure of the world, left that place next morning and went away. (267) A lake, white as the milkocean, which he created on a distant mountain, is even now seen by the people at the procession to Amarêsvara. (268) At the same place, another lake, (viz. that) of the Brahman, who had become a Naga by the favour of his father-in-law, is known by the name of "the lake of the son-in-law." (269) Fiendish (kings), who fearlessly produce destruction, under the pretext of protecting their subjects, suddenly fare thus. (270) Even now people remember this story, when they behold, near Chakradhara that town which was burnt and that lake which became a (dry) hole. (271) How great a vice must passion be considered in shortsighted kings! Through it there happened to him that which has never happened to another. (272) We hear that even the three worlds were lost in every case through the anger of even a single virtuous wife, deity, or Brahman. (273) Having enjoyed the earth for forty-one years less by three months, that king perished through his bad conduct.(274) That town of Kimnara, the circle of whose walls and watch-towers had been visible (only) for a very short time, became similar to the town of the Gandharvas (i.e. it faded away like a mirage).
-
101
-
201 सजानि: PC.
281 Chakradhara was the name of a temple of Vishnu near Bljbihara (Vijaytávara). Its site has been identified with the mound of Chakhdhar by Dr. Bühler, K. R. p. 18. See also Journal of the German Oriental Society, Vol. XL. p. 7.
23: PT. Madhu and Kaitabha are the names of two demons, who were killed by Vishnu.
264 PT.
270 P. The town referred to is Narapura (241) or Kimnarapura (274), which king Nara or Kimnara had built on the bank of the Vitasta (202) and which was burnt by the Naga Sugravas (259). The dried-up lake. is that, in which the latter was originally living (203). The present verse shows, that Narapura was situated near the temple of Chakradhara (see note on verse 261). It appears to have been destroyed by one of the earthquakes which are frequent in Kaémir.
273 मतः P. भूल्कापि PT.
273 मासैश्वानां, भुक्ता and दुर्नयेन P.
276 अत्यल्प P..

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(275) Through the wonderful diversity of the course of fate, his only son, who had been brought to Vijayakshetra by his nurse, did not lose his life. -(276) This king, called Siddha, refreshed the exhausted people, just as the cloud a mountain, which is parched by a forest-fire. - (277) Thus the strange fate of his father became to this magnanimous one a beneficial instruction in the knowledge of the vanity of the world. -(278) Thongh in the midst of enjoyment, he could not be led into sin by it, just as the spotless image of the moon remains undefiled, though it is reflected in a quagmire. - (279) In the midst of princes, who were hot with the fever of pride, he alone recovered from it) by meditating incessantly on Siva. - (280) Abandoning gems like trifles, this virtuous one found (the only) perfect ornament in the worship of Siva. -(281) The royal splendour of this king followed him to another world, because he cunningly combined it with unfailing virtue.- (282) Having ruled over the earth for sixty years, he, accompanied by his hear attendants, ascended with his body to the worlds of Siva. — (283) Having songht refuge with the preceding king) Nara, the servants had got into a deplorable state; but, depending on his son (Siddha) as their lord, they became worthy of praise in the world. - (284) A dependant shares the fate of his lord, be it blamed in the world or praised by all men. A rope of straw descends, if it is attached to the bucket of a well; if it is tied to flowers, it ascends on the head of a god. - (285) “Here is Siddha, (who has become) demigod (Siddha) with his body;" this announcement was proclaimed by the gods in heaven, with beating of the drum, for seven days.
(286) His son, who received the name UtpalAksha (i.e. the lotus-eyed) on account of his lovely eyes, ruled over the earth for thirty and a half years.
(287) His son HiranyAksha, who enjoyed the earth for thirty-seven years and seven months, built a town, which was designated by his name.
(288) His son Hiranyakule, who founded Hiranytba, was (king) for sixty, (and) his son Vasukula (likewise) for sixty years.
(289) Then, when the country was (again) overrun by a Mlochohha tribe, his son Kihirakula, who was of cruel deeds and resembled Kala (or Death) (in destructiveness), became king. -(290) In him the northern region possessed another Antaka (or Death), thus rivalling the southern region, the regent of which is the god) Antaka. – (291) His approach was always heralded by the flights of valtares, crows, &c., that flew before him, eager to devour those who were being slain among his troops. -(292) He was a very ghoal of a king, surrounded day and night by thousands of slaughtered beings even in his pleasure-honses. — (293) This cruel murderer had no pity or respect for children or women or aged men. -- (294 to 299) One day he noticed that the breasts of his queen, who wore a maslin bodice from Simhala (or Ceylon), were marked with golden foot-prints. Burning with wrath, he questioned the chamberlain, and was told that, in the Sinhala country, it was customary to impress the meserial with the stamp of the king's foot. This explanation failed to appease him; and he yot out on a campaiga as far as the southern ocean, and onsted the king of Simhala. Instead of bim, he set up another king; and he brought away a woven cloth called yamushadeva, stamped with an image of the sun. - (300, 301) On his way back, he pat to flight the Chola, Karnata, Lata and other kings, whose ruined cities announced their
97 tratand TP.
277 fax PT. P. motion and start p. m P.
285 FASTT:P. On P.
fervorrat: and P. to . I w here Mr. Thoot's abridged translation, from the Caloutta edition, published ants, Vol. XV. p. 276.; altering some details and the numbering of the verses according to the Sarada MS.
* HIT: P. *
T 280° P, 49° C. As the first part of the king's name, Mihira, is doubtlessly of Iranian origin. The term yamuha might to derived from the same source; perhaps it is a corruption of amesha, immortal,' which occurs in the Avesta as an attribute of the sun.
300 1314 P. TIPT. TOTE PC.

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capture to their rulers when these returned into them on his departare. - (302, 303) As he came to the “Gate" of Kasmira (Kamira-Dvara), he heard the terrified cries of an elephant that had fallen into a chasm; and the sounds gave him such exquisite pleasure, that he caused a hundred other elephants to be wantonly destroyed in the same way. - (304) As the touch of the sinful defiles the body, 80 does a description of them defile the speech; accordingly, all his other cruel deeds are not detailed, (lest they should pollute the narrator). - (305) But who can fully comprehend the behaviour of men whose minds are uncultivated, and who do evil deeds ? for even he made an assumption of religion, for the sake of acquiring merit. - (306) Thus, evil-minded as he was, he installed (the god) Mihir svara at Srinagari, and in Holade he built a great city named Mihirapura.- (307) And he gave agraharas to Brahmans of the Gandhára country, the lowest of the twice-born, resembling himself in character. - (309, 310) At length when he, & very Bhairava incarnate, had reigned for seventy years, he became afflicted with much disease, and immolated himself in the flames; and a voice from the sky was beard to proclaim that, though he had slain three crores of people, yet he had attained final emancipation, in consequence of the disregard that he had shown for his own sufferings also. - (311) Those, who report this, consider that he made amends for his cruelty, by his gifts of agrahdras, and similar deeds. - (312 to 316) For, even when the country was overrun by the Daradas (and) Bhauttas, (who were) Mléchchhas of impure rites, and all (the national) religion was destroyed, yet he insured the maintenance of pions observances. And he firmly established the countries of the Aryas, and then performed a terrible penance, ordaining, as expiation for his sing, the burning of himself; in accordance with which he bestowed a thousand agraharas at Vijayesvara on Brahmans born in the Gandhára country, and then gave his body to the flames, on a pyre which was a flat plank studded with razors, swords, and knives, and thus atoned for all his cruelty. - (317) Others excuse all his cruel acts by asserting that he performed them only in order to destroy the Khabas, who had become powerful when the city was burned by the Någa. (318 to 324) As & final instance of his cruelty, one day, when he was diverting the river Chandrakulys, the work was hindered by a large rock that could not be uprooted and removed. Having performed austerities, he was told by the gods in a dream that a powerful Yaksha dwelt in the rock, observing the vow of chastity, and that the obstacle could be removed only by the touch of a chaste woman. Next day he had his dream pat to the test; but no woman was found who could prevail against the rock, until a potter's wife, named Chandravati, touched it and displaced it. Whereapon, filled with anger, he cansed three crores of virtuous women to be slain, with their husbands and brothers and sons. It was only the power of the gods, who caused him to do this act, that prevented his subjects from rising of one accord and slaying him.
(325) When at length he (Mihirakula) had perished through the good luck of biu subjects, the citizens anointed his virtuous son Baka. -(326) Throngh the influence of (their) previous (experiences), which (I) have told, the people were afraid even of his role, as of a pleasure-house built on a cemetery. - (327) Begotten by one who had caused excessive pain, he became a bestower of delight on men, just like a downpour of water, which follows on a cloudy day of the rainy season. - (328) Then people fancied that justice had arrived from another world, and that safety had returned from an inaccessible exile. - (329) Having founded (the temple of) Baxêba aud (having conducted) the river Bakevati to a (dry) valley, the illustrions Baka built a town called Lavaņotsa. -(330) There the prince passed sixty-three years and 305 a rterat at P.
306 cresteret P. 307 A P. After this verse, C and T insert two sparious verses which are omitted in P. 313 TT&T P. The Daradas are the inhabitants of Dardistan, and the Bhsalas are the Tibetano. 816 yrargatan P. 517 The reference is to the story of Nara L. and the Naga Sairavus, verses 203 to 274 above. 319 : PT. 320 P. 335 794 P. 330°C TP. TALO 32791797294 P.
339 PO.
380 HTT

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thirteen days, ruling the earth. - (331) Then, having assumed the appearance of a beautiful woman, & witch, called Bhatta, approached the king at nightfall. - (332) Having weakened his memory by various pleasing words, she invited him, who was delighted, to witness the greatness of the festival of sacrifice. - (333) When the emperor, accompanied by his handred Bons and grandsons, went there next morning, she made him an offering to the circle of the goddesses. - (334) Even now there are visible on a rock the impressions of two knees, which mark the ascension to heaven of her, who became a demi-goddess in consequence of that action. - (335) Even now the god Satakapaloba, the circle of the (divine) Mothers, that rock, and that story, are remembered in the mathas of Kheri.
(336) Then his son Kshitinanda, who, (like) a bulb of the family-tree, had been spared by the goddess, ruled over the earth for thirty years.
(337) His son, called Vasunanda, the author of a celebrated Kamasastra, ruled over the earth for fifty-two years and two months.
(338) His son Nara (II.) was king for sixty (years); and his son Aksha, who caused the village of Akshavala to be built, for the same number of years.
(339) Thereon his son G+Opaditya, who exhibited the return of the primitive age by his care for the castes and orders, ruled over the earth together with the islands. - (340) He gave. away Sakhola, Khagi, Kahadigrama, Skandapura, Samangasa, and other agraháras - (341) Having consecrated (the temple of) Jyáshtheevara on the hill called) Gopadri, this virtuous (leing) granted the Gops agraháras to Brahmaņs born in the countries of the Aryas. - (342, 343) Having banished to Bhokshiravatika those who ate garlic, he placed at Khasata those Brahmans who neglected their rules of conduct; and, having imported other holy Brahmaņs from pure countries, he caused them to settle in Vaschika and other agraháras. - (344) He, who obtained the title of "the uppermost guardian of the world" in panegyrical poems, did not permit the slaughter of animals except at a sacrifice. - (345) Having ruled over the earth for sixty years and six months, he went to the worlds of the virtuous, in order to enjoy the results of his good deeds.
(346) His son Gokarna, who founded the temple of) Gokarnevara, held the earth for fifty-eight years diminished by thirty days.
(347) His son was Narendraditya (I.), whose other name was Khinkhile, and who caused the consecration of the temple of) Bhutosvara and (the conducting of the Akshayiņi. - (348) His Guru, Ugra by name, who possessed the divine favour, and whose appearance was full of splendour, built (the temple of) Ugroba and & circle of the divine) Mothers. (349) Having been the lord of the earth for thirty-six years and a hundred days, the virtuous (king) obtained the sinless worlds in consequence of his prolonged good conduct.
(350) Then his son, Yudhishthira (I.), whom people called “the blind (Andha)Yudhishthira" on account of his small eyes, became king. -[(351-372) He loses the throne 338 prestraro P.
's On devichakra and matrichakra (verse 335) noo note on Verse 123. 334 Groot T.
336 " P. It appears from this verse that the Sriva temple at Khert was called Sataksploha, "the lord of hundred skulls, and that tradition explained that name by the sacrifice of king Baks and of his hundred on and grandsons (verso 888).
588 974 PT.
340काहाडियाम PT. शसाझाम P; शामा अनादि° 0 T; read शमालास. On Khagi (the modern Kakapur) and SamAngle, see K. R. verses 90 and 100.
del On Jylhthivara se note on verse 194, on Gópadri, K. E. p. 17. 48 STY P; 41° CT; read :
According to i. 15, panegyrical poema (prafasts) were used by Kalhapa as correctives of his narrative. On prasasti see now Dr. Bühler's remarks in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. II. p. 86. 146 aurret p. qerara PC.
346 Toff P. PT. P. 347 °gfa&raqoP; fast C T; road afarurat . A temple of Bhatékvara or Bhataba wm already oxisting at the times of Asoka and Jalauka L. ; 190 i. 107, 148. In ii. 198 and v. 46, it is mentioned along with Vijay M. Akshayinl must have been the name of a river; compare noto on verde 150, and Balavatt in verse 829.

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through a conspiracy of his ministers with neighbouring kings and has to leave the country with his wives.] - (373) Some benevolent kings, whose country the king visited, kindly alleviated his grief for the loss of his kingdom by various acts of courtesy, (which appeared) important (as they were accompanied by) strict obedience to his orders, (and) by hinting the cessation of his sorrow in words, which were pleasing through friendliness and earnestness.
Thus ends the first Taramga of the Rajataramgint, the work of Kalhang, the son of the lord Chaņpaka who was the great minister of Kasmira.
REMARK. In the Calcutta and Paris editions, the first Taraṁga contains 375 verses. Deducting the two spurious verses 308 and 309, which are omitted by P, there remain 373 verses. This actual number differs only by one from the colophon of P, according to which the first Taranga consists of 372 verses.
(To be continued.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY É. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B.O.S., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from p. 80.)
SIXTH EDICT. Prinsep, l. c. pp. 596 f.; Kern, p. 92 ff.
TEXT. 1 Dêvånampiyê piyadagi lája hávam ahå [.] davadasa 2 7888-abhisitêns mê dharmalipit likhâpitê 18kaså 3 hitas khâyê [.) sê tam apahata tamtam dhammavadhi pâpôvâ 4 hêvar lokaså hitasukhôti pațivêkhámi atha iyam 5 nâtisi hêvan patiyaganêsu hávam apakathegu 6 kimam kênis sukham avahâmîti tatha cha vidahâmi [.] hêmêva 7 savanikâyesut pațivê xhami ( . ) savapasamda pi me pajitâ 8 vividhaya půjåyå [.] & cha iyam atan pachůpagamanes 9 sê mê môkhyamatë [.) sadvisativasa abbisiténa mê 10 iyan dhammalipi likhâpità [.].
NOTES.
1. Misled by the following sentence, the meaning of which he completely failed to grasp, Prinsep interpreted the absence of the pronoun iyarn from beside dha malipi, as indicating that the edict of the thirteenth year must have been conceived in terms opposed to those of the present one, and inspired by doctrines which the king now repudiates. Lassen (II' 276 n. 2) adopts this strange idea with some reserve. The text in no way authorises such an explanation. Translated literally, the sentence gives this meaning and no other :- It was in the thirteenth year after my coronation that I had an edict engraved for the welfare and happiness of the people, that is to say, plainly, 'I had engraved for the first time. Such an idea being aimed at, can alone explain the introduction of the sentence here. We shall see that this very simple observation has a conclusion at once extremely unexpected, and very important.
आ3 स्थैर्यकाचित P. शाल्न्या PT. इति काश्मीरिकमहामात्यचपकप्रभुसूनोः कल्हणस्य कृती राजतरंगिण्या प्रथमस्तरंगः P. The form KAømfrika occurs in all the colophone, while KAmiraka is used throughout the text. Kalhapa's father, Charpaks, is erroneously called Champaks in the Calcutta and Paris editions. It is curious coincidence that, in Tamil, the two forms sanbaga and Sembaga are used besides sambaga, the equivalent of the Sanskrit champaka (Michelis Champaca, L.).

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It will be remembered that the concluding words of the 12th (Rock) edict are immediately followed at Khálsi by characters which I have been able to correct with certainty into athavásá. bhisitasa, the certain eqaivalent of which, though greatly altered, reappears at Kapur-di-Giri (I. 253). Deceived by the divisions introduced into the reproductions of the Corpus, which I supposed to depend on positive traces preserved by the rock itself, I connected these words with the 19th edict; but a kind communication from Dr. Kern allows me to rectify this passage 80 as to leave no further doubt. We must, according to his ingenious conjecture, separate the words in question from the 12th edict and transfer them to the commencement of the 13th, the genitive -abhisitasa, being in agreement with Piyadasisa. The words in brackets should therefore be struck out from the end of my translation of the 12th (Rock) edict, and the commencement of the 13th should be modified in the following manner :- In the ninth year of his coronation, the king Piyadasi, dear onto the Dôvas, conquered the immense territory of Kalinga.' Now, it will have been seen from my translation, that it was to this conquest, and to the horrors of which it had been the occasion, that the king attributes his religious conversion. We have, therefore, two facts :-(1) that the conversion of the king dated from the minth year of his coronation, and (2) that he only commenced to have the edicts which were inspired by his new opinions engraved in the thirteenth. This, I may add, very well agrees with the statement in the 5th edict of Girnår, according to which the creation of Dharmamahámátras dates from his fourteenth year. Now let us compare the commencement of the edicts of Sahasrâm and of Rûpnåth with these two facts. According to the version of this passage, as corrected by Dr. Oldenberg (Mahávagga, I. p. xxxviii, note, Zeitschr. der Deutschen Morg. Ges., XXXV., 473) the king, who speaks, declares that he had passed more than two years and a half after his conversion without showing his zeal actively, but that, at the moment when be was speaking, he had manifested such zeal a year ago. If we add these figures together, we find, on the one hand, that Piyadasi passed eight years and a fraction, say eight years and a half, after his coronation, before he was converted; and that he was then more than two years and a half, say two years and three-quarters, before giving effective proofs of his religious zeal. This makes an approximate total of eleven years, plus a fraction, of religious coldness: and it was accordingly only in the twelfth or thirteenth year of his reign that his zeal became out. wardly manifest. It is exactly at this period that his evidence in the present passage fixes his first religious edicts. This is a coincidence which no one could consider to be accidental, and there follows this important conclusion that, contrary to the doubts expressed in various quar. ters and to the theory so ably upheld by Dr. Oldenberg (Zeitsckr. der Deutschen Morg. Ges., loc. cit.) the author of the inscriptions of Sahasråm and of Rūpnâth was indisputably the same Piyadasi as he who published the rock tables of Girnar, and the Columnar edicts, and that, in dealing with these inscriptions, we are certainly on Buddhist ground. It follows, moreover, that the edicts of Sahasrâm and of Rūpnåth, belonging, as they do, to the thirteenth year after his coronation, are certainly amongst the first which he had engraved, and probably the very same as those to which he makes allusion in the passage before us.
2. This phrase contains two difficult words. One is pápová, which has been definitely explained by Dr. Kern as equivalent to prápnwyát. With regard to the first, apakata, I think that the learned Leyden professor has been less happy in his suggestions. He takes it as equivalent to a-prahartá, from the verbal noun prahartar, with task for its direct object. But, besides such a construction, awkward enongh under any circumstances, being repugnant to the style of our monuments, it does not give a very satisfactory sense. Not mutilating these edicts is too small a thing to cause one to acquire, as the sequel shows, various virtues. In the first place, I think that the phrase runs down to -sukhéti. The cha, which in line 6 follows tatha, proves that the entire sentence is to be divided into two parallel halves, the former part of each forming the thoughts of the king, marked and completed by an iti, the latter being the two verbo patirélhámi, and tatha vidahami. This construction makes the explanation of the initial sé more simple. It refers necessarily to loker understood from the preceding lokasa. This being settled, the general sense to be expected from the entire proposition is something to the

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
107
effect that, by instructing themselves by these edicta, men will practise certain virtues, and will be happier and better. It appears to me that we shall easily arrive at this translation by taking apahatá as the participle absolute, for apahritya or even apahritvá (we might ventare to correct the reading to apaháti, cf. above I. 53, or even to apahatu). The meaning to carry off for one's own appropriation,' which apa-har exactly expresses, could, it appears to me, be applied without too great boldness in the king's ideas to the fact that passers-by might carry away in their memories some scraps of his exhortations, and would improve in such and such & way. The distributive idiom tan-tari will be noticed). In this manner the meaning appears to me to be much more natural.
3. To atha iyam corresponds exactly the Pali idiom yathayidah, which is also known in Buddhist Sanskrit. For the characters keimanikáni, it is unnecessary to have recourse to the really desperate correction kámakák. The conjunction káni is now familiar to us, and the next edict (1. 18) affords another instance of its association with an interrogative pronoun; kiman may remain. As observed on a former occasion (I. 18-19) we are authorised to understand it as kim , a common strongly interrogative formula. If we reject this reading, the only other alternative which I see, is to admit that kish, degraded to the role of a simple particle, has in some way doubled its final letter by the addition of a neuter adverbial termination, so that we obtain kimas, very much as the Pali has sudah for svida, i.e. svid. I must avow my preference for the former solution.
4. A comparison with the 12th (Rock) edict appears to me to fix the meaning of nikaya for the present passage, where it is, as in the other, closely connected with pasandu. Nikayas form the body of functionaries or royal officers over whom Piyadasi exercises a supervision, the personal character of which we have just seen the 4th (Columnar) edict emphasizing.
5. The 12th (Rock) edict again belps us to arrive at the exact meaning of this last phrase. The obscurity consists in the words atand pachupagamand, although the substantive pachupagamana does not lend itself to much uncertainty. It can hardly mean anything except the action of approaching with respect, and while we admit that prati adds a distributive or individual shade of meaning, it can easily be translated as personal adherence to. But what is the relation between the two words ? Dr. Kern transcribes the first word as atana and sees in it a genitive. In that case we should except alané, but if we pass over this difficulty, the translation which he proposee, my own belief' (mijne eigene belijdenis) supposes a very peculiar meaning for pachupagamana, which is a bold deviation from the etymological sense in a word for which we have no proof of any technical use. In the 12th (Rock) edict, we have a thought altogether analogous to the passage under review :-Piyadasi .... honours all sects .... by honours of different kinds. Then follows a sentence which the particle tu at first sight places in a certain antithesis to what precedes :-But less importance is attached to that than to the desire of seeing their essence (the virtues which constitute their essentials) reign. Now, here also, the particle chri gives a shade of antithesis to the second member of the sentence. If we take the form ataná as correct, and translate literally, we get, but it is the personal adherence (to the sects) which I consider as the essential requisite.' The deliberate personal adherence to the doctrines of the various religions is evidently the necessary condition of their sáravadhi, as the 12th edict expresses it. This explanation, therefore, without touching the text as handed down to us, leads us directly and without violence to a thought which makes a fitting supplement to the idea of the 12th edict. This consideration appears to me to be of such a nature as strongly to reconimend it, above all in a text which, like ours, is far from avoiding repetitions, as we shall be better able to judge in dealing with the 8th ediot.
TRANSLATION. Thus saith the King Piyadasi, dear unto the Dêvas :- In the thirteenth year after my coronation did I (for the first time) have edicts engraved for the welfare and happiness of the people. I trust that they will carry away something from them, and thus, in such and such

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[APRIL, 1889.
respects, will make progress in the religion, so that this will be for the welfare and happiness of the people. I also make such arrangements as I believe suited to provide for happiness, whether amongst my distant subjects or amongst those who are near to me and amongst my relations. Hence it is I who watch over the whole body of my officers. All sects receive from me honours of different kinds, but it is the personal adherence [to their doctrines which] I consider to be the essential requisite. In the twenty-seventh year after my coronation had I this edict engraved.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.L.E. No. 175.-BOMBAY ASIATIC SOCIETY'S COPPER-PLATE GRANT or BHIMADEVA II.
STMA-SAMVAT 93. I edit this inscription, which has not previously been published, from the original plates, which I obtained for examination, in 1878, from the Library of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. I have no information as to where they were found. A lithograph of the inscription will be published hereafter, in Indian Inscriptions, No. 17.
The plates, which are inscribed on one side only, are two in number; each measuring about 91 by 6" The edges of them were slightly raised into rims, to protect the writing; and though the surfaces of the plates are a good deal corroded by rast, the inscription is legible, without any points of doubt, throughout. - In the lower part of the first plate, and the upper part of the second, there are holes for two rings to connect them. The rings are plain copper rings, each about thick and 23' in diameter. They had both been cut, when the grant came under my notice. There are no indications of & seal having been attached to either of them, and abstracted from it. And the seal of this grant, if there was one, is not now forthcoming. - The characters are Nagari, of the regular type of the period and locality to which the inscription refers itself. They include, in line 1, the decimal figures 1, 3, and 9. The average size of the letters is about The engraving is bold and good. -The language is Sanskrit ; and the whole record is in prose, except for one benedictive and imprecatory verse quoted in line 13-14. In line 6 we have the Prakrit word vachchha, for the Sanskrit vatsa. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the constant use of the anusvára instead of the proper nasal, e.g. in mandal-asatahpáti, line 3; (2) tho nse of for b throughont, in vráhmana, lines 4 and 8, and in vôdhayaty, line 4; and (3) the use of 1 for s, in éva, line 3; nivási, line 4; and sahaérdņi bvargé, line 13.
The insoription is one of the Chaulukya king Bhimadova II. of Anhilwad. It is non-sectarian ; the object of it being to record the grant of some land to a Brahman.
The places mentioned in the inscription are, the city of Anahilapataka, where Bhîmadêya II. was, when he notified this grant; Sahasachana, the village in which the land granted was situated; V kariy, a village mentioned in defining the boundaries of the land ; and Prasannepura, the town from which the family of the grantee came. And, as we learn from the preamble, BahasachAnA and Vekariyê are to be looked for in the Kachchha mandala or province of Kachchha; which must have been more or less identical with the modern *Cutch' State ; and which the record describes as being enjoyed by Bhimadêva II. himself, as if the province were private property of his, assigned to him apart from the general revenues of the kingdom.
As regards the date of this record, in line 1 we have the details of the year 93, in decimal figures, of an unspecified era; the month Chaitra ; the bright fortnight; the civil day 11 (and with it the eleventh tithi); and Ravi, i. e. Råvivåra or Sunday. And from line 5 we learn that the grant was made on that day, at the festival of a samkranti, which can only be the Mesha-Samkranti or entrance of the Sun into Aries. The era that is quoted, is the Simha era; which is mentioned under that name in the Verawal inscription of Arjunadeva of Aphilwad,
See ante, Vol. XI. p. 242, Text, line 3; and Vol. XVI. p. 147.

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GRANT OF BHIMADEVA II.; SIMHA-SAMVAT 93.
109
dated in Valabhi-Samvat 945, and again in No. 176 below. The exact epoch of this era, and the scheme of its years, as also its historical starting point, have not yet been properly considered. To these points I will revert on another occasion. And meanwhile it is sufficient to state that the month of Chaitra in Simha-Samvat 93 should be coupled with VikramaSaravat 1262 or 1263 ; and that the English equivalent of the given date is to be found in A. D. 1204, 1205, 1206, or 1207, according as the Vikrama year is treated as a northern or as a southern year, and is applied as current or as expired. By Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, I find that
In northern Vikrama-Samvat 1262 current, Chaitra sukla 11 ended on Saturday, 13th March, A.D. 1204, at about 44 ghatis, 45 palas, after mean sunrise, for AŅhilwad;' eleven days before the Mêsha-Samkranti, which occurred on Wednesday, 24th March, at about 31 gh. 37 p.
In northern Vikrama-Samvat 1263 current (1262 expired) and sonthern Vikrama-Samvat 1262 current, Chaitra sukla 1l ended on Friday, 1st April, A.D. 1205, at about 47 gh. 58 p.; seven days after the Mêsha-Samkranti, which occurred on Thursday, 24th March, at about 47 gk. 8 p.
In northern Vikrama-Samvat 1264 current (1263 expired) and southern Vikrama-Samvat 1263 current, Chaitra sukla 11 ended on Wednesday, 22nd March, A.D. 1206, at about 29 gh. 52 p.; three days before the Mêsba-Samkranti, which occurred on Saturday, 25th March, at About 2 gh. 40 p., and would be celebrated on the same day.
And finally, in southern Vikrama-Samvat 1264 current (1263 expired), Chaitra sukla 11 ended, as required, on Sunday, 11th March, A.D. 1207, at about 59 gh. 5 p. But this was fourteen days before the Mesha-Sankranti, which occurred on Sunday, 25th March, at about 18 gh. 11 p., and would be celebrated on that day. This calculation, of course, is for the nirayana or non precessional savikránti. And the discrepancy cannot be adjusted by assuming that this record intends to quote the sayana or precessional sarikránti; for, the sayana Mêsha-Samkranti occurred, roughly, either very late on Tuesday, 13th March, or very early on Wednesday, 14th March. There seems, therefore, no room for doubting that this day, Sunday, 25th March, A.D. 1207, is the one that is intended. But the tithi which ended on this day, at about 55 gh. 58 p., was the eleventh tithi of the dark fortnight of Chaitra, by the amánta arrangement, which is the proper one for this locality and period. And, to reconcile the results, we must assume a genuine mistake in the preparation of the record ; and, though én, the bright fortnight,' is distinctly the reading in the text, we must alter it into ba, the dark fortnight.'
TEXT.3
First Plate. 1 Om Rájávali pûrvva-vat 11 Samvat 93 Chaitra su di i Ravau
ady=ha srimad-A2 nahilapatako
samasta - rájávall - virajita - maharajadhiraja - sri3 Bhimadovan sva(sva)-bhujyamâna-Kachchha-mandal-Amtahpâti-samasta
rajapurusha4 o vrå (bra)hman-êttarân taṁ(n)-nivåsi(si)-janapadá[m*]s=cha vô(68)dhayaty
Astu vaḥ samviditam 5 yatha | Adya samkrarti-parvvaņi char-achara-guru bhagavatam
Bhavani-patimrabhya6 rchya samsarasy=&sâratâm vichistya Prasamnna'pura-sthâna-vinirgatâyaḥ
Vachchha(tsa)-88
, all through.
1 The times here are for Aphilw 3 From the original plates. 5 Read prasanna.
• Represented by a symbol. • Road vinirgataya.

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LL
7 gôtrâya Damodara-sata-Govindâya Sahasachana-grâmê våpî-putaké
bhůmi-halavah[do] 1 8 éka sulkêna sahi(ha) såsané pradattâ [ll] Asyas-cha pûrvvatô
vrå (brá)hmana-Dåmô9 dara-satka-vâpi dakshiņató Vekariya-kshetra[m] paschimê maham-Kesa
Second Plate. 10 va-satka-vipi uttarató margah iti chatur-Aghat-Opalakshit !! Bhd11 mimônim-avagamya asmada(d)-vamsa-jairanyair-api bhavi-bhôktsibhiḥ &12 smat-pradattihlo va(dha)rma-dâyô=[ya"]manumamtavyah pålaniyas-cha ||
Uktam cha bhagava13 tá Vyåsena (1) Shavyirli-yvarva12-sahasra (srá)ņi sva(sva)rgê tishta(shtha)ti
bhůmi-dah achchhêtta 14 ch=anumantâ cha tâmny13-áva Dacha(ra)kaṁ vaset II Likhitam-idam
kayastho15 Kámchana-suta-Vatêśvarêņa || Důtako-tra n a(ma)hâsândhivigrahika-sri16 Chamdabarmmah(rmma) 11
Sri-Bhimadovasyalt 11
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. After the words "the line of kings (is) as on previous occasions," which refer to the fall genealogy as given in, for instance, No. 176 below, the inscription proceeds to record that: - In the year 08 (line 1), in the month Chaitra, in the bright fortnight, on the civil day 11, and on Sunday, to-day, and here at the famous (city of) Anahilapataka, the Maharajadhirája, the glorious Bhimadeva (II.) (1. 3), informs all the king's servants, and the people, headed by the Brahmans, in the Kachchha mandala, which is being enjoyed by himself:
"Be it known to you (1. 4) that to-day, at the festival of a sankranti (1. 5), having done worship to (Šiva) the divine lord of Bhavani, the father of all things animate and inanimate, one plough (halandha) of land, in the hollow ground below an irrigation-well (vápíputaka), at the village of SahasachAnA (1. 7), is given by this charter, to Govinda, the son of Damodara, of the Vatsa gotru, who came from the locality of Prasannspurs.
"The boundaries of this land (1. 8) are:- On the east, an irrigation-well in the holding (ratka) of the Brûbman Dâmôdara; on the south, the fields of the (the village of) Vokariya ;15 on the west, an irrigation-tank in the holding of the Mahattara, or Mahattama, Kéásva ; and on the north, a road.
"[In lines 11 to 14, the grantor gives an injanction to future rulers, to continue this grant; and quotes one of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, which is allotted to the venerable Vyása. And his speech apparently ends with the word vasết, in line 14.1"
Lines 14 to 16 record that the charter was written by the Kayastha Vatêśvara, the son of Kivchana; and that the Dútaka was the Mahásárdhivigrahika Chåndabarman.
And the inscription ends with the words of the glorious Bhimadeva;" referring to his sign-manual, which is sapposed to be attached here. No. 176.-ROYAL Asiatic Society's COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE TIME OF BHIMADEVA II.
VIERAMA-SAMVAT 1266, AND SIMHA-SAMVAT 96. This inscription again, which has not previously been published, I edit from the original plates, which I obtained for examination, in 1879, from the Library of the Royal Asiatic
This word, sahaachana-grdmd, was omitted here, and stands below line 0, with marke at both places to indicate its proper position in the Text.
i ex mahattara, or mahattama. Instead of nsing the anusára, the word would more properly have beer written makao. Read aghat upala hahitah.
10 Read pradattt.. 11 Metre, Bloks (Anushtubh). 1: Read chashti-tartha.
13 Read tány.
14 The words ma-hastbuyas are understood here. 15 This villazo-name still exists in the Borath Print of Kehidwad, in the Mahl Kanth State, and in the Viran paum Tóluka of the Ahmada 14 District. Also, the names of Vekra and Vékra exist in Kachchk.
Anna

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APRIL, 1889.] GRANT OF BHIMADEVA II.; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1266.
Society. I have no information as to where they were found. A lithograph of the inscription will be published hereafter, in Indian Inscriptions, No. 11.
The plates, of which the first and the last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number; each measuring about 11 by 7". They are quite smooth; the edges of them being neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims. But they are in an excellent state of preservation; and the inscription is perfectly legible throughout. The plates are numbered, in the margin after the end of the writing on the first and third plates, and on the second side of the second plate. -In the lower part of the first plate, and the upper part of the other two, there are holes for a ring to connect them. The ring is a plain copper ring, about thick and 2" in diameter. It had been cut when the grant came under my notice. There are no indications of a seal having been attached to it, and abstracted from it. And the seal of this grant, if there was one, is not now forthcoming.-The characters are Nagari, of the regular type of the period and locality to which the inscription refers itself. They include in lines 2 and 29, and in the numbering of the plates, the decimal figures 1 to 6, and 9. The average size of the letters is about"; but it is not preserved very uniformly. The engraving is good and clear. The language is Sanskrit; and the whole record is in prose, except for one benedictive and im precatory verse quoted in line 47-48. There are a good many mistakes; but, curiously enough, in mentioning Nagarjuna, the king of Kâvi, in line 17, this inscription supplies a satisfactory reading, which has not been found in the previously published grants of this dynasty. The text contains, in lines 2, 3, 23 ff., many abbreviated words, not all of which are recognisable; and in some instances, as in suta, pandita", and éréshti, in lines 52-54, the mark of abbreviation seems to be used unnecessarily. It also contains some words that require explanation; palladiká, in line 43; kasthaka, in line 55, which probably stands for kachchhaka, since in line 43 we have kachhaka or more properly kachchhaka; and vuhani, in lines 35, 38, 41, 42, which, from the mention in line 41 of "the vahani of the village (of Bhûharaḍa)" and in line 41-42 of "the vahani of (the village of) Sivaliya," seems to be not a village-name, as otherwise it might have been understood. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the constant use of the anusvára instead of the proper nasal, e.g. in chamunda, line 6; avanti, line 10; and ranamgana, line 12; (2) the omission, throughout, to double consonants after r, except in karnna, line 9; dharmména, line 44; and dharmmártha, line 48; and (3) the use of v for b throughout, in prativaddha, line 28; vrahmaja, line 50; and vrahmapuriya and vrahmana, line 52.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Chaulukya king Bhimadeva II. of Anhilwaḍ. But the charter contained in it refers only to certain arrangements made by some subordinate persons. The inscription is non-sectarian; the object of it being to record some grants of land for the maintenance of an irrigation-well and a watering-trough attached to it.
The places mentioned in this inscription, in addition to Anahilapataka, or, as the name is written here and in some other records, Anahillapataka, at which city the record was drawn up in writing, are, Ghantelana, the village in which were situated the irrigation-well and the watering-trough; the villages of Akavaliya, Bhtharada, Sakali, Samadiya, Sivaliya, and Varadi, and the river Soshadi, mentioned in connection with the details of the grants; the village or hamlet of Brahmapuri, mentioned in the list of witnesses; and Dharmavarhika, apparently a town or village, at which place the written charter was delivered by the Dútaka, and was engrossed on copper-plates. And the neighbourhood in which they are to be found, is indicated by the mention, in the preamble, of the Surashtraḥ mandala, which is the modern province of Kathiawad, and of the city of Vamanasthali, which is the modern
chchh is frequently represented by sth. But it must be noted that the proper chchh is used in gachchhamâna,
line 38.
2 This, at least, is the word that I think is intended. But the sign which I interpret here as chh, and which does represent chh in gachchhamana, line 33, is used for th in sthand, line 51 and other places; though not in atr arthé, line 49. It also occurs in chheda, line 52, where it is rather differently formed; and in machhitya (unless we should here read mathitya) by mistake for mathétya, line 50.

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Wanthalt in the Junagadh State in Kathiâwâd. Dharmavarhiki, Lowever, may possibly be another name of Anhilwad itself. Of the places mentioned in the genealogical passage, Avanti is another name of Ujjain, in Malwa; Sakambhart is supposed to be the modern Sambhar or Sambhar, in the Jaipur State, Rajputânâ (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 59, note 6; and Vol. X. p. 161); the Sapadalaksha country has been identified by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji with the region of the Sivalik Hills, in the Pañjab (ante, Vol. X. p. 345); and Kavi is evidently the modern Kavi, in the Broach District.
The date of this record, in lines 1 to 4, is given fully in words and in decimal figures; and the details are Vikrama-Samvat 1266, not distinctly specified either as corrent or as expired, and Simha-Samvat 96; the month Mârga, i.e. Margaśîrsha; the bright fortnight; the fourteenth tithi and civil day; and Gurudina or Thursday. And the English equivalent is to be found in A.D. 1208 or 1209, according as the given Vikrama year, whether referred to the northern or to the southern reckoning of the era, is to be taken as current or as expired. By Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, I find that -
In northern and) southern Vikrama-Samyat 1266, current, Mârgasîrsha sukla 14 ended on Sunday, 23rd November, A.D. 1208, at about 5 ghafís, 58 palas, after mean sunrise, for Aphilwad.
And in (northern and) southern Vikrama-Samvat 1267 current (1266 expired), Margasirsha sukla 14 ended, as required, on Thursday, 12th November, A.D. 1209, at about 22 gh, 31 p. And this, therefore, is the proper English equivalent of the given date.
TEXT.5
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti Srimad-Vikrama-nfipa-kal-&tita-samvatsara7-satéshu dvadabasu shata
shashty-adhike. 2 shu laukika" Margga-masasya bukla-paksha-chaturdasyath Guru-dind atre
Amkatoh-pilo sri3 Vikrama-samvat 1286 varshe srl-Simha-samvat 96 varshe laukio Margga
Bu dill 14 Gurdv=syari samvatsara-masa-paksha-dina-våra-pûrvây&m tith&v=ady=ha srimad-Anahilla
patake sama5 sta - râjâvali -virajita - paramabhattara ka - maharaj Adhiraja - param@svara - sri - Malaraja6 déve-pad - Anudhyâta - paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja - paramésvara-sri-Chamu-[*)-da
rajadeva7 påd - anadhyâta - paramabhattâraka - maharajadhiraja - paramêsvara - sri - Durlabharaja
déve-pâd-a& nudhyâta paramabhattáraka-maharajadhiraja-param dávara-briBhimadova-pad-Anudhyâta-pa9 ramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramêsvara-Trailokyamalla-sri- Karnnadeva-påd - anu10 dhyâta-paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramèsvar - Åvaṁtinatha - Varvaraka - jishņa
Siddhacha11 kravartti-srimaj-[J*]ayasimhadeva-pâd-ânudhyâta - paramabhattaraka - mabârâjâdhiraja
parame. The 'Banthly, Vanathali, Vanthli, and Wanthali,' of mapa, &c. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 13, Lat. 21° 28° N.; Long. 70° 22 E.
The expression that is used is analogous to one of constant use for the saka era, on which I have commented, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 119.f.
From the original plates. • Represented by a symbol; so also at the end ; but the symbol there is not the same as bero.
+ This letter, ra, was omitted: and was then inserted above the line, with a mark, which has run into the following ta, to indicate the omission.
. Read shat-shashty. . This word, with the mark attached to it, seems to stand for some woh expression ma laukika-gananaya. 10 Read Amkati-pi.
11 The form that is used here for d, might ordinarily represent th. Almost the same form occurs in the second syllable of dvadasaru, line 1.
.

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APRIL, 1889.) GRANT OF BHIMADEVA IL; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1266.
113
12 svara-praudhapratapa-Chaturbhujavikrama - raņâmgaņa - vijita-Nakamraribhupala - sri13 Kum[4*]rapaladeva - pâd - ânudhyâta - paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhiraja - paramêśva14 ra-Kalikala-nikva(shkallank-avatarita - Rånva(ma) - rajya - prâptâ(pta) - karadikțita - Sapa
Second Plate; First Side. 15 dalaksha - Lakshmipala - śrimad 13. Ajayapaladava - pâd - ânudhyâta - paramabha16 ttarakamaharajadhiraja - paramêsvara - paramabhattarakal - Ahaval para17 bhůta - dorjaya - Nagarjuna - Kaviraja18 . sri - Malarajadova - påd - Anudhya18 ta - paramabhattaraka maharajadhiraja - paramêśvar - Åbhinava - Siddharaja19 dôva - Vola17 - Narayan - avatára - sri - Bhimadeva - kalyâņa - vijaya - rajye [1] 20 Tat - pâda padm - Opajivini m ahamatya - śrî - Ratanapalo
sri - srikaran-a21. dau samasta-mudra-vyåpârân=upari-pamthayat=ity=évam kale pravarttamâne 22 asya Prabhôh prasid-âvâpta-pattalaya 18 bhujyamâna-sri-Surashtra-mamdals 23 mahảo-prati°19-sri-Somarajadeve
kri(ta)n-niyukta-Vamanasthal-lárika. 24 raņe m aham°20-ári-SO($)bhanadêva-prabhțiti-pamcha-kula-pratipattau sasanam-a25 bhilikhyate y atha Pragvat - jõâtîya21. mahaṁo - Vâlaharå - suta - mahamo
Second Plate; Second Side. 26 Mahipalêna Ghanteland-grâmê dakshiņa-diśu (s)-bhagê kârâpit[do] vapi tathả 27 prapayam cha samjâta-bharitâyâm tithau Någara-jñatiya-duo22 Párása (sa)ra-sata-du'. 28 Madhavaya Ghamteland-gråmê vâpi-prativa(ba)ddha-kshetram bhůmi-påsa-vrio23
sankhya29 yam pasa 50 pamchâśata(t) påśå[h*) i asy=&ghata [Fathå"] i pûrvatô. jy@o24.
Sumachamda-kshetra[m] I 30 tathi Soghadi-nåma-nadi sima 17 dakshinatô=pi Soshadi-nåma-nadi sima paschima31 tô râuo25-Védagarbha-sakta(tka)-kshetra[m] sîmål uttarató raja-mêrgga[h*]
simâ (11) Tatha prapå-kshê. 32 tram dvitiyam tatha grâmê ut[t* Jara-diśâyân vâ[ya"]vya-kon-asrita-bhůmi-påsa-vrio
Barakhya33 yâm påsa 100 satan-êkam 1 asya cha aghâțâ yathå půrvatô râjakiya-bhůmi
sima 34 dakshiņató Méha 26-Soluya-kshetra-bhůmi simâ paschimatð Bhoharada-gråma-sîma35 yâm sink ut[t]arato vahani-simâyâm simâ (11) Tathå Åkavaliya-gråmê gråmåt 36 atstara-disi(sk)-bhagê bhdmi-khamda 1 samkhyâyam vpio pása 100 satam-ēkam
asya cha 37 Aghata CyatbA*) I purvvató Sakall-grâma-sîmáyar simal dakshiņat8 Varadi
simâ pa38 schimatô Ghamtelana-grâmasy=ôpari gachchhamâna-märgga[h*] sîmâ at[t*]arato
vahaņi-síma [11] 39 Tatha Bhaharada-gråmô(me)=pi bhūmi-kha[m*]da 1 sankhyâyâm vpio pása 100
batam=ēkam asya 12 Read fdkanbharf.
18 See page 83 above, note 12. 16 This title has already occurred, and is unnecessarily repeated hore. 18 Read bhattarak.dhava; subject, however, to the preceding note.
16 In the grant of Vikrama-Sarvat 1269, ante, Vol. VI. p. 194, line 10-11, and elsewhere. Dr. Bühler's published reading and translation are garijanak-adhird ja, 'the ruler of the Garjanakas.' The reading given by me is quite distinct in the present grant.
IT This should probably be corrected into vdla for bala. Perhaps the mark before the va, which turns it into vo, is only due to a slip of the engraver's tool.
18 Wo should probably correct this into pottalayan. But it is possible that the word is here used in a different BADACand that the instrumental case is correct; the meaning then being "in the province of Surfshtrah mandala. which is being enjoyed by him under & patent obtained through the favour of his lord."
19 Tt in doubtful whether we have here the abbreviation of one official titlo, mah/pratthara; or whether two titles, such as mahimatya-pratinara, are intended. i.e. mohattara or mahaitama.
Read prágvad-jaatiya. 12 Or perhaps to, or possibly huo; so also in linos 45-46. I do not know what the abbreviation stands for. 23 i.e. eittik, or vrittan.
24 i.e., probably, jyotisha. 25 i.e. rauta.
26 1.e., possibly, méhara.

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114
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1889.
Acabado
Third Plate. 40 cha aghấå Cyathî*] I půrvatô Ghantelana-grâma-sîmâyâm simå dakshiņato
Samadiya-grama sî41 mây [4*] [simâ+] paschimatô ta thả gramiya-vahagi-simâyân sỉma | ut[t*]arato
Sivaliya42 vahapi-simâyâ [m] sîmå I eva chatar-aghâţa-viếuddha bhûmî sva-ssma
paryamta[m] ya43 thá-prasiddha-paribhôjya gribâņa[m] palladika-samêtê khalaka-ka[ch]chhaka-bhumi 44 sahità 1,27 a-kara nirmalâ gôpatha-gôprachâra-samêta udaka-pûrva-dharmmêņa prada45 ttà (1) Esha 'vapi tath prapâ cha do-Mâdhavena sad=aiva bharaniya
våpi[m] tatha prapâ[m] cha 46. duo-Madhavêna bharamaņena satâ eshåbhûnt sha(kha)mda-chatushțaya-samkhyåka
A-chat47 dr-årka-kålam yâvata(t) samtâ na-paramparaya bhôktavya bhôktaraniyâs=cha | Jânihi29
dattani 48 parâ narsisdrai dânânio dharmm-Artha-yasa(sa)s-karâņi 1 nimâlya-vamtasi-pratimani
tậni kô năma. 49 sådhu[bo] punar=idadita32 || Atr-arthở sâkshi 11 Vâma33-sri-Sómanáthadêviya
sthân&o34.Darvasu 11 Sri. -50 Visadhêśvaradêva-machhi(the)tya-sthani(na)pati-Vimvalaja #1 Sri-Kâdara-mathêtya
sthậna-Vra(bra) hmaja | De51 vi-sri-Kapâlêsvari-stâ(stha) niya-sthånâo-Kshadaja sthậnao-y6°35-Låshå-sata-yoo-Veda
f(?)ksh  52 lå-guta-I(?)kshủ Sivadêva Vra(bra)hmapuriya-I(?)kshi Disikesi-sata
()ksh4036 Chheda Tatha vråsbra) hmaņa53 Mada(dhu)sûdana-sata-pamạitao-Sômaravi mahajana-Môdha srêshţio37-Nâna-sutao-śrêshțio
Samå| Kalyao-sro - 54 shțio-Khêtâ Prågvà°39.śrôshți-Dharaniga értshțio-Kudá-sutao-Gamgaddva | Gûrja 39.
mahajana-śr[@]shți55 Yajakà 11 Kapam khalakam kastha(chchha)kaṁ g8-patham gô-pracharam bhôkta
vya cha || Datakaho svaya 11 Dharmavarhi56 kayam samcharitam ch=ijõåtam 11 Chha || Srih 11 Ôm 11
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. The inscription commences with the date, in twelve centuries, increased by sixty- six (years), of the years that have gone by from the time of the glorious king Vikrama, and, by the popular reckoning, on the fourteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Marga, on Thursday; or, in figures the Vikrama year 1286, in (this) year, the Simha year 96, in (this) year, by the popular reckoning, (the month) Marga, the bright fortnight, the (civil) day 14, on Thursday; on this tithi, (specified) as above by the year, month, fortnight, (civil) day, and week-day; to-day; here at the famous (city of Anahillapataka (line 4).41 And it then gives the following genealogy :
The Paramabhaftáraka, Maharájádhiraja, and Paramósvara, the glorious Malarajadova (I.) (1. 5). His successor (pád-ánudhyata) was the P. M. P., the glorious Chamundarajadeva 17 Road sahita.
What was intended to be the reading here, is not apparent. 9 Metre, Indravajra.-The usual reading here is yan=íha. But there is no inherent objection to the present reading, which is the 2nd pers. sing. imper. par._
20 Read narrisdrair-danini. * Read nirmalya-värista.
32 First na was engraved here; and then it was corrected into ta. 38 Hero vima is perhaps an abbreviation for wimanasthali. M i.e. sthånddhifedri; or else sthanapati, for sthanapati, as in the next line.
$5 i.e., perhaps, yogin. * The mark of abbreviation here seems to be a mistake.
Here, and in the following instances, read frdahshi". * i.o. pragude.
5 i.e. gurjara; or more proporly gurjara. # This visarga is imperfect; only the lower part of it having been formod.
The context is " a charter is written, to the following effect," in lino 25... And this, with the wording of line 55-56, suggests the possibility of Dharmavarbike being another name of Aphilwad.
.

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APRIL, 1889.1 GRANT OF BHIMADEVA II.; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1266.
115
(1. 6). His successor was the P. M. P., the glorious Durlabharajadeva (1. 7). His successor was the P. M. P., the glorious Bhimadeva (I.) (1. 8). His successor was the P. M. P., the glorious Karnadeve, who had the biruda or secondary name of Trailokyamalla (1. 9). His successor was the P. M P., the glorious Jayasim hadeva (1. 11), who was victorious over the lord of Avanti and over the Varvarakas, and who had the biruda of Siddhachakravartin (1. 10). His successor was the P. M. P., the glorious Kumarapaladeva (1. 13), who was equal in prowess to the god Chaturbhuja (Vishņu), and who conquered in battle the king of Sakambhari (1. 12). His successor was the P. M. P., the glorious Ajayapaladeve (1. 15); who reproduced in this Kali age the spotless reign of Rama; and who levied tribute from LakshmApala, (the king) of the Sapadala ksha (country). His successor was the P. M. P., the glorious Mularajarteve (II.) (l. 17); who overcame in war Nagarjuna, the king of K&vi, difficult to be conquered. And his successor is the P. M. P., the glorious Bhimadova (II.) (1. 19); who has the biruda of Abhinava-Siddhardjadeva, and who is a very incarnation of the god) Bala-Narayaņa (Vishnu).
In the reign of the last-mentioned king (1. 19), and while his feudatory (pádapadm-ôpajivin) the Mahámátya, the illustrious Ratanapala (1. 20), is superintending all the functions connected with the royal seal in the records (sríkarana) and other departments; and while, in the district 9 (pattald) that he acquired through the favour of his lord, vis. in the province of Surashtraḥ mandala which is being enjoyed by him (1. 22), his deputy in the records-department at the city of) Vamanasthall is the Mahápratihára (?), the illustrious somarAjadeva (1.23); with the consent (?) (pratipatti) of the five families headed by (that of the Mahattara, or Mahattama, the illustrious Sobhanadêva, a charter is written, to the following effect (1. 25):
“By Mahipala, the son of VÁlaharà, of the Pragvát kindred, there has been made an irrigation-well (vápí) at the village of GhantelAna (. 26), in the southern part of it; and also & watering-trough (prapá). And to Madhava, the son of Paraśara, of the Nagara kindred, there has been given an allotment of land, consisting of a field connected with the irrigationwell at the village of Ghantelana (1. 28), and measuring fifty chains (pdía ) (1. 29). Its boundaries are:-On the east, the field of Samachanda, and the river Soshadi (1. 30); on the south also, the river Soshadi; on the west, the field which is the holding (satka) of the Rauta Védagarbha; and on the north, the king's highway.
“Also (1. 31), in the northern part of the village, there is given a second field, for the watering-trough, situated in the north-west corner, and measuring one hundred pdúas (1. 33). Its boundaries are :-On the east, the king's land, or the land of the king's servants; on the south, the field of the Méhara (P) Sölüyâ; and on the west, the boundary of the village of Bhaharada (1. 34); while, on the north, the boundary is at the boundary of the vahani.
"So also, in the village of Akavaliya (1. 35), in the northern part, there is given land producing one candy' (khanda) (of grain), and measuring one hundred pásas (1. 36). Its boundaries are :-On the east, the boundary of the village of Sakall (1. 37); on the south, the boundary of (the village of) Varadi; on the west, the road that goes over the village of Ghantelåna (1. 38); and on the north, the vahani.
“So also in the village of Bhdharada (1. 39), there is given land producing one khanda, and measuring one hundred pásas. Its boundaries are:-On the cast, the boundary of the village of Ghantelana (1. 40); on the south, the boundary of the village of Samadiya; on the west, the boundary of the vahani of the village ; and on the north, the boundary of the vahani of (the village of) Sivaliya (1. 41).
"This irrigation-well and watering-trough (1. 45) are to be always maintuined by Madhava. And, as long as they are maintained, he and his descendants are to enjoy this land yielding four Ichandas.43
12 See note 18 above.
13 The total measurement of the four allotmonts, however, was three hundred and fifty pias; and in the last two instancos one hundred palas are stated to yiuld ono khanda: so that the total yield should appurontly bu oul three and a half khandas.

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116
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1889.
[Then follows, in line 47, one of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses. After this, there is given a list of the witnesses to the grant, which includes the names of Durvâsu, the Sthánádhikárin, or Sthánapati, of the god Sômanâtha" (1. 49); Vimvalaja, the Sthanapati of the matha of the god Visaḍhêśvara (1. 50); Brahmaja, the Sthánádhikárin, or Sthanapati, of the matha of the god Kêdára (1. 50); Kshadaja, the Sthánádhikárin, or Sthánapati, of the shrine of the goddess Kapâlêśvarî (1. 51); Îksha(?), of the village or hamlet of Brahmapuri (1. 52); the Pragvât Sréshthin Dharaniga (1. 54); and the Gurjara Mahajana and Sreshthin Yajakê (1. 55)].
"The well, the threshing-floor (khalaka), the kasthaka or kachchhaka, the cattle-path, and the pasturage, are to be enjoyed (1. 55). The Dútaka is himself; i.e. perhaps Sômarâjadêva. And the command (ájnáta) has been communicated or carried into effect (samcharita), -i.e. the order has been delivered by the Dutaka, and the written charter has been engrossed on copperplates, at Dharmavarhika (1. 55)."
SOMALI AS A WRITTEN LANGUAGE.
BY MAJOR J, S. KING, BO.S.C.
(Continued from Vol. XVII. p. 50.)
No. IV.
COLLOQUIAL SENTENCES.
English.
51.-Do you want this?
52.-I do not want this.
53. Salt is very dear at Lierbera.
54. Rice is very cheap at Mokha.
55. To whom do these sheep belong?
56.-Last night a buggalow arrived from Mokha.
57.Two Hundred camels arrived to-day.
58.Are there any wells here?
59. Is there any danger from the natives ?
60. What is the matter with you? (lit. What has got to you?)
61. Are you sick?
62.-Put these things in a basket.
Somali.
مواد به مدرسی انگ و دوني ماير
أوشير له بربره و تو گلے الگ کہی تھا بریس و گر گئی جیں ہیں و گنع جبن
ادگن ايا ليه
هالي دوني شماهگي تلمي مانت لب بغل اور بسوع گلي
میشن میں مگر جر
میشنی د ملک اسوه
مرا کو میلی
سیاه پوکت بانک سبورت
"Perhaps "the god Somanstha of Vamanasthall;" see note 33 above.

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APRIL 1889.j
SOMALI AS A WRITTEN LANGUAGE.
117
63.- Come quickly. 64.- I sent for you: why did you not come ?
(lit. Why were you not found come ?)
65.-He killed him with a spear.
66. He struck him in the back with a spear.
د سو کالے الگ کر بيتي هاه امن وئیدی
رب تو دلی انگ
بری وب و ورمی لیگ
امن نگو بان بفئی تک لوعة سهيه ترشي بان توسني مراد بدن بي هئي
67.-I am afraid to go there.
68.--I will give you eight dollars for this cow.
69.-I am very thirsty. 70.-It is very hot.
ټول بدن بهی
71.- Remain here.
72.- Open the door. 73.--I shall go to my acantry. 74.-Where is the book P
دسر مک
تر الباب معنا نديدي بان نگی
75.- Are you able to do this?
و سیاسی له نشر گره
76.-What are you looking at ? 77.-Tell me what will be the charge
78.—Where did you buy this cloth ? 79.-Did you buy it or barter for it?
80.Where is the captain of the vessel P
81.— The captain is on shore. 82. - Take a chair and sit down. 83.-When will you do this work'P
مهاه آرتین اله ام ليني
نئے بادی ویتنی کر مياه ایبدني متے دوڑتی د وليد ناخودا فيمي ميه ناودا هیبتو جر گورسیگ کین و گوئدسر
سینی گور ماه شغل
انر درارو بمید تو دمینی انگ انگ زيلع (or اول) بران تكتي
مه تكي ريتوس بری
84.-I shall finish it in four days.
85.I am going to Zayla tomorrow.
86.-Show me a sample of the rice.

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118
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
87.-Where did you hear this ?
88.-I heard it yesterday on the road:
89.-It is cooler to-day than yesterday.
90.-Are there any fish in this water ?
91.-I am
I am very busy to-day.
92.-Take the horse home, and bring it at 6 o'clock.
93.-Why did you go to sleep?
94.-Does your wife make mats ?
95.-I do not understand what you say.
96.-Is your knife sharp ?
97.-This box is heavy: how can I carry it ?
98.-Fill this tub with water.
99.-The river is deep.
100. Take some water to quench your thirst.
[APRIL, 1889 .
کے بادی شالی درگي بان کو شغلی
مانک شالیک تبوب -
بيره سوه کلن کو جر
مانت هول بدن بان لیہی
فرشت اغليكي گيلى ليه ساعدود إيكين
-
مها در سیہتی
تا گناه و درمو مکلفیتیس
و مان لیدی گری مایر
بري
11971
مندید ادیم انبدن تهی
صندوقن و اولس يهي سدے بانو قادي گر
بر مهلک بیر کو بو
...
Vocabulary and Grammatical Analysis with Notes and Transliteration.
در درک و دير يبي هو أب مراة ك تبيع
51.-Adiga whaha ma donaisa ?
52.-Aniga waha doni mayo.
53.-Usbühda Barbara wa ku gan'a adag tahai. Üsbihda=sbih, s. f., salt, with the def. art. affixed. Gan'a s. f., price, cost. Adag, adj., dear, tight. Tahai, 3rd pers. sing. fem. from ahao be. (H. s. 132).
54.-Mukha baris wa ku gan'a jaban yahai. Jaban, cheap, past part. of jab, v. break. Yahai, 3rd pers. sing. masc. of aháo.
55.-Adigan aiya leh ? Adi, s. m. sheep or goat; gan-an, demon. pron., this with the consonant g prefixed, because the word with which it is used (adi) terminates in a vowel. (H. ss. 58 and 22). Aiya, interrog. pron., who? Leh, from áleh, adj. root, possessed of: the á is here lost, because the article possessed is mentioned. (H. 8. 253).
56.-Halai doni Mukhahgi ka-timi.
Halai. adj. of time, last night. Doni, s. f., boat.
(large).
Bighil, s. m. hundred. So'-galai, v.
57.-Manta laba båghål awr ba-so'-galai. entered; compounded of so', move, and gal, enter. 58.-Meshatan 'el må ka-jira ?-'El, s. m., well. Ku-jir, v. contain: kú is here a preposition or verbal particle. (H. s. 135).
59-Mesatan dadka ma-laga absoda. Dad, s. m, people, inhabitants. La, a particle, which when prefixed to a verb gives it a passive signification. (H. s. 243). Laga-la, with the article added.

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APRIL, 1889.]
SOMALI AS A WRITTEN LANGUAGE.
-
60.-Maha kû helai P - Hél, v., obtain, get. 61.-Ma yad bukta or Adiga må bûkta ?. Yád, pers. pron. 2, thee; simple nominative form, assisted by the consonant y. Búk, v., be sick: búkta, 2nd pers. sing. pres., habitual. 62.-Ghalabka kolaigi kü-ridd. Ghalab, s. m., baggage. Kolai, s. m. basket. Kú-ridd, v., throw, put.
V., come.
63.-Dakso kalė. Dakso, adv., quickly. Kalé, interjec., come ! 64.-Aniga kü-yeḍai: mahad iman waidi P Yed, v., call, send for. Iman, p.p. of imo, Waidi, 2nd pers. sing. pres. of wa, not found. (H. s. 90). 65.-Usaga waran ba kû-dilai. - Dilai, 3rd pers. sing. perf. of dil, v., kill. 66.-Usaga dabarka waran ba kû-waremai, Dabar, s. m., back. Waren, v. 1. stab, thrust. Waremai, 3rd pers. sing. perf. (the letter n changing into m in the inflexion). 67.-Haga in-an tago ban ka baghaiya. Baghaiya 1st pers. sing. pres. of bagh, V., fear. [It is somewhat curious that in Somâli, as well as in Arabic, Persian, Hindustânî, &c., the verb 'to fear' should be preceded by the sign of the ablative case (ka)].
68.-Lo'da sided karshi yan kû sinaiya, Lo', s. f. cow. sided, s. f., eight. 69.-Harråd badan bai haiya, Harrád, s. m., thirst. Bai, compounded of ba and i, to or by me. Haiya, from the verb hai, have, possess. (H. s. 251).
70.-Wa kuļůl badan yahai.
Kulol, adj., hot, warm.
71.-Halka fadiso. - Fadiso, v. 8., sit, remain.
—
-
-
72.-Albabka fur. Albâb, (Ar.) 8. m., door. [It may be noticed that this word has here a double article: the Arabic article (al) prefixed, and the Somâli (ka) added; but the former has become an inseparable part of the word in Somali]. Fur, t. v., open :-(it also means divorce.')
73.-Maghaladaidi ban tagaiya.
-
119
-
74.-Kitabki meh ? Kitdb (Ar.) s. m. book, meh, adv. of place,
where ?
75.-Adiga sidas in-ad fasho må karta. Si-dás, adv. of manner, thus. In-ad in, that and ad, thou. Fasho, 2nd pers. sing. pres. subj. of fal, do.
76.-Mahad arkaisa ?
La the passive
77.-I-dê immisa la-sinaiya,-Dé v. aux., say, tell. I-dé, tell me. particle. (H. s. 243). Sinaiya, 3rd pers. sing. masc. pres. of si, give.
78.-Darka hagge bad ka ibsadtai. Dar, s. m., cloth, apparel. Bád, thou (H. s. 52). Ka, prep., from. [This particle is here (for the sake of euphony, I suppose), separated from hagge, the word to which it really belongs. Rejected by hagge, it would then naturally unite with beadtai; but as the junction of these two words looks awkward in Arabic characters, I have written the ka as an affix to bád; thus treating it somewhat similarly to the pronominal affix in Persian.]
79.-Ma yad ibaadtai, misse wa dorsatai? change.
80.-Donida nakhuda-hedi meh ? - Hed, (H. s. 55).
-
Misse, conj., or else. Dori, v. 3, barter,
possess. pron. 3rd pers. sing., fem., her
Heb, s. f., shore; hebta, adv., ashore. The final u in hebtú
-
81.-Nakhûda hebtû Jira. is the pron., he.
82.-Kursiga ken o ka fadiso. Kursi, s. m. (Ar.), chair. O, equivalent to wa. (H. P.
100-101).
83.-Gormad shughlka samainaisa ? Gormá, adv. of time, when? [Gormád is really a combination of three words: gor, s. f., time, má,-what P and ad. pers. pron. 2, simple form.] Shughl, (Ar.), s. m., work, business.
Darárro, pl. of darár, s. f., day.
84.-Aniga afar dararro dabaded wå damainaiya.Dabaded, adv., after. Damai, v. 5, finish.
85.-Aniga Zel's (or Audal) birran tagaiya. Zel'a is the Arabic, and Audal the Somali name of the town. Birri, s. f. to-morrow, birrán-birri+án, pers. pron. 1. 86.-Bariska midab-kiss i-tas. Midab, s. m., sample. Tús, v. imperative,-show.
—

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87.-Waha hagge bad ka maghashai. - Maghashai, 2nd pers. sing. perf. of maghal, v. hear. The letter 1, as usual, changing into sh.
88.-Shalai daugt bån ka Maghalai. - Shalai, s. f., yesterday Dau, 8. m., road. 89.-MAnts shalai ka kabob. - kabob, adj. cool. 90.- Biyoha ma wah kaluna kajira.- kalun, s. m., fish. 91.-Manta haul badan ban leyahai. - Haul, s. f., affair, business.
92.-Faraska aghalkaigi'ge,t: leh sa'dod 1-ken. - Ge,f, v. 3., remove, take away. Leh, s. f., six. Sa'd (Ar, L ), s. f.-hour; pl. sü'do. The final d is added because the word is preceded hy a numeral. (H. s. 31 (b)).
93.-Mahad a sehatai P- Seho, v. 4, sleep.
94.-Nagtado dirmo má-falķinaiga - Nag, . f., woman, wife. Dirmo, s. f., mat. Falka, t. v. 3., - plait (mats).
95.-Wahad ledahai garan mayo. - Wahád=wah+ad. Garan, p. part. of garo, v. 4., understand, know.
96.- Mindidadi MA af-badan tahai P - Mindi, s. f., knife. Af-badan, adj., 'sharp; af edge).
97,-Sanduk-an wa olus yahai : sidde ban aķadi kara P - Sandúk (ar.), s. m., box: Sanduk-an, this box. (H. s. 58). Olus, adj., heavy. Kdd, v, lift, carry: kádi kara, 1st pers. sing. pres. poten.
98.-Barmilka biyo ka bohi. - Barmil, (Ar.) 8. m., tub, cask. Bohi, v. 3, fill. 99.-Durdurka wa der yahai. - Durdur, & m., river, stream. Der, adj., deep. 100.- Biyo ab: harradka ka-bi.' - Harrád, s. m., thirst. Ka-bi, v. 3., quench.
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
No. 30. BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S.
The Arch-Impostor. In a certain country there lived a Brahman who had seven sons. One moonlight night he called them all to his side and questioned them as to what they would most like to do at that moment. The first said that he would like to water his fields; the second, that he would go out on a journey, the third, that he would plough his lands, and so on. But the seventh and the last said that he would spend that fine moonlight night in a beautiful house with lovely girls by his side. The father was pleased with the simple replies of the first six boys; bat when the last - who was the youngest - expressed so evil a desire, in such a presence, and in such a way, his rage knew no bounds. "Quit my house at once," said the father, and away ran the seventh son.
He left his country and his house that very night, as he was ashamed to live under his father's roof any longer, and went to the wood hard by. In the midst of this wood there dwelt an old woman who used to sell muffins and pudding to shepherds and boy neatherds who frequented the wood in the course of their employment. This had been her source of livelihood for several years, and she had in this way amassed considerable wealth in the shape of gold coins which she kept locked up in a small box. Now the seventh son, on his banishment from home, went to her and said :
“Madam, I am a poor helpless orphan, will you kindly take me into your service P I shall be a great help to you in your old age."
So, the old woman, pitying the poverty of the boy, and thinking he could help her took him into her service, and promised to feed him and bring him up as her own son.
"What is your name ?" asked the grandam. "My name," replied the boy, "is Last Year (Ponavarusham)!"
No doubt it was a queer name, but the old woman did not suspect anything, and thought within herself that such a designation was possible.

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Full six years the boy lived with her, and behaved in such a way that she came to regard him almost as her son. She was delighted that God had sent her in her old age such a helper.
One night, just before going to supper, this boy, who had now grown to be a man, threw away all the water in the house, and then sat down to his food. Consequently, when his meal was over, there was no water in the house to wash his hands with; so the old woman went out to fetch water from a well that was at a little distance. Our hero, who will be henceforth called the Arch-Impostor, resolved to take the opportunity thus given him to walk away with all the old woman's savings. He did not wait to wash his hands, but ran off at once with her box of money. Going to a little distance in the wood, he broke it open, emptied the contents into his cloth, and went onwards at random. He walked on for two days and nights, and on the third morning was on the point of emerging from the forest.
Just after he had run away the old woman returned with water from the well, and found no boy. The thought rushed into her mind at once that she might have been deceived, and on quickly searching, she missed her box. Running to the village near her house she raised a loud cry, saying, "Last Year robbed my box, Last Year robbed my box," meaning of course that the person named "Last Year" had taken away her box. But as the words she used -pônavarusham en pettiyai tirudikkondu ponán-also mean, "last year (some one) robbed my box," the people only thought she had gone mad, and sent her away. However often she might explain that "Last Year" was the name of a man, they would not listen to her. Thus was the poor woman deceived.
Meanwhile, our hero, whom we left on the point of emerging from the forest with his bundle of gold coins on his back, was attacked by a bear. He had covered his body and the bundle as well with his upper cloth so as not to arouse suspicion. The bear placed one of its front paws on his shoulder where his bundle was, and our hero, to prevent the animal from doing any harm to him, took a firm hold of the other front paw which the beast had also raised, and ran round and round with it. Meanwhile the paw on his shoulder had made a hole in the bundle of coins, so that every now and then a gold coin dropped out. While this was going on a rich Muhammadan merchant, having a load of money with him, happened to ride by. Seeing a traveller attacked by a bear, he at once went to the rescue. Whereupon the Arch-Impostor, ever ready to turn everything to his own advantage, addressed him thus :"Friend, calmly pursue your course. Do not disturb yourself. This is a bear on which I pronounced an incantation, whereby it drops a gold coin every time that I go round with it. I am testing it now, and have chosen this place to avoid the curiosity of other people. So, do not disturb me."
The Muhammadan, deceived by the composure with which the impostor spoke, and never suspecting that the coins were dropping from his bundle, replied :-"Friend, you appear to be a Brahman from your face; and it is not very proper for a Brahman to keep a bear in his house. Give it to me, and instruct me in the incantation. Take in return all the money I have on my horse, and the horse too if you like."
This was exactly what the impostor thought the Muhammadan would say. "My idea is working well," thought he within himself, and proceeded to become very reluctant to part with his bear. He also so managed that more coins began to drop, and the more the coins dropped the more the Muhammadan's mind was fixed with an ambition to become the master of the miraculous bear. He begged hard of the Brahman, and the latter, as if unwilling to part with a brute which a few moments before he feared would take his life (!), at last told the Muhammadan to tie its hind legs together with a cord, and then its front legs. In this way the brate was safely caught. The Brahman then pronounced a meaningless incantation over it, told the Muhammadan to repeat it unceasingly for a month before trying its efficacy. He then picked up every gold coin he had dropped, and took leave of his Muslim friend. Telling him that his house was in the New Street of Madura, he went away with the horse and all the money on it. The Muhammadan merchant, fully believing that after a month's repetition

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the incantation would have the effect he saw, apent nearly all his days engaged in repeating it, and in taking care of the bear.
The Arch-Impostor after thus duping the poor Muslim, pursued his journey, and reached a village about evening. It was a very inhospitable village, and after searching here and there for a place to sleep in, he at last came to the street occupied by the courtezans. He chose the best house, took his bedding into the outer verandah, and lay down with his bandles beneath his head and his horse tied to a tree in front of the house. As he had a large amount of money to guard, sleer did not come to his eyes; he could merely pretend to be sleeping. At about dawn his horse evacuated, and the impostor pushed two gold coins into each piece of the horse-dung. He then returned to his bed and pretended to sleep as before. The sweeper of the house soon after came out to do her daily duty, and after sweeping the outer verandah went up to the horse to remove the horse-dung. But the Arch-Impostor at once arose and said :-"Do not touch the dung of that horse. It is all so much gold." After saying this he carefully collected it, and took out the gold coins. The sweeper was amazed. She ran in and informed the mistress of the house of what she saw. The courtozan came out, and to her astonishment she saw the impostor taking two gold coins out of each piece of the horse-dung. Quite amazed she asked what it all meant, and our hero replied:
"Madam! This is a horse given to me by a yogi, (sage) who instructed me in a mantra (incantation). I pronounced it over the horse for a month, and ever since that period it has had the power of dropping gold coins with its ordure." The amazed and ambitious courtezan wanted to get possession of the horse, and learn the mantra. And our hero with a good deal of pretended reluctance parted with his horse in return for all her property. He then taught her some gibberish, which he told her was an incantation. He also told her that she must repeat it for a month, before it would work.
Thus deceiving the woman of the wood, the Muhammadan merchant, and the courtezan, our hero went to Madura, bought a good house in the New Street, true to his word to the Musalman (and this was the only truth which he ever uttered in his life), and there married the daughter of a rich Brâhman, and lived happily and in comfort.
The old woman of the wood was almost mad after the loss of her hard-earned money. She traced the footprints of treacherons Last Year and followed them up, hoping to find him out some day or other. After a month's journey in the tracks she reached the place where the Muhammadan merchant was engaged in rearing the bear. He had long before the old woman's arrival finished the required number of incantations, and had gone round with the bear more than a thousand times without success. The old woman engaged him in conversation, and he related everything to her. This led to a mutual explanation of the manner in which they had been duped. The fiery Musalmân flew into a rage, and said "We must trace out the rogue and punish him."
The old woman agreed, and they both started for Madura. In their first day's journey they chanced to go to the village where the courtezan had been befooled, and where her story was well known. Every child there could tell them how over a month ago & rogue had come there and had deceived her about a horse and an incantation, and had walked away with all her property. The Musalman soon identified the horse, and so the courtezan joined the old lady and the Muslim, and they all three went to Madura.
They found their enemy in the New Street, and he, getting up with a cheerful smile, wel. comed them all, and after enquiring of their welfare asked them whether they had found the incantations useful. The old woman he consoled with an explanation of his sudden departure. He then requested them all to bathe and take their food, and himself showed the way to the river. Returning before the others, he asked his wife to prepare the ground for his worship of the household god, and also asked her to keep a pestle ready for him. He then asked her to bring the meal, pudding, &c., to be offered to the god, and to dress herself up as an old woman. He also told her that he would lightly beat her with the pestle, and throw her into the house, after which she was to suddenly appear again in the garb of a young woman, which, of course, was

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her natural attire. All these instructions were issued before his three friends returned from the river, and thongh Masalmâns and courtezans are never allowed to enter the inner parts of a Brahman's house, he pretended to show special consideration to them, and asked them to take their seats at a respectful distance, so as to observe what passed inside. The impostor then proceeded with the worship of the god on a grand scale. He pronounced several incantations, and when the worship was drawing to a close, an old woman, i.e. his wife in that attire, brought the offerings. He caught hold of her by her hair, and with his other hand felt for the pestle. The Musalmân and the others at once flew to the rescue of the old woman, but with a smile of perfect composure the impostor said :
"My friends, do not think I want to kill her. If I beat her with this pestle and throw her into the house, she will return as a young girl. I have made many such old women young by the administration of this pestle." Thus saying he proceeded to beat the old woman and threw her into the house. And the impostor's wife, as well up in tricks as her husband, though she had lived with him for less than a month, came out as a young girl. The three old friends who came to be even with the old rogue wondered at what they saw.
They consulted among themselves :-" The fellow is really here ; so, we can wreak our vengeance upon him whenever we choose. For the present let us obtain his pestle and depart as friends."
The worship was soon over, and our hero proceeded to look to the convenience of his visitors. He asked them to have some food, and superintended their meals himself. They all concealed their anger for the nonce in the hope of getting hold of the pestle, which he gladly allowed them to take away for a week. The three thus duped again went away to their respective houses with the pestle, and made arrangements as to the use of it.
The courtezan knew many old women in her street whom she wished to convert into young ones. So she wanted it first, and the old lady of the wood made up her mind to stay with her to witness the experiment, while the Mahammadan merchant agreed to take the pestle after a week from the courtezan. Thus it was her fortune to try it first. Alas! many a woman she killed with it in the fond hope that one at least would be transformed to a young woman. No transformation came after all; only death was the result. So before even the week was up the conrtezan sent the pestle to the Muslim, duly informing him how unsuccessful she found it to be. But he blamed her not being a good hand at thrashing, and had soon himself pounded to death several old women among his relatives. Being then again deceived he went to the courtezan, and said to her : "My friend, see how we have been duped a second time. How many of our dear relatives we have killed. Let us go to that man again, and kill him before he again contrives to deceive us."
“Agreed," said she, and they started off again with the old lady of the wood. After a long journey, they reached the impostor's house, and found him absent. On enquiry they came to know that he had gone to the river to bathe. The old lady remained in his house, and the other two went after him. They carried a bag with them, and strong ropes also, and finding him bathing all alone, they surprised him, and tying up his hands and legs put him in the bag, and took him to a mountain near to barn him alive as a full revenge for all his deception. Climbing to the very top of it they placed the bundle down and went to the jungle near to collect fuel for the fire. Our hero was now in an awkward plight, but he kept saying to himself "I don't want to marry that girl, I don't want to marry that girl."
Now, while the Musalman and the courtezan were away in the jungle collecting fael, a neatherd who was grazing a herd of cows a little below was attracted by the voice that kept on saying :-"I don't want to marry that girl.” Coming up to our hero he said :-"What is the meaning of what you say? Why are you tied up thus in a bundle "
Hope at once dawned in the impostor's breast, and he hastily replied :-“Friend, whoever you may be, you are my protector. Release me at once from this bag. My uncle and aunt want to marry me to a girl whom I do not like. Against my will they carried me up here to marry me to her. Fortunately they have just gone to some spring near to quench their thirst."

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The stupid neatherd, little suspecting that it was odd that a man should be married on the top of a mountain, promised to open the bag and let him out on condition he would allow him to go into the bag himself, and thus be placed in his happy position.
"Agreed," said the impostor, and so the bag was quickly opened, the ropes round his legs and hands untied, and the neatherd packed ap in his place. Our hero then went to the place where the herd of cows was grazing, and returned home with them. Here he found the old lady of the wood waiting and welcomed her heartily, telling her that all his wealth was hers, and promising to regard her as his own mother, as she had been one to him for six years.
Meanwhile the Musalman and the courtezan had lighted a large fire in the jungle and went for the bag. The neatherd inside kept quite silent for fear, if he spoke, that the change that had taken place would become known. But, instead of being married to a young girl, he was soon thrown into the fire.
"Thus have we killed our impostor," said the friends :-"Now let us go to his house and plunder it." So they returned exulting to the New Street of Madura where our hero was sitting outside his house chewing betel, and expecting them every moment. The thousand and one cows he had obtained were still standing outside. When the pair saw him safely seated outside his own house and smiling welcome to them, their wonder knew no bounds. “We threw you an hour ago in the fire," said they, "and how are you sitting here safe ?"
"Yes, my friends," replied he, " as soon as you threw me into the fire, I went to Kailasa, the world of felicity, and met my father and grandfather. They told me that my time to live in the world was not over and sent me back with these kine."
" Then the same presents will be given to us, too, if we go to that world of heavenly bliss ?" said they.
"Undoubtedly," replied the impostor; and then with their consent he took them to the mountain and threw them into the fire never more to revive and return with presents.
Returning home and relieved for ever from his troublesome friends the Arch-Impostor lived happily, protecting the old woman of the wood, who had protected him in his younger days.
Though the hero has the worst of characters, still the relaters of this story excuse him for his presence of mind in all his hardships, and draw a moral from it that ambition is bad. The Musalmân and the courtezan, even though they repeatedly found out their friend, were always fired with ambition, and at last lost their lives through it.
CORRESPONDENCE. THE DANISH ROYAL ACADEMY'S PRIZE Scythic invasion can be regarded as ancient and REGARDING THE PHILOLOGICAL POSITION
natural, while all the subsequent literature is due OF SANSKRIT IN INDIA.
to a later and artificial development, the work of SIR-It may interest your readers to know the Brahmans, and does not reach to a date earlier that the Académie Royale Danoise des Scien- than the second century A. D. On the other hand ces et des Lettres offers the Gold Medal of the one can scarcely allow that such poems as the Academy as a prize for the best answer to the lyrics and epics of Kalidasa were only written for following question: "What position has Sans- the learned, and that his dramas were not made krit occupied in the general development of to be represented and understood by the ordinalanguages in India P To what extent can we rily educated people of his time, and the case is say that it has been a living language, and at the same with other works written in Sanskrit what period must it be admitted to havo after the Christian era. We should also have dessou to be such P The Academy points out that to explain why Sômadêva, at the beginning of the the inscriptions of Asöka, dating from the middle of 12th century, should have chosen a dead and the 3rd century B. O., were couched in a language purely learned language for composing a work of differing in no small degree from Sanskrit, and light reading, of which the aim was to divert and were spread all over the north of India. On this console the queen of Kasmir who had lost her is founded a theory that Sansksit had already grandson. ceased to be a living language, and that only that Answers may be written in Latin, French, portion of its literature which is anterior to the English, German, Swedish, or Danish. They

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should not bear the name of the author, but a should be addressed, before the end of October motto, and should be accompanied by a sealed 1889, to the Secretary of the Academy M. H. G. envelope bearing the same motto, and enclosing Zeuthen, Professor at the University of Copen. the name, profession, and address of the author. hagen. The prizes will be declared in February Members of the Academy who reside in Denmark 1890, and the authors can thereupon have their will take no part in the competition. Answers essays returned to them. G. A. GRIERSON.
MISCELLANEA. PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. is the former which has usually had the worst of No. XV.
it. One of the best proofs of this is the differences A Year of the Revue Critique; July 1887 to of doctrine between the various legal schools. Do June 1888.
these schools really represent the law of their (a) Aug. 8th.-The first important article of in. tracts P One has only to see the disorder of their terest to oriental studenta is a review of two works traditions, and the fantastic manner in which they by Prof. Th. Nöldeke. The first is a sketch of borrow from each other, without regard either to the Semitic languageal originally written for geographical vicinity, or to affinities of population, the Encyclopædia Britannica, and since then en- to be satisfied on this point. Theories might larged, and reproduced in German. The second is travel thus, but not customA. a history of the Arab dynasty of the Ghassanis.' (d) Oct. 31st.-Dr. Percy Gardner's Catalogue The article is by M. J. Halévy, and contains an of the Greek and Scythia Kings of Bactria interesting note on the primitive habitat of the and India in the British Museum is reviewed. Aram sans, which he places in the south of the The author of the notice is M. Darmesteter. He Syrian desert, bounded by the Hijaz, Najd, and observes, "there are few historical periods of more the maritime tracts of Babylonia. Both works fascinating interest than that of the four centuries are highly praised by the reviewer.
which followed the death of Alexander, in the (6) Aug. 15th. - M. A. Barth contributes & tracts of country bordering on Persia and on review of the present writer's and Dr. Hoornle's India. A Greek empire in Bactria, from the Oxus works in connection with the Bihårt language. to the Hinda Kosh, which soon crosses the moun.
(c) Oct. 24th. The same gentleman reviews tains, absorbs Eastern Afghanistan, passes the Prof. Jolly's Tagore Law Lectures on "an Indus, reaches the Yamung on the right, the Sea outline of a History of the Hindd law of Parti- of Gujarat on the south, covers the Indian coaste tion, Inheritance, and Adoption, as contained in with Greek temples, of which the ruins still existed the original Sanskrit treatises." The author, M. in the second century, and brings into India Barth considers, studies each institution histori. Greek writing, Greek art, and all that the spirit cally, bringing to light the differences concerning of a Hindd could receive of the Hellenic genius. it, which appear through a long series of texts, and An invasion of Turkish tribes, who cast upon he endeavours to explain these differences by the Greek frontier by the same movement as that referring them to a process of regular development. which step by step impelled Attila upon the gates The various discussions show his familiarity with of Rome, come to destroy the empire of Alexan. legal questions, and with comparative legislation, der's successors, whilst succeeding as their heirs, and no one could read the book without deriving to reopen the route of the Greeks in India, to great benefit from it. Dr. Jolly differs from enthrone Buddhism, and, at the same time as Bud. Mr. Nelson in considering the juridical litera- dha, all the pantheon of Iranian Zoroastrianism. ture of India as really its legislation. It is a Between the Greeks and the Soythians, are the more body of written custom, not only held holy, or less violent struggles of the Parthians, who send but universally practised and regularly applied to Western India sometimes governors for the by the public authorities. It has always kept in Arsacides, sometimes adventurers who founded touch with actual facts, modifying itself as they dynasties. For all this period, at once confused have become modified. M. Barth combats this and feound (for it is from this chaos that modern theory, considering that the smpiti has been only India has emerged) there remain but four kinds of moderately practised. The official law has often documents : a few lines, more or less vague, in been a very incomplete, and frequently an entirely the classical writers, a few pages in the Chinese false representation of the true custom. and annals, a few inscriptions of the Indo-Scythians, whenever there was a conflict between the two, it and thousands of coins. Numismatists have there
Die Semitischen Sprachen, Eine Skiane, von Th. Nöl- Die Chasadnischen Fürsten aus dem Haur Gafna's, oke, Leipzig, T. O. Weigel, 1887.
von Th. Nöldeke. Berlin, Librairie academique, 1887.

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fore the field almost entirely to themselves." Taking Mr. Gardner's book as his text M. Darmeg. teter next proceeds to reconstruct a history of these times. Bactria was a province of the Seleu- cide empire till about the year 250 B. C. About that time Diodorus made himself independent in Bactria, and Arsaces did the same in Parthia. This was the origin of the Græco-Bactrian and of the Parthian empires. The dynasty of Diodorus was supplanted by Euthydemus of Magnesia (about 208 B. C.), whose son, Demetrius, pressed on the north by the Barbarians, crossed the Paropamisus (or Hinda Kush) and entered the country of Kabul and the Pañjab. This was the commencement of the Græco-Indian empire. With Eukratides (190?) the great rival and successor of Demetrius, we first come upon bilingual coins, with a Páli legend added to the Greek one. A great number of kings followed, of whom two, Apollodotus and Menander, were known to classical writers, and whose money was found to be still in circulation by the Greek travellers of the first century of the present era. Hermaus was the last of the IndoGreek kings. About 25 B. C., the Scythians of Bactria crossed the Paropamisus, and invaded India. We know of coins of five Indo-Scythic kings, of whom Kanishka was the most famous. The Saka era dates, not from the expulsion of the Scythic invader, but from his accession. Under this dynasty the Iranian religion of Zoroaster penetrated into India, and we find traces of Persian influence in Indian Epic poetry, which should be ascribed to the same time. These IndoScythians were very eclectic in religious matters. They knew Helios, Salene and Serapis. They knew Buddha; and again they recognized Skanda-Ku. mara and Visakha.
A third race of invaders was that of the Par. thians, who appear to have established themselves in the Kábul valley about 161 B. 0. The Peripleus shows us this dynasty as expiring in the Delta of Sindh towards the middle of the first century.
(e) Dec. 5th.-"J.D." reviews Dastur Tahmuras Dinshawji Anklesaria's Compendium of the Social Code for the Parsis (Parsi Fort Printing Press, Bombay, 1887). This is a well printed facsi. mile of a Pahlavi text on civil law lately discovered hy the Editor. The text is principally important on account of the authorities which it cites, and which are those of the classic literature. The last pages are valuable as containing a religious and political history of the last Sasånt.
(f) January 16th, 1888 - Commences with a review of the first volume of the Catalogue of Arabic M88. in the Royal Library at Berlin, by M. Hauvette. The author of the Catalogue is Herr W. Ahlwardt. It is described as a monu-
ment of solid and powerful construction. The present volume is in two parts, the first devoted to Prolegomena and to general subjects, the second to the Quran.
(9) Feb. 6th.-M. Derenbourg has published the first fasciculus of John of Capua's Latin version of the Kalllah and Dimnah. This is reviewed by M. Rubens. Two Hebrew versions of the tale are known, and the older of the two, attributed to the Rabbin Joel, has a special importance as being the original of the Latin version above mentioned. Unfortunately a large portion of this Hebrew version, including the prefaces, the two first chapters, and a portion of the third, is lost. and the present edition of the Latin version is published to supply the deficiency. It has hitherto been printed only once about the year 1483), and has become so rare as to be almost unprocurable. The present edition is very satisfactory, and the first fasciculus contains the prefaces and nine chapters.
(h) Feb. 27th. - There is a short notice by M. Barth on Cham literature. The Chams were originally masters of the whole of Annam. M. Antony Landes has published a French transla. tion of sixteen Cham tales, and of a children's gong. The basis of the tales is the marvellous, without any alloy of mythology or theology. Only once or twice does the Lord Alwah," the master of the sky," and probably identical with the Allah of the Musalman Chams, appear. The translation appears in Excursions et Reconnaissances. The same number of the latter contains the fac-simile of a Cham inscription communicated by M. E. Navelle. It is in the name of Sri Jaya Simha Dêra, and also contains the proper name Sri Hari Deva and the word dharmma. It is dated 1191.
(1) March 10th. In this number is a review by M. V. Henry of M. Paul Regnand's work on the Origin and Philosophy of Language or Principles of Indo-European Linguistics. The author endeavours to reply to the following propositions ; (1) To explain and criticize the various systems which, from the earliest times to the present day, have had for their aim to explain philosophically the origin and the laws of language; (2) To collect from the more important contemporary philological works the principles and the laws which could serve in the formation of a philosophy of language. The first portion of the book is described as excellent, and as displaying a great amount of labour and of learning on the part of the author. Regarding the second part M Henry, while admiring the ingenuity displayed is unable to concur with the conclusions arrived at.
6) March 26th. --The late Dr. Hanusz of Vienna was the author of a pamphlet on the encroach.

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APRIL, 1889.]
MISCELLANEA.
127
ments of the n-declension in Sanskrit which is CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. favourably noticed by M. Louis Duvau. The most
No. 27 interesting case notioed is the # in terminations In the back yard of Yellappagauda at Hulgar, of genitives plural like sêndnám. Dr. Hanusz a village about seven miles to the north-east of shows that the # was first borrowed from bases in Siggâmve, the chief town of the Bankâpur Taluka n to form the genitives of bases in a long, and then
of the Dharwad District, Bombay Presidency, to form those of bases in a short.
there is an Old-Kanarese stone inscription of (k) April 2nd. - Commences with a review by
the Kalachuri' king somêsvara, which contains M. Rubens Duval of Mr. Margoliouth's edition of
three dates. the Oriental versions of the Poetics of Aris The first date (from an ink-impression; line 18 totle. The texts published are the Arabic version 2.) is - Saka-varsha 1096 neya Jaye-samvatsarada of Aba Bashar, the definition of tragedy in the Jyoshthada amåvåsye Adityavára sdryyagrahaņaSyriao dialogues of James Bar-Shakaku, the vyatspåtad-andu, -"the new-moon tithi of (the Arabic Poetics of Avioenna, and the Syriac Poetics month) Jyêshtha of the Jaya samvatsara, of Bar-Hebræus. The reviewer considers that which is the 1096th Saka year; Sunday; at the Mr. Margolioath has shown in his edition an equal time of the vyatip&t& of an eclipse of the knowledge of Greek, Arabic and Syriac, and future sun." publishers of Aristotle's Poetics will be bound to The second date (line 35 f.) is - Saka-varshada take his work into consideration.
1096neya Jaya-samvatsarada Margaśirada pun. • (1) April 23rd. - Passing over notices of an nami Adityavára somagrahaņad-andu, - "the
edition of the twenty-first volume of the Kitab full-moon tithi of (the month) Margasira of the al-aghant, by Dr. Brünnow, and a review of the Jaya samvatsara, which is the 1096th of the Rev. A. Foster's Elementary lessons in Chinese, Saka years; Bunday; at the time of an eclipse we come to a short article by M. Baudouin on of the moon. Prof. Windisch's work on the characteristio r in And the third date (1.40 2.) is-Saka-varshada verbal forms. Dr. Windisch ponjectures that 1096neya Jaya-samvatsarada Margasira-babulad= originally for the middle and active voices there amavasye Mangaļavåra suryagrahaņad-andu, - were two sets of inflexions, characterisod re- "the new-moon tithi of the dark fortnight of the spectively by the presence or by the absence of the month) Margasira of the Jaya samvatsara,
and the t. In the middle there would be for the which is the 1096th of the Saka years ; Tuesday : first and third persons of the singular, and for the at the time of an eclipse of the sun." third of the plural, the terminations -, -, -re, By the southern luni-solar system of the Sixtyand (Gr. pax P) and to, ntd; in the active they year Cycle, the Jays sath vatsara coincided would be, a (-4P), -a, -ur, and -mi, -ti, nti. The with Saka-Samvat 1097 current; i. e. with the reviewer considers that this conjecture is very given year, 1096, as an expired year. And, by plausible, and that it throws an entirely new light Prof. K. L. Chbatre's Tables, I find that, in this on primitive conjugation.
year,We may pass over two favourable reviewe, one The amanta Jyoshtha krishna 15 ended, not by M. A. Barth on Dr. Cust's second series of on a Sunday, but at about 22 ghaths, 53 palas, Linguistic and Oriental Bays, and the other by after mean sunrise, for Bankapur,' on Saturday, M. Sylvain Lévi on Dr. Speijers' Sanskrit Syntax, 1st June, A.D. 1174. On this day there was which has been already noticed in these pages, and an oolipse of the sun," which was visible in India. come to a short paper by M, V. Henry on Dr. But the wook-day does not correspond with P. von Bradke's Essays on the Prehistorio that given in the record; at least, it does not Development of the German Language. do so, if the record is to be interpreted as meaning The principal argument of Dr. von Bradke deals that the tithi ended, and the eclipse occurred, on with the influence of subject races on the language the Sunday. of the conquerors, and, as an example, he would Margasira sukla 15 ended, as required, on guperimpose a Græco-Italo-Oeltio group of lan. Sunday, 10th November, A. D. 1174, at about guages over the already accepted Italo-Celtio 36 gh. 42 p. And on this day there was an groups, explaining by foreign influence the
eclipse of the moon, visible in India. numerous and important differences between the And the amânta Margasira krishna 16 language and civilisation of Latium and Hellas. ended, as required, on Tuesday, 98th Novem
G. A. GRIERBON. bor, A. D. 1174, at about 13 gh. 51 p. And on 1 In line 2 of this record, the dynastic name is very of old was a town of considerable importance. distinctly written Kalaturys.
3 See von Oppolzer's Canon, pp. 228, 229, and Plate 114. 1 The times here, all through, are for Badkápur, which id. p. 861.

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128
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1889.
this day there was an oolipse of the sun, to indicate for certain whether it is the new-moon visible in India.
tithi, or the full-moon tithi, that is thus numbered It is to be noted that, in the second and third in the Jaynagar record; though it may be inferred dates, in which the results work out quite regu- to be the new-moon tithi, in accordance with larly, the term vystipata is not used. And, de what is the more general custom in the present there is no reason for suggesting that any portion day, even in Northern Indiało. of the record is not genuine, the explanation of
J. F. FLEET. the discrepancy in the results for the first date in it, is perhaps to be found in the use there PROFESSOR KIELHORN'S EDITION OF THE of the term in question; which may indicate some
MAHABHASHYA. astrological conditions that necessitated the Excellent as is Prof. Kielhorn's edition of the observance of the rites of that eclipse on the | Mahabhashya, hyper-criticism can still lay its following day, Sunday, instead of on the day on finger on a fault here and there. Prof. Kielhorn which it actually occurred. I hope that someone has, for instance, unfortunately followed the will be in a position to examine and explain this Indian copyists in regard to the divisions of the point. The only other solution is to assume a Mahâbhâshya into Åhnikas ; i.e. he too has mistake in calculation by the person who prepared numbered the Paspas&hnika as the first; and the the almanac, from which the date was taken by Åhnika treating of the fourteen Satras, given the preparer of the record.
according to tradition by Mahadeva to Panini, 28 No. 28.
the second, serially with the rest. Whereas, At the same village of Hulgar, on two of the atrictly, these two Åhnikas should be separated faces of the lower part of a pillar in the well from the others, as introductory to them. The called Kallamnathada-bhavi in Survey No. 78, first Satra of Pånini is Vriddhér adaich, and not there is a Sanskrit and Old-Kanarese inscription Atha labdanuádsanam, which was only added on of the Devagiri-Yadava king Mahadeva, in by Patañjali to bring Panini's Satras into confor. which the date (from an ink-impression; line mity with the usage prevailing in the Sutra15 ff.) is-Saka-varshada® 1189neya Prabhava- period. The usage was, always to declare the samvatsarada Jydehtha-ba-80-Budhavára surya subject of every set of aphorisms at the beginning, grahanad-andu, -" Wednesday, the 30th tithi, in and so to pre pare the student for what he might the dark fortnight, of (the month) Jyeshţha of the expect, as is shown by the declaratory first Prabhava samvatsara, which is the 1189th of Sátra, commencing with Atha, of the Darsathe Saka years; at the time of an eclipse of the nas, Grihya and Srauta-Satras, and PrátisAkhyas. sun.”
Moreover, all the editions of the Ashtadhyayt, By the southern luni-solar system of the Sixty. which I have seen, separate the fourteen Satras Year Cycle, the Prabhava samvatsara coincid. of Mahadeva from Påņini's text distinctly. The ed with Saka-Samvat 1190 current ; 6. e. with the serial divisions of the Great Commentary proper given year, 1189, as an expired year. In this year, should, therefore, extend from Vriddhér adaich Jyêshtha itself was intercalary, according to the and the Bhashya thereon. High example may Tables. And I find that -
be pleaded in favour of the current division; but The natural amanta Jyêshtha krishna 15 ended only example, and nothing more. For, so far as at about 48 ghats 45 palas, after mean sunrise, the present writer is aware, Kayyata and for Bankåpur, on Thursday, 23rd June, A. D. Någôjfbhatta have not given any reasons for 1267; on which day there was no eclipse of the their adherence to it. The fact of their adherence sun. But the intercalated amanta Jyështha can be explained away, by supposing that they krishna 15 ended, as required, on Wednesday, were too much absorbed with their commentaries 25th May, A. D. 1267, at about 20 gh. 45 p.; and to bestow any time on such a comparatively on this day there was an eclipse of the sun, unimportant work as formal improvement in the visible in India.
text they were dealing with. By the way, why This record is of interest, in giving an instance should not the name of the author of the Bhashya. of the quotation of the new-moon tithi as the pradipa be spelt as Kayyaţa P The analogy of thirtieth tithi of the month, instead of as the Mammata and Ubbata speaks in favour of thie fifteenth tithi of the dark fortnight. An analo- form, as against the other ordinary forms of gous instance is to be found in an inscription at Kaiyata and Kaiyyata. It is supported by Jaynagar in the Mongir District, Bengal Presi- ancient MSS. as well. dency, dated in the reign of Madanapaladeva,
GOVINDA DASA. " the year 16 (P), Åsvina 30." But there is nothing Durgakund, Benares.
* id. pp. 228, 229, and Plate 114.--Soe also the Dégéve 1 . id. pp. 288, 289, and Plate 119. inacription of Kaliyuga-Samvat 4275 expired, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 986, No. 17.
Archaol. Surv. Ind. Vol. III. Pl. xlv., No. 17, line 4. • The actual reading in the original is varufada.
10 See Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's remarks, ante, Vol. XVI. The actual reading is jeshta.
p. 114.

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MAY, 1899.)
GRANT OF JAYACHCHANDRA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1232.
129
COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF THE KINGS OF KANAUJ.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from page 21). E.-Benares College Copper-Plate Grant of Jayachchandra.
The (Vikrama) year 1232. T HE plate which holds this inscription appears to have been discovered, about twenty years
1 ago, by a man ploughing about six miles north-east of the city of Benares, at a village named Sihvar;' and it is now deposited in the Library of the Benares Sanskrit College. The text of it has been published before, by Babû Sivaprasad, in the Pandit, Vol. IV. pp. 95-96 (September, 1869).
The inscription is on a single plate, measuring about 201" by 10", and inscribed on one side only. The edges of it were partly fashioned thicker, and partly raised into rims, to protect the writing; but the middle portion of the inscribed surface is somewhat worn. In the centre of the plate there is a crack, caused by tearing out the ring, and extending twothirds of the way down from the top; and another, extending about two inches up from the bottom; so that the plate is almost in two pieces. Also, the lower proper right corner is broken away, causing the loss of twelve aksharas. But these, and the damaged akslutrits elsewhere, can easily be supplied; and, with the exception of two or three aksharad in line 20, there is no doubt whatever about the actual reading of any part of the inscription. In the upper part of the plate, there is a hole for a ring. But the ring has been abstracted, by slitting the plate from the ring-hole to the edge; and, with the seal attached to it, is not now forthcoming. - The average size of the letters is about ". The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. The inscription is carefully written, and in respect of orthography I have only to note that b is denoted by the sign for v everywhere except in babhramur,1 line 9; and that the dental sibilant has been seven times employed for the palatal sibilant, and the palatal seven times for the dental sibilant. A few other mistakes will be pointed out in the text.
The inscription is one of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárdjádhiraja, and Paramésvara, Jayachchandradova, who records that, when at Benares, on the occasion of performing the ceremony of giving a name to (his) the king's, son Haribchandra, he granted the two villages of Sarau[] and [XP]mayt, situated in the Ma[na]ra pattuld, to the Brühman, the mahapandita Hrishikêśaśarman. And the date on which this grant was made, is stated, both in words and in decimal figures, to have been, - Sunday, the 13th lunar day of the bright half of Bhadrapada, of the year 1232. The grant was written by the mahákshapatalika, or great keeper of records, the l'hakkura Sripati.
As regards the date, taking 1232 to be a year of the Vikrama era, the possible equivalents for Bhadrapada sukla 13 would be :
for the northern year 1232 current, - Monday, 12 August, A.D. 1174 ; for the northern year 1232 expired, or
the southern year 1232 current, - Sunday, 31 August, A. D. 1175; for the southern year 1232 expired, - Friday, 20 August, A.D. 1176. The actual date, therefore, clearly is Sunday, 31 August, A. D. 1176; but our record furnishes no means of deciding whether the year 1232 spoken of should be taken to be the northern expired year or the southern current year.
The villagos granted, and the pattalá in which they were situated, I am unable to identify.
1 The same romark applies to every one of the following six inscriptions (F to K). - On that day, the 13th tithi of the bright fortnight ended about 15 h. 50 m. After mean sunrise.

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130
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1889.
TEXT.
1 Om svasti 11 Akanthôtkantha-Vaikuntha-kanthapitha-luthat-karaḥ samrambhah
surat-arambhê sa Sriyaḥ śrêyasê=stu vah | Asido-Abitadyuti-vamśa-jâta
kshmâ pâla-ma2 lásu divam gatásu sakshad-Vivasvânziva bhůri-dhamna namna Yakovigraha
ity=udarah 11 Tat-suto=bhûn-Mahichamdrag=cbamdra-dhama-nibhain nijam
yên=param= ků. 3 pára-piré vyâ paritam yasala || Tasy-abhût=tanayo nay-aika-rasikah krânta-dvishan
mandaló vidhvast-oddhata-dhira-yodha-timirah śr-Chandradevo mripah
yên=ôdâ ratara4 pratapa-sa(sa)mit-aśêsha-praj-padravam érima l-Gadhipur-adhirajyam-asama dôr
vvikramênciriji(tam) 1 Tirthâni Kaki-Kusik-Ottarakobal-Endrahsthaniyalo.
kani paripilayatadhiga5 myal hêm=Atma-talyam=anišar dadatà dvijebhyê yên=ankita vasumati satasas
tulâbhih | Tasyritmajó Madanapala itikshitindra-chůdamaņir=v vijayatê
nija-gôtra-chandraḥ | ya. 6 sy-abhisheka-kalas-6llasi(si)taih payôbhih prakshälita kali-rajah-patalam dharitryâh 11
Yasyllaasid-vijaya-prayaņa-samaye tangichal-ôchchais-chalan-madyat-kumbhi
pada-kram-- 7 sama-bhara-bhraśyan-mahimamale chůdaratna-vibhinna-tala-galita-styân-assig-udbhasi
(si)tah Sdshah pôsha-12 yas(si)d=iva kshanam-asau krôde, nilin-ananaḥ
Tasmad13-ajayata nij-aya. 8 ta-vá(ba)huvalli-va(ba)mdh-avaruddha-nava-rajya-gajo narendrah | sâmdr-amrita-drava
mucbam prabhavð gavân yê Govinda chandra iti chandra iv-Amvu
(mburåsê(6)b 11 Nal katham-apy=alabhanta rana-kshamannsati9 spishu dikshu gajân-atha Vajriņah kakubhi babhramar-Abhramuvallabha-prati
bhatá iva yasya ghața-gajâh | Ajani16 Vijayachandro nama tasman
narendraḥ surapatir=i10 va bhůbhrit-paksha-vichchh da-dakshah bhuvana-dalana-hela-harmmya-Hamvi(mbi)ra
nari-nayana-jalada-dhårâ-dhauta-bhůlôka-tâpalı 11 Lókatray10-akramaņa-keli-vissim
khalâvi prakhyâta11 kîrtti-kavi-varnita-vaibhavâni yasya Trivikrama-pada-krama-bhâmji bhimti pröjjrim
bhayant:17 Va(ba)liraja-bhayam yasamsi | Yasmims-chalaty=udadhinêmi-mahi
jayârtham mádyat-ka12 rindra-guru-bhara-nipiditava 1 yâti Prajapati-pada sa(sa)ran-Arthini bhûs-tvangat
turanga-nivah-8ttha-rajas-chhaléna | Tasmad18-adbhuta-vikramadratha Jayach
chamdr-Abhidhanah pati13 r-bh û pânâm-avatirona @sha bhuvan-oddbaraya Narayanah | dvaidhibhavam=apasya
vigraha-ruchim dhikksitya sa sâ)nt-asayâḥ sevants yam=udagra-va(ba)ndhana
bhaya-dhvams-årthinah pârthivab 11 14 Gachchhên19-mûrchchhim-atuchchhin=na yadi kavalayêt-kärmma-prishth-abhighâta
pratyavřitta-sram-arttô namad-akhila-phaņa-svasa-vâtya-sahasra(sra) I udyôgê yasya dhavad-dharayidhara-dhuni-nirjha
.
.
• From the impression. Expressed by a symbol.
• Metre, Bloks (Anushtabh). • Metre, Indravajra.
Metre, Bloks (Anushtabh). * Metre, Serdilavikridita. • Metre, Vasantatilaka; and of the next verse.
19 Read Endrasthao. 11 Metre, Sardúlavikridita.
13 Read daisha- and compare ante, Vol. XV. p. 12, note 97. 13 Metre, Vasantatilaki. 14 Metre, Drutavilambita. 16 Metre, MAlini. 16 Metro, Vasantatilaka; and of the next verse.
11 This (and not proddyBtayanti) is the reading also in line 11 of the Faizabad plate of Jayachchandra, ante, Vol. XV. p. 6. 18 Metre, Bardúlavikridita..
19 Metre, Sragdhara.

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Mural होतात कार का पीटल ठक्त मानसन सस्ताव निशियाने तुतः।। नालीदशीतयुतितराहातालमा । 21 तासदित गतामा चितवानिवतरित साना माशोगि तामात सुनो तमही तदर्शद सामानिमिडीस लागत
पारालेगाव ताशातल्यात वनयो नयेत उतिक कादि 4
लोदिता इतकी मोतति निराशीतटरेवान पाय जोहार भूप तातो वा पर योगविवाघमस मंदोविक गानि ॥ी निकाशिकायतोतकाराने हातावकालि पहिमालयना किया
मानला जानिएर र ताधितो टोनाहिता तमाम तीरातशालानिमातियात्मडौनद ट पलिहतिक्लिा तहानी वितरातनिरगोन तरीका पतितकलगोलागते त्योति प्रचालिततलि पर लगाया मा घता हा प्रया।। मम हो तुपातलाशुलना हा कुन्निपद प्रामा ANDA डाला वहाततितिन्नतालानित त्याना' गाशितलविदनादवका नसो कोडनिलीनाननहा तनाद ताटातनिहाय विचलितमान वानजे हा सादाम तापवता प्रतितोगयो गोविन्द उदाति तंदर तान्तु वासानलमपलजन्नस मानि
परिजनहताalagतिपत में समानत प्रतितो तस्य चराता मतितितरा दोनामतवान तुरापाताय L तातावकर दातुन दल तहलाहना ८ ति नानलिरापानातानलोक तापलो नसामा लिातरतानिपुरवात | chiliold तालत तवानिय प्रावितितपतilsiपाहता त्रिवालाडलारा गांजा भासल पुरविनामिन्ही उ याप्त मा दान। बडगुतापनि पीडित तारातिपुलपति र नापत्तिजनहाउस डाकले नाता दाततित हा रसडालितानः पतिः ।
पाक प्रत तीनपातनाका पाटान मायावतात. विगविकिनरसाना राहा होतोटा मुट गवं वनराय सार्मिन पातिता ।। Wion महारादिकवलो तार जातिवाद सामान दाशले समस्याऽद्योग वसावकातिर तानिज कापसात गाती होलीवदलत रानी मुरमा समता वालदाउ मातमी कमाई 301
ION ममाहेरखतनिउनलोणालयाहनdhanlanादपोशाकमजाजाविपरमावता हाहा । श्रीमदनपाल र तपादानुवातपातसमम पापमानवालाहरगतिमानवविवातावाना NिANCIVITथीगोविन्द रदतपादानथापनमहाय जामापाताडवातनावतिराउन विवातावविता दादा वतियोजित टूव का दाना-बामातरमहानिरासतमानाति राजवयातिपतितितिवतिहाति । | पनि मतपतोविड मतपती नाराजला तडिनातान पगतानापवतात माहीत LOS५ प्रदीरजातितरतdianRHA का पुलकसायानाकरहानाकुलातिकातनवादा।।। |पतियारसतितनिरितमdadiपाननिरिमामालाला सलाहकारसमलातरोधातासागतनजिकका तामन वतन वालातरidanसामनायव महाकावीशानशाततनादरागतसंवसरलादमानित गुनासो मनहरातदिने शोपिसतारामदारवादयामाजिरावा या गीत जतातावितिका तनु वापरात्रपाणिवातिनिरपरले पारबहान मोतिष पनिटी लिपतिरात तसेट मनपातु तनावमा तानाता साततलिय पायसनातिनातिना पायगोलियो वनातिकतकालतातला तलादत प्रा
गाशा गोतायतामता नामावली र गोतात मागमहापडितली दीवापोवा (सहानिया तथालेपवासापड 10शरीवानमायाशी दिलामाकरितदार मातहासमा प्रदती नसावतादीनानतातोगत रापतापकल U9REONनतमसरमा दायानावितगीतासात तानतालाबनवानरत प्रतिमानियन नियकातातील पायत
रनताराaddroBirदानस्यामानामत पारगावसहयामिति सातत्तामात्रामा वाम गाता MainनHalasanardenातायातमन्तवतात वापतागमतावलमतन्त्रमनपात मरताहातालमा पा
नारसनातनवाया हरागाहामातात.सहमहालातवहान नायवराङ्गकोट राहीसिना धरान " न जातात ALLAVARतिवमकालिन पवमाधाना गाना नहायागतात यशतमाताकोटिपदान नानामह - नाता सतानताना नियमितगतताना सामान नसतनपा मालकालातमायानवागावातात तितमनिदवसमाजवा साविष्ठा तो मा UKAHNASलाम्मान dिi सरगमहालाका तानातदतामुपदकामहारपलिकठकाशति
Benares College Plate of Jayachchandra.--The Year 1232.
HA
-. R NAMA MANTRAyat W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
J.F. FLEET, BO.C.s.
SCALE 41

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MAY, 1889.)
GRANT OF JAYACHCHANDRA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1232.
131
15 ra-sphäradhára-bhraśyaddana-dvip-ali-va(ba)hala-bhara-galad-dhairya-mudrab phânîndrah 11
So-yam samasta-raja-chakra-satisê vita-charanah[io] Sa cha paramabhattaraka
maharajadhiraja-pa16 rameávara - paramam ihêsvara- nijabhujôpárjjita -śriKanyakuvj(bj)adhipatya-briChandra
deva-p.idanadhyâta-paramabhattâ raka-maharijadbiraja-param śvara-paramamahêáva17 ra-sriMadanapaladeva - pâdanudhyâta - paramabhattaraka-mahârâjâdhiraja - paramêśvara
paramamahêávar-asvapatigaja patinarapatirajatrayadhipati-vividhavidyavichara Vachaspati - GriGovindachandradeva - pâdanudhyâta - paramabbattāraka - mahå
rajadhiraja - paramèsvara-paramamah svar-asvapatigajapatinarapatirajatrayâdhipati
vividhavi19 dyavichara Vichaspati - Sri Vijayachandradeva - pádAnudhyata - paramabhattáraka - mahA
râjâdhiraja - paramèávara - paramamahêśvar-aśvapatigajapatinarapatirkjatrayâdhipati
vividhavidyavi20 chårn Vichaspati-srimaj-Jayachchandradevo vijayi 11 1120 MA[na]ra-pattalayam 20
Sarau(A) - 120 [AP]lmayi-grâmayôrænnivåsinô nikhila-janapadan=upagatanrapi
cha raja-råjäi-yu21 varija-mantri-parobita-pratihậra-sênâ pati-bhandigarik - Akshapatalika - i bhijshag-naimittik
Antahpurika-dûta-karituragapattanakaraathanagôkuladhikari-purushận=A22 jñApayati (bô)dhayaty-adišati cha [1] Viditam-astu bhavatâm yath-parilikhita
grâmau sa-jala-sthalau sa-10ha-lavan-akarau sa-matay-akaran sa-gartt-Ösharau
88-giri-gabada-nidha23 nau sa-madhak-Amra-vana-vaţika-vitapa-triņa-yati-g[cha"]ra-paryantau 8-6[rddhv-ajdha
[san] cbaturaghita-visuddhau Sva-sîmâ-paryantau dvatrinbad-adhike
dvadasa-bata-samvatsard Bhadró masi 24 bukla-pakshe trayodakyan-tithau Ravi-dine ankato-pi samvat 1982 Bhadra
su di 18 Bavau ady=éha srimad-vijaya-VAraṇasya Gang-odakéna
snätvå vidhivan-maṁtra-deva25 muni-manaja-bhůta-pitrigaņâms-tarppayitva timira-patala-påtana-pata-mahasam-Ushna
rôchisham-upasthây-Aushadhipati-sakala-sê(še)k harat samabhyarchchya tribhu
vanatråtar=bhagavató VA26 sudêvasya pajan vidhya prachura-påyasəna havish& havirbhujan hutva mata
pitrôreitmanas=cha puộya-yasô-bhivriddhayê asmabhiraggőkarņoa-kusalat A-púta
karatal-6daka-pû 27 rvvakań Sirkkaråksha-gðtriya Bhârggava-Chyavan-Åpnavân-Aurvva-Jámadagnyéti
pancha.pravarậya maha pandita-sri-Mahidhara-pautrảya mahâmiérapaṁdita-śrf
Ale-patriya mahậpamdi28 ta-bri-Hrishikêśasarmma e vra(bra)hmanaya râjaputra-sri-Haribohandra-namakarane
chandr-arkkam yavach=chhåbanfksitya pradattau mathå(tva) yathadiyamana
bhagabhôgakara-pravanikara29 prabhriti-niyatâniyata-samast-adAyân-ajāávidhøylbhaya dasyath=éti 11 11 Bhavanti che
atra, 616kah 11 Bhumima yab pratigrihnå (họA)ti ya cha bhQmim prayach
chhati ubhau tau punya-karmånau 30 niyatam svargga-gaminau II Sarakham bhadr-âsanaṁ chchhatram 23 var-ásvá (sv) vara
vårankh bhůmi-danasya chihpáni phalam-êtat-Paramdara || Shashthi(shti)
varsha-Babasra (srk)ại svarggé vasati bhůmi-daß dcbcbbêtta cheinumanta si cha tánymêva narakê vasêt | Va(ba)hubhireytasudh bhukta rajabhib Sagar
Adibhib yasya yasya yadê bhůmis-tasya tasya tada phalan 11 Gamekam svar nam-kam cha bhumérapyékam angulaṁ baran=narakam-ipno
* These signs of punctuation are superduous. * This akshara is very doubtfal. » Read chhattrai.
* Metro, Shoks (Anushtabh); and of the next eight vorues.

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132
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
May, 1889.
32 [tı ya*]24vad-ahůtasaṁplavam | Sva-dattam para-dattâm và yê haréta vasumdharam
sa vishthâyâm krimir-bhûtvå pitsibhiḥ saha majjati || Vâri-hînêshy aranyeshu
sushka-kotara-vasinaḥ kṣishņa-sa(sa)rpas cha jîyante 33 [dêva-bra*Jhma-sva-håriņah 11 Na visham visham=ity=ahureyra(bra)hma-svam visham
uchyatê | visham=ékâkina hanti yra(bra)hma-sva (sva)m patra-pautrika | Tadaginâm sal.asré(sre)ņa vâjapêya-satêna chal gavam koti-pradânêna
bhûmi-ha34 [rta na fujhyati Sarvvân 2-otan bhavinah parthiv-endrán bhûyê bhay8
yachate Ramabhadrah I sâmányo=yam [dha]rmma-sêturwnpipanan kal8 kâle
pålanîyê bhavadbhih 11 Vât28-abhra-vibhramam=idam vasudh-adhipatyam=i35 [patamâtra-]madhurâ vishay-Ôpabhôgah priņís=tsin-igra-jalavimdo-sama narâņam
dharmmah sakha pa[ra]m-ahô para-16ka-yanê 11 Likhitam cheedam tâmrapattakam mahákshapatalika-thakkura-sri-Sripatibhir-iti il
TRANSLATION.
May it be well! (L. 1.)-May the agitation of Lakshmi daring the amorous dalliance, when her hands wander over the neck of Vaikuntha filled with eager longing, bring you happiness!
After the lines of the protectors of the earth born in the solar race had gone to heaven, there came a noble (personaye) Yalovigraha by name, (who) by his plentiful splendour (was) as it were the sun incarnate.
(L. 2.)-His son was Mahichandra, who spread his boundless fame, resembling the moon's splendour, (even) to the boundary of the ocean.
(L. 3.)-His son was the king, the illustrious Chandradava, whose one delight was in statesmanship, who attacked the hostile hosts (and) scattered the haughty brave warriors as (the moon does the) darkness. By the valour of his arm he acqnired the matchless sovereignty over the glorious Gadhipura, 37 when an end was pat to all distress of the people by his most noble prowess.
Protecting the holy bathing-places of KABİ, Kusik, Uttarakosala, and the city of Indra,2after he had obtained them, (and) incessantly bestowing on the twice-born gold equal (in weight) to his body, he hundreds of times marked the earth with the scales (on which he had himself weighed).
(L.5.)- Victorious is his son Madanapala, the crest-jewel of the rulers of the earth, the moon of his family. By the sparkling waters from his coronation-jars the coating of impurity of the Kali-age was washed off from the earth
When he went forth to victory, the one of the earth bent down beneath the excessive weight of the footsteps of his rutty elephants marching along, tall as towering mountains : then, as if suffering from cold, Sêsha, radiant with the clotted blood that trickled from his palate pierced by the orest-jewel, hid this face for a momont in his bosom,20
(L. 7.)- As the moon, whose rays diffuse in abanda de Mqaid nectar, from the ocean, so was born from him the ruler of men, Govinda harera, Who bestowed cows giving abundant milk. As one restrains an (untrained) elephant, so be secured by hic creeper-like long arms the newly-acquired) kingdom.30
When his war-elephants had in three quarters it pomise' found elephants their equals for combat, they roamed about in the region of the Wielder of the thunderbolt like rivals of the mate of Abhramu.31
The akaharas in brackets at the commencement of this and the following lines are broken away. 36 Metre, Balint.
28 Metre, Vasantatilaka. 71 i.e. Kanyakubja. See ante, Vol. XV. p. 8, note 16.
* See ib. p. 12, note 97. 30 See ib. p. 9, note 43. 31 See ib. p. 9, note 49.

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MAY, 1889.] GRANT OF JAYACHCHANDRA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1232.
(L. 9.) From him was born the ruler of men, Vijayachandra by name, expert in destroying the hosts of (hostile) princes, as the lord of the gods (was) in clipping the wings of the mountains. He swept away the affliction of the globe by the streams (of water flowing as) from clouds from the eyes of the wives of the Hambira, the abode of wanton destruction to the earth.
His bright fame which met with no check in its playful course through the three worlds, (and) whose glory was sung by poets of known renown, made intense the fear of king Bali when it strode along like Trivikrama.32
When he went out to conquer the earth girt by the ocean, the earth, distressed as it were by the heavy weight of his ratty royal elephants, went33 seeking protection up to the throne of Prajapati, in the guise of the dust rising from the multitude of his prancing horses.
(L. 12.)-After him, possessed of wonderful valour, (comes) the lord of princes named Jayachchandra; he is Narayana, having become incarnate for the salvation of the earth. Having put aside (all) dissension (and) cursing (their own) liking for war, peacefully disposed princes pay homage to him, seeking to rid themselves of the intense dread of the punishment (inflicted by him).
133
When he puts forth his might, the lord of serpents has his reputed strength failing under the great weight of the lines of elephants whose rutting-juice dows down in broad streams resembling torrents rushing down from moving mountains; distressed by the exertion of turning up again when pressed down upon the back of the tortoise, he would completely faint away if he did not inhale the thousand strong breezes from all his bending hoods.
-
(L. 15.)-He it is who has homage rendered to his feet by the circle of all Rújas. And he, the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárájádhirája, and Paramésvara, the devout worshipper of Mahêsvara, the lord over the three Rajas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants, and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Jayachchandradeva, who meditates on the feet of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárújádhirája, and Paramésvara, the devout worshipper of Mahêévara, the lord over the three Rájas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants, and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Vijayachandradeva, - who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárájádhirája, and Paramésvara, the devout worshipper of Mahêévara, the lord over the three Rajas (vis.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants, and the lord of men, (like) Brihaspati in investigating the various sciences, the illustrious Govindachandradeva, who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhaṭṭáraka, Mahárájádhirája, and Paramésvara, the devout worshipper of Mahêévara, the illustrious Madanapaladeva, who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárájádhirája, and Paramésvara, the devout worshipper of Mahêévara, the illustrious Chandradeva, who by his arm had acquired the 'sovereignty over the glorious Kanyakubja :
―
(L. 20.)-He, the victorious, commands, informs, and decrees to all the people assembled, resident at the villages of Sarau[da] and [AP]may135 in the Ma[na]ra pattalá, and also to the Rájas, Rajnis, Yuvarajas, counsellors, chaplains, warders of the gate, commanders of troops, treasurers, keepers of records, physicians, astrologers, superintendents of gynæceums, messengers, and to the officers having authority as regards elephants, horses, towns, mines(?), sthánas and gokulas:-36
—
(L. 22.)-Be it known to you that, after having bathed here to-day in the water of the Ganges at the glorious Varanasi, (the town) of victory, after having duly satisfied the sacred texts, divinities,37 saints, men, beings, and the group of ancestors, after having worshipped the sun whose splendour is potent in rending the veil of darkness, after having praised him whose crest is a portion of the moon,38 after having performed adoration of the haly Vâsudêva, the
See ib. p. 12, note 98.
33 The original has the present tense.
The first syllable of this name is doubtful. See ib. p. 10, note 55
34 Asvapati, Gajapati, and Narapati; see ib. p. 9, note 52.
36 See ib. p. 9, note 54 38 i.e. Siva.

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134
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAI, 1889.
protector of the three worlds, after having sacrificed to fire an oblation with abundant milk rice and sugar, - we have, in order to increase the merit and the fame of our parents and ourself, on Sunday, the thirteenth lunar day in the bright half of the month Bhadra, in the twelve-hundred-and-thirty-second year, in figures too, on Sunday, vu. di. 18 of Bhadra, in the year 1232, -on (the occasion of) giving a name to the king's son, the illustrious Harischandra, given the two) above-written villages with their water and dry land, with their mines of iron and salt, with their fisheries, with their ravines and saline wastes, with the treasure in their hills and forests, with and including their groves of madhúka and mango trees, enclosed gardens, bushes, grass and pasture land, with what is above and below, defined as to their foar abattals, up to their proper boundaries, to the Brahman, the mahápandita the illustrious Hrishikeśasarman, son of the mahamiérapanditase the illustrious Hald, son's son of the mahapandita the illustrious Mahidhara, of the Sarkaráksha gôtra, (and) whose five pravaras are Bhargava, Chyavana, Åpnavâna, Aurva, and Jåmadagnya, - (confirming our gift) with (the pouring out) from the palm of our hand (of) water purified with kusa grass..... (and) ordaining (that it shall be his) as long as moon and san (endure). Aware of this), you, being ready to obey (our) commands, will make over (to him) every kind of income, fixed and not fixed, the due share of the produce, the pravaņikara, and so forth.
(L. 29.) And on this (subject) there are the following) verses :-[Here follow eleven of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses, which it is unnecessary to translate]
(L. 35.)- And this copper-plate grant has been written by the great keeper of records, the Thakkura, the illustrious Sripati.
F.-Bengal Asiatio Society's Copper-Plate Grant of Jayachchandra.
The (Vikrama) year 1298. The plates which hold this and the following five inscriptions (G.-K.) were found, in 1823, by a peasant at work in a field near the confluence of the river Varana (the Burnah' of the maps) with the Ganges, close to Benares; and they are now deposited in the Library of the Bengal Asiatic Society. Excepting some slight differences of orthography and occasional errors, the introductory portions of these six inscriptions, up to the words órimaj-Jayachchandradevo vijayi, are entirely the same as that of the inscription E, lines 1-20; and in the subsequent parts, too, the wording of these grants agrees so closely with the wording of E, that a full translation would be superfluous. I shall therefore, in the following, give only the essential portion of the text of each inscription, and shall point out what may be of any importance, in my introductory remarks.
This inscription is on a single plate, measuring abnut 20%" by 16", and inscribed on one side only. The edges of it were partly fashioned thicker than the inscribed surface, and were partly raised or beaten up into rims; and the preservation of the writing is perfect, so that there is no doubt whatever about the actual reading of any part of the inscription. The ringhole is in the upper part of the plate. The ring, which had been cut when the grant came ander Mr. Fleet's notice, is about thick and 5' in diameter. It fits easily into a round hole in the bottom part of a bell-shaped seal, which is about 3' high. The surface of the seal is circular, about 3}" in diameter; and on it, in relief on a slightly countersunk surface, there are - at the top, a representation of Garuda, with the body of a man and the head and wings of a bird, kneeling half to the front and half to the proper right, and with his head turned full round in profile to the proper right; across the centre, the legend érímaj-Jayachcham®]dradevah Il; and at the bottom, a sarkha-shell. - The average size of the letters is about ". The engraving is fairly good ; bat, in the usual manner, the interiors of most of the letters show marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The plate is thick and substantial; and
* This word appears to signify a great scholar, deserving of the honorifo title mitra (Hale-mitra). * On gokarna, see ib. p. 10, note 57.
41 See ib. p. 10, note 58. 1 See Ariatic Researches, Vol. XV. pp. 446 and 459.

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MAY, 1889.7 GRANT OF JAYACHCHANDRA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1233.
135
the letters, being rather shallow, do not show through on the reverse side of it at all. The characters are Någart, and the language is Sanskrit. In respect of orthography, I need only note that b is denoted by the sign for v everywhere except in the word babhramur, and that the dental sibilant has been fourteen times employed for the palata) sibilant, and the palatal six times for the dental sibilant.
This inscription also is one of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahdrájádhiraja, and Paramétvara, Jayachchandradeva, who records that, when at Benares, he granted the village of Godanti, situated in the Paschima-chchhapana pattald in Antarvédi, together with its two patakas called Ghantismauyl and Nitamauyt, to the rduta Rajyadharavarman, son of the mahamahattaka, the thakura Vidyadhara, and son's son of the mahdmahattaka, the thakleura Jagaddhara, a Kshatriya of the Vatsa gôtra, whose five pravaras were Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnavâna, Aurva, and Jåmadagnya. And the date on which this grant was made, is stated, both in words and in decimal figures, to have been, - Saturday, the 10th lunar day of the bright half of Vaisakha, of the year 1233. Like the preceding, this grant was written by the mahdkshapatalika, or great keeper of records, the Thakkura Sripati.
The term páfaka, which occurs in the above, is by lexicographers explained to mean -grámaikadeia a part of a village ;' and comparing the use of the word in lines 16 and 17 of the inscription K below, and in line 14 of the inscription of Govindachandra) of the year 1187 (not 1180) published in the Journal Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LVI. Part I. p. 109, I understand the word to denote the ontlying portion of a village, or a kind of hamlet which had a Dame of its own, but really belonged to a larger village. In the present case, the village of Gôdanti, granted by the king, had two such hamlets, named Ghanțiâmaayi and Nitâmauyi respectively.
As regards the date, taking 1233 to be a year of the Vikrama era, the possible equivalente for Vaisakha sukla 10 would be :
for the northern year 1233 current, - Friday, 2 May, A.D. 1175; for the northern year 1233 expired, or
the southern year 1233 current, — Tuesday, 20 April, A.D. 1176; for the southern year 1233 expired, - Saturday, 9 April, A.D. 1177. The actual date, therefore, clearly is Saturday, 9 April, A.D. 177, and the calculation shows that the year 1233, mentioned in our record, was the southern Vikrame year 1988, expired, i.e. the northern year 1235, current.
Of the localities mentioned, Antarvédi is the Doab, or district between the Ganges and Yamunâ rivers. The village granted, and the pattald in which it was situated, I am unable to identify
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT. 20. ...... .srimaj-Jayachchandradevo vijayi 11 11 Antarvvédyarh
Pabchimachchhapana-pattalâyám 1° Ghamtiamauyi Nitamauyt 2 saha 21 sa-pata ka-Godanti-gråms-nivåsin[8] nikhila-janapadân-apagatân=api cha raja-rajii
yuvarâja-matri-purðhita-pratihära-sênåpati - bhåndagårik - akshapatalika . bhishag.
• naimi22 ttik-Antahpurika-data-karitaragapattank karasthånagðkulâdhikari-purushån=kjpapayati vô.
(bő)dhayaty=&disati cha [1] Viditam=astu bhavatar yath-parilikhita-grimah 88-jala
The published text and the translation of it aro incorrect. The actual reading of the plato is distinctly Bhaluri-patakana saha 'together with the pataka Bhalurt' (not part of Baluri' (t)).
son that day the 10th tithi of the bright fortnight commenced about mean sunrise, and it ended 1 h. 4 m, before sunrise of the following day.
+ From the impression.
6 Up to this, the text of the insoription, excepting some differences of spelling, is the same as that of the inscription E.
• These signs of panctuation are superfluous.

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136
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1889.
23 sthalaḥ sa-lôha-lavan-akaraḥ sa-matay-âkaraḥ sa-gartt-ôsharaḥ sa-giri-gahana-nidhanaḥ sa-madhûk-âmra-vana-vâțika-vitapa-trina-yûti-gôchara-paryantaḥ 8-ôrdhv-âdhag
chatur-âghâ
24 ta-visu(su)ddhaḥ sva-sîmâ-paryantal 16 traya[s*]trimsa(sa)d-adhika-dvadaka-kata-sam(m)vatsare Vaisa(sa)khe masi su(su)kla-pakshê dabamyam tithau Sa(sa)ni-dinė ankato-pi sam(m)vat 1233 Vaisa(sa)kha su di 10 Sa(sa)nau ady-e
25 ha śrîmad-vijaya-Varanasyam
Gamglyk snâtvå
vidhivan-mamtra-dêva-muni
timira-patala-pâtana-patu-mahasam-Ushna
manuja-bhûta-pitriganams-tarppayitvâ richisham-apaathay-O(au)shadhipati
26 sakala-sekharam samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-trâtur-bhagavatô Vasudevasya půjâm prachura-payasêna havishâ havirbhujam hutvå mâtâ-pitror âtmanas-cha punya-yaśô-bhivriddhayê a
vidhaya
27 småbhir=ggokarṇna-kusalata-pûta-karatal-ôdaka-pûrvvakam
Vatsa-gôtraya BharggavaChyavan-Apnavân-Aurvva-Jamadagny-êti-pamcha-pravaraya mahâmahattaka-thak
kura-ári-Jagaddhara-pautraya mahamaha
28 ttaka-thakkura-śrî-Vidyadhara-putraya râuta-éri-Rajyadharavarmmanê kshatriyaya chamdr-arkkain yavach-chhâsanikṛitya pradattô matvâ yathadiyamâna
bhagabhôgakara-pravanikara-prabhṛiti-niyatâni
29 yata-samast-âdâyan-âjñâvidhêyîbhaya dasyath= ê ti Bhavanti cheâtra ślôkaḥ 17 Likhitam chêdam tamrapaṭṭakam Sripatibhiḥ ||
35.
mahakshapatalika-thakkura-ri
G.-Another Bengal Asiatic Society's Copper-Plate Grant of Jayachchandra. The (Vikrama) year 1233.
This inscription also is on a single plate, measuring about 21" by " and inscribed on one side only. The edges of it were fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surface; and the preservation of the writing is perfect. The ring-hele is in the upper part of the plate. The ring, which had been cut when the grant came under Mr. Fleet's notice, is about " thick and 5" in diameter. It fits very tightly into a round hole in the bottom part of the usual bellshaped seal, which is about 3" high. The surface of the seal is circular, about 3 in diameter; and on it, in relief on a slightly countersunk surface, there are at the top, a representation of Garuda, exactly as in F. above; across the centre, the legend śrimaj-Jayachcha[*]dradevaḥ II; and at the bottom, a sankha-shell. The average size of the letters is about ". The engraving is fairly good; but, as usual, the interiors of most of the letters shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The plate is thick and substantial; and the letters, which are rather shallow, do not show through on the reverse side of it at all. The characters are Nâgart, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, b is denoted by the sign for v everywhere except in the word babhramur; the dental sibilant has been eighteen times employed for the palatal sibilant, and the palatal once for the dental sibilant; sha has taken the place of kha in sésharam, line 23; and the conjunct mera has been employed instead of mra in amura, line 21, and támurakami, line 34,
-
This inscription also is one of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárájádhirája, and Paraméévara, Jayachchandradeva, who records that, when at Benares, he granted the village of Kotharavandhari, in the Kosamba pattalá, to the Kshatriya Rajyadharavarman, mentioned as donee in the preceding inscription. The date, too, is the same as that of the inscription F.: and this grant also was written by the mahdkshapatalika, the Thakkura Sripati.
These signs of punctuation are superfluous.
Here follow (differently arranged) the same benedictive and imprecatory verses as in E, 3xcept that for the verse beginning gam-8kih varnnam-ékah cha we have here the verse beginning yan-tha dattáni purd narendraiḥ.

Page #151

MAY, 1889.)
GRANT OF JAYACHCHANDRA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1234.
137
Among the taxes, etc., to be paid to the donee, this inscription, in addition to the bhdgabhogakara and provanikara, in line 26 enumerates the yamalikúmbali, which is also mentioned below in the inscription H, line 29, and in I, line 25, and is called javalikámbali in J, line 25, and in K, line 24. I have not met with this technical term elsewhere, and am unable to explain it.
As regards the localities, the Kosamba pattalá evidently takes its name from KauśAmbi, with which has been identified the village of Kosam, on the left bank of the Yamuna, about 30 miles above Allahâbâd, which is said to have been a large and flourishing town, as late as a century ago. The village mentioned in the inscription I am unable to identify.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT,1 18. ..... .2-srimaj-Jayachchandradevo vijayi 11 119 Kosamva(ba)-pattalâyâm 19 Kotharavardhuri-grâma-nivåsinô nikhila-janapadan=upagatân=api cha raja-rajoi
yuvarâja-mantri-purohita-pratibâra-sênâ pati-bhandigârik-akshapada(ta)lika-bhishan
naimittik-ântahpurika-dûta-kari20 turagapattanakarasthậnagôkuladhikari-purushånrajñayapati vô(66)dhayaty-disati cha
yatha viditam=asta bhavatan yath=ôparilikhita-grâmah sa-jala-sthalal 88
10ha-lavan-akaral 88-matay-s21 karaḥ sa-gartt-shara[ho] sa-madhûk-&mvra(mra)-vana-vâţika-vitapa-triņa-yati-gôchara
paryantah -ôrddhvad haschaturâgháta-visu (so)ddhah Va-sima-paryantas
ritrimsaty-adhika'-dv&daba-bata-sara vatsaré Vaisa(a)kha-masi bushla(kla). 22 pakshe dabamyAr tithau Sa(ba)ni-dinė ankato=pi samvat 1233 Vaisa(wa)kha
su di 10 Sa(sa)nau ady=éha érimad-Varanasyam Gamgayam snätvå
vidhivan-mantra-dêva-muni-manaja-bhůta-pitriganáms-tarppayitva 23 timira- patala - patana-pata-mahasam-Ushộarochisham=upasthấy=0(au)shadhipatiosakala - sê.
(sl)sha(kha)ram samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-tråtur=Vvasudevasya pajam
vidhaya prachura-pâyasens havish& havirbhu24 jam hutvâ mâta-pitror=âtmanaś=cha punya-yaśô-bhivriddhayê asmabbiragôkarona
kusalati-pta-karatálddaka -pa[r]vakam Vatsa-gotrêya Bhârggava-Chyavana
Åpnavâna-Aurvva-Jámadagnya-pańcha-pravaraya 25 mabâ mahattaka-thakkura-sri-Jagadhvaddha)ra-paatråya mahåmahattaka-maháthakkura
sri-Vidyadhara-patrêya rauta-bri-Râjâ liya)dharavarmmanê kshatriyâya chandr.
Arkka[m] yêvachchhêsanîkritya pradâtta matva yath26 diyamâna-bhagabhôgakara-pravaņikara-yamalikamva(mba)li-prabhsiti-niyatâniyata - samast
Adâyên=jõ&vidhêyîbhaya dasyatb=êti | Bhavanti chəátra sl8(élő)kah 11? 33 .. ...... . ... ...... ....II Likhitam ch=édar 34 tâmvramra)ka[m] mahakshapatalike-thakkura-śrt-Sripatibhiḥ | Su(subham-asta 11 11
Mangalam mahå-brih 11 1.-Another Bongal Asiatic Society's Copper-Plate Grant of Jayachchandra.
The (Vikrama) year 1294. A translation of this inscription by Captain E. Fell, with remarks by H. H. Wilson, has been published in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. pp. 447-469.
This inscription also is on a single plate, measuring about 201" by 17%", and inscribed on one side only. The edges of it were partly fashioned thicker and partly raised into rims; and though in a few places the surface of the plate is slightly worn, the writing in general is well
1 From the impression.
1 Up to this, the text of the insoription, excepting some differences of spelling, is the same as that of the inscription E. 3 These signs of panctuation are superfluous.
* Read trayastrimlad-adhika.. . Read-karatal-ida ka..
Read pradatto. Here follow (differently arranged) the same benedictive and imprecatory verses as in F, except that for the verse beginning na vishath visham-ity=dhuh we have here the verae beginning yan-fha dattani purd narendruin.

Page #152

138
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1889
preserved. - The ring-hole is in the upper part of the plate. The ring, which had been cut when the grant came under Mr. Fleet's notice, is about " thick and 41" in diameter. It fits very tightly into a round hole in the bottom part of the usual bell-shaped seal, which is about 31" high. The surface of the seal is circular, about 3}" in diameter; and on it, in relief on a slightly countersunk surface, there are at the top, a representation of Garuda, exactly as in F. above; across the centre, the legend érímaj-Jayachchandradevah Il; and at the bottom, a sankha-shell. - The average size of the letters is between " and " The engraving is good; though, as usual, the interiors of some of the letters shew marks of the working of the engraver's toot. The plate is thick and substantial; and the letters, which are rather shallow, do not shew through on the reverse side of it at all. The characters are Nagart, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthograpby, b has been denoted by the sign for v everywhere except in the word babhramur; the deatal sibilant has been eighteen times employed for the palatal sibilant, and the palatal six times for the dental sibilant; sha has taken the place of kha in sé sharani, line 26; and the conjunct mura has been employed instead of mra in ámora, line 24, and támvrakaa, line 35; besides, the dental has occasionally been used instead of the lingual nasal, e.g., in uttarayana, line 25.
This inscription also is one of the Paramabhattáraka, Maharajadhiraja, and Paraméscara, Jayachchandradeva, who records that, when at Benares, he granted the village of Daupali, together with (what I consider to be four pațakas or outlying hamlets!) Vavaharapihe, Chata[ge]lauapall, Saravatatatalia, and Naugams, situated in the Ambulli pattala, on the banks of the D[ai]vaha, to the Kshatriya Rajyadharavarman, the donee of the preceding two inscriptions F and G. And the date on which this grant was made, is stated, both in words and in decimal figures to have been, - Sunday, the 4th lunar day of the bright balf of Pausha, of the year 1234, on the Uttarayaņa-Samkranti or commencement of the sun's progress upon its northern course. Like the preceding, this grant was written by the mahakshapatalika, the Thakkura Sripati.
As regards the date, taking 1234 to be a year of the Vikrama era, the possible equivalents for Pausha enkla 4 would be:- for the year 1234 current, - Tuesday, 7 December, A.D. 1176; and for the year 1234 expired, - Monday, 26 December, A.D. 1177. In A.D. 1176 the Uttarayana-Samkranti took place on December 25th, which, irrespective of the fact that the week-day would be wrong, shows at once that the day intended by the grant cannot possibly be December 7, A.D. 1176. In A.D. 1177, on the other hand, the Uttarayana-Samkrånti took place about 5 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, December 25th ; and the 4th tithi of the bright fortnight of Paushu commenced about 4 h. 53 m. after mean.sunrise of Sunday, December 25th. and ended about 6h. 35 m, after mean sunrise of Monday, December 26th. I therefore believe that the day intended is Sunday, 25 December, A.D. 1177, which was really the 3rd of the bright fortnight of Pausha; and that the meaning intended to be conveyed by the wording of the date is this, that the donation was made on Sunday, the day of the Uttarayana-Samkrânti, during that part of the day when the 4th tithi was running.- Accordingly 1234 has to be taken as the expired year; but, the day falling in the bright fortnight of Pausha, there is nothing to show whether the year should be regarded as a northern or southern year. The river and the localities mentioned in the inscription I am unable to identify.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT.2 20... ...3-śrîmaj-Jayachchandradevo vijayî | 11*D[ai]vah&-pårê Amvu
(mbu)Ali-pattalâyâm Vavaharapiha + Chata[ge]21 lauapali Saravatatatalia Naugams êtaih saha DoupAll-grâma-nivåsino
nikhila-janapadân=u pagatân=api cha râja rajñi-yuvara1 Compare lines 16 and 17 of the inscription K. below.
? From the impression. Up to this, the text of the inscription, excepting some differences of spelling, is the same as that of the inscription E.
. These signs of punctuation are superfluous.

Page #153

MAY, 1889.)
GRANT OF JAYACHCHANDRA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1236.
139
22 ja-ma[m]tri-purohita-pratihira-sênâpati-bhåndagårik-Akshapatalika-bhishan-naimittik-antah
purika-dûta-karituragapattanákarasthậnagókuladhikari-purushån=&jñapayati 23 vô(bo)dhayatyradišati cha yatha viditam=astu bhavatâm yath=ôparilikhita-gråmaḥ
sa-jala-sthalah sa-lôha-lavan-akaraḥ sa-matay-akaraḥ sa-gartt-sharah sa-giri
gahana-nidhanaḥ sa-madhů. 24 k-amyra(mra)-vana-vâţika-vitapa-triņa-yuti-gochara-paryantah . -ôrddhv-adbaś=cbatur
aghâta-visu(su)ddhaḥ sva-lima-paryantas-chatustrimsaty-adhika-dvadaba
sa(a)tasamvatsaré Paushe masi su(su)kla-pa25 kshe chaturthyan=tithau Ravi-dinê ankato=pi samvat 1284 Pausha su di
4 Ravau Uttarayana(na)-samkrantau ady=éha érimad-Varanasyam
Gamgayam spätvå vidhivan-mantra-deva-muni-manuja-bhů. 26 ta-pitriganámsætarppayitvå
timira-patala-påtana-patu-mabasam-Ushộarochishamapasthây=0(au)shadhipati-sakala-sêsha(kha)ram samabhyarchchya tribhuvana
tratur-Vvasudôvasya půjâm vidâya prachura-påyagêna 27 Lavishả havirbhujam hutvâ mâta-pitrôr=&tmanaś=cha punya-yaś6-bhivriddhayê
asmábhir-gôkarnna-kusalatå-påta-karatal-ôdaka-pûrvvakam Vatsa-gôtråya Bhârg
gava-Chyavana Apnavâna-Aarvva-Jâmadagnya-pa[icha)pravaraya mahậmahattaka-mahathakkura-sri-Jagaddhara-pauträys mahậmahattaka-maba
thakkura-śri-Vidyadhara-putrảya râuta-śrf-Rajyadharavarmmanê kshatriyaya
chandr-Arkka yávach=chhàsanîksitya pradatto ma29 två yathadiyamana-bhagabhôgakara-pravaņikara-yamalikåmva(mba)li-prabhřiti-niyatâniyata
samast-adâyân-Ajõkvidhêyîbhûya dasyath=êti || Bhavanti cheatra slökah 118
......!Likhitañ=ch=edan=tâm vra(mra)kar mahakshapatalika-thakkura36 sri-Sripatibhir=iti | || Su(su)bham=astu 11 | Mangalam maha-srih 11 I.-Another Bengal' Asiatic Society's Copper-Plate Grant of Jayachchandra.
The (Vikrama) year 1236. This inscription also is on a single plate, measuring about 20 by 151", and inscribed on one side only. The edges of it were partly fashioned thicker, and partly raised into rims; and the writing is well preserved throughout. Recently, a small triangular piece, cortaining eleven aksharas, has been broken away at the upper proper left corner; but it is preserved with the plate. - In the upper part of the plate, there is a hole for a ring. The ring and its seal are not now forthcoming. But it appears that they were found when the plate was discovered : and that the seal was bell-shaped, and had on it Garuda and a sankha-shell, and a legend giving the name of Jayach[ch]andra. - The average size of the letters is between and The engraving is fairly good, but, as usual, the interiors of some of the letters shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The plate is thick ; and the letters, which are rather shallow, do not shew through on the reverse side of it at all. The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, b has been denoted by the sign for v everywhere except in the word babhramur; and the dental sibilant has been eighteen times employed for the palatal sibilant, and the palatal seven times for the dental sibilant.
This inscription also is one of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárájádhiraja, and Paraméśvara, Jayachchandraddve, who records that, when in residence at Randavai on the Ganges, he granted the village of Dayaqama, situated in the Dayaqami pattalá, to the ráuta Rajyadharavarman, the donee of the preceding inscriptions. And the date on which this grant was made, is stated, both in words and in decimal figures, to have been, --Friday, the full moon tithi or
5 Read chatustrinsad..
• Here the inscription has, in a different order, the verses given in E., excepting the verses beginning svadattán para-dattar rd and na vishadi visham-ity=ahu; and the inscription adds the verse beginning yan-tha dattani purd narendraih.

Page #154

140
[MAT, 1889,
15th lunar day of the bright half of Vaisakha, of the year 1236. Like the preceding, this grant was written by the mahakshapatalika, the Thakkura Sripati.
As regards the date, taking 1236 to be a year of the Vikrama era, the possible equivalents for Vaisakha sukla 15 would be:
for the northern year 1236 current,
Wednesday, 3 May, A.D. 1178;
for the northern year 1236 expired, or the southern year 1236 current,
Monday, 23 April, A.D. 1179; for the southern year 1236 expired, Friday, 11 April, A.D. 1180.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
18
The actual date, therefore, clearly is Friday, 11 April, A.D. 1180; and the year 1236 of the grant must be taken to be the southern expired year, i.e. the northern year 1238 current. The localities mentioned in the grant I am unable to identify.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT,3
--
3-śrimaj-Jayachchandrave (de)vo vijayî II Dayadami-pattalâyâm nikhila-janapadân=upagatan-api cha raja-raj
Dayadama-grâma-nivåsinô
yuvaraja-mantri
19 purôhita-pratîhâra-sênâpati-bhâṇḍâgârik-Akshapatalika-bhishan-naimittik-ântaḥpurika-dûta
karituragapattanakarasthanagôkulâdhikari-purushân-âjñâpayati vô(bô)dhayaty=âdi
sati
20 cha yatha viditam-astu bhavatam yath-ôparilikhita-gråmaḥ sa-jala-sthalaḥ sa-lôhalavan-âkaraḥ sa-matay-akaraḥ sa-gartt-ôsharaḥ sa-giri-gahana-nidhânaḥ samadhuk-amra-vana-vâtika-vitapa-trina-yûti
21 gôchara-paryantaḥ 8-[8]rddhv-adhas-chatur-âghâța-visu(su)ddhaḥ
sva-sîmâ-paryantaḥ
shattrimsa(ba)d-adhika-dvadasa-bata-samvatsarê Vaisa(sa)khô masi suklapakshe purnimayam tithau Sukra-dinê ankata(to)-pi sam 1236 Vaisa (34)kha su
22 di 15 Sukre ady-êha śri-Ramḍavai-samâvâsê Gamgayam snâtvå vidhivan= mantra-dê va-muni-manuja-bhûta-pitriganams-tarppayitva timira-patala-pâtana-patumahasam=Ushṇarochisham-upasthây-Aushadhipati-sakala
23 se(ść)kharam samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-trâtur-Vvâsudêvasya půjâm prachura-payasêna havisha havirbhujam hutvâ punya-yasô-bhivriddhayê ssmâbhir-ggôkarnṇa-kusalatâ-pûta-karata
24 1-6[da]ka-pûrvvakam 115 Vatsa-gôtraya Bhârggava-Chyavana-Apnavâna-Ma(au)rvvaJamadagnya-pamcha-pravaraya mahâmahattaka-thakkura-sri-Jagaddhara-pautraya mahamahattaka-thakkura-sri-Vidyadhara-putraya râuta-śrî-[Râ]jyadha
25 ravarmmani(nê) chandr-ârkkam yâvach-chhâsanîkri[tya] pradattô matva yathâdiyamâna -bhagabhôgakara-prama(va)ņikara-yamalikamva(mba)li-prabhṛiti niyatâniyata-samast-âdâyân-âjñâvidhêyîbhûya dasyath=êti |||||
26 Bhavanti ch-âtra ślôkâh 16..
vidhaya
mata-pitrôr-âtmanas-cha
33.
... || || Likhitam chedam tāvra(mr)ka[*]
34 ka-[tha]kkura-sri-Sripatikan-êti || Mangalam mahâ-śrîḥ ||
mahakshapatali.
J.-Another Bengal Asiatic Society's Copper-Plate Grant of Jayachchandra.
The (Vikrama) year 1236.
This inscription also is on a single plate, measuring about 18 by 13, and inscribed on one side only. The edges of it were partly fashioned thicker, and party raised into rims; and 2 From the impression.
1 On that day, there was full-moon about 21 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise.
Up to this, the text of the inscription, excepting some differences of spelling, is the same as that of the inscription E. Read-púrvaka Vatsa..
This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
Here follow (differently arranged) the same benedictive and imprecatory verses as in E.; and besides, the verses beginning gemad-vamsé parikshine, and yan-tha dattáni pura narendrail. Read Sripatin=.

Page #155

MAY, 1889.] GRANT OF JAYACHCHANDRA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1236.
the writing is well preserved throughout. In the upper part of the plate, there is a hole for a ring. The ring and its seal are not now forthcoming. But it appears that they were discovered with the plate; and that the seal was bell-shaped, and had on it Garuda and a bankhashell, and a legend giving the name of Jayach[ch*]andra. The average size of the letters is about. The engraving is fairly good; though, as usual, the interiors of many of the letters shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The plate is thick; and the letters, which are rather shallow, do not shew through on the reverse side of it at all. The characters are Nagari and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, b has been denoted by the sign for everywhere except in the word babhramur; the dental sibilant has been about 35 times employed for the palatal sibilant, and the palatal a few times for the dental sibilant; sha has taken the place of kha in -sésharam, line 23; the conjunct mera has been used for mra in ámvra, line 20; and the dental nasal has occasionally been employed instead of the lingual nasal, e.g. in punya-, line 23.
This inscription also is one of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárájádhirája, and Paramésvara, Jayachchandradeva, who records that, when in residence at Randavai on the Ganges, he granted the village of Sale[t]i, situated in the Jaru[ttha] pattalá, to the rauta Rajyadharavarman, the donee of the preceding grants. The date is the same as that of the preceding inscription I.; and this grant also was written by the mahakshapaṭalika, the Tkakkura Sripati. The localities mentioned in the grant I am unable to identify.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT.1
sa-giri-gahana-nidhânal gôchara-paryantaḥ s-ô
17
2 śrimaj-Jaya[ch*]chandra
18 devo vijayi 113 Ja[ruttha]-pattalâyâm 15 Sale[t]i-grâma-nivâsino nikhila-janapadân= upaga[tâ]n-api cha raja-raj-yuvarja-mahtri-purôhita-pratîhára-a[*]nipati bhamdagarik-aksha
19 patalika-bhishag - naimittik-ântaḥpurika - dûta- karituragapa [t]tanâkarasthânagôkulâdhivô(bô)dhayaty âdisati cha yatha vidi(di)tam-astu
kâri-purushân-ajñâpayati bhavatam yath-ôparili
20 khita-grâmaḥ sa-jala-sthalaḥ sa-lôha-lavan-âkaraḥ sa-matsy-âkarali sa-gartt-ôsharah sa-madhûk-âmvra(mra)-vana-vâțikâ-vitapa-trina-yâ[ti]
-
sva-simâ-paryantaḥ shattrimsaty7-adhikadvadasa-sata-samvatsare Vaisa (sa)khê masi su(su)kla-pakshe paurņņimayam(m) tithau Su(su)kra-dine anke-pi samvat 1236 Vaisa (sa)kha
su
22 di 15 Su(su)kre 1 adya úri-Ramdavai-samâvâsê Gamgâyâm snâtvå vidhivan= timira-pa[ta]la-pâțana
21 rddhv-âdhas-chatur-âghâta-visu(su)ddhaḥ
141
mamtra-dêva-muni-manuja-bhuta-pitriganâms-tarppayitva patu-mahasam-Ushparôdhi(chi)sham-upasthây-Au
23 shadhipati-sakala-sêsha(kha) ram samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-trâtur-bhagavatô Vâsudai(de)vasya půjâ[m] vidhaya prachura-payasêna havisha havirbhujam hutvâ mâtâ-pitrorâtmanas-cha punya(nya)-yaśô-vivriddhayê alo.
11
Vatsa-gôtrâva(ya) Bharggava-Chyavana-Apnavâna-Ma(au)rvva-Jamadagnya-pamcha-pravaraya mahâ
24 asmâbhir-gôkarnṇa-kusalata-pûta-karatal-ôdaka-pûrvvakamm
mahattaka-[tha]kkura-éri-Jagaddhara-pau
1 From the impression.
Up to this, the text of the inscription, excepting some differences of spelling, and the omission of the word ért before Kanyakubj-, is the same as that of the inscription E.
Read-pattallydth.
This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
The second akshara of this word is quite illegible, and has been taken from the inscription K. below; the third may be tha.
Read shaṭtrimhéad-.
The consonant of this akshara is doubtful. This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
• Bead sarhvat.
10 This a appears to be struck out.
11 Bead-paruvakam.

Page #156

142
25 trâya mahâmahattaka-thakkura-ári- Vidyadhara-putraya râura(ta)-śri-Rajyadharava[r*]mmanê chamdr-ârkkam yavat13 sasanikṛitya prada(da)ttô matva yathâdîyamânabhagabhôgakara-pravanikara-javalika
dâsyath=êti || ||
33
26 mva (mba)li-prabhriti-niyatâniyata-samast-idâyân-âjõâvidhêyîbbûya
Bhavanti châtra ślôkâh H13
Likhitam ch=âdam mahaksha patalika-tha[k]kura-sri-Sripatin= êti H Mamgalara mahâ-śrih
K. Another Bengal Asiatic Society's Copper-Plate Grant of Jayachchandra. The (Vikrama) year 1236.
This inscription also is on a single plate, measuring about 17" by 128", and inscribed on one side only. The edges of it were partly fashioned thicker, and partly raised into rims. The surface of the plate is somewhat worn; but, excepting two or three aksharas in line 16, there is no doubt about the actual reading of any part of the inscription. The ring-hole is in the upper part of the plate. The wire of the ring, which had been cut when the grant came under Mr. Fleet's notice, is not round, as is usually the case, but rectangular, about by; but it is bent into the usual circular shape, about 31" in diameter. It
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
9. 16
[MAY, 1889.
16.
fits rather tightly into a round hole in the bottom part of the usual bell-shaped seal, which is about 3 high. The surface of the seal is circular, about 23" in diameter; and n it, in low relief on a slightly countersunk surface, there are-at the top, a representa. tion of Garuda, exactly as in F. above; across the centre, the legend irimaj-Jayachcha [*]dradevah ; and at the bottom, a sankha-shell.-The average size of the letters is about. The engraving is fairly good; but, as usual, the interiors of some of the letters show marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The letters are rather shallow, and do not shew through at all on the back of the plate, which is thick and substantial. The characters are Någari and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the inscription closely agrees with the preceding inscription J., so that all the remarks made on the orthography of J. are also here applicable.
This inscription also is one of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahárájádhirája, and Paramésvara, Jayachchandradeva, who records that, when in residence at Randavat on the Ganges, he granted the village of Abhêlavatu, situated in the Jaru[ttha] pattalá (also mentioned in J), together with its five palakas or outlying hamlets Maniari, Gayasada, Vatavana, Asi[a]ma, and [Siri P]ma, to the rauta Rajyadharavarman, the donee of the preceding grants. The date is the same as that of the preceding inscriptions I and J, and this grant also was written by the mahakshapatalika, the Thakkura Sripati.
The localities mentioned in the grant I am unable to identify.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT.1
2rimaj-Jayachchandradevo vijayi 13 Jaru[ttha]-pattalâyâm= Abhêlavatu-grama êtasya pâtaka[m?] Maniart dvitiya-pâtaka[m ?]Gayasada tritiyam Vatavana chaturttha[m?] Asi[a]ma pamchama [m] [Siri?]êtaiḥ pamcha-pâtakaiḥ saha grâma-nivåsino nikhila-janapadân=upagatan-api cha raja-rajñi-yuvaraja-mamtri-purôhita-pratîhâra-sênâpati-bhamdagârik-âkshapa
17 ma
talika-bhishag-naimittik-ântaḥpuri
18 ka-dûta-karituragapattanâkarasthanagôkaladhikari-purushan-âjñâpayati dhô(bô)dhayaty= âdisati cha yatha dhi(vi)ditam asta bhavatam yath-ôpa[ri]-pâtakaiḥ saha likhita-grâmaḥ sa-jala-sthalal sa-lôha-la
12 Read yávach-chhasanikritya.
is Here follow the same verses as in I.
1 From the impression.
2 Up to this, the text of the inscription, excepting some differences of spelling, and the omission of the word irt before Kanyakubj-, is the same as that of the inscription E.
This sign of punctuation, which is superfluous, appears to be struck out already in the original. The aksharas in brackets are very doubtful.

Page #157

GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN; THE YEAR 254.
19 van-âkaraḥ sa-matsy-åkaraḥ sa-gartt-ôsharaḥ sa-giri-gahana-nidhanaḥ sa-madhûkàmvra(mra)-vana-vâțika-vitapa-trina-yûti-gôchara-paryantaḥ s-ôrddhv-âdhas-chaturâghâta-visu(su)ddhaḥ sva-sîmâ-paryantaḥ shattrimsatyö-a
20 dhixa-dvadasa-sata-samvatsê(tsa)r[e] Ve(vai)sa(sa) khô m[A*]si su(su)kla-pakshe paurṇnimâyâm tithau Su(su)kra-dine anke-pi samvat 1236 Vaisa(ka)kha su di 15 Mu(su)kr[*] adya éri-Ramdavai-samâvâsê Ga[m]gâyâm snåtvå vidhivan-mantra-dêva-mu
21 ni-manuja-bhûta-pitriganams-tarppayitvâ timira-patala-pâtana-patu-mahasam-Ushnarôchisham-upasthây=Aushadhipati-sakala-s[ê]sha(kha)ram samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-trâtur-V vâsud[8]vasya pûjâm vidhâya prachura-på
22 yasena havisha
havirbhujam
hutva mâtâ-pitrôrâtmanas-cha
punya(nya)-yaśôvivriddhayé asmâbhir-gôkarana-kusalata-pûta-karatal-ôdaka-pûrvvakam Vatsagitriya Bharggava-Chyavana-Apaavina-Ma(an)-vvs-Jamadagnya-patcha-prava
râya ma
mahamahattaka-thakkura-éri-Vichchhâ
(dya)dhara-pattaya rauta-śrî-Rijyadharavarmmane chamdr-arkkam yavat sâsanîkritya pradattô matvâ yathâdiyamâna-bhagabhô
24 gakara-pravanikara-javalikam va(mba)li-prabhṛiti-niyatâniyata-samast-âdayânâjñâvidhêyîbhaya dasyath-êti Bhavanti ch-âtra ślôkâḥ 17.. Likhitam ch=ddam
31
tâmvra(mra)32 kam mahakshapatalika-thakkura-śri Sripatim(n)=[ê]ti | Sa(sa)bha[m] bhavatu [*] Mangalam mahâ-śrih N tchha ||
MAY, 1889.]
23 hamahattaka-thakkura-sri-Jagaddhara-pantraya
#.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.B.A.S, C.I.E.
No. 177.-VIZAGAPATAM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN.-THE YEAR 254.
143
I edit this inscription, which is now published in full for the first time, from the original plates, which I obtained for examination, in 1881, through the kindness of Mr. R. Sewell, M.C.S. It has been noticed by him in the Archæol. Surv. South. Ind. Vol. II. p. 15, No. 93, where the plates are mentioned as being in the Office of the Principal Assistant Collector of Vizagapatam, in the Madras. Presidency; and, originally, by myself in this Journal, Vol. X. P. 243, No. 6.
The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number, each measuring about 8" by 3". The edges of the first and third plates are fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surfaces, so as to serve as rims to protect the writing; and the inscription is in a state of perfect preservation throughout. On the outer side of the first plate, near the centre, there is engraved, in Arabic or Persian characters, a word which, it seems, can only be read as Ju ndl; but the purport of the word is not apparent, save that it must be some official voucher stamped on the record, when, in later times, it was produced as a title-deed before some Musalmân authority. The ring on which the plates are strung, and which passes through a ring-hole near the proper right end of each plate, is about 7" thick and 58" in diameter; it had not been cut when the grant came under my notice. The ends of the ring are secured in the lower part of a seal, the top of which is slightly oval, about 18" by 1". And on the seal, in relief on a countersunk surface, there is a bull, couchant to the proper right. The weight of the three plates is about 3 lbs. 4 oz., and of the ring and seal, 1 lb. 4 oz.; total, 4 lbs. 8 oz. The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets. The size of the letters varies from "to". The engraving is bold and good, and fairly deep; but, the plates being thick and substantial, the letters do not show through on the reverse sides of • Read yávachchchasanskritya.
16
Read shaṭtriméad-..
Here follow the same verses as in I and J.
Perhaps intended for ttha or chchha; see ante, Vol. XVII. p. 140, note 45.

Page #158

144
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
them at all. As usual, the interiors of many of the letters shew marks of working the engraver's tool. In line 27 we have forms of the decimal figures 2, 4, and 5; but the 4 and the 5 are of a decidedly exceptional type, and, but for the explanation of them in words, would most naturally have been read as 6 and 8.- The language is Sanskrit; and, except for the edictive and imprecatory verses in lines 15 to 24, the whole inscription is in prose. In line we have the Prakrit word samvachchhara, for the Sanskrit samvatsara.-In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the use of the guttural nasal instead of the anusvára, before, in nistrinsa, line 6; (2) the use, throughout, of the lingual for the palatal nasal, e.g. in manjari, line 5; but this is perhaps a palæographical point, rather than orthographical; (3) the rather frequent omission to double a consonant after r, e.g. in uparjita, line 6, and other words; though instances of the correct practice are not wanting; (4) the doubling of dh before y, in anaddhyata, line 7; and (5) the use of for b, throughout, in vahubhik, line 15; vrahmá, line 20; amvu, line 22; and vududhá, for vuddhvá, line 23.
-
The inscription is one of Devendravarman, of the Ganga family of Kalinga; and the charter recorded in it, is issued from the victorious camp at the city of Kalinganagara, which city is in all probability now represented by the modern Kalingapatam1 at the mouth of the Vamsadhara river, in the Chicacole Tâlukâ or Sub-Division of the Gañjâm District, Madras Presidency. It is a Saiva inscription; the object of it being to record the grant of some villages, the names of which are not quite certain, in the Davadamadavam vishaya, to the god Śiva under the name of Dharmêsvara.
As regards the date of this record, from line 13 we learn that the grant was made ayanapúrvakam, or in connection with the ceremonies of an ayana, which here probably denotes the winter solstice. While in line 27 f., fully in words and partly in decimal figures, we have, for the writing and engraving of the charter, the year two hundred and fifty-four of some unspecified era; the month Phâlguna; the first fortnight, which will be the bright or the dark fortnight, according as we have to apply the amánta or the purnimanta arrangement; and the first lunar day. As the word ayana can only denote the winter (or summer) solstice, and cannot refer to the ordinary samkránti that occurs in Phâlguna, no immediate connection between these two passages can be established; and consequently there are no details that can be actually tested by calculation. The era that is intended, and the probable date of this grant, will be considered in a separate paper on the Gångas of Kalinga.
TEXT.3
Kalinga nagara-va
[MAY, 1889.
First Plate.
1 Om3
2 sakán-Mahendr-achal-âmala-sikhara-pratishth[i]tasya
sachar-achara-gurðs-sakala
bhuvana-nirmâ
3 n-aika-su(su) tradhârasya sasanka-chû[da]manêr-bhagavatô Gokarnṇasvâminas-charanakamala-yu
4 gala-pranâmâd-vigata-Kali-kalamkô-nek-âhava-samkshôbha-janita - jayaga(sa)bda - pratap-a
5 vanata-samasta-samanta-chakra- châdâmani - prabha - manja (ñja)rî- puṇja (ñja) - ranji(ñji)ta
charnos
Brasty-Amarapar-Anakariņas-sarvv-a[r]ttu-enkha-ramaṇly&d=vijaya+vataḥ
6 nija-nistrinsa-dhâr-ôpârjita-sakala-Kaling-adhirajyah
parama-mâhêśvarô
1 The 'Calingapatam' of some maps, &c. Lat. 18° 20' N.; Long. 84° 9' E. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 108. From the original plates.
5 Represented by a symbol.
This ya was at first omitted, and then was inserted above the line.
First igd, or gi, was engraved, and then the superscript vowel was partially cancelled. This la, having been omitted, was inserted below the line.
The form of that is used in the first syllable of this word, occurs again in saurya, line 8; and was intended to be used in gabda for iabda, line 4. In fasdika, line 3, and other words, a different form is used, more easily distinguishable from the form of g.
Then, for , is imperfect here.

Page #159

੪੪ ਚ
ਹਾਹ ( :) : Rj #2] ਝਨਝਨਰਲ, ਪ ਰ , ਦੋਦਾਮੁ )) ਹੋਟ:
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ਸੰਵਾਲਾ 58 | ਦ ਲਾ ਨੂੰ 5 ਸਾਲ 7ਓ ਨੂੰ ਦਹੀ ਨਾ
ਨਾਲ ਐ ਪੁਲ ਨੂੰ ਇਹ gਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਤਾਂ ਬਹ
ਘਾਣ · ੭
੪ ੨ uਟਾ.) ਨੇ ਹਾਜ਼ਰ ਹਨ੪ p:= ਕੰਨ ਨੂੰ 182 ਨੂੰ
Vizagapatam Plates of Devendravarinan.-The Year 254.
ita
ਟੀ. 28 acczjzਲਾ ਪ੫੬ਨਾ
ਲਾ ਨਾ) Jਨੇ ਸ:੬) ਮੈਂugu 3.8 ਲਟਨ ਨ
ਤਾਪਲੁ ਨ 0 ਨਾ ਮਾਝਾ ਖੇਤਾ ਹਉ ੧੪ ਸਾਬ ਨੂੰ ਖ਼ ਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਉਹ 7 ੬ ਰਾਸ ča ਨੇ , ਝਝਾ ਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ * ਝ ਸਰੂਪ u|ig|
g8 ਨਾ 81 ਸਨੈਲ ਨਵੇਂ ਸਾਲ ਨੂੰ 5. ਸ Te ! ੧ ਧਾ ਰੇ ,
9. F, FLEET, B9 ©8.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE 80

Page #160

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। ਤੇ 35 3 ਨੂੰ ਮਾਤਾ ਸ ਨੇ ਰਾ ॥
Ch
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ਹੀ
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Page #161

MAY, 1889.)
GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN; THE YEAR 254.
145
7 mâtâpitri-pad-anuddhy[4"]tô dhvast-årâti-kuláchal n aya vinaya-daya-dana-da8 kshinya-sauryy-audaryya-satya-tyag-adi-guņa-sampad-ådhårabhu(bhd)tô Gang-amala
kula-ti. 9 lak-odbhavð mahârâja-srimad-Anantavarmma-su(s)nuh sri-Devondravarmm[a] kusali 1
Second Plate; First Side. 10 D&vedamadavam-vishayê
Taduvamásinapudilawoliga(P)mududa ()-sama11 vêtâm 10 kațavi(mbi)nah samajñâ payati [] Viditam=astu bhåsbha)vatâm yath=
Ayam-asmabhirl=hta12 ni grâmâņi sva-mâtula-ári-Dharmakhédina dharm-padi(de)sa-dishțêngla śri(sri)mad
Dharmêsvara13 bhattâra kåya ayana-pu(pa)rvvakam chandr-arka-pratishthâ(shtha) kritvâ mâtâpitrô14 r-ktmanas-cha puny-abhivsiddhayê
pârvva-bhujyamâna-sîma-sahi15 tâni sampradat[t Jani (11] Vyâsa-gitas-cheatra slökâ bhavanti [1] Va(ba)hubhi. 16 p13=vasudha datta rajabhis-Sagar-adibhiḥ yasya yasya
Second Plate; Second Side. 17 yada bhu(bhû)mis-tasya tta(ta)sya tada phala [11*] Suvaroņam-êkam grå(gå)m
êk[a] 18 bhu(bhů)mêr=apy=hkam-amgalam haramni-narakam=âyâti y âvad=A-ha(bhû)ta19 samplavah() [ ] Sva-dattam-para-dattâm=vê yatnâd=raksha Yudhishthirah 16 gva
dnit-pha20 lam=Anantyam para-dân-Anupâlané [11] Adityo Varuņ8 Vra(bra)hma 21 Vishạnh sômô hutaśanaḥ Sa(su)lapâņiś=cha bhagavam 8 pratinandanti 22 bhubhů)mi-dam [11*] Iti17 kamala-dal-amva(mbu)-vindu-181am sriyammanuchintya
Third Plate. 23 manushya-jfvita (o)-cha sakalam=idam=udáhri(hội)tan(n)-cha vudvdhA10 DA hi pu24 rushaih para-kirttayo
vilôpyâh [11] Purohit-Adityadêva-pratya25 ksham
va-mukh-&jna (iña)ya likhitam-idam ślsanam rahasya-Dargga26 dåva-80(sk)nanê Srimad-Ugradêvên=ôtkirņnan(a)=chrakshasâlina Khandi-ári-sama27 ntên=&tio samvachchha(tsa)ra-bata-dvayê chatushpancha(oha)-Abhyadhikai
254 Phe28 lguna(na) prathama-pakshe pratipadi sri(ári)mad-vipra-Sômichårya-sthånadhikara29 kal-êtia [11]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS.
From the victorious camp (vásaka) at the city of Kalinganagara (line 1), -he who has had the stains of the Kali age removed by doing obeisance to the two water-lilies which are the feet of the divine (god) Gokarnasvamin (1. 3), established on the pure summit of the mountain Mahendra (1.2), who is the father of all things animate and inanimate, and the sole architect
• This tya, having been omitted, was inserted, rather imperfectly, above the line.
10 Read samadtan.-In the third syllable, first vô was engraved, and then the stroke that makes the difference between vê and w was onnoelled.
11 Read yath-dumdbhir.
11 Read dishtaih, in apposition with asmabhiḥ in line 11. This seems to give the sense that is intended. If the instrumental singular 15 to bo maintained, in which case the actual krantor is Dharmakhedin, then aamdohsh must be connected with dishtina, not with sampradattani, and the compound ending with dishfind should prevodo the compound ending with dharmakhAdina. 18 Metro, Sloks (Anushţubh); and in the next three verses.
FBAA. 14 Read haran. 16 Read yudhishthira. 16 Road bhagavan. 17 Metre, Pushpitigri.
10 Read friyam.
11 Read buddhva. * The it hore, unless it can properly be rendered by 'namely,' appears rather redundant; an, in this grant, the donor's speech seems to end with the word iti in line 29, and to include the date of the writing and engraving of the charter. . The first figure, 2, is engraved over a 4 which was out here, out of its proper place, and was then beaten in
n Read kala iti.
again.

Page #162

146
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1889.
for the construction of the universe (1.3); he who has acquired by the edge of his own sword the authority of Adhiraja over the whole (country of) Kalinga (1. 6), - viz. the illustrions Dovôndravarman (1. 9), - who is a most devout worshipper of (the god) Mahêávara (1..6); who meditates on the feet of his mother and father (1. 7); who has sprang from him who was) the forehead-ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas (1. 8); and who is the son of the Mahiraja, the illustrious Anantavarman (1.9), - being in good health, issues a command to all the cultivators assembled at (the villages of).................. 33 in the Davadamadavam vishaya (1. 10) -
*Be it known to you (1. 11), that, by Us, who have been admonished 24 to perform this act of religion by Our maternal uncle, the illustrious Dharmakhedin (1. 12), in connection with (the rites of) an syana (1. 13), and in order to increase the religious merit of Our parents and of Ourself (1. 14), these villages, with their boundaries as they are being enjoyed from former times (1. 14), have been given to the holy (god), the Bhattáraka Dharmêsvara (1. 12).25
" (Here the grantor quotes five benedictive and imprecatory versee, attributed to Vyasa (1. 15), which it is unnecessary to translate.]
"In the presence of the Purðhita Adityadêva (1. 24), by the command of Our own mouth (1.25), this charter has been written by the illustrious Ugradêva (1. 26), the son of the Rahasya 26 Durgadêva, and has been engraved by the Akshasálin, the illustrious Súmanta Khandi (1.26) ; namely, 37 in two centuries of years (1. 27), increased by the fifty-fourth (year), (or, in figures, in the year) 254; on the first lunar day in the first fortnight of the month Phalguna; in the time when the superintendence of the shrine (sthánádhikdra) belongs to the holy Brahman Sômacharya (1. 28)."
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. No. XIV.-The Mistress of Eight Ships; or the Discarded Wife. Once upon a time there lived in a certain city a rich old merchant, who had an only daughter. They were all in all to each other, for the old man had lost his wife, and had no other child on whom to bestow his affection; while the young lady had no one else to care for and love her, her husband (to whom she was married at an early age) having for some reason best known to himself discarded her immediately after the marriage had been celebrated. Now the good old merchant had an elder brother, who was as great a merchant as himself, and was blessed with no less than sovon sons, who were all clever and good young men, and managed the affairs of their aged father to his entire satisfaction. They even travelled to distant countries for the purpose of commerce, and each year brought home seven ships laden with gold as the fruit of their commercial enterprise. Now this fact was regarded by the uncle of the young men with mingled feelings of admiration and envy, for he was grieved to think that while his brother rejoiced in the satisfaction of having seven such excellent sons, it was his misfortune not to be blessed with even one!
One day the old man said to his daughter: "I wish, my child, you had been born a boy, for although you make me supremely happy by your goodness and your tender regard for me, still it is not in your power to give me that satisfaction which your cousing give my brother, for you know they not only manage his business well, but every year add considerably to his fortune, and thus enhance his worth and reputation by their enterprise in commerce. How proud must he be of all those good sons of his! If I had but one son, and that son brought me, just for once, as much gold as they bring him each year, I should be happy indeed !"
13 The names of the villages are uncertain, as, without some clue to the present identification of them, it is difficult to divide properly the compovad word in line 10.
24 See note 12 atove. 35 i.e. to a linga-form of the god Siva, probably set up by, and named after, Dharmakhedin. * This is ovidently an official titlo; and it seems to denote some post connected with the privato apartments. 21 This seems to be the force of the iti in line 27; see note 19 above.

Page #163

MAY, 1889.)
FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.
147
"I wish, my father, with all my heart," cried the daughter, " that I could be of as much service to you as a son. Though I am but a woman I have a brave heart, and if only I had your kind permission I also would go forth into the world as a merchant, and by the help of Allah bring you as much gold as your heart could desire."
"Oh ! indeed !" cried her father laughicg, and pressing her to his heart he added, - "Do not, my dear girl, for a moment suppose, that I in any way under-estimate your rare merits by longing for a son. No, my child; a daughter can do her duty as well as a son can do his, though each must do it in a different way; and believe me no daughter in the world ever did her duty by her aged father so faithfully and so well as you do yours."
At this stage the conversation dropped; but from that moment the young lady resolved upon a course by which to give her father as much satisfaction as ever a son could. In a week's time she succeeded in persuading her father to fit out a large ship for her, and to load it with the costliest merchandise. She then waited till her cousins, the seven young men whom her father admired so much, had set sail, for she wished to follow in their wake and find out in which country they met with such a lucrative market for their goods.
When the time came for the cousins to set sail the young lady took an affectionate leave of her aged father, and dressing herself in man's attire went on board her ship and bade the captain stoer it in the track of the seven ships. Away they sailed, all the gallant vessels abreast of one another, followed at a short distance by our intrepid heroine's, and after a very long voyage all the eight ships entered the mouth of a magnificent river, and there dropped anchor. The lady waited till her consins had landed, one after another, and had began to unload their ships. She then put out a boat herself and sailed in it towards the shore, with a few attendants. On the landing-place she met her cousins, who never for a moment suspecting who she was conceived a liking for her at first sight, and eagerly made up to her, with a view to forming her acquaintance. They found her to be a very agreeablo person, and invited her to pat up with them at a friend's house to which they were going.
This was just what our fair friend wished, anxious as she was to watch their movements, and to profit by their experience in commercial matters. She therefore gladly accepted the offer, and going back to her ship, brought with her a few things that might be of use to her in her new abode, and accompanied her cousins to the house to which they had invited her to lodge with them.
When she arrived there she learnt that it was the house of a wealthy merchant of the city who was a friend of the young men's father, her uncle.
The master of the house welcomed our heroine very kindly, and formally invited her to share his hospitality with her friends. But what was her surprise and consternation when she recognised in her host and hostess her own father-in-law and mother-in-law! She had seen them at her wedding, and remembered their faces only too well, though, thanks to her disguise, they never suspected, even for a moment, that she was any other than & merchant's son. A lump stuck in her throat, however, as the kind old people put to her question upon question as to whose son she way, from what country she hailed, and whether she was married. She was at a loss what reply to make to them, - all the circumstances connected with her marriage and her subsequent neglect by her husband rushing up to her memory; and so she stood highly abashed among peoplo she had least expected to see, and thought she was going to forget herself; but the next moment she recovered her presence of mind, and replied to their interrogatories as best she could.
The old people believed in all that she said, not noticing the change their questions had produced in her, and considered her to be a very agreeable and amiable young gentleman. But & still more dreadful ordeal awaited the poor young lady, for she had yet to face her husband, and she trembled to think of the consequences. She knew that there was not much love lost between them, and felt sure that as soon as he discovered her to be his wifo, he would put an end to her existence for masquerading in man's attire. At first she thought of quitting the

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house before her husband came in, but as she could think of no decent excuse for doing so, she preferred to remain where she was, and abide the result.
A short time afterwards, her husband returned home and her heart palpitated with fear at sight of him. Her cousins introduced her to him as a highly respected friend of theirs, but he did not seem to notice anything extraordinary about her, and the interview passed off very satisfactorily.
The poor lady, who had set eyes on her husband then for the first time since their marriage (that event having taken place when they were little better than children), found him to be a very agreeable and good-natured young man, and her heart ached within her to think she should have been so long estranged from such a husband. But she suppressed her emotion, and wearing a brave front behaved towards him as unconcernedly as if he were quite a stranger to her, and in process of time she made herself highly agreeable not only to her cousins and to her parents-in-law, but also to her husband-80 much so that the latter even began to regard her with some affection.
It should be mentioned here that our heroine had with her a beautiful parrot, of rare worth and great intelligence. It could understand several languages, and talk them as well as any man or woman, and was moreover blessed with wisdom enough to do credit to any human being. This remarkable bird would fly from tree to tree and roof to roof, and bring its mistress the latest news from far and near, for people spoke freely in its presence, never suspecting that a parrot could understand what they said,
One evening, as the parrot was perched aloft in some nook in the roof of the merchant's house, it heard the following conversation going on between the hostess and her son :
"You will see your mistake in time, though you don't believe me now, mother," the son was saying, “ for as sure as I am alive this guest of ours whom we all so honour, is no more a man than you are! She is a woman, and the most beautiful and agreeable woman I ever looked upon into the bargain !"
"Nonsenso, my son," was the mother's reply; "why would a woman come to our house in man's attire ? And again, how could a woman make such a successful merchant as we find this young man to be? I hope you will cease to talk such atter nonsense any more!"
Finding, however, that her son was not convinced by what she said, she added, "As you still appear to have your doubts on this subject, I shall show & way by which you can convince yourself of the sex of this guest of ours. To-morrow I shall send with the hot water that is taken up every morning for their bath, some rare perfumes and soaps; and if she is a woman, as you say, she will eagerly make use of them, for there is not a woman on earth who is insensible to the attractions of toilet-soaps and skin-beautifiers."
The parrot heard all this and going to its mistress forthwith, poured into her ears every word of the conversation it had overheard, so that the lady remained on her guard ; and when the next morning those attractive preparations were provided for her bath, she sent them away without so much as touching them.
The mother reported this to her son in due time, but the young man had still his doubts, and the parrot, who was again in its old place in the roof, heard him say to her: "I give you great credit, my good mother, for your good sense and judgment; but with all that I am not yet convinced. Show me, therefore, some other means of removing my suspicion."
"Wait then," cried the mother, "till to-night, and your wishes will be satisfied. Tonight I shall order the choicest and sweetest viands for dinner, and if this young friend of ours is found to partake of them with greater relish than any of his companions, I shall allow that he is a woman, for all I know to the contrary; for women have a greater partiality for sweet dishes than men.
The faithful parrot, who had been hearing the above conversation, quickly flew to its mistress, and apprised her of the second test that awaited her, so that when dinner time came, our fair friend, who though she was really partial to sweet dishes, behaved with so much selfdenial that she came highly successful ont of the ordeal.

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For a few days after this it appeared to the old lady, the hostess, that the suspicions of her gon had been laid at rest, for he did not trouble her any more about the matter. But she was mistaken, for ber son had all along been carefully watching every movement of his guest, so that one day a chance utterance or movement of the disguised lady confirmed his suspicions. So going up again to his mother, he said : Oh, mother! mother! believe me, our guest is a woman, and the sweetest creature that ever the sun shone upon! I want to tell it her to her face and to win her love, for I have never before known a woman half so fascinating.
"Really my son, I am getting tired of your strange fancies," replied his mother, "after the convincing proofs I have given you regarding the sex of the young merchant; surely you don't expect me or your father to insult our guest by asking him point-blank whether he is a man or woman. Yet stay, I have another idea. I know of a certain flower which fades and withers away as soon as it is touched by a woman's hand, while it remains fresh and fragrant if touched by a man's. I shall order our florist to weave eight nets of such flowers, and get one spread upon each of our guest's beds to-night, and we shall then see whether you or I am right.
The faithful parrot, who had overheard this dialogue between the mother and her son, at once flew away to where its mistress was and told her every word of it. Our heroine was not a little flattered at the high encomiums passed on her beauty and charms by her husband, and felt half-inclined to reveal herself to him. On second thoughts, however, she changed her mind and sat down, thinking how she could come unscathed out of this rather difficult ordeal. But her favourite parrot came to her aid, and showed her a way out of the difficulty. It went and brought away from another florist a net woven with the same kind of flowers, and placed it high upon the roof, where its mistress's hand could not reach. When the day dawned and the lady rose from her bed, the sagacious bird asked her to remove the crampled and faded sheet of flowers from it, and spread on it, with its own beak and claws as neatly and as cleverly as any lady's maid ever did, the second net of lowers that was in readiness. The lady then folded the faded net into a small bundle and the parrot took it into its beak, and flying far away into the sea with it, consigned it to the waves, so that no trace of it might renain.
The hostess and her son lost no time in examining the bed-chamber of our heroine, when she vacated it, and the old lady was now more than ever convinced that the object of her son's suspicions was no other than what he appeared to be a handsome and intelligent young gentleman. But the fond young man did not at all relish acknowledging his mistake; hè did so with a very bad grace, and continued moody and dejected ever afterwards, for in his heart of hearts he still cherished the belief that his father's guest belonged to the softer sex, on which account, therefore, he continued to treat our fair friend with the greatest affection and regard.
A few days after our heroine had gone through her last ordeal, her cousins began to make preparations for their homeward voyage, in which she also joined them, for she had already disposed of all her stock to very great advantage, and gold was daily pouring into her coffers in heaps.
The enamoured young man was not a little disconcerted at hearing of this intended departure of the little party, and he begged hard of his disguised wife to remain under his roof a little longer. But she excused herself as best she could, and on the day appointed for their departure, went on board her ship, followed by the tears and blessings of her love-lorn husband.
When the eight ships stood abreast of one another in the harbour, waiting to raise their anchors simultaneously at a given signal, our heroine whispered something in the parrot's ears, and off flew the little bird with a bright little golden cup set with pearls and diamonds in its beak, and depositing it right into the hold of one of the seven ships of the brothers, immediately came back and perched upon its mistress's shoulder as if nothing had happened. Now just before the parrot performed this clever trick, all the seven brothers were assembled on the deck of our heroine's ship, for there they had arranged a grand feast in honour of their departure, and were eating and drinking merrily.
After holding high revel for some time the seven brothers took leave of their cousin, and

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each betook himself with his party to his own ship. As soon, however, as the fair lady's ship was cleared of all the guests, her attendants raised a hue and cry about a rich goblet that was missing. The lady had drank her wine out of it in the presence of her guests, and it had then been handed round to each nf the bystanders and was highly admired by them all. It had thus passed through several hands, and no wonder therefore that none of the servants remembered who had it last. Our heroine made a great show of anger at the loss of the precious goblet, which, it need hardly be mentioned, was the very one that the parrot had deposited into the hold of one of the seven ships. She sent for all her seven cousins in hot haste, and reported the loss to them. They all agreed that they had not only seen their good friend drink out of it, but had actually taken it into their hands for inspection, but none of them had any idea as to whether or not it had been returned to its place. At this the disguised fair one worked herself into a violent passion and accused them all right and left of having stolen it. "I shall send my men to search each of your ships" cried she, "and shall stake this vessel of mine with all its valuable cargo on the hazard of finding it in one of them !"
" And we in our torn agree to forfeit to you all our seven ships with their cargoes," cried the brothers with one voice,"if your men find the goblet in any of our ships !"
"Agreed !" cried our heroine, and forthwith she ordered some of her numerous attendants to go over all the seven vessels and leave no stone unturned till they found the missing car. In about an hour's time, while the seven brothers were still warmly protesting their innocence to their accuser, the men returned with the missing cap in their hands, and declared that they had found it secreted ir the hold of the ship of one of the seven brothers!
The brothers were nonplussed at this sadden turn events had taken, and 'stood looking at one another in silence, as if dambfounded at this strange discovery. Oar heroine, however, roused them to their senses by calling upon them in a loud voice to fulfil their obligations by handing over to her the seven ships ; and the poor fellows, seeing no way out of this difficulty, there and then formally made over the ships to the clever stripling, and with crestfallen looks stood a waiting her commands. The lady, being touched with pity at their strange predicament, ordered them to remain in her own ship as her guests till they reached their native country. She then gave orders for the anchors of all the eight ships to be raised, and the little fleet soon began to sail out of the harbour with a favourable back wind.
Our brave heroine's husband, who was all this while standing sorrowfully on the shore, now waved his kerchief as a farewell to his departing charmer, with a very woe-begone countenance, as she was standing at the window of her cabin, when suddenly she flung off her disguise and stood before her enraptured lover, "a maid in all her charms !"
At this sudden and unexpected confirmation of all his doubts and hopes the young man's heart alternated between joy and grief, joy at finding that the object of his affections was after all a woman, and grief at being thus rudely separated from her, after all that he had endured on her account, and with a heavy heart he retraced his steps homewards. There he told his mother all that had happened, and rebuked her for having discredited his statement so long, and asked both his parents' permission to fit out a ship that very day and follow his fair enslaver wherever she went, and either win her or perish in the attempt. The old couple seeing him so determined, consented, and farnished him with everything that he wanted for the voyage.
Without losing more time than was essentially necessary the love-lorn youth fitted out a fast-sailing vessel and soon started in pursuit of his fair charmer, Her vessels had, however, sailed clear out of sight by this time, and he could not even tell in what direction they bad gone. So he sailed about at random through unknown seas, for many a month, making inquiries at every port he touched, till at last he came to the city in which he knew his discarded wife and her parents lived. Here everyone he met was talking of the clever daughter of the old merchant-"the mistress of eight ships" as they called her --who had but a few days ago returned home after a long and successful voyage. He inquired the way to the house of this remarkable lady, and much to his surprise, nay to his rage and utter mortification, he was shown

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into the very house in which he now remembered he had gone through that most important ceremony of his life-his marriage.
Could it be possible, then, he thought, that it was only his wife-the girl he had so long discarded, that had so long and so successfully played upon his feelings, and had made herself. so agreeable not only to himself, but to all others with whom she came into contact! What enraged him most was that she should have spent so many days in the company of young men like her cousins. Jealousy and hatred instantly took the place of love in his heart, and be entered the house, swearing vengeance on his innocent wife! His old father-in-law welcomed him into the house with unmixed delight, but the son-in-law resented his kind treatment, and peremptorily demanded to be shown into his wife's presence.
Now it may be mentioned here that the old man and his daughter had been looking forward to this visit of the bridegroom every moment, as they had already heard of his arrival in the city from some friends. The young lady also had narrated to her father all that had taken place in the house of her parents-in-law, and the old man was therefore in a measure prepared to find his son-in-law in no enviable a frame of mind. Our heroine, too, fearing that in his rage and disappointment he would wreak his vengeance on her head, had taken precautions to ensure her safety. She had prepared with her own deft fingers, a figure of herself in some soft material, and covering it with a fine skin, had dressed it in her own clothes and jewels. This figure she had filled with the sweetest honey near the throat, and had placed it on her conch in the attitude of a woman fast asleep. When she heard her husband's footsteps approaching her room, she hid herself behind some curtains. Soon the young man rashed into the room, being escorted to the door of the chamber by his aged father-in-law, who had left him at the threshold and retired to an adjoining room, there to await the course of events. The enraged husband then made the door of the apartment fast, and drawing his dagger, rushed up to where the figure was lying, and with a terrible imprecation plunged the cold steel into its throat. The violence with which he dealt the blow made some of the honey spurt out of the wound like real life-blood, and a drop of it fell on his lips, which were parted in anger, and he was surprised to find that it tasted very sweet. Repentance closely follows a rash deed, and so it did in this case.
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"Ah!" cried he, "what have I done! I have killed with my own hands, one who but a short time ago was all in all to me! One for whom I have endured all the hardships of a rough sea-voyage. Then after a pause he added,-" How sweet her blood tastes; I am sure a faithless woman's blood can never taste half so sweet! Really I have committed a rash and unpardonable deed, I have shed an innocent woman's blood, and thereby destroyed my own happiness, and nothing but my own blood can atone for it. "So saying he raised his dagger and was going to plunge it into his heart, when out rushed his faithful wife from her hiding-place, and stayed his hands in the very nick of time. The lady at that time wore the same disguise in which he had first seen her, and as she clung to his arm and pleaded for mercy, all his old love for her came back to him with redoubled force, and he clasped her in his arms!
The trick of the stuffed figure was then explained to him, and the young man was thankful to find it was no human blood that he had shed. Our heroine then gave him full explanation of the events that had brought her in so strange a fashion under his roof, and the two then went together to the old man and asked for his blessing.
After spending a few days with the good old man, the reconciled son-in-law took the dutiful daughter and faithful wife home to his native country, and there they lived ever afterwards in great happiness.
Before leaving with her husband, the young lady called all her seven cousins to her and explaining to them the trick by which she had become possessed of their ships, restored the vessels to them with all their cargoes intact, and gave besides a valuable present to each of them as a souvenir of the voyage they had made together.

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1
MISCELLANEA. PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP Pantusov, under the title Vaslyat-Nama, and also No. XVI.
about a Codex of the same name belonging to the Transactions of the Eastern Section of the Imperial Public Library, and on the TurkoImperial Russian Oriental Society.
Kiehghar translation of Anodr--Suhaili, under (a.) Meeting, Feb. 11, 1888.
the title Asadru'l-Imamiya, also sent to the The Diretor of the Section, Baron V. R. Rosen, Society by N. N. Pantusov. The paper will be reported the speedy appearance of Vols. XII. and printed in the Transtuctions. XV. of the Transactions of the Society, in the 0. E. Lemm read a notice of a Coptio legend first of which is included the fourth part of the on the finding of the Crose by the Princess investigations of V. V. Veniaminov-Zernov about Eudoxia. It will be printed in the Transactions. the Tears of Kasimov, &c.
(e.) The Yarliks of Tuqtamish and Tamir. N. N. Pantusov sent a photograph of some Qutlugh, by W. Radiof. Manchu Inscriptions. He also sent six Persian Being oocupied in editing the Uighur Manuand Turkish documents, relating to durvishes. script Kudatlou-Bilik, the oldest literary monu. One of these is very interesting, as it is a diploma ment of the Turks, the author says he was for holding the office of a Durvdeh.
compelled to study the language of all their V. P. Nalivkin sent some pieces of old pottery. earliest documents to explain the peculiarities of
V. A. Zhukovski read a notice of Persian the Uighar language in comparison with the Cradle Songs.
other Turkish dialects. Among the most valuable (6.) Meeting, March 9, 1888.
of these monuments are the yarliks of the Khans, The Director of the Section, Baron V. R. especially those written in Uighur letters, e. g. the Rosen, spoke a few words in memory of the yarlik of Tuqtamish of A.H. 795, and the yarlik of German Orientalist Fleischer, lately deceased; Tamir-Qutlugh of A.H. 800. I. N. Berezin holds the assembly honoured the departed professor by these yarliks to be specimens of the Uighur rising from their seats.
language. Vambéry considers them to be docu. Professor Guidi of Rome sent, as a present to ments in the Central Asiatic or Jaghatai language, the Society, Coptic Pragments on the Journey of written in Uighur letters. Having compared the the Apostles, Frammenti Copti.
language of these documents with that of the W. W. Radloft showed two interesting yarliks Kudatku-Bilik, the author became convinced that in the Uighur character, received by him not only the characters are entirely Uighur ; in the long ago from Kasan.
language itnell the Uighur elements are found A. V. Komarov made a curious communication to the extent that they have entered into the on the Antiquities of the Trans-Caspian 80-called Jaghatai (Chnghatai] literature. distriot, vis. the ruins of buildings, burgans, The Eastern Turkish or Jaghatal language is and articles found when excavating. An account not the language of Central Asia, as Sultan Babar of this paper will be printed in the Transac. and Vambéry, his latest follower, assure us. It is tions.
just as much an artificial literary language as that (c.) Mooting, April 20, 1888.
of the Usmanli. Having been developed by historiBaron V. R. Rosen made a communication on cal causes, it now serves as a literary language the latest results of the investigation of the Col- for the Eastern Turks who use various dialects lection of Papyri belonging to the Arohduke Its foundation is the literary language of the Rainer.
Uighurs, as developed before the time of Musalman (d.) Meeting, June 2, 1888.
influence and Mongolian incursions. With the Prof. A. Müller, of Königsberg, sent a letter spread of IslAm and its culture, a number of in which he thanked the Society for his election Arabic and Persian words came into the literary as a member, and presented his edition of the language of the Uighurs. In Eastern Turkistan Arabic author, Ibn-Abi-Usaibia.
books appeared in pure Uighur language, but in S. M. Georgievski examined the six Chinese Arabic characters (one of these works, Stories of proolamations which had been sent. Two of the Prophets, by Rabghuzi, was compiled in A.H. them were identical in their contents, and the 710), and works of this sort served as the foundatranslation agreed with the original. He intends tion of the so-called Jaghatat literature. Toto print one of these proolamations in the gether with the disappearance of the races Transactions
speaking an Uighur dialect, there was a revolution V. D. Smirnov made a communication about in the literary language. The greater part of the one of the six manuscripts sent by N. N. purely Uighur words and grammatical forme gare

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place to corresponding words and forms of other Central Asiatic dialects, but in the Jaghatai language there remained a whole series of Uighur words and forms, which were exclusively used in the literary language.
In the times of the first successors of Changêz Khân, the Jaghatai literature was spread among all the Eastern Turks, but the rapid decline of the Mongolian Empire arrested the final development of the language. Since they had no educational centre, as was the case with the Southern Turks, the Jaghatai language was influenced by other dialects, and words from Usmanli and Azarbaijan literature entered it in various degrees. As Changêz Khan preferred the Uighur writing, that character became official in the chanceries of the Khâns, and continued to be used even where it was unfamiliar.
MISCELLANEA.
The yarliks of Tuqtamish and Tamir-Qutlugh shew that the Khans of the Golden Horde issued documents in Uighur characters till the begin.ning of the fifteenth century. But other letters are occasionally used: the yarlik of Tuqtamish of A. H. 794 is written in the Arabic character, and that of Tamir-Qutlugh in Uighur and Arabic. From this we may conclude that the Khôns used the Uighur character only in diplomatic documents, and the Arabic in those intended for the people.
The yarlik of Tuqtamish to Jagiello has been translated by I. N. Berezin, and that of TamirQutlugh by von Hammer, Berezin and Vambéry. These versions are on the whole accurate, but the author has thought it advisable to publish the yarliks in a slightly corrected version.
(1.) Yarlik of Tuqtamish to Jagiello.
This yarlik was found among the chief archives of the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Moscow. The text is comprised in 25 lines, which begin at an equal distance from the edge of the paper, the words Tugtamish, we and God, and the Khan's seal are closer to the edge. These words are written in gold, and the seal of the Khân is stamped in gold. The seventeenth line is only half written, so that the new line may begin with we.
The name Jagiello stands below the words the word of Tuqtamish.' This yarlik is written in a beautiful and very legible Uighur character. Although, as Banzarov remarks, this letter from a calligraphic point of view yields the palm to the two letters of the Persian Changêzis to Philippe le Bel, the handwriting everywhere shows the firm hand of a practised scribe. The writing may be called Mongol Uighur, as distinguished from the Musalman-Uighur style, used in the manuscripts of the Kudatku Bilik, the
153
Bakhtiarnama, etc., and the broken Uighur writing used in other documents. It most resembles the copy of the Uighur legend about Oguz Khân in the library of Charles Schefer at Paris. It is written perpendicularly.
(2.) The Yarlik of Tamir-Qutlugh.
The original is in the Vienna Palace Library. It is written on a long roll of glazed paper. The second and third lines begin in the middle of the page, and above them ought to be the square seal of the Khân. But the paper in this place is quite smooth, and no trace of a seal can be found: it is clear that this is a yarlik prepared for publication, which from some cause was never confirmed. It cannot be a mere copy. Under each Uighur word there is a transcription in beautiful Arabic characters in red. It was prepared for some official purpose: a proof of this fact among others is furnished by the third word on the ninth line, where two points under the letter sh have been undoubtedly added subsequently. The writer thinks the copyist remarked the omission of these points and added them when he had finished writing. This shows that the Uighur character was even at that time so little understood that a document intended for the people had to be accompanied by a transcript in Arabic letters. The Uighur writing differs from that of the yarlik of Taqtamish and of the Uighur books, but is like some of the postscripts to the Kudatku-Bilik. The letters are angular. They appear to be made by a reed with a very broad nib, and are written from right to left. Von Hammer made some trifling mistakes when he printed the Arabic text, which arose from his being unacquainted with the Jaghatai language.
In the yarlik of Tuqtamish, out of 104 words, 43 are Common Turkish (met with in all the Turkish dialects), 24 Northern Turkish, 22 Western, and 15 Uighur Jaghatai. Of the 54 grammatical endings, 23 are Common Turkish, 15 Northern, 12 Western, and 4 Uighur Jaghatai. This gives the following percentage:-Common Turkish, 41; Northern Turkish, 23; Western Turkish, 21; Uighur-Jaghatai, 15: and of grammatical terminations-Common Turkish, 41; Northern Turkish, 31; Western Turkish, 21; Uighur-Jaghatai, 7.
The yarlik of Tuqtamish was, therefore, written by a Western Tatár, knowing well the official language of the chanceries of the Khân, but preserving many peculiarities of his native dialect. This is shown by the phraseology of the yarlik and the absence of Arabic literary expressions.
The language of the yarlik of Tamir-Qutlugh is different. Of 166 words, 50 are Common Turkish, 38 Northern, 44 Uighur-Jaghatai, 13

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Western Turkish, 14 literary Arabic, and 7 words foll.lv - 84v, the writer of the MS. gives extracts belong to the author's native tongue (Nôghai P). from the Kathdsaritadgara. The text corresponds Of 70 grammatical terminations, 22 are Com. almost word for word with that of Brockhaus, but mon Turkish, 24 Northern, 21 Uighur-Jagha- he does not mention the sources from which he tni; and 3 belong to his native tongue. Or according to percentage : - Common Turkish, We have no information as to when and where 31 ; Northern Turkish, 22; Uighur-Jaghatai, 27; the Kathaprakdea was compiled. Besides the Western Turkish, 8; Literary Arabic, 8; the extracts from the Kathasaritadgara, the collection author's native tongue, 4: and of grammatical contains pieces of Epic poetry, the Puranas; terminations ;--Common Turkish, 31:4; Northern some "parrot" stories, and some also from the Turkish, 343; Uighur-Jaghatai, 30; the author's Purushaparikshd. The Persian Manuscript (I. O. native tongue, 4.3.
L. 1679) has only been mentioned in print once, We thus see that the author of the yarlik of viz. by Brockhaus, who wrongly considered it to Tamir-Qutlugh, was a Nöghaï (P) acquainted with be an abridged translation of the Brihatkatha, literary Jaghatai language. The foreign words because mention is made of such a translation in are technical expressions required by the contents Rajatarangins. The writer then shews at some of the document. The Arabic transcription was length that it is not a translation of the Brihatprobably made by another person, who was not a katha. Those who have studied the latter have not scholar. Perhaps owing to these mistakes, the remarked that the Tibetan Buddhist, Taranatha, yarlik was not confirmed.
introduces legends of which we find corresponding f.) Materials for the Study of the Collection of versions in it. The first of them, concerning Indian Tales called Brihatkathe, by S. Oldenburg. Nagarjuna, is found in The History of the
While most educated men know the stories of Seven Transmissions of the Words of Buddha, the Panchatantra, in the course of their endless and has been briefly discussed by V. P. Vasiliev. wanderings over Asia and Europe, the Brihat. cf. Kathasaritadgara xli. 9-58; and Bţihatkatha is limited to specialists. The Brihatkatha kathamañjart, xiv., Nagarjundkhydyika. It is is more fantastic and local in its character. It very probable that the source was the Rajavali has not gone beyond the limits of its own country, of Kshêmêndra. Another legend is as to why but there it has taken one of the first places. and how the prince Udayana (Satavahana) learned Buddhist and Brahmanical legends, each pre- Sanskrit. The text of Taranátha (History of serving its special colouring, have quietly lowed Buddhism in India), although it resembles the into this "Sea of the Rivers of Stories" as one of Brihatkatha, differs so much from it that it the editions of the Brihatkathe is styled. Its cannot be said to be plagiarined, which would history is still obscure, because our knowledge of have been probable, as two of the other works of Indian folk-tales is inadequate. It has come to Kshêmêndra, Rajdvali and Bodhisattrdvaddnakaus in two redactions of two Kasmiri poets of the lpalatd are cited by TeranAtha. Besides these eleventh century Kahêmêndra (Brihatkathe- differences, a proof that the passages in question manjar) and somadova (Kathasaritsagara), are not taken from the Brihatkathd is afforded by who assert that they have translated and abridged the history of KAlidasa, which in tone and manthe collection Bțihatkathe of the poet Guns. ner must certainly be of the same origin as the dhya, compiled in the Paisachi dialect. The history of Udayana, while the story is not foand first complete translation of the Kathdaaritsdgara, in the Brihatkatha. The story of KAlidAsa and which is only just finished, and the new edition of many similar ones live at the present day upon the text, which has been begun, shew that it is the lips of the Indian people. In similar stories time to collect materials for a complete study of we may find the beginning of the history of the Brihatkatha. The vast size of the Kathdra- Vararuchi and perhaps partly of Guņådhya. ritadgara (21,526 verses according to the com. (9.) The Collection of Eastern Coins belonging putation of Brockhaus) and the defective nature of to 4. V. Komarov, by V. Tiesenharisen. the manuscripts of the Brihatkathamañjars, prevent The writer begins by thanking Gen. Komarov such an attempt, so the author purposes com for allowing his collection to be described in this municating a few of his notes.
work. The new collection oonsists of 887 coins Of the unpublished materials relating to the (463 copper, 206 silver, and 18 gold) comprising a present subject there are two MSS. in the India period from the seventh century to our own Office; one Sanskrit, the other Persian. The times. The oldest of them is a Sassanian coin of first contains the collection called Kathaprakada Khusrao II., struck A.D. 628 : the latest are (the lustre of tales) no other manuscript of which Afghan coins of A. H. 1297 (-A.D. 1880) coined as far as the author knows, has been found. On by 'Abdu'r-Rahman at Hirit and Sher 'All at

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Kabul. Of the thirty dynasties among which these coins are distributed, the most largely represented is that of the Timaris. Of this there are 176 examples. Next come the Samant coins (78 examples), Khwarizmshahi (58), Saffari (48) Hulaqui (42) Khalifas (38) Persian (38) and Shaibani (26). Of the Tahiri (12) there are only three, but none of these appear to have been published; of the Zaidis and Ziaris there are no more than one apiece, but these two are very rare. Both were coined in Jurjan, one in A.H. 268, the other in A.H. 368. There are some examples which have not been successfully arranged either chronologically or dynastically.
(h.) Dakbid, by N. Veselovski.
MISCELLANEA.
The neighbourhood of Samarqand is very striking, and the palace of Timur, the Mosque of Khoja Ahrár, and the Mosque of Dahbid are especially to be noted. The last two are objects of reverence among the population as the burial places of two saints, the descendants of Muḥammad. Khoja Ahrar, who is buried about four versts from Samarqand was a philanthropist. Makhdam-i-Azam, as he is also called, is renowned in the chronicles of Islam for his conversion of the heathen of Eastern Turkistan.
•
Sayyid Ahmad Kasani is buried in the kishlak Dahbid, twelve verats from Samarqand. He is better known as Makhdum-i'Asam, which signifies The Great Master.' Happening to be in Samarqand in 1885 the author visited his grave. He departed for Dahbid on the 31st August 1888, accompanied by a young native, the Mirza Akil. Having left Samarqand by the Paikobak Gate, they soon reached the kishlak Makhao, the most unpleasant place near Samarqand, where is a residence for lepers, who live upon alms. On básár-days they swarm along the roads leading to Samarqand: the women, frequently with children, stretch out wooden cups to passers-by, and, whatever be their age, are unveiled. Four versts from Samarqand are the ruins of an old town with a citadel (urda): about a verst from thence a ford passes the Zaravshan. The road from this point is planted with mulberry trees, extending to the mosque of Khoja Ahrår, and said to have been planted by him. Among the Turkistanis, planting mulberry trees on the road is considered a pious deed. When the mulberries are ripe, the travellers shake them from the trees and satisfy their hunger and thirst. The poor make flour out of the dried berries. This is probably the reason why they assign the planting of these trees to the Khoja Ahrår. There are many stories about his benevolence.
Dahbid signifies "ten willows." This kishlak is not healthy on account of the rice-fields
155
surrounding it. Goftre is frequently met with. The mosque by the grave of Makhdâm-i-'Azam is large; the actual burial-place is separated by a brick wall. In the middle of the garden is built a dakhma, which is overgrown with tall grass, very much entangled. The writer goes on to describe how difficult it was to get there. His guide refused to follow him. The natives considered that whoever went into the dakhma would die, unless he were a Shekh and a descendant of Makhdom-i-'Azam. The mutawalli, as one of these, might have gone with the writer, but he hid himself, not wishing to assist an infidel to defile with his feet the grave of a holy man. The writer of the article accordingly went alone and came to a great monument of white marble, erected in the middle of the dakhma. He then gives the inscriptions on the graves, and a plan of the graveyard follows.
(i.) Musalman Books printed in Russia, by V. Smirnov.
The writer gives a list of the books printed in Russia in the Arabic, Persian and Turkish languages during the last three years. Lists of the kind were first published by Dorn. His bibliographical review appeared in Vol. V. Mélanges Asiatiques tirés du Bulletin de l'Acu démie Impériale des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg (1866) under the title of Chronologisches Verzeichniss der seit dem Jahre 1801, bis 1866, in Kasan Gedruckten arabischen, türkischen, tatarischen und persischen Werke, als Katalog der im asiatischen Museum befindlichen Schriften der Art. This attracted much attention in the foreign press (especially in England) as the Russians were not thought liberal enough to allow it. Originally most of these Oriental publications appeared at Kazan or St. Petersburg. More recently the printing press of Gasprinski was established at Bakhchisarai and that of Lakhtin at Tashkand. Besides single books and pamphlets, periodicals appeared in the Tatar language. Such were the Caucasus periodicals called the Agriculturist, the Scrip, and the Lights Some of these have come of the Caucasus. to an end, but the Interpreter has now existed for six years at Bakhchisarai. Besides these, in Tashkand there is a Government newspaper, which at first appeared in two languages, Sart and Kirghiz separately, but now appears only in Sart. The Musalman press has preserved its original character. Ten thousand copies of the Quran, the Heftiek, Sherdyatu-l-iman, Ustuvani, Bedevam, and prayer-books in Arabic, are printed under various titles, with a Tatar preface, representing the miraculous efficacy of these prayers. They are intended for poor people, and

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the presses are most active about the Ramazan with a long extract describing the journey of and the fair of Nizni Novgorod, on account of Pazukhin. the assembling of Musalmans. They are mostly (2) On the modern Sect of the Challe, by V. stereotyped. But there are large works for Zhukovski. These secte ascribe to their imme educated Russian Musalmans also in Arabic and an incarnation of the deity. T&tår. Originally the latter were in a kind of (3) 4 Note on Two Discoveries recently made jargon which the author elaborated for himself; in Egypt, by V. Golenistcher. These are a whole in this hotch-poteh might be found elements of series of cuneiform tablets of clay discovered various Turkish dialecta, from the simple speech at Tel-el-Amons; and a collection of portraits of the Kazan Tatár to the elaborate literary style of persons at the end of the epoch of the Ptolemies of the Effendi of Constantinople. At the present and beginning of the Roman period, found in the time the local writers of Kazan imitate the Usmånli Oasis of Fayam. Till this time no cuneiform style, as seen in the latest works of Abdu'l-Kaium. inscriptions have been found in Egypt. Monla-Nasirov, and others. Especially note- The tablets consist of the letters of various worthy is the work of a certain Mosk Ak-Tigit, Asiatic rulers to two Egyptian kings, Amenh'otep published at Kazan in 1886. The author has III and IV. One of those who corresponded with received a good education and imitates such writers these kings was the Babylonian king Burnabaas the Turk, Aḥmad Midhat Effendi. He has riash. Already some Egyptian scholars were written a novel on modern Tatar life in a kind of inclined to fix the eighteenth dynasty of the Uemånli dialect of his own. It is said that some Pharaohs at about the fifteenth century B.C., time ago the author went to Stambal and has not while Assyrian scholars had referred to the same returned. But he has left imitators. To the fifteenth oentury, the date of the Babylonian king class of more useful publications belong the Burnaburiash. calendar of Kaium Nazirov, with some essays on | Another correspondent of the Egyptian kings general topics, and some manuals of Geography is Dushratta, king of the country of Mittani. and Arabic Grammar. A rhymester named Mev. This city the Egyptians called Naharina, and leghei Yumachikov, has written several poems in a meant a place situated on the left bank of the dialect akin to Khirgiz. He appears too often Euphrates, almost opposite to the town of Car. as a vulgar fanatio, and some of his poems were chemish, the modern Jerabis. Judging by the repressed by the censorship.
independent tone of the letters of the king of The writer takes an entirely different view from Mittani, the country, at least at the commencethat of Dorn on the education of the Tatars. ment of the reign of Amenh'otep III., was so The press among them is only used to encourage important that its king might enter into negotiaobscurantism.Works on magic, on domestic tions with the principal Egyptian king on a footing medicine, and others full of charlatanism abound. of independence. Besides the royal letters oonBooks of this kind appear every year in great tained in the correspondence, we meet with numbers, and are increasing. If we find a man from persons calling themselves the slaves of of education among the Tatare, it is one who has Pharaoh. For the understanding of the cuneibeen brought up at a Russian school.
form correspondence received at the court of (1) Miscellaneous Notes :
Pharaoh, it is obvious that there must have been (1) Old Russian accounts of Moro, by D. interpreters. Sometimes men of this sort were Kobeko. In 1669 the Russian Ambassador, Pasu- sent with the letters, e.g. in one of the king of khin, was sent to Abdu'l-Aziz, the Khan of Mittani's epistles, such a man has the title tar. Bukhara. He went there through Astrakbån to gu-ma-an-m, i.e. 'translator.' For the interpreKhiva, and accomplished the return journey tation of these interesting tableta we must wait through Charjat, Merv, Mashhad and Lankurin. for the decision of MM. Winkler and Lehmann, of At Merv, then belonging to Persia, Pazukhin was Berlin, the museum of which oity has bought the hospitably met by Zenar Khân, the governor of whole collection through the instrumentality of the city, and lived there from December 1672 to Graff, the Viennese dealer in Eastern carpets. March 1673. In obedience to instructions given, The second discovery consists of 60 portraits Pazukhin traced the route from Astrakhan to the as previously mentioned. These have been des city Junabatu (i.e. JabAnabad Dehli) through cribed by Ebers in Beilage sur Allgemeinen Zeitung, Khiva, Balkh, Kabul and P&shAwar. The route | Nos. 135-7, 1888. They were taken from the tope was rendered dangerous by the war going on of ooffing. The type represented is only Coptie in between the Persian Shah 'Abbas II. (1642-1666), one instance; in others Greek and Semitic; and the great Mughal Shah Jahan, in the territory No. 64 is a negro, with perhaps a mixture of which is now Afghanistan. The article winds up Greek blood; 8 represent old men, 24 men of

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MISCELLANEA.
157
middle age; 4, young men, 3 boys, 29 girls, and School, Kazan, 1887. The appearance of this 3 old women. The portraits of the women are work is due to the approaching 200th anniversary best executed.
of the Mission to Pekin, which, as is well known, (4) Bedouin Wit, by Baron V. Rosen. This is a existed in China de facto from the year 1689 and comic story from "The Book of Animals," by Jahiz, de jure from 1715. The author, a former member (A.H. 255 = 869). It tells how a Bedouin carved of the Mission, appears to have begun his work in a fowl, keeping the best part for himself. There Pekin, and perhaps finished it there. But the are many stories of this kind in Arabian antholo necessary documents would be wanting, as all of gies, both in verse and proge, in which a rude them, to the year 1863, are in the archives of the countryman plays pranks upon the educated Minister for Foreign Affairs, and still await their townsman. When we can assign the date of such editor. The book could only be compiled in stories, they are valuable as illustrating the mutual Moscow or St. Petersburg. There is very little relations of the different elements of Arabian that is new in the book; the author, however, society at a given time. The Arabian anthologies gives fairly copious accounts of the Russian of the third and fourth centuries of the Hijra are exploits on the Amar and the Russo-Chinese valuable for this. Some important extracts may trade at that period. be made from one of the oldest anthologies, vis. (3) A short sketch of the History of Zabaikalia, Ibn-Abi-Tahir-Taifur (British Museum Add., 18, by V. K. Andrievich. 532).
This is an account of the territory beyond Lake (5) New materials for the Yagnob Language, by Baikal. The author says that he wished to furnish K. Saleman. In July and August 1887, E. Kahl, & collection of materials for the History of the who has an administrative post in Tashkand, took Cossack Army of this region. But the fire at * journey to the Yagnob. He gucceeded in get-| Irkutsk in 1879 destroyed the building containing ting explanations of several obscure points of the archives of Eastern Siberia, those of SelenYagnob pt.onetics, compiled a tolerably copious ghinsk and Kiakhta have now been seen sent to glossary, and collected some topographical and Moscow, and those of Nerchinak have disappeared, statistical information.
because they were not taken care of. Under such (6) Something more about the discovery at circumstances, M. Andrievich having composed Kulja, by V. Tiesenhausen. The four silver coins his work in Eastern Siberia could not use any sent from Kulja by V. M. Uspenski in 1887 belong official documents, except the Complete Collection to the class of Jaghatai coins struck in the of Lars published in 1838, from which he has second half of the thirteenth and first half of the gathered almost all the ukases relating to the fourteenth century of our era. One of them, territory. In this lies his chief service. He has struck in Almalik in 650 A.H. (=1252-3 A.D.), used besides a Collection of Diplomatic documente is in all respects similar to those which M. between the Russian and Chinese Empires from Uspenski exhibited to the Archeological Society 1619 to 1792, compiled by Bantish-Kamenski, and in 1886. Another was coined by Têrmaslivrin edited in 1882 by V. M. Florinski. He should Khan (year and place cannot be deciphered). The bave made himself acquainted with some of most interesting is the third, coined in 737 A.H. the Eastern historians. Thus he tells us that (= 1337-8 A.D.) in Badakhshain by Khin Jenkishi. the lamas and Dalai-lama appear first in the To this Khan is ascribed the fourth of the coins time of Guyak Khân, the grandson of Changêz, sent by M. Uspenski.
whereas Guyuk Khån died in 1248, and the first (*) Criticism and Bibliography.
Dalai-lama could not have existed earlier than (1) The Akhal-Tekke Oasis : its past and 1420. Similar blunders occur also in his present. Historico-geographical and Oro-geolo- account of the Buriate becoming Russian subgical sketches of the Transcaspian district, with jects, and the flights of the Mongols into Russian engravings and a map, by P. 8. Vasilico, St. territory, etc. Petersburg, 1888. The book gives the reader (4) The Principles of Chinese Life, by Sergive almost nothing. It is difficult to find anything new Georgievski. This is the solitary work in Euroafter the elaborate sketches of M. Lessar, who pean literature on the subject, and it gives the knows the country so thoroughly. The writer principles upon which Chinese life has depended evidently is acquainted with no Eastern language, during the many centuries of its existence. Its and his style is naive.
foundation is filial piety, based firstly upon primi. (2) A History of the Religious Mission to Pekin tive religion, and secondly upon the ethics of at the first period of its activity (1685-1745). Part Confucius. I., by the Hieromonack Nicholas (Adoratski), Having discussed in the first chapter, the Superintendent of the Kherson Ecclesiastical primitive faith of the ancient Chinese in the

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immortality of the soul, and their faneral customs, published by the Orthodox Missionary Society, the author in chapters second and third treats of Kasan, 1884. This dictionary, compiled for practhe Chinese worship of ancestors expressed by tical purposes, contains important materials for services to them in the temples. In chapters the study of the Altaio dialects. The author fourth and fifth the author discusses the influ- collected the materials for the grammar pablished ence of the dootrines of ancestor worship and at Kasan in 1869. He tells us that his work filial piety on the private and public life of embraces two chief dialecta (1) Altaic (Teleut, the ancient Chinese. In the sixth chapter Telengut, Telenget), (2) Aladag. There are no the author treats the genesis of Chinese poly- dialectical sub-divisions of the first, but the second theism, and explains how it gradually obscured is sub-divided into the following dialecta, (a) of the worship of ancestors. The author surveys Kondom, the Upper and Lower, (b) Matir, (c) the development of the old Chinese philosophy, Abakan, Upper and Lower, (d) Bi (Upper and and shows that the latter destroyed the primitive Lower). The reviewer, (V. Radloff), compares belief in the immortality of the soul, and developed this division of the dialects with his own, as given ethical forms of life which led to valgar cynical in Phonetik der nördlichen Türksprachen, pages Stoicism and Epicureanism. From this China was 281-283. saved by Confucianism, which system the anthor Reviewer's division. Division of M. Vorbitaki. proceeds to explain, showing that its centre is filial I. Dialects of Altai proper. I. Altaio dialect. piety which develops in man love, justice, and
(1) Altaio.
(2) Teleut. energy. In the concluding and longest chapter of
II. Dialects of Northern II. Aladag dialect. his work, M. Georgievski discusses the future of
Altai. China, in view of its yearly increasing relations (1.) Lebedir.
(1) BI (4). with Europe and America.
(a) Upper. (5) On the roots of the Chinese language in
(b) Lower (Kumkuin) connection with the question of the origin of the
(2) Shor.
(2) Kondom. Chinsao, by 8. Georgievski, St. Petersburg, 1888.
(a) Upper.
(a) Matir. The work of M. Georgievski falls into two closely
(b) Lower. (2) connected divisions, linguistic and ethnographi
III. Abakan.
III. Abakan. (8) cal. In the first division, the author, establish- (1) Sagan.
(a) Upper. ing his opinion by a series of examples (which (2) Koibal. occupy in the book 176 lithographed pages), (8) Kaohin.
(b) Lower. shows :-(1) that the old Chinese characters If we compare the vocabulary of the Altaic' were developed from a single root system, dialeotio grammar with that now published we shall see peculiarities being expressed by special characters, great progress. The number of words is doubled; preserved to the present day in Chinese lexico- the definitions are clearer, and they are congraphy as synonyms; and (2) that in the Chinese firmed by examples which the author has heard language are groups of words cognate with others 1 from natives. The Reviewer, he says, ought to in the Aryan languages, and the languages of acknowledge openly that the work of M. Verbitski Japan, Coren, Manchuria, Mongolia, Tibet, Annam, is of great service to him in the compilation of his Siam, Burma, and Tartary. In the second part M. dictionary of the Turkish dialects, on which he Georgievski comes to the question of the origin is now engaged. Some deficiencies, however, in of the Chinese. His chief positions are (1): that the work are to be remarked ; alphabetical order the Chinese people colonised the territory of is not always kept, and the transcriptions are not China proper from Central Asia, where they had made on a uniform plan. lived side by side with the ancestors of the Aryans, (7) The Proverbs of the Natives of Turkistán, with whom they were ethnologically connected; (2) that the territory of China proper was from Proverbs are always a favourite study with ethnothe earliest times settled by races not of one graphers. It is strange that although the Rusethnological type, and not akin to the Chinese; Bians have now been masters of Tashkand for and (3) these races were the forefathers of the twenty years they have not been collected before. Japanese, Coreans, Manchus, Mongols, Eastern Moreover, there is plenty of material. M. OstrouTurkistánfs, and Indo-Chinese, and became in. mov has collected 492, and the places and corporated with the Chinese, and the fragments of circumstances connected with them are described. their language are preserved in Chinese lexico- Some are purely local; some entirely original and graphy.
others adopted, translated from Persian or Arabic. (6) V. Vorbitalei. A Dictionary of the Altai (8) Catalogue des Monnaies Musulmanes de la and Aladag Dialoota of the Turkish language, Bibliothèque Nationale, etc. 1887. This vast work is

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occupied with the description of 1888 coins of the Eastern Caliphate, falling into the following semi-divisions, (i) Coins of the Byzantine type (96 examples); (ii) Coins Latin-Arab. (42 ex.); (iii) Coins Sassani-Arab. (21 ex.): (iv) assigned to the Khalifa 'Ali (1 ex.); (v) Ummayi (619 ex.); (vi) Adherents of the 'Abbasis (12 ex.); (vii) 'Abbasi (875 ex). The reviewer says that he has counted 266 which have not been published, and some of which make us acquainted with mints hitherto unknown. A remarkable feature of the Paris collection are the Byzantine-Arab and Latin-Arab coins, in which the Russian collections are very poor. On the other hand, the Parisian collection is poor in Sassani-Arabian coins, of which the Russians have a good quantity. The copper coins of the Khalifas are very interesting, and besides the customary inscriptions we find various representations (branches of trees, ears of corn, crescents, eagles, etc.)
MISCELLANEA.
In the introduction M. Lavoix refers to the only dirham of Basra, known to be of the fortieth year of the Hijra. It is in all respects like the latest 'Ummayi dirhams of A.H.78-132. Relying upon uncertain historical data M. Lavoix ascribes the first attempt to coin among the Musalmâns to the Khalifa 'Ali (35-40 A.H.); but upon the unanimous evidence of Arabian historians, confirmed by many 'Ummayi coins, its introduction belongs to the rule of the Khalifa 'Abdu'l-Malik (65-86 A.H.). If it had happened in the time of 'Ali, the Musalmån Chronicles would have mentioned it, and moreover in the stores of Kufic money excavated in Northern Russia, we should certainly have met with a few examples of the coins of 'Ali. The writer does not venture to say that the coin is the production of a modern falsifier, but does not feel inclined, like Mordtmann, se fléchir devant la brutalité du fait, and to acknowledge it as a coin of 'Ali. Either the engraver made a misake, or it is a trick of some old supporter of the party of 'Ali, who wished to magnify the imperial wisdom of the founder of his party. Moreover, it is not yet settled in what year the coining of money was introduced. According to chronicles it was between the years 74 and 77 A.H. The specimens, which were known up to the time of M. Lavoir's Catalogue were as early as A.H. 77. He now makes us acquainted with dirhems of the years 73, 75, 76. In conclusion, the writer hopes for the speedy continuation of the work of M. Lavoix. (9) Bühler, G., Ueber die Indische Secte der
NOTES AND A VARIANT OF THE BLOODY CLOTH. The following is an interesting, if unpleasant, variant of the legend of the "bloody cloth"
159
Jaina. Wien, 1887. This is a masterly exposition in a condensed form of the leading principles of Jainism. Professors Bühler and Jacobi are the chief defenders of the independent development of Jainism, apart from Buddhism. To the former' weighty reasons in support of this view, new are added, taken from the latest discoveries in epigraphy. In inscriptions of the first century B.C. are found enumerations of different schools of the Jains (gana) with their sub-divisions (éakhd, branch, and kula, family), known to us from the traditions of the Jains. This discovery enables us to feel more confidence in these traditions. Bühler gives a complete text of these inscriptions in the Viennese Oriental Journal.
(10) Albérant's India, edited in the Arabic origi nal, by Dr. Edward Sachau. New editions of valuable Arabic texts are constantly appearing. Bêrani, however, always keeps one of the chief places. Arabists and Indian scholars have alike awaited this book with impatience, perhaps the latter most so. A proper estimate will be made when the promised English translation appears. The work of Bêrant is peculiar. It has no parallel in ancient and mediaval literature of the East or West. We find in it no prejudices of religion or caste, but a careful spirit of criticism, which is imbued with all the power of modern comparative methods. He understands the value of knowledge, and prefers silence to opinions based upon inadequate facts. His breadth of vision is truly astonishing.
In this book is heard a soul thirsting for truth, and hungering for righteousness, placing that truth above everything, and striving for it unweariedly. He pardons much because he understands much; but at the same time he is free from fanciful idealism. It is indeed wonderful that such a work could have been produced at such a time and in such a country.
A man like Bêrûnî appears to great advantage, if we compare him to European savants of the time. The West was full of prejudices. It had to wait two centuries before it produced the great figure of Frederick II.
The reviewer does not agree with the editor that Berani was a solitary rock in the ocean of Arabic literature, and explains his reasons at considerable length. This edition is a great monument of the critical skill and unwearied labour of Edward Sachau.
W. R. MORFILL.
QUERIES.
attached to so many "saints" in Europe. At Chenganar there is a temple to Siva of considerable celebrity. In it there is an image of Parvati,

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his consort. Parvati, being female, of course menstruates (!), and periodically a red spot appears on the cloth worn by the image. Whenever this happens the temple is closed for three days and no worship allowed in it. In the works of
Ravivarman Tampi, a celebrated Travancore poet of the beginning of this century, is to be found an allusion to this in some of his very elegant
Madras.
SUNKUNI WARIYAR.
BOOK NOTICE. THE LITE 0 HIURN-TSIANO; by SAMUEL BRAL, B.A., | account of the political divisions of the countries
D.C.L. Trübner's Oriental Series. London ; Trüb. ner and Co. 1888. Post 8vo. 1 pp. IIIVIi., 218.
through which he passed, with many notices of A most valuable addition has recently been
the then rulers of them, and of their predecessors. made to Trübner's Oriental Series, in the shape
And this it is that makes his writings so valuable; of the Rev. Samuel Beal's Translation of the supplying, as they do, so much historical and Life of Hiron-Tsiang, which supplements his geographical information regarding a period for translation of the Travels of Hiuen-Tsiang, which the epigraphical remains are not as full as published in 1884 under the title of Buddhist might be wished. Records of the Western World, and completes Within the limits of this notice, it is imposthe English version of all regarding India that sible to give any account of the details of the was noted by the Chinese pilgrim during his visit book. But it contains one curious and interesting to that oountry in the period of his absence from episode, not included in the Travels, which may be China from A.D. 630 to 645. Mr. Beal's three briefly quoted here, as shewing the existence volumes now cover in English the same ground then, as until comparatively recent times, as M. Stanislas Julien's French translation of the practice of human sacrifice by the published some thirty years ago; and, being devotees of Durga. Having left Ayodhya, brought up to date by notes and comments, are Hiuen-Tsiang, with about eighty fellow-pasindispensable to everyone who is concerned with sengers, was travelling by boat down the the ancient history of India, religious or political. Ganges on his way to Hayamukha. The boat The present volume also contains, in the Intro- was captured by pirates, whose custom it was duction, a brief résumé of I-tsing's notices of every year, in the autumn-which season it then forty-three other Chinese pilgrims, most of whom was,-to kill a man of good form and comely visited India, belonging to the period A.D. 627 features, and to offer his flesh and blood to their to 665. It ought to have contained, but does not goddess, Durg&, in order to procure good fortune. do so, an index, similar to that provided with the From among their captives they selected Hiuentwo volumes of the Travels; the absence of an Tsiang himself, as the most suitable for their index much impairs the utility of such a book as purpose, on account of his distinguished bearing. this.
and his bodily strength and appearance. The The Travels were written by Hiuen-Tsiang, sacrificial ground was prepared ; an altar, beand edited by the Shaman Pien Ki. The Life smeared with mud, was erected; Hiuen-Tsiang was written in the first instance by Hwui Li, one was bound on it; and the sacrifice was just about of Hiuen-Tsiang's disciples, and was afterwards to be performed; when the ceremony was stayed enlarged and completed by Yen-thsong at the by a mighty typhoon that suddenly barst from request of Hwui Li's disciples. For his share of the four quarters, smiting down the trees, stirring the work, Yen-thsong consulted other texts and up clouds of sand, and lashing the waves of the authorities, besides the writings of Hiuen-Tsiang river into fury. This fortunate interposition of himself. And thus the Life, which includes, in the powers of nature,- -regarded, of course, by the addition to an account of Hiuen-Tsiang's early pirates as a miraculous intervention in favour of years and his life after his return to China, a a person who must consequently be of great sanc. more or less full epitome of all the information tity and importance-led to explanations which given in his own larger work, corroborates and naturally ended in the repentance and forgiveness explains the latter in many important details. of the pirates, and their conversion to Buddhism The chief object of Hiuen-Tsiang in visiting India as lay-worshippers. This brief account shews the was to study Buddhism as practised there, and interesting nature of the episode. But it must be to collect, and take back to China, as many read in full in Mr. Beal's translation, in order to Buddhist and other writings as he could procure. understand all its details, and to appreciate the The object of his labours, therefore, was primarily dramatic vigour of the language in which the religious. But his work contains also a very full ) narrative is given by Hiuen-Triang.

Page #177

JUK, 1889.)
GRANTS OF ANANTAVARMA-CHODAGANGADEVA.
161
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 178. — VIZAGAPATAM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF ANANTAVARMA-CHODAGANGADEVA.
SAKA-SAMYAT 1003. T EDIT this and the following two inscriptions, all three of them being now published in full
for the first time, from the original plates, which I obtained for examination, in 1883, from the Government Central Museum at Madras, through the kindness of Dr. Bird. This inscription has been noticed by Mr. Sewell, in the Archeol. Surv. South. Ind. Vol. II. p. 31, No. 212, where the plates are mentioned as having been obtained from the Collector of Visagapatam, in the Madras Presidency.
The plates are five in number, each measuring about 7" by 8y" at the ends and a little leas in the middle; the first plate is inscribed on one side only; the last plate is blank on both sides, and was intended as a guard to the outer side of the fourth plate. The edges of the plates are fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surfaces, so as to serve as rims to protect the writing; and, except for five aksharas in lines 9, 10, 17, the inscription is well preserved and quite legible throughout. -The ring on which the plates are strang, is about ! thick and ' in diameter; it had not been cut when the grant left my hands again. The ends of it are secured in the lower part, shaped like and probably intended to represent an expanded water-lily, of a flat circular disc, about 21" in diameter, which takes the place of the ordinary peal. On the apper side of this disc, there is fixed an image of the ball Nandi, couchant, as it on the top of a pillar; and on each side of the Nandi, ent in the surface of the disc, there is what seems to be either an elephant-goad, or a chauri with a long handle ; and also a baskhashell, on the proper right side. Possibly there were originally also other emblems, as in the case of No. 179 below, now not recognisable. - The total weight of the five plates, with the ring, disc, and image, is about 4 lbs. 2} oz. — The characters are a variety of what Dr. Bamell has named the South Indian Nagari alphabet ; and they belong to the same stock with the characters used in the grants of Devendravarman and Satyavarman, though with differences in several essential points. The engraving is good and fairly deep; and the letters show throngh on the outer sides of the first and fourth plates. The interiors of the letters sbew marks throughout of the working of the engraver's tool. -The language is Sanskrit. And the whole record is in prose, except for three verses in lines 26 to 33. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the doubling of chh, by ch in the usual way, after the anusvára, in larichchhana, line 8; (2) the repetition of bh, instead of its doubling by b, after , in chúddmaņêr-bhbhagavato, line 6; and (3) the use of v for b throughout, e.g. in savda, line 8; avdakdn, line 14; davarán, line 28; and anavuja, line 32.
This inscription, which contains a good deal of genealogical information, is a record of Hng Anantavarman, otherwise called Chodagangadáva, of the later Gangs dynasty of Kalinga; and the charter recorded in it, is issued from the city of Kalinganagara. It is a Baiva inscription; the object of it being to record the grant of the village of Chakivada, in the Samvå vishaya, to the god Sive under the name of Rajaråjåsvara, whose temple was at the village of Rengujed, - i.e. to a linga-form of that god established at the village in question by Rajaraja, the father of Anantavarman, and named after him.
Lines 30 to 33 give the date of the accession of Anantavarma-Chodagangadáva. The details are: - Saka-Samvat 999, expressed in numerical words, and not specified either as current or as expired; while the sun was standing in the sign Kumbha, se, in the solar month Philgana; in the bright fortnight; on Ravijadina or Saturday, joined with the third tithi; under the Bevati nakshatra ; and during the Nriyagma lagna, i.e. during the rising of the

Page #178

162
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1889.
sign Mithuna. Here the given year has to be applied as an expired year. Thus, with Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, I find that
In Saka-Samvat 999 current, the Kumbha-Samkranti occurred on Sunday, 22nd January, A.D. 1077, at about 32 ghatis, 21 palas, after mean sunrise, for Kalingapatam, and on this day there ended the amánta Magha krishna 10, at about 28 gh. 48 p.; and the Mina-Sankranti occurred on Tuesday, 21st February, at about 21 gh. 4 p., and on this day there ended the amanta Phalguna krishna 11, at about 54 gh. 57 p. The third tithi of the bright fortnight in this period, while the sun was standing in Kumbha, was the lunar Phâlguna sukla 3, which ended, not on a Saturday, but on Sunday, 29th January, A.D. 1077, at about 48 gh. 43 p.
But in Saka-Samvat 1000 current (999 expired), the Kumbha-Sankranti occurred on Monday, 22nd January, A.D. 1078, at about 47 gh. 52 p., and on this day there ended the tithi Mâgha śukla 6, at about 11 gh. 39 p.; and the Mina-Samkranti occurred on Wednesday, 21st February, at about 36 gh. 35 p., and on this day there ended the tithi Phalguna śukla 7, at about 31 gh. 41 p. The third tithi of the bright fortnight in this period, while the sun was standing in Kumbha, was again the lunar Phalguna bukla 8, which ended, as required, on Saturday, 17th February, A.D. 1078, at about 54 gh. 36 p. Calculating by the Surya-Siddhanta and for apparent sunrise, Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit finds, that, on this day, the tithi ended at 54 gh. 12 p.; there was the Revati nakshatra, ending, according to the equalspace system, at 44 gh. 25 p.; and there was the Nriyugma lagna, lasting from 13 gh. 23 p. to 18 gh. 41 p.
Lines 40 f. give the actual date of the grant itself. And here the details are:- SakaSamvat 1003, again expressed in numerical words, and not specified either as current or as expired; the month of Mêsha, i.e. the solar month Vaisakha; the eighth tithi of the dark fortnight; on Adityavara or Sunday. As with the preceding date, applying the given year as an expired year, in Saka-Samvat 1004 current (1008 expired) the Mêsha-Sankranti occarred on Tuesday, 23rd March, A.D. 1081, at about 44 ghatis; the Vrishabha-Samkrânti occurred on Friday, 23rd April, at about 40 gh. 29 p.; and the eighth tithi of the dark fort. night in this period was the lunar amânta Chaitra krishna 8, which ended, as required, on Sunday, 4th April, A.D. 1081, at about 35 gh. 19 p.
This inscription, and No. 180 below, which mentions the month of Vrischika, i.e. the solar month Mârgasirsha, are of special interest on account of their quoting the solar months, in accordance with what is still the usage in at any rate the Tamil calendars in the Madras Presidency. With the verse which gives the date of the accession of the Chôla king Rajaraja II., and which, by the expression "the sun being in Simha," indicates the solar month Bhadrapada, these are the only published epigraphical instances that I can quote for the use of the solar without any reference to the lunar month."
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 Om Svasti Srimata [m=a]khila-bhuvana-vinuta-naya-vinaya-daya-dans
dâkshi
2 nya - satya - saucha-sauryya dhairyy - âdi-guna - ratna pavitraka pâm-A3 trêya-götrânâm
vimala-vichar-âchara-punya-salila-praksha
·
1 For the term lagna, see the Surya-Siddhanta, iii. 48, 40, and the notes in the Rev. E. Burgess' translation. The unqualified lagna seems always to denote, as it has here been taken, the kahitija-lagna or the occurrence of a point of the ecliptic on the horizon. There is another kind of lagna, vis. the madhya-lagna, which denotes the point of the ecliptic on the meridian.'
2 The times here are for Kalingapatam, all through.
See, for instance, the Sirtya-Panchangam and the Fabya-Panchangam, quoted ante, Vol. XVII. p. 208 and note 12, which use the solar year. ante, Vol. XIV. p. 53, lines 65-67.
In the verse which gives the date of the accession of the Eastern Chalukya king Amma II. (ante, Vol. VII. p. 16, lines 31-34), the solar month Pansha is indicated by the words" the sun being in Dhanas;" but the principal item is the mention of the lunar month Margafirsha. From the original plates.
This tá was at first omitted and then inserted below the line. This omission accounts for the omission of the following ma.

Page #179

JUNE, 1889.] GRANTS OF ANANTAVARMA-CHODAGANGADEVA.
4 lita-Kalikala-kalmasha-mashinâm
5 sikhara-pratishthitasya
6 na-nirmmân-aika-sûtradharasya sasanka-chûdamanêr-bhbha(bbha)gavató 7 [Go]karnnasvaminah prasâdât-sama [aa]dit-aikasankha-bhêrî-pañcha
Second Plate; First Side.
maha-Mahendr-achalasakala-bhuva
sachar-âchara-guroḥ
8 mahâsavda(bda)-dhavalachchhatra-hêmachâmara-varavṛishabhalaṁchchhana-sa9 muj[j]vala-samasta-sâmrajya-mahimnâm-anêka - samara - [sa]nghaṭṭa-samu10 [palavdha(bdha)] vijayalakshmi samalingit ôt[t]unga bhujadaTrikalinga-mahivujam
Ganga
11 nda-manditânâm 12. nam (a)nvayam-ala (la)nkarishnôr-Vvishnôr-i(i) va vikra(kra)m-[*]krá13 ntâ (nta)-dhi(dha)ramandalasya Gunamsharppava-maharajasya putra[*] Second Plate; Second Side.
samadata(t) agrasu(su).
14 ri-Vajraha ha)stadevas-chatus-chatvâri[m]satam-avda(bda) kan kshiti15 marakshit || Tat-tanayo varsha-trayam-apâKamarnpavadėvaḥ Vinaya
16 layat I
Tad-anu
Gundama-raja(jo) tad-anujah Tasy-ânujo
17 [pañcha-trimsamd10.varshani |
18 dityah samas tiaraḥ || Tataḥ Kamarnnava-tanayo Vajraha19 stah mada-galita-ganaâ(1)n gajana(n) sahasram-artthibhya
yo
Third Plate; First Side.
88 -pañcha-tri[m]satam-avda(bda)kân || Tatas tad
Taha(ta)-ad-annjö
20 h
21 nuḥ
Kamarnavadevo rddha-sama[m] [11] Gunda-mahipati-11
22 striņi varshâņi | Tad-anu tasya dvaimâturô Madhu1-Kamarnnava ê23 k-ona-vimsati-varshâņi || Tataḥ Kamarnpavad-Vaidumv13-Anvaya
24 samudbhavâyâm Vinayamahadevyam jataḥ śri-Vajrahastadevo yo 25 divaḥ patantam-atibhtshanam-asanim sastry-åbhijaghâna sa trayas-tri
26 máatam-avda(bda)kan-avanim-apalayat | Tatas1tu tasy-atmabhavo-riThird Plate; Second Side.
27 marddanas-sa Rajaraja-kshitipah kahitim samâḥ arakshad-ashtau Varun-â
28 lay-imva(ba)rân-nidhir-ggapânân-Nidhê (dhi)pâla-sannibhaḥ ||
Tatô15
Rajendracho
29 lasys tanaya Rajasundari rajñas-tasy-igra-mahishi sati sutam=
ast(su)yata II
30 Bak16-avde(bde) Nanda-randhra-grahagana-ganite Kumbha-samsthe dinėse sukle
163
Read mahbhuidh.-In the last syllable, first a visarga was engraved, and then it was corrected into the anusudra by partial erasure of the lower circle.
In Mr. Sewell's published notice, this name is given as Guppama; but the second syllable is distinctly nda. 10 Bead trimhéad.
11 In the place where this person is mentioned in No. 179, line 74-75, the text has gundama-raja; which gives him exactly the same name, Gundams, with his grandfather. In No. 180, line 14, however the reading is the same an here. And though in both places we might assume the proper reading to be gundama-mahipati, on the understanding that the second ma was omitted in accordance with a frequent tendency of Hindu scribes, yet it is equally possible that Gunda is a justifiable shorter form of Gundams. I therefore take the text as it stands, without making any emendation.
13 In Mr. Sewell's published notice, this part of the name is given as Machu; but, both here and in No. 179, line 75, the second syllable is distinctly dhu. Also, in his notice of No. 179, Mr. Sewell gave the prefix as Muchu; but the first syllable, in both places, is distinctly ma.
13 Here, in the second syllable, we distinctly have the dental d; but in No. 180, line 15, the lingual d is used. Metre, Vahastha.
Metre, Bloka (Anushtubh).
16 Metre, Sragdhara.

Page #180

164
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
(JUXE, 1889.
31 pakshe tri(tri)tiya-yuji Ravija-dine Bevati-bhe Nriyugma
lagme(ne) Ga32 ng-anvavay-Anva(bu)ja-vana-dinaksid=viva-visvambhariyas-chakrai sa
rakshi
33 tum sad-gana-nidhir-adhipas-Chodagang-bhishiktab 11 Kalinga
nagar&t-pa34 ramamahdávara - paramabhatáraks - maharajadhiraja . Tri(tri)kaling. 4
Fourth Plate; First Side. 35 dhipatih brimad-Anantavarmma Choda(da)gangadávah kusali samast
Amâtys36 pramukha-janapadan-samáhdys samajāapayati [1] Viditam-asta
bhavatam 11() 37 Sathya-vishayd Chakivad Akhy grâmas-chatus-sim-ivachchhinne38 3-88-jala-sthalas-sarva- pidå - vivarjjitam - i - chandr - Arkka - kshiti - sama39 kalan y ávan-matapitrorektmanas-cha pugyaryaéð-bhivsiddha40 y8 1117 Haranayana-viyad-gagana-chandra-ganito Bak-Avda(bda)
Moshe-me41 -krishn-Ashtamyam-Aditya-váre Berhgujod-Akhya-grims-nivd
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 49 sine RAjarajesvarảya
va(ba)li-půjå-nivédy-taava-karaņa48 y ob-lismibhir-datta iti 11
ABSTRAOT OF CONTENTS. of the Mahdrája Gunamaharnava (II.) (line 13), who adorned the family of the Gangas (line 11), - who are of the Atrêys gótra (1. 3.); who through the favour of the divine Gökarnasvimin (Siva), (1. 7) established on the summit of the great mountain Mahendra (1.4), who is the father of all things animate and inanimate (1.5), and the solo architect for the construction of the universe (1.6), possess all the greatness of complete sovereignty resplendent with the single conch-shell, the kettle-drum, the panchamahüsabda, the white umbrella, the golden chámara, and the excellent crest of a bull (vrishabha-lánchhana) (1.9); and who are the kings of the country of) Trikalinga (1. 11), -the son, the illustrions Vajrahastadova (III.) (1. 14), protected the earth for forty years.
His son, king Gundams (I.) (1. 15), governed it for three years. After that, his younger brother, Kamarnavadáva (IV.) (L. 16), for thirty-five years. And his younger brother, Vinsyaditya (1. 17), for three years. Then Vajrahasta (IV.) (1. 18), the son of KamArnava (IV.). reigned for thirty-five years; he presented to applicants a thousand elephants whose throats were trickling with rut. Then his eldest son, Kamarpavadova (V.) (1. 21), reigned for half
year. Then his younger brother, king Gunda (Gundama II.)18 (1. 21), for three years. And then his maternal half-brother, Madhu-Kamarnava (VI.) (1. 22), for nineteen years. Then to KAmarnava (VI.), from Vinayamahadavi (1. 24) who was born in the Vaidumya! family, there was born Vajrahastadevs (V.) (1. 24), who struck back, with his sword, . most terrible thunderbolt, as it fell; he reigned for thirty-three years. Then his son, king Rajarajs (1. 27), reigned for eight years. His chief queen (agramahih). ww Rajasundart (L. 28), the daughter of Bijendraohola. And she bore him a son, king Chodaganga (1. 33), the son of the collection of water lilies which is the Ganga family (1. 82), who Ww anointed king in the Saks year (L. 80that is numbered by the Nandas (nine), the apertures of the body (nine), and the planeta (nine), when the sun was standing with
..
Se note 11 sboro.
This mark of panotustion is unnecessary. ** Or perhape Toidumma, with the lingual d;
note 18 abeto.

Page #181

JUNE, 1889.] GRANTS OF ANANTAVARMA-CHODAGANGADEVA.
Xumbba in the bright fortnight, on Saturday, joined with the third lunar day, under the Rêvati nakshatra, and during the Nriyugma lagna.
165
From the city of Kalinganagara (1. 33), he, the most devout worshipper of the god Mahesvara, the Paramabhattáraka, the Mahárájádhirája, the supreme lord of Trikalinga (1. 34), the glorious Anantavarman (otherwise called) Chodagangadeva (1. 35), being in good health, having called together all the people, headed by the Amátyas, issues a command:
"Be it known to you (1. 36) that, in the Saka year (1. 40) that is numbered by the eyes of Hara (three), the sky (nought), the expanse of heaven (nought), and the moon (one), on the eighth tithi of the dark fortnight in the month of Mêsha, on Sunday (1. 41), the village of Châkivada, in the Samva vishaya (1. 37), has been given by us to (the god) Rajarajêsvara (1. 42), residing (in a temple) at the village of Bengujed (1. 41), (for his use) and for the purpose of performing the oblation of ghee, the worship, the perpetual oblation, and the festival (of the god)."
No. 179.-VIZAGAPATAM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF ANANTAVARMA-CHODAGANGADEVA. SAKA-SAMVAT 1040.
This inscription has been noticed by Mr. Sewell in the Archaeol. Surv. South. Ind. Vol. II. p. 33, No. 19, where the plates are mentioned as having been obtained from the Collector of Vizagapatam.
The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are five in number, each measuring about 88" by 47" at the ends and a little less in the middle. The edges of the plates are fashioned thicker than the inscribed surfaces; and the inscription is well preserved and quite legible throughout. - The ring on which the plates are strung, is about thick and 5" in diameter; it had not been cut when the grant left my hands again. The ends of it are secured in the lower part of a flat circular disc, about 2" in diameter, similar to that of No. 178 above, which again takes the place of the ordinary seal. On the upper side of this disc again there is fixed an image of the bull Nandi, couchant; and, cut in the surface of the disc, there are, in front of him, the sun; in front of his left fore-leg, the moon; by the side of his right fore-leg, a linga, on an abhisheka-stand; below the linga, what seems to be a double umbrella; below the latter, a sankha-shell; behind the Nandi, a double drum; on the left side of him, what seems to be a single umbrella; and above it, between it and the moon, some emblem that I do not recognise. The total weight of the five plates, with the ring, disc, and image, is about 8 lbs. 14 oz.- The characters in this instance are ordinary Old-Kanarese, of the regular type of the period and locality to which the record refers itself. The engraving is good, and fairly deep; but the plates are thick and substantial, and the letters do not show through on the reverse sides of them at all. The interiors of the letters shew marks throughout of the working of the engraver's tool. The language is Sanskrit. The inscription is entirely in verse as far as line 44; and after that, verses occur in lines 61, 77, 80, 81, and 84 to 103. In respect of orthography, the points that call for notice are (1) the preferential use of the anusvára instead of the proper nasal, e.g. in kalamka-kamti, line 1; though instances of the correct usage occur, and, among them, the rather unusual employment of the guttural nasal in anvabhunta, for anvabhunkta, line 14; (2) the doubling of g after the anusvára, once, in gashgga, line 105; (3) the use of v for b, once, in avdhau, line 87, though in other places the b itself is used; (4) the use of b for th in chaturbbis, line 4, and, again when preceded by r, in five similar instances in lines 12, 56, 84, 91, and 96, and probably in line 34; and (5) the use of sabrajya for samrajya, line 46.
This inscription which contains still more genealogical and historical information, is another record of king Anantavarman, otherwise called Chodagangadeva, of the later Ganga dynasty of Kalinga; in this instance, the city from which the charter was issued, is not mentioned. It is nor-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant of the village of Tamarakhandi, in the Samva vishaya, to a person named Madhava.

Page #182

166
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1889.
In lines 93 to 96, we have the same verse that occurs in No. 178, giving the date of the accession of Anantavarma-Chodagangadeva. And line 114 gives the actual date of the grant itself, which is simply mentioned, without further details for calculation, as a meritorious day in Saka-Samvat 1040, expressed in numerical words and not distinctly specified either as current or as expired, but equivalent, as an expired year,1 to A.D. 1118-1119.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 Om [*] Lakshm-nishêvyam-udurâja-kalaṁka-kâṁti
baha-chatushṭaya-chaṇam vapu
2
râdadhanah prâdur-bbabhuva bhuvana-tritayam vidhitsur-vviva-prasati-jara3 tô (thô) bhagavan=Anamtaḥ | Tan-nabhi(bhi)-nalinâd-babhava bhuvana-prarambha
diksha-ratô
4 Brahma vêda-parampara[m] paridadhad-vaktrait-chaturbbi (rbbhi)s-tataḥ pråjåpatyadhur-âdhirada(dha)
5 mahasâm-Atrir=mmuninâm
vapushmâ
prabhur-jjtas-sarvvajani(nl)na-divya-tapaal[*]
6 niva II Atrê[*] putroh babhava Tripurahara-jata-juta (ta)-nêpatya (thya)-ratnanêtra-vyâpå
vrâtô
7 ra-desa[b] Smara-charita-maha-nâdi(ţi)kâ-sûtradharaḥ drishtâmtô dakshinâtya-mu8 kha-mukura-rucham sarvvarf-ji(jf)vit-ééas-trailôky-Anamda-kamdo
gagana-tala-ma
9 h-ambhodhi-samkhas-Saba[m]kah (1) Tatô jagat-tâpa-bhishajyita-tvishas=subha-graho10 bhûd-vibudh-agranir-Bbudhah Pururavas-tat-tanayo yad-allas ad-bhuja 11 shyam bubhuje vasumdharam (11) Tasm [*]d-Ayus-subham yas-tribhuvana-viditô janma lêbhê
12 tadiyah putrô-bhuj-jê(jai)tra-bâhur-Nnahusha-narapatir=bbû(bbhú)bhṛitâm-agra-ganyah
ya
13 ↳ prithvy&m=êka-patnyâm-anubhava-vimukhô bhuri-jata-prajâyâm svar-vvsyâm kha14 ndit-Emdrâm pranaya-paravaśaḥ paurushên-ânvabhuù[k]ta Tato Yayatir
vvijit-ari15 yût1ir=jjajõe tatas-Turvvabur-urvvar-êśaḥ sa pûrvva-girvvâṇa-gurðr-ggarimnâ(mpa)
mâtâma
16 hasy-ôrasi hi pravriddhab (11) Aputratvam praptas-suchiram-atikhinn8 nṛipa-vțiSecond Plate; First Side.
bhuji
17 shas-sa Gamgam-Aradhyam niyata-gatir-årådhya vara-dâm ajêyam Ganglys18 m sutam-alabhat-arabhya cha tada kramas-tad-vamsyânâm bhuvi jayati Garg-Anva
19 ya iti (1) Asyla-sit-tanayo Virochana-vibhur-vvairi-grah-Astâchala[*] kshoņi(ni)nâ20 tha-ki(ki) rita-patra-makari-lagn-â[m*]ghri-rên(?)-û(?)tkarah
1 On the analogy of the results for the dates in No. 178. From the original plates.
Metre, Sragdhard.
Metre, Sragdhara.
Lakshmi(kshmi)-Vagvanita
mahakula-nadi-[sa]
21 mvedyam=adyôginam Samvedyam samaji(ji)janat sa nṛipatir=Ggaming-Anvay-ôttamsakam (1) 8a
22 mvédy-atô13 magir-iv-[*]jani nama bhâsvân1 bhûpâla-mauli-makutair-upalâlani(nî)ya
Metre, Vasantatilaka.
Metre Sardalavikridita.
Read putro.
1 Metre, Vathiastha. Metre, Upajati of Indravajra and Upendravajra.
10 This vowel & was at first omitted, and then was inserted, rather indistinctly, over the lower part of the ti. 11 Metre, Bikharini. 13 Metre, Bardalavikridita. 18 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
14 The use and position of the word nama might possibly be held to indicate that the name of Samvedya's son is to be found in the word bhdevan; in which case the first four syllables of this verse would be taken as one word, with an ablative sense, and the translation would be from Samvédya there was born Bhaavat by name, (resplendent) like a jewel." But on the whole it would seem that the name Samvédin is intended; and that this name, and that of Dattasena, were purposely placed at the beginning and the end of the stanse.

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23 h três-adi-dôsha-rahita sa babhdva putri yat-sampadán=nidhir-ajayata Datta24 sônah 1(11) Tasy15-örvvi(rvvi)śvara-manli-maņdana-maņêr=asid=asådhåraņám bibhràņ8
npipe25 ti-áriyam priya-su tas-86m-tiramy-akritiḥ tasmad-opy=ndapadi môdita-jar 26 gach-chakrð - muudattas - tatas - 80(sau)rango - bhavad - anya-råd-gaja-ghat-[A]påta
kri(kri)yâ-påka27 lah 1() Tasmach16-Chitrabard-bhût=kshititala-valayê râja-sabd-aika-våbhya(chya)s
Bûnus-Saradhva28 jo=sy=kbhavad-akhila-bhuvâm=âdhipatya-prasûti[h*] Dhamméb817 tat-tandjo pripe
naya29 padavi(vi)-på mintha-mukhyð virėjê babhraj=&patyâ(tya)m-asya kahiti-jaya-paravánek 30 dhanva Parikshit 1(11) Sal8 mahfpatis=sutam=ap&(vâ)pa måninam Jayasənam
anya31 nripa-darppa-sätanam abhavat=sntô=sya Jayasena-samjñitah prathayan disa32 sita-dukūlita[m] yasah (11) Jitaviryyamle=as&v=ajijanatasa cha bhupa
Second Plate; Second Side. 33 la-vộisham Vfishadhvajam saha-saktim=alanghya-sâsana vijigishum $88(sa)
virðdhi-bhi34 shaņam (11) Tasyado Pragarbba(lbha)821=tanayo babhava kshitisa-mårgg-Acharaņa
pragalbhaḥ ya[bo] kha35 dga-dhara-jala-dhauta-vairi-nåri-kapôlasthala-patrabhamgah 1(11) Asid22-éva sit-tapa36 tra-tilaka[h] kshoạibhșid-asy=&tmajð viraśri-vanita-svayamvrita-patiruddêvassa KO37 Ahalah nirmmây=ôrjjita-Gargavadi-vishayê KOLAhal-akhyam puram yas-cha38 kré sura-sadma vi(vi)kshaņa-rasa-pratyahamrakshạm Harel (11) Tat*.suto dhțita
sarasana-ya39 shtireggâm=arakshad-apavarijita-chauryy[
Am isana-prathita-påsa-vide(dhe)yam-ka 40 éva sa Virochana-samjñaḥ [11*] Gate24 tatra narêmdråņam Kolahala-puri(r)
bhujam 41 ek-asityam cha tad-varsy 8 Virasimh-bhavan=nsipah (1) Tasya KamArnna(ropa)
V&s=sl42 nur-Danarnna(rona)va-Gunarppavau Marasimha iti khyata(+8) Vajrahast
åkhya-pamcha43 mah (1) Atha Kamarnna(ruņa)vo dat[t] và pitsivyâya nijâm-mahîm prâyâte
prithvi(thvi)m bhuvam jê44 tum=MA(ma)hendram bhrâtựibhir=ggirim (11) Tatra cha sakala-sur-âgura-siddha
sadhya-kirita-koti45 vighsishta-massiņa-chara apitham=årâdhya Gökarnnasvâminam-asya prasad åt-sama46 sâdita-vara-vpishabhalâmcha(chha)nas=samapalabdha - Sakala - sâmbra(ra)jya-chihno(hnai)
upa47 6ðbhamânas & narendra(drð) Mahêmdr-Achala-śikharåd-avatîryya Yudhishthira ive 48 chaturbbhir = apujair = anugamyamanas = samara - ni(ni)rasika - BalAdityan - ni[r]jitya
Third Plate; First Side. 49 Kamarnavah Kalithgan-agrahit tasya cheapahasita-Surêmdra-pura Jamtavura50 n=náma nagari râjadhany=&siti asau Danarnna(rnna)vam=anuja kamthika
bardhura16 Metre, Sardalavikrldita.
16 Metre, Sragdhara.
17 Read probably dharmm-1 hyah. 16 Metre, Maijubhashini. 19 Metre, VaitAltya. » Metre, Upajati of Indravajra and Upêndravajri.
"A correction is necessary hore. On the analogy of chaturbbia for chaturbhis line 4, and some similar instances in this record, wo might take the real name to be Pragarbba. But I do not find this word in dictionaries And Pragalbba is indicated by the use of that word in the context. Metre, Bard Olavikridita.
23 Metre, Svagata. * Metre, Blóka (Anushtabh): and in the next two verses.--Here, instead of gate, we ought to have gatdy dith, in apposition with 6k-Adityam in the next line.

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51 kamihara[no] nidhaya Gunarnnavay-Ambavadi-vishaya MArasimhaya 80(Pse) 52 da-mandalam Vajrahastaya Kamtaka-varttani(nl)m-adât ovam cha kramena
shat-tri53 mad-varshận Kalingan=ap&layat 1(11) Tasya cha srimatam-abêsha-bhuvana-bhú54 påla-mauli-mal-Alamkara-yaśasim
nija-rajya-sampad-apahasita Mahém55 dråņân Mahordr-Achul-amala-sikhara-pratishthitasya sakala-bhuvana-nirmmaņ-aika-sa56 tradhârasya [sa]char-âchara-gurðræbba(bbha)gavató Gókaronasvâminas samaradhana-la57 bdha-nikhila-manôrathânâm-Atrêya-götranam
Gamgånarh
kulam58 lamkarishņôr=Vvishạôreiva vikram-akrâmta-sakala-mahîmaņdalasya Kamarnna59 Vasy=knujó Danarnnavas-chatvarimsatam=abdakan rajyam-akârshit (11) Tat-sa60 nur-dvitiyah Kamarnnavah pamchâsad.varshan-mahîmagdalam=amandayat | tasya
tiraskrita-trivishta61 paṁ Nagaran=nâma param=&sit 11 Tasmin25 sô=pi madhika-vriksha-jananâd-Isasya
limg-akritéh kritvækkhyam 62 Madhakeśa ity=arachayat=pråsådam=abhramkasham yad-[do]vår-ordhya-vichitra-patre
latikaś=chitrâņi vâ paśya63 tâm saadhâny=ambaravarttinâm hridi bhavên=nûnam vimân-arachiḥ 1(11) Tat-tanayo
Ranarnnavaḥ pamcha va64 rshan mahim aharshayat 1(11) Tat-sunur-dvitiyo Vajrahastah pathohadala samih
kshamâmarakshat [11] 65 Tasy=knajas-tri(tri)tiya[h*] KAmarnpavo-ronavamêkhalâm=ék-na-vimsati-samvatsarkne samavarddha
Third Plate; Second Side. 66 yat (11) Tat-autó Gunarnnavas-sapta-vimsatim-abdán=abdhirasanam
anaishit (11) Tad-Atmajah Ji67 tamkusaḥ pamchadaśa vatsaran mahin=nissapatnám=akârshit (11) Tatas-tad-bhratas
su(su)tah Kali68 galamkubo dvadasa vatsaran Kalingan=alamchakâra (11) Tatas-tasya pitsi-bhrata
sapta varshan 69 Gundama-râjô mahimandala-magdano36 babhůva (II*] Tasy-ánujas-chaturtthah
Kamarnnavaḥ pamcha70 vimsati-varshận vasundharam=anubabhůva (11) Tayo[bo] kani(nt)yan-Vinayadityo 71 varsha-trayan dharitrim=atråyat(ta) (1) Tatas-taj-[j*Jyêshthasya Kamarnpavasya
satas-che72 turttho Vajrahastaņ p amcha-trimsatam-abdakan yad-datta-damti-sahasra73 dana-våriņa cha kuvalayam pankilam=sit 1(11) Tatas-tat-satah 74 pamcham.[ho] Kamarnnavdarddha-samán (1) Tatas tad-anujo dvitiyo Gunda75 ma-râjas-97triņi varshåņi (11) Tasya dvaimâtard bhràt shashtho Madhu".
KamArnna76 va ek-na-vimsati-varshâņi (11) Tatas-tadlya-nandan Vajrahastas-trimsa77 tam-abdakan Tad-varaganê ' Vyaptême Ganga-kul-êttamasya yasas dik
chakravalê 78 basi-pradyôt-amalinêna yasys bhavana-prahlada-sampadina s imdarairwati79 sâmdra-pańka-patalaih kumbhasthali-pattakeshvwalimpamti panah-panas-cha hari80 tâm=idhôraņå våraņân (11) Anuragêņa 90 gañino yasya nava)ksh8-mukh-- 81 bjayôh âsînê Śri-Sarasvaty&v=anakûlê virajatah 1(11) Nasi n[]mataḥ ke
» Metre, Bård Olsvikeldita.
» These eight syllables are engraved over some cancelled letters. The reading is a little doubtful, bet nome to be as I give it. * Soo page 168 above, note 11.
See pago 183 above, note 12. Metre, Sárdilavikridita. * Metre, Bloka (Anushtabh.)
* Upajati of Indravajra and Upendravajri,

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Fourth Plate; First Side. 82 valam-arttható-pi sa Vajrahastas-Trikalinga-nåthah yê Vajri-hastad=apathah(m)
prithi83 vyâm vajram patad=vårayitam samarttha[ho] 1(11) Tat-sutô Rajarajajo33=shta-va84 tsaran | Tad varạnand Sa Rajarajaḥ prathamam jaya-sriyah patir=bbabhubhû)85 VA Dramil-shav-otsavê virajamânam-atha Rajasa(su)mdarim-udůda(dha)86 vâms-Choqa-mahibhuj-âtmajam (11) Tyaktva35 Vemgi[m] sapadi pariņ[á]m-ôdayê
dya87 m-iv-nya Choda-vyájd mahati Vijayadityam-avdhau(bdhan) mima[m]kshu[m] &88 pannânâm parama-saranam Rajarajo vichitram lakshmi-bhája[m*) su 89 chiram-akarôtepaschimâyâm liśâyâm (11) Tasy36–abu(bhů)d=agra-sûnuh přithula90 nija-bhuja-Vikramaditya-sâras-satya-tyag-aika-sima
vimalatara-ya91 sas-chaṁdrikå-dhanta-lôkah våg-ullamghi-pratapaḥ śubha-charita-nidhir=bba(bbhå)gya92 saubhagya-raših
kshöņi-prån-adbináthas-sakala-ripu-mano-bhamga-das-Chodaga93 mgah (11) Bak-abdo nanda-ramdhra-grahagana-ganito Kumbha-samstho
dindbe bu94 kla paksh tritiya-yuji Ravija-dine Bovati-bho Nriyugmo lagnd Gamg
Anya95 vay-Ambuja-vana-dinakrid-viśva-visvanbharâyâs-chakra
samrakshitur96 sad-guna-nidhir-adhipas-Chodagang-bhishiktaḥ 11 Virg37-srir-bbu(bbhu)jadanda
yugme97 lalita yasy-åri-darppa-chchhida[bo] stambha-dvandva-niyamtrit-aika-kariņi-sa
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 98 driấyam=åkli(kli)pyati y at-pada-dvitay-antika-pranayin[a] khônibhșitâm-mau99 laya[ho] sphâyat-padma-yug-&nuka(cha)ri-madhupa-srêņi-sriyam
bibhrati 100 11 Purvvasyam disi parvvam=Utkala-pati[m] râjyê vidhåya chyutam paśchât=
paśchi101 ma-dik-taţê vigadi(li)tam Vemg-imbam39-apy-êtayol lakshmi(kshmi)m vaṁdana-mali102 kâm-iva jaya-sri-töraņa-stambhayôrabbadhnati sma samiddha-vitta-vibhava[ho] 103 śr-Gamga-chůdâmaņih 11 Sa b rimad-Anamtavarmma-mahârâjó râjâdhi104 råjo râja paramèśvarah p aramabhattârakah paramavaishnavah paramabra105 hmanyaḥ 150 måtåpitri-pâd-Anudhyâta[ho] sri-Chodagamggadēvas-Samve106 vishayê raptrakůta l-pramukhân
kutumbinas=sarvvân=sa107 mâhuya
purohit-amâtya-yavaraja-sandhivi108 grahi - dauvärika - pramukha - parijana - samaksham – ittham - ajñapayati [1] 109 Viditam-astu VÔ yathân 11 Asid-arryya-kul-dbhavô Vâsudêva-na110 yakasutad-bháryya Gandama-nayika tat-putrô Bhîmaya-nama tad-bhá111 ryya Mêdama-nâyika tat-putrô Madhavas-tasm(ai*] mat-pâd-pajivinê 112 bhavad-vishayê Tamarakhandi-nama-gråmas=satata-pratibaddhâbhirzavichchhinna113 sampabhôgabhis-cha pallibhis-sarddham sa-jala-sthalam sarvv-Ôpadrava-rahi
Fifth Plate. 114 m-a-chamdr-arkka-pratishtham=matapitrôr=îtmanas-cha punya-yaáð-bhivșiddhayê viya115 d-udadhi-kh-omdu-ganitoshu Saks-vatsaréshu punys-hani sakal-Otkala-sâmra116 jya-padavi-virajaminais-Sindhrapora-nivâsibhirasmabhir-ddhârâ-purvvaka[mo] da117 ttas Tad=bhavibhir-api bhumipalaih paripâlaniya iti il
This is a very anomalous character, more like a mark of punctuation than anything else; but it can only be meant for sa. 33 Read rdjarijo.
* Metre, Vamastha.
36 Metre, Mandåkrånta. # Metro, Sragdhard; and in ti next verse. 37 Metre, Birdlavikrldita; and in the following verse.
According to the Dictionaries, the root klrip is of the first class only, and in conjugated in the atmandpada. Here, in composition with 4, it is conjugated in the para maipada of the fourth class. * Read fam. 40 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
"Read rashtrakata.

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ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS.
Desirous of creating the three worlds, there became manifest the divine (god) Ananta (Vishnu) (line 3). From the water-lily (that grew from his nevel, there sprang (the god) Brahman (1.4), reciting the Vedas with his four mouths. From him there was born Atri (1. 5), the lord of sages. The son of Atri was Sasanks (the Moon) (1.9).3 From him was born Budha (1. 10). His son was Pururavas. From him was born Åyus (1. 11). His son was king Nahusha (1. 12). From him there was born Yayati (1. 14). From him, king Turvasu (1. 15); "he came to maturity on the breast of his mother) through the power of the ancient preceptor of the gods, his maternal grandfather ('Sakra)."4 Being without sons, and being excessively distressed for a long time (on that account) (1. 16), he (Turvasu), the best of kings, practising self-restraint, propitiated (the river) Gange, the bestower of boons, who is worthy to be propitiated, and obtained a son, the unconquerable Gangeyu (1. 17);45 and, from that time forth, the succession of his descendants has been victorious in the world, under the name of the Ganganvaya (1. 18).
The son of this person was Virochana (1. 19). He begat Samvedya (1. 21), the glory of the Gangånvaya.. From him there was born Samvedin (1. 22).46 He became possessed of a son through the birth of Dattasona (1. 23). His dear Son was Soma (1. 25). From him there was born Ampudatta (1. 26). From him, Sauranga. From him, Chitrambara (1. 27), who alone, in the whole circuit of the earth, was worthy to be spoken of by the title of 'king.' His son was Saradhvaja. His son was he who had the appellation of Dharma (P) (1. 28).7 And his son was Parikshit (1. 30). He obtained a glorions son, Jayashna (I.). And his son again was named Jayasons (II.) (1. 31). He begat Jitavirya (1. 32). And be, king Vrishadhvaja (1. 33). His son was Pragalbha (1. 34). His son was Kolahala (1. 88), who built the city named KOLAhalapura (1. 37), in the great Gangavadi vishaya, and made a temple of the god Hari. And his son was Virochana (1. 40).
When there had gone by in that city eighty kings, who enjoyed the city of Kolahalspurt (1. 40), in his lineage there was born king Virasimha (1. 41). His sons were five in number; Kamarnava (I.), Danarnava, GunArnava (I.), Marasimhs, and Vajrahasta (I.) (1. 42). Then Kamarnava (I.) gave over his own territory to his paternal uncle (1. 43), and, with his brothers, set out to conquer the earth, and came to the mountain Mahendra (1. 44). Having there worshipped the god Gokarnasvâmin (1. 45), through his favour he obtained the excellent crest of a bull (usishabha-láfichhana); and then, decorated with all the insignia of universal sovereignty, having descended from the summit of the mountain Mahendra (1. 47), and being accompanied, like Yudhishthira, by his four younger brothers Kamarnava (I.) conquered (king) BalAditys, who had grown sick of war (1. 48), and took possession of the Kalinga countries (1. 49). And his capital (rájadhani) was the city named Jantavura (1. 49), which quite surpassed the city of the god) Surendra. Having decorated his younger brother Danarnava with the necklace (kanthika) (of royalty, as a token that he should succeed him in that kingdom) (1.50), to Gunarnava (I.) he gave the Ambavadi
Accordingly, these Gangas were comprised in the Vishņuvams or lineage of Vishnu. * And thus they belonged also to the Somavama or Lunar Race.
I have not succeeded in obtaining an explanation of this verse. The story of Yayati is given in the Vishnu Purina, book iv. chap. 10; and may be briefly stated thus:By his wife Devayant, the danghter of Bakra, he had two BODA, Yadu and Turvaku; and by his other wife Sarmishth, the daughter of Vishaparvan, three sons, Druhya, Ana, and Paru. Being cursed by Bukrs, in connection with his marriage to the second wife, he became old and infirt before his time. But subsequently, appearing his first fatber-in-law, Bukra, he obtained permission to transfer his decrepitude for a thousand years to anyone who would bear it in his place. With the exception of Paru, all his sons refused, and wore oursed by him in consequenoe. Paro, however, relieved his father of the infliction, and in return, whon the time had expired, was made by his father his principal successor in the sovereignty ; his brothers being appointed viceroys under him. The preceptor of the gods is properly Brihaspati. But the epithet neems here to be applied to Bukra, the preceptor of the demons.
- Here the descent branches off from the Parkņio genealogy. According to the Vish-Purdna, book iv. chap. 16, Turvau's son WA Vahni; his was GobhAnd ; and so on and no reference is made to the circumstances mentioned in the present verse. - See note 14 above. See note 17 above.
See note 21 above.

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vishaya (1. 51); to Marasimha, the Soda or Sêda mandala (1. 52); and to Vajrahasta (I.), the Kantaka vartani. And thus for thirty-six years he governed the Kalinga countries (1.53).
Of him, Kamarnava (I.) (1. 58), who adorned the family of the Gangas (1. 57),-who obtained the fulfilment of all their desires by propitiating the divine Gokarnasvâmin (1. 56), established on the pure summit of the mountain Mahendra (1. 55), who is the sole. architect for the construction of the universe, and the father of all things animate and inanimate (1. 56); and who are of the Atreya gotra (1. 57), -the younger brother, Danarņava (1. 59), reigned for forty years.
His son, the second Kamarnava (1. 60),49 reigned for fifty years; his city was the city named Nagara (1. 61), in which he built a lofty temple for an emblem of the god Isa (Siva) in the linga-form, to which he had given the name of Madhukêsa (1. 62) because it was produced from, a madhúka-tree. His son, Ranarnava (1. 63), made the earth happy for five years. His son, the second Vajrahasta (1. 64), protected the earth for fifteen years. His younger brother, the third Kamarṇava (1. 65), caused the earth to be prosperous for nineteen years. His son, Gunarnava (II.) (1. 66), held the earth in subjection for twenty-seven years. His son, Jitankusa (1. 67), kept the earth without a rival wife in his affection for fifteen years. Then his brother's son, Kaligalankusa (1. 67), adorned the Kalinga countries for twelve years. Then his father's brother, king Gundama (I.) (1. 69), was the ornament of the earth for seven years. His younger brother, the fourth Kamarnava (1. 69), enjoyed the earth for twenty-five years. Their younger brother, Vinayaditya (1. 70), protected the earth for three years. Then the fourth Vajrahasta (1. 72), the son of his elder brother Kamarnava (IV.), reigned for thirty-five years; and made the earth as soft as clay with the water that was the rut of a thousand elephants given away by him. Then his son, the fifth Kamarnava (1.74), reigned for half a year. Then his younger brother, the second king Gundama (1. 74), reigned for three years. His maternal half-brother, the sixth Madhu-Kamarnava (1. 75), for nineteen years. Then his son, Vajrahasta (V.) (1. 76), for thirty years; the whole earth was filled with the fame of him, the ornament of the Gangakula (1. 77); and he, the lord of Trikalinga (1. 82), fully deserved the name of Vajrahasta ('he who holds a thunderbolt in his hand'), because he was able to ward off a thunderbolt which, missing its proper path, was falling from the hand of the god Vajrin (Indra) onto the earth. His son Rajaraja (1. 83), reigned for eight years; he first became the husband of the goddess of victory in battle with the Dramilas (1. 85), and then wedded Rajasundari, the daughter of the Choda king (1. 86); and when Vijayaditya (1. 87), beginning to grow old, left (the country of) Vengi, as if he were a sun leaving the sky, and was about to sink in the great ocean of the Chodas, he, Rajaraja, the refuge of the distressed, caused him to enjoy prosperity for a long time in the western region (1.89). His eldest son, equal to (the ancient king) Vikramaditya in the prowess of his mighty arm (1. 90), was Chodaganga (1. 92), who was anointed king of the whole world in the Saka year (1. 93) that is numbered by the Nandas (nine), the apertures of the body (nine) and the planets (nine), when the sun was standing with Kumbha, in the bright fortnight, on Sunday, joined with the third lunar day, under the Rêvati nakshatra, and during the Nriyugma lagna. He, the ornament of the Gangas (1. 103), first replaced the fallen lord of Utkala in his kingdom in the eastern region (1. 100), and then the waning lord of Vengi in the western region (1. 101), and propped up their failing fortunes.
And he, the illustrious Mahárája Anantavarman (1. 103), the Rájádhirája, the Rajaparamésvara, the Paramabhattáraka, the most devout worshipper of the god Vishnu, 50 who is most
49 It should be noted how, in most cases, in a very exceptional manner, this record uses the ordinal adjectives to distinguish the different kings of the same name.
49 Here, line 104, rajaparamdivara seems to be a fuller form of the usual supreme title paramésvara. But, on the analogy of similar epithets in other dynasties, it may be a biruda of Anantavarman, meaning a very Paraméévara (Siva) among kings.-It is rather curious that, along with one at least of the paramount titles, the feudatory title of Maharaja should be attached to the name of Anantavarman.
50 See also, contrasted with the Nandi on the seal, and with the epithet paramamahtivara in the other two grants, the use of the epithet paramavaishanava here is rather peculiar. But the grantee, Madhava, and his grandfather, Vasudeva-nayaka, were plainly Vaishnavas. And the sectarian title in question was possibly assumed out of compliment to them.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1889.
kindly disposed to Brahmâns, -he, (otherwise called) the glorious Chodagangadhva (1. 105), who meditates on the feet (pád-ánudhyata) of his parents, having called together the cultivators, headed by the Rashtrakútas (1. 106), in the Samvå vishaya, issues a command in the presence of the Purohita, Amátya, Yuvardja, Saindhivigrahin, Dauvárika, and other officials of his retinue :
"Be it known to you (1. 109) that there was Vasudevanayaka, born in a noble family; whose wife was Gandamanâyika (1. 110). Their son was Bhîmaya; whose wife was Médamanâyikå (1. 111). Their son is Mâdhaya. And to him, my dependent (pád-opajivin), for the increase of the religions merit of Our parents and of Ourself (1. 114), in the Saka year (1. 115) that is numbered by the sky (nought), the oceans (four), the sky (nought), and the moon (one), on & meritorious day, with libations of water there has been given by Us, decorated with the rank of entire sovereignty over the whole of Utkala (1. 115), and residing at the town of Sindarapora (1 116), the village of Tamarakhandi (1. 112), in your vishaya, together with the hamlets that have always belonged to it and have been uninterruptedly enjoyed with it, - including its water and dry land (1. 113); free from all exactions; and constituted to endure as long as the sun and the moon. Therefore it should be preserved in grant by future kings also." No. 180.-VIZAGAPATAM COPPER-PLATE GRANT or ANANTAVARMA-CHODAGANGADEVA.
SAKA-SAMYAT 1057. This inscription has been noticed by Mr. Sewell in the Archol. Suru. South. Ind. Vol. II. p. 32, where the plates are mentioned as having been obtained from the Senior Assistant Collector of Vizagapatam, and as belonging to the trustees of the temple of Sangam.
The plates, of which the first and last are inscribed on one side only, are three in number, each measuring about 9 by 41". The edges of the plates are fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surfaces; and the inscription is well preserved and legible throughout. - The ring on which the plates are strang, is about thick and 5" in diameter; it had been not cut when the grant left my hands again. The ends of it are secured in the lower part of a flat oval diso, similar to that of No. 178 above, and measuring about 2' by 1", which again takes the place of the ordinary seal. On the upper side of this disc again there is fixed an image of the ball Nandi, couchant; and on the surface of the disc there are visible the same emblems as in the case of No. 178. -The total weight of the three plates, with the ring, disc, and image, is about 6 lbs. 8 oz.-The characters belong to the South Indian Nagari alphabet. As far as the end of line 12, they are of exactly the same type with those of No. 178; but from there to the end they follow a different type of the same class, presenting older characteristics, especially in using the superscript form of the vowel i in combination with a consonant. This change in the characters occars, it will be noticed, at the beginning of the second plate; but the context runs on quite properly; and for this reason, as well as from the uniform size and appearance of the three plates, and from the fact that the ring had not been cut, there seems to be no doubt that the first plate is the one which belongs properly to the second and third. The engraving is good and fairly deep; but the plates are thick and substantial, and the letters do not show through on the reverse sides at all. As usual, the interiors of the letters shew marks throughout of the working of the engraver's tool. - The language is Sansksit; and the whole record is in prose, except for five verses in lines 18-23, and 27-31, and one of the customary benedictive verses in line 38. The formal part of the record, as far as the end of line 26, agrees almost word for word with the corresponding portion of No. 178. In line 37, the word gali-vanra, or possibly gali-vandha, requires explanation.-In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the use of the dental nasal, instead of the anusvára, before é, in trinsatam, lines 13 and 17; and in vinsats, line 15; (2) the repetition of bh, instead of its doubling by b, after , in chridámanér=bhbhagavató, line 4; and (3) the use of v for b throughout, e.g. in savda, line 5; samupalavdha, line 6; avdakán, line 9; Grhvuja, line 22; and kutumván, line 26.

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JUNE, 1889.)
GRANTS OF ANANTAVARMA-CHODAGANGADEVA.
178
This inscription is another record of king Anantavarman, otherwise called Choda gangadeve, of the later Ganga dynasty of Kalinga ; and, as in the case of No. 178. the charter recorded in it, is issued from the city of Kalinganagara. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being to record the grant of the village of Sumuds, with its hamlet, in the Sammag or Sammaga vishaya and in the Kalinga doba, to a person named Chôdaganga, evidently a name-sake of the king.
In lines 20 to 23, we have the same verse that occurs in Nos. 178 and 179 above, giving the date of the accession of Anantavarma-Ohodagangadôve. And line 32 f. gives the actual date of the grant itsell, which, without fall details for calculation, is in the month of Vrischika, i.e, in the solar month Mârgaáirsha, in Saka-Samvat 1057, expressed in numerical words. Here, again, the given year is not distinctly specified, either as current or as expired. As an expired year, it is equivalent to A.D. 1135-36.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti Srimatâm-akhila-bhuvana-vinata-naya-vinaya-dậya)-dana-dakshinya-satya
. Gaucha-sau2 ryya-dhairyy-adi-gana-ratna-pavitra(tra)kaņâm=Atrøya-gotrapar vimala-viya(chá)r
áchåra-puṇya-salila3 prakshAlite-Kalikala-kalmashe-mashinam mahl-Mahondr-sohala-likhara-pratishthitasya
sachar-chara-gu4 rốt salala-bhuyen-niemmân-sika-stradhfreya Gaiana-chadâmapi(uê)=bhbhakobha)
gavató Gokarynasvâmi5 nah prasádatsamasådit-aikabankha-bhêri-pañchamahåśavda(bda)-dhavalach[chhatra
hômochimaru-varavrish6 bhalAñcha(chha)na-samaj[jo]vala-samasta-s&mrajya-mahimnám=anēka-samara-sanga(ngha)
tta-sama(mu)palavdha(bdha)-vi7 jayalakshmi-samålingit-t[t]unga-bhajadaņda-maņditanam 15 Trikalinga-mahibhajkr 1
Ga8 nganAm-anvayam-alankarishņôr-V vishņôr-iva vikram-akranta-dharmandalasya Guna
MA(ma)harpne9 va-mâ(ma)harajasya putrah? sri-Vajrahastadôvab-chatus-chatvarimsatam-avda(bda)
kân kshitim=arakshit 101 Tat-tanayð Gundams-râjâ(8) varsha-trayam-apalayat [11] Tadanu tad-annjah
Kamarnnavadevah pa 11 ficha-trimad-varshâņi | Tasy=knujð Vinayadityaḥ samas-tisrah (11) Tata[b]
Kamarnnava12 tansy8 Vajrahasta[hu] y mada-galita-galân=gajâna(n) sahasram=artthibhyak samadâtea
Second Plate; First Side 13 pañcha-trinsa (máa)tam=avda(bda)kan | Tatas-tad-agra-sunnḥ Kamarnna(raps)vadede
rddha-saman II 14 Tatas-tad-ana(nu)j& Garganda-mahîpatis®-triņi va[**]shâņi | Tad-and(nu)jab-cha
dvaimâturah Kams. 15 [*]ppava ék-(8)na-vinsamấa)ti-varshâņi | Tatas-tu KAMA[r]ppavad-Vaidumy.
Anvaya-samadbhavayam 16 Vinayamahadevydrh jâtaḥ sri-Vajrahastadevo [y] divaḥ patantam-atibhishaņa
1 On the analogy of the results for the dates in No. 178 above. From the original plates. Read daya. % and These marks of panotustion are unnecessary. leo page 163 above, note u.
• See page 168 above, note 18.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1889.
17 m-asanim sastry-abhi Ojaghåna sall trayas-trinsa(mía) tam=adva(bda)kån=avanim
apalayat (1) 18 Tatas-tu tasyatmabhavõ=ri-marddanassa Rajaraja-kshitipahkshitimsamah 19 arakshad=ashtau Varun-Alay-amva(bara[m] nidhir-gananÂm Nidhipala-sannibhaḥ 11
Tatô13 Rajen20 dracholasya tanaya Rajasundart rajñas tasy=&gra-mahishi sati sutam-ashyata 11
SA21 k1-avde(bde) nanda-ranta(ndhra)-grahagana-ganite Kumbha-sansthi din sa
bukle pakshe tritiyam16-yuji 22 Bavija-dino Bovati-bho Nriyugme lagne Gang-anvavay-Amva(ba)ja-vana-dinakrid= viáva-visvambha
Second Plate; Second Side. 23 râyâs-chakrań samrakshitam sad-guna-nidhir-adhika (pa)=Chodagang-bhishiktah 11
Kalinga-naga24 råtsparamamahêśvaraḥ paramabhat[t*]áraka-mahârâjâdhiraja-Trikalingadhipati[ho]
érimad- Ans25 ntavarmma Chodagangadóvaḥ kusali samast-&mâtya-pramukha-janapadân=
Sammaglo-visha26 ya-vâsinaḥ kutumvân!?=sarvån=samihûya ittham=&jñâpayati [*] Vidi[ta*]m=astu
bhavatam 1 27 Sriman18 Permaţiraja dvishad-avanibhřitâm bồņit-Aubhaḥ kavðshnara tfyr
danyasya pâtun 8828 mara-bhuvi bhavat-tikshņa-koshêshakasyal dhårâm=allaghya gañtu[**] ripu
narapatayah ke 29 samarth vadadhvam-majjanty=atr=aiva türnna(rona) ripu-va(ba)la-vipina
prauda(dha)-kảm tåra-vahne 11 Bhary21-Api 30 yâ tasya (sa"]majña(?)-rûpå sat-putra-sur-Mámkama-namadhôya putras=tayôs-sad
gunavritta-sali kri-Chố31 dagangah prathit-ra-sauryaḥ | Tasmai Chôdagangây=ismákam=&pta-kriskri)yâya
Kalinga-dêśê 123 32 Sammaga-vishayê Sumuda-nama-grâmas=Tittillingi23-nama-vâţakam gråmas-ch=
Asft [] śr[fo]-Sak-avde(bde). 33 shu muni-sa(wa)ra-viyach-chha(cha)mdra-ganitësh u Vrischika-mase sa-jala
sthalas-sarva-pidà-vivarjitam=a-chandr-arka-[ga]mur 34 pabhôginam=mâtâpitrôr=åtmanas-cha pagya-yabô-bhisvri*]ddhaye dhåra-půryvakam= asmábhir-datta iti il
Third Plate. 35 Asys gråmasya sima-lingâni likhyanth | Parvvatah Vengim-vilva-sêta[ho]
Agne[ya®]tah Go36 nga-rápit tatô Dommikendadakshiņi(qa)tah trikůta-vana-raji-staḥ | paschima
taḥ kêsa (sa)-vaba)dara-sê.
10 This bhi was at first omitted, and then was inserted, rather faintly, between the syd and tma of tasy-dtmabhavo in the next line.
11 First ad was engraved, and then it was corrected into sa by partial erasure of the d. 11 Metre, Vamsastha.
13 Metre, Slóka (Anushubh). 14 Metre, Sragdhard.
15 Read trittyd. 26 In line 32 below, this name is written Sammaga. 17 Read Lugumbinas.
18 Metre, Sragdhara. 19 Read kaukehiyakasya. I owo this emendation, without which the verso was unintelligible, to Prof. Kielhorn, » Read vada tvarh, or vadasve.
2 Metre, Indravajre. This mark of panctuation is unnecesary. * Or perhaps the text is gramd-ati trillingi.
Read ganga-vapt; see line 89.

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JUNE, 1889.)
GRANTS OF ANANTAVARMA-CHODAGANGADEVA.
175
87 tuḥ a ttaratah Ganga(P)-rana-gali-vanrah | fádnyatah vana-trikātamo-vata-naħdi
vriksha-sahita-se38 tuh 11 Va(ba)hubhir7=yvasuddhå datta raja bhis-Sagar-&dibhiḥ | yasya yasya yada
bhůmisetasya tasya tada pa(pha)lam | 39
Mahadê vi(vi)-tațâk-Abhyantara-Gang-[{]khya-våpi(pl) 1
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. Of the Maharaja GunamahArnava (II.) (line 8), who adorned the family of the Gangas (1.7), - who are of the Atroya götra (1.2); who, through the favour of the divine Gökarnasvamin (I. 4), established on the summit of the great mountain Mahendra (1. 3), who is the father of all things animate and inanimate, and the sole architect for the construction of the universe (1.4), Po88e88 all the greatness of complete sovereignty resplendent with the single conch-shell, the kettle-drum, the panchamahásabda, the white umbrella, the golden chámara, and the excellent crest of a bull (vsishabha-lánchhana) (1. 6); and who are the kings of (the oountry of) Trikalinga (1. 7), the son, the illustrious Vajrahastadeva (III) (1.9), protected the earth for forty-four years. . His son, king Gundama (I.) (1. 10), governed it for three years. After that, his younger brother, Kamarnavadova (IV.), for thirty-five years. And his younger brother, Vinayaditya (1. 11), for three years. Then Vajrahasta (IV.) (1. 12), the son of Kamarnava (IV.), reigned for thirty-five years ; he presented to applicants a thousand elephants whose throats were trickling with rut. Then his eldest son, K&marnavadeva (V.) (1. 13), reigned for half & year. Then his younger brother, king Gunda (Gundama II.) 38 (1. 14), for three years. And then his maternal half-brother, Kamarnava (VI.), for nineteen years. Then to Kamarnava (VI.), from Vinayamahadevi, who was born in the Vaidumva family, there was born Vajrahasta (V.) (1. 16), who struck back, with his sword, a most terrible thunderbolt, as it fell; he reigned for thirty-three years. Then his son, king Bajaraja (1. 18), reigned for eight years. His chief queen (agramahisht) was Rajasundari (1. 20), the daughter of Rajendrachola. And she bore him a son, king Chodaganga (1. 23), the son of the collection of water-lilies which is the Ganga family (1. 22), who was anointed king in the Baka year (1. 21) that is numbered by the Nandas (nine), the apertures of the body (nine), and the planets (nine), when the sun was standing with Kumbha, in the bright fortnight, on Saturday, joined with the third lunar day, under the Revati nakshatra, and during the Nriyugma lagna.
From the city of Kalinganagara (1. 23), he, the most devout worshipper of the god Maheśvara, the Paramabhattáraka, the Máhérájádhiraja, the supreme lord of Trikalinga (1. 24), the glorious Anantavarman, (otherwise called) Chodagangadóva (1.25), being in good health, having called together all the cultivators, headed by the Amatyas, in the sammag vishaya, issues & command :
“Be it known to you (1. 26):30 - 'O illustrious Permadiraja (I. 27),31 what hostile kings are able to cross the stream that is the edge of thy sharp sword, when in the battle-field it is eagerly thirsting to drink the tepid water which is the blood of inimical princes P say thon, (since none other can answer the question): straightway they are drowned in it, Othog mighty
* In Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary, vanra is given as meaning's co-partner, a co-beir.' Here, however, it may perhaps be a mistake for vandha, i.e. bandha. The preceding two syllables, gali, may perhaps represent the Kanarese kali, & valiant man, a hero.'
* Here we should probably read trikita-wana, as in the preceding line. 11 Metre, Blóka (Anushtabh). 23 See page 163 above, note 11.
* See page 163 above, note 13. 10 The proper context is "to him, Our trusty agent, Chôdaganga," &o., in line 31. The intervening matter is by way of a parenthesis, introducing the grantee, and giving his parentage.
* The Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI., whose reiga ended only about ten years before the time of this grant, had the name of Permadi; but he does not seem to be the person mentioned in this parenthetical verse. At any rate, the name of Makamadevi does not occur in the list of his known wives, who were seven in nombor (Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 49 f.)

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176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1889.
forest-fire for consuming) the thicket that is the forces of (thy) enemies39 His (Permadi. raja's) wife was she who had the name of Mikama - (1. 30). And their son is the illustrious Chôdaganga (1. 31). To him, Our trusty agent, Chidaganga, the village named Sumuda (1. 32), with the hamlet na sied Tittilingi 36 in the Sammaga vishays in the Kalinga dose has been given by Us, for the increase of the religious merit and fame of Our parents and of Ourself, in the Saks year (1. 33) that is numbered by the sages (seven), the arrows (of Kamadeva) (ilve), the sky (nought), and the moon (one), in the month of Vfibchika; including all the water and dry land, free from all restrictions, and to be enjoyed as long as the moon and sun may endure."
The boundaries of this village (1. 35) are on the east, the bridge or causeway (str) called Vengimvilvasêtu ; on the south-east, the irrigation-well called Gangavapi, and then the village of) Dommikenda; on the south, the bridge or causeway running along by the wood called Trikutavana; on the west, the bridge or causeway of the keśa and badara-plants ; on the north, ............ ;$8 and on the north-east, the bridge or causeway on which there are & fig-tree and a nandi-tree of the wood called Trikatavana (?) (1.37).
Line 38 contains one of the customary benedictive verses. And the record ends with the statement, in line 39, that the irrigation-well called Gangavapi, spoken of in line 35-36, is in the interior of the tank called Mahad@vitataka.
SOME FURTHER CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY.
OF GUJARAT. BY G. BÜHLER, PE.D., LL.D., C.L.E.
Kay&vatera. In my article on the Bagumrå grant of Dadda II., ante, Vol. XVII. p. 193, noto 36, I objected to Dr. Bhagvânlal Indraji's identification of Kayâvatára with Kavi, because the latter town is called Kápika in the Rathôr inscription of Govinda IV. I was, however, unable to offer & definite counter-proposal. I think I can now make up the deficiency, and show that Kayavatara is probably the modern Kårvån, a large village situated at the junction of the B. B. and C. I. and Dabhồi Railways in lat. 22° 3 N. and long. 73° 10' E. According to the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. VIII. pp. 550-551, it is an ancient place of great sanctity, famous for its Saiva temples. The local Mâhâtmya, the legends of which look modern and apocryphal, still retains the tradition that the name of the village is connected with Kaya. It asserts that Karvan is derived from Kayavirähan or Kayârahun (p. 19). Philological reasons make it impossible to agree with these derivations. Bat it is very possible that the first syllable of the word Kår-van representa Kåyåvatára. For in Prakṣit the latter would became KÂvadra, which in Gujarat must be contracted to Kåvår, and, on the analogy of Vatapadra-Vardla, Raivaks Râyâ(måla), and so forth, might even become Kâr. The termination ván has probably to be taken as the adjectival affix corresponding to Sanskrit oat. The whole name would thus mean"(the village) possessing the Kaya-manifestation. Now this appellation would suit particularly well, because in Kâryân the chief deity is Brahměśvara-Mahadeva, which might also be called Käyêávars, because Ka and Brahman are synonyms. An ancient linga, which, as the Gazetteer states, was found some years ago, shows how the name Brahmêsvars arose. Its front part is "shaped into an image of Brahman with a small Vishnu on its head." I may add that Karyan is not very distant from the village of Samri where Jayabhata IV. granted a field while encamped at Kâyâvatára.
In giving me the emendation which cleared up the meaning of this verse, Prof. Kielhorn has adduced the following analogous verse by Hémachandra -
dlaraj-dei-dhardyan nimagnâ ye mahtbhajah!
Unmajjantó vilókyante svarga-Gangdjallahu te » Owing to the construction of the text, this name has a masculine termination. Her real name may be taken either as Mankamaderi (Banskrit), or Mahkamma Kanareee).
* Apta-kriya ; compare dpta kdrin, in Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary. 36 Or perhaps Triniogi; see note 3 above. # The meaning of gañga-rana-gali-vanvra, line 87, is not apparent.

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JUNE, 1889.]
The villages mentioned in the Chaulukya grant No. 4..
The Chaulukya grant No. 4, ante, Vol. VI. p. 197, plate II. 11. 3-4, disposes of two objects, (1) of the village of Sampavada in the Varvvi (read Vardhi) Pathaka, (2) of the piece of land" out of the middle of the village at Sêshadêvati, (but) belonging to the village of Dodiyapataka in the Gambhûta Pathaka" (tatha Gambhútapathaké Séshadévatigramamadhyát Dádiyapáṭakasatkabhúmikhamda 1. The following lines 6-11 describe the boundaries of the village and of the piece of land. A comparison of their contents with the actualities on No. 77 of the Trigonometrical Survey Map, Gujarat Series, yields the following results:
According to the inscription.
(1) Sâmpân vândân,
bounded east by Seshadêvata
Phimchadi
south.
33
ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF GUJARAT.
"3
23
west [names lost]
Râpêloya
north Khâmbhila
Adhyāvājā (2) Land in Sêshadêvati
belonging to Dôdiyâpâṭaka
Itilâ1 bounded east by Kalhari Vahichara
South Phimchuḍi
west Bhattaraka-Sêshadêvatâ
north Dôdiyâpâtaka
According to the map. lat. 23° 33′ N. Sâmpawârâ long. 72° 3' E.
O
Phêchari.
{Hasalpur [Viramgam Talukaâ].
Khambêl.
Adivârâ.
Doriwârâ
Indla
Kålri.
Bechar Phichari.
O
Doriwârâ.
7 lat. 23°, 32, N. long. 72° 5' E.
[Map No. 78].
177
Though the Trigonometrical Survey Map does not give the names of Sêshadêvati and Sashadêvatâ, it still indicates their sites. For it marks about a mile south of Doriwârâ a nameless temple near a tank. This is the Sêshadêvatâ of our grant, as may be recognised from the two statements, 1st, that it lay east of Sâmpawârâ; 2nd, that it lay west of the land in Sashadêvati, which itself lay south of Doriwârâ. Sêshadêvati was, of course, a hamlet built close to the temple and lay just east of it. The grantees of the village and the piece of land were according to the grant, loc. cit. 11. 5-6, the temples of Analêávara and of Salakhanesvara in Salakhanapura. The latter village is without a doubt the modern Sankhalpur in lat. 23° 2′ N. and long. 72° 4' E. As happens frequently in Gujarati words, two letters in this case, n and I have been transposed. As regards the districts named, the Vardhi Pathaka is the modern Vadhiâr (vriddhikára) which according to popular usage is the name for the eastern coast of the Ran of Kachh, and comprises parts of the Viramgam Taluka, of the Gaikôvadi division of Kadi. and of Rådhanpur. Our inscription shows that Sâmpâvâdâ-Sâmpawârâ lay on its eastern boundary. For Dôḍiyâpâṭaka, Dôriwârâ and Sêshadêvati immediately to the east of Sâm påvâdâ belonged to the Gambhuta Pathaka. The latter, therefore, corresponded with the eastern portion of the Vâdâvli sub-division of the Kadi district. According to the colophon of MS. 13, described in Prof. Kielhorn'sReport of 1880-81, App. p. 11, it was a rather large district, containing one hundred and forty-four. villages (Gambhútáchatuśchatvárimsachhatapathake). If the village Châharapalli mentioned there, is identical with Chârol2 in lat. 23° 24′ N. and long. 72° 14′ E. (Trig. Survey Map. Guj. Ser. No. 78), it extended chiefly southwards. Its name appears to be derived from a village or town called Gambhûtâ, which is identical with the modern Gambhu, just south-east of Vâdâvli in lat. 23° 36′ N. and long 72° 14′ E. The names correspond exactly according to the
1 This is a mis-spelling for Indila, which form occurs in grant No. 3.
* The names agree exactly, but there may have been another Chirol which has disappeared.

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178
1. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Juns, 1889.
Bhakhar
lat. 23° 51' N.
1
.
bounded east by Disayaja
* Umjhà
principles of Gajarati phonetics, and it is still a considerable place with 1813 inhabitants according to the Trig. Surv, Map. This Gambhůta-Gambhu is, of course, the place where Stlankacharya wrote his Achárángatik, ante, Vol. XV. p. 188. Mr. Fleet's suggestion, loc. cit., that Gambháta might possibly be Cambay, appears to me untenable also for other reasons. For the word Gambhätá can never be corrupted to Cambay. Moreover, the correct name of Cambay is Khambhåyat; and the Prákşit form is Khambhaittha, derived from Skambhatirtha. The latter is a synonym for Stambhatirtha, the usual Sanskrit name of Cambay in the Prabandhas and the inscriptions.
The villages mentioned in the Chaulukys grant No. 10. In the Chaalukya grant No. 10, ante, Vol. VI. p. 208ff., Tribhuvanapâla presents to the Sattrágdra in the Talapada of Madla, (1), the village of BhAmshara in the Vishaya Pathaka (platė I. 1. 13); and (2), the village of Rajapurt in the Dandhi Pathaka (plate I. 1. 13). The boundaries of the two villages are described with great accuracy on plate II. II. 3-9. Nearly all the places named there are found on Nos. 76 and 78 of the Trig. Survey Map, Gujarat Series. A comparison of the statements in the inscription with the actualities on the maps, gives the following results :According to the inscription.
According to the map No. 76. (1) Bharghars
long. 22° 28' E. So
1 Dâsaj Karali Tribha
Tarabh Arathaura
Aithôr
1 Unjha Umjha
Unjha north Dâsayaja
Dasaj Kambalt
Kambli (actually north] Bann Slat. 23° 19' N.
Rajapur { (2) Rajapari
Map
llong. 72° 26' E. J No 78. bounded east by Kûlâva(sána]
Jhulasan (Map No. 6]. Dångaraná
Dångarwa » south-east Chamdårasana
Charåsen Indråvada
Idarad south Åhirâņa
Irána
Sarsảð: Namdâvasaņa
Nandasan Umtau ya
Utwa Sirasåvi
(Sarsi >> north Namda vasana
Nandasan north-east Kuiyala
Kiôl.
, I may add that Karali probably exists. The map, No. 4, on which it ought to stand, is at present not accessible to me. I suspect that there is a mistake in one of the two names, Kalâva[saņa] and Jhulasan, which do not properly correspond. Possibly the sign on the inscription has been misread. In Kuiyala-Kiól, the transposition of the second and third letters ought to be noted.
The results show that the Vishaya Pathaka included the districts south-east of Sidhpur, and the DardAht Pathaka those east of Kadi. The meaning of the first name is clear ; that of the second I am unable to explain.
As the chiot priest in Mandal-Audal (plate II. line 18) is made the manager of the villages, Madla probably lay olose to the latter town.
The correct name is Athôr, see Bombay Gassettder, Vol. VIII. p. 619.
,
West
Sirasavi

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SIRPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF SIVAGUPTA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription, which, at Mr. Fleet's request, I edit from rubbings supplied by General Sir A. Cunningham, was discovered in 1874 by Mr. Beglar, at a temple of the village of Sirpur, - or Sripurs, as it is called in the inscription itself, - about forty miles east by north from Râypar, in the Central Provinces; and an account of it, accompanied by a photo-zincograph, was given by Sir A. Cunningham, in Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XVII. pp. 25-26, and Plate xviii. A. When first discovered, and when the rubbings were taken, it was complete ; according to Sir A. Cunningham, in 1881 the upper proper right corner of the stone had subsequently peeled off, carrying away the beginning of each of the first three lines.
The inscription contains 17 lines. The writing covers a space of about 13}" broad by 145 high, and was, at the time when the rubbings were taken, in a fair state of preservation; Judging from the rubbings, aboat ten aksharas were even then almost completely effaced; but every one of these can be readily supplied, so that the actual reading of the inscription, in my opinion, does not admit of any doabt whatever. The size of the letters is between t" and " The charactors belong to the northern class of alphabets; they resemble those of the Ghôsrâwâ inscription, of which a photo-lithograph is given ante, Vol. XVII. p. 310, and may be referred to about the eighth or ninth century A. D. The language is Sanskrit; and, excepting the introductory din namah Sivdya, the inscription, composed by Krishộanandin, the son of Devanandin, is in verse. In respect of orthography, I have only to note that b throughout is denoted by the sign for v.
The proper object of the inscription is, to record that two persons, named Någadeva and Kesava, subjects of a prince 'Sivagapta, assigned certain funds for providing garlands of flowers for the worship of Siva at the town of Sripura. And, by way of introduction, it is stated that Sivagupta, also styled Balirjana, was a son of Harshagupta, the son of Chandragupta, who was a son of Nannadáva, also called Nannêśvara, the son of Indrabala, who was a son of the prince Udayang, of the family of Saśadhara, the Moon,' i.e. of the lunar race; not, as has been stated elsewhere, in consequence of a misreading, of the race of Savaras' or
of the Savara lineage.' Considering the promise given by Mr. Fleet in Corpus Inscr. Ind. Vol. III. p. 294, I will only state here that, of these princes, Indrabala and Nannadeva are clearly the two chieftains who are mentioned in line 16 of the Rajim Copper-plate Inscription of Tivaradê va, ib. p. 295.
The inscription is not dated, but it may, as intimated above, on palæographical grounds be referred to the eighth or ninth century A.D. And this, too, is the time to which, on the grounds of language and style, I would assign the copper plate grant of Tivaradeva. I am, at any rate, convinced that neither inscription can be older than A.D. 700.
In Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XVII. Plates xviii. B., and xix. C.D., Sir A. Cunningham has given photo-zincographic copies of three other (fragmentary) inscriptions from Sirpur, the characters of which closely resemble those of the present inscription, and which also are undated. Of these, the inscription B. has the name of Sivagupta in line 11; and C., the name of Harshagupta, which was followed by that of his son Si[vagupta), in line 4, and also the name of Sripuri, in line 8; as has been pointed out already by Sir A. Canningham. L cannot attempt to edit these inscriptions from the pablished photo-zinoographs.
TEXT. 1 Om namah Sivaya 11 Pâyâd -alingitâ yushmån-ka[ntha)-mêchaka-rochisha!
Sambh[r=bha)1 Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. VII. p. 169.
· This photo-zincograph appears to have been taken from a rubbing so much touched up by hand that some of the letters are quite disfigured and spoilt; notably, at the end of line 2, the first ta of fafadhar-dnvaya. It is a matter for regret that the rubbings before me are not suitable for photo-lithography,
From the rabbings. • Expressed by a symbol. 5 Metre, floks (Anushtabh); here, and throughout.

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2 sm-angarâgasya chchhấya-kri[shņa ta]®nu-chchhavih Asid=Udayano nama
nipalı [a]?3 sadhar-anvayaḥ i abhůd=Valabhida tulyas-tasmåd-Indrava(ba)18 valba)lf | Tatah 4 Nennadovo-bhůd=abhimana-mahôdayaḥ půrņņâm Nannékvar-Akhyd ya-chakar
[r]vv[fi Si ?]vâlayaiḥ il Chandragupto bhuvô gøpta tasya jajõe sut-ottamah | tata[b] 6 ári-Harshagupto-bhaj-ja[gad-dha]ørsha-niva(ba)ndhana[m] | Tasy-ijanisht=shta
ranah 7 Sivagupto mahîpatiḥ dhanur-vvijfång-mukhy8 yah khyâtő VA(68)1A8 rjun-akhyay& Il Syåmâm-asi-latára samkhye ksitvå yah kara-sangin[im] I 9 priyâm-iv-alankaratê matta-matanga-mauktikaih Yasya nirjjitya nirjjitya 10 su-bhritya iva skyakaih (vyaltthitam rajakamiva straiņam-arppayati 11 Smarah 11 Tásya bhțitya [vi]śéshô-sti Nagadêvo dvij-óttamah | Kéśavas-cha 12 kal-dagrở vyagrah sakita-karmmabhiḥ # Tabbyám sambhůya sådhubhyam grihf13 två vitta-vistaraih sarvva-Bripara-vâsibhyo malikêbhyas-Trisûline II Kți14 (tana) -kilvisha-vighnaya kasht-&pat-pratighatine ! parusha-pramůņam dattam [ku]ga15 ma-erak-sha(cha)tushtaya[) Etad- mêdini-nasad-Amod-onmada-shatpada astu 16 Bhatpada-kanthasys Srikanthasy-drchchana-krité [H] Prasastimatanod-étâm vaidya17 ári-Devanandinah sri-Krishộanandi tanayo naya-pranaya-kêtanam 11
TRANSLATION
Om ! Adoration to Siva ! (L. 1.)-May the hue of the body of Sambha, who covers himself with ashes, guard you, which is darkened as it were by a shadow, encircled as it is by the dark blue lustre of (his) neck!
(L. 2. There was, of the family of the Moon, a prince named Udayang. From him sprang the mighty Indrabala, equal to the destroyerle of Vala. From him sprang the illustrious Nannadeve, the possessorl of self-reliance; who, called Nanna, the lord, '3 filled the earth with temples of the lord) Siva. As his most excellent son, there was born Chandra gupta, a protector of the earth; (and) from him sprang the illustrious Harshagupta, a cause of joy to the world. To him was born the lord of the earth, Sivagupta, fond of war; who, foremost in the knowledge of the bow, is famous under the appellation of Balarjuna ;13 who in battle, holding the dasky creeper-like sword in his hand, decorates it, like a mistress, with the pearls (struck out of the frontal globes) of infuriated elephants; (and) to whom the god of love, like a good adherent, hands over the women-folk, having repeatedly conquered them with (his) arrows, like unto the lawless kings (subdued by his master Sivagupta). -
(L. 11.)-His devoted servant is Någadêve, a distinguished twice-born; and Kebava, highly proficient in the arts (and) zealous in the performance of good deeds. These two good men together have given four garlands of flowers, 14 of the measure of the height of a man, to the bearer of the trident,16 who takes away all sin (and) counteracts misery and misfortune, having obtained them for abundant money from all16 the gardeners dwelling at Sripura. Until the
• These akaharas are almost completely attaoed.
* This akshara is faintly visible, but sufficiently clear to enable me to say that it is fa, and bears no resemblance whatever to the t& in Sir A. Cunningham's photo-sincograph. The second akshara of the following line, too, is distinctly dha, and cannot possibly be read va (or ba). . These akaharas are almost completely effaced. .
This akshara is almost completely effaoed. 11 mahodaya mdmin, a meaning for which the dictionary has no quotation. 13 Or Nannékvara...
13 1.6. the young Arjuna Arjuna was famous as an archer. In connection with the versie in line 15-16, I understand this to mean that they provided funds for always decorating the idol of Bira with foar garlands, or made a payment to that offect to the gardeners of Brpure.
* 1... Siva... * I take the word sarea of the text to refer to mali bhyas.

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destruction of the earth, may these (garlands), the fragrance of which intoxicates the bees, serve for the worship of Srikantha, whose neck is (black) like a bee !
(L. 16.) -The illustrious Krishnanandin, a home of prudence and kindness, the son of the illustrious Devanandin, the physician, 17 has composed this eulogy.
WEBER'S SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS. TRANSLATED BY DR. HERBERT WEIR SMYTH.
(Continued from Vol. XVII. p. 345). 7. kusilaparibhâsiyam obhâså V, kusilaparibhâshâ, with 30 vv.; sarvé jívá sukhaishinak.
8. viriyam with 26 vv.; of bála and of pandiya; in v. 25 buddhâh in a good sense = jnátatattvás.
9.dhammð with 36 vv.; in v. 1 máhanéna maimaye, bráhmaņéna matimatá referred by the Schol, to Vira. It concludes : göratani ya savváni nivvánar sandhaét muni tti bémi (264).
10.samahi, samadhi, with 24 vv. ; it concludes: no jíviam marand 'bhikarikhí charejjá bhikkhú valagd vimukko tti bêmi; in place of valagá we find in 12,23, 13,23, where the same conclusion recurs: valaya, and in the schol. valayan is explained by bhavavalayari, máy, sassdrah. If this reading is correct, perhaps Vådic valaga might be thought of 3
11. maggð, marga, with 36 vv.; in v. 1 máhanéņa matématá as in 9, 1.
12. samsaraṇam, samava', with 22 vv.; kumárgatyágah; four samavasaranáni paratir. thikábhyupagamasam úharúpáni, i.e. the 180 leiriydvái etc. (see p. 259, 266).
13. ahataham, yathậtatham (hence by the ampliative ika or ya also): dhattahid, Ahittihie, áhattahijjam ; avitaha (Av.), with 23 vv. ; samyakcharitram.
14. gamtha (gamdh8 V), grantha, with 27 vv.; granthai dhanddikain tyaktva. . 15. jam-atam, yam atitam (according to the opening words), or ddániyan; with 25 vv.
16. gâh' or gath&shodasakam;despite this name, a proge explanation of the names mahaņa, samaņa, bhikkhu, niggamtha and their identical signification (ékártha).
b. Second brutaskandhs. 1. pundarie, Oriyar V, paņdarika. Comparison of the bhikkhu with a lotus flower in the middle of a pond; it begins (see above, p. 248): suari mé dusamn, tê nani bhagavayá [265] évam atkháyam: iha khalu poindariya naman ajjhayané, tassa na ayari afthé pannatte. This introductory formula, the second part of which occurs again in anga 6 et seq., is repeated with corresponding modification in ajjh. 2-4. All four ajjh. are in prose.
2. kiriyâshanam, of the 12 or 13 kriyásthána.
3. Ahâraparinna, oparijñà. In the schol. & variant of the scholars of Nagarjuna is adduced with the words Nagarjuni(y)s tu pathamti. Ndgajjunavayaga, or oráyaria, onarisi, is mentioned with great honour in the opening of the Nandi and of the Av., in the list of teachers v. 39, 40, 45, and in fact as separated by three gradations merely - Bhúadinna, Lähichcha and Dûsagani - from the author him.self, whom the scholiast calls Dévaváchaka = Dêvarddhigaņi, Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 150.
4. pachchakkhâņakiriyâ, pratyakbyânakriya.
5. in S. Au. V. anagaram (rasuya S.); here however correctly anâyárasutam, anâchârasrutam, in 34 vv. ; it opens as follows: adâya bambhachêram cha Asapanne (Asuprajñaḥ paņditah) imam charam assini (asmin) dhammê añâyâram n'ayareyya kaya i vi II
6. Addaijjam, Ardrakiyain, in 55 rv. A sermon of Årdraks, the son of a merchant who, according to the scholiast, from the sight of a picture of Jina sent to him as a debt of
11 Or, simply, the learned.'
1 moksha sardadhyat. . of. also the manner of death valayamayakam up. I. 70, "death by magic arta P". Little can be made out of the commentaries. See the excellent glossary of Leumann which reaches me, May 1883, while these sheets are in the press. igalth Mahodni Akhyath shodatam adhyayánam. In V. gehdaslasago ndmagal.
. cf. anga 6, 1, 19.

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gratitude by Abhayakumara (the son of the king Srêņika of Rajagriha), obtained játismaranam and turned to pravrajyd so as to receive the pratyékabuddha dignity, etc. The sermon appears to be addressed to Gosala. In the last verse : buddhassa anád imani samdhu (tattvajñasya sri Wirasya ajildyári ..), buddha is used directly as a name of Vira [266].
7. NAlamdažjjam, odÅ V., Nálandiyam, in prose; śråvakavidhih). Legend of Udaya (Udaka) PedhAlaputta Métajja,' a Pásávachchijja, Pårávåpatyfya, i.e. scholar, or follower of Påráva, whom the bhagavara Goyama (Indrabhûti) leads to Mahavira, after he has heard the same from the Kumaravuttiya (Kumaraputriya), nama samaná niggastha. Udaya thus leaves the châujjâma dhamma of Parýva and accepts the panchamahavvaïyam sapadikkamaņam dhammam of Mahåvira.
The table of contents in anga 4 (or Nandi) is as follows:- kit tam sdyagade po syagade nam sasamaya sûijjamti parasamayâ s. sasamayaparasamayà s., jivå 8. ajiva s jivajivá s., lögð 8. alôgô s. lögålog8 s. ;10 suyagada nam jîvâjivall.punna-påv'-âsava-samvara-nijjara-bamdha-mokkhåvasâ â payatthå sdijjamti; samaņâņam achirakklapavvaiyâņam kusamayam ôhamatimohiyâņam samdhajaya-sahajabuddhi-pariņáma-samsaigåņam pavakaramaliņamaiganavisôhanattham, asiyassa kiriyâvâisayassa, chaürasie akiriyâvâiņam, sattatthid annániyavảiqam, vattiske vôņaiyaviiņam, tinha têsatthåņam annadithiya 18 sayanan bûham [267] kichcha sasamað thêvijjaï ;15 na naditthaantal vayani nissaram sutthu darisayamtá vivihavittharanagamaparamasabbhava-guņavisithả môkkhapahôdåraga17 udará annanatam'andhakaraduggêsu divabhûyê sôpâņa chêva siddhisugaïgharuttamassale nikkhôbhanippakampasuttattha, 19
I have before me the commentary of Harshakula, 20 from the Tapágacha. It was composed “ varsha 1583," but not after Vira, but after Vikrama, i.e. A.D. 1527.21 The origin of the Tapágacha dates from Vira, 1755.
III. The third angam, thanam sthanam; an enumeration arranged in categories designed for the instruction of the more advanced and in fact for the eighth year of their instruction.23 The categories comprise successively subjects or conceptions conceived as one, two, and so on up to ten. Hence the whole text consists of 10 ajjhayana, which are called Skasthána, dvisthana, etc.; ajjh. 2–4 each contain 4 udd., ajjh. 5 three udd., the rest of the ajjh. have no such sub-division, and exist as égasaráni (V) of one udd. each.
From the miscellaneous contents of this compendium I extract the following: - the nakshatras: addá, chittá, sáti [268] are designated as égatáré, and then the number of the stars of the other nakshatras is enumerated. 33 In an enameration of the divisions of time in 2, - beginning with avaliya and reaching to sisapahéliya, pallova ma, sugaróvama, osappini, wasappiņi - the
Named from N Alandi, & suburb (pb4hiriki) of Rajagriha. . In the preceding 22 ajjh.sldhv.Soharab prardpital.
1 Medaryagótrina schol. ; I conjecture that this is a misunderstanding for Mêvarys - see above, p. 285. Métaryd is regarded as the tenth scholar of Mah&virs; see Hêm. v. 32.
# s. Bhagavatt 3, 185 and Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160. • Bûchanåt strat, sutriņa kritat tat sátrakrita.
10 In N. we first read loe aloe, löyáloe, then jivå sj. j. lastly sasamal P. Raamaaparamae; so slao in the following afgas. The verb is in each of the nine instances in the plural: sdijjamti. The triads: jivijivk. jivan (jiva ajira jivajiva) lökolókò lôkah (lokalokah), sat asat sa-asat are assigned specially to the Terasiyas, Trairafika, by Abh. on aiga 12, 1.
11 jivajto to visóhanattham is omitted by N. 13 sandéhajátká cha sahajabuddhipariņámasazinkayitié cha ye. 13 pasamdiya N. 14 pratikshepam.
36 vijjanti N. . 18 nana eto. omitted in N. 7 mokshapathêvatrals.
18 grihottaminsya. 11 adtrath cha'rthai cha niryakti-bhAshya-sangrahani-vritti-ch drpi-panjikadir Apa iti sutricthab. * We have a commentary to the fourth painna by a certain Harshakusala.
11 The statements in reference to genealogy at the end are in agreement with Dharmasagara'a Gruiwall of the Tapdgacha, of the members of which patriarchs 14, 52-57 are mentioned; so that between 53 and 54 Jaguchchandramuni is referred to. See Kl. p. 267 ab.
#tatra. bhavyay mökshAbhilfshiņaḥ sthitagurpadésasys pranino, 'shavarshapramånapravrajydparylywy i'va strato 'pisthandigan ddyam, Abhayadeva; see above, p. 223, 224..
See my treatise on the nakshatras, 2,881. Ind. Stud. 9, 448. 10, 298. Accord, to the schol. we have here to do with the krittikd series of. Bhag. 1, 873. ml. The names of the nakshatras appear hero invariably in their secondary form: dhanitha, bhaddavay, etc. The name of the shibudhnya is (2, 3) corrupted into vividdhi (sve Ind. Stud. 10, 298).
A number of 194 plaoss! tanya ahaturnavatyadhiks arkasthanaiatan bhavati.

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yuga is inserted between the year and the century as intermediate gradation and the quinquennial yugam is thereby still used as a means of calculation. On the other hand, we have here the same enormous extension of periods of time, which we find in upanga 6 (Jambuddivapannatti), and in the Anuyogadvárasútra; see Bhagav. 1, 427,25 though the latter works contain some modifications not present here. The existence of the above-mentioned upanga is furthermore recognized directly in 4, 1: chattári pannattiu amgabahiriyau pam(nattáu), tam (jaka): chamdapannatti, sûrapannatti, Jambuddivapannatti, divasagarapannatti. The three pannattis, which are here mentioned in addition, occur again in 3, 1: tao pannattiu kálénam ahijjanti, tam: chudapannatti, sûrapannatti, divaságarapannatti. Here and in 4, 1, are found the titles of upanga 7, 5, 6, in 3, 1. those of up. 7, 5; to which in both cases the divasd is joined, which, though not an independent member of the Siddhanta, appears however as a section of the third upanga. That we have here to deal with the upangas respectively named so and not merely [269] with homonymous doctrines, is proved by one circumstance especially; that besides the above-mentioned enumeration of the periods of time, the abhijit series of the nakshatras, which belongs to these works, is here already known-see ojjh. 7 near the end,26 And even if the direct mention of upanga texts is in this case doubtful because such mention in the angas does not occur in the text, but in the insertions at the hand of the redactor, in this case the designation (in 4, 1) of the four texts as angabahiriya is so distinct and so points to their actual existence apart from the angas, that all doubts are put at rest. How far the existing texts of upanga 7, 5, 6, are meant by this, is, as we shall soon see, still an open question. One circumstance is worthy of note: the order of names here is different from that of the existing texts; and the fourth name is equivalent merely to a part of the third spanga and not to the upanga itself.
We find in chapter 10 a second and more important statement or mention of texts existing apart from the angas. In that chapter are specified not merely the names [270] of ten dasau (ie., texts containing ten ajjhayanas), but also the names of each of the 10 ajjh. Among these are the names of four angas (7-10), references to a fifth (11), and the name of the fourth chhedasútra; the other four names have in our Siddhanta no place whatever (asmákam apratitaḥ, Abh. fol. 285a).
At the head stand the kammavivagadasâu; by this name the eleventh anga is meant -vivágasué, vipákaśrutam; it contains, however not merely 10 but 20 ajjh.; and the names adduced here as being those of the ten ajjh. are found only in part in anga 11. Two of them, at least, are exactly the same (1, 4) and three partly so (6-8); so that we cannot gainsay that there is some connection27 between these dasáu and anga 11. The names of the ten ajjk. here are: Miyâputté,29 Guttâsê, amde, 30 Sagade 'ti á varé31 máhané, Namdiaênê ya, Sorie33 ya, Udumbarê 1 sahassuddáé ámalae kumaré Lêchat 'ti ya 1. It is well to be noted that in anga 4 (§ 43) too a text entitled kammaviváya is mentioned, [271] though 43 ajjh. are ascribed to it; and in the Kalpasútra Jinachar. (§ 147) 55 ajjh. are attributed to the pávaphalaviváydim alone: this was a subject which invited repeated working over!
The titles of angas 7-9 appear as dasâu 2-4; and complete agreement exists in reference
26 According to Leumann's communication this occurs also in anga 5,5,1. 6,7, 25, 5.
mahanakkhatte sattatarê pam tam: abhitiâiya pam satta nakkhatta puvvadariya pam tam: abhli, savane, dhanistha, sattabhisaya, uttarabhaddavaya, rêvati: assiniyadiya nam satta nakkhatta dahinadariya pam, tamh: assini, bharani, kattiya, rohini, magasira, adda, punarvasu; pussstiya path satta makkhatta avaradariya pam, tam: pusse, asilês, maha, puvvâphagguni, uttarAphagguni, hatth, chitta; satiyadiya namn satta nakkhattá uttaradariya pam, tarn: sati, visäha, anuraha, jêttaa, malá, puvvâ âsadha, uttara sålha. cf. Naksh. 2, 377, Ind. Stud. 10, 304, and see my comments on anya 4, 7.
27 Abh. identifies them directly with the first rutask indha of the eleventh anja and represents the names and the contents of the single 10 adhy. as being all in harmony with the contents of the 10 adhy. found there. 28 Mriga, wife of Vijaya, king of the city Mrigagråma.
29 gås träsitavan iti Götraso.. idam êva cho 'jjhitaka namna Vipakaśrute vjjhitakam uchyatê.
50 cf. anga 6, 1, 3,; kukkutâdyanêkavidhamḍaka bhataḍavyavaharino..; Vipâkaśruté cha 'bhaggasêna it! 'dam adhyayanam uchyate. 33 Saurika.
nakatam iti cha 'param.
32 Vipakasrutê cha Namdivardhanaḥ śrûyate.
34 sahassuddae A (with h fallen out), sahasuddihê B: sahasa akasmad uddahaḥ prakrishto dahab sahasranam vá lokasyo 'ddahaḥ sahasroddahaḥ, Amalaê tti raérutêr lairutir ity âmarakaḥ samastyéna mårir..

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to the uvásagadasáu (anga 7), even as regards the names of the ten ajjhayanas. The eighth and ninth anga, the antagadadasáu and the anuttarovavatiyadasdu have here however only ten ajjh. allotted them, whereas in the Siddhanta they have 93 or 33. The names of the ten ajjh. are for atagadad : Nami Mayangê Somilê Råmagutte35: Sadamsaņê chêva | Jamali ya Bhagali ya Kirkamme Pillatd ti ya Perle Ambatthaputte36 ya ôm (@vam) été dass Ahiya || Among these I can discover but one name, Bhagáli, which shows any connection with anga 8, 4,. (Mayall); or perhaps we may extend the number to two names connected with-9, 3, 4,6 Pellae, Råmaputte. The names of the ten ajjh. of the anutto are, Isidåsê ya Dhannê ya Sunakkbatte kattité (Karttika) ti ya | Samdhậné Salibhaddd ya Anamde Têyali37 ti ya Dasannabhadde Aïmuttê êm êtê daba dhiyA 11 Among these there are at least three names which recur in anga 9, s. 1-3
It is perfectly manifest that the author of anga 3 possessed entirely different texts of angas 8, 9, than those in our possession. The same holds good in the case of anga 4, since it ascribe to these angas only ten ajjh. each. See below. The means made use of by Abhayadeva to reconcile this discrepancy are very simple. He says, on anga 8, after [272) recognizing the fact of the discrepancy :-tató váchanástarápékshayání (Okánf ?) mani' ti sibhévayamo, navajanmärktaram apékshayas láni bhavishyanti 'ti váchyasi, jarmáshtaránói tatré 'nabhidhiy mánatvád iti - and likewise on anga 9 :- tad évam ih 'pi vachanástarápékshayá adhyayanavibhaga uktó, na punar upalabhyamdnaváchanápékshayê 'ti. His statements in reference to the stories themselves are given with tolerable detail on anga 9.
As the fifth member of the ten dasâo the Ay&radasdu are enumerated. The names cited for the ten ajjh. belonging to these are identical with those of chhedasútra 4. This therefore proves that the latter is to be understood by the Ayaradasin.
(To be continued.)
BOOK NOTICE. REPORT ON THE SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS, in the the Vijayaprakasti, the Seshasangraha. the
BOMBAY PRESIDENCY during the year 1883-84 by R. G. Kumdrapdlacharitas of Jinamandana and, if I BHANDARKAR, M.A., Ph.D., Bombay Government Central Press, 1887. Pp. 479, viii.
mistake not, of Jayasinhasűri, the SanimatiturkaDr. Bhandarkar's Second Report is a worthy ţikd, the Aptamimdřsdlaskara, and the Kdvyakal. successor of the first. It allows the most con- palatavritti. Among the new finds, on the other scientious devotion to the Search, and is full of hand, may be mentioned as particularly valuable instructive and interesting matter. The begin- a good old copy of the rare Kirtikaumudi and a ning describes the results of a journey to Anhil. mutilated Abhilashitachintamani. Dr. Bhandarkar våd-Patan (this, not Pathan, is, p. 1 note, the had also made a catalogue of the Bhandar of the correct spelling), which Dr. Bhandarkar under Tapkgachha and prints it in Appendix J. Another took in 1883 together with Professor A. V. Kath- copy, which I had prepared in 1875, ought to be in våte of Ahmadabad. The two scholars visited the the Deccan College. I did not print it, because old Jaina Bhandars, which I saw in 1875 and the descriptions of the books are too imperfect. 1879, and obtained access to some hitherto un I merely marked certain books which Pandit known important Brahmaņical libraries. In the Nárusarkar examined, and some of which, e. g. Bhandars they found at least something to glean, the Vijayaprakasti, and the Narandrdyandnandathough most of the works, which Dr. Bhandarkar kedvya by Vasantapala, recte Vustupala, I then had enumerates as inspected, are represented by one copied, and included in the collection of 1875-77. or several copies in the earlier portions of the Among the Brahmanical libraries discovered at Deccan College collection. To these books, known Patan by Dr. Bhâpd&rkar, that of Jasvantrai already some years ago and partly copied for Gôpålrai seems to be the most important, as Government from the Patan MSS., belong the it contains six of the, in Western India. rare important Vyutpattidipika, the Pramdņamañjars, I Samhitås of the Bhågavata-Pancharatra sect.
• Ramaputra, with the Digambaras, see the Tattvarthavarttika in Prof. Peterson's Second Report, p. 157. Also the existent Svētambara text presents Ramaputte, see below p. 324.-L.
3# Thus B. Avvaddhao A. With the Digambaras we find (1. o.) Yamalt kavalika-Nishkambala- PAP. Ambashtaputra. In some better MS, the first name might turn out to be Yamall and in the second some name corresponding to Bhagali may be hidden.-L.
Titalinnta iti yo jo tadhyayanesha (anga 6, 1, 14) áruyate sa na 'yan, tasya siddhigamanaravant. We have here in all probability an intentional variation.

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Dr. Bhandarkar's important new views on the doctrines and the age of the Bhagavatas will be noticed below. His discoveries make it desirable that all the sacred works of the sect should be collected and be carefully studied. I would recommend that copies of those not yet prooured should be obtained from the Sarasvata Bhând gâra of the Maharaja of Mysore (see Dr. Kielhorn's Supplementary Catalogue). The great Bhagavata Math at Mulhör in Khándesh, which I have never been able to visit, might also be tried.
Two MSS. acquired at Patan, a copy of Hall yudha's Kavirahasya and a curious fragment of a brief history of Gujarat from the beginning of the Chapôtkata dynasty down to the reign of Aurangzeb, induce Dr. Bhåndárkar to offer some histori. cal remarks. With respect to the former work he maintains, in my opinion correctly, that it was written during the reign, not of Krishnardya of Vijayanagara, but of an older Rashtrakůţa prince, called Krishna. The verses printed in App. III. are found in all MSS. from Bombay and Gujarat, and oogur also in a copy of my private collection, (now in the India Office Library), which is aocompanied by the commentary of one Ravidharman. The Dekhant text, which leaves out the name of the Rashtrakatas, is, as Dr. Bhåndårkar shows, not worth much. I also agree with Dr. Bhandar. kar in believing it probable that the Abhidhana. ratnamdid has been written by the author of the Kavirahasya. It is an ancient Kôsha, as it is quoted by Hêmachandra and his pupil Mahendra, and probably has been used by Yådavaprakasa for his Vaijayanti about 1000 A.D. Which of the three Rashtrakata Krishnarajas is the theme of HalAyudha's laudation, cannot be determined for the present. It may have been Kfishnarkja I., as Dr. Bhåndårkar thinks, but there is no proof for the assertion. The Kavirahasya is, however, certainly more than 900 years old.
A full account of the contents of the histori. cal fragment is given in pp. 9-14 and App. III. L. The piece is certainly very interesting. But I doubt tat it deserves the great confidence which Dr. Bhåndarkar places in it. Among its dates and statemeats which we can control, there are numerous errors. In the Hindu period the dates of Kumarapala and Malaraja II. are, as Dr. Bhåndarkar admits, very much vut. Its assertion, too, that Kumarapala's mother was #sister of Siddharaja-Jayasimha is incredible. Tribhuvanapala, the father of Kumarap&la, was Jayasimba's second cousin. Hence a marriage with the sister of the latter would have been opposed to the sacred law and tu the custom of the Rajputs, who all practice exogamy and are very strict in this respect. Jinamandana's state
ment in the Kumarapalacharita, that the mother of his hero was a Kasmirian princess, is more plausible. In the statements on the Muhammadan period there are a number of very bad errors. Mud&par (Muzaffar) began to reign, not in V. S. 1418 or 1361-62 A.D., but in 1996 A. D.; Ahimud (Ahmad I.), not in V.S. 1436 or 1879-80 A.D., but in 1412 A.D. The reigns of Sultan Muhammad from 1443 A.D. and of Kutb from 1451 A.D, have been left out. Daud Shah did not reign 36 years from V. S. 1468 or 1411.12 A.D., but for seven days in 1459 A.D. Under these circumstances I cannot consider the new document more trustworthy than the Vichdrabreni of Mêrutunga, for my reliance on which Dr. Bhandarkar blames me. The text of the latter work no doubt contains mistakes which are due to clerical errors in the original of the bad copies of the Government and Bhad Daji's or actions. (Thirteen or fourteen years ago I saw a really good copy at Baroda, but could not obtain it.) But late researches have convinced me that the mistakes are not as formid. able, as I formerly thought, and as Dr. Bhåndárkar holde. I am now able to prove that an old tradition existed, which asserted the existence of eight Chapôtkata kings, and assigned a long reign to the last of them. Hence I do not attach any weight to the new dates for Tribhuvanapala, Vlaaladeva, and the other Vaghelf kings. The latter, though corroborated by another late writer, Dharmasågara, p. 150, are contradicted by a Patt&vali, an abstract of which Mr. Bhââ Dajt published in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. S. Vol. IX. p. 137. According to this work, Tribhuvanapala ruled not four years but two months and twelve days, Visaladeva 18 years, 7 months and 11 days, Arjunadeva 13 years 7 months and 26 days, Sarangadeva 21 years, 8 months, and 8 days. These circumstantial statements look more trustworthy than the round figures of the other sources. But I would not now pin my faith on any Pattavali or Prabandha, whose assertions, like those of the Puriņas, can only be accepted provisionally in the absence of really historical information from contemporary works, inscriptions, and MSS.
On his return from Pâţan, Dr. Bhåndarkar looked over some portions of the Jaina Bhandars at AhmadAbåd. His personal examination of their contents was rewarded by several very interesting discoveries. The most important find is a large fragment of a second copy of Bilhana's Vileramárkad dvacharita, including cantos i. 62 to vii. 76. The MS., though much younger than the Jésulmir copy, is yet, as Professor Bhandarkar says,' very valuable. On examining the varietas lectionum given in App. III. R. I find that it allows us to correct the printed text in 41 verses, while in some

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other cases it confirms the corrections which I was Ama who saved the life of the sixth pointed out as necessary in the Addends and Chaulukya prince, Karna. Regarding him it Corrigenda. Two of these various readings are is said that he made a Krity or evil spirit, also important in other respects, as they make it which the Purohita of the king of MAIVA had probable that Bilhana wrote the first copy of his raised, turn against its author. The reason poem in the SArad characters of his native which moved the Malava priest to use his magic country. The Jêsalmir copy reads, v. 7, THE skill is stated to have been, that the territory of (TTTT cho TT II, while the his master was harassed by the king of Gujardt. Ahmadabad MS. has . The latter is with
Here we have again an indication that the reign
of "goodman" Karna, was not as peaceable as out a doubt the correct reading. The error of the
the Duydérayamahdkdoya and the Prabandhas writer of the Jesalmer MS. is most easily explained,
represent it to have been. While these works do if it is assumed that he transcribed from a
not mention any wars, Bilhana's drama, Karnamn. SaradA MS., because in that alphabet and are
dars, which Pandit Durgậprasad has lately disalmost indistinguishable. The same supposition
covered and published in the Kdvyamdld, speaks best explains in vi. 49 the mistake THEAT
of a successful expedition against the Muhamme मानुरूप for जवसमुचितधावनानुरूपा. For in the Sa.
dan rulers of Sindh and their Kabuli allies. Now we rada alphabet there is very little difference be
learn that the hereditary feud between Málve and tween Hand and between # and per. The Gujarat did not sleep during Karna's reign. I majority of the remaining 180 or 190 new readings
will add that a contemporary of Sômesvars makes is made up of mistakes, or is due to the rage of the the same assertion, as a paper to be published in Pandits for altering the old texts, which has caused the Transactions of the Vienna Academy will so much mischief in most classical Sanskpit works. show. It is also interesting to see that in I trust that at some future visit to Ahmadabad | the eleventh century A.D. the Park
the eleventh century A.D. the Purõhitas had Dr. Bhåndárkar's hope of finding the missing to show their skill in the foul rites of the portion of the MS. may be realized.
Atharvavéds, which made their office the object Another very valuable find is Sömēsvara's of much obloquy. In the notes on the exploits second MahAkavya, the Surathóteava, pp. 19-20, of Siddharja, the employer of Ama's son, App. IIL. S, which in its fifteenth canto gives an Kumara, the assertion that the king humbled
coount of the author's ancestors, the Purõhitas of the prince of the Sapadalaksha country, or of the Cbauluk ya kings, and contains various impor. Sakambhari-Sambhar in Rajputans, deserves tant notes on the history of Gujarat. The name attention. Ouriously enough Hêmachandra, of Sörésvara's family was, according to the Sans- Siddhartia's court Pandit and annaliat does kpit text, Gulécha, not Gulêva, as Dr. Bhandarkar speak of this war, nor do the later Prabandhakaras. doubtingly writes on p. 20, and this race be. Only Somêsvara mentions it in the Kirtikaumudi. longed to the Nagara sub-division of the Gujarat and again in the Surathotsava. In spite of HômaBrahmans. Even this note possesses considerable chandra's silence it is perfectly credible, because interest, as it shows that the Nagaras were in the it helps to explain Argoraja's attack on Gujarat, tenth century as influential as they are in the
which occurred immediately after Jayasimha's present day, and that the modern Gulôchas, whose death. It may, however, be doubted whether the name I remember to have met with in Gujarat, can result of the war was as favourable to Gujarat as boast of a prouder pedigree than most of the noble Sömêsvara Asserts. It is more probable that houses of Europe. The first member of the family | Jayasinha tried to extend his sway also to the who attained to the dignity of domestic priestnorth-east, but failed. That would explain Hômato the sovereign of Gujarat was sola, and the king chandra's otherwise inexplicable silenoe regarding who appointed him was Malaraja I., the founder the event. The next name in the list of of the Chaulukya dynasty. These statements too Sômesvara's ancestors, that of Amiga, is chiefly possess a considerable significance. The appoint- interesting because it occurs in the Prabandhaa. ment of a new Purðhita proves that on MOlarija's Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani, p. 205 (Bomb. accession considerable changes in the royal house edition), and the Prabhavakacharita, tell of a hold were made. Such things would not bave squabble of his with Hemachandra. The latter work happened, if the Chaulukya prince had ascended the places the event in the reign of Jayasinha, while throne of Gujarat by the right of succession on Môrutunga, I think with Dr. BbApdarkar, more the extinction of the ChaudA line. But they were correctly assigns it to the time of Kumarapala. only too natural, if Molarija I., as hie land-grant Both works mention that Amiga beld the office of asserte, "conquered the Garjaramandala by the Purůhita. The remarks on Amiga's sons contain strength of his arm." Among Sola's descendants too, something new. First, the statement that

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Kumarapala, though a convert to Jainism, received from a MS. of the Madras Government Collec. an orthodox burial and that his ashes were thrown tion, gives too Kdéikd, not Kdrik 1. into the Ganges, possesses some interest. It shows The next portion of Dr. Bhandarkar's Report, that tho Brahmanical reaction on Ajayapêla's pp. 23-157, contains very full and most instrucaccession to the throne was indeed complete, as the tive notes on the MSS. purchased for Govern. Jaina Prabandhas too assert. More startling and ment in 1883-86. The number of his acquisitions hardly credible is the second statement that amounts (see App. II.) to 737, 325 of which come Kumarapala had a son who became king. Accord from Gujarat and North-Western India, and 412 ing to the Surathótsava, xv. 31-32, it looks as if from the Maratha Country. Under the heading Sôméévara meant to say that this son of Kumara. Vedas, there is, besides some not very imporpfla was Ajayapala. All the Prabandhas, as well as tant works, at least one curiosity, a MS. conKrishn&ji,the author of the Ratnam ild, assert that taining portions of the Vdjaney isanhita in Kumarapala had no son, and that Ajayapala was the Krame- and Jata-påthas. I have been a the son of his brother Mahipala, whom, according similar MS. in the library of the Asiatic Society to some, he tried to set aside in favour of his in Bombay. daughter's son, Pratápamalla (see my essay Über In the second section we have large fragmenta das Leben des Jaina Mönches Hemachandra of the Srautastras of Asvalyana, Baudhp. 50, Denkschriften der Wiener Akademie 1889). yana, Apastamba, and Katyayana, accompanied It may be that Sômêsvara has made & slip, by the glosses of ancient commentators, and just as in the Kirtikaumudt i. 32, where he & host of Karikas and Prayogas, together calls the king of Malva, made prisoner by with a sprinkling of works belonging to the Jayasimha, Naravarman, while it was Yasovar- other Angas. Dr. Bhandarkar offers short man, Naravarman's son, according to Hêma- remarks on the majority of their authors, and ohandra, an eye-witness of the king's triumphal gives a full analysis of the authorities quoted by entry on his return from Malvå. It would lead Trikandamandana-Bhågkaramiára, of whose im me too far, if I were to discngs the further portant Karikas he has obtained a complete MSS. details on the history of Sômêávara's father, He shows that Trikåņdamandana is quoted by Kumara, who was Amiga's second son, those on the Hêmådri, and must therefore be anterior to the author's own life, and those on vastupala, bis Jaina latter half of the thirteenth century A.D. His patron and friend. I will only add that the panegyric authorities, of course, date from still earlier times. on vastupala indicates that the work was written To them belong Karka, the commeritator of the before the death of the latter in Vikrama-Samvat
Satras of Katyayana, Dhartasvimin, the author 1297. The Dabhoi Prasasti of V. S. 1311 shows of a Bhashya on Apastamba, Gárgya-Narayana, that Sêmêsvara survived his friend by many years. and Bbavanaga, commentators of Asvaldyana,
Amongst the other works which Dr. Bhân. and Bhavasvamin, the commentator of Baudh - dArkar saw in Ahmadábåd the complete copy yana. Among these Bhavasvåmin must be par. of Jayanta's commentary on the Kavyaprakdba ticularly ancient, because he is quoted by Kabava, possesses a considerable value, as it proves that the author of the Prayogasdra, who himself is Mammaţa's treatise was in great repute at the one of the authorities of Trikāņdamandana. end of the 13th century even in Gujarat, and as Bhavasvamin must therefore have flourished the author turns out to have been the son of the before the tenth century. The same may be said Parðhita of king Sarangadóva's minister. The l of DAVRAVAmin. according to
I of Devasvamin, according to whose commentary date of the work V. S. 1350 is the same as on AsvalAyana [Gárgya-] Nariyana composed that of Sarangadêva's inscription at Aba. To his own Vitti on the Srautasátras. Dr. BhånDr. Bhandarkar's remarks, p. 17, No. 13, on the darkar further remarks that among the ancient Prikrit Subhdshitavali of Jayavallabha, which is commentators and writers on Mimams, as well as variously called in the MSS. Vajjalayo, Vijjd- in ancient inscriptions, the title svåmin is comlayo, Vijjalagga and Vijjáhalao, I may add mon, while it does not occur during the last six that I have drawn attention to its existence in centuries. He therefore thinks with Professor my Report for 1874-75, when I was shown a copy Weber that it is a mark of antiquity. With by the keeper of Hêmachandra's Bhandar at respect to Sabarasvåmin, the most ancient com. PAtan. I then secured one copy, and later, in mentator on Mimåmså, he shows that he cannot 1879-80, & second. With respect to No. 8, I must be placed later than 400 or 500 A.D., 48 his state that I believe the title Kalikdyka which is Bhashya was explained by Kumarila, who lived given on p. 65, to be the correct one. The copy about 700 A.D. He finally conjectures that Bhavain my private oollection (now in the I. O. L.) evåmin, Dévas våmin and Agnisvamin flourished of & portion of the work, which was transcribed about the same time. I can only say that I fully

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agree with Dr. Bhandarkar in thinking that Dr. Bhåndarkar next turns, pp. 32-44, to a brief most of the Bhashyas on the Sotras belong to description of the Srauta rites, interspersed a very much higher antiquity than European with remarks on their development. His views Sanskritiste usually assume. With respect to on the latter show that he may be reckoned as Naidhruva-Narayana, the son of Divakara and an adherent of the critical and historical school of author of the Grihyavritti, and Devasvámin, this philology, and is a good deal ahead of most of his may also be proved by means of the Abvaldyana. compatriots. There is only one point on which grihyakdrikd by Bhatta-Kumârilasvamin, & copy I must differ from him. I do not think that the of which, No. 509, is in Dr. Bhåndarkar's collec- arguments which he brings forward on p. 34, are tion of 1883-84. This work, which I know through Bufficient to show that Baudhyana is younger a MS. of my private collection (now in the I. O. than Bharadveja and Apastamba. There is too Läbrary), frequently quotes the opinions of N&ri
distinct a current of tradition, corroborated by yana, of Jayanta, the author of the Vimalodaya- much circumstantial evidence, that Baudh&yana, mdld, and of the Bhagavadvșittikdra. In the the Pravachanakarta, wrote the first Satra of verses appended to the printed Vritti of Nára- the Taittiriya school. It is, however, quite a yana (Calcutta ed., p. 264), it is stated that the different question it his Srautas tras have not Bh­a of the Grihyasatras was composed by been largely added to. This is certainly the case Bhagavat-Đêvasvamin, and that the Vritti was with the Dharma and Grihya-stras. written by his favour, i.e. cribbed from the Bhd. In the third class there is a copy of the Nilashy. Now it seems to me from the style of the mata-Purdna or, as Dr. Bhindårkar prefers to KÄrikhs that they really belong, as Dr. Burnell call it," the Kasmiramdhatmya according to Nilatoo says in his remarks on the Tanjore copy, to mata," which, he says, is complete. If so, it is the great Mimamsaka Kumarilabhatta. Thus we a very valuable acquisition, because the copies obtain the sequence : Kumârila, circiter 700 A.D., which I brought from Kasmir are, with the excepquotes Naidhrava-Narayana, who in his turn tion of that restored by Sahebrim, gertainly full of quotes Bhagavat-Dêvasvamin. The title bhagavat lacuna, especially in the beginning. In this porgiven to the latter, indicates that he was in Nara- tion ovour the statements which Kalhana used for yana's times a half-mythical personage and lived his Rajataramgint, and it would be well worth the centuries before him. As Naidhruva-Nárayana while to print them. I would ask Dr. Bhåndarkar himself cannot be placed later than 600 A.D. to do this in the Appendix to his next Report. Dr. Bhandarkar's estimate that DevasvAmin As regards the title, Dr. Bhandarkar will find one flourished about 400 or 500 A.D. is very moderate, of the reasons why I have called the work a Parl- in fact too moderate.
na at the end of the extracts in my Kasmir Report, In Dr. Bhandarkar's notes on the Srautasdtras p.lx. 1. 10. Another reason is that in Kasmir, its quoted by Trikåndåmandana, pp. 29-30, the dis- home, all the Pandits call it a Puriņa, not & covery that Upavarsha, the Mimmsaka, wrote Mahatmya, though, as I have shown at length in A work of this class, is valuable. He probably my Report, p. 41, ite oontents are the same as those belongs to the historical times of India, and if his of a Mah&tmya. The larger MAhâtmyas are works were recovered, we might get a chance of sometimes, gauravdrthum, called Purapag; com. settling a portion of the chronology of the pare e.g. the so-called Sthalapura pas of Southern 80-called Védio period. The discovery of the India. Under these circumstances I do not think existence of a Påņiniya-Charana is also inter. it necessary to alter the title of the work. esting, though it could be inferred from the Under Dharma also there are some valuable quotations from a lawbook by a Papini. With acquisitions, such as a second copy of the Kasmir respect to Laug&kshi, it may be noted that text of Manu (the first being that which I acquired according to Dévapâla's commentary on his in 1876), two Kandas of Aparaditya's commentary Gțihyasutra, it contained 39 Adhyâyas. The on Yájavalkya, of which the Deccan College has Bhåradvaja Srautasutra is not so very rare as now a fine store, a MS. of the Madanapdrijáta, of Dr. Bhandarkar thinks. There is a copy of nine the Afvaldyanagrihyakdrikd of Bhatta KamariPragnas in the Bombay University Library, another Lasvamin, as well as numerous more modern treain Munich, and a third in Berlin, all three of tiges, the dates of which Dr. BhåndArkar mostly which are transcripts of the Baroda MS. And Dr. settles very satisfactorily. In connection with the Oppert's Catalogue enumerates various MSS. in subject I am glad to point out that Mr. Sridhar the Madras Presidency, the original home of the R. Bhandarkar's date for Visvėávara exactly Charana. A portion of the Grihyasútra with the agrees with that which I have given at p. cxxv. of commentary of Kapardievåmin is in the Elphin the introduction to my translation of Manu on the stone College Library Collection of 1866-68. strength of Dr. Schram's calculations. I took the

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verse from Mr. Sarvadhikarin's Tagore Lectures, in the Abhandlungen der Arischen Section des but have since verified it, as well as the pedigree VII. Intern. Orientalisten Congresses, pp. 101-109. of Madanapala in the copies of the Madanavino. He shows that the Visishța Advaita system of danighantu preserved in the India Office Library. Râmânuja is a somewhat modified and more Visvesvara's date is of some importance, because methodical form of the ancient Bhagavata, PAă. his commentary on the Mitakshara is held to be charátra or Såttvata religion, which is named of authority, and because his patron rescued the and described in the Santiparvan of the MahaManubhashya of Médhátithi from destruction. bharata. This creed, which inculcates the wor. The remarks on the Vivddárnavabhañjana have ship of the supreme Vasudeva and teaches the been made before in Dr. Peterson's Second Report, doctrine of bhakti, has originally nothing to do p. 53.
with the Vedas and Upanishads. It arose from the In the next class, - Poems, Plays, and same current of thought from which the BhagaFables, there are some new anthologies, one of vadgitali sprang. Its sacred books are the Samhitås which comes from Kasmir, and a new com- of the Naradapancharatra, some of which turned mentary on the Mahanataka by Balabhadra. up at Anhilvåd, while one has been printed and The Vrittis on Kalidasa's and Bhåravi's poems known long ago. Its founder was a Kshatriya, like are already represented in the earlier collections, Sakyamuni-Götama and Vardhamana, thematika and among them Jônaraja's commentary on the who originated the systems known as Buddhism Kirdtarjuniya, by five copies which I brought and Jainism. He seems to have been Vasudeva of from Kasmir. Dr. Bhindarkar shows that the Sattvata sub-division of the Yadava tribe. Jônarkja wrote this work in Saka-Sarhvat 1370. Or it may be that this Vasudeva was a king of
An ancient copy of a portion of the Kdbikde the Sattvatas, who after his death was deified, Vritti on Pånini's Satras permits Dr. Bhåndárkar, that a body of doctrines grew up in connection p. 58, to slightly modify the prevailing opinion as with his worship, and that the religion spread to the share which each of the two joint authors from his clan to other classes of the Indian took in its compilation. Jayaditya, it now people. In its origin this religion must have appears, wrote the notes on Adhyâyas i..v. and developed into the Pañcharåtra system of the (not i. iv.) and the remainder belongs to Vamana. Samhitis. Then it was mixed with other ele. The general results of an elaborate note, pp. 59- ments, indicated by the names of Vishnu. Nani60, on the family of Ramachandra, the author of yara, Ksiahna, Rauna, gods and deified heroes, who the Prakriyakaumudi, are, that it belonged to were identified with Vasudeva. Hence arose the the Tailangi subdivision of Brahmans, and that various forms of modern Vaishnavism. In order it counted among its members several writers on to prove the great age of the original worship of the Sastras. From the copy of the Puna Sanskrit Vasudeva, Dr. Bhandarkar points to the oftenCollege Collection it appears that Ramachandra quoted Satra of Panini, iv. 3, 98, where the wrote in the middle of the fifteenth century. formation of the name of a derotee of Vasudeva
Under the heading Kôshas, p. 61ff., Dr. is taught, and to the remarks of Patañjali thereon, Bhåndarkar gires, in connection with the descrip- who states that the Vasudêra meant is tatra. tion of a copy of RAyamukuta's Padachandriki, bhagavat. He further shows that the Panchaa list of the authors and works quoted by that ritra system was known to Sankaricharya as well voluminous scholiast in his notes on Kinda i. of the as to Bana, and that one of the Sainhitis is Amarakosha. This list is further extended to quoted by Ramanuja. Kandas ii.- ., on p. 467ff., by Pandit Durgapra. I believe that Dr. Bhåndarkar is on the right såd. It seems to have escaped the notice of Dr. track, and that, if he fully works out his ideas Bhâudárkar that the same task had already been with the help of all available materials, he will done according to three MSS. by Professor be able to offer the outlines of the earlier history Aufrecht in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- of Vaishravism. The task is of course a very ländischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XXVIII. pp. 109-121, difficult one. It will require a careful study of still more elaborately and on principles which the Sathhitás, and of their history, and a careful make the verification of the quotations much easier. utilization of the hints contained in Brâhmanical,
In the next section Dr. Bhåndårkar discusses Jaina, and Buddhist literature, as well as in the the contents of the philosophical works purchased, inscriptions. among which those on Ramanuja's system and on It will, I firmly believe, eventually appear that Kaśmirian Saivism are particularly interesting both Vaishnavism and Saivism, which Dr. Bhân. Here we have also, pp. 69-74, the nucleus of his dirkar too declares, p. 76, to be perhaps as old as new theory on the Bhagavata sect, which has been the worship of Vishņu, are co-eval with even the set forth more fully in his valuable paper inserted earlier portions of the so-called Vodic period.

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Already in my discussion of the great Nanäghåt Kaśmirian Khandakhadyoddharana are interestinscription of Queen Nayanika, Arch. Suru. W. ing, as they furnish new rules for converting India, Vol. V. p. 74, I have pointed out that Laukika into Saka years. Their results agree the invocation nams Sarkansana-Vasuddodnan with those obtained by means of the verse given Chandasú tajnan furnishes additional proof for to me by the Kasmirian Jôshis, if the Kali years the age of the worship of Krishna in India. Of are considered as past, and the Laukika years as late an apparently still older inscription has been current. I believe it will be advisable to test discovered in Rajputând and published by Kaviraj these and all other statements regarding the Syamaladása and Dr. Hoernle in the Proceedings Saptarshi era by calculations of the numerous of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. VI. p. 77ff., in dates with week days added, which are found in which "the worship of Bhagavat Samkansana the MSS. of the Deccan College oollection and and Vasudeva," and a Vaishnava temple, are men- elsewhere. Dr. Kielhorn's articles on the Chedi tioned. This is another valuable piece of evidence and Nepal eras show that the labour expended on for the antiquity of the worship of Vasudeva. such calculations is by no means useless. The earliest mention of the Såttvata sect, known Under the heading Tântrika literature, p. 87, we to me, occurs in the Tuśâm rock inscription, Corp. find twenty works written in the Sáradh charac. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. p. 270, where an áryya- ter, more than half of which, as Dr. Bhåndarkar Sattvatta-yógacharya is mentioned; Mr. Fleet remarks, are not included in my collection of assigns it to the end of the fourth or the 1875-77. The very clear sketch of the Sambha. beginning of the fifth century A.D. Professor vadaríana, pp. 89-90, is interesting and most Kern, who too is convinced that Vaishnavism does amusing One of the aims of the faithful not date from modern times, states, Geschichte des student is, it appears, to imagine that he is a Buddhismus, Vol. I. p. 17, that the Ajivikas, who woman. Dr. Bhåndárkar adds -- "There is a existed in Buddha's times, and who received caves Sakta ascetic in a village in the vicinity of Poona, from Asöka, and from his son, Dasaratha, were who, I am told, dresses himself like a female." Brahmaņical ascetics worshipping När&yaņa. Dr. The purchases in the first sub-division of Class Bhåndårkar will, perhaps, be able to say in a future XVII. Digambara literature, amount to about report whether this assertion receives support forty, and contain several important novelties, through the Samhits of the Påncharitra religion. such as the Niyamasdra of Kundakundácharya,
No less interesting are Dr. Bhåndarkar's one of the ancient teachers of the Nagnâ¢as. remarks on Kasmirian Saivism, which show that The Pravachanasdra of the same author, which the doctrines of the Spandasátras, in spite of Dr. Bhåndarkar takes to be a new acquisition, numerous points of resemblance, yet differ from is already contained in No. 639 of my Collection SAyana's Saivafdstra, with which I identified it in of 1875-77. The steady growth of the store of my Kasmir Report. The system is, it now Digambara books in the Bombay colleotions appears, non-dualistio, and a pure idealism like the is most satisfactory. Both Dr. Peterson and Pratyabhijñadarśana, of which it seems to have Dr. Bhandarkar have made year by year very im.. been the forerunner. In his notes on its litera- portant additions, the purchases being chiefly ture, Dr. Bhandarkar tries to make out that the effected at Jaypur and in the Pañjab. I think it Spandakârikas belong, not to Vasugupta, but to would be advisable it efforts were made to obtain his pupil Kallaţa. As the tradition is conflicting, also books from the Southern Marath country, the point must remain doubtful. With respect Kanara, and the Madras Presidency. The to Otpala's Spandapradipiki, he shows that its operations will be somewhat more difficult in these author is different from the Utpala who wrote on districts, but they will eventually yield ample the Pratyabhijfia-system. The former was the reward, because a very large number of the more son of Trivikrama, while the father of the latter ancient Digambara works have been composed in was called Udayâkara.
Southern India, and the northern MSS. are transThe MSS. on Kasmirian Saivism purchased in cripts from southern copies written in Kanarese, 1882-83 are eleven in number, and they are all Telugu, or Grantha characters. Dr. Bhåndâr kar'e represented in the earlier parts of the Deccan extracts from the Digambara works, which he College oollection. But Dr. Bhandarkar was right purchased, pp. 92-126, are most judiciously and in taking them, as they come not from Kasmir carefully made, and furnish much important new itself, but from the Pañjab, where frequently information. His analysis of the contents of the better texts are obtainable than in the valley (see Pravachanasdra, of Sakalakirti's Tattvarthamy Kaśmir Report, p. 83).
sáradipiká, and of the Karttik&yánupréksha with In the 13th section there are no works of Subhachandra's commentary, gives a very clear any great importance. But the extracts from and intelligible view of the religious teaching of

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BOOK NOTICE.
191
the Digambaras and of their tradition regarding chased in 1883-84, there does not seem to be the Jaina literature; while the extracts from a anything new or very important. In making number of Prasastis furnish a considerable his extracts, PP. 144-155, from Dharmasagara's number of new dates and statements regarding Pravachanapariksha or Kupakshaka usikåditya, the succession of the teachers of the sect. In Dr. Bhandarkar seems to have overlooked between we find also other valuable historical and that Professor Weber has published an elaborate literary notes, such as, pp. 104-105, those on the treatise on the same work in the Transactions of Paraméra princes of Malvå in the thirteenth the Berlin Academy. A great portion of the century, under whom that most fertile author extracts, p. 138 ff., from Samayasundara's comAbadhara wrote his numerous works, and thosementary on the Kalpasutra had already been on the Rashtrakatas Amoghavarsha and Akála- I given by Professor Jacobi in the notes to his varsha, p. 121; Bee also Corrigenda, p. II. It is edition of the Kalpastra. impossible for me to notice in detail all the The concluding pages of the Second Report are important points in this portion of the Report, but directed against a remark which I made in my I strongly recommend its study to scholars review on Dr. Bhåndárkar's First Report, ante, interested in the religious history of India. In Vol. XIV. p. 62. I there pointed out that it was connection with his abstracts, Dr. Bhåndarkar not safe to refer every date in the MSS. to which gives us also his views on the origin and the the word Sarvat is prefixed to the Vikrama era, history of the Jaina sect. Like Professor Jacobi, because at least some cases occurred in which myself, and other Sanskritists, he denies, p. 102 the word referred to the Saka era, and I gave and p. 125, that the Jainas are a Buddhist sect, and two instances to the point. Dr. Bhandarkar admits that their founder may have been a con- answers that the meaning of the word Samvat temporary of Sakyamuni-Gautama. But he holds admits of no dispute, and during the last five that Jainism as a system is later than Buddhism, centuries has always been used to denote the that it was remodelled about the first century of Vikrama era. He maintains that, if the usual our era, after the men who knew the original interpretation of the word Samvat leads to wrong doctrines by heart, had died, and that it received historical results, the cause must be a mistake of a new set of sacred books about the year 139 A.D. the writer, and he suggests that the writer may He thinks that the sect must have been unim. have copied a real old Samvat date from his portant up to that period, and adds that this view original, and have added some historical note is corroborated by the scarcity of ancient Jaina regarding his own time, or that he may have put inscriptions. It would lead me too far if I were in a wrong date by a slip of the pen. With to enter on a discussion of these views and the respect to one of my cases, that of the MS. of arguments by which they are supported. I will the Idar copy of the Mahabhishya, he thinks only say this much, that I am glad to note our that it will not do to take Samvat 1514 as equi. agreement as to one of the main points, - the valent to 1592 A.D., because Rað Narayanadasa independent origin of the Jaina religion. With lost his throne in 1576, and Mr. K. Forbes imme. respect to the other points, on which I must diately after speaks of his successor Viramadeva. differ from Dr. Bhåndarkar, I will add that the Dr. Bhandarkar then goes on to prove his main Asoka inscriptions, which speak of " countless point by giving a number of Sari vat, i.e. Vikrama-religious communities consisting of ascetics and Samvat dates which in MSS. occur together with householders," mention by name only three, the Saka dates, and by quoting a passage from a comBuddhists, the Nigavithas or Jainas, and the mentary on the Bhúsvatíkarana, composed in Ajivikas, which therefore must have been those Saka-Samvat 1577, where the author declares that most noteworthy in the 3rd century B.C. and the era of Vikramiditya bears the name Samvat. that the Mathura inscriptions of the Indo-Scythic The question whether particular dates in the period which confirm the Svêtâmbara (not the MSS. to which the word Samvat is prefixed, du Digambara) tradition regarding the old teachers | refer to the Saka era, cannot, it seems to me, be and schools, become every year more numerous. decided on general grounds, but only on the merits Last year brought us Dr. Burgess's important of each single case. I therefore deal first with inscription, dated in the seventh year of Kanish. Dr. Bhåndarkar's objections to my two cases and ka; this year Dr. Führer has unearthed four with his attempts at explaining them in a manner very valuable documents of the same period. differing from mine. As regards the difficulty Among the thirty-seven Svētâmbara MSS. pur. about Rao Narayanadása II., the fuller informa
1 As the Gazetteer, loc. cit. pp. 402-403, shows, there was He cannot be meant in the colophon of the MS. of the an earlier RA Når yanadAsa I., who began to rule in Bhashya, as its dates, if referred to the Vikrama era, 1498 A.D. He died (the date is not mentioned), before would be equivalent to 1455-56 and 1456-57 A.D. 1145 A.D., in which year R&o Bhin was on the throne.

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tion in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. V. p. 404, shows seems to me, makes it advisable to be cautious that he was conquered by Akbar in 1576 A.D. and with Samvat dates, even if they occur in MSS. that his capital fell into the hands of his foes. coming from districts where the term Samrat is But the Gazetteer adds:"Following his usual usually understood to denote the era of 58 B.C. policy, Akbar, asking for no more than an admis. Dr. Bhandarkar's assertion that the term Samvat sion of his supremacy, restored the Rao to his is used in the present day and has been used since state, and made him commander of 2000 infantry some centuries for the Vikrama era is, with and 500 cavalry." His reign did, therefore, not certain restrictions, perfectly correct. The recome to an end in 1576, and there is no reason atrictions are that the conventional use of the term why he may not have been alive and ruler of Idar does not extend to Kasmir and the adjacent Hillin 1592. Unfortunately the Gazetteer does not states of the Pañjůb nor to Nepal. In Kasmir give the date of the beginning of his successor's and the hill territory Samvat still refers as a rule reign, and I have no means to supply the omission. to the Saptarshi era or Lokakala, and in Nepal to As regards the suggestion that the writer may the era of A.D. 878-9. In the other parts of India have put in an older Samvat date and have added of which I have personal knowledge, the majority an historical note referring to his own time, that is, of the Pandits and Joshis would unhesitatingly in my opinion, very improbable. For the fact that make the same remark about Samvat which, as an historical note is given, shows that the man did | Dr. Bhåndárkar shows, a commentator of the not work mechanically, but did think about the Bhdevat karana has put down in writing. This date, and it is hence not likely that he inade so point I have not disputed and do not dispute. absurd a mistake. It is, however, unnecessary to What I mean to say is that in spite of this state continue this discussion of the probabilities, as of things, there are cases in which the writers of there is another case in which no doubt or other MSS. have used Samvat for Saka-Samvat, and that explanation than that given by me is possible. This it is advisable to make certain of the meaning of is the date of the oldest MS. of the Ganaratnamaho. Sainvat in all cases where it is worth the while dodhi, see Professor Eggeling's edition, p. v. Its and possible to do so. For as long as these colophon runs as follows: sanwak (i. e. sarvat) apparent counter instances are not removed, the 1151 virodhs.(i.e. virodhi)-earwatsard kdrttika vadi
popular usage creates only a strong presump(i.e. badi) 5 budhé. That this is a date of the Saka- tion, not an absolute certainty, that in each given Sathvat is proved, as Professor Eggeling has first cnse a Samvat date is a Vikrama-Saihvat date. If stated, by the mention of the Virðdhi sanatsara Dr. Bhandarkar succeeds in removing them, I of the Sixty. Year Cycle, which corresponds only shall be glad of his success, as he will have elimi. to Saka 1151, according to the southern luni-solar nated one of the many elements of uncertainty system. It is further proved by Dr. Schram's which have to be taken into account by those calculation of the tithi and of the week-day, the dealing with Hindu dates. whole being equivalent to 7 Nov. 1229 A.D. In conclusion, I cannot but give expression which was a Wednesday. In this case the figures to my conviction that Dr. Bhandarkar has again of the date cannot have been copied from an older proved by his Second Report bow eminently use. MS. dated Vikrama-Samvat 1151, because the ful the search for Sanskrit MSS. may be made Ganaratnamahodadhi was composed when 1197 for Oriental philology, and that he is entitled to years of that era had elapsed (Eggeling, loc. cit. p. the gratitude of all his fellow-workers for his viii.). Nor is an error of the copyist in the figures patient industry and for the ability with which he possible, because the details agree accurately with has utilized his materials. I would add the the requirements of the Saka era. The fact that this request that his Third Roport may not be delayed writer uses Sanvat, or to be quite exact Sa Avak, for too long, and that his promise to issue preliminary Sakakáld or Sakusannvat, is therefore indisputable, annual lists of his purchases may be kept. I and it is very remarkable, because Colonel Tod would also ask both him and Dr. Peterson to obtained this MS. from one of the Jaina libraries extend their operations to the South of India, of Rajputana. The Jaina scribes have since even at least by procuring MSS. from the Madras earlier times than the thirteenth century A.D. Presidency. Dr. Oppert's Catalogue shows that very frequently and as a rule used Samvat for many valuable works not yet represented in the the era of Vikramaditya, and this era alone has Deccan College collection, and probably not been the official and the popular one in Rajputând obtainable in the Bombay Presidency, are extant as well as in Gujarat, at least since the tenth in Madras; and in Bombay agents are available century. Yet we have here an indisputable de- to whom, it seems, na kinchid agamyam. viation from an otherwise hard and fast rule.
G. BÜRLER. Whatever the explanation may be, the fact, it Vienna, 20th February, 1889.

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JULY, 1889.)
THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
199
THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. W HILE engaged in calculating or verifying Hindu dates in which the year of one era or
V another is coupled with a year of the Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter, I have had frequent occasion to resort to the third memoir of Warren's invaluable Kala-Saxkalita, pp. 197-216, and I have often admired the ingenuity and clearness with which that great scholar has treated his subject. At the same time, I cannot but confess that the use of Warren's Tables is somewhat troublesome; and it has appeared to me that the process of finding the exact beginning and end of a cycle-year, according to the different roles, might be simplified by giving certain fractions of days, etc., in decimals of days, and by expressing the epochs of the several eras, as well as other items, in days of the Julian period, a method which has been followed successfully by Dr. Schram in his Hilfstafeln für Chronologie. Besides, Warren's book is now difficult to obtain. The following simple rules and Tables may therefore not be altogether unwelcome to scholars who either do not possess a copy of the Kala-Sankalita themselves, or have no large public library within easy reach. A.-The beginning and end of the Cycle-year according to the surya-Siddhanta. (a) - According to the Súrya-Siddhanta, the epoch of the Kaliyuga, expressed in days of
the Julian period, and in such a manner as to yield current days and hours, etc., after mean sunrise (at Ujjain), in the final results, is -
588 465-7500 days." (6)-The length of one solar year is
365-2587565 days. (c)-The length of one year of Jupiter's cycle, without Blja or correotion, is -
361.02672103 days. (d)-The length of one year of Jupiter's cycle, with Bija or correction, is -
361.0346511 days.
•
Rules.
1. To find the beginning of any year of the Kaliyuga, in accordance with the Súrya. Siddhanta, multiply (6), i.e. the length of one solar year, by the number of years expired, and to the product add 588 463-6024 (i.e. the epoch of the Kaliyuga diminished by 2-1476, the time by which the apparent Mesha-samkrinti at the commencement of the Kaliyaga, according to Warren, preceded the epoch). Convert the result into the European date by Tables I. and II. Thus, for the beginning of Kaliyuga 4871, current, we find
365.2587565 X 4870 1778 810-1441550 + 588 463.6024
2367 273.7466 days of the Julian period, which by Tables I. And II. correspond to
9th April, A.D. 1769, new style, 17 h. 55.1 m. In other words, the solar year Kaliyuga 4871, current, according to the Súrya-Siddhanta, commenced 17 h. 55-1 m. after mean sunrise (at Ujjain) of 9th April, A.D. 1769, new style.
That portion of Dr. Schram's work which has reference to the Hindu luni-solar calendar, has now been re-cast by the author, and will be published in s following number of this Journal. Dr. Sohram's Table for converting a day of the Julian period into the European date, the use of which will appear from the examples given at the end of this article) is, for the sake of ready reference, by the author's permission, appended also to the present paper (Table 1.).
11. 6. midnight between the 17th and 19th February, 3102 B.C.
3 These figures (b), (c), and (d) are based on the following data :-The number of civil days in a Mahiyuga is 1577917828; in the same period there are 4320000 revolutions of the sun revolutions of Jupiter (without correction) 364220; and revolutions of Jupiter, as corrected by the Blja, 861212.

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2. To find the end of any one year of Jupiter's cycle, without or with Bija, multiply either (c), i.e. the length of one cycle-year without Bija, or (d), ie, the length of one cycleyear with Bija, by the mamber which that partioalar year holds in the series of Jupiter's years counted from the beginning of the Kaliyuga (and which, as will be shown under 3, below, in practice can be readily ascerisined), and to the product add (a), i.e. the epoch of the Kaliyuga. Convert the result into the European date by Tables I. and II., as before.
Thus, assuming a year Vilamba to be the 4926th of Jupiter's years, counted from the commencement of the Kaliyuga, we find(a) for the end of Vilamba without Bija :
361.02672103 x 4926 1778 417-62779378 + 588 465.7500
2366 883-3778 days of the Julian period, which by Tables I. and II. correspond to
15th March, A.D. 1768, new style, 9 h. 4 m. In other words, the year Vilamba without Bija ended (and the following year Vikårin commenced) 9 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise (at Ujjain) of 15th March, A.D. 1768, new style. (6) for the end of Vilamba with Bija :
361•0346511 × 4926 1778 456-6913186 + 588 465-7500
2366 922-4413 days of the Julian period, which by Tables I. and II, correspond to
23rd April, A.D. 1768, new style, 10 h. 35-5 m. In other words, the year Vilamba with Bija ended (and the following year Vikärin commenced) 10 h. 35.5 m. after mean sunrise (at Ujjain) of 23rd April, A.D. 1768, new style. .. Having found the end of Vilamba, we find the commencement of Vilamba by deducting the length of one cycle-year, without or with Bija, as the case may be, thus :
end of Vilamba without Bija, 2366 883-3778 less one year without Bija, - 361.0267
remainder 2366 522 3511, 1.e. 20th March, A.D. 1767, new style, 8 h. 25.6 m., - beginning of Vilamba without Bija;
end of Vilamba with Bija, 2366 922.4413 less one year with Bija, - 361.0347
remainder 2366 561.4066, i.e. 28th April, A.D. 1767, new style, 9 h. 45.5 m., - beginning of Vilamba with Bija.
3. How to find the number of any year of Jupiter, mentioned in a date, in the series of Jupiter's years counted from the commencement of the Kaliyuge, may be best shown by two examples :
First Example. An inscription on a Sati-pillar at Boram-Dêo' in the Central Provinces, (Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XVII. Plate xxii.) is dated
Samvat 1445 Bhava-nama-samvasa(tsa)ré Åsvi(svi)na-sudi 13 Sömd ; i.e. the (Vikrama) year 1445, in (Jupiter's) year named BhAve, the 13th of the bright balf of Âśvina, on Monday ;' - and the corresponding European date (for the northern expired Vikrama year 1445) is Monday, 14th September, A.D. 1388, when the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 19 h. after mean sunrise.
The question here is :- Which year of Jupiter, counted from the commencement of the Kaliyuga was the year Bhava (the 42nd year in the Sixty-Year Cycle, when counted from Vijaya as No. 1; see Table III.), which is mentioned in this date ?

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195
JULY, 1889.]
To answer this question, we substitute for the Vikrama year (1445) of the date the corresponding year of the Kaliyuga (4489), obtained by adding 3044; this year of the Kaliyuga (4489) we divide by 85; and we add the quotient to the dividend, counting fractions exceeding as 1, thus (4489 divided by 85 528 53; 4489 +53 4542); dividing the sum (4542) by 60, the remainder will be, approximately, the number which the year we are concerned with holds in the Sixty-Year Cycle, when counted from Vijaya as No. 1; (4542 divided by 60 leaves remainder 42). Where the remainder actually corresponds with the number of the year of the date in the Sixty-Year Cycle, counted from Vijaya, (as is the case in the present instance), the sum previously divided by 60 (here 4542), is the very number sought (here 4542). But where the remainder falls below or exceeds that number (which would have been the case here if the remainder had been 41 or 44), the difference (in the assumed case, either 1 or 2) must be either added to, or subtracted from, the sum (here 4542) divided by 60 (in which case the year sought would have been either 4543 or 4540, respectively).
In the present date, then, Bhava was the 4542nd year of Jupiter from the commencement of the Kaliyuga; and we now find, by the rule given under 2,
(a) for the end of Bhâva without Bija :
361-02672103 x 4542
1639 783-36691826
+588 465-7500
2228 249-1169, i.e. 12th August, A.D. 1388, 2 h. 48.3 m.;
(b) for the end of Bhava with Bija :
361-0346511 x 4542
1639 819-3852962
+588 465-7500
2228 285-1353, i.e. 17th September, A.D. 1388, 3 h. 14.8 m.
The result is, that the year Bhâva, whether without or with Bija, was current at the commencement of the solar year Kaliyuga 4489 (= V. 1445) expired; and that, with Bija, it actually included the day (the 14th September, A.D. 1388) which is mentioned in the inscription.
Second Example.
My manuscript of the Kábiká-Vritti is dated -
Samvat 1464 varshê Ashâḍha-vadi tritiyâyâm tithau Manmatha-samvatsarê Budhê; i.e. 'in the (Vikrama) year 1464, on the third lunar day of the dark half of Ashadha, in (Jupiter's) year Manmatha, on Wednesday.'
Here it so happens that, had the year Manmatha not been mentioned in the date, the corresponding European date might be either,
for the northern expired Vikrama year 1464, by the purnimanta reckoning, Wednesday, 25th May, A.D. 1407, when the third tithi of the dark half ended 5 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise; or - for the southern expired Vikrama year 1464, by the amanta reckoning, Wednesday, 11th July, A.D. 1408, when the third tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
In fact, the question as to which of these two dates is the date on which the writing of my MS. was finished, must and can only be decided by the year Manmatha.
Manmaths is the 3rd year of the Sixty-Year Cycle, counted from Vijaya; and proceeding as before, we have: Vikrama 1464 + 3044 Kaliyuga 4508; 4508 divided by 85 = 53'x; 4508 +534561; 4561 divided by 60 leaves remainder 1; this being 2 less than Manmatha
It will be clear from the above that, the first thing to do. is always to substitute for the year of the date the corresponding, year of the Kaliyuga; and in this respect it makes no difference whatever whether, the Vikrama year of a date is a northern or southern year. Should the year of the date be a Saka year, we should also first substitute the corresponding year of the Kaliyuga, obtained by adding 3179; and we should proceed similarly in the case of any other era.

Page #212

196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1889.
(3), we have 4561 + 2 = 4563 as the number (from the commencement of the Kaliyuga) of the year Manmatha of our date. We now find - (a) for the end of Manmatha without Bija :
361.02672103 x 4563 1647 364-92805989 + 588 465-7500
2235 8306781, i.e. 15th May, A.D. 1409, 16 h. 165 m.; and for the beginning of Manmatha without Bija, by deducting one year without Bija :
2235 830-6781
- 361.0267
2235 469-6514, i.e. 19th May, A.D. 1408, 15 h. 38 m. (b) for the end of Manmatha with Bija :
361.0346511 X 4563 1647 401.1129693 + 588 465-7500
2235 866-8630, i.e. 20th June, A.D. 1409, 20 h. 42:7 m.; and for the beginning of Manmatha with Bija, by deducting one year with Bija:
2235 866-8630
- 361.0347
2235 505-8283, i.e. 24th Jane, A.D. 1408, 19 h. 52.8 m. The year Manmatha, without Bija, therefore lasted from
19th May, A.D. 1408, 15 h. 38 m., to 15th May, A.D. 1409, 16 h. 16-5 m.; and the same year, with Bija, from
24th June, A.D. 1408, 19 h. 52.8 m., to 20th June, A.D. 1409, 20 h. 42.7 m.; and it is clear that of the two otherwise possible European equivalents of the Hindu date (Wednesday, 25th May, A.D. 1407, and Wednesday, 11th July, A.D. 1408) only the second can be the true date, because only this date falls in the year Manmatha.
4. It is apparent that the above rules may be combined to ascertain or verify the occasion of a kshaya or expunged year of Jupiter. Thus it may be shown that Subhaksit, the 10th year of the cycle, counted from Vijaya (inclusive), with Bija, was such a year in Kali- . yaga 4873, current. By the above we find that Kaliyuga 4872 ended, and Kaliyuga 4873 began -
365-2587565 x 4872 1779 540-6616680 + 588 463-6024
2368 004-2640680, i.e. 10th April, A. D. 1771, new style, 6 h. 20-3 m.; and that Kaliyuga 4873 ended -
2368 004-2640680
+ 365.2587565
2368 369-5228, i.e. 9th April, A.D. 1772, new style, 12 h. 32.8 m. We also find that (since Subhaksit in Kaliyuga 4873 must have been the 4930th year of Jupiter from the commencement of the Kaliyuga) Subhakțit with Bija commenced, or the preceding year Plava (4929) ended -
361.0346511 x 4929 1779 539-7952719 + 588 465.7500
2368 005.5452719, ie 11th April, A.D. 1771, new style, 13 h. 5-2 m.;

Page #213

JULY, 1889.)
THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
197
and that Subhaksit with Bija ended -
2368 005.5452719
+ 361.0346511
2368 366-5799, i.e. 6th April, A.D. 1772, new style, 13 h. 551 m. It is therefore clear that Sabhakrit, since it commenced after the beginning of Kaliyuga 4873 current, and ended before the end of Kaliyaga 4873 current, was a kshaya or expunged year in 4873. And by deducting the sum of days for the commencement of Kaliyuga 4873 from the sum of days for the commencement of the year Subhakțit, we find that the commencement of Sabhaksit with Bija was due 1 day, 6 h. 44 m. 54 s. after the commencement of Kaliyuga 4873 carrent.
5. By Warren's Rules and Tables the Jupiter's years will be found to begin and end about 2.1476 days, = 2 days 3 h. 32 m. 30 s., earlier than by the above rules. Thus, according to the Kala-Sarnkalita, p. 201, the commencement of the year Vikarin (or the end of Vilamba), with Bija (above, 2), fell on 21st April, A.D. 1768, new style, instead of falling on the 23rd April ; and the solar time of Vikarin expired, at the commencement of Kaliyuga 4871 current, according to Warren, was -
353 days 27 d. 10 p. 31.0640 C., i.e. about 353 days 10 h. 52.2 m. = 3534529 days, whereas by my role it was only 351-3053 = (353.4529 - 2.1476) days. Similarly, by Warren's Tables, the year Bhiva, with Bija, (above, 3, First Example), would end on the 14th September, A.D. 1388, 23 h. 42.2 m., whereas by my rule it ended on the 17th September, A.D. 1388, 3 h. 148 m., i.e. 2 days 3 h. 32.6 m. later. And according to the Kala-Sankalita, p. 266, Plava, with Bija, was an expunged year in Kaliyuga 4872, current, while by the above rules Subhakrit was an expunged year in Kaliyuga 4873, current.
The reason of this difference is that Warren has calculated the Jupiter's years from the apparent Mesha-samkranti at the commencement of the Kaliyuga, whereas they should have been calculated from the mean Mêsha-samkranti or the vulgar epoch of the Kaliyuga, which, according to Warren, was 2-1476 days later than the apparent Mesha-samkranti. This important correction I owe in the first instance to Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, and I have found Mr. Dikshit's remarks on the subject confirmed by the practice of four MS. calendars in the Royal Library at Berlin. Thus, to give only one instance, in a calendar for the expired northern Vikrama year 1841 we read :
Samvat 1841 Sakê 1706 ..... Rakshasa-nâma-samvatsara-pravsittih | Tasya
guru-månêna mêshật prag bhukta-masadi 3 2 33 36 1; i.e., at the commencement of the (expired) Vikrama year 1841 or the (expired) Saka year 1706 (= Kaliyuga 4885, expired), the Jupiter's year current is Rakshasa (the 4943rd year from the commencement of the Kaliyuga); and of this year there have elapsed at the time of the Mêsba-sankranti (of Kaliyuga 4885 expired) 3 months, 2 days, 33 dandas, 36 palas, = 92-5600 days, of Jupiter's own time. By my own rules, we have -
end of Kaliyuga 4885, corrent, = 2372 752.6279 - beginning of Rakshasa, without Bija, = 2372 659-8053
remainder
92-8226; i.e., the beginning of the year Rakshasa, without Bija, preceded the commencement of Kaliyuga 4885, expired, by 92.8226 solar days. To convert these into days of Jupiter's own time, say, as 361.0267 solar days (the length of the Jupiter's year without Bija) to 360 days of Jupiter's own time, so are 92.82 26 solar days to 92.5586 days of Jupiter's own time. Deducting 92 5586 from 92.5600, the remainder will be 0.0014 days = 2 minutes, by which the year Rakshasa, according to my rule, will commence later than it does according to the MS. calendar. According to Warren, the commencement of Rakshasa, without Bija, would precede the commencement of Kaliyaga 4885, expired, by about 94.9721 solar days, i.e. Rakshasa would commence about 2 days 3 h, 33.3 m. earlier than it is made to begin by the MS. calendar.

Page #214

193
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1889.
B.-The beginning and end of the Cyole-year according to the Jyotistattva.
(a)- According to the Arya-Siddhanta, the epoch of the Saka era, expressed in
days of the Julian period, and in such a manner as to yield current days and hours, etc., after mean sunrise (at Ujjain), in the final results, is -
1749 621.1979 days. (6)-The length of one solar year is -
365-25868055 days.
Rules. 1. To find the beginning of any year of the Saks era, in accordance with the AryaSiddhanta, multiply (6), i.e. the length of one solar year, by the number of years expired, and to the product add (a), i.e. the epoch of the Saka era. Convert the result into the European date by Tables I. and II. Thus, for the beginning of Saka 1680, current, we find -
365.25868055 x 1679 613 269-32464345 + 1749 621.1979
2362 890-5225, i.e. 9th April, A.D. 1757 new style, 12 h. 32.4 m., which differs by six seconds from the commencement of Saka 1680, current, as given in Warren's First Chronol. Table, p. xxiv. And similarly, for the beginning of Saka 1311 expired (or 1312 carrent) we find
365.25868055 X 1311 478 854.13020105 + 1749 621.1979
2228 475-3281, 1.e. 26th March, A.D. 1389, 7 h. 52.5 m. which agrees to the very second with the result obtained from Warren's Table XLVIII., Second Part.
3. The Jyotistattva rule yields, for the commencement of any expired Saka year, the last expired Jupiter's year; and since it furnishes the means of determining what portion of the current Jupiter's year had elapsed at the commencement of the said Saka year, it enables us to calculate accurately the moment when the last expired Jupiter's year ended or the current one commenced. The rale is given by Davis (Asiat. Res. Vol. III. p. 214) and Warren (Kila-. Sankalita, p. 202), as follow:
“The Saka year note down in two places. Multiply one of the numbers) by 22. Add to the product) 4291. Divide (the sum) by 1875. The quotient (its integers) add to the second number noted down, and divide (the sum) by 60. The remainder or fraction will show the year last expired, counting from Prabhava (inclusive) as the first of the cycle. The fraction, if any, left by the divisor 1875, may be reduced to months, days, etc., expired of the current [Jupiter's] year." Applying this rule, e.g. to the expired Saka year 1311, we find
1973 1201 = 17 1988 ; and 131160" = 22
1876 Here the numerator of the second fraction () shows that at the beginning of Saka 1311, expired, the last expired year of Jupiter was the 8th, counted from Prabhava (inclusive), i.e. Bhâva. And the first fraction (1848) indicates that the end of Bhâva occurred 1878 of one solar years
This may be seen from the fact that 1876 reduced to days by Table IV. yields ono solar year (in accordance with the Arya-Siddhanta):
1000 - 194-80-163 days. 800 - 155-84370 70 = 18 03639
5 0.97402 1875 = 86625867 days.

Page #215

JULY, 1889.)
THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
199
before the commencement of Saka 1311, expired, (or the end of Saka 1311, current). This fraction may be reduced to days by my Table IV. (which is based on Warren's Tables XIV. and XVI.), as follows:
numerator 1000 = 194.80463 days.
200 = 38.96093 , 50 = 9.74023 ,
8 = 1.55844
1369 = 245.06423 days. And deducting this amount from the commencement of the expired Saka year (which in the present instance has been found already under 1), we find exactly when the year Bhava ended, or, which is the same, when the following year Yuvan began :
Saka 1311 expired 2228 475-3281
. - 245.0642
remainder 2228 230-2639, i.e. 24th July, A.D. 1388, 6 h. 20 m.,-end of Bhava or commencement of Yuvan. • Or, to give another example (Kala-Sankalita, p. 203), for the commencement of Saka 1 current, = Baka 0 expired, we find -
0x + 4201 = 2 and + '= 0 ; i.e. Jupiter's year expired 2 = Vibhava. And numerator 500 = 97-40231 days;
40 = 7.79218 ,
1 = 0.19480 ,
M1 = 105-38929 days; i.e., at the commencement of the Saka year 1 current, there had elapsed of the current Jupiter's year 3 = Sukla, 105 days 9 h. 20-6 m., which agrees with Warren's result to the very second ; and the year Sukla beganepoch of Saka era 1749 621.1979
- 105.3893
remainder 1749 515-8086, i.e. 19 h. 24:4 m. after mean sunrise (at Ujjain) of 29th November, A.D. 77.
3. The working of the Jyotistattva rule shows that, according to the rule, the length of the ordinary Jupiter's year is 1858 of a solar year, i.e. 360-9730 (or, more accurately, 360-972978706) days; and, having found the end of one Jupiter's year, we therefore find the beginning of the same year, or the end of the following year, by simply either deducting that amount from, or adding it to, the number of days previously found (without starting afresh from the preceding or following Saka year). For instance, - end of Bhůva (under 2) 2228 230-2639
- 360-9730 remainder 2227 869-2909,
• In a note on pp. 203 and 204 Warren has shown by an elaborate caloulation that, by the Surya-Siddhanta rule, there had elapsed of the year Bukla, at the end of Kaliyuga 3179 or the commencement of Baks 1 current
70 days 8 d. 56 p. 30-9865 c. = 70 days 3 h. 84 m. 368. = 70-1490 days. As the year Bakla (the 37th year of the cycle, when counted from Vijaya) in Kaliyuga 3179_was the 8917th year, and the preceding year Vibhava the 3216th year of Jupiter, from the commencement of the Kaliyuga, we find
end of Kaliyuga 8179 = 1749 621.1893 less end of Vibhava = 1749 553-1878 remainder
68-0015; 40. the end of Vibhava or commencement of Bukla preceded the end of Kaliyuga 3179 really by only 68-0015 days (or by 2-1475 days less than was found by Warren).

Page #216

200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1889.
1.e. 29th July, A.D. 1387, 6 h. 5.89 m., - beginning of Bhava; end of Bhâva (under 2) 2228 230-2639
+ 360-9730
sum 2228 591-2369, i.e. 20th July, A.D. 1389, 5 h. 41.1 m., - end of Yuvan.
And in a similar manner it would be possible, without starting a new calculation, to ascertain the end of any previous or subsequent year (as will be shown helow, not separated from the year the end of which has already been found, by an expunction), by either subtracting or adding one ordinary Jupiter's year multiplied by the difference in the Sixty-Year Cycle between the year the end of which we know and the year the end of which we wish to find. For instance, given the end of Bhåva (No. 8), we find the end of the year Tarana (No. 18), by adding 360-9730 or 360-97298) X 10, thus :
end of Bhava..... 2228 230-2639 + (360-97298 x 10) = 3 609-7298
sum 2231 839.9937, 1.e. 11th June, A.D. 1398, 23 h. 50-9 m., - end of Tåraņa (No. 18).
4. Were we to calculate the Jupiter's years, e.g., for the expired Saka years 60 and 61, the result would be as follows :
00 * 23* *281 = 2 1893, and 4? = 1 %;
01 * 22 + 4291 = 3 and 48 = 16 Here the namerators of the second fractions and tell us that, at the commencement of Saka 60 expired, the Jupiter's year last expired was No. 2 = Vibhava, and the Jupiter's year current was No. 3 = Sukla ; and that, at the commencement of Saka 61 expired, the Jupiter's year last expired was (not No. 3, but) No. 4 = Pramoda. The year Pramoda accordingly commenced after the beginning of 'Saka 60 expired ; and since it ended before the close of the same year, it was a kshaya or expunged year. And from the first fractions (1893 and 187) we see that the duration of the year preceding the expunged year amounted to exactly one solar year, as may also be clearly demonstrated by the following figures :Numerator 1861 by Table IV. ......... = 362-53141
1.55844 Beginning of 'Saka 60 expired ...... = 1771 536-71873 deduct for 1975 ..............
- 362-53141 End of No. 2 = Vibhava ... 1771 174:18732 Beginning of Saka 61 expired......... = 1771 901-97741
deduct for 15 ..................... - 1.55844
End of No. 4 = Pramoda ... 1771 900-41897 deduct for end of No. 2 = Vibhava, -- 1771 174.18732
remainder............ 726-23165 days; which is made up of one solar year... = 365.25868 + one ordinary Jupiter's year............ = 360-97297
sam ........................ 72623165 days. With the above data, and assuming the occasions of expunged years to be known, we might now of course calculate the end of any of Jupiter's years whatever, taking as our basis the end of any one year which may happen to be already known to us. For instance, the end of the
Expunged years fell within the expired Saka years 60, 145, 231, 316, 401, 486, 571, 657, 742, 827, 912, 998, 1083, 1168, 1953, 1389, 144, 1509, 1594, 1679, 1765.

Page #217

JULY, 1889.]
THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
year Bhâva, which precedes 'Saka 1311 expired, being known, we find the end and value of the Jupiter's year immediately preceding the present year, Saka 1811 expired, thus :('Saka 1311), end of Bhava... 2228 230-2639 (Saka 1811-1311) 500 ordinary Jupiter's years.. 180 486-4888 6 solar years, for six expunctions between 'Saka 1311 and 1811
2 191-5521 sum 2410 908-3048;
i.e. 27th September, A.D. 1888, new style, 7 h. 18.9 m., -end of the Jupiter's year which preceded the commencement of Saka 1811 expired. And since Bhâva was the 8th year of the cycle, the year, the end of which we have thus ascertained, is (8+500 + 6 514 = 8-%%) Sarvarin, the 34th year of the cycle.
60
C. The Brihat-Samhita rule.
-
The Brihat-Samhita rule (Kern's translation, Jour. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. V. p. 48, agrees with the Jyôtistattva rule, except that, - instead of multiplying by 22, adding 4291, and dividing by 1875, - we are directed to multiply by 44, to add 8589, and to divide by 3750. Applying this rule to the 'Saka year 1311 expired, we find :1311+17 60
and
1311x44+8589 3750
The fraction being equal to
2523 3750'
1261 1875
53
97
is converted into days by Table IV. as follows:numerator 1000 = 194-80463 days;
38-96093
200 60=
11-68828
1= 0.19480 0.09740
1=
19
deduct for 1008 1875
19
2523 8750'
=17 1261 1875'
2523 3750
8 60
39
1008 196-36307 days.
1875
Beginning of Saka 1811 expired: 365-25868055 x 1811
661483-47047605 +1749621 1979 2411104-66837 -196-36307
201
22
=245 74604 days.
Deducting this amount from the commencement of 'Saka 1311 expired =2228 475-3281
245.7460 2228 229 5821,
we obtain
i.e. 23rd July, A.D. 1388, 13 h. 58-2 m., for the end of Bhâva or commencement of Yuvan, according to the Brihat-Samhitâ rule.
In other words, the Jupiter's year, by this rule, ends earlier than it does by the Jyotistattva
1008 28 and 1875
1811 +23 60
Calculating in the ordinary way, we have1811 x 22+ 4291 30 1875 Year last expired: 34-Sarvarin, the end of which precedes the beginning of Saka 1811 expired by numerator 1000 = 194-80468 8= 1.55844
35
34 60°
remainder 2410908-3053; which differs from the above result by 42 seconds.
I may state that handy Tables for the Jupiter-years according to the Jyôtistattva, based on the above data, and similar Tables for the Sarya-Siddhanta, will be published in a following number of this Journal,

Page #218

202
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1889.
rule (B 2, above), exactly as much as - 5588 is larger than 489 The difference between there two fractions amounts to 3750 = =
numerator 3 = 0.58441 days, ► = 0.09740
3750 = 0·68181 days; and this is the very difference between the results of the two rules ;' for
end of Bháva by Jyo. t. rule 2228 230-2639; deduct » » » » Bși. S. rule 2228 229-5821; end of Bháva by Jyot. t. rule, later by 0.6818 days = 16 h. 21.8 m.
D.-The Cycle-year according to the so-called Tolinga rule. According to this rule, the Jupiter's year coincides with the luni-solar year; and the name of the current Jupiter's year may be found thus -To the expired year of the Kaliyuga add 13; to the expired Saka year, 12; and from the expired Vikrama year subtract 3; divide (the sum or the remainder) by 60; the remainder gives the number of the current Jupiter's year, counting from Prabhava (inclusive).10 Thusfor K. Y. 4490 expired, = S. 1311 expired, = V. 1446 expired, we have :
1311
1446 + 12
- 3 4503
1323 divided by 60 in every case the remainder is 3 = Sukla.
Simplification of a portion of the preceding Rules. The working of the Sürya-Siddhanta and Jyotistattva rules, as described above, is rendered somewhat tedious by the various multiplications which have to be gone through to find the ends of the several years. To facilitate this part of the process, I append Tables V. and VI., from which the ends of the years may be found simply by addition. In these Tables the figures for the epochs of the eras have been included in the figures for the days corresponding to the units of the years; and, as regards their use, it need only be observed that the figures for the days corresponding to the year 0 must necessarily be added up with the rest, whenever the unit of the figures for the year is 0. To show the working of these Tables, 11 we will ask :(a) On what day of the Julian period, according to the Surya-Siddhanta, did the solar
year Kaliyuga 4870, current, end (or the year 4871, current, begin) ? (6) When did Jupiter's year 4926 (Vilamba), without Bija, end ? () According to the Arya-Siddhanta, when did Saka 1311, expired, begin ?
4490
+
13
1443,
. So far as I can see, the only important difference in the results obtained by the Brihat-Samhita rule is that, in accordance with it, expunctions take place in the expired Bake years 230, 997, and 1338, instead of taking place, w is the one by the Jyotistattva rule, in the expired Bake years 231, 898, and 1839.
When I wrote the above, I had not seen the following passage in Alberuni's India, Sachau's Translation, Vol. II. p. 129:-"This is the method for the determination of the years of the shashtabda, us recorded in their books. However, I have seen Hindus who subtract 3 from the ora of Vikram Aditya, and divide the remainder by 60. The remainder they count off from the beginning of the great yuga. This method is not worth anything. By-the-bye : it is the same whether you reckon in the manner mentioned, or add 12 to the Bakakala."
1The results obtained from Table. Y.X. for the commencement of the Baka year, in accordance with the dryo Siddhanta, agree exactly with the beginnings of the years, as put down in Warren's First Chronological Table. pp. IX-XXVI. As regards the results obtained from Table V., A., for the commencement of the solar year in scoor
nge with the Sarva-Siddhanta, I may state that they will be found to be uniformly later by 28 minutes 86 seconds than the results obtained from Professor Keru Lakshman's and Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's Tables, published ante. Vol. XVII., pp. 269-272. Professor Kert Lakshman's results being for Bombay time and my own for Ujjain time, the real difference is 15 minutes 36 seconds, by which my results are uniformly later, and by which, accordingly, Kora Lakshman has put the Mesha-sankranti at the commencement of the Kaliyugs earlier than I have done. Taking the difference between Ujjain time and Bombay time to be 13 minutes, Keru Lakshman's Mesha-samkant, expressed in days of the Julian period, would be 588 463•6016 days.

Page #219

JULY, 1889.1
THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
203
TABLE I. For converting a day of the Julian period into the European date. V VI VII VIII IX X XI
IV v vi v viu 1x
Old Style,
Feb.
March
April
Nov.
Dec.
Year.
Jan.
Feb. March April May
Foung
July
Ang. Sept. Oct. Nov.
Des.
Day
731 176220
n
081711
zolelede
844 8759c49351989 630 660 691 722752783/81366
Year
X. 3001032060091 121152182 213 244274305335 A.D.
of Julian
period. 0 1721 05700 000 031 060 091/121/152182 213 244.274 305 335150 18 263294 322353383|414 444 475/506[686|567597 100 1757 582 ||01 366 397 425 456 486 5171547 578 609 639 670 700 511 6281659 6871718 7481779 809 840 871 901 932 962 200- 1794 107/02
17627901821 851 8821912 9499741004 035 065521993024.053.084 1141451175 206 237 267298 3281 300 1830 632 096 127155186 216 247 277 308 339 369 400 4305319 359 390 418 449 479 510 540 571 602 632 663 693 400 1867 157 461 492521 552 582613643 674 705 73576679654 724/755783814844875/905 936 9671997 028|058
107 500 1903 682 827 858 8861917 947 978|008 039 070 100 131 161 55 20 089 120 148 179 209 240 270 301 332 362 393 423 600 1940 207 1061 2 192 1223251 282 312 348 373 404485465496 526 568 454 485/514545 575 60663666769817281759|789 700 1976 732 557 588 616647 677 708 738 7698C01830 861 891 571 820 851 879 910 940 971 001 032 065 093124 154 800 2013 257 922 953 989018043 074|104 135 166 196 227 257 58 21 185216244275 305 336 366 397 428 458 489 519 900 2049 782 3 288 319 347378408439466500531 561 592622 59550 581609640670701731 762793823854884
ILULIITTI11 TTTTTTTTTTT 1000 2086 307 653 16841712/743773804]834865|896|926 957 987601 9151946.9751006 036|0671097|128|159 189 220 250 1100 2122 832 4 018 049077108138/169199 230 261 291 322 35261 22 281 312 340 371 401432462 493|524554585615 1200 2159 357 383 414 443 474504|535565 5966276571688 718 62 646 677070517367667971827 858 889|919 9501980 1300 2195 882 749 1780f8081839 869 900 930 961 992|022|053|083 63 23 0111042070101|131162|192 223254284 315 345 1400 2232 407 5 114 1145173204234 265|295 326 357|387|418 448 64 376 407 436 467 497 528|558 589 6206506811711
are solo 1500 2268 932
510 538 569 599 630 660 691722 752 783 813 65 742 773 801 832862893 923 954 985 015046076 1600 2305 457 844 875 904 935 965 996026 057 088 118 149 179 66 24 107 138 166 197 227 258 288 319 350 380 411 441 1700 2341 982 210 241 269 300 330 361 391 422 453 483514 54467 472 503 531 562 592 623 653 684 715 745 776 806
575 606 634 665 695 726 7567871818 848 879 90968 837868/89719281958/989|019 050087|1111/2172 940 971 999 solocol091|191152|18512132442746925 203 234 262 293 323 354 384 415 446147615071537
III 336 365 396|426 457 487 518|5495796106401705685996271658688719 749 780 811841872902
(702730176117911822862 883/914 944 975|005 7il 933964/992023|053|084|11|145|170.206 237 267 036 067095|126|156 187|217 248 279 309 340 370172 26 298 329 35813891419 450 480 511 542572608633 401 432 460 491 521 552 582 613644674 705 735 73 664695723754784815/845 876 907 937968998 766 797 326 357 8879189489790100400711017427 029 060 088 119 149 180 210 241 272 302 383 363 9 132 (163|1911-22 252 2831313344375 405 436 466 751 394 425 453|484514545|575 606 687 667 698 728
497 5285565871617/648|678 709 740 770 801831178 759 7908191850880911 941 972 005 033 06/09/ 862 803|921 952982013043 074 105 135 166|1967728 125/156184215/245/276306337 368 398 429 459 227 258|287 318 348 379 409 440 471 501 532 562781 49015211549|580 610 641 671 702733763|794 824 593 624 652683 713 744774 805 8361866 897 927 79 855886914 945 975 006 036 267 098128|159 189 T
IITTI New Style.a
958 989 017048078 109|139 170 201 291 262292 80 29 220 251 280 311 341 372|402 433 464 494 525 555 323 354/382 413 448 474150415351566159616271657181, 586161716466767061737 767|7981829 859890920
688 719 748 7788098401870 901 99296299302382 951 982 oidoni10771021321691942241255285 Year Day 12 054 085/113/144 174 205|235 266 297 327 368 388 83 30 316 347 375 406 436|467|497 528 559589620650 A.D. of Julian 419 450 478509 539 570 600 631 6626927237531846811712741/772802833/863894/9251955986016
period. 1700 2341 97135 784 18158431874/904 935|965 9960271057|088|118 8531 0471078|106|137(167|198|228 259 290320 351 381 1800 2378 495 136 13 149 180 209 240270 301 331 362 393423 454 484 86 4124434711502532563|593 624655685|716 746 1900$2415 01937 515 546 574 605 635 666|696 727 758 788 819 8490871 777 808 8361867897 928 958 989 020050087 111
381 880 911939|9700000811061 092123153 184 214 88 32 142173 202 233 263/294|324 355 386416 447 477| 39 14 245 276|304 335 365 396 426 457 488 518 54957989508_539567|598628|659|689 720 751 781/812/842
610 641 670 701 731 762792 823 854 884 915 945 901 873 904 932963993|024|054 085 116 146177 207
976 1007|03510661096 127|157|188 219 249 280 310 91 33 238 269 297 328 358 389 419 450 481 5111542572 15 341 372|400 431 461492522 553 584 614 645 675 921 603 634 663694724 755 785 816 847 877|908|938
706 7377651796 826 857 887 918 949979,010040 93 969 000 02810.381089|120|150|181 2122422733C3 16 071 (102131|162199 223|253 284 315 345876406 94 34 334 365 393|424 454 485|515 546|577607|638668
TTTTTTTTTTTIIIIII 437 468 496 527 557 588 618 649 680710741771 95 699 730 758 789 819650 880 911 942972 003 oss
802 833 861892922953983 014 045 075|10613696/35 064 095124/155 185 216246277 308[338/369399 147 17 167 1198 2261257 287 318 348 379 410440471501971 430 461489|520550581611642 673703734764
532 563 5921023653684|714) 745 776806837867981 795.826.854/885 915/9469761007038.068|099 129 898 929 957|988018049079110141|171 202 232 99 36 160191219250280311341 372 403433 464 494
19 When calculating for one of the secular years 1700, 1800, 1900, now style, use the line 00 8
.
Dot
.

Page #220

204
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1889.
(a) End of Kaliyaga 4870 (6) End of Japiter's
(c) Commencement of current, by Table V, A. year 4926, without Bija, Saka 1311, expired,
by Table V, B.
by Table VI. 4000 = 1461 035.02600 4000 = 1444 106-88412 1000 = 365 258-68055 800 = 292 207.00520 900 = 324 924.04893 30 = 109 577 60416 70 = 25 568 11295 20 = 7220;53442
10 = 3 652.58681 0= 588 463.60240 6 = 590 631-91033 1 = 1749 986-45658 4870 = 2367 27374655; 4926 = 2366 883-37780; 1311 = 2228 475-32810; just as has been found above, pp. 193, 194, and 198, by multiplication and by the addition of the epochs.
The Sankrantis and Solar Months. For those who would wish to use the Tables V. A. and VI. to ascertain the exact end of a solar month or the occasion of a Samkranti, I have added Table VII. which gives the collective numbers of days of the solar months. To give an example for the use of this Table, we will ask : --When did the Uttarayana-sankranti, according to the Súrya-Siddhánta, take place in Vikrama 1234 = Kaliyuga 4278 expired (above, p. 138) ?
By Table V. A, 4000 = 1461 038-02600
200 = 73 051 75130 70 3 25 568.11295
85 591 385.67245 By Table VII., Uttarâyana-saṁkrânti. = 275-65844
sum 2151 316-22114 ; which by Tables I. and II. corresponds to 25th December, A.D. 1177, 5 h. 184 m. Accordingly, in Vikrama 1234 expired, the Uttarậyaņa-samkranti took place, at Ujjain, 5 h. 18.4 m. after mean sunrise of 25th December, A.D. 1177.
An Example for all Rules. To show the working of the above rules, I select a date which is given in Professor Weber's Catalogue of the Berlin Sanskrit MSS, Vol. II. p. 55, and which runs thus:--
Samvat 1531 Sakė 1396 pravarttamînê Subhakrita(n)-nâmni samvatsarô......Karttikabudi 9 Budha-våsari Dhanishthâ-nakshatrê Vriddhi-yôgê Kaulava-karanê ....ie. 'while the (Vikrama) year 1531 (and) the Saka year 1396 is proceeding, in (Jupiter's) year Subhakpit, on the 9th of the bright half of Karttika, on Wednesday, the nakshatra being Dhanishthâ, the yoga Vriddhi, and the karana Kaulava' ....
The corresponding European date (for the Vikrama year 1531 and the Saka year 1396, both expired, notwithstanding the expression pravartamdne in the date), undoubtedly is Wednesday, 19th October, A.D. 1474, when the 9th tithi of the bright half and the karana Kaulava ended 13 h. 15 m.after mean sunrise, and when the moon was in Dhanishthå up to 12 h. 29 m., and the yoga was Vriddhi up to 13 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise. And what concerns us now, is to find the beginning or end, or both, of the year Subhakfit which is mentioned in the date, in accordance with the different rules.
(a). The year Subhakfit according to the Sarya-Siddhanta. To find the commencement of Subhakrit, is equivalent to finding the end of the preceding year Plave, which is the 9th year of the cycle counted from Vijaya (inclusive). We now have :
Vikrama 1531 + 3044 = Kaliyaga 4575; divided by 85 = 532 = 54; 4575 + 54 = 4629; divided by 60 leaves remainder 9.
Accordingly Plava (the 9th year of the cycle, from Vijaya) was the 4629th year of Japiter
"

Page #221

July, 1889.)
THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER.
205
TABLE II. For converting the decimals of the day
into hours and minutes.
TABLE III. The Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter. (The figures to the right refer to the Sarya-Siddhanta rule only.)
Id
No.
Name.
No.
No.
Name.
No.
10.
0.00!
10:00
000 0.0 50 12 0.0 010 14.
451 12 14 4 02 0 28.8 52 12 288
043.2 0 57.6
53
3.
57-6
1 12.0 1 26 4 1 408 1 55.2 2 96
13 12.0 56 13 26406 57 13 408 07 58 13 55.
2 08 14 9.
6 09
39
59
2 24.0 2 38.4
12
52-8
14 24.0 14 38-41 14 528 15 7.2 13 1.9 15 216141
.7.2
3 216
200
1 Prabhava ...... 2 Vibhava ...... 3 Sukla............ 4 Pramoda 5 Prajapati 6 Angiras......... 7 Srimukha ..... 8 Bhåva ........ 9 Yuvan ......... Dhâtsi
......... Isvara ........
Bahudh&nya... 13 Pramåthin ..
Vikrama ...... 15 Bhșiśya ........ 16 Chitrabhânu... 17 Subhanu ...... 18 Tirana ........ 19 Pårthiva ..... 20 Vyaya ........ 21 Sarvajit....... 22 Sarvadb&rin...
Virôdhin ....
Vikrita ........ 25 Khara 26 Nandana
Vijaya ......... Jaya .... .. Manmatha ... Durmukha.
31 Hêmalamba ... 32 Vilamba ..... 33 Vikarin ......... 34 Sarvarin 35 Plava............
Subhaksit...... 37 Sobhana ...... 38 Krôdhin
Visvävasu...... 40 Parabhava .. 41 Plavanga ...... 42 Kilaka ......... 43 Saumya......... 44 Sådhårana ... 45 Virôdhakrit...
Paridhåvin ... 47 Pramadin .....
Ananda...... Rakshasa ......
Anala ... .... 51 Pingala ........
Kalayukta 53 Siddharthin... 54 Raudra..... 55 Durmati ....... 56 Dundubhi......
Rudhirôdgårin
Raktáksha ... 59 Krôdhana...... 60 Kshaya .........
16
360
50-4 4 4.8 4 19-2 4 33 6
67
65 15 36-0 66 15 50-4
16 4-8 | 17 | 68 16 192 18 69 16 33.
6 19
งงงง
9.9
50
204 48.0
5 2.4 5 16-
8 5 31.2 5 45-6
70 16 48.0 | 20 71 17 2:4 21 72 17 16.8 73 17 31-2 74 17 456
10-1 10.2 10:4 105 107
.
...
6 0.
0 6 14:4 6 29.8
57 Rodi
0
75 18 0-0 76 18 14-
4 26 77 18 288 27 78 18 432 28 79 18 57.
6 29
10-8 10-9 11.1 11.2 11.4
28
58
6 57.6
7 120 7 26.4 7 408 7 55.2 8 9.6
80 19 12.0 81 19 264 82 19 408
19 552 84 20 9.6
32
11-5 11.7 11.8 12.0 12-1
83
TABLE IV. For converting the fraction of the first term of the
Jyotistattva and Brihat-Samhita rules into days.
8 24.0 85 8 38.4 86 8 52-
887 9 7.2 88 9 21.6 89
20 24.0 20 38.4 20 52.8 21 7.
238 21 21.6
122 12:4 12:5 12:7 12-8
Numerator.
Days.
Numerator.
Days.
Numerator.
Daye.
10
9 36 0 9 50-
4 42 10 4 8 43 10 19 2 44 10 33 6
FEEEE 80 0 0 0 0 0
90 21 360 40 91 21 50-4 92 22 4.8 93 22 19-2 94 22 33.6
130 131 13-2 13.4 13:51
1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100
194-80463 175-32417 155-84370 136-36324 116-88278 97.40231 77.92185 58:44139 38.96093 1948046
19-48046 1753242 15.58437 13.63632 11.68828 9.74023 7.79218 5.84414 3-89609 1.91805
1.94805 1.75324 1.558-14 1.36363 1:16883 0.97402 0-77922 0-58441 0-38961 0.19480 0.09740
6.5 95
23 24
13.7 13.8
45 10 48.0 95 22 48-0 46 11 24 96 47 11 16.
8 97 23 16.8 48 11 312 98 23 31.2 49 11 45-6 99 23
14.0
14:1 14:3

Page #222

206
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1889.
since the commencement of the Kaliyuga; and to find the end of Plava (or commencement of Subhakrit), without Bija, we proceed by Table V, B.:
4000 = 1444 106.88412 600 = 216 616.03262 20 = 7 220-53442
9 = 591 714.99049
4629 = 2259 658 4416, i.e. 10th August, A.D. 1474, 10 h. 35.9 m., - end of Plava, or commencement of Subhakrit, without Bija; and, to find the end of Subhaksit without Bija, by adding one year without Bija, -
2259 658-4416
+ 361.0267
2260 019-4683, i.e. 6th August, A.D. 1475, 11 h. 144 m., - end of 'Subhakrit, without Bija.
Similarly, for the end of Plava (or commencement of Subbakpit) with Bije, we have by Table V, C.
4000 = 1444 138-60424 600 = 216 620-79064 20 = 7 220-69302
9 = 591 715-06186
4629 = 2259 695. 1498, i.e. 16th September, A.D. 1474, 3 h. 35-7 m., - end of Plava, or commencement of Subhaksit, with Bija; and, for the end of Subhakrit with Bija, by adding one year with Bija,
2259 695-1498
+ 361.0347
2260 056-1845, i.e. 12th September, A.D. 1475, 4 h. 257 m., - end of 'Subhakrit, with Bija.
Anyone who will take the trouble to calculate, e.g., the commencement of Subhaksit with Bija, by Warren's Tables, will find that, according to them, Subhaksit began 194 days 16 h. 4 m. 38 s. before the commencement of Kaliyuga 4576 expired; while according to my result it began only 192 days, 12 h. 32 m. 6 s. before the same moment, i.e. 2 days, 3 h. 32 m. 32 s. later (Kaliyaga 4576 expired having began, aecording to the Súrya-Siddhanta, 27th March, A.D. 1475, 16 h. 7-8 m.,-though for us this is of no moment whatever). And in the present case, one disadvantage of the rules given in the Kala-Sankalita is that, starting as we must from Vikrama 1531 = Kaliyuga 4575 expired, we do not find the beginning of Subhakțit at all, and that, after we have written out one set of figures and have discovered the uselessness of proceeding any further, we must start a new calculation and write ont another set of figures, with the basis of Kaliyuga 4576 expired.
(b). The year Subhakfit according to the Jyotistattva. Here it must be borne in mind that Subhakrit is the 36th and Plava the 35th year of the cycle, counted from Prabhava inclusive. Starting now from Saka 1396 expired, the year mentioned in the date, we have -
291 = 18 187 and 1996+ 18 = 23% Here the numerator of the second fraction at once shows that, at the commencement of Saka 1396 expired, the last expired year of the cycle was only 34 = Sarvarin; bat (to avoid a fresh start with the basis of 'Saka 1397 expired) we shall nevertheless go on with our calculation, to find the end of 'Sarvarin; to which we shall then add one ordinary Jupiter's year to find the end of Plava (or commencement of Sabhaksit); having found which, we shall add another year

Page #223

JULY, 1889.)
THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER
207
TABLE V.
For finding the end of any solar year of the Kaliyuga, and of the Cycle-year without or with Bija, according to the Surya-Siddhanta.
TABLE VI. For finding the end of any solar year of the Saka era according to the
Årya-Siddhanta.
Years.
A.-Days for solar years.
B.-Days for cycle-years without Bija.
C.-Days for cycle-years
with Bija.
Years.
Days for solar years of
the Saka era.
1000
365 258.68055
5000 4000 3000 2000 1000
1826 293.78250 1461 035 02600 1095 776.26950 730 517.51300 365 258.75650
1805 133.605151805 173.25530 1444 106.884121444 138.60424 1083 080.16309 1083 103.95318 722 053.44206 722 069.30212 361 026.72103 361 034.65106
900
900 800 700 600 500 400 300
328 732.88085 292 207.00520 255 681. 12955 219 155.25390 182 629 37825 146 103.50260 109 577.62695 73 051-75130 36 525.87565
324 924.04893 288 821.37682 252 718.70472 216 616.03262 180 513.36051 144 410.68841 108 308.01631 72 205.34121 36 102 67210
324 931. 18595 288 827.72085 252 72+25574 216 620.79064 180 517.32553 144 413.86042 108 310-39532 72 206.93021 36 103 46511
800 700 600 500 400 300 200
328 732.81249 292 206.94444 255 681.07638 219 155.20833 182 629.34027 146 10347222 109 577.60416 73 051.73611 36 525.86805
100
00688588288 23
32 873.28808 29 220.70052 25 568.11295 21 91552539 18 262.93782 14 610-35026 10 957.76269 7 305.17513 3 652.58756
32 492 40489 28 882.13768 25 271.87047 21 661.60326 18 051.33605 14 441.06884 10 830.80163 7 220.53412 3 610.26721
32 493: 11860 28 882 77208 25 272.42557 21 662.07906 18 051.73255 14 4+1.38604 10 831 03953 7 220.69302 3 610.31651
32 873.28125 29 220.69.144 25 568.10764 21 915.52083 18 262.93403 14 610-3.17.29 10 9.7.76042 7 305.17361 3 652.58681
591 750.93121 591 385.67245 591 02041370 590 655.15494 590 289.89618 589 92.63743 689 559.37867 589 194. 11991 588 828.86116 588 463-60240
591 714.99049 591 353.96377 590 992.93705 590 631.91033 590 270.88361 589 909.83688 589 518.83016 589 187.8031+ 588 826.77672 588 465.75000
591 71506186 591 354.02721 590 992 99256 590 631.95791 590 270.92:26 599 909.88860 589 518.8.995 589 187.81930 588 826.78446) 588 465.73000
1752 903.52602 17.2 51320734 1752 178.00861 1751 81:2.74998 1751 417.91:30 1751 682 1750 716.0739+ 17:50 351.71126 1749 986.1558 1749 691. 19790
OOCO A
TABLE VII. For collective days of Solar Months.
End of month
Samkrinti.
By Surya-Siddhanta.
By Arya-Sildhänta.
i Vaisakha.
Jyaishtha. 3 Asha ha. + Srirana. 5 Bhadrapada. 6 Asvina. 7 Karttika.
Margasiras.
Pausha. 10 Magha. 11
Phâlguna. Chaitra
Vrisha. Mithuna. Karkatu ; Dakshiņiyana. Sinha. Kimya Tula Vrischika. Dhanult. Makara; Uttariyana. Kumblia. Minit. Mesha.
30.92557 6 :2891 9: 1 918 12510919 1.36.14562 181.90171 216.8370 21131038
30.92556 62.32190 93.9:19-16 125.40947 156. 14.158 186.90170 216.80:35 246.310:32 275.63833 305.1128: 3:14.91970 365.25868
30.11.90
+91:18 365.25876

Page #224

208
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
* (JULY, 1889.
end
to find the end of 'Subhakțit (the next expanction being due only in Saka 1424 expired). We have thennumerator 1000 = 194-80463 days
200 = 38-96093 50 = 9.74023
= 0-58441
1996 = 244.09020 days; and for the commencement of Saka 1396 expired, by Table VII. -
1000 = 365 258-68055 300 = 109 57760416 90 = 32 873-28125
6 = 1751 812-74998 1396 = 2259 522:3159 commencement of Saka 1396 expired;
- 244 0902 2259 278-2257 end of Sarvarin (No. 34);
+ 360-9730 2259 639-1987 end of Plava (No.35) or commencement of 'Subhakrit;
+ 360.9730
2260 000-1717 end of Sabhaksit (No. 36). Converting now the days of the Julian period for the beginning and end of 'Sabhakțit, we find :commencement of Subhaksit : 22nd July, A.D. 1474, 4 h. 461 m.;
of Subhaksit : 18th July, A.D. 1475, 4 h. 72 m.
(o). The year Subhakrit by the Brihat-Samhita rule. Having already found the commencement and end of Subhaksit by the Jyotistattva rule, we find the same, in accordance with the Bțihat-Samhitâ rule, by deducting from the sums of days found, in either case, 0.6818[1]. Commencement of 'Subhakgit by Jyotistattva rule: 2259 639.1987
-0.6818
2259 638-5169, ise. 21st July. A.D. 1474, 12 h. 24.3 m., - commencement of 'Subhakrit by Brihat-Samhita rule. End of 'Subhaksit by Jyotistattva rule: 2260 000-1717
- 0-6818
2259 999.4899, i.e. 17th July, A.D. 1475, 11 h. 45.5 m., - end of 'Subhaksit by Bțihat-Samhita rule.
(a). By the Telinga rule the Jupiter's year for Vikrama 1531 and Saka 1396, both expired, would be the 28th year of the cycle, counted from Prabhava, i.e. Jaya, and the year Subhakrit would not be due till
Vikrama 1539 or 'Saka 1404, expired. · The result then is that the year Subhakrit, which is mentioned in the date, lasted, - by the Sarya-Siddhanta rule, -
without Bija, from 10th August, A.D. 1474, 10 h. 35.9 m., to 6th August, A.D. 1475, 11 h. 14-4 m.; with Bija, from 16th September, A.D. 1474, 3 h. 35-7 m., to 12th September, A.D. 1475,
4 h. 25-7 m.; by the Jyotistattva rule, -
from 22 nd July, A.D. 1474, 4 h. 461 mi, to 18th July, A.D. 1475, 4 h. 7.2 m.; by the Brihat-Samhitå rule,
from 21st July, A.D. 1474, 12 h. 24:3 m., to 17th July, A.D. 1475, 11 h. 45.5 m.

Page #225

JULY, 1889.)
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KINGS OF CHEDI.
209
And accordingly, by every one of the three rules, the date, Wednesday, the 19th October, A.D. 1474, did fall in the year Subhakfit, and the writer of the date was strictly correct in quoting that year. The result shows how necessary it may be to calculate exactly the commencement of a Jupiter's year; for, in accordance with the ordinary and on the whole very useful) Tables, the writer certainly ought to have quoted the year Plava, because that year was current at the commencement of the solar year in which the date was written.
Illustration of the use of Table I. (a) What was the European date (old style) for the day 2259 999 P
Given the day... 2259 999 Deduct next lower figure in column of centuries... - 2232 407 = A.D. 1400 (old style)
Remainder 27 592 Dedact next lower figure in table of years......... - 27 575 = 75, July ;
Remainder
17, A.D. 1475, July. Answer :-17th July, A.D. 1475, old style. (6) What was the European date (new style) for the day 2410 637 ?
Given the day... 2410 637 Dedact next lower figure in column of centuries (new style) -2378 495 = A.D. 1800 (new style);
Remainder 32 142 Deduct next lower figure in table of years................. - 32 111 = _ 87, December ;
Romainder
31, A.D, 1887, December, Angwer:-31st December, A.D. 1887, new style.
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KINGS OF CHEDI.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. I edit the first four of these inscriptions from rubbings supplied to me by Mr. Fleet, to whom they were made over by Sir A. Cunningham. And my account of the fifth inscription is Also from & rubbing received in the same way, bat in this instance, owing partly to the condition of the original inscription and partly to the deficiencies of the rubbing, I can do little more than point out the names of royal personages, which happen to be legible in the record, as it presenta itaelf to me in the rabbing.
A. Towar Stone-Inscription of Gayakarnadeve.
The (Chedi) year 902. This inscription, socording to Sir A. Cunningham, is on a light-green stone, which appears to have been found at Tower, the ancient Tripuri, once the capital city of the main branch of the Kalachuri rulers of Chodi, and now a village about six miles to the west of Jabalpur, in the Central Provinces. No information is available as to where the stone is at present.
The inscription contains 22 lines. The writing covers a space of 12" broad by 14%" high, and with the exception of perhaps one akshara, which is indistinct in the rubbing, it is in a state of perfect preservation. The size of the letters is between and ta". The characters are Någari. The language is Sanskrit; and, with the exception of the introductory Ori namah Bivaya, the inscription is in verse throughout. As regards orthography, 6 is denoted by the siga for y, everywhere except in bbhavét, line 16, abdhih, line 19, and abda (?), line 21; and the dental is twice pat for the palatal sibilant.
Archmol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 90, No. vi,

Page #226

210
• THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1889.
The inscription was composed by Prithvidhara, the son of Dharanidhara, and engraved by Mahîdhara? (lines 17-20); and its proper object is to record (in lines 5-17) the erection of a temple of 'Siva by a Pasupata (or pánchárthika) ascetic, named Bhavabrahman, a disciple of the ascetic Bhavatējas of the Ananta gótra. There is nothing of special interest in this part of the inscription, excepting the name Gåhunda in line 15, which appears to be a local designation of Siva.
By way of introduction it is stated in lines 3-4) that in the gôtra of Atri there was the king Karnadeva, whose son was the king Yasaḥkarna, from whom again sprang the ruling king Gayakarnadeva ; and (in lines 4-5) the wish is expressed that this Gayåkarna, together with his son, the Yuvarája or heir apparent, Narasimha, may rule the earth for ever. And Gayakarnadeva is mentioned again in the date, in the concluding lines 20 22, according to which this eulogy was put up " on Arkavåra or Sunday, on the first lunar day in the bright half of the month 'Sachi (or Ashadha), while the illustrious Gayákarnadeva was protecting the country, when the Chedi time had gone on increasing to nine hundred and a couple of years ;" i. e, in the Chidi year 902, on Sunday, the first of the bright half of Ashadha.
In the original, the first portion of the date (nava-sata-yugal-abel-athilya-ge Chedi-disht) is oddly expressed; but as, with the exception of the first akshara in line 21, which might possibly be nká, every letter of the original is perfectly clear, and since nava-sata is 900 and yugala
a pair' or 'couple' or 'two,' I do not see how nava-sata-ywala could mean anything but 902. Nor have I any doubt about the meaning of Chedi-dishte; for according to the lexicographers dishta is one of the synonyms of kúla, and Chéli-dishta therefore is equivalent to Chédi. kála, with which may be compared the well-known Málava-kala, used to indicate another era. I need hardly point out that, even if it had not been dated, the present inscription, in which Narasimba is described as Yuarája, would necessarily have had to be placed before the Chedi year 907, the date of Alhaņadevi's inscription in which the same Narasimhadêva is spoken of as ruling prince.
As regards the European equivalent of the date, I have shown ante, Vol. XVII. p. 216, No. 5, that, with my epoch of the Chedi era, it is Sunday, 17th June, A. D. 1151 ; and having convinced myself that Sir A. Cunningham's latest statements regarding the original date are substantially correct, I now attach to the date its due value for helping to fix the epoch of the Chedi era.
TEXT.5
1 Om namah Sivaya | Trailokya-saudha-silpiyasetrivedi-vakya-satkavih nitya
prayatna vô(bô)dh-chchhah sô=shţamârttih śriyemstu vah 11 2 Kaladhauta7.saktir=iva chandra-kala jayati Smarinta ka-sirô-vidhřitâ alik-Akshi
vahni-janit-ôgra-trisha sutayî gi3 rêh surasarit-payasê !! Atrêya-gotre Skhila-râja-chakra-jigishu-rajó-jani Karnna
dovaḥ | tasmad Yasahkarnna-narêsva(sva). 4 rô-bhůt=tasy=âtmajô=yam Gaya karnnadevah | A-kalpamo prithivi sastu erit
Gayakarnna-partthivah sangatô Narasimhêna yu
2 The same persons are mentioned in lines 26-29 of the inscription of Alhamadevi of the Chedi year 907; Journal Americ. Or. Soc. Vol. VI. p. 508, and Archæol. Survey of Western India, No. 10, p. 109. And, as was first pointed ont by Dr. Hall, in Jour. Am. Or. Soc. Vol. VI. p. 533, Námadiva, the son of Mahidhara, engraved an inscription (unpublished) of the year 926, which is now in the Nagpur Museum.
- The dictionaries have no quotation for this word from the actual literature. Ita meaning is evident from the Sarvaduriand-authgraha; see translation by Cowell and Gough, p. 103.
• Compare, e. 9., Amarakása, Bo. Ed., p. 92, l. 8, k disht apy-anh-pi.The word dishta does not appear to have been met with before, in this sense, in actual literature. Our writer, in my opinion, preferred it to the ordi. nary word kala, because it begins with the same syllable with which the word Chidi ends. 5 From the rubbing.
6 Metre, Slöka (Anushtubh). 1 Metre, PramitAkshara; the second half of this verse does not admit of a proper construction. • Metre, Upajati.
9 Metre, Sloka (Anushțubh).

Page #227

JULY, 1889.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KINGS OF CHEDI.
5 varâjêna sûnunâ II Gôtrê10 S namta-samah vayê bhavad-ina-prakhyas-tapas-têjasâ dṛishțâdrishta-viśuddha-karmma-nirataḥ śrî-Bhâva
6 têja garaḥ (1) Acharyô-dbhuta-kêval-ârtha-vachasâm pâñchârtthikô
yah sudhîḥ
kama-krôdha-ja-vargga-durgga-vipina-plôsha
7 sya dâv-ânalaḥ 'Srutvåll samast-âgama-yoga-sastram vyâkhyaya cha nykya Kanada-śâstra: abhyasya yah Pasupatam cha yogam 8 Sivasya sâyôjyam=avipa vô(bộ)dhật II Prathamas12-tasya sishyô-yam Bhâvavra(bra)hma-tapôdhanah tapah-karmma-ratô nityam karmma-sâ[m]
9 nyåsiko-pi yah Kaupinamâtral3-vasanaḥ śuchi-bhasma-sâyi pamchârttha-vô(bô)dhasukriti mita-bhaiksha-bhôjî yô vra(bra)hmacharya
10 vidhin-ânya-Sanatkumaraḥ Patañjal-agama-nirûpita-yoga-samgah || Bhiksh14-ôpârjjitakâñchan-ânna-vasanaiḥ samprinayaty-a
11 rtthinah snêhêna pragunîkarôti sudhiyaḥ samtarpitân-sûnṛitaiḥ
klês-ônmûlana
dharmmya-karmma-nirataḥ sâkshâtkṛita
12 Tryamva(ba) kô Bhâvavra(bra)hma-samas-tapasvishu kalau drishtô na pañchârtthikal || Parigraha15-vimuktô-pi [grihnâ]ti hridi ya[*] Sivam |
. 13 kâma-krôdhau nigrihnati kshamâvân-api sad-vratail 1 Prânâyâmale-samâdhi-siddhaniyama-dhyân-âsanair-anv-aham yah kritvâ
14 hriday-âmvu(bu)jê Smara-ripum vu(bu)ddhyâ samabhyasyati maitrî tasya sudhibhir-atma-muditâ sastr-âgamê yôginaḥ śishyânâm karunâ
Rathayâtrôtsav17-ârchchâbhir=Ggâhumḍa
15 bhavêch-cha vishay-ôpêksha Siva-jñanataḥ
16 pi
- jagatim=imâm | sô-lamchakra prikara-devagara-mathair=aPûrttina18 dharmmêņa
nivarttakêna muktir bbhavêt-samyaminas-cha vô(bô)dhât êtad=[d*]vayam prâptum-ayam mumukshur-vvyadhâpayad=devam= imam Sivasya 11
17 Bhiksha1-dhanèna tên-êdam mamdiram Kâma-vidvishal kâritam muktayê bhaktyâ kirttayê cha kritâtmanâm Sruti20-smṛit-îhâsa21. purâna-vêtta
211
18 viprah sudhiḥ śri-Dharanidharô-bhût I vyadhâd=imâm tat-tanayah prasastim Pritthvidharas-tarkka-viśuddha-vu(bu)ddhiḥ Yavan23-Mêruh sva
19 ropa-kumbhaḥ prithivyâm yâvad-Gamgâ varttatê yâvad-abdhiḥ yâval-lôkê chamdra-sûryau chakâstaḥ Sambhôr-êtat-kirttanam tavad-âstâm II
20 Viśvakarmma24-kritaṁ éâstram vêtti yô-rthêna karmmaņa atkiruṇavân-imâm sastam prasastim sa Mahidharah Nava25-sa(sa)ta-yugal-a
21 [bd P]-adhikya-ge Chêdi-disht [8] ja[na*]padam-avat-imam sri-Gayakarnpadėvė pratipadi Suchi-masa-sveta-pakshe-rkka-va
22 rê Siva-sara na-samipê sthâpit-êyam prasastiḥ | 26 ||
B.-Lal-Pahaḍ Rock-Inscription of Narasimhadeva.
The (Chêdi) year 909.
This inscription is rudely engraved on a piece of rock, on the top of a hill called Lal-Pahad, near Bharhut (properly Bharaut) in the Central Provinces; Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 89, Lat. 24° 27′ N., Long. 80° 55′ E. It was discovered in 1873-74 by Sir A. Cunningham, by whom a transcript of it, accompanied by a photozincograph, was published in Archaeol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 94, and Plate ii.
10 Metre, SArdalavikriḍita.
11 Metre, Upajati.
14 Metre, Sârdûlavikriita.
17 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh).
20 Metre, Upajati.
12 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh).
15 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh).
18 Metre, Upajati.
21 The writer clearly meant to say -smrit-ftihasa.
22 For the doubling of the consonant th of prithvi see Pânini viii., 4, 47. 23 Metre, Salini.
2 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh).
20 Between these signs of punctuation there is an ornamental full stop.
1 Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 1.
18 Metre, VasantatilakA.
16 Metre, Sardûlavikriḍita. 19 Metre, Slôka (Anushṭubh).
25 Metre, Mâlini.

Page #228

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1889.
The inscription contains eight lines, of which the last appears to be separated from the rest by an empty space. The writing of the first seven lines covers a space of about 17 high by 2' 6broad in the first three, and 1 91 broad in the following lines; while the separate eighth line is 16" long. Throughout the writing appears to be well preserved, though in the rubbing one or two aksharas are not as distinct as one could wish them to be. The size of the letters is between 1 and 2". The characters are Nagari; and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, bis denoted by the sign for v, and the dental sibilant is employed for the palatal everywhere except in the word bri.
After the introductory "Öm, may it be well! (may) fortane (attend) !" the inscription in lines 1-5) has (corresponding to the ordinary "in the reign of victory of," etc.) the words: "the feet of the Paramabhattáraka, Mahúrájádhiraja, and Paramésvara, the devout worshipper of Mahéávara (Siva), the illustrious Narasimhadeva, the lord over Trikalinga, who by his own arm has acquired the title of) lord over the three Rajas, (viz.) the lord of horses, the lord of elephants, and the lord of men, - (and) who meditates on the feet of the Paramabhattáraka, Maharájádhirdja, and Param&svara, the illastrious Vamadeva;" on the particulars of which see ante, Vol. XVII. p. 225. Lines 5-6 state the proper object of the inscription, which, if I understand the words rightly, is to record the construction of a vaha, or water-channel, by BallAladdvaka, (or as he calls himself in line 8, the Rauta, the illustrious BallAladdva), son of the illustrious Keavaditya, Mahd-rájaputra of the village of Vadyava, - probably some official or dependant of the king Narasimhadeva.
In line 7 the inscription is dated in the year 909, on the 5th of the bright half of Sråvaņa, on Budha or Wednesday ; corresponding, as I have tried to show, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 217, No. 7, to Wednesday, and July, A.D. 1158. In the same place I have stated that in A.D. 1158 Sråvana was an intercalary month, and that Wednesday, 2nd July, belonged to the first bright fortnight of the two Sråvaņas or the adhika Sråvaņa; and, to obviate the possible objection that this should have been indicated in the original date, I may for the present point out the date of the Dehli Siwalik pillar inscriptions of Visaladeva, of the southern) Vikrama year 1220, as a clear and undoubted instance in which (just as is the case in the present inscription) a day of the adhika month is denoted by the date, though there is nothing in the wording of the date to show this. Another Chedi date in which the adhika month has not been specified as such, has been already treated of by me, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 217, No. 9.
The village Vadyava, which is spoken of in the inscription, I am unable to identify
TEXT:
1 [OR P]" svastikrich 11] Paramabhattaraka-maharajadhi[r]Aja-pava(ra)megva(áva)ra-srl. 2 Vamadova • pådanudhyât(ta) . paramabhattarakh . mahårâjâdhiraja - para)3 mêsva(sva)ra - paramamahdsva(svara - Trikalingadhipati - nijabhajópár[i]ita - a7. 4 sva(áva)pati - gajapati - narapati - råjatry(tray) - Adhipati . [6]riman - Nars
• Compare ante, Vol. XVI. p. 206, note 88.
On Rajaputra, need probably as the title of some official, see Mr. Fleet's note in Corpw Inscr. Ind. Vol. III. p. 318. Mr. Fleet suggests to me that Maharajaputra may denote here an official of higher rank than was held by the Rajaputro and it may be pointed out that, just as in the present inscription the father, Klaviditys, is dowcribed as Mahd-rijaputra, and the son, Ballfladeva, as Rauta (srdjaputra), so in the next inscription the father, JAlhana, is described as Maha-ranaka, and the son, Chhihula, as Kanaka.- Sir A. Cunningham, Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 94, speaks of the prince BallAladeva, the son of Kesav Aditya and grandson of Raja Narasimhadeva.' But it appears to me that the genitive Vadyavd-grdmakarya must necessarily be made dependent on mahd-rajaputra as the title of an official, just as in the next inscription durganya depends on the following mahardna ko, and since we know from the inscription A. that Narasimha in the Chedi year 903 was still Yw wordja, it is extremely improbable that only seven years later & krundson of his would have been spoken of a BallAladeva is in the present inscription.
* Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II. p. 283. This and similar dates will be treated of in separate paper.
. From the rubbing. • Judging from the rubbing, I am almost certain that the symbol for Orh stands at the beginning of the line. * Read fit-4.
• The whole word aprapat appears to have been originally omitted; and the three akaharas wapats are engraved before line 4, while the initiala has been added at the end of line 8.'

Page #229

JULY, 1889.)
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KINGS OF CHEDI.
213
5 simbadev&-charaṇaḥ 11
Vadyava-gråmakasya 6 japutra - eriksa(ka)vaditya - putra - Va(ba)llaladevakasya 7 Salm]vat 909 Sra(bra)vana-sudi 6 Vuddh[@] [*]
Rauta-śrf. Va(ba)llaladeva[h 11"]
mahå-ravahah (11) Sri[b]" (11
C.-Alha-Ghat Stone-Inscription of Narasimhadeva.
The (Vikrama) year 1216. This inscription, together with two others, is on a block of stone which is about a hundred yards from a large cave, somewhere near the foot of the Alha-Ghat, “one of the natural passes of the Vindhya hills by which the Tons river finds its way from the table-land of Réwah to the plain of the Ganges;" Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 89, about Lat. 24° 55'N., Long. 81° 27' E. It was discovered in 1883-84 by Sir A. Cunningham, by whom a transcript of the text, accompanied by & photolithograph, was published in Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. p. 115, and Plate xxviii.
The inscription contains seven lines. The writing covers a space of about 2' broad by 1' high, and is well preserved nearly throughout. The size of the letters is between and 11. The characters are Nägarf. The language is ungrammatical Sanskřit, exhibiting, e.g. . in line 4 the form karápitá, and in line 6 wdharita), a word which may have its origin in
the vernacular and the meaning of which is not apparent. As regards orthography, bis denoted by the sign for o; and j is used for y in juga, line 3; s for é in Kausamvi, line 5; and sh for kh in lishitazi, line 6.
The object of the inscription is, to record in lines 2-5) that the Ranaler, the illustrious Chhihula, a son of the illustrious Jalhana, Maháránaka of Pipal[au P]durga, performed some meritorious deed in connection with or near the Shatashadika Ghat, which may have consisted in the building of a road or the erection of a temple of the goddess Ambika, or both, but the exact details of which are not clear to me. Line 5 appears to mention some person from Kaukambi who had something to do with carrying out the Ránaka's orders; and lines 6 and 7 give the names of the writer of the inscription and of the artizans who were engaged in the work spoken of before.
But the really important part of the inscription are the introductory lines 1-2, from which we learn that what is stated in the sequel, took place " in the reign of victory of the illustrious Narasimhadeva, the Mahárljádhiraja of Pahala," and which contain the date - "the year 1216, the first lunar day of the bright half of Bhadrapada, on Ravi or Sunday." For these statements, on the one hand, give us some idea of how far the kingdom of Narasimhadeva extended in the north or north-east; and on the other hand, the date being clearly recorded in the Vikrama era, they enable us to test in a general way the correctness of any conclusion regarding the epoch of the Chedi era which may be arrived at on other grounds, and they have been so nised by me, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 218. As regards the epithet Dahaliya which is applied here to the king Narasimha, it has long been known that lexicographers give Dáhala as a synonym of Chédi; and for passages in which the word is actually used in literature, I may refer to the Vikramánkadévacharita, i. vv. 102 and 103, and xviii. vv. 93 and 95, and to Professor Peterson's Third Report on Sanskrit MSS., Appendix, p. 243, 1.5, where, in an enumeration of places and countries, Dabala is placed near Košala.
This sign is superfluous.
10 Read Budhe; as the matter is of some importance, I may as well state that the first akshara and the Qonsonants of the second akshara are clear in the rubbing.
11 I believe that the aksham Srf of this word is quite certain.
13 According to Sir A. Cunningham, Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. pp. 1 and 94, these words (which I give from a separate rabbing) are below the rest, apparently separated from lines 1-7 by an empty space; but they were olearly engraved by the same artizan. 1 Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. p. 114, and preface, p. iv.
The name is spelt Narasinghadiva. Here Karna, one of Narasimhadeva's ancestors, is described as ári-Dúhala-kshitiparivrulha and Pihal-udhisa, and his country is called Dihal-orvi.

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214
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1889.
The date having to be referred to the Vikrama era, the possible equivalents would be :
for the northern Vikrama year 1216, current, - Tuesday, 26th August, A.D. 1158; for the northern Vikrama year 1216, expired,
or the southern current year, - Sunday, 16th August, A.D. 1159, when the first
tithi of the bright half ended 1 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise ; and for the southern Vikrama year 1216, expired, - Thursday, 4th August, A.D. 1160.
The true date therefore is Sunday, 16th August, A.D. 1159-; and the year 1216 of the date must accordingly be taken to be the northern expired (or southern current) year.
Of the localities mentioned in the inscription, Kaunambi clearly is the village of Kosam, of which I have spoken above, p. 137; and Shatashadika-ghata I take to be the more ancient name of the Alha-Ghåţ. Pipalsbau P]durga I am unable to identify.
TEXT.
1 Om Samvata(t) 1218 Bhadra-sudi-pratipada Ravau || Dahallya-mahârâjâ2 vi(dhiraja-sri Narasimghadova-vijayarajyê 11 Pipal[0]"[au P]-durgga[sya P]? maha. 3 râpaka-srijAlhaņas-putra-rånaka-srichchhihulasya
Kali-ju(ya)ga4 dharmm-artha[in?] Shatashadika-ghita-[va(ba)]dhana-margga-ta[P]10-Am[v]i(mbi)ka.
dêva kara. 5 pita iti | dharmm-artha-kama-möksha-sadhana(mi?] || Kauss(sa)mvi(mbt)-nikása-11.rau. 6 ti[A]nÂmajati udharitah l Thakura-sri Kamaladharala lishi(khi)tam 111 7 Sûtradhâral3 Kamalasihaḥ Sômê Kôkåsa | Palhana (Da ?]lhaņa 11
D.-Karanbol Stone-Inscription of Jayasimhadeva.
According to a remark in pencil on the back of the rubbing, the stone which bears this inscription was found at Karanbel, now a heap of ruins a few miles from Bhêra-Ghật, near Jabalpur in the Central Provinces; and it was lying at the house of a stone-cutter, when the rubbing was taken. The stone is broken right through in the middle, from top to bottom, but the fracture is so clean that hardly a single akshara has been lost.
The inscription contains 25 lines. The writing covers a space of 3' 6" broad by 1'7" high, and it is well preserved throughout, so that the actual reading of the inscription is hardly anywhere doubtful. The size of the letters is about ". The characters are Någarî, carefully drawn and skilfully engraved. The language is Sanskțit and, excepting the introductory ooh namah Sivaya, the inscription is in verse. A curious grammatical mistake we meet in line 4, where the writer has formed the aorist of kirtayati as achikirttayat; otherwise the inscription is remarkably free from errors, and in respect of orthography I have only to note that b is written by the sign for v everywhere except in vapurbbhir, line 2, abja, line 3, bibhrad, line 5, babhára, line 19, and bibhartti, lines 23 and 24 ; that the rules of samdhi have not been observed in sukhayan=jaganti, line 13, and bhuvanan=viva", line 23; and that for ujjvala we have nejvala, in line 16. • From the rubbing. • Expressed by a symbol.
# This vowel is perhaps d. "This akshara is doubtful. In the rubbing it looks like tri, with vertical line before it, but I am almost certain that in the original there is a conjunct consonant, the second part of which is y.
Perhaps altered to n. . In the original really Chhchi.-One would expect the instrumental caso Chhfhulana.
10 This letter is doubtful. In the rubbing it looks like , and the word intended may be tata; but it may also be tath, or tatra, or tasya. In the following word Amika, the v of the second syllable is very indistinct, but I believe that it is there. The next aksharas, up to iti, are quite distinct. One would expect some case-termination after deva; and for the following kara, kerk
11 I give these words, up to udharitah, as they appear in the rabbing and in the photolithograph. But the third akshara of nila sa may really be ri, and the whole word nivd.si and the vowel of the first akahara of line 6 appears to have been struok out, so that the word following upon nivní would seem to be rauta, for ruta. For the following aksharas I cannot suggest any suitablo meaning or emendation, beyond saying that the oddly shaped d, the socond akshara in line 6, may really be sri.
12 Read "dharéna. 18 Here again, and in some of the following names, the case-terminations have been omitted. Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 96, No. xi. 2 Journal Amer. Or. Soc. Vol. VI. p.517, note g.

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JULY, 1889.)
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KINGS OF CHEDI.
215
Judging from the introductory verses, the inscription probably was intended to record the erection of a temple of 'Siva; but it has clearly been left incomplete. For there is nothing in it to show why it was engraved ; and we miss at the end the names of the author and of the engraver, which, in a carefully executed inscription like the present one, had it been finished, would hardly have been omitted. In consequence, the inscription also is left undated.
The contents of the inscription may be given in very few words. After the introductory “Om, adoration to Siva !" and six verses invoking the blessings of Siva, Gajanana, and Sarasvati (11. 1.4), the author relates that Prajapati, the lord of the creatures, begat Atri, from whom proceeded the moon, whose son again was Budha; and that in the lunar family so founded, there was the famous king Arjuna (11. 4-6). The family became generally known under the name of Kalachuri, and in it there was born the king Yuvardjadáva, who conquered all regions and dedicated the wealth which he took from other kings to the holy som svara (11. 6-7). He begat the king Kokalla, from whom sprang Gang@yadeva (11. 7-10). His son again was Karna, who was waited upon by the Choda, Kunga, Huna, Gauda, Gurjara and Kira princes (11. 10-12); and his son was Yasaḥkarna (11. 12-13). Yasahkarna's son was the king Gayakarna, who married Alhanadevi, the daughter of king Vijayasinha (the son of the king Vairisimhs who was a son of the king Hansapala in Pragvata) and his wife Syamaladevi (the daughter of UdayAditya, the king of Dhara), who bore to him the two sons Narasimhadeva and Jayasimhadeva (11. 13-17). Narasimhadeva ascended the throne after the death of his father (11, 18-20), and was on his death succeeded by his younger brother Jayasimhadev&, who ruled the country when the inscription was composed (11. 20-25).
It will be seen that the contents of the inscription are almost identical with those of the introductory portion of the Bhêra-Ghât inscription of Alhaņadêvî;) and a comparison of the two inscriptions leaves no doubt that our author knew that inscription and closely followed it, when writing his own prasasti. What is peculiar to our inscription, is mainly only this, that the genealogy (similarly to what is the case in the Kumbhî copper-plate inscription) begins here with Yuvarajadêva, and is continued to the ruling prince Jayasimhadêva. As of some importance however, it may be noted that Yuvarajadêva is represented here as worshipping Bombbvara, the famous Sômanatha in Gujarat, a story which is told also of Lakshmaņaraja (the son of Keyûravarsha-Yuvarâjadêva and Nôhala) in the Bilharî inscription ;5 that Vijayasimha, the father-in-law of Gayakarņa, and his ancestors, whom we know to have ruled in Mêwâd, are described as kings of Pragvata, and Udayâditya as lord of Dhard; and that the name of one of the peoples whose princes waited upon Karna, is spelt here distinctly Kunga, not Kanga, which is the reading of the published version of Alhaņadevi's inscription. The word Pragvata occurs several times e.g. in Professor Peterson's Third Report on Sanskrit HSS, Appendix, pp. 37, 40, 45, 187; but I am unable to determine whether it is only another name for Mêdapata, or denotes a more extensive tract of country of which Mewad formed part. Kunga clearly is the Kongu or Kongu-deba of Southern India, corresponding, generally, to the present districts of Salem and Coimbatore.
Considering that Narasimhadeva was ruling in A.D. 1159, and Vijayasimhadeva, the son of Jayasinhadêva, in A.D. 1180, our inscription must have been composed between A.D. 1160 and 1180.
: ib. pp. 502-8; ani Archeol. Survey of Western India, No. 10, pp. 107-9. • Journal Beng. As Soc., Vol. XXXI. p. 116.
8 ib. Vol. XXX. p. 330, verses 61 and 62. Dr. Hall misread verse 46, and in consequence he wrongly identified Lakshmanaraja with Yuvardjadeva. In reality Lakshmanarija, according to the Bilhari inscription, was the son of Yuvarljadeva and Nohal.
ante, Vol. XVI. p. 346. I am glad to be able to state that, in a short inscription from Udaypur in MAlava, I have at last discovered a reliable date for Uday Aditya, the grandfather of Alhaņadevi, -Vikrama 1137 = A.D. 1080.
In reality, the reading of the original inscription probably is Kunga, but the first akshara of the word is damaged.
See, e.g., Archæol. Survey of Southern India, List of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of Madras, Vol. I. p. 195.
. See ante, Vol. XVII. p. 218.

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TEXT.10
1 Om namah Sivaya 11 Dávahlı sadů samudit-adbhuta-bhati-sampat=rampâdayatv
abhimatam bhavatâm sa yasya | svahsimdhu-sangata-jatë siras-indu-lêkha navy-årkara-sri ya]mankratam=åtanoti II Yan -nityam dravatâm vi(bi) bhartti guratâm dhattê tatðenyach=cha yad=ye cha sparsavati garutva-rahitê
bhậtam yad-asparśavat 2 yat-karmmapahitam karðti bhuvanam kâlcai]h kal-əllási yad=yasmin-yajña
phalar vapurbbhiravatád-yushmân=amibbih Sivah 11 Dhanyasta vahasê birasy-svirataón yksán kapa[la]-srajam vaktayyam ta iti vra(bra)vimyrata idaṁ panstvêna sankirttaya' n-aitad=yaktatama. bhavên=na (cha] maya
strstvam tyaj=éty=uchyatê tach=ch=asakyam=iti priy-- 3 ttara-vidhau vyagrð Harah pâtu vah || Bhůsh&13 netraśruti-viracbitâ yatra yatra
Åbjajanmala vyakosa-brih prabhavati mude yatra nishtha prajánku mürttâv-dva prasarati rajô yatra yatr=[et]i sakshât=kůtastha dhiḥ sa diśatu sada Sambhur-abhyarthitun vah | Y615 Dhurjjați-jațâjâta-mukutâd
aparam vidhôh | dhatte=rddhan=data-mishataḥ savah pâyâd=Gajana4 nah | Chatur-ggatis-chatur-vșittis chaturyvargga-prayojana | prapamchayatu châtur.
yam satâm satyam Sarasvati 111011 Prajapatir=abhidhyâna-prava(ba) mdhât samajijanat | atsitfyatayê putra yam=Atrim-achikarttayat17 | Tasmat18 samastabhuvan-abhyuday-aika-dhậmale râmâ-mənah-sarasa-sammada-keli-kamdah | vistâra
hêtu-kiranab kumud-aka5 râmâm Bhutêóa-bhashana-sirômanirsair-asit || Mana8a20 iv=ấtivisuddhadevô(bộ)dha
iv-Abhůd=Vu(bn)dhasutasmat | bhuvan-Abhaya-krid-bhubbrid-vamsasutên=&jani sthêyên | Äsita-Kalanidhi-kult=tra karan-sahasram bibbrad=divadva rajan&v=api sa-pratapah! bhúmibhșid=Arjjuna iti prathitêna namna yasy
adhun-spy-abhimatanya 6 bhitô bhavanti | To tâdpisah katichid=ôva kadáchid=ôva bhagyair-bhavanti
bhavinám bhuvan-aika-náthâḥ gôtrê=tra yê samabhavann=adhik-adhik-ôchchasampattayo-dhipatayah Prithiv-iśvaranam | Asminn=vÂmtara-maharha-višeshayôgât=prâptê kalê Kalachur-ity-abhidhå-prasiddhim janm=asasada sukritaire
jja7 gatâm Yayâti-talyô gunairendarapatir=Yuvarajadávaḥ 11 Yên-ôrjjitêns jagati-patina
vijitya sarv va disah samabhihristya] narêávarânám tas-tåh sriyah pa[ra]. ma-bhakti-bhara-brita sri-Som svaraya samupâyanam-akriyanta || Tên=&vanisa
patina bhuvan-aika-mallah KÖkalla ity-ajani bha8 rtsita-vairi-bhallah! yat-kfrttanaih kati na vi(bi)bhratibhüri-68bhâm-anyónya
vibhrama-sahasra-dharair-jjaganti | Janit32_Atisayita-saktir Eyva(bba)hutara-sam. darsit-óru-Bhava-bhaktih | Himavân=iva bhuvana-bhayam yo jahre våhininivahaih || Tasmad-vaba)bhûva bhuvan-abhyudaya-pragalbha-gmbhîrya
gaurava-sah9 dara-saurya-dhairyah | Gamgéyadeva iti guptishu yaaya bhûpå lajjam jahur
Ddaśamukh-Arjjunay ôh kathâbhiḥ 11 Naman-nțipa-sirôbhir=yat-pada-padman
10 From the rubbing.
1 Metre, Vasantatilaka 11 Metre, Sardúlavikridita; and of the next verse.-Compare Dr. Hall in Journal Amer. Or. Soc. Vol. VI. p. 502, verse 3, and pp. 524-25. 13 Metre, MandåkråntA.
1 Originally nmd, altered to nma. 16 Metre, Slöka (Anushtubb): and of the two next versos.-Compare ib. p. 502, verse 6. 16 Between these signs of punctuation there is an ornamental full stop. 17 achikirttiyat, wrongly for achikirtat or achitat. 10 Metre, Vasantatilaka. 1. Originally md, altered to ma.
90 Metre, Upagiti. 11 Metre, Vasantatilakl: and of the four next verses.-Compare ib. p. 603, verso 7. 21 Metre, Arya 25 Metre, Vasantatilaks.
* Metre, Slóka (Anushţubh).

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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KINGS OF CHEDI.
217
virêjatuhi kripaņa-jala-samjata-jayasri-jalajair=iva 1 Vairia vikrama-nisi disam
mukha-sri-kurangamada 36-patravallari | bhrû-latâ vijaya10 vârija-sthitês-tasya khadga-latik karôn=na kim 11 Samuttîrnn27.arnnavê sê nî yasy
áji-va mahibhřitahl varnnaniya-guna-grâmah Karnnah sa samabhût-tatah 11 Avimukta 28.pâda-kata kail prithatara-hár-avagumthita-vikamthaih29 | pura iva vipinêwpyari-nripa-nåribhinayasya samtata tasthê 11 Nichaih30 samchara
Choda Kuṁgaji ki11 meidań phalga tvaya valgyatê Hun=aivan raạitun na yuktam-iha tê tvam
Gaude garvvan=tyaja i m=aivan G[a]rjjara garija Kire nibhritô varttasva sêvê-gatan 32.ittham yasya mithô-virodhi-npipatin dvå[h]sthð vininyê janah 11 Aniyamta parim vșiddhim yasah-saṁvêdana-sriyah | mano-vinodanair-yasya
kavim12 draireimdriyair-iva 1 Ajáyata Yagahkarnnah Karnnat-Svarnpa-mahibh ritah
Trikūta iva katastha guņa-ratnakarikritaḥ 11 Namayaty -årttin=dhanush yasminn-artt-Amrita-prayelva(ba)bhrê sa punarinnati-bhūyishtha vairi. bhûpatibhih | Yaśðbhir36-indu-visadaiḥ karmmabhis-ch=âtidushkaraih disah
prasad hayam-asa sa 13 Trivikrama-vikramah || Yatha-yatha sa chaturas-chaturbhir-abhivåmchchhi(chhi).
tân arthin-upâyaib prathitair=nyâya-vit=pratyapadyata Udapadyat30-ditamahârha-rupaya sahitaḥ śriya sakala-suddha-mandalah dhaval-amva(mbu)dhêriva tataḥkala-nidhih sukhayan()-jaganti Gayakarnna-bhQpatih 11
Karavala37-tamala-pallavah ka14 ra-sanchârywapi yasya bhů patoh I parimriya rajonsra-vpishţibhiḥ parichash kara
raşê jaya-sriyam | Vainatêya38-sama-vikrama-kramaḥ kêvalam sa na chakára prishthataht Achyutam Bu-charitô na chracha[ra]takarmma kimchid-api pakshapatataḥ Dvâpar030-pi na tasy=&sit=karmma-kânda 'kutaḥ kalih 11
ksitamova sad=adrakshuḥ karyam vidvêshiņô=piyat 11 15 Pragvaţ960-vanipila-bhala-tilakah é ri-Hamsapalo-bhavat-tasmad-bhûbhridasůta 41
satya-samitih sri-Vairisimh-abhidhahi yaj-janma dvishatâm bhayâya suhřidám=înanda-sampatta[yê] śreyah-sri-sadanaya saurya-mahasê viśv-otsavay=
abhavat || Vijayasimha iti kshitipasutatah samajanishta vinashta-kalih ki16 la kshitibhřid-indra-sirah-kțita-gamcharul p rahata-matta-maha-ripa-kumjarah il
Dhar43-adhis-dayAditya-suta Syamaladevy-abhat 1 Vallabha tasya bhupasya Saty=êv=Asura-vidvisha[h 11] Tasyâm-Alhanader-iti kanya-ratnam sta sah Mênâyâm=Avanibharttâ Gaurim=iva gun.6[*]jvalám 11Tasyaḥ sa panina
pânim Gaya17 karnna-mahîpatih jagraha jagatâm sthityai Sivåyå iva Sankarah | Ajanayad4
Alhanadávyam Gayakarnna-mahipatisztanajan | Samjnayam Divasa-patirDdasrkveiva sarvva-dub[kha-harau | Narasimhadovam*5=ekani chakre janakastayðrænnamna Jayasimhadevam-aparaṁ 10k8 yau Râma-Lakshmanan mêne II Su-kritail, svarggama
* Metre, Rathoddhata, » The word kuranga-mada, 'musk' (= kuranga-nibhi ) is not found in the dictionaries, 27 Metre, Slôka (Anushţabh). 25 Metre, Giti. 29 I am unable to give the exact meaning of vikantha, * Metre, Sardalavikridita.-Compare, ib. p. 504, verse 12. #1 This is quite distinct here, and it is not Kanga. 82 Or, perhaps, sévuah gatan.
* Metre, Blóka (Anushtubh); and of the next verse, 4 Metre, Upagiti.-Artti means both the end of a bow' and 'misery. * Metre, Slöka (Anushțubh); and of the next verse. 36 Metre, Manubhkahint.
97 Metre, Vaitaliya
Metre, Rathoddhata. Metre, Blóka (Anushịubh). Mutre, gard dlavikridita. 1 Contrary to the usage of the later language, as it is here used in a passive sense. 19 Metre, Drutavilambita.
43 Metre, Blóka (Anushţubh); and of the next two verses. 4 Metre, Upågiti.
45 Metre, Udgiti.
46 Metre, Vpagiti.

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18 n-arggalam-adbitasthushi Sakra-vaj-janakê Narasimhadeva-nṛipatih paryashkârshîn= mahim-êtâm | Prasaśása 7 mahim mah-aujasâm-apy-abhibhûshpur-Nnarasimhadeva-bhupaḥ para-lôka-bhay-[na]bhijñatâyâm-bhuvanam samdad had-Achyutôchcha-rupaḥ Yasmims48-chalati dhâlinâm patalais-tapanê tatha | nihnutê= py-ari-bhûpâna samtapaḥ paryavarddhata II
19 Mahidin-idy-adnyani kurvvan-parvvlgy-andkassh | dharmmasy-kvivṛidhadyb-thrinVa(ba)lir-Vvishnôr-iv-ôdyatal | Pananasya jagat sarvvam nitamtam timiradruhab yat-kirtti-sasinaḥ śukré saśâ[akô]-pi saśô-bhavat || Sa tatha sukha-, sayyasu râtrâv-atrasta-mandalaḥ svapann-apy-anisam vairi-hṛidayêshv-abhyajägarît Sriyam babhara vidhiva
20 d-Dânav-ârâti-tôshitaḥ
Mahêmdra-vad-dvija-śrêshtha-varggas-tat-sangam-âgataḥ II
Svarllóka-nath-âtithitâm prayâtê tasmin-nṛipê sî-Narasimhadevê chirâya pushnâtu satam hitâni śrimân-mahibhrij-Jayasimhadevaḥ || Yasy50-ôru-ratnarachit-âmchita-châru-sôbhâ-vismêra-bhûri-katakasya sad-ônnatasya bhûmîbhritâm=adhipatch sura vihini.
21 va kirttir-jjaganti na kiyanti punâty-anantâ | Yêna prâchi-vijaya-rabhasân= nitya-matt-ébha-kumbh-Aradhin-praudha-prathita-yalasah laurya-bhájô-vanindrán I kurvvânêna tridasa-bhavanam [gi]mind nir-vviśamkam chakrê chittam chakita-chakitam nåkinâm nayakasya | Yad52-vaktra-varija-vikasa-vaśêna dînavarggê-pi valgati niramta
22 ram=êva lakshmi yad-bhru-vibhamga-bhaya-jas-cha nar-âdhipânâm vyâdhir=nna nasyati van-aushadhi-sê vay-api Kiyantô53 n-ábhûvan-bhuvi bhuvana-sambharita-gunkb panayyants yoshim kriti[bhi]r-adhun-âpi sthiti-pathâḥ | aya[m] tv-anyas-têshâm-api guna-gan-ôdaharanatân-dadhanaḥ śuddha-érir jjayatu Jayasimhaḥ kshiti-patil | Yasya
23 pratapa-tapanah pârthiv-êndhana êva yat tach-chitram yach-cha kumuda-dvêshi kirtti-sudhakaraḥ | Mitrânim55-upakâra-kâriņi sada san-margga-samchariņi prajn-ôtkarsha-vidhâriņi praguni[nam] tyag-aika-vistâriņi satrûnâm-avirâmasadrya.vijaya-prôdyan-mad-ô[chchâ]rini pritim yatra parâm bibhartti bhuvanam (m) viśvambharâ-dhâriņi ||
24 Yas-chalan-dhuli-patalaiḥ payâmsi payasam nidheḥ I na kevalam tirôdhattê tėjamsy-api vibhavasoḥ Pramânân-iva chatvâri sên-ângâny-adhitishthata | yêna nyaya-pravînêna paresham [kha]ndyatê sthitih 11 Na mumchati kad= apy asya jaya-srih kara-pushkaram bibhartti rana-vâdyeshu tânḍav-âḍamva(mba)ram param II Srutvå67 śri-Jayasimhade
25 va-nripatêḥ karmm-âtivismâpakam Pârthasy-êva parair-amuchyata nṛipaih pûrvvaṁ yuyutsa-rasal śrih paśchât-sa-rasi tatas-cha nagari patrâl kalatran=tatas= trias keralam-adri-gahvara-ga[tai]runn-iigikṛitasiyajyatë 11
E. Gopalpur Stone-Inscription of Vijayasimhadeva.
This inscription was discovered in 1862 by Dr. F. E. Hall at the village of Gopalpur, about two miles to the south of Bhêra-Ghât, where it is said to have been brought from Karanbel; and it has been previously noticed in the Journal Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 113, and in Archeol. Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 99, No. xv. In an attempt to remove it, the stone on which the inscription is was broken right through from top to bottom.
The inscription contains 21 lines. The writing covers a space of 4' 5" broad by 1' 9" high. The larger portion of it, on the proper left part of the stone, is in a fair state of preservation;
47 Metre, Aupachchhandasika.
48 Metre, Bloka (Anushṭubh); and of the next four verses.
50 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
Metre, Mandakrântâ
55 Metre, Sikhariņt.
54 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh).
5 Metre Sloka (Anushṭubh); and of the next two verses.
49 Metre, Upajati.
82 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
55 Metre, Sardalavikriḍita.
57 Metre, Sårdúlavikriḍita.

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MISCELLANEA.
219
and on the smaller right part the upper five or six and the concluding three or four lines, and generally about eight or ten aksharas at the commencement of each line, are sufficiently well preserved to be made out from a careful impression. The size of the letters is about s". The characters are Någari. The language is Sanskřit, and excepting the ori namo bhagavaté Vásudé váya at the commencement of line 1, and the words éri-Sómarája-leritas rájávalivarnnanamwiti in line 16, the inscription is in verse.
The inscription contains no date. Its object is to record in lines 16-21, in which the names of the private individuals Malhaņa, Jógalâ, Harigana and Mahadevi oocur), the erection, by a member of the Kaśyapa family, of & temple of Vishņu; and by way of introduction it gives an account of the Kalachuri kings, from Karnadóva, as it appears, to the ruling prince Vijayasimhadeva. In this introductory part I notice the following names :-line 6, Sahasrarjjung ; line 7, Kalachuri-kala ; line 9, Karppadeva; line 11, śri-Yabahkarnnadeva; line 13, sri-Gayakarnnadeva; at the beginning of line 15, śrî-Narasim hadeva; in the second half of the same line, - raraja raja-vraja Dharmmarâjas-tasy=ânujah śrî.Jayasimhadevaḥ; at the beginning of line 16, śrimad- Gosaladevi; and in the same line, in the verse following immediately upon the verse which speaks of Gôsaladêvî, - jayati tad-anga-sujanma śûrah sri-Vijayasimhadeva-nfipaḥ. From this I have no doubt whatever that Gösaladevi is represented here as the wife of Jayasimhadeva and mother of Vijayasim hadêva, and that she was not (as has been erroneously inferred from the Kumbhỉ copper-plate inscription') the wife of Vijayasimhadeva.
Since for Vijayasimhaddva we have the dates? A D. 1180 and 1195, the inscription must be referred to about the last quarter of the 12th century A.D.
MISCELLANEA. CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, better translated thus: - "He in whom, possesVOL. III.
sed of a wealth of virtue, (and so) falling but Owing to the friendly suggestions of Professor little short of Manu and Bharata and Alarka and Kielhorn, I am able to notify the following Måndh&tri, the title of 'universal sovereign,' improvements in my treatment of some of the which, in this age that is the ravisher of good records published by me in Corpus Inscriptionum behaviour, applied with a mere imaginary meaning Indicarum, Vol. III., "the Gupta Inscriptions." to other kings, of reprehensible conduct, has not
shone at all, (being in their case) like an offering Indor Grant of Skandagupta.
of flowers placed) in the dust, - shines even more No. 16, Plate is. B., p. 68 ff. - In line 1, notwith. (than it ordinarily does), like a resplendent jewel standing the analogous instance of dyata-stú quoted (set) in good gola." in note 3, the word eka-tána-std is an impossible And in the verse in line 6, the force and imporword. For the proper interpretation of the tert, tance of the reference to Mihirakula may be we must correct stuvah into stumah; and take much heightened by taking the construction dhydn-aikatand as a nominative plural, the final differently and translating thus: "He (Yasovisarga of which has been omitted before the dharman) to whose two feet respect was paid, following initial st, in accordance with the with complimentary presents of the flowers from Vårttika on Pâņini, viii. 3, 36). The translation the lock of hair on the top of (his) head, by even will thus be - "May that Sun, the rich source that (famoue) king Mihirakula, whose head had of rays that pierce (the darkness which is) the never (previously) been brought into the humility envelope of the earth, protect you,--whom we of obeisance to any other save (the god) Sthåņu, Brahmans, of enlightened minds, praise according
(and) embraced by whose arms the mountain of to due rite, having (our) thoughts entirely con- snow falsely prides itself on being styled an incentrated in meditation (on him)," &c.
accessible fortress, (and) whose forehead was Mandasor Pillar Inscription of
pained through being (now for the first time) bent Yasodharman.
low down by the strength of (his) arm in (the act
of compelling) obeisance." No. 33, Plate xxi. B., p. 142 ff.; and ante, Vol. The verse, thus taken, contains a double and very XV. p. 253 ff. - The verse in line 3 may be emphatic statement that Mihirakula had never 1 Journal Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXI. p. 125.
1 ante, Vol. XVII. p. 218.

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been subdued by any other king, but was conquered by Yasodharman; and also an indication that Mihirakula exercised sovereignty in the region of the Himalaya mountains. Note 4, on p. 148, is to be cancelled.
Mandasor Inscription of Yasodharman and Vishnuvardhana.
No. 35, Plate xxii., p. 150 ff.; and ante, Vol. XV. p. 222 ff. In line 16, for chi[nva ?]n, read vighna]n:-"Abhayadatta, maintaining a high position, (and) preventing any fear on the part of (his) subjects." The word dharittrydm, in line 15, is to be construed with adrishtam; not with dadhanaḥ.
Rajim Grant of Tivaradeva.
No. 81, Plate xlv., p. 291 ff.-In my list of Errata at the end of the volume, I have already stated that in line 1 the reading of the original is stambha[*], not sûtra[*]. And it seems better not to turn jagat-traya-tilaka into a separate word by inserting a visarga, but to take it in composition with kshitibhrit-kula-bhavana. The translation will thus be "Victorious is the illustrious Tivaradiva, the auspicious pillar (for the support) of the palace that is a family of kings which is the ornament of the three worlds," &c.
The first thirteen lines of this record presented -several points of difficulty, some of which have now been made clear. Thus -
In line 4, patita, struck down,' which is the reading of the original, must be treated as a mistake for patita, split open; and it qualifies kumbha, the foreheads or frontal globes of the elephants,' not the elephants themselves; in the Visavadattá, p. 42, jarjarita, torn open,' occurs in an analogous passage. Also, in line 5, for sad-dsikta, read satd-sikta; -"pearls that are besprinkled with the copious streams of blood trickling down from the round foreheads of the elephants of (his) enemies which are split open by the crushing blows of (his) sharp sword."
In line 8, for kunkumapatra-bhangat, read kunkuma-patrabhangat(h); and translate-"who wipes away the collyrium below the eyes of the wives of (his) enemies, and the decorative lines drawn with saffron on (their) tender cheeks."
In line 10, for gada(dha)-svachchha-prasanna, &c., read giḍadhah) svachchha[*] prasanna, &c.; and, construing the six adjectives com. mencing in this line with the six locatives commencing in line 9, translate," who, moreover, is worshipped by mankind in (respect of his) penance, performed in a former existence, because it was so severe that the effects of it have not yet been fully expended; who is never satisfied in
[JULY, 1889.
(the accumulation of) fame; who is reserved in the matter of keeping secrets; who is very keen in (his) faculty of reasoning; who is pure in sight; and who, in (beauty of) form, is decorated with a complacent countenance." Here, the praktanam tapas is indicated as aklishṭam, 'not yet expended;' klishṭam tapas would be analogous to klishtam punyam, which expression occurs in the Abhijñána-Sakuntala, Act 6.
In line 11, ku-trishna cannot properly be taken as an adjective by itself. We must treat the visarga of anujjhitaḥ as a mistake, and read anujjhita-kutrishno-pi:-"who, though he has not abandoned the desire for (conquering or acquiring) land, is yet exceedingly liberal (in granting lands to gods and Brahmans)."
In line 12, the visarga of aparushaḥ must be treated as a mistake, and we should read aparusha. svabháva [h]," who, though he is adorned with majesty, is yet of a disposition that is not harsh." The contrast here is that the king, though, like the god Siva, he is adorned with bhati (majesty,' as applied to the king; ashes,' as applied to the god), is yet, differing from Śiva, of a gentle disposition.
In line 13, for dharm-Arjánéna sampal-lábhé svalpa-kródhéna prabhávé, read dharm-drjané na sampal-lábhé svalpa [h] kródhé na prabhávé; and translate-"who is never quite satisfied in accumulating religion, (though such is) not (the case) in respect of the acquisition of wealth; who is insignificant as regards anger (i. e. who shews but little anger), (but) not as regards majesty."
In line 14, for sa(sa)k[1]ah, read sak[t]aḥ:-- "who is fond of excellent conversations, (but) is not addicted to dallying with wanton women."
In this inscription, there are still two passages that require further consideration. One is in line 3, where Prof. Kielhorn is of opinion that, for kanthad-unmukha, it might be better to read kanth[d*]d-unmukha;, the idea being that the goddess of the fortunes of the hostile kings clings to their necks, and that Tivaradêva drags her away by her hair from that position. But then the detached ablative would occupy a rather anomalous position with respect to akarshana, by which it must be governed.
The other passage is in line 11, where I have read svami-bhavan[*]-py-a-bahu-lapans. Since anujjhitaḥ is to be corrected into anujjhita, and taken in composition with kutrishno, we require before api, not a locative, but an epithet of which the contrast is provided by the compound following api. Prof. Kielhorn is inclined to read svámi(ms)-bhavan[n] (or svámi(m) bhavan[n*])=apy= a-bahula-pandnd): "who, lord or possessor of much property though he is, yet is not much

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JULY, 1880.]
MISCELLANEA.
221
addicted to gambling;" where the contrast would to a certain time on Åbvina krishna 14, Tuesday, be furnished by the other meaning of a-bahula- of the ourrent year, corresponding to the 26th
ana, nut POBBessed of much coin. Accepting October, A.D. 1886, and, after that time, the the first correction, but maintaining lapana, the name of Vikárin, No. 33. act of speaking, talking,' I feel more inclined to (2) A development of this system in Northern prefer - "who, lord though he is, yet does nut India, which would best be named the northern indulge in (tao) much (needless) talking."
luni-solar system. According to this, each
sanwatsara extends over the same period with a Miscellaneous.
Saka or a northern Vikrama year, commencing, P. 138, note 2, on the word bhdmichchhidra. for the civil reckoning, with Chaitra sukla 1; and For kerishya-yogya bhah dc, read krishy-ayogya every eighty-sixth samvatsara, or nearly ao, is bhah, land not fit for oultivation.'
actually expunged or passed over altogether. 6th March, 1889.
J, F. FLEET, An instance of this, coupled with the next
system, is furnished by the Suyana-Pañchdig for A NEW SYSTEM OF THE SIXTY-YEAR
Saka-Samvat (1808 expired and) 1809 ourrent," CYCLE OF JUPITER.
and northern Vikrama-Samvat (1943 expired and) On the Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter, &
1944 current; which tells us that the same luni. valuable paper by Prof. Klelhorn, with Tables for
solar period, from the 5th April, A.D. 1886, to calculation, is given at page 193ff. above. And
the 24th March, A.D. 1887, is known, on the south I hope that hereafter we shall have a full his- side of the Narmadá, by the name of Vyaya, torical account of it from Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit.
No. 20, and, on the north side of that river, by Meanwhile, for my present purpose, I have to the name of Vilambin, No. 32. note that the following three varieties of this
And the real rule for it must be, that, whatever cycle are already known:
samvatsara is actually current according to the (1) The true astronomical system, usually
mean-sign system at the commencement of a Saka called the northern system, but, - since, in early
year, that savvatsara is to be taken as coincident times, it was current in Southern, quite as much
with the whole Saka year, and with the entire as in Northern, India, - more appropriately Vikrame year which, at some period still to be named by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit the mean-sign
determined, came to be made identical in system. According to this, the commenoement
Northern India with the Saka year, of each aanwatsara is determined by the passage
The time at which this system was developed of Jupiter among the signs of the sodiao; and, on
and brought into use, remains to be determined. the exaet analogy of expunged tithis, on certain When it can be fixed, we shall probably find occasions a sarivatsara is expunged, or, more pro- that the system started with a year in which two perly, for the purposes of the civil reokoning its at least of the following conditions oodurred on name is omitted, though astronomically the period one and the same day; vix, the ending of Chaitra of the sanvatsara remains extant.
sukla 1, as the beginning of the civil luni-solar For modern times, an instance of this,
year; the Mesha-Sankranti, as the beginning of coupled with an illustration of (3) below, is the solar year; and the commencement of a furnished by the Gwalior almanac for Saka- savatsara by the mean-sign system. Samvat (1808 expired and) 1809 current, and | (3) The so-called southern system, which northern Vikrama-Samvat (1943 expired and would best be named the southern luni-solar 1944 current;' which, following in this respect the system, and which must be the South Indian practice of Southern India, gives Vyaya, No. 20, development of the original mean-sign system as the name, according to the chandra-mdna or According to this, each sariwvatsara extends over lunar reckoning, of the luni-solar period from the the same period with a Saka year, commencing. 5th April, A.D. 1886 (Chaitra sukla 1), to the for the civil reckoning, with Chaitra sukla l; and 24th March, A.D. 1887 (amanta Phâlguna, or the samvatsaras run on in regular unbroken pürnimánta Chaitra, krishna 15); but adds that, succession, without any expunctions. according to the bdrhaspatya-mana or reckoning An instance of this, in addition to that noted of Jupiter, in documents the name of Vilambin, under (2) above, is furnished by the Siddhanta. No. 32, is to be used from a certain time on Panchangam for Saka-Samvat (1808 expired and) Agvina kļishna 7, Friday, in the preceding year, 1809 current, and the Telugu Calendar for corresponding to the 30th October, A.D. 1885, up Saka-Samvat 1809 current;* which give Vyaya,
See ante, Vol. XVII. p. 2. * See ante, Vol. XVII. p. 206.
* See ante, Vol. XVII. p. 207, and note 10, .. See ante, Vol. XVII. p. 207.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
No. 20, as the name of the same luni-solar period from the 5th April, A.D. 1886, to the 24th March, A.D. 1887.
The exact time at which this system was developed and introduced remains to be determined. But apparently we have to look for it between" A.D. 804 and 866. And the invention of the system was probably due to a similar coincidence of occurrences with that suggested under (2) above.
In addition to these, there would appear to be another system, which is really fitted to the Saka years, but curiously enough is mentioned only in connection with the southern Vikrama years; and which might, therefore, for convenience in distinction, be named the southern Vikrama luni-solar system, provided it is borne in mind that the samvatsaras do not coincide with the southern Vikrama,years. This system does not seem to have been previously noticed; and my attention has been drawn to it by a further examination of Ganpat Krishnaji's and K. L. Chhatre's almanacs.
[JULY, 1889.
(is) the Moon." And in the samkranti-phala we learn that the Makara-Samkrânti, as the com-" mencement of the uttardyana or period during which the sun is moving from south to north, should take place, according to Ganpat Krishnaji's almanac, at 38 ghatis, 44 palas, after sunrise on Pausha krishna 3, corresponding to the 12th January, A.D. 1887, and, according to K. L. Chhatre's almanac, at 47 ghatis, 20 palas, after sunrise on Pausha éukla 13, corresponding to the 8th January, A.D. 1887, "in the year 1943 expired from the time of the glorious king Vikramårka, (and) in the Hêmalamba samvatsara; and also in the Saka (year) 1808 (expired) of the glorious king Salivahana, (and) in the Vyaya samvatsara." Here we find that in each instance the name of Vyaya, No. 20, is coupled with the Saka year; but the name of Hêmalamba, No. 31, is coupled, in the samvatsara-phala with southern VikramaSamvat (1942 expired and) 1943 current, and in the samkrdnti-phala with (1943 expired and) 1944 current. And the names of the samvatsaras are given in precisely the same way, and in unbroken succession, in the preceding almanacs, back to that for Saka-Samvat (1799 expired and) 1800 current and southern Vikrama-Samvat (1933-34 expired and) 1934-35 current. The accompanying Table, arranged for current Saka and Vikrama years, shews how the samvatsaras run, for these ten years, according to the two southern systems followed in these almanacs, and according to the northern luni-solar system: And it will be seen that, by this southern Vikrama luni-solar system, the samvatsaras come just one year later than by the northern luni-solar system.
Now, that the samvatsaras connected in these almanacs with the southern Vikrama years, are not solar periods, commencing either with the Makara-Samkranti as the commencement of the
Their almanacs for Saka-Samvat (1808 expired and) 1809 current, and southern Vikrama-Samvat (1492-93 expired and) 1493-94 current, give Vyaya, No. 20, as the name of the luni-solar period from the 5th April, A.D. 1886, to the 24th March, A.D. 1887, as equivalent to the Saka year; following, in this respect, system (3) above, the standard system of Southern India. But they treat the Vikrama year differently. Thus, southern Vikrama-Samvat 1943 current commenced, in the preceding Saka year, on the 7th November, A.D. 1885 (Kârttika sukla 1), and ended, in the current Saka year, on the 27th October, A.D. 1886 (amânta Aévina krishna 15); and southern Vikrama-Samvat 1944 current commenced, in the current Saka year, on the 28th October, A.D. 1886, and ended, in the follow-uttardyana, or with the Tula-Samkrânti or ing Saka year, on the 16th October, A.D. 1887. autumnal equinox, as the commencement of the On the title-page of Ganpat Krishnaji's almanac, solar month Karttika and the astronomical comwe have simply "in Saka 1808 (expired), in the mencement of the southern Vikrama year as a solar samvatsara named Vyaya." But, on the title- year (if such a year was ever required), nor lunipage of K. L. Chhatre's almanac, we have "in solar periods commencing with Kârttika śukla 1 as Saka 1803 (expired), in the samvatsara named the civil commencement of the southern Vikrama Vyaya; (in) the (Vikrama) year 1942 (expired) year, can easily be shewn. Taking Ganpat Krishand 1943 (expired), in the samvatsara named naji's details, (in Saka-Samvat 1809 and) Hêmalamba; A.D. 1886 and 1887." In the southern Vikrama-Samvat 1944, both current, the samvatsara-phala we have, in both almanacs, "in Makara-Sankranti occurred on Pausha krishna 3, the year 1942 expired from the time of the corresponding to the 12th January, A.D. 1887, for glorious king Vikramárka, (and) in the Hêma- which day the samvatsara is specified as Hêmalamba samvatsara; so also in the Saka (year) 1808 lamba, No. 31; the Tula-Sankranti occurred on (expired) of the glorious king Salivahana, (and) Aévina krishna 2, corresponding to the 15th Octoin the Vyaya samvatsara; in this year, the king ber, A. D. 1886; and Kârttika sukla 1 ended on
See ante, Vol. XVII. p. 206.
See the results for Dates Nos. 9 and 10, ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 141, 142.

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JULY, 1889.)
MISCELLANEA.
223
Luni-solar Bamvatsaras of the Sixty-Year Cycle,
with ourront Baka and Vikrama years.
NORTHERN INDIA.
SOUTHERN INDIA.
Northern Lani-solar System.
Southern Lani-solar System.
Southern Vikrama Luni-solar
System.
Saka.
Vikrama.
Samvatsara.
Baka
Sahvatsara.
Vikram
Samvatsara.
1934
1877-78
1800 ... 1935 ... Virodhin, 28 ... 1800 ... fávars,
Sarvadhárin, 22
1935)
1878-79
1801 ... 1936 ... Vikriti, 24 ...... 1801 ... Bahudhanya, 12.
1935) (1938) **..
Virðdhin, 23
1936
(1936).
1879-80
1802 ... 1937 ... Khara, 25.........
1802 ... PramAthin, 13...
Vikriti, 24
1880-81 | 1803 ... 1938 ... Nandana, 26 ... 1803 ... Vikrama,
19377 1938
Khara, 25
1881-82
1804 ... 1939 ... Vijaya, 27 ...... 1804 ... Vrisha, 15 .....
19387 1939"
>.....
Nandana, 26
1939
1882-831805 ... 1940 ... Jayı, 28 ........
1805 ... Chitrabband, 16.
Vijaya, 27
11940
F19402
1883-84
1806 ... 1941 ... Manmatha, 29... 1806 ... Subhanu, 17.....
Jaya, 28
(1941)
1884-851807 .... 1942 ... Durmukha, 30.
1807 ... Tarana, 18 ......
19417
...... Manmatha, 29 (1942)***
1885-86 | 1808 .... 1943 ... Hémalamba, 31. 1808 ... Parthiva, 19......
19427 L 1943
Durmukha, 30
1919
1886-87
1809 ... 1944 ... Vilambin, 32 ... 1809 ... Vyaya, 20......
Hêmalamba, 31

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1889.
the 28th October, A.D. 1886. And in the preced- one that calls for inquiry, because the almanacs ing year, the Makara-Sarkrinti occurred on in question apparently do indicate the existence Pausha sukla 7, corresponding to the 12th Janu- of such a system, at least now; and because I find ary, A.D. 1886, for which day the samvatsara is that its existence in former times would explain specified as Durmukha, No. 30; the TulA. some dates, for which correct results, seemingly Samkrinti occurred on Åsvina sukla 7, corres. cannot otherwise be obtained. ponding to the 15th October, A.D. 1885; and
J. F. FLERT. Kårttika sukla 1 ended on the 7th November, A.D. 1885. If Durmukha, No. 30, extended
ONOMATOPEIA IN HINDUSTANI. either from the 15th October, A.D. 1885, to the Onomatopoetic expressions in Hindustâni are 14th October, A.D. 1886, or from the 7th Novem- very common: here are a few which may be of ber, A.D. 1885, to the 27th October, A.D. 1886, interest. or from the 12th January, A.D. 1886, to the 11th 1. Bilut ghur-ghurátt hai: mi-ma karte hai, January, A.D. 1887, then it, and not Hémalamba
The cat purrs : mewe. No. 31, would have to be quoted as the samvatsara 2. Bhéri mamiati hai current on the day, vis. Chaitra sukla 1, corres.
The sheep bleats, ponding to the 5th April, A.D. 1886, when the
& Gaf hunkarti hai. king was the Moon."
The cow lows. Since Hêmalamba, No. 31, was current on 4. Ghora hinhindta hai. Chaitra sukla 1 (5th April, A.D. 1886), and Dur
The horse neighs. mukha, No. 80, was current on the preceding
5. Gadhd ringta hai. Pausha sukla 7 (12th January, A.D. 1886), and
The ass braye. since between these two dates there is no occur- 6. Chaha che đi - cha karta bai, rence that could suitably be selected for the
The rat squeaks. commencement of a samvatsara, - for the reason 7. Star kdåkhta hai. that the MÔeha-Sankranti or vernal equinox did
The hog grunte. not occur till Chaitra sukla 8 (12th April, A.D. 8. Sher babar gunjta hai. 1886), - it is evident that Chaitra sukla 1 was
The lion roars. the actual commencement of H&malambs. Ac- Richh ghurdta hai. cordingly, it is plain that the samvatsaras of
The bear growls. this system, though quoted with the south
10. Kutta bhansiktd hai. ern Vikrama years, are really fitted to the
The dog barks. Baka years. And Hêmalamba, No. 31, was 11, H4th chingharta hai. therefore coincident with Saka-Sarovat 1809
The elephant trumpete. current, and extended from the 5th April, A.D. 12. Bail dakarta hai. 1886, to the 24th March, A.D. 1887; and it included
The bull bellows. the last seven lunar months, from the 5th April 13. Samp phunkártd hai. to the 27th October A.D. 1886 (Chaitra bukla 1 to
The snake hisses. Åsvina krishna 15), of southern Vikrama-Samvat 14. Mendak turm-turm karta hai. 1943 current, and the first five lunar months.
The frog croaks. from the 28th October, A.D. 1888, to the 24th 15. Gldar bhaunkta hai. March, A.D. 1887 (Karttika bukla to Phålguna
The jackal howls. krishna 15), of southern Vikrama-Samvat 1944 16. Murghad bang data ha! current; and so with the preceding samvatsaras
The cock crows. given in the Table.
17. Murghi karkardti hai. The period to whinh this system can be carried
The hen cackles back, its origin, and the reason for which ite | 18. Ulld ha-hd karta hai. samvatsaras come just one year later than by the
The owl hoots. northern luni-solar system, remain to be deter- 19. Chirid chin-chin karti hai. mined. It can hardly be connected with the diver
The sparrow chirps. gence in the Vikrama reckoning, unless a current 20. Shahad-makh bhinbhinati hai. Vikrama year was deliberately turned, in Northern
The bee hums. India, at some time or another, into an expired 21. Kavrd kedn-kan karta hai. year.
The crow caws. But of course the fact of its real existence 22. Koilé chitakhte hain. remains to be established. And I take this
The coals crackle. opportunity of bringing the matter forward, as Ambala.
J. G. DELMERICK.

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AUGUST, 1889.]
THE COINS AND HISTORY OF TORAMANA.
225
THE COINS AND HISTORY OF TORAMANA.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. W HEN I wrote my paper on the Legends on the Silver Coins of the Early Guptas and
V others connected with them, ante, Vol. XIV. page 65 ff., I had not had an opportunity of inspecting the coins of Toramana. Later in the same year, I examined the only two certain specimens of his coinage, both of them silver, which, I believe, are known to exist, and which are in the British Museum ; one of them being known as Colonel Bush's coin, and the other as Miss Baring's. And I have included some remarks on them in my Introduction to "the Gupta Inscriptions," Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. p. 11 f. I take this opportunity of considering them more fully, and of making some further observations.
Of both of these coins very good collotypes have been published in the Archæol. Suro. West. Ind. Vol. II. Plate vii., facing p. 36, Nos. 27 (Colonel Bush's coin) and 28 (Miss Bar. ing's) ; with an account of them, on p. 66, by Mr. Thomas. And they have also been photolithographed, but not so successfully, in the Archæol. Surt. Ind. Vol. IX. Plate v., Nos. 18, 19, with a notice by Gen. Sir A. Cunningham on p. 26 f. But, in the treatment of them by these two scholars, there are two points to which objection has to be taken. One is Mr. Thomas' interpretation of the date, as being “ 82, or rather 182 ; the figure for 100 is obliterated." The other is that both he and Gen. Sir A. Canningham made the legend include and commence with the epithet déva-janita, which, being interpreted as meaning " begotten by the gods," might be held to be justified by, and to be closely connected with, the titles Dévaputra and Daivaputra, “son of the gods, or of the deities ;" the former of which, - unless it is only an imperfect rendering of the latter, - is applied to Huvishka in his inscriptions of the years 39 and 47, and to Vasudeva in his inscription of the year 44 (?); and the latter of which, in connection with the names Shahi and Shabanushahi, occurs in the Allahâbâd pillar inscription of Samadragapta.
In passing, it may be noted that the same epithet déva-janita, rendered by "begotten of Déva (or, of the Devas)," is also given by Mr. V. A. Smith in his proposed restoration of the legend on certain gold coins of Kumâragupta (Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. XXI. p. 100). I have not been able to trace his authority for this, or to examine the coins in question. But it may be taken as quite certain that there also the epithet does not really occur ; and that the error is of precisely the same nature as in the case of Tôramâna's coins. And the same mistake has also been made in the case of certain silver coins of Kumaragupta, Skandagupta, Bbimasena, and fśânavarman; on which Gen. Sir A. Cunningham read the same epithet, and rendered it by "His Majesty" (Archæol. Suru. Ind. Vol. IX. pp. 24, 25, 26, 27.)
Of the two examples of Toramaņa's coinage, Colonel Bush's ooin is by far the best specimen, both in execution and in preservation. On the obverse, there is the king's head, facing to the proper right. And in front of the face there is the date 52, in numerical symbols which run right onto the edge of the coin. The symbol for 2 is below the symbol for 50. Above the latter there is ample room for part of the symbol for 100, or for any following century, if it had been included on the die; but there are not any indications of this having been the case; there are no grounds for supposing that the symbol for any century 28 stamped, but has become obliterated, or was engraved on the die, but, in the stamping, fell beyond the edge of the coin ; and I am quite sure that the date never included such & symbol. On the reverse there is the more finished representation of the peacock, very well depicted with outstretched wings and fully-expanded tail, and almost identical with the peacock on the Early Gupta silver coins of Class B., as distinguished by me from the ruder representation on the coins of Class A., ante, Vol. XIV. p. 65. And round this, in characters of the same type with those of Tôramâna's inscription on the boar at Eran, (Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. No. 36, p. 158, and Plate xxiii. A.), there is the marginal legend
Soe ante, Vol. XIV. p. 66, note 6.- I have not seen Bhimasena's coin. But there is no doubt whatever about the mistake and its origin.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1889.
Vijit-ávanir-avanipati-sri-Toramand dêrô jayati ; - "victorions is his majesty, the lord of
the earth, the glorious Toramana, who has conquered the earth." Here the legend again, as well as following the same wording, agrees with the legends on the Early Gupta coins of Class B. in respect of the point that the superscript vowels were properly engraved on the die ; but they have mostly fallen beyond the edge of the coin, or otherwise have been rubbed and obliterated ; and the i of Sri is the only one that is at all fully recognisable. The legend commences a little to the proper left above the peacock's head. And it is the last two words, dévó jayati, which were wrongly taken by Mr. Thomas and Gen. Sir A. Cunningham, to be the commencement of it, and to be the epithet déva-janita. That this was a mistake, even the collotype is really clear enough to shew.
Miss Baring's coin is exactly similar in all essential points, on both the obverse and reverse; but it was struck from another die; and it is not so good & specimen, either in erecu. tion or in preservation. Here, again, on the obverse there is the same date of 52; and again without any indication of any third symbol. And on the reverse there are parts of the same legend; but only the syllables érí-Toramand are distinctly legible.
In my previous remarks on Tôramâna's coins, referred to above, I would not then give a final opinion as to the exact value of the first symbol of the date ; " since, though probably a 50, it is possibly an 80, turned half round on the die, so as to lie vertically, instead of horizontally, in order that it might not fall chiefly beyond the edge of the coin." But I do not now entertain any doubt about the propriety of reading it as 50; as it was read by Gen. Sir A. Cunningham. The symbol for 2 stands in a perfectly normal position. In order to interpret the other symbol as 80, we must read it at right angles to the direction in which the 2 lies on the coin ; and this is an irregularity for which no analogous instance, as far as I know, can be quoted, and which is probably not in any way justifiable. The symbol is given in Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's Table, ante, Vol. VI. p. 45, cols. 6 to 9; but is shewn there only for later times, and not for the Gupta and Valabhi periods, during the latter of which, in the Valabhi 'grante, a radically different symbol was used. But its existence can be traced to a very early period; for it occurs in the Sahasram rock edict of Devânampiya of the year 256 (Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. I. p. 94 ; and ante, Vol. VI. p. 155), in which its value is explained in the passage in words. And its continued preservation and use are shewn by its employment in the Nepal inscription of Jayadeva II., of Harsha-Samvat 153 (ante, Vol. IX. p. 178), and in the DighwaDubauli grant of Mahendrapala, of Harsha-Samvat 155 (ante, Vol. XV. p. 112). It remains, therefore, accepting the value of this symbol as 50, and reading the whole date as the year). 52, to see what the application of the date may be.
From the Gwalior inscription (Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. No. 37, p. 161), we have learned (ante, Vol. XV. p. 245) that Toramana was the father of the great king Mihirakula, who accomplished the final extinction of the Early Gupta sovereignty, so far as we are concerned, with the line ending with Skandagupta, and with the supremacy of the Guptas over the whole of Northern India. As is shewn by, amongst other things, their names, both of which plainly indicate a non-Hindu origin, and by the use of the title Shahi on Mihirakula's copper coins and in a recently discovered inscription of Tôramaņa himself, - the two persons, father and son, belonged by birth either to the same foreign race to which belonged Kanishka, Huvishka, and Vasudêva, and the members of which, whether best and most properly known by the name of Indo-Scythians, Sakas, Honas, or Turushkas, had established themselves in the Paõjâb in the first century A.D.; or else to one or other of the foreign tribes which succeeded Kanishka's dynasty in the Pañjâb, and, as can be proved even from their coins, continued in power down to at least the time of Samudragupta, and the members of which adopted in several respects the characteristics and attributes of Kanishka's dynasty. As we learn from Hiuen Tsiang, Mihirakula's capital was sakals in the Panjab, which is the modern
1 I refer to the coins on some of which & paper by Mr. Thomas, entitled "Indo-Scythian Coins with Hindi Legends," has been published in this Journal, Vol. XII. p. 6 ff.

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THE COINS AND HISTORY OF TORAMANA,
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SangalawAlâţibb, -the Sangla Hill, G. T. S., of the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 30, Lat. 31° 42' N., Long. 73° 26 E., - in the 'Jhang' District, and on the borders of Gujranwala,' about forty-four miles west by north of Lahôr. And Toramana has recently been connected with the same part of the country, through Mr. M. F. O'Dwyer's discovery, at Kara' in the Salt Range, of an inscription of the Shahi or Shaha Tôramaņa, whom I hold to be undoubtedly the Tôramana whose coins I am discussing. Mihirakula's date is now known sufficiently closely; for, as I have shewn on a previous occasion (ante, Vol. XV. p. 252), his fifteenth year, recorded in his Gwalior inscription, must fall somewhere very close to A.D. 533-34, which is the recorded date for Yasodharman, who overthrew him in Western and Central India, and we shall be very near the mark, if we select A.D. 515 for the commoncement of his career.
This fixes Toramana's date, approximately. But it is also determined, and for just the same period, by independent considerations. The Eraņ pillar inscription, dated in the reign of Badhagupta. (Oorp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. No. 19, p. 88), records the erection of the column by the Maharaja Mâtsivishou and his younger brother Dhanyavishņu, and thus shews that at that time both of these persons were alive. On the other hand, the Eraņ boar inscription, referred to above, dated in the first year of the reign of Toramana, records that the temple, in the portico of which the boar stands, was built by the same Dhanyavishņa, after, as is distinctly stated, the decease of his elder brother, the Maharája Mâtsivishņu. These two records accordingly shew that Tôramâna came, in Eastern Malwa, after Budhagupta, and within the remnant of the generation to which the brothers Mâtsivishnu and Dhanyavishņu belonged. For Budhagupta we have the date of A.D. 484, from the pillar inscription, and from his coins (ante, Vol. XIV. p. 67 f.), the date of A.D. 494-95, and possibly a somewhat later date, corresponding to Gupta-Samvat 180 (A.D. 499-500), with or without a numeral in the units place. The next native kirg after Budhagapta, in the same part of the country, was, as far as our present information goes, Bhânugupta ; for whom we have the date of A.D. 510, from the Eray pillar inscription of Goparkja (Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. No. 20, p. 91). And further, we have the grants of the Parivrâjaka Mahárájas Hastin and Samkshobha (id. Nos. 21, 22, 23, 25, Pp. 93, 100, 106, 112), dated in A.D. 475, 482, 511, and 528; which, though they do not give the names of the paramount sovereigns, distinctly record that the dominion of the Gupta kings was then still continuing. These various records and dates, taken together, shew that in the period there was an interruption of the Gupta sovereignty by foreign invaders, led by Tôl amâna and Mihirakula. But they shew also that, in Malwa at least, this interruption did not last for any great time, and that the first year of Toramapa, mentioned in the Eray boar inscription. must fall either between A.D. 494 and 510, or between A.D. 510 and about 515, when he may be supposed to have died and to have been succeeded by Mihirakula. Under any circumstances, taking even the latest date of A.D. 533-34, when Mihirakula in his turn had been overthrown by Yaáôdharman, the whole period of the tenancy of Malwa by these foreign invaders did not amount to more than forty years. And, accordingly, the year 52 on Tôramâna's coins cannot have a local application, and cannot be reckoned from his conquest of Malwa.
Others of the records throw still more light on the history of the period. The Mandasôr inscription of MAlava-Samvat 529 expired (Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. No. 18, p. 79) shews that Kumâragupta's rule included Western Malwa in A.D. 436; but that, between then and A.D. 473, that part of the country passed under the power of other kings, and the Early Gupta sway thero ceased, at least temporarily. Other specific references to a serious interruption of the Early Gupta sovereignty at that time, and to the enemies by whom it was effected, are to be found in the Bhitari pillar inscription (id. No. 13, p. 52) of Kumaragupta's
Notified in the Academy, 19th January, 1889, p. 39. I have seen an impression of this inscription, through the kindness of Dr. Bühler, who has it in hand for publication elsewhere. It is dated; but unfortunately the passage is much damaged, and, as an estampage may make the passage somewhat clearer herenfter, it is useless to speculate on the possible readings of the date here, and I will only point out that, if it is dated in an era, that era mast of necessity be the saka ora, though probably not mentioned by that name. For present purposes, it is sufficient to state that, on palmographical grounds, the inscription may undoubtedly be referred to the time of Toramana, the father of Mihirakula.

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son and successor Skandagupta, who "conquered the Push gamitras," and "joined in close conflict with the Hūņas," and, after his father's death, established again the ruined fortunes of his family." It seems likely that the Pashyamitras are to be placed in Central India, somewhere in the country along the banks of the Narmada ;* and possibly it was by them that Kumâragupta's power in Malwa wus overthrown. But the Hûņas belonged to the extreme north-west of India, and, however far they may have been successful in isolated attacks on the northern frontier of the Gupta kingdom, they had not then broken through the Gupta territory and invaded the more southern parts of it. In the first place, the Junagadh rock inscription of Skandagupta (id. No. 14, p. 56), and his Kahâum pillar inscription (id. No. 15, p. 65), shew that, during the period A.D. 455 to 466, he held the supremacy right across the lower part of Northern India, from Kathiawad to the confines of Nepal. And in the second place, the Valabhi records shew pretty closely the period when the passage of the Hûnas to the south did take place. From them we learn (e.g., id. No. 38, p. 167) that the Sénápati Bhatarka, the founder of the Valabhî family, “was possessed of glory acquired in a hundred battles fought with the large armies, possessed of unequalled strength, of the Maitrakas, who had by force bowed down their enemies ; " i.e. that he fought successfully, in Kathiawad or on its frontier, against the Maitrakas, i.e. the Mihiras, i.e. the particular family or clan, among the Hûņas, to which Tôramâņa and Mihirakula belonged. For Bhatarka's third son, the Mahárája Dhruvasens I., we have the date of A.D. 526 (Gupta-Valabhi-Samvat 207, the month Karttika; ante, Vol. V. p. 206), - the earliest recorded date of the family. Between them there intervened the two elder brothers of Dhruvasêna I., the Sénápati Dharasêna I., and the Maharaja Drôņasimha. And Bhatarka is thus to be placed, roughly, in the period A.D. 490 to 500 ; just synchronously with the latest date for Budhagupta in Málwa. As we have seen, just after Badhagupta we find Tôramaņa established as king of Eastern Mâlwa. And the reference to the Maitrakas in connection with Bhatarka, who evidently prevented an invasion of Kathiawad by them, shews precisely the period when his troops were marching to the south.. Skandagupta, the last of the direct line of the Early Gupta kings, had commenced to reign in or about A.D. 450; and doubtless it was his death that enabled the Huņas, who had already proved troublesome enemies enough, to assume an aggressive attitude again, under Tôramaņa ; and on this occasion with such success as to penetrate even to Central India, and to hold good their position there, till Mihirakula was overthrown by Yasôdharman in the west and by Baliditya in the direction of Magadha.
We have seen that the date 52, on Toramana's coins, can have no local application, reckoning from his conquest of Malwa. Nor can it be reckoned from the Gupta epoch; for its equivalent would then be A.D. 371-72, almost a century and a quarter too early. Even if, for the sake of argument, we admit that the system of “omitted hundreds " was used anywhere in India before the invention and application of the Lokakála reckoning in considerably later times, and so, while reading the date as 52, we jaterpret it as 152, and refer it to the Gupta epoch with the result of A.D. 471-72, it would still be twenty-five years too soon; to say nothing of the improbability of Tôra mâna consenting to use the Gupta era. Thus, no explanation of the date can be found by any of these applications of it. Further, the omission of the name of Tôramaņa's father in the Erag boar inscription, contrasted with the fact that his own Dame, as that of the father of Mihirakula, is given in the GwAlior inscription dated in Mihirakula's reign, indicates plainly, if interpreted on the analogy of other epigraphical records drafted by Hindus, that Tôramâna was the first of his tribe or clan to establish himself in Malwa. And in this connection, a comparison of the details of the two Eraņ records with which we are concerned, is instructive. The pillar inscription opens with a verse in praise of Vishņa as the four-armed god. Then follows the date, — " in a century of years, increased by sixty-five; and while Budhagupta (is) king; on the twelfth lunar day of the bright fortnight of the month Ashadba : on the day of Suraguru ; (or in figures) the year 100 (and) 60 (and) 5; and while
• Soo tho Vishnu.Purana, Translation, Vol. IV. p. 215, noto.

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=
Sura michandra is governing, with the qualities of a regent of one of the quarters of the world, (the country that lies) between the rivers) Kalindi and Narmada, (and) is onjoying in the world the glory of (being) a Maharaja." And so far, with the exception of the words saxit 100 60 5, the record is in verse, with an irregularity in the first pada of each of the first two stanzas. Then, in prose, commencing with the words “on this (lunar) day, (specified) as above by the year and month and day," there comes the description of the brothers Mâtsivishnu and Dhanyavishnu, with their ancestry for three generations; and the statement that they conjointly set up the column, as a flag-staff of the god Janârdana. And the record ends with the benediction, -"let prosperity attend all the subjects, headed by the cows and the Brahmaņa!" The boar inscription opens with a verse in praise of Vishņu in the form of the Boar. Then follows the date, -"in the first year; while the Vahárájádhirája, the glorious Tôramâna, of great fame (and) of great lustre, is governing the earth ; on the tenth day of the month) Phálgana ; on this (lunar day), specified) as above by the regnal year and month and day, (and) invested as above with its own characteristics." And, in a very similar fashion to the irregularity in the metre in the opening verses of the pillar inscription, the first half of the passage containing the date, lying between two verses in the Arya metre, commences in the same metre, and was evidently intended to be completed as a verse; but it winds up in prose, probably because the composer found it difficult to adapt the paramount title, mahárájádhirúga, to the metre. The rest of the record is in prose; and except for the differences due to the necessity of here describing Mâtsivishņu as deceased, and to the fact that the object of this record was & stone temple of the god Nårâyaņa (Vishnu) in the form of the Boar, it is word for word identical with the corresponding portion of the pillar inscription. And it ends with the same benediction, — " let prosperity attend all the subjects, headed by the cows and the Brâhmans !" The analogous shortcomings in the metrical portions, suggest that the two records were composed by one and the same person, - a man not quite perfect in the art of versification. But at least it is plain that all the formal part of each was taken from the same standard draft. And from either point of view, the contrast between the manner in which the year of the Gupta era, and no regnal year, is used in the pillar insoription, and the manner in which the boar inscription is dated, not in any year of an era, but only in the first regnal year (rajya-varsha), shewa emphatically that this latter record was composed and engraved during the very first year of Tôramâna's possession of that part of the country.
But, ooming down, as Toramana did, from the extreme north-west corner of India, it is impossible that he could establish himself, as the first of a new, hostile, and foreign dynasty, in the most southern part of the Gupta territory, in absolutely the first year of his reign. Such a journey and such a conquest can only have been the work of much time, facilitated by power socumulated during several years of sovereignty elsewhere. And such Bovereignty elsewhere, in his own part of the country, is proved partly by the use, on his coing, of the year 52, which, as we have now seen, cannot possibly denote the duration of his reign in Málwa, and must be reckoned from some initial year considerably anterior to the date of his appearing in that part of the country; and partly, and even still more plainly, by the
Kara' ingoription referred to above. In that record, indeed, he has the title of Maharaja; which, interpreted in accordance with the purely Hindu custom of the period, would indicate only feudatory rank. But before it there stands another title, now partly effaced, which was either Rdjdtirdja or Rájddhiraja. And the two together are precisely the two titles which the IndoScythians, differing from the Hindu custom, and in spite of the fact that many of their records must have been drafted by Hindus, used to indicate paramount sovereignty.
It is plain, therefore, that Toramana did exercise sovereign sway in the Panjab; at the beginning of his career, and before he commenced the campaign in the course of which he eventually reached Malwa, If, now, we interpret the year on his coins as a regnal year, it
I hope to write ere long = fall note on Hindu and Indo-Soy thian Titles of Paramount Sovereignty. Meanwhile see some remarks, in connection with the title Mahdrája, in Corp. Inser. Indio. Vol. III. D. 15. cote 4.

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certainly indicates a long reign. But analogous instances could be quoted for this; and no special exception need be taken to it. And this interpretation of the date is at any rate better than the assumption that it is reckoned from some period, anterior to Tôramâna's accession, at which his own branch of the H&ņas first rose to power; for that would mean that, not satisfied with the Saka era, which was the hereditary and national era of that part of the country, and probably of his own ancestors also, he sought to establish a new era, dating from that event. This, accordingly, is the interpretation that I place upon the date. And, reckoning back from A.D. 515, which is very closely the latest terminal date that can be applied, it follows that the commencement of his reign, at his own capital in the Panjab, is to be placed approximately in A.D. 460.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 181.-MULTAI COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF NANDARAJA.-SAKA-SAMVAT 631. This inscription was first brought to notice and published, with a lithograph, by Mr. James Prinsep, in 1837, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. VI. p. 869 ff., and Plate xliv., from the original plates, which were sent in to him by Mr. Mannaton Ommanney, C.S., who had them from Kamal Bharti, a Gosain, resident at Multa1, the chief town of the Multat Tahsil or SubDivision of the Batala District, Central Provinces. Owing to certain inaccuracies in the passage containing the date, Mr. Prinsep was not able to determine the exact period of this record; but had to leave this point uncertain," wavering between 630 and 830” of the Saka era. This question has remained unsettled up to the present time. And, in fact, owing to the omission of a syllable in the published lithograph, it could not well be finally decided without a re-examination of the original. I am, therefore, glad to be able now to re-edit this inscription from the original plates, which were recently re-discovered, and have been sent to me, by Colonel J. A. Temple, Deputy Commissioner, who obtained them from Suphal Bhårti. From Colonel Temple's memorandum it appears that this line of Gôsains, the members of which are celibate, and the succession in which passes from teacher to disciple, inhabit & matha or religious college on the banks of a small tank at Maltai, in which there are the springs that are considered to be the source of the Tapi or Tapti. The tradition is that the first settlement here was made in the middle of the eleventh century A.D., by one Tậpi Bhârti, who threw up an earthen dam, enclosing the springs in question, and built the present matha. By the records of the matha, Suphal Bharti, who is the immediate successor of Kamal Bhårt and the present representative of the line of Gosains, is the tenth in succession after Tapi Bhartf; and he holds, rent-free, the village of Khada-Amla. The matha claims to have possessed, under the Gônd dynasty and the Marathås, also the villages of Barchhi, Bhawari, Datörå, Dhérni, Jamwada, Jarwadi, Pisaca, Rajgaum, and Tawlt, which were resamed by the Government in or about 1815, when Kamal Bhårti and a number of other Gosains refused to accept the introduction of the British rule, and attacked the British forces. And the present grant is supposed to be the titledeed of Khada-Amla and the other nine villages ; and it came to notice through being produced before Mr. Ommanney in the course of an inquiry into rent-free tenures. It does not, however, contain any name answering to any of the above. And Mr. Ommanney, who read the names, except that of Arjunagrama, with sufficient correctness for the purpose, reported that neither have the villages mentioned any resemblance in name to any in the Multat District, nor could he discover any at all like them at Hôshangabad or Jabalpur. It is, therefore, not even certain that the grant really belongs to the locality in which the holders of it have resided for so long
'
1 The Mooltai, Mooltye, Multaye, Multai, and Multái,' of maps, &o. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 78. Lat. 21° 46 N.; Long. 78° 18 E.
- The Baitool, Baitul, and Betúl,' of mapa, &o.

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MULTAI GRANT OF NANDARAJA.
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a time. All that can be said on this point is, that the characters shew that it belongs to some part of Central India or of the Central Provinces.
The plates, of which the first is engraved on one side only, but the last on both sides, are three in number, each measuring about 7H' by 31". The edges of them were fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surfaces, with small depressions running round inside the rims thus formed. The writing on the first and third plates is in a state of almost perfect preservation. That on the second plate, on both sides, has suffered a good deal from corrosion; but the only word that is at all doubtful, is kétuh, in line 10; all the rest can be read on the original plate without any uncertainty. - The ring on which the plates were strang, and the holes for which are in the lower part of the first plate and the upper part of the other two, is about " thick, and is oval in shape, measuring about 2)" by 2". It had been cut when the grant came into my hands; and it probably was thus cut for the purposes of the lithograph issued with Mr. Prinsep's paper. The seal on it is not a separate arrangement, attached to the ring by, soldering, or by socketing the ends of the ring in it; but is part of the ring itself, the copper wire having been here beaten out into a surface, following the curve of the ring, about thick, and roughly oval in shape, measuring about 1t' by 21. In the apper part of the seal there is engraved in outline a figure which undoubtedly seems to be meant for Garuda, depicted with a man's legs, extended as if running, with expanded wings, and with the head and beak of a bird, facing to the proper right; and below this there is the legend éri-Yuddhárural, which quotes what is given in line 14-15 of the record itself as a second name or biruda of Nandarája. - The weight of the three plates is 2 lbs. 9 oz., and of the ring and seal, 3 oz.; total, 2 lbs. 13 oz. - The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets; and are of the transitional type from which the northern Någari was shortly afterwards developed. The following palæographical points call for notice. (1) In the já of játas, line 8, and in the jíd of ajfidna, line 24, the d is an upward stroke attached to the middle of the j; and it is written in the same way, as a component of 6, in tejo, line 4; but in rájó, line 3, the same component of 6 is formed by a downward stroke attached to the top of the j. (2) In the bhi of rajabhis, line 27, the form of the vowel differs entirely from that which is used throughout the rest of the inscription; compare, for instance, hétubhik, line 3. Owing to a fault in the copper, it is formed in rather a slanting and cramped manner; but it is evidently intended for the older circular superscript i. The consonant itself is not very well formed here; but it is evidently the bh that is used throughout the rest of the record. (3) In the pů of parové na, line 20, and púruvan, line 22, the differs entirely from that which is used throughout the rest of the record, and which is very clearly illustrated in bhúmis. line 27. (4) In the ké of ketuh, line 10, and in the de of anumódéta, line 25, the é, unless it is omitted altogether, is formed quite exceptionally, by being attached, according to the older method, to the top of the consonant, instead of being superscript, as, for instance, in ánvaye, line 2. (5) In the yd of pipparikaya, line 20, the y has a totally different form from that which is used throughout the rest of the record. It is not altogether well shaped ; but it is evidently intended for the well-known older y. For an analogous difference in Central India, in respect of the same letter, see Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III, No. 23, p. 106; where, however, the exceptional form is the later one, which in the present record is the standard form. And (6) the á used in saka, line 29, is perceptibly of a squarer and more antique shape than that need otherwise throughout, for a clear instance of which see yasasi, line 1. The average size of the letters is about ". The engraving is good and fairly deep; but, the plates being thick and substantial, the letters do not show through at all, even on the reverse side of the first plate. The engraver's work was done steadily and smoothly; and it is only in the interiors of a few of the letters that any marks of the working of the tool can be detected. -The language is Sanskrit. Except for the opening words, Om and Svasti, and for some words in lines 5-6 which will be the subject of communt further on, the first twelve lines of the record are in verse. And two of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses are quoted in lines 26 to 29.-In
The epithet paramabhagavata, which is applied to Nandar hja-YuddhAura in line 14 of the record iteoll, indiontos that he was a Vaishnava.

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respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the use of the guttural nasal, instead of the anusvára, in vansyair, line 22 ; (2) the use of v for 3 in orahmanya, line 14; though the proper sign for b itself is used in bahu, line 9, and in bahubhir, line 26, and probably also in samanubódhayati, line 16, where, however, the letter is much damaged; (3) the doubling of m before y, in rammye, lino 2; and (4) the doubling of t before r, in mátápittror, line 17, and in sagottraya, line 18; though not in mitra in the same line, and in other words.
The inscription is one of a Rashtrakața chieftain named Nandardja, and otherwise called Yuddhasura, whose subordinate feudatory rank is indicated by the absence of any of the paramount or even ordinary regal titles in the description of him and his ancestors, and by the fact that his official, under whose direction the charter was written, was only a Sándhiviprahika, - not a Mahásáindhivigrahika. It is non-sectarian ; the object of it being only to record the grant, to a Brahman, of the village of Jala kuhe, bounded on the east, south, west, and north, by the villages of Kiņihivatpara, Pipparika, Jaluks, and Arjunagrama, respectively. These places have not yet been identified; and the record itself does not give any indication as to the neighbourhood in which they should be found. For such cases as the present we much require, for other parts of India, similar lists to that of the very useful Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle, which was issued in 1879 under the superintendence of Mr. H. E. M. James, Bo.C.S., and which gives the name of every town and village the postal arrangements of which are under the Government of Bombay.
As regards the date of this record, from line 21-22 we learn that the grant was made on the fall-moon day of the month Karttika. And in line 29 f. we have, for the writing of the charter, Saka-Samvat 631, expressed in words, and not specified either as current or as expired. The period of the grant is thus A.D. 708-709, or 709-710, according as the given year is applied as current or as expired. But there are no details that can be tested by caloulation. Mr. Prinsep's difficulty in respect of the date arose from his failing to recognise, in line 30, that shatchhv is a mistake for shatso, which stands for shatsu in combination by sandhi with a word, éka, commencing with a vowel; and that what we have after shatchkv-é is evidently the upper part of a ka, which plainly at first was omitted altogether, and then was not properly inserted, because the ring-hole left hardly room enough to form the whole letter conveniently. In his text, which was primarily based on Mr. Ommanney's decipherment, with amendments by his own Pandit, he gave the reading Saka-kdla-samvatsaré satéshu shatkéna(1) trini-Sttaráshu. And he repeated this in his introductory remarks; adding the words "the obvious meaning of this is six handred and thirty besides." But, as giving rather his own interpretation, he proceeded to write" after the word satdshu, hundreds,' in the plural number, two unknown characters “ follow, which may be very probably numerals. The second has much resemblance to the "modern 8, but the first is unknown and of a complex form : its central part reminds us of the "equally enigmatical numeral in one of the Bhêlsâ inscriptions. It may, perhaps, designate in "cipher the word ankd, in numerals,' thus purporting in the year of Saka, hundreds, numeri"cally 8, and thirty over.' A fertile imagination might again convert the cipher into the word " ashtaké, eight,' afterwards expressed in figures; but I must leave this curious point for “ future elucidation, wavering between 630 and 830 for the date of the document." As I have indicated above, the difficulty in the way of settling this date before now, has been due to the fact that for some reason or other the shu of satéshu was omitted in the lithograph, which appears to be chiefly based on a hand-drawing by Mr. Ommanney. There is in reality no puzzle at all in the correot reading of the date, which was, in fact, quite evident on my examination of a drawing of the second side of the third plate, which was sent to me as a sample from which to decide whether the original plates were worth transmitting. The passage containing the date includes no numerals, and it simply means " in six centuries of years, increased by the thirty-first year, of the Saka era."
A really ourious point in this inscription is the irregular way in which a short prose passage is introduced in line 5-6. The words tasy-átmaván átmajah, at the end of line 6, are the last seven syllables of a line in the Sárdûlavikridita metre; whereas, the immediately

Page #249

AUGUST, 1889.7
MULTAI GRANT OF NANDARAJA.
233
preceding passage, which is the direct context of them, commencing with tasya sinur in line 5, is in prose. To the words tasy-atmaván átmajah Mr. Prinsep attached the note - "the " metre requires here an addition of 12 syllables to the 9" (properly, seven) " found in the "text, to complete the Sardûlavikridita verse; these Kamalâkânta would supply thus, - dhir. "ananda-sudhakarasya jagatán, the moon of the happiness of the wise.' ” But what we have here is the end of the second line of a stanza, which terminates with the word sarvvatah in line 8; and we require not twelve, but thirty-one syllables, to complete the stanza. This, of course, is on the assumption that the words tasyratnaván átmajah are really intended to be metrical ; and that they are really part of the sentence that runs on in metre in line 7. As regards the latter point, of course it is possible that an entire plate, with two sides of writing, and containing any number of names between that of Govindaraja who is mentioned in line 6 and that of Svåmikaraja who is mentioned in line 7, may have been lost. As, however, Mr. Prinsep spoke of "three copper-plates connected by a ring and seal in the usual manner," I think we may infer that, when the grant reached his hands, or at any rate when it was discovered by Mr. Ommanney, the ring was still uncut, and that no part of the record is missing. And as regards the first point, unless the words in question were distinctly intended to be metrical, there is no reason for the introduction of the epithet atmaván, 'self-possessed,' which means nothing of any particular importance, and is useful only for the purposes of the metre; also, from vistirnné, line 1, to yô=rthinúm, line 12, the whole text, with the exception of the short passage now being discussed, is in verse, and in one and the same metre, Sardûlavikridita. I take it, therefore, that the words tasy=ktmaván átmajah were certainly intended to be metrical ; that nothing is lost here, and that the continuation of the same sentence follows in line 7. The beginning of the stanza can be made in a very simple manner, by altering tasya súnur ásit, in line 5, into tasmát súnur abhút. Bat it is more difficult to adapt the following eighteen syllables to the metre; especially as they have to be expanded into twenty-five. And the real intended reading here, and the manner in which the present text was arrived at, must remain a puzzle, until we obtain some other record, following the same original draft, and written out correctly. Only this much seems clear ; that, in view of the use of arjjita instead of the more customary upárjjita, the words sáhas-árjjita-yasdh appear to be part of the original draft.
Accepting the direct continuation of lines 6 and 7, this inscription gives us the following names in the Rashtrakata lineage ; Dargaraja ; his son, Govindaraja ; his son, Svåmikarāja ; and his son, Nandaraja, otherwise called Yuddhasura. In what relation these persons stand to the well-known Råshțrakūtas of Malkhêd in the Dekkan and of Gujarat, there are at present no means of determining. There are also other early Rashtrakatas, in respect of whom the same remark has to be made. One of them is the Krishộaraja, whose coins have been obtained from Deolânâ in the Båglån Taloka, Nasik District, and who is to be referred to about the commencement of the fifth century A. D. And others are Månanka; his son, Devaraja ; his son, Bhavishya; ard his son, Abhimanyu ; whose names occur in the grant published by Dr. Bhag. wanlal Indraji in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 89 ff., and allotted by him, on palæographical grounds to about the fifth centary A. D., though I would place it much nearer to the period of the present record. According to that grant, Abhimanyu's residence was Manapura ; which Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji was inclined to identify with the well-known Rashtrakūta city of Manyakheta, i. e. Málkhed. But in my opinion the interchange of manya and mána, and still more the substitution of pura, a town,' for khéta, & small town,' " for the purpose of indicating or magnifying the importance of the place," are not justifiable. I consider that we must certainly, look for Manapura in some place that still bears that name ; and that it may very possibly be found in the modern Manpurs in Malwa, the chief town of the
• See ante, Vol. XIV. p. 68.
6 Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 36. Lat. 29° 26' N.; Long. 75° 41' E. - I should state, however, that in the neigh bourhood of this Manpur I cannot find in the map any place-names answering to the Petha pangaraka and Updiks Atika which are mentioned in the grant, and which should be useful in Axing ita locality. The grant oame to

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234
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Mânpur Parganâ under the Bhôpâwar Agency in Central India, about twelve miles south-west of Mhow. The preceding names all belong to a time anterior, or nearly so, to that of the first of the Rashtrakutas of Mâlkhêd. In a considerably later period, we have the name of the Rashtrakata Mahásámantádhipati Golhaṇadêva, a feudatory of the Kalachuri king Gayakarna, mentioned in an inscription on the pedestal of a Jain image at Bahuriband' in the Jabalpur Distriot, Central Provinces, which belongs to about the first quarter of the twelfth century A. D. And, from the syllables ári-ráshtra, which are extant in line 5, it seems likely that there was an intermediate notice of the Rashtrakuta family in the same part of the country, to be referred to the eighth or ninth century A. D., in one of the inscriptions of Sivagupta, the son of Harshagupta, at Sirpur in the Raypur District, Central Provinces.7
TEXT.8
First Plate.
1 Om Svasti [*] 2 shtrakut-anvayê 3 rajo 4 sêsh-ôdayai[b] yên-â(8)chchaih-padavim 5 bhasitam [*]
nṛipal
Tasya13 ári-Govindarajaḥ
6 ta-yaśaḥ
Vistirnné10 sthiti-pâlan-âpta-yasasi rammyê kshiranidhav-iv-êndur-abhavat-śrill-Durgga
lôk-âhlâdana-hêtubhiḥ
7 érimâm(n) 8v[*]mikaraja ity-anupamô 8 gråmåd-anivarttino
9 8-tasya
Second Plate; First Side.
anglyst
10 tta(nta)ḥ 11 dhaur[*]yo
12 vaidagdh-ddhata-chêtasimadhipati
19 chaloturvvêda-putraya 20 na Pipparikaya
pravitatais-tejô-vivigâhya vidhivat paksha-dvayam sûnur-âsid-anêka-samara-sâ has-ârjji
tasy-âtmaván-itmajaḥ
vijayinaḥ
bahu-mataḥ sutaḥ sata[m] kar[a]pikal kalanka-rahitaḥ
[AUGUST, 1889.
yasy=ôrjjitam
paurusham samJatasarvvatab [*] éri-Namnda rajaḥ kâkêtuḥ14 karalô dvishâm mâninâm
kriti
yberthind[h] [*]
rana-sahas-âhita-dhiyam-agrêsarô
éri-Ra
kalpa-drumô
Second Plate; Second Side.
13 Yas-cha
sa[m]sraya-visêsha-lôbhâd-iva
14 rais-cha gupair-upêtah parama-vra (bra)hmanya[b] parama-bhagavataḥ śri-Yu15 ddhasura-paranâmâ
88
sarvvân-ova
16 ti-grimabhögik-ad[a]
samanubôdhayati [1] yath-Asmabhiḥ måtåpittror-itmanas-cha 18 vri[d]dhayê Kautsa-sagôttraya Mitra-chatarvvêda-pautraya Rakta1prabha-cha
17 bhavata[m]
sakalair-Abhigamikair=ita
raja-samanta-vishayapaViditamastu
pany-abhi
Third Plate; First Side.
Sriprabha-chaturvvêdâya Jalukaya[*]
Kinihivattarat-paschimêArjunagrama
at[t*]arêņa
purvvêņa
light through being in Dr. Bhau Daji's collection; but no information seems to be forthcoming as to the place where he obtained it. I notice that, within the limits of the Bombay Presidency, there are two places named Manpur in the GaikwAr's Dominions; one in the Banada or Virada State; one in Khandesh; three in the Radhanpur State; and two in the Mahi-Kantha. But I have not had the opportunity of searching the maps for the neighbourhood of these places.
Tid. Vol. XVII. Plate xix. C., line 5. Represented by a symbol.
Archeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 40.
From the original plates.
10 Metre, Sardalavikridita; and in the following two verses.
11 Read abhavach-chhrt. 13 As regards the occurrence of these words in prose, see the introductory remarks. 18 Read nanda.
14 Prinsep read here kalah, "a dreadful avenger on his enemies." But that is certainly not the reading of the original. The first syllable is either be or ka. And in the second syllable there seems to be undoubtedly a t; and below it there is a mark which may well be the sign for the subscript u, rather damaged. Of the visarga, the lower part is damaged.
15 I think rakta is what was intended here. The two syllables might possibly be read raja. But they certainly are not rana, for rana, as taken by Prinsep.
16 This second cha is unnecessary. The preceding cha, however, at the end of line 18, stands in the margin, as if it was inserted on a revision of the document.

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Multai Plates of Nandaraja.-Saka-Samvat 631.
म FUNNYUKRANTI कुल ११ ४ सय टन । है (8A'हर, किरा बसपटापटी व शराबी ||MA5 सी. ए. भारत का
•
डाटा मताना
ACTETTINENTREAM
4: पालकाशा
F.FLEET..o.c...
W. GRIGOS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE .76

Page #252

iib
जमा करता सोदता ।
.PATRAPासा SAMR
या पल
...
..
.:
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iii a
Ve
TET/55 TAKाडामा EMY-
"
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.
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iiib
सरा रिसावर
23 रात सहा
| राह त
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,
53 साडी करने का है | MAI (
५६08 र ईतिहास 75

Page #253

AUGUST, 1889.)
MULTAI GRANT OF NANDARAJA.
235
21 d=[d*Jakshiņāņa ebhir-aghatanail,17 Jalaukuhel-nama-grama[h*) Karttika22 paurnnamasyam udaka-pârv vam pratipaditah [*] Yatô=smad-vansyair-anyai. 23 rævv=agami-npipatibhir=asmad-dayô-numantavyah
pratipalayita24 vyaś=cha [1*] yo vrajñâna=timira-patal-avsita-matih achchhindyâd=achchhidya25 mẫnam vsânumâ(mô a ta sao pañchabhil=mahapatakais=sayuktas=syadeiti [*]
Third Plate; Second Side. 26 Uktam cha bhagavatâ vêda-vyåsena Vyásê na [*] Bahubhir20-v vasudha bhukta 27 râjabhis-Sagar-adibhih yasya yasya yada bhůmistasya tasya 28 tad phalam | Shashtim varsha-sahasr[^*]i svarggé tishthati bhQmi-da[h*] 29 achchhêttach-anumanta chcha(cha) tânyreva narak8 vasêt | Saka-kala30 samvatsara-watoshu s hatchhv21-eka-tri[r]8-Ottar shu likhitam=idam 31 bisana[m] sûndhivigrahika-Naula-likhitam 11
TRANSLATION Om ! Hail ! In the widely spread (and) pleasing glorious Rashtrakața lineage, which has acquired reputation by the preservation of stability, there was a king, the illustrious Durgaraja, by whom, having attained a high position, the two parties (of his friends and his foes) were properly illumined with the widely expanded rising of the excess of (his) glory, which caused the happiness of his people ; just as in the broad (and) charming ocean of milk there was produced the moon, by which, when it has reached the track of the zenith, the two fortnights are irradiated with the wide-reaching rising of the excess of (ils) lustre, which causes the happiness of mankind.
(Line 5.). - His son was the illustrious Govindaraja, who acquired fame by (his) daring in many battles; (and) his self-possessed son (was) that unrivalled one, known as the illustrious Svamikaraja, who never turned back from war (and) who was always) victorious, and whose great manliness is celebrated everywhere in song,
(L. 8.). - Of him there was born a son, the illustrious Nandaraja, highly esteemed by good people, accomplished, handsome, compassionate, free from faults (and thus resembling the moon, free from spots), (but) a very comet boding evil to (his) enemies, fit to be yoked in the front rank) of those whose thoughts are devoted to daring in war, foremost among the haughty, the leader of those whose minds excel in intelligence, (and) & very kalpa-tree to supplicants.
(L. 13.). - And he, - to whom, as if from a strong desire for the choicest of all restingplaces, resort has been made by all the virtuous qualities of an inviting kind, 22 and others also ; who is most kind to Brahmans ; who is a most devout worshipper of the Divine One (Vishạn); (and) who has the other name of the illustrious Yuddhasura, - informs all the Rajas, Sámantas, Vishayapatis, Grániabhôgikas, and others :
(L. 16.) - "Be it known to you that by Us, for the increase of the religious merit of (Our) parents and of Ourself, to Sriprabhachaturveda of the Kautsa götra, the son's son òf Mitrachaturvéda (and) the son of Raktaprabhachaturvôda, on the full-moon day of the month) Karttika, with libations of water there is given the village named JalaAkuhe, [thus specified) by (its) boundaries; (vis.) to the west of the village of) Kinihivattara, to the north of the village of) Pipparika, to the east of the village of) Jaluka, (and) to the south of the village of Arjunagrama.
(L. 22.). — “Wherefore, this) Our gift should be assented to, and should be preserved, by future kings, whether of Our lineage, or others. And whosoever, having a mind covered over by
17 upalakshitah, vifuddhal, or some similar word, has to be supplied here. 18 The third syllable here is rather doubtful; but on the whole I think that was intended. 19 We have here rather an anomalous cheracter, between the single and the double 8. 40 Metre, Blóka (Anushţubh); and in the following verse. n Read shav; and for the following syllable see the introductory remarks. n abhigamika gund; see Corp. Inscr. Indic. Vol. III. p. 169, note 2.

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236
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1889.
the dense darkness of ignorance, may confiscate (this grant) or assent to its confiscation, he shall become invested with the guilt of the five great sins."
(L. 26.). - And it has been said by the venerable Vyâsa, the arranger of the Vedas :- The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; whosoever at any time possesses the earth, to him belongs, at that time, the reward (of this grant that is now made, if he continue it)! The giver of land abides in heaven for sixty-thousand years; (but) the confiscator (of a grant), and he who assents (to an act of confiscation), shall dwell for the same number of years in hell !
(L. 29.). - This charter, written by the Sárdhivigrahika Ndula, has been written in six centuries of years, increased by the thirty-first (year), of the Saka era.
CHANDELLA INSCRIPTIONS.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. I odit these inscriptions from rubbings which were received from General Sir A. Cunningham and supplied to me by Mr. Fleet.
A. - Dudahi Stone Inscriptions of Dovalabdhi,
& grandson of Yasovarman. These six short inscriptions are in a temple of the village of 'Dudahi' or Doodhai,' in the Lalitpur District of the North-West Provinces, Indian Atlas, quarter-sheet No. 70 N. W., Long. 78° 27' E., Lat. 24° 25' N.; and an account of them, accompanied by photozincographs of five of them, was given by Sir A. Cunningbam, in Archæol, Survey of India, Vol. X. pp. 94-95, and Plate xxxii., 1-2, and 4-6.
The inscription &. contains eleven lines, which cover a space of 3" broad by 10" high, b., ten lines, which cover 3" broad by 8} high ; c., five lines, which cover 6%" broad by 4% high; d., three lines, which cover 6%" broad by 3'' high; e, consists of a single line, 6 long; and f. also consists of a single line, 4 long. The average size of the letters of 8, and b, is " to *; of c., d., and e., " to "'; and of f., one inch. The characters of all are Nagari, of about the 11th century A.D.; their language is Sanskrit, and all are in prose. As regards orthography, the consonant b of the name Dévalabdhi is throughout denoted by the sign for v.
The inscription f. contains only the name - 'the illustrious Dévalabdhi ;' and a. to o. record that this personage erected the temple (kirtana), at which the inscriptions are. In d., D&valabdhi is described as belonging to the Chandrella family, and as the son of the illustrious Krishnaps and the lady Åsarva ;' and &, to c. besides state that he was the grandson of the Mahúrájádhiraja Yasovarman. This Yasovarmap undoubtedly is the Chandella (or Chandratrêya) king Yaśôvarman, of whom we have a long inscription, of the Vikrama year 1011, at Khajurih 0,and who is mentioned as the immediate predecessor of Dhangadēva, in Dhanga's copper-plate grant of the Vikrama year 1055, published by me, ante, Vol. XVI., p. 202; and our inscriptions, though not dated, may therefore be referred with certainty to about the first half of the 11th century A.D.
The main interest of these inscriptions will probably be considered to lie in this, that they furnish an older form of the name of the royal family which we are here concerned with, Chandrolle, instead of the later Chandella. This spelling, Chandrélla, is quite distinct and certain in the rubbings of b.; and the rubbings of 8., c., and d., too, clearly show that the consonant of the second akshara of this name is not simply d or nd, but has another consonant attached to it, which might possibly be read as v, if we did not know from b. that it must be r.
1 This somewhat unusual name we moet again, denoting another lady, in line 19 of the Mau inscription of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva; Epigraphia Ind., Vol. I. pp. 204, 200.
ib. Vol. I. p. 129.-Another Yaðvarman is mentioned in the Baplóvar inscription of Paramardiders of the Vikrama year 1252, as the son of Madanavarman and father of Paramardin; but his name is omitted in other Accounts of the Chandella kings. See ib., Vol. I. p. 211.

Page #255

August, 1889.)
CHANDELLA INSCRIPTIONS.
237
The word Chandrélla I take to be a derivative, by means of the Prakrit suffix illa, from chandra, the moon,' forted like Bhailla from bhás, and I suspect that the name Chandratreya for the members of the same family is really a later word, which owes its origin to a desire of having a somewhat more Sanskrit-like name.
TEXT.3
-1 Mahârâjâdhi
b. -1 Chamdrell-anvaya2 raja-sri-Yako
maharajadhi3 varmma-naptra śri
3 râja-sri-Ya804 Krishnapa-sutên&
4 varmma-napt[ri]C-sri5 mâtsi-sri-Å88
5 Kfishnapa-suta 6 rvvat-udarõdbhavêna
6 sri-Asarvva-u7 Chand[r]811-ânvayêna
7 darôd bhava-íri-Deg sri-Dava[la]vdhi(bdhi).
8. valavdhi(bdht)yam ki9 ne kirttanam=i.
9 rttanam=idan sarva10 dam sarvva[n] kåri
10 m=a[p]i It 11 tan 11 -1 Maharajadhiraja-sri-Yako
2 varmma-naptuḥ śri-Ksishnapa-suta. 3 matri-sri-Åsarvvd-udaródbhava4 Chand[r]011-Anvaya-sri-Davalavdhi(bdhi)yam
5 sarvva-kirttanam=idam il d.-1 Sri-Krishnapa-guta-mậtsi-sri-A
2 barvvd-udarodbhava-Chand[r]011-invasya]-sri
3 Di(do)valavdh (bdhe)ḥ satkam? kirttanamwidam 11 .. - Sri-Davalavdhi(bdhd)ḥ kîrttanam=idam [*] 1.- Sri-Devalavdhi(bdhiḥ) (ui*]
B. - Doogadh Rock Inscription of Kirtivarman.
The (Vikrama) year 1154. This inscription is on a rock near the river-gate of the Fort of the town of Doogadh, situated at the western end of the table-land of the Lalitpur range of hills, immediately overhanging the river Bêtwa; Indian Atlas, quarter-sheet No. 70 N.W., Long, 78° 18' E., Lat. 24° 32' N. A rough transcript of it, accompanied by a potozincograph, was given by Sir A. Canningham, in Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. X. p. 103, and Plate xxxiii., 3; and it has been re-edited, from Sir A. Cunningham's photozincograph, by Dr. Hultzsch, a te, Vol. XI. p. 311.
The inscription contains 8 lines. The writing covers a space of 2' 2" broad by 1' 11" high, and is well preserved throughout. The size of the letters is about 14". The characters are Nagari, and many of the letters are peculiar in having a sucer-shaped head formed by a curve under the straight top-line. The languag3 is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the introductory or 6 ramah Sivaya and the date at the el, the inscription is in verse. The total number of verses is seven, the first six of which are numbored with the ordinary numeral figures. As regards orthography, 6 is denoted by the sign for v in trahmándam, line 8, (but not in babhiva, lines 1 and 6, and -abdhitah, line 4); the dental sibilant is used for
. From the rubbings.
• Read kry-Asarvu-odaro, here and below. • Originally Waptrd.
• Read -naptri.. As in other inscriptions of the period, the word satka, 'belonging to,' expressen the meaning of the genitivo One or of possive suffix, and is here used redundantly.

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238
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1889.
the palatal in variisa, line 1, subhrash, line 3, and satrór, line 7; and the dental d for the lingual din -du, line 4.
The proper object of the inscription is, to record (lines 5-8) that Vatsaraja, & son of Mahidbara and chief minister of the king Kirtivarman, built a flight of steps called "the Ghat of the illustrious Vatsaraja," Lcar which the inscription must be supposed to have been engraved. Vatsaraja himself was a native of Remanipur, and it is recorded of him that he wrested the surrounding district from the enemy and made "this Fort of Kirtigiri ;" and his master Kirtivasman is described (lines 1-5) as the descendant of the prince Vijayapala, who was a son of Vidyadhara, of the Chandella family.
The inscription is dated, at the end of line 8, in figures only, on Sunday, the 2nd of the bright half of Chaitra, of the year 1154. Referring this date to the Vikrama era, the possible equivalents for Chaitra sukla 2 would be : -
for the northern year 1154 current, - Thursday, 28 February, A.D. 1096 ; for the northern year 1154 expired, or the southern year 1154 current, - Wednesday,
18 March, A.D. 1097; for the southern year 1154 expired, - Sunday, 7 March, A.D. 1098.
The actual date, therefore, is Sunday, 7 March, A.D. 1098, and the calculation shows that the year 1154, mentioned in our record, was the southern Vikrama year 1164, expired, s.e. the northern year 1156, corrent.
As regards the localities mentioned, I consider Kirtigiri-durga to be Dedgadh itself; Bamanipur I am unable to identify.
TEXT. 1 Om o namah Sivaya || Chamdollst-vamsa(sa)-kumad-éndu-viśåla-kirttih khyats
babhůva nripa-samgha-nat-amhri-padmah 2 Vidyadhars narapatih Kamali-nivåsố jitas-tató Vijayapale-nțipo .npip-&ndrah || 1 11
Tasmads-va(dha)rmma-paruh brima3 n-Kirttivarmma-nipo-bhavat | yaega kletti-sudha-su(su)bhram trailokya
saudhatâmn=agật II 2 || Agadam natana Vishņum=arirbhdtam-svåpys 4 yam Drip-abdhitah samakrishta Srir-asthairyam-amârjjayat | 3 | Raj?-Odu(da).
madhya-gata-chandra-nithasya yasya nûnam Yudhishthira-Sadasiva-Ramacha5 ndrâh êtê prasanna-[gaña)-ratnanidhan nivishţa ya t-tad-guna-prakara-ratnamaye
Guriro il 4 11 Tadiy1o-Amâtya-mantr-indró Ramanipar-vvinirga6 tali 1 Vatsarkj=8ti vikhyâtali srîmån=Mahidbar-ktmajab 11 5 11 Khyatou babhara
kila mantri-pad-aika-mâtre Váchaspatiseta7 d=iha mantra-supaurashabhyam yo-ya samastam-api mandalam=isu sa (sa) trôr
Achchhidya Kirttigiri-durggam-idam vyadhatta | 611 8 Sri12. Vatsarajaghnttorya nûnam tên=âtra kâritah i vra(bra)hmåndam=njjvalam
kirttim=Arô hayitum=âtmanah 11 [7 11°] Sanhvat 1154 Chaitra-[8]"sdi 2
Ravaul (11*] 1 On that day, tho second tithi of the bright halt ended 22 h. 18 m. After mean sunrise. It may be noted that the initial days of the expired northern Vikrama years 1153, 1154 and 1155 are given wrongly in the Book of Indian Eras. . From the rubbings. Expressed by a symbol
Metre, Vasantatilaka. • Metre, Bliks (Anushtubh); and of the next verse. • This akshara originally was tri: but it has been altered to trai. Metre, Vasantatilakt
• The consonant of the first of these two aksharas is g; but the way in which the vowel has been attached to it, gives to tho whole a partial appearance of mu. The second vertical stroke of the second akshara at the bottom meets the third vertical line, and thus gives to the an unusual shape; but the akshara is not kha. . This akshara is distinctly yo, not sta.
10 Metre, Blóka (Anushţubh). 11 Metre, Vasantatilaka.
23 Metre, Bloks (Anushțubh). 13 The consonant of this akshara is indistinot, but the vowel w is quite clear; and thus we can only read fu, not ba, 28 was read by Dr. Holtzsch. The formation of the akshara is very cramped, perhaps indicating that it WAS omitted at first and was inserted on revision, and this is why it appers us visarga in Sir A. Cunningham's photozincograph.
14 This word, navau, is quite clear in the rubbingu.

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TRANSLATION
Om !
On! Adoration to Siva! (Verse 1). There was a renowned prince, Vidyadhara, an abode of Fortune, whose widespread fame was to the Chandolla race what the moon is to night-lotuses, (and) whose lotus-feet were bowed down to by crowds of princes. From him was born the prince Vijayapala, the chief of princes.
(V. 2). - From him sprang, devoted to the law, the illustrious prince Kirtivarman, brightened by the white-wash of whose fame the three worlds have become a white-washed mansion,
(V. 3). - When Fortune, withdrawn from other) princes, just as (sho toas recovered by Vishnu) from the sea, came to him who appeared like a new Vishộa, without his club, 16 she left off (her) fickleness.
(V. 4). — Resembling as he does, among kings, the moon moving in the midst of the stars, surely Yudhishthira, Sad iśiva 16 and Ramachandra, (all) these have entered his body, (which is) abandantly decorated, as with precious stones, with multitudes of manifold excellencies (and is indeed) a pellucid sea of excellencies.
(V. 5). - The chief counsellor among his ministers (is) the illustrious son of Mahldhara, the renowned Vatsaraja, who has gone forth from Ramapipur,
(V. 6). - He indeed became famous, a (very) Vâchaspati+7 in his unique office of counsellor, he who, having quickly wrested from the enemy this whole district (mandula) here by his counsel and excellent valoar, made this Fort of Kirtigiri.
(v. 7). - He indeed caused this fight of steps to be built here, (called the Chat) of the Nlastrious Vatsaraja, in order to make his bright fame ascend up into the universe.
The year 1154, the 2nd of the bright half of Chaitra, on Sunday.
THE COUNTRY OF MALAKOTTA.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PA.D.; BANGALORE. One of the countries, which the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsiang visited on his memorable tour throngh Indin, was Dravida with its capital Kanchipura (Cunjeeveram). He reached Dravida from the north, and proceeded from it north-westl. to Konkaņapara, Maharashtra, and Bharukachchha (Bhardch). Hiuen-Tsiang mentions another country, called Mo-lo-kiu-ch's which was situated to the south of Dravida. According to the Si-yu-ki, he visited this country in person, and returned from it to Dravida ; while Hwui-li's narrative seems to imply, that the pilgrim's report on Mo-lo-kiu-ch's was based merely on hearsay.
In a former volume of this Journal, the late Dr. Burnell identified Mo-lo-kin-ch'a with the delta of the Kavárt. He based this opinion on “the great Tamil inscription of Kulôttungs(Vira)-Chols (A.D. 1064 to 1113) which surrounds the shrine of the chief temple at Tanjore," and on the mention in it of a village called Malakîța-chůạimaņi-chaturvêdi-mangalam, which was situated in Avar-kufram, i.e. in the subdivision of Avûr near Kumbhakonam. A perasal of the inseriptions of the great temple at Tanjore convinced me that Dr. Barnell's statements
16 The word agadalso means " free from disease, healthy."
16 Saddhiva is an epithat of the god Siva, and also a proper name of men; 'but it is not apparent whom the sathor of the verse here refers to.
IT "The lord of sposob," name of Brihaspati, the teacher of the gods. The word mantri-pad-aikamird does not admit of proper grammatioal explanation; I understand it to mean mantri-padl kaemin (i.e. advity) dua.
Beal's Life of Hiuen-Triang, p. 146. The Si-yu-i (Vol. II. p. 258) has north,' which is impossible. Beal's Si-ywki, Vol. II. p. 230, note 193. Life, p. 140.
ante, Vol. VII. p. 891.

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require some modifications, which I subjoin here with due respect to that able scholar, who, if he still lived, would gladly approve of a correction of some details of secondary importance. First, the central shrine of the Tanjore temple does not bear only one inscription of about A.D. 1100,5 but a considerable number of inscriptions of various kings and dates, one of which is dated as late as Saka 1377 (expired). Secondly, none of the Tanjore inscriptions mentions either Kulôttunga-Chola or Vira-Chôla. Kulottunga-Choḍadeva I. (A.D. 1063-64 to 1112-13), also called Rajendra-Choda after his maternal grandfather Rajendra-Choladeva, was the son of the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja I. (A.D. 1022-23 to 1063-64) and inherited the Chola kingdom from his father-in-law, the Chola king Rajendradeva. The two Chola kings, to whose reigns most of the inscriptions of the Tanjore temple belong, are Rajarajadeva, the founder of the temple, and his son Rijendra-Choladeva, the father-in-law of the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja I. (A.D. 1022-23 to 1063-64), who had received his name from that of his maternal grandfather. The subjoined table, which is based on a number of Sanskrit and Tamil inscriptions, shows the relations of the three above-mentioned Chôla kings to the Eastern Chalukyas, and contains the names of their Western Châlukya contemporaries :-7
Western Chalukyas.
Cholas. (Súryavatia).
1. Satyasraya II. fought with Rajarajadêva, who was the (Saka 919 to about 930.) (about Saka 926.) I
Eastern Chalukyas. (Sómavaméa). father-in-law of Vimaladitya. (Saka 937 (?) to 944.)
I
2. Jayasimha III. fought with Rijêndra-Chôladêva, who was the father-in-law of Rajaraja I. (about Saka 940 to about 964.) (Saka 944 to 985.) 1
I
3. Ahavamalla II. fought with Râjêndradeva, who was the father-in-law of Rajendra-Chôda or Kalottunga-Chôḍadeva I. (about Saka 964 to about 990). (Saka 985 to 1034). Thirdly, Dr. Burnell states in his paper, that the Tanjore inscriptions mention a village called Malakúta-chudamani-chaturvêdi-mangalam. The reference is to an inscription of the 29th year of the Chola king Ko-Rajakesarivarman, alias Rajarajadeva, and to an inscription of the 10th year of Ko-Parakesarivarman, alias Rajendra-Choladeva. Each of these two inscriptions reads in clear Tamil and Grantha letters of 2 to 3 inches height:-Nittavinoda-valanáttu Avûr-(k) kúrṛattu brahmcdéyam Irumbudal-ágiya Manukula-chúlámani-(ch)chaturvédi-mamgalattu sabhaiyár; "the members of the sabhá of Irumbudal, alias Manukula-chalamaņichaturvedi-mangalam, a brahmadéya in Avar-karram, (a subdivision) of Nittavinoda-vajanadu." This disposes finally of the possibility of identifying Hiuen-Tsiang's Mo-lo-kin-ch'a with Kumbhakôṇam, and the name of Malakûța has to be struck out on the map, which is prefixed to Dr. Burnell's South-Indian Palæography.
The first half of the name Mo-lo-kiu-ch'a is no doubt the well-known Dravidian word mala, a hill' (mala in Malayalam and malai in Tamil), and the second may be connected with kurram, which means a division,' or more probably with kottam, which means a district' in Tamil inscriptions. Thus Mo-lo-kiu-ch'a or Malakotta would be a synonym of Mala-nadu or Malai-nadu, 'the Hill-Country.' The former is used in Malayalam and the second in Tamil as a designation of the country of Malabar. But, as Hinen-Tsiang places Malakôṭṭa to the south of Dravida and attributes to it a circuit of 5,000 li, General Cunningham10 is doubtlessly right,
Compare Dr. Burnell's South-Indian Paleography, 2nd edition, p. 40 and passim.
According to an inscription of his 26th year, the temple was called after him Rajarajéévara. Two undated inscriptions record that the prákaru (tiruchchurrumaligai) of the temple was built at his orders by the commander of his forces (anopati).
For full details see three of my Progress Reports (Madras G. O., 27th July 1888, No. 745; 6th September 1888, No. 877; 7th November 1888, No. 1050) and my forthcoming first volume of South-Indian Inscriptions, p. 32 and
Nos., 40, 67, 82, 127.
This name means the Brahmanical village (called after) Manukula-chudamani (i.e. the crest-jewel of the race of Mann; viz., the Chola king).'
On this vor hybrida see Yule and Burnell's invaluable Hobson-Jobson, p. 411.
10 Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I. p. 549.

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if he supposes that it must have included, besides Malabar, the whole southern part of the Madras Presidency beyond the Kåvêrî. According to Mr. Beal, the Chinese editor remarks in a note that Malakotta was also called Chi-mo-lo. These syllables are satisfactorily identified by Dr. Caldwellil with Tamila, the name of the Tamil people, whose country is called Damirice (i.e. Tamil-un) on the Peutinger Tables.
Four centuries after Hiuen-Tsiang, the term Malaya was in tise for the same tract. For Albérant enumerates the possessions of Jaur (i.e. the Chola) along the coast in the following order :-Daraur (Dravida), Kanji (Kanchi), Malays, and Kunk (Konkan). A second enumero tions of the countries along the coast begins from the opposite side :-LAran, with the city of Jlmür, Vallabha, for which Rashidu'd-din supplies the correct reading Malaya, 16 Kanji, and Darvad (Dravida). Alberuni's first list places Malaya between Dravida and Kašich on one side and the Koukaņ on the other, just as Hinen-Tsiang places Malakotta between Dravida with its capital Kanchipura on one side and Konkanapura on the other. The second list begins from Lata or Gujarat and omits the Konkan, though in the preceding sentence it mentions Thani (on the island of Salsette), which, according to p. 203, was the capital of the Konkan.
According to Hinen-Tsiang, Malakotta was bounded on the south by the Malaya mountains, which bordered the sea, and in which sandal-trees were found. To the east of the Malaya mountains was Mount Potalaka, on the top of which was a lake from which there flowed & great river, and which was the residence of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. Going north-east from this mountain, on the border of the sea, there was a town, from which people embarked for Ceylon.
In Sanskrit and Malayalam, the term Malaya is applied to the Western Ghats, and the sandal is called Malaya-ja, i.e. the produce of Malaya.' In Tamil, Malayam or Malaiyam, besides being used in the same sense, is the name of another mountain, which is also called Chandanachala or Chandanadri(i.e. the mountain of the sandal'), Podigai or Podiyam, which is gupposed to be the residence of the sage Agastya, and after which the Pandya king is called Podiys-verpani.e. 'the lord of the mountain Podiyam'). Dr. Caldwellie states that the source of the Tamraparni river is in the mountain Podigai, and identifies the latter with Ptolemy's Byrruyó, in which the Zahov took its rise. In a footnote of his paper on Potalaka, 17 Mr. Beal suggests, with some diffidence, that Hiuen-Tsiang's Potalaka might be the same as Podigai and as Ptolemy's Byrtiy. It seems to me that the agreement between the two words Podigai and Potalaka is close enough to justify this identification, which struck me independently before I had seen Mr. Beal's paper. The river mentioned by Hiuen-Tsiang would then be intended for the Tamraparni. According to Taranatha's History of Buddhism, 18 Potala was the name of a mythical mountain (pp. 141, 142 f., 223) in the south (p. 139), the seat of Avalokitekvara. O the way to it, the ocean (p. 157), a great river, and a lake, had to be crossed (p. 142). This myth of the northern Buddhists must have been known to Hiuen-Tsiang, and the change of Podiyam or Podigal into Potala or Potalaks may be due to a popular etymology, which HinenTsiang made either unconsciously or from a desire to connect the information collected on his visit to Southern India with that contained in his holy books. From similar motives, either Hiuen-Tsiang or his Buddhist informants seem to have transformed Agastya, who is supposed to reside on Podigai, into the Bodhisattva Avalokitosvara.
In the case of the Malaya mountains, it must be assumed that Hinen-Tsiang was misinformed, if he placed them to the south instead of the west of Malakotta. As for an
11 Comparative Grammar, 2nd edition, p. 14 of the Introduction, 11 Alberuni's India, translated by Sachau, Vol. I. p. 200.
18 ibid. p. 209. 14 Løren is the same as Lar-diah, i.e. Lata-desa or Gajarât, on p. 205. Jimor or Saimir is probably the modern Choul ; see Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobnon, 8. Y.
15 Elliot and Dowson's History of India, Vol. I. p. 68. # Comparative Grammar, 2nd edition, p. 1101. of the Introduction. 17 Journal of the Royal Aviatic Society, New Series, Vol. XV. p. 388. 16 Translated from Tibetan into German by Schiefner, St. Petersburg, 1860.

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identification of the port-town to the north-east of Mount Potalaka, Mr. Beal's quotations from I-tsing! show that shortly after Hinen-Tsiang's time the port for Ceylon was Nagavadana. Accordingly, the town, which Hinen-Tsiang mentions, seems to be intended for Nagapattanam or Nogapatam in the Tanjore District.
The unnamed capital of Malakotta is placed by Hinen-Tsiang 3,000 li to the south of Kanchipura, and by Hwui-li 3,000 li or so from the frontier between Dravida and Malakotta. As General Cunningham points out, even the first mentioned distance would take us out to sea beyond Cape Comorin and must have been exaggerated by the pilgrim's informants. Mr. Beal, who identifies Chi-mo-lo (see above) with the Tamil Kumari (Sanskrit: Komârt), thinks of Cape Comorin itself. But there is no tradition of a capital having been situated there. Perhaps Hinen-Tsiang refers to Korkai in the Tinnevelly District, the Kixou of the Periplús and of Ptolemy, which was, according to Dr. Caldwell, the ancient capital of the Pandyas.21
THE BALLAD OF THE GUJARI.
BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA. I give the text and translation of this celebrated Gujarati ballad as it is sung at AhmadAbad. In other parts, especially in Surat, a somewhat different version obtains. This version contains a curious admixture of Hindustani and Gujarati words. The ballad is of the class called gurb, and is sung by women who form themselves into a ring round a lighted lamp, and king the verses as they go round and round, beating time with their hands.
TRANSLATION.
The Ballad of the Gujart,1 The Badsah is on his way to invade Kabul and all the ministers of Dalhi are with him. The Badsah takes up his abode in a garden : on what pretext shall I go to have a look at
them)? I shall take & red earthen pot in my hand and go (dressed) as a dairy-maid. The
Badsah, &c. (Her) skirt of brocade, and a gold border to (her) oddí; 5 Kallai, and kárbí, and anuat, bichhuiva, and jháfijaro jingling (on her person);
Armlets round her arms, and rings on all her ten fingers; Kaláphulsa adorning her ears, and a costly jh&V glistening; Páriydi adorning her throat, and a single-string necklace round her neck;
Her cloth (sádt) being of green gaji, and the necklace of pearls ; 10 A ring adorning her nose, and a brilliant red mark glistening on her brow:
She made (some) curds in a small earthen pot, and took the best of milk (with her): (Thus arrayed) the Gujari set forth to sell curds, and arrived at the Badiah's darbár, (And cried) -"Who'll buy my cards! who'll buy my sweet milk!"
Seys her mother-in-law, - Listen daughter-in-law, do not go into the camp. 15 Or the Badóth of the city of Dilhi will keep thee in his palace."
The daughter-in-law beeds not the mother-in-law and goes forth to sell (her) curds: Goes forth the Gujarfin to sell cards and takes her seat in the Lal Bajár. The Badsah being informed (of this) comes to have a look at the Gujari.
1) Life, p. Iuri.; Si-yu-ki, Vol. II. p. 233, note 131. » Ancient Geography of India, Vol. I. p. 540. . For references on Korkai see Mr. Sewell's List of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 318.
The word gujarf means'a Gujarati woman.' : Names of different gold and silver ornaments for women.
gajt is a sort of silk fabrio manufactured in Gujarkt, so called from its being just one ga (= ghasof yard) in width. . This ought to have come before the two preceding lines.
. The same as Gajar.

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"Why do you go about lanes and alleys, fair one, you ought to live behind the pardd." 20 "The lanes and alleys are good enough for me, to thy pardd I shall set fire."
“Thou art a base-born Hindwâội, thus to give impertinent) retorts to thy sovereign !" Says the Büdsüh, "Listen Gujari, listen to what I have to say. “What is the use of wearing ornaments of base metals, fair one? You ought to wear a
vér of gold." "My ornaments of base metals are good enough for me, to thy gold I shall set fire."
"Thou art," &c. 25 "What is this black coarse cloth that you wear, fair one? You ought to wear Dakhani
silks." “My black coarse cloth is good enough for me, to thy (Dakhani) silks I shall set fire." “Thou art," &c. "I have a wonderfully fine elephant, fair one; come and have a look at my elephant." “What is there to look at in thy elephant ? I have some grey cow-buffaloes at home, “That give a man and a quarter of milk each time, and they are (therefore) far better than
thy elephant.” "Thou art, " &c. 30 "My moustache is wonderfully formed, fair one; be allured by my monstache.” "What is there to look at in thy moustache P It is only like the tuft of hair at the end of
my goats' tails!" "Thou art," &c. " Which is your parents-in-law's house ? And to what man are you wife P" “The Fort of Gokul is my parents-in-law's house, and to the man Chanda I am wife." “Thou art," &c.
"To what ocuntry dost thon belong, shepherdess ? And what is thy name ?" 35 "I am (the) shepherdess of Fort Måndav, and Mênå the Gajari is my name."
"Now fix the price of your small earthen pot; and, fair one, what may be its price P" “If I name the price of my small earthen pot, thy senses would desert thee !" “Thou art," &c. "What is this meaningless jargon that thon talkest, fair one? Talk sense.
"With what arrogance thon speakest, fair one! I could give thee two or four slaps®!” 40 “Do not think I am alone (unprotected): nine lákhs of my Gujars will come down (to
defend me)! “I will give thee such a slap that thy turban will roll off thy head, and thy face will
grow red!
45
"I will cause thy ponies to be sold for a taká each, and thy camels at ten to a damri: "I will cause thy shields to be sold at a taká spiece, and thy swords at two kuris (cowries)
each !" The Badsah was enraged at this and had her cast into irons. "I entreat thee brother Brâhmaņ:10 I will give thee the necklace (that is) next my heart, "If thou wilt go and give this letter into the hands of my husband's brother, Hiriya. "Il When Hiriya read the letter (he said to his brother) - "Brother, our Gujarf has been cast
into prison." (And then he said to the soldiers,) -"Gird on tightly your shields and swords, brothers,
and gird on tightly all your weapons : "Let only those who are brave of heart accompany us, for cowards are not wanted (where
we shall go).
• Costly silks manufaotured in the Dakhan.
"An Indian weight oqual to about 80 lbs. • Here there is a pan on the two meanings of the word 353, 53, 53 moaning' with arrogance' and 13 again meaning 'a slap.'
One-twenty fourth part of an and. 10 Tho Boene changes here, and the Gujarl addresses a young Brahman. 11 Note that it is improper for a Hinda wife to address her husband oven by letter.

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50 " Put on saffron-coloured robes is brothers, and all grow red as gulal.”
And Hiriya ran from thence and went to his charger :
"Tiels the girths of your saddles tight and ride with loose reins;
"For I mean to return home after conquering Dilhi and thus preserve my prestige."
And (so saying) Hiriya mounted his horse and nine lakhs of Gujars mounted (theirs).
55 As Hiriya entered (the city of Dilhi) the Vaniyas 14 fled before him;
And as Chanda's horse galloped in, the dairy-men15 fled before him. The cannon boomed forth loudly and all around became pitch-dark,
(Which) &woke the sleeping Badiah, and ninety-two lakhs of Mugals poured into the field.
The large copper drum was sounded and all other drums took up its roar.
60 On the fourteenth day of the month of Phagan the affair was in full swing.
65
After a long silence the Gujarî spoke and spoke but one word :
"Let Hiriya wear my bangles,16 and let me have his arms,
"And I shall fight with the Bâdáâh in such a brave manner as to immortalize my name." "Pitch tents in a row on two sides17 and leave an open space in the middle,
"And let the Gujari stand in that vacant space, brothers, and he who wins her may
take her."
Upon this Hiriya and Chandi said (to the Badáah) – “ Rajà, 18 listen to what we say :
44 It becomes you to give the first blow, for we are only your subjects.”
And the Bâdáâh dealt the first blow in the Gujar army.
And Hiriya and Chandâ, becoming enraged, fell (upon the Mugal army) like tigers among goats.
70 And swords clashed against one another and a shower of blood rained down.
(At last being vanquished the Bâdáâh says)"We give your Gujar? (back) into your : charge, (for) to as the Gujari is as a sister."
TEXT.
गुजरीनो गरबो
[AUGUST, 1889.
के काबुलपर बादशाह चढे, ने सारी दिल्हिका दीवानरे के बादशाहारे उतरे बागमे, में क्या मस देखन जाउंरे के हाथ मेरे लेड लाल मडकी, कंदोयण होके जाउंरे - के बादशाहा,
के फुलफगरनो घाघरो ने साकुडे" कसबी कोररे 5 के कलारे कांबी ने अणवट बीछुवा, सांझरनो
झमकाररे
के हाथे बाजुबंध बेरखा ने, एनी दशे भांगळीए वेढरे के काने कलाफुल शोभतां, ने वळी झबके मौघी झालरे
के कोटे ते पाटीआं शोभतां, एने कंठे एकावळ हाररे के लीली ते गजीनुं कापडुरे, एने गळे मोतीनो हाररे 10 के नाके ते वाळी शोभती, एने डीलडी" तपे लेलाटरे
के छोटी मटकी रहीं जमायो, बुध लीओ खुब सारीरे के चली गुजरीआं" दहीं बेचनकुं, आई बादशाहाके दरबाररे
के अयर लो कोई महीयर "ल्यो, कोई लोने मी डां"
बुधरे
के सासुरे केवे सुणी बवरीआं", लकरमे मत जावरे
13 Saffron-coloured robes are worn as a sign that the army is determined either to conquer or to die to a man. 18 Addressing the soldiers.
14 A caste known for their cowardice, as well as for their aversion to destroy life either human or animal.
15 Being of the same caste as Vániyas. This is sarcasm.
18. In order to insinuate that Hirlya was a coward.
17. It is not plain who makes this proposal. 18 The Hindu brothers address the (sic) Mugal as "RAjA" after their own fashion.
19 सालुडे used poetically for साडी ओ or साने 'to the oldt' साडी or सालो being the proper word for the long piece
of aloth that Indian women wrap round their bodies, and draw as a veil over their heads.
* टीलडी used poetically for टीली, the red mark that all women (oxoept widows) make on their brows.
22 गुजरीभां used poetically for गुजरी.
ॐ अयर लो कोइ महींयर लो, &c. अयर and महींयर are reduplicated words, though somewhat separated. महयर is a poetical form of महीं, an equivalent of दहीं, 'cards
मीठडां poetical form of मीठां 'sweet.
* बवरीयां used poetically for बब, Hindustant for 'daughter-in-law.

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THE BALLAD OF THE GUJARI.
245
15 के दिल्ही शहरका बादशाहा, तुजे रखे मोहलन माहरे के मार तमाचा ने उड जाय पपडी, मखडा हो के सासनां वायो ना बरे वह, महीं वेचवाने जायरे
जाय लालरे. के चली गुजरीओ महीं बेचनर्क, बेठीलाल बजाररे के टके टके तेरा दुबेचां ने दमडीका दश उंटरे. के बादशाहाकु तो खबर हुइने, गुजरी देखन आयरे के टके टके तेरी ढाल बेचांऊं ने दो कोडी सलवाररे. के अलीयार गलीयां"क्या फीरना गोरी, पेठो पडदा के बादशाहाकु ती घुस्सा लगा, ने डाली वेडी मायरे. माहरे. ... ..
45 के ब्राह्मण वीरा विन, तने आलुं हैयांनो हाररे , 20 के भलीयारे गलीयां बोहोत भली, तेरे पडदे लगा | के कागल जईने भालजे, मारा हीरीभादीवरने हाथरे पर आगरे .
के हीरीए कागळ यांचीओ भार गूजरी पडी बेडी के हिंदवाणी तुं हरामजादी बादशाहकु देवे जबाबरे
मांबरे... के बादशाह कहेवे सुण गुमरी, तुम सुणो हमारी बातरे | के साणी बांधो भाई बाल वलवारो ने ताणी बांधो के काय कथीरमा क्या पेहरना, गोरी पेहेरो सोना
हीबार सेररे..
के पुरा होय सो संग चले ने, नहि कायरका कामरे. के काय कथीर" मेरा बोहोत भला, तेरे सोने लगा | 50 के केसरीमा भाइ वागा पेहेरो. ने हो जाव लाल दऊं आगरे के हिंद
गुलालरे, 25 के काली कामलमे क्या भोढना, गोरी पेहेरो दखणी के त्यांची हीरीयो दोडीयो ने, गयो घोडानी पासरे, - चीररे
के ताणीने बांधी तंगडो ने, ढीली मेली लगामरे. के काली कामळ मेरे बोहत भली, सेरे चीरकु लगा के दिल्ही जीतीने घेर आउंतो, रेवत मारूं नामरे. र आगरे के हिंद
के हीरीयो घोडे एकज चढ्यो ने गुजर चढया नव के मकना हाथी भजब बना, गोरी हाथी देखन आवरे
लाखरे. केरे हाथीम क्या देखनां, मेरे घेरे भूरी भैसरे.. | 5 केहीरीयो पेठो शहरमां ने, वाणीया नाठा जायरे. । के के सवामण बुध करे तारा हाथीथी भलेरी" मारी | के चंदे घोडो खेडीयों ने, कंदोई" नाठा जायरे. सरे-के हिंद
के तोपोकी धुमरोळ हुइने हुवा अंधारा घोररे. के मेरी मछो भजद बनी, गोरी मछोपर मोही आवरे के सुतो बादशाह जागीयो ने, मुगल चढया बाणु 30 केसरी मूछोमे क्या देखना, मेरे बकरे जेसा पूछरे
' लाखरे.
के सांबांनी नोबत गणगणे, जेना ढमके वाग्यां ढोलरे. केक तमार्क सासरूं, ने कीया पुरुष घेरे माररे. 60 के फागण सुदचौदसने दहाडे मामलो मच्यो जीररे. के गढ गोकुल मारूं सासरूं, ने चंदा पुरुष घेरे नाररे के गुजरी रहीने बोलीआं ने बोली एकज बोलरे -के हिंद.
केहीरीयो पेहेरे बांगडी ने हथीआर मुजने आलरे के कणि देशकी गोवालणी, ने घुछ सारं नामरे. | के बादशाह साथ एसी लई मेरा जगमां हो जाय 35 के गड मांडवकी गोवालणी, ने मेना गुजरी मार - नामरे. मामरे–के हिंद
के भगाडी पछाडी देरा साणो, बीचमे रखो मेदामरे. के छोटी मटकीका मूल करो ने. गोरी उसका क्या | 65 के वचा राखी गूजरीभाइ, में जीते से ले जायरे.. होय मूलरे. .
कहीरीयो ने चपीभी बोलीभा, राजा" सांभळो के छोटी मटकीका मूल करु ने, तेरी पुखद्ध"
अमारी वांतरे, जावे भूलरे-के हिंद
के पेहेलो ते घाव वळी तमे करीने, अमे समारीरैबतरे. 'के गलबल गलबल क्बा बोलती, गोरी बोली समजकी के पेहेलो ते घाव बादशाहे कीधो, गुजर लश्कर बातरे.. .
मांयरे. केभकड छकड गोरी क्या बोलती, कई छकड के हीरीबो चंदीभो पुस्से थया, जेम बकरांमां पडीया लगाट दोचाररे.
वाघरे. 40 के नव, जाणींच एकलीरे, मारा गुजर चढे नव | 70 के तलवारोनी साळी पडे ने, लोहीनी वरस्थो मेघरे. लाखरे.
के तमारी गुजरी समने संपी गुजरी हमारी बेनरे. - मोहालन unod postically for मोहोल Hindustant for 'palace.' - aratat erat reduplicated worde: Tefat meaning 'lanes.'
काथ कधीर reduplionted words: कथीर meaning "base metal.'
भलेरी ued pootioally for भली. 'good: there being no comparative form in Gujarati, भली 'good' is used for 'better,' with the suffix थी. 'than,' added to the proceding word हाथी.
शुद्ध बुरalso reduplicated words, both words separately meaning 'sonse, reason.'' ....अकड इकड also reduplionted words, अकड meaning with arrogance.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1889.
MISCELLANEA. PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. tion as that of the ancient Chaldeans, with a No. XVII.
sidereal element in addition. We have the same
mysterious supreme god, whether called Ilu or Revue de L'Histoire des Religions.
Anna. The first triad corresponds to the old three The Revue de L'Histoire des Religions, regions of the universe. Only the feminine published in Paris, by Leroux, is a periodical element occupies a more important position in which is not so well known in India as it deserves the new pantheon, Anat, Bélit, and Istar (the to be. Its purpose is indicated by its name, for it planet Venus) representing it in its fecundity is purely historical, and excludes all polemic and and in its sexual pleasure. It is this which dogmatic matter. The following are some of the explains the compulsory prostitution of every articles which have appeared during the last three woman in the temple at Babylon. years, and which will be of interest to Indian Assyria, in possessing itself of Babylon, and students.
founding its immense empire, changed nothing (a)-Vol. XIV. No. 1, July and August, 1886.
but one name in the Chaldwan pantheon. It M. E. de Pressensé contributes an interesting
raised its god Assur to the dignity of the Supreme
God, but without essentially modifying the article on the Chaldæo-Assyrian Religion,
character of the latter. It, however, gave him a divided into three parts, viz. I., Its sources; II., The phases of the religious evolution; III., The
striking personification upon earth, in the person
of its conquering king, and from Assyrian religion. The religion is traced from
this point
history becomes an important factor in the an animism full of despair and terror over
development of religion. mastering men who are everywhere surrounded by the evil powers of the river, the wind, the storm,
The king described his victories as brought and the miasma. It was then a religion of
about by Assur.-" The god Assur, my lord, told charms and exorcisms, of appeals to kindly deities
me to march forth, &c." The splendid palaces for protection, and of talismans. The superior
raised to the glory of the king were temples of elements contained in it eventually doveloped in
that magnificent royalty of which the god Assur a regular mythological evolution. Thus we find
was the august type. This striking represengradually coming into prominence, Anna, the god
tation of the victorious war of the national deities
against evil powers became a real religion, and of the sky, Ea, of earth, and Mulge, of the lower abyss; each of whom was a male deity, with his
we thus emerge from the placid sidereal pantheon
of the Chaldians, although, after all, the new spouse, a kind of feminine hypostasis of his attributes. These gods had so far no distinct
element is simply superimposed over the primitiva personality, and it was they who war with the evil
basis of the ancient religion. spirits, authors of ill. Prayer occupied the first
But, beside the development of the official place in this cult, but sacrifice is also mentioned,
religion, a sense of personal sin grew up gradually though destitute of elevation or morality. Such amongst the Chaldeans. The voice of con was the religion of the Accadians, which received science began to be heard, purifying the coward a further development through the influence of the
ly terrors of superstition. It is impossible Semitic Kushites. We now find the fundamen
that this development of conscience should not tal idea of a divine unity in a pantheistic sense.
have co-existed with an idea, more or less conThe hidden God, who contains all things within
fused, of retribution in a future life. We thus find himself, manifests himself in a diversity of pheno.
a privileged place awarded to valiant soldiers in
the abode of the dead. But it is to Assyria mena. Secondary gods, ranged below him, only personify his attributes. The god is Ilu, Babylon
that is owed a new development in the conception is his city,--the city of Ilu ;--and from him
of the future life. We now find & distinct emanates the first triad
progress in the idea of retribution attached to a
future life. We find two frightful monsters, Anu, or primordial chaos, Bel, the Demiurge,
representing retributive tormenta, in the lower Nuah, the saviour, the intelligent guide.
regions, and above, on the earth, the dead placed Each of these three has his corresponding between two protecting gods. There is therefore feminine divinity, viz. Anat, Belit, and Tihamti,
recourse to the gods against the terrible power respectively. A second triad is composed of
of hell. the sun, the moon, and the atmosphere, who are
(6)-Vol. XIV. No. 3, Nov. and Dec. 1886. followed by the five planets.
(1) M. Edouard Montet describes the Persian Really this new mythology is the same concep-| Drama, and its intimate connexion with

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August, 1889.7
MISCELLANEA.
247
religion. It is a modern growth, contemporary with the decline of Persian political influence, and with the religious revival marked by the rise of Babism.
The tragic dramas are founded, like miracle. plays, on religious subjects, the theme being the death of the descendants of 'Ali. The authors are generally unknown, and the actors take great liberties with the text. They are of inordinate length, one play lasting a whole Muharramı, which is the season at which they are usually performed. A play begins with the history of Joseph, his sojourn in the well being considered a type of Hussain's capture. Thence we are taken day by day through the religious history of the Shi'as, the last act transporting us to the resurrec. tion, in which Jacob, Joseph, Abraham, Darid, Solomon, Noah, Muhammad, Ali, Fátima, Hassan, Hussain, &c., come to life. While the patriarchs and kings of Israel only think of their own salvation, Muhammad and his descendants intercede for sinners, who, saved by the blood shed at the Karbala, enter into paradise. The tinal moral is, therefore, that the belief of the Shitas is the only true religion.
(2) M. L. Feer discusses Vritra and Namuchi as described in the Mahabharata. Indra's combat with Vritra is described twice in that poem, once in the Vana-Parva (Sláka 8691), and once in the Udyoga-Parva (616ka 239). M. Feer maintains that, as these two accounts are mutually irrecon. cilable, the latter must refer to Namuchi, and not to Vpitra. References to the Vedic traditions show that Vpitra and Namuchi are confused at a very early period. They both represent the storm-clouds, which only yield to the god of the thunderbolt after a terrific combat. (c)-Vol. XV. No. 1, January and February, 1887.
Mr. Paul Regnaud discusses the meaning of the vadie adjectivo Amare. which Roth translates as "infallible" (connecting it with the root mar, break"), and Grassmann and Ludwig, as not benumbed,' 'wise' (connecting it with a root már, nearly related to marchh, and signifying,
be stupid'). M. Begneud prefers the latter interpretation, comparing the Sanskrit marta,
dried,'hardened,' múrti, ' a hard thing,' whence *a material form'; the Greek papós a fool,' and the Latin moles and mars. The common idea of the whole family is the condition of dryness.'
In the three passages in the Rig Veda, in which mara and amira are opposed, mirat designates men (the benumbed), and amura, the gods (the awakened). Comparing this with the cognate terms marta-amrita, it seems as if the original meaning of the root mar, to die,' was to be dry, hard, unmovable.'
(d)-Vol. XVI. No. 1, July and August, 1887.
(1) M. Paul Regnaud discusses the Vodio word pita, which is usually translated 'that which is applied.' The objection to this is that it is not the root ar (ri), but its causal, which means to apply. When the primitive form is used in this sense, it has the prefix a, prati, or sam.
Ar means properly 'to go,' 'to set oneself in movement,' hence to reach,' 'to bring oneself near to, which explains the meaning of the causative, 'to cause to approach,' 'to join,' 'to adapt.'
Rita, therefore corresponds, primitively, to the idea 'set in motion'; but we see from the Sansksit riju, Latin rec-tus, German recht, &c., (root arj, raj, 'to go,' to advance,' to approach') that the meaning of right,' at first physically, and afterwards morally, naturally proceeds from that of 'set in motion,'' sent forth, directed.' It seems, therefore, to M. Regnaud, that there is little doubt that rita eventually came to nean
that which is good,' that which is just,' ' that which should be done,' through the idea of right,' 'in right line.' Its contrary is an-ri-ta, u word of which the meaning not right,' false,' has remained in the carlier stage. The use of the word rite, without,' is also easily explained by the original meaning of 'set in motion;' riti luat means being set in motion to depart from thee, or simply separated from thee,' removed from thee, without thee.
(2) The same number contains a translation into French by M. J. A. Decourdemanche of the Turkish Akhlaq-i-Hamidi of Muhammad Sa'id Effendi. The work is a treatise on Muhammadan morals. The translation is conti. nued in the following number, and concluded in the first No. of Vol. XVII. (e)-Vol. XVI. No.2, September and October. 1887.
(1) Dr. Igu. Goldziher gives an interesting paper on the Monotheism of the Musalmans.
(2) M. Paul Regnaud follows with a note on jeux de mots in the Vedas. These are puns, but are natural and not intentional. The authors, instead of deliberately playing upon a twofold meaning, are misled by it. Thus Agni is properly Fire, and more specially the Fire of Sacrifice, but he is first of all the brilliant one (root ak, aksh), and as such is a déva, "a god' (root dio, to be brilliant). In this way he gets all the charac. teristics of the devas.
So also Indra was primitively the brilliant, or the burning one (root ind, indh) and therefore a deva. But, as brilliant and burning, he has become the ardent, the energetic one-whence his struggles and his victories.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1889.
(f)-Vol. XVII. No. 1, January and February,1888. students. Mr. Nicholson passes lightly over the
(1) This number contains an interesting evidence of his predecessors' neglect, though he review, impossible to summarise satisfactorily, ventures to remark that "it may pretty safely be being a summary itself, by M. Eugène Monseur, said that at the beginning of 1884, the collection of Dr. Meyer's work on tie Myth of Achilles. was not known to contain half as many pieces as The foundation of the Iliad appears to Dr. Meyer
were actually in it." to have been a little poem, the Achilleis, com In 1884 the Librarian undertook the reorganiposed, about 850 B.C., by a singer of genius, who
zation of the department. His first work was to was possibly called Homer. This poem consisted examine the multitude of cabinets, and to turn of three parts; the first, the quarrel between
out of the coin-room the hundreds of trays found Achilles and Anmemnon: the second, the defeat to be empty. The contents of the remaining of the Achæans, and the exploits of Agamemnon;
trays and the loose coins were then sorted and and the third, the victory of Achilles over
roughly counted by the Library staff with the Xanthe and Hector. This legend is then worked
assistance of Mr. C. W. C. Oman, Fellow of all out with its parullels in other Åryan nationalities,
Souls, the late Mr. Vaux, F.R.S., and Mr. C. P. including India and Germany. As already
Shipton. explained, it is impossible to summarise this The result obtained from the rough counting portion of the article, which is that most interest.
was that the collection was found to contain in all ing to Indian students. As a rule, Peleus is 50,417 coins, of which 29,677 pieces have been compared with Purúravas, Thetis with Urvasi,
arranged, more or less accurately, and 19,771 have and Achilles with Aya and Arjuna.
been catalogued in 48 catalogues. (2) In the same number M. Paul Regnaud
The Oriental class of coins is defined as "includ. combats Professor Max Müller's theory of the
ing those of all countries east of the Euphrates, Sources of Mythology, and maintains :
those of autonomous Judæa, and all Muham. (i) In the beginning, language was applied to
madan coins." This class comprises 5,249 speci. objects, rather than to the thinking and speaking
mens, of which 2,038 are returned as arranged, subject.
and 1,171 as catalogued in one catalogue. (ii) The conscient idea or image of the objects
The statistics above quoted are for Nov. 8, 1884. is anterior to the names which they have received,
Since that date the Clarendon Press has published and can remain independent even after the
an illustrated catalogue of the Muhammadan creation of the names.
coins, compiled by Mr. Stanley Lane Poole," the (iii) Mythology, which is developed by the
first Bodleian coin-catalogue issued for 138 years." help of words, took its birth independently, and
"In 1884-85 Mr. Oman arranged and labelled rests on an alternate basis which is logical and the Roman Republican coins in terms of Cohen's psychological rather than verbal.
Monnaies de la République Romaine. The sub(g)-Vol. XVII, No. 2, March-April, 1888.
sequent appearance of Babelon's still more com
plete work made it desirable that the latter should This number contains a long review, by M. J.
be substituted as the standard of reference, and Halévy, of Prof. Sayce's Hibbert Lectures on the
an adaptation has been carried out by the LibraReligion of the Ancient Babylonians.
rian as far as the coins without family name are GEO. A. GBIERBON.
concerned.
" In 1886 Mr. Oman began to arrange and label THE BODLEIAN COLLECTION OF COINS.
the Greek' series in terms of the corresponding The richness of the cabinet of coins under volumes of the British Museum ooin-catalogues, the care of the Curators of the Bodleian Library and at the end of 1887 had finished the sections is not, I think, generally known. In his recently comprised in the volumes lettered Italy,' Sicily,' issued valuable report Mr. E. B. Nicholson, Thrace, etc.,' Macedon, etc., Thessaly to Bodley's Librarian, states that "the Bodleian Ætolia,' Central Greece, Crete and Ægean collection of coins and medals numbers upwards Islands,' and 'Seleucid kings of Syria' he had of 50,000 pieces, and is the second largest in the also provisionally arranged the sections for empire."
Attica and the Peloponnese, the volumes correA printed catalogue of its contents was issued sponding to which had not then been issued." in 1750, but since that time many additions had In 1888 I examined the Gupta series of Indian been made, and the coin-room had been so much coins in the collection, and supplied the Librarian neglected that it was of very little service to with a manuscript catalogue of the gold and
1 The Bodleian Library in 1882-87. A Report from the Librarian. Published by permission of the Carators. Oxford : December, 1888.

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AUGUST, 1889.)
MISCELLANEA.
249
copper pieces, and some brief notes on the silver samkrintayo nivsittkhudagayana-sisirasite pieces, in accordance with which the series was Makarasaunkratntayalı prarşittah. Tadi dévânatı promptly re-arranged. My notes have since been din-odayah; daityinin râtry-udgamah. Asya published in full in my paper entitled “The Coin- punya-kala sankranaga-samayat sovy-astaage of the Early or Imperial Gupta Dynasty of paryamtain. From this, with the page for the Northern India," which appeared in the Journal month of Pausha in the body of the almanae, we of the Royal Asiatic Society for January, 1889. learn that the nirayana Makara-Sankranti
The Bodleian collection of Gupta coins is spe- occurred, or was cast to occur, at 19 ghat's after cially distinguished by the unique specimen of sunrise on Mandavisara or Saturday, 12th Kumiragupta's coinage. I found two small January, A.D. 1878. On that day there ended copper coins of Chandragupta among the un- the tithi Pausha sukla 8; and this is the tithi of classed specimens, and, since the publication the day for all ordinary purposes. But this tithi of the paper referred to, five or six more examples had actually ended at 5 gh. 10 p. after sunrise; of the copper money of the same king have been or 13 gh. 50 p., = 5 hrs. 32 min., before the time rescued from the crowd of unassigned coins. of the sankranti. And the passage quoted above
The time at my disposal did not permit me to goes on to say, " after this time there is the tithi examine in detail the other classes of early Indian9;" to stamp this as the samkramana-tithi or coins, but a hasty glance at some trays showed tithi of the sankranti; and to connect this tithi me that the collection includes many examples of with the Saturday, though, as it ended at 7 gh. the coinage of the Mitra kings, and other ancient 43 p. after sunrise on the Sunday, the latter day pre-Muhammadan dynasties of India.
is the one with which it is ordinarily to be A catalogue of the Bodleian Buddhist and connected. Exactly similar passages occur in Hindu coins cannot well be attempted until the Ganpat Krishnaji's almanaes for Saka-Sativat British Museum leads the way by catalogning its 1800, 1801, and 1805 (expired); in each of which possessions of the kind, and unfortunately the years, in the same way, the Makara Sankranti difficulties in the way of such an undertaking are occurred, or was cast to oceur, at a moment later very formidable. But in time these difficulties than the ending point of the expired tithi will doubtless be surmounted by the energy of ordinarily belonging to the day. In the other years Mr. R. S. Poole and his able colleagues, which examined by me, Saka-Saravat 1802, 1903, 1804, has already triumphed over so many obstacles, 1807, and 1808 (expired), the circumstances were and it will then be easy to complete the catalogue different; in each case the moment for the of the Bodleian numismatic treasures.
sannkrdnti is earlier than the ending time of the 15th March 1889.
V. A. SMITH expired tithi properly belonging to the day; and
no reference is made to the next tithi. THE TITHI OF A SAMKRANTI.
I find the practice to be the same in the In the sankranti-phalo of Ganpat Patwardhant Panchang. In each of the years Krishnaji's almanac for Baka-Samvat 1799
Saka-Samvat 1799, 1802, 1803, 1805, 1806, and 1807 (expired) (A.D. 1877-78), there is the following
(expired), the Makara-Sarbkranti occurred, or was passage : - Svasti; sriman-nripa. Vikram&rka. cast to occur, before the ending-time of the Bamay.Atits-earhvat .1934 Barvadhart-nama. expired tithi properly belonging to the day, and samvatsarg; tath& Sriman-nfipa-Salivaban no reference is made to the next tithi. But in the Sakê 1799 Isvara-name-samvatsaré ; 'dakshi years Saka-Samvat 1800, 1801, 1804, and 1808 niyanê hemannta-fitau Pausha-masé sukls expired), the circumstances were analogous to pakshe tithau 8 ghatikah 8 palani 10 parar o those of Saka-Samvat 1799 (expired), according to sam kramana-tithau Mamda-vasard nakshatra Ganpat Krishnaji's almanac; and in the same Asvini ghatikah 41 palani 37 samkraman-arksho way there is named, first the tithi ending on the yoga Siddhi ghatikah 25 palêni 15 sarıkra- day, and then the next tithi, commencing at that mana-yðgê tátkalike Balava-karane évam-di-pam- moment, and current at the time of the sankranti. chânga-buddha atra-dine sri-martanda- And, as it emphasises in a special manner the
amdal-odayad gata-ghatikah 19 palani o pcint that I have in view, I will quote in full the samaye Makara-rasau ravéh samkramanam passage in the sankranti-phala of the ayat. Tada dakshiņayana-hêmamtaritu-Dhana- Patwardhant Panchang for Saka-Hamvat 1808 I give the passages, throughout, just as they stand
Navin othavd Patvardhan Pajichang," the New or in the original almanacs.
Patwardhani Pagicblog." As I have stated on a previous This is the most convenient name for quoting the occasion (ante, Vol. XVI. p. 8i), this almaane appears almanac started by Prof. K. L. Chhatre. Since his to be rather a theoretical one, intended to improve and doath, it has been continued by his collaborateurs, rectify the calendar: and Ganpat Krishna's almanao apparently on the same lines, and with the same title of is the ono most in actual uso in the Bombay Presidency.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1889.
(expired) (A.D. 1886-87). It runs thus :- ekadasi gha 29 pa 31 vartamana-dvádasyan Svasti: sriinan.nripa-Vikramárka-samay-atita- Bhauma-vågaré Anuridhà-dina-nakshatré samvat 1913 Hômalamba-nama-sati vatsarù; tathå Vriddhi-yogo tatkalike Kaulava-karane surysriman-nsipa-Salivahana-Sakê 1808 Vyaya-nama- odayát gha 50 pa 56 tada Makara-rasau samvatsare; dakshinayanê hemanta-ritau ravih sain kramaņam bhavati. Tada udaga yanaPangha.mir wukla-pakshe tithau 13 gha 3 pa pravrittih. Sankriiti-punya-kalah dvadas yarn 49 param 14 samkramaņa-tithau Manda- Budha-visarê sury.udayât asta-paryamtain. Here Våsaré nakshatra Mpiga gha 10 pa 7 param the details are for Tuesday, 21st December, Årdri samokraman-arkshồ yoga Aindra 52 pa 19
A.D. 1886. The ordinary tithi of the day was samkramana-yógå tåtkalikê Vanija-karanê êvain. Pausha krishna 11, which ended at 29 gh. 31 p.; indi-panchanga-suddhåv atra-dino sri-sury- but the hour for the suyana Makara-Saii kranti Odayad gate-gha 47 pa 20 samay. Makars. being later, viz. 50 gh. 56 p., the tithi that is rasau ravih sankramana syat. Tada quoted as the actual tithi of the savileriinti, is dakshinayana - hemanitaritu - Dhanasari kramtayo krishna 12, expressly specified as "current," and nivrittäh; udagayana-sisirapitu-Makarsankrain- connected here with the Tuesday, though in the tayah pravsittah. Tadi dévånam din-Odayah: passage for the punya kala it is connected with daityanath råtry-udgamah. Asya punya-kalah
the Wednesday, to which it ordinarily belongs as Pansha-su-15. Ravau gha 7 pa 20 paryartam an expired tithi, ending at 26 gh. 26 p. So also uttamah, tad-agre gaunah. From this, with the in the same almanac for Baka-Samvat 1809 page for the month of Pausha in the body of the (expired) (A.D. 1887-89), in the Grahalaghava almanac, we learn that the nirayana Makara- savikranti-phala we have - Svasti: SrimanSankranti occurred, or was cast to occur, at 47 gh. nsipa Vikraunarka-samvat 1914 Vikari-nama20 p. after sunrise on Mandavåsara or Saturday, samvatsare; tathi cha sriman-nripa-Salivahana3th January, A.D. 1887. On that day, there Saké 1809 Sarvajin-nama-samvatarrê; hemartaended (1) the ordinary tithi of the day, Pausha sitau Pausha-kri-14 gha 20 pa 31 vartamansukla 13, at an earlier moment, vix. at 3 gh. 49 p. amavasyayari Guru-vásaré sury-odayat after sunrise ; and (2) the tithi sukla 14 at 55 gh.gha 55 pa 33 tada Púrv-Ashachu-dinal30 p., after the time for the Maknra-Sankranti. nakshatró Harshana.yoge Någa-karanê MakaraAccording to the usual rule, this latter tithi was r&sau ravaih samkramanam bhavati Tasya an expunged tithi, for all ordinary purposes : 1 punya-kalah Bhrigu-våsaré súry-dayat saryand it is so shewn in the almanac. This tithi, åsta paryaitan. Here the details are for however, though thus expunged, is the one which, Thursday, 12th January, A.D. 1888. The ordinary being actually current at the moment of the tithi of the day was Pausha krishna 1.1, ending at sariakrúnti, is quoted as the tithi of the sankranti. 20 gh. 31 p.; the nirayana Makara-Sankranti In this case, the nakshatra is specified in exactly occurred at 50 gh. 33 p. ;' and the tithi then the same way; so also both the nakshatra and current was the amavusyd or new-moon, Pausha the yüga, in both almanacs, in some others of the krishna 15 or 30, which ended at 18 gh. 7 p. on ten years examined. For this, I can see no the Friday. particular reason; as it seems self-evident that From these passages we see that, in specifying the actually current nakshatra and yoga should the tithi of samkranti, the custom is to always be quoted. But instances of mentioning quote the tithi that is actually current at the in this way, first the expired and then the current moment of the samkranti. And the rule thus nakshatra and yoga, are to be found in the Newar disclosed will doubtless help to solve some dates dates Nos. 13 and 16, given by Prof. Kivlhorn, which otherwise may not apparently yield ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 249, 250.
correct results. It will be necessary, however, In respect of the savikramana.tithi, the same in dealing with dates mentioning sankrantis, to practice is disclosed in the Sayana-Panchang for note the actual wording of them, and to determine Saka-Samvat 1808 (expired) (A.D. 1886-87), whether the given tithi is intended to be the tithi where, in the edyana sankranti-phala, we have of the occurrence of the sankranti, or the tithi of Svasti ; samvat 1943 Vilambi-nama-samvatsare; the punyakula or meritorious time for celebrating tathả cha śri-Sa-Sa 1808.V yaya-nama-samvatsare; any rites and ceremonies connected with the hemarnta-pitau Paushe masé krishna-pakshe savikranti. For the punyakula, which is too
The nirayana Makara-Sankranti occurred at 39 gh. 58 p. on Wednesday, 12th January, A.D. 1997, Pausha kļishna 3, ending at 41 gh. 11 p.; and this is the only tithi mentioned in the Grahaldghausainkranti-phala.
In the body of the almanac, the palas are given as
30; there being thus a misprint at one or other of the two places. The siyana Makara-Sankranti occurred at 5-gh, 19 p. on Thursday, 22nd December, A.D. 1887, Pansha sukla 8, ending at 48 gh. 15 p.; and this is the only tithi mentioned in the syana sariakranti-phala.

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MISCELLANEA.
251
involved a question to be considered in the present L. 21. -Svasti eriman-npipa-Vikrama-samaya. note, probably the ordinary expired tithi, and not titâ (!) Åshadhadi-samvat 1555 varshế the current tithi, would always be quoted.
Sak[6°) 1420 pravartamânê uttarayana (na) J. F. FLEET.
gatê sri-sury[6] sisarutau(sisirartau)
Magha-m&sé pamchamyår tithau BudhaTHE VIKRAMA YEAR COMMENCING WITH
våsare Uttarabhadrapad[AR]-nakshatré THE MONTH ASHADHA.
Siddhi-nâmni yôge Bava-karanê MinaThe existence of a Vikrama year commenc
risau sthite charndre påtasaha-sri-Mahaing with the month Åshadha became first muda-vijayarajyam(jye) I. known to me, several months ago, through a note There can be no doubt that the inscription has of Mr. Fleet's, on page 79 of the Introduction of
been either carelessly executed, or, which appears his Gupta Inscriptions. Since then, Mr. Fleet more probable, negligently copied. However this has drawn more prominently attention to this may be, it is certain that it is dated in the reign curious year, page 93 above, and it is in re- of the Sultan Mahmud, in the Ashadhadi Vikrasponse to the request expressed in his concluding ma year 1555, corresponding, so far as the day paragraph, that I publish the following dates, is concerned, to the Saka year 1420, on the fifth which distinctly refer themselves to the Ashadhddi lunar day of the bright half of the month Magha, sanat. According to the information collected on a Wednesday, under the nakshatra Uttardby Mr. Fleet, the Ashddhidi year is a Vikrama Bhadrapada, and when the yoga was either year which commences three months later than siddha or Siddhi, and the karana Bava. Caleu. the northern (Chaitradi), or, which is the same lating now for the ordinary (northern or southern) thing, four months earlier than the southern
year, we obtain, as the possible equivalents of (Karttikadi) year; and, assuming this to be true, Magha sukla 5,any dates of the Ashadhadi year falling in any for Vikrama 1555 current, - Saturday, 27th Januof the nine months from Asbådba to Phålguna ary, A.D. 1498, when the fifth tithi of the must, for the purpose of calculation, be treated bright half ended 18 h. 12 m. after mean as northern dates, while such dates as fall Bunrise ; and when, at sunrise, the nakshatra in the three months Chaitra, Vaisakha, and was Rôvati, the yoga Sadhya, and the karana Jyaishtha, must, for the purpose of calculation, Bsva; he regarded as southern dates. My dates, which for Vikrama 1555 expired. - Wednesday 16th fall in the months Mägha, Sravaņa, Vaisakha, January, A.D. 1499, when the fifth tithi of and Phálguna, prove that on this point Mr. Floet's the bright half ended 17 h. 34 m. aftor mean information is correct; and the last date, belong. sunrise, and when the nakshatra was Uttara. ing to a dark fortnight, shows that in this Bhadrapada up to about 11 h. 10 m., the yóga instance) the arrangement of the lunar fortnights Siddha up to about 19 h. 24 m., and the karana of the Åshadhidi year is the aminta (southern) Bava up to about 6 h., after mean sunrise. arrangement. The dates are as follows:
The second of these two days is evidently the 1.-In Archaeol. Survey of Western India, No. one mentioned in the inscription; and this date 2, List of Antiquarian Remains, pp. 264-265, accordingly proves that the month Magha of the there is (what appears to be) a rough transcript of ordinary northern or southern) Vikrama year is an inscription at Adalij, 12 miles north of Ahmada- also the Magha of the same Ashddhidi year; or, båd, which records the building of a well by the more accurately, that, so far as the bright half of Rank RadA, the wife of the Vaghêla chief Vara- the month Magha is concerned, there is no differ. sithha of the DandAhi-déba, and of which the date ence between the northern or southern, and Ashd. is given in the following passages:
dhidi years. As might have been expected, the L. 1.- Samvat 1555 varshê Mágha-másê pam- year 1555 of the date is the expired year; and so
chami - dinê padasaha - Srf - Mahimada- is the Saka year 1420, mentioned together with it, râjâ jyo P);
notwithstanding the term pravartamdnd, by which L. 9.-Svasti eri-npipa- Vikramarka-samayâtito it is qualified.
kalê (!) sâmpratani samvat-panchadase 2. - According to Professor Aufrecht's Cata. tu pamcha-militê varshe ch&pamsati (chalogue of the MSS. of the Bodleian Library, page pamchasati P) I ......... Kaubêrim 348, a manuscript of the Prabhdsakshetratirtha. disam=&britê dina-patau m se cha Maghydtrdrukrama bears the following date :Abhidhê pakshe suklatame tithau phana
samvat 15 Åshadhadi 34 varashë (varshe) bhritô våré Budhasy=Ottart-nakshatré Sravana-sudi 6 Bhabhau)me ad[y]=éha Bha(ba)va-Baujfiake cha karane yoge brf-Kadanapurd ethane påtasaha-sri(érk). Va (cha) Siddhopare(!) ......; and - Mahimada-vijayarajye .....

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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i.e. " on Tuesday, the 5th of the bright half of tithi of the bright half ended about 22 h. Sravana in the Ashadhadi (Vikrama) year 1534, 37 m. after meart sunrise." here, at the place Kadanapura, in the reign of The true day, therefore, clearly is Tuesday, and victory of the Sultan, the illustrious Mahmud." April, A.D. 1527, and the date proves that the
Calculating, again, for Srivapa sukla 5 of the bright half of Vaisakha of the Ashadhadi year is ordinary northern and southern Vikrama years, also the bright half of the same month of the we obtain the following results :
same southern year. , for the northern year 1534, current, - Friday, 4.-On page VII. of the Notes, Corrections and 26th July, A.D. 1476;
Additions to his Report on the Search for Sanskrit for the northern year 1584, expired, MSS. for 1883-84, Professor Bhandarkar has
or the southern year 1534, current, - given the date of a MS. of a commentary on the Tuesday, 15th July, A.D. 1477, when the Sobhana-stutayah, evidently also written in Gujafifth tithi of the bright half ended about råt, thus:7 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise;
samvat 16 Åshadha vadi 99 varshê Phálgunafor the southern year 1534 expired, in which Srl. vadi 11 tithan Soma-dine. vana was intercalary,
Here the words Ashadha radi, of course, are for the first Sravana, - Saturday, 4th July, meaningless; and there can be no doubt that the A.D. 1478;
writer, who was not copying from another MS., for the second Sravana, Monday, 3rd but wished to give the date on which he finished August, A.D. 1478.
his own copy, meant to write or, and this appears Of these, Tuesday, 15th July, A.D. 1477, is more probable, actually has written clearly the day intended by the date; and since samvat 16 Åshadhadi 99 varshê, - Indian dates, as a rule, are recorded in expired i.e." in the Ashadhadi (Vikrama) year 1699, on years, we are justified in assuming that the year the 11th lunar day of the dark half of Phålguna, 1534 of the date was the expired Ashddhddi year, on a Monday." And calculating, again, for and that the bright half of Sravana of this Asha. Phålguna krishna 11 of the ordinary (northern or dhddi year was also the bright half of the same southern) Vikrama years, and for both the parni. month of the same northern year.
manta and the amanta schemes of the lunar 3.- According to Professor Weber's Catalogue fortnights, I obtain the following results :of the Berlin MSS., Vol. I., page 69, a manuscript for Vikrama 1699 current, of the Tandyabrahmana, which was evidently purnimdnta - Tuesday, 15th February, written in Gujarat, is dated : -
A.D. 1642; svasti samvat Ashaşhadi 83 varshê Vaisa. amanta - Wednesday, 16th March, shakha)-sita-dviti ya Jyam Bhumi.
A.D. 1642; taneye ....
for Vikrama 1699 expired, i.e., apparently, "on Tuesday, the second lunar púrximanta - Sunday, 5th February, day of the bright half of Vaisakha in the Asha
A.D. 1643; dhddi (Vikrama) year 88."
amants - Monday, 6th March, A.D. 1643, Here the figures for the century have, either
when the 11th tithi of the dark half purposely or negligently, been omitted; but,
ended 10 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise. learning from Professor Weber that the MS. is The true day, therefore, clearly is Monday, an old one, and "may well have been written about sth March, A.D. 1848, and the date proves that samvat 1583," I feel no hesitation in saying that the arrangement of the lunar fortnights of this the year of the date is 1583, and that the copyist, Ashadhadi year was the amanta arrangement of similarly to what we have seen in the preceding the ordinary southern Vikrama year. date, intended to write or should have written
As regards the above dates in general, it may "gavat 15 ÅshidhAdi 83 varshê." And calculat- be noted that out of several hundreds of Vikrama ing for Vaisakha fukla 2 of the ordinary northern dates in inscriptions and MSS. which I have and southern years, I find the following yuiva- examined, they are the only dates hitherto dig. lents:
covered which mention the Ashddhddi year; that for the northern year 1583, current, - Monday, they are all from Gujarat, and that three of 24th April, A.D. 1525;
them belong to about the same time (Vikrama for the northern year 1583, expired,
1534, 1555, and 1583). Moreover, attention deor the southern year 1583, current, serves to be drawn to the peculiar manner in Friday, 13th April, A.D. 1526;
which the year of the date is expressed in the for the southern year 1688, expired, Tues second, third and fourth dates, and in line 9 of the
day, 2nd April, A.D. 1527, when the second first date, by separating the figures for the century

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from the figures for the year within the century, and altogether omitting the word for 'hundred.' And in this respect I may be permitted to quote here, from page 166 of Professor Eggeling's Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. of the India Office, as an even more instructive example, a date of about the same time and from the same part of India, which runs as follows:
svasti samvat pañchadasa 15 asitau 80 pravarttamâne uttarayanê(nê) śri-surye grishma-ritau mahâmangalya-pradê Jyê(jyai)shtha-masê asita-pakshê dvâdasa ghatika-paryanta-paurṇamasi tadanantarapratipadâyâm tithau Bhrigu-varé ady=êha Simhadrada-sthânê..
BOOK NOTICES.
BOOK
A GRAMMAR OF THE SANSKRIT LANGUAGE, by F. KIELHORN, Ph.D., C.I.E., Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Göttingen. Third edition, revised and enlarged. Bombay Government Central Book Depot; Bombay, 1888. Royal 8vo.; pp. xv. 286.
The study of Sanskrit Grammar may be profitably regarded, as having like that, for example, of Euclid, an interest and educational importance quite apart from its practical bearing. The Paniniyan system, though no critical student would venture to hold it up as an ideal, is in itself so marvellous a monument of human ingenuity and withal so characteristic of India, that no real and scientific student of the speech of the country can entirely dispense with a knowledge of it. Its influence indeed extended, as was so ably shown by the late Dr. Burnell, throughout the Peninsula and beyond the confines of Aryan speech. The modern Indian student, for whomthe present work is principally intended, may be regarded as occupying a place midway between the superficial learner in Europe for merely philological purposes, and the old-fashioned Indian sishya who seems to have spent years in committing to memory rules, of which he probably understood at first even less than our own Eton students of their old Latin grammar.
The general plan adopted by Prof. Kielhorn has been, to adapt the rules of the chief Native grammarians to the requirements of teaching after Western methods. This has involved the inclusion of a considerable number of forms not actually occurring in Sanskrit literature. For all this, the grammar is not to be regarded as a mere introduction to the theoretic study of grammar above referred to; but rather, as Prof. Kielhorn puts it, in introducing his chapter on Syntax, which forms a new and acceptable feature
1 And yet I well remember being set to learn this form by even a European teacher, who rendered it, by-the-by,
253
i.e., omitting useless details, "in the (Vikrams) year fifteen-eighty, in the month Jyaishtha, in the dark half, on a Friday, when the full-moon tithi lasted twelve ghatikus (after sunrise) and was then followed by the first tithi (of the dark half). here at Simhodraḍa" ; corresponding (when referred to the southern Vikrama year 1580, current) to Friday, 29th May, A.D. 1523, when the full-moon tithi by Professor Jacobi's Tables ended 4 h. 28 m., and by Dr. Schram's Tables 4 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise, as near 12 ghatikus as can be expected.
Göttingen.
NOTICES.
of the present volume: "The forms... taught.. "are not learnt for their own sake, but for the use "to be made of them in the sentence." Thus recognizing, as all must do who have been privileged to hold converse with the best culture of India even of to-day, the great importance of Sanskrit as a medium of practical intercourse, Prof. Kielhorn in this work provides his readers with a book of instruction and reference to supply forms that can be justified from the main authorities still deferred to.
F. KIELHORN.
In the Chapter on Letters, spaced Roman type has been used for the more difficult forms, to great advantage. Indeed for European students it might have been well to have added it further on in the work for the more difficult paradigms, as has been done so successfully by Mr. Macdonell in his new edition of Prof. Max Müller's Grampar.
In the Declension-section, anah, beloved of grammarians, appears in full proportions, in spite of its great rarity in the classical language, and even the theoretical feminine is retained, perhaps in deference to the Indian reader's feeling of reverence for the sacredness of its meaning: but it is satisfactory, and more characteristic of the general method of the work, to note that fictions like priyachatvar, discussed by the commentators in the same passage of Panini (vii., 1, 98, 99), are excluded. In the rules for verbs, it might be of assistance to add at abular summary of the sandhi-rules, and in particular to note a case like vatsyati, where the rule for the general tenses differs from that for the special tenses.
In the rules for the insertion of i, the use of the native terms set and unit is most convenient. but European readers must, I fear, be content to envy the native memory that could learn the 100
into a monstrosity of English worthy of the original: dears-four-(having).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1889.
anit' roots given in the five formidable couplets both of Dr. Kielhorn himself and of the tradi. on p. 110. I may perhaps be allowed to record my tional interpreters of the old vyúkarana, such as own experience in learning and teaching, that the might be easily gained by many an Indian reader best way to master this crux is to divide the final of this Journal with little trouble to himself and consonants into two groups, according as they possibly great prosit to us in Europe. tend to cause the insertion or rejection of the i. (1) In $ 58+ (a) Dr. Kielhorn states that "in The exceptions amongst verbs in ordinary use the classical literature the three past tenses are will be found to be very few, when this bas been used without distinction." done, as it easily may be done, from the tables in This no doubt holds good as a general state. Monier-Williams and Whitney.
ment as far as concerns the Imperfect and Aorist. In other cases, where the Paainiyan nomenclature But as for the Perfect Dr. Speijer's' illustrations is concise, and not difficult even for beginners to of the Paniniyan sutra (iii., 2, 115) parókshe lit, acquire, e.g. the names of tenses, it might be added from Dandin and Somadêva, merit consideration, parenthetically. This would facilitate intercourse as tending to show that good prose writers do with Pandits and their books, as well as prepare observe Pånini's rule; and to the same conclu. the way for the study of the older authorities. sion we are led by the rarity of the occurrence
The list of Irregular Verbs ($403) is printed of the 1st and 2nd persons of the tense. with admirable clearness; but in some cases the (2) In explaining the rule for the case as. verbs selected are of rare occurrence, at least in sumed by the agent of the priinitive when it the forms tabulated. For example, the first root aj becomes a causal, Dr. Kielhorn adheres to the seems only to occur in the "Classical Language old rule of Panini (I. iv. 52, gatibuddhi"). in the Parasmai Special Tenses; the same applies But surely there is much force in the objections to mi; while várnu is, like anaduh, to the urged by Biba Anendarima Vaduyat and by Dr. ordinary student, little more than a grammatical Speijer op. cit. 949), who point out that really curiosity. The statistical school, as represented the instrumental is always used when actual by Prof. Whitney, would, it is to be feared, agency or instrumentality is emphasized : e.g., make great havoc of the elaborate rules for forming Manu, viii., 371, ai efT: TUTT, which is canal aorists from vowel initial roots, interestingly against Piuini but still, I venture to think, a parallel though they are to Greek forms like perfectly good construction, because the point is,
yayov ; for we now learn that only three of these not that the king makes the possibly willing) forms have been found in literature (Whitney, dogs devour the criminal, but that the criminal
Verb-forms, pp. 224, 225). Still it must by no meets her death by such degrading means. With means be concluded that the study of Indian
this contrast another citation of Dr. Speijer, grammar, as set forth from traditional sources, Kathesaritseigara, Tar. ix. slà. 10: 45 Traff when unconfirmed by the statistics, confessedly
TR; where the point is, not getting the porand indeed necessarily imperfect, of modern re.
ridge eaten by someone, but making the queen search has no more than the theoretic value to
eat it. So too it would seem that, in spite of which we referred at the outset. Much import
authority, the process of making a person pay ant literature in Sanskrit itself still remains to be explored : while the scientific study of the
(TU), donbtless always familiar to Orientals, Pråkpits and Aryan vernaculars is daily pro
could not be expressed by so gentle a means as the
instrumental construction but takes two accu. gressing and throwing side-lights on the ancient
satives. grammatical learning.
CECIL BENDALL. A special feature of the edition is the addition of a Chapter on Syntax, which has great
5 CU FA-HTEN'S RECORD OF BUDDHISTIC KINGDOM : trang. value as one of the first expositions of this i lated by JAMES LEGGE, M.A., LL.D. OXPORD; portion of grammar by a European scholar already
the Clarendon Press. 1886. Small to; pp. iv., viii.
123, and 44 of Chinese text; with a Map and nine distinguished as an exponent of the Native Illastrations. authorities.
Mr. Legge has done good work in bringing out I must conclude this very inadequate notice by this new translation of F4-Hien's Record of an observation on two syntactical points, which Buddhistie Kingdoms. And we regret not have always interested me, and on which it would having been able to notice his book at an earlier be extremely useful to hear the further opinion date; the more so because, in addition to including
? This applies to the Dhatupasho likewise. hind, 1 wander' treated by European authorition as a doubtful ára eipnuevov, is found in Pâli as early as the Mahavagga (Vol. 1. p. 23) and is still in Use in Hindi and Marathi
Sanskrit Syntax (Leyden, 1886), $ 330.
Hixher Sanskrit Grammar (Calcutta, 1879). 99 100 160.

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AUGUST, 1889.)
BOOK NOTICES.
255
a new and noteworthy feature, in the produc- man; his writing is interesting in proportion to tion of the Chinese text, from a copy obtained his zeal, and there is a fervour and simplicity through Mr. Bun viu Naniio. it is enriched with about his diary which is very winning. euch ample notes, embodying all the advances up Mr. Legge, distrusting the power of FÅ Hien's to date attained by recent researches in this line words alone to interest any but scholars, hus of study, that it innst almost entirely supersede inserted an attraction for the general reader, by previous translations and expositions of the same illustrating the narrative with a series of interestwork.
ing Plates. It would have added to their value, if The visits to India, paid in the early centuries Mr. Legge had told us something of the age and of the Christian era by eager Chinese pilgrims, history of the original drawings. So far as we can are most interesting historical events. They stand | judge, they are studies by a modern Chinese artist out to great advantage from the mass of myths from older drawings. A few touches here and there and legends which do daty as Hindu history. are clearly moderu, and some points, especially The spirit which drove these restless monks, the in the treatment of landscape, might well be Luthers of an earlier Reformation, to seek truth the work of an artist who knew something of at the cradle of their faith, preserved the records the way Europeans deal with the subject. These they left behind them from all taint of fable or illustrations, however, are of great merit. They exaggeration; and the result is in many respects are taken from what Mr. Legge enthusiastia trustworthy tale. Nor are those elements cally calls a superb Chinese edition of the Life of wanting which might move us to deeper feeling Buddha. There are nine in this book, and all than a mere passing interest. When we consider are so good as to make us wish there were more. what a journey from China to India by way of As illustrations by a Buddhist artist of incidents Central Asia means even in these days, we may in the life of the great Buddhist Teacher, and as well be moved to admiration by the devotion, the furnishing some striking examples of the likeness zeal, and the fortitude which must have inspired of the chief incidents of the Buddhist and Christian a humble traveller to venture on such a journey creeds, they are of special interest. The frontispiece, fourteen centuries ago. It is true that FA-Hien for example,-" The Dôvas celebrating the attain. took his time over it. After his start from China mont of the Buddha-ship,"-might almost be the
A.D. 399 or 400, fifteen years passed away work of some Mongol Fru Angelico. The Buddha before he rested again in Nankin, having pierced sits cross-legged on a lotus, surrounded by ranks Central Asia, crossed India from Peshawar to the of adoring hierarchies. Allowing for the difference mouth of the Ganges, visited Ceylon, and returned of the Christian and Buddhist symbols, there is home by way of Java. In view of the large tracts much in this picture to recall Fra Angelico. The of country crossed and the ample leisure F&-Hien handling of the Chinese hagiology, in fact, point. allowed himself, it must be admitted that his diary edly recalls the work of the Christian monks. The is meagre; the whole story reproduced in Chinese other illustrations, though not so striking, are characters only taking up forty-four pages of remarkable and will repay study. Mr. Legge's book. It deals entirely with the | A further help to reading the story is to religious state of the countries he visited. In this be found in Mr. Legge's profuse and scholarly respect, therefore, it is a work of less value than notes, which occupy on an average one-half that of Hiuen Tsiang, which tells a great deal of of each printed page. But, in respect of both the political conditions of India. Hiuen Tsiang the notes and the text, we cannot help reclearly made good use of his time, but it cannot marking that an undesirable course has been be said that F8-Hien, as a diarist, was equally in followed in omitting to give always a transdustrious; and it is a most peculiar point that, literation of the exact Chineso representation of though his visit to India was made at the time all the Hindu' and other non-Chinese words and when the power of the Early Guptas of Northern names that occur in the book. In respect, for India, - by whom Buddhism appears to have instance, of the geographical names, no doubt the been favoured quite as much as the national identification of most of the better known places religions of India, - was still almost at its zenith, is now sufficiently well established. Yet on many yet no references to that dynasty are to be found points there is still room for doubt and controversy. in his book. He saw or noted nothing but the And, as inuch for help in following the writings of special objects of his journey, which were the other Chinese pilgrims, as for further investigation state of the Buddhist faith, the most approved of doubtful points in connection with the present views of Buddha's doctrine, and the degree of book of travels, the exact Chinese equivalents piety with which its services were performed. He ought to have been given throughout, along with writes, however, as a simple, pious, single-eyed the established or supposed Hindu and other numes.

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[AUGUST, 1889.
The sketch map of F&-Hien's travels is very that it is now found that Kullaka's commentary, good as it stands, and shows the whole course of which until recent times was always thought to be the journey in a way which is indispensable to the most authoritative exegesis of the Code, following the text. It would have added to the and was always associated with it, does not value of the book, however, had this map been possess the claims to special consideration with supplemented by others, on a larger scale, of por. which it was invested by the early editors and tions of the countries he visited. Such detail is, translators of Manu, but, belonging apparently of course, impossible when one has to show half to the fifteenth century, is most substantially Asia and Polynesia on a quarto page.
indebted to the preceding commentaries, and in
particular to that by Govindaraja. Copious notes MANAVA-DHARMA-SASTRA, THE CODE OF MANU; THE
on the various readings of the Text are given in ORIGINAL SANSKRIT TEXT, critically edited accord
pages 287 to 335; and these are followed by a ing to the standard Sanskrit Commentaries, with Critical Notes, by J. JOLLY, Ph.D., Professor of
special feature, viz. a synopsis of the more import. Sanskrit in the University of Würzburg; late Tagore ant discrepancies between the present edition and Professor of Law in the University of Caloutta.
the text as rendered in the four principal trans. TRUBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES; London ; Trübner & Co. 1887. Post 8vo; PP. ix., 3.46.
lations, by Houghton, Deslongchamps, Burneli, Professor Jolly's edition of the text of
and Bühler. The last two translations, of which the Manava-Dharma-Bastra or Manu-Bmriti,
Burnell's was completed and brought out by popularly known as the Code of Manu, is a very
Hopkins, are of recent date. To them the present useful addition to the list of reliable texts of edition of the Text, beautifully printed by W. important Sanskrit works of this book " the Drugulin, Oriental and Old Style Printer, Leipzig, two European editions, Sir G. C. Houghton's
will be a most valuable accompaniment. published in 1825, and Loiseleur Deslongchamps' published in 1830, though very creditable pro.
THE COINS OF THE DUBRANIS, by M. LONGWORTH ductions in their own time, belong to a bygone DAMES.Reprinted from the Numismatie Chronicle, period of Sanskrit studies, and have long been out Vol. VIII. Third Series, Pp. 326-363. London, 1888. of print, while the numerous Indian editions are This is a learned and very useful pamphlet on on the whole nothing but reprints from the two the coins of the successors of Ahmad Shah earliest Calcutta editions, published in 1813 and Durrant, who stamped his mark literally on all 1830." These remarks, in his Preface, by the editor the coinage of the Pañjab, excepting that of of the present Text, will be fully understood and Lahor and Amritsar and of Kasmir. appreciated by anyone familiar with the usual This paper, however, only deals with the coinage quality of the Hindu "editions," 80-called, ofl of his successors on the throne he established from Sanskrit works, prepared otherwise than under 1773 to 1842. The history of the Durranis is, as European superintendence, or by those who have Mr. Dames very rightly remarks, "an almost studied under European teachers and have ac- unparalleled series of treasons, rebellions, plots quired the Western method of critical editing, and and murders," and as their coins very fairly will serve to indicate the special importance of the represent the various fluctuations of power which present version of this ancient book. In addition so rapidly succeeded each other, Mr. Dames has to the previous printed editions, and to manu. done good service in recording them. scripts of the text only, the preparation of the pre- | Ahmad Shah was succeeded by Taimur Shah, sent Text has been facilitated by the recovery of his son,who reigned 20 years, and between his early Commentaries, by Medhatithi, belonging death in 1793, and the extinction of the dynasty probably to the ninth century, - of which nine in 1842, there were 11 reigns over the whole or a copies have been consulted, - and by Govindaraja, part of the kingdom. In this interval, too, one composed apparently in the twelfth or thirteenth ruler, Shuja'u'l-Mulk ShAh, reigned three times, century, and somewhat later ones by Sarvajña. and another, Mahmûd Shah twice. Of the sons of Narayana, Raghavananda, and Nandana, includ. Taimar Shah that came to the throne, there were ing also an anonymous commentary from Zaman Shah, Shujá'u'l-Mulk Shah, Mahmad Shah, Kasmir "contained in an ancient carefully written Sultán Ali Shah, and Ayyab Shah. Of his grand. and corrected birch-bark MS. in the Sarada Bons there were Kamrân, Qaisar Shah and Fath character," which is now in the Deccan College Jang. Library; selections from all of which are being The varying fortunes of these princes can all published by Professor Jolly in the Bibliotheca be noted in the 156 carefully described coins to be Indica Series, and will of course form a useful found in Mr. Dames' pamphlet as issued from 15 and indispensable aid in any detailed study of mint-towns in the Pañjab, Kaśmir, Afghanistan, the original precepts. And a curious result is, and Turkistán.

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SEPTEMBER, 1889.] A DATED GRÆCO-BUDDHIST SCULPTURE.
A DATED GRECO-BUDDHIST SCULPTURE.
257
BY V. A. SMITH, B.C.S.
HE date of the interesting School of Greco-Buddhist Sculpture in the Kabul THE Valley has formed the subject of discussion, and is still unsettled. The paucity of inscriptions has rendered the solution of the problem especially difficult. The few which have been found are all in the Arian character.
The only published inscriptions which are directly associated with Greco-Buddhist Soulptures have been found at Jamalgarhi and Kharkai. Those at the former place consist of some masons' marks, the Hindu names of a weekday and a month on a pilaster, and seven characters, read as Saphae danamukha, on the back of the nimbus of one of the statues supposed to be those of kings. The record from Kharkai consists merely of the three characters a, ra, and dé, on the sides of a relic-chamber. Sir A. Cunningham wishes to read these as equivalent to the name of Arya-Deva, a Buddhist leader at the beginning of the Christian era; but this interpretation is too conjectural to command confidence. Masons' marks in Arian characters were also noticed at Kharkai.l
I reserve for another occasion a full discussion of the chronology of Græco-Buddhist art. My present purpose is confined to the publication of the only dated inscription which has yet been discovered, associated with an Indo-Hellenic work of art. I am indebted to the liberality of the discoverer, Mr. L. White King, B.C.S., for permission to publish this unique record.
In or about the year 1883, at Hashtnagar, the site of the capital of Peukeloaitis, in the modern district of Peshawar, Mr. King came across a statue of the standing Buddha, which was ignorantly worshipped by the Hindus as an orthodox deity. He could not carry away the statue, but was allowed to remove its inscribed pedestal. This pedestal, like most of the Gandhara sculptures, is composed of blue slate, and is 14" long by 8" high. Its front is adorned by an alto-relievo, enclosed between two Indo-Corinthian pilasters, representing Buddha, seated, and attended by disciples, who seem to be presenting offerings to him. An Arian inscription, consisting of a single line of characters, deeply and cleanly cut, and in greater part excellently preserved, occupies a smooth band below the relief. This band was evidently prepared for the inscription, which must have been executed at the same time as the sculpture. The accompanying facsimile is from a rubbing taken by Sir A. Cunningham. The record is incomplete at the end, and it is probable that the lost portion contained the name of the person who dedicated the image. The extant portion was read, for Mr. King, by Sir A. Cunningham, as follows:
Sam 274 emborasmasa masasa mi pañchami 5.
PEPPER RA
Scale ⚫50
where
The record, as it stands, consists of a date, and nothing more. The month is stated to be intercalary, but is not further named. The numerals are distinct, and their interpretation appears to be certain; the 274 is expressed by two units, a symbol for 100, three symbols, each value 20, one symbol for 10, and one for 4; and the 5 is expressed by 1 and 4.
The main question suggested by the inscription is the identity of the era referred to. It may be the Saka era of A.D. 78, which was probably used by Kanishka; if so, the date of the record is A.D. 351 or 352. Or the era may be that used by Gondophares in his Takht-iBahi inscription from the same region where this pedestal was found. The Takht-i-Bahi inscription is dated in the year 103, and numismatic evidence shows that Gondophares ruled in
1 Archaol. Surv. Ind., Vol. V. pp. 54, 63, Pl. xii. xvi.

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the first half of the first century A.D.2 The era used by him, consequently, cannot have differed very much from that beginning in 58 B.C., which afterwards became known by the name of Vikrama. I do not, of course, mean to assert that the Vikrama era was actually used by Gondophares; I merely note the fact that he used an epoch which closely approximated to that known as the era of Vikrama. The era employed by Gondophares may have been that of the great king Moga," in the 78th year of which the Taxila inscription of the Satrap Liako. Kusulako is dated. 3
I hope that some one more learned in eras than I am, may solve the problems propounded by these inscriptions from the Yusufzai country. The style of the Hashtnagar relief is not very good, the figures not being undercat, as they are in the best examples of Græco-Buddhist art; and I feel more inclined to date the work in A.D. 351-52, than in or about A.D. 210-220; but I cannot say that the earlier date is impossible.
TAMIL HISTORICAL TEXTS.
By V. KANAKASABHAI PILLAI, B.A., B.L. There are several ancient poems still extant in the Tamil language, which are of great historical value, but are as yet unknown to European scholars. I do not speak of those poetical works, which are only professedly historical, such as the Madhurd-Sthala-Purdna and the Kanchi Purana, which are translations of Parâņas composed in Sanskrit by pious Brahmaps for the glory of the temples or local deities in which they were interested; they are full of absurd stories spun out of the imagination of the authors, interspersed with a fow legendary traditions, and are utterly anreliable as historical guides. But I refer to those poems which were composed in praise of contemporary kings or chieftains, and which belong to the class of metrical compositions known in Tamil by the name of Kovai, Uld, Param, and Kalambakam. They are all written in a conventional style peculiar to each class. The Kovai is an amatory poem, in every stanza of which the praises of his patron are cunningly brought in by the author. The Ulá gives a description of the personal appearance of a king or hero, when he comes out of his palace sarrounded by his nobles and officers of state, and of the enamoured behaviour of women, young and old, who are fascinated by his beauty. The Parani describes a battle or campaign, in which the victor is the author's patron. The Kalambakam is a poem very similar to the Kšvai, with only this difference, that in the former each stanza is of a different metre, and is addressed to the patron as uttered by his mistress, while in the latter the stanzas are all of one metre, and the patron is not one of the lovers. A poem of any of these kinds would be usually read by the author in a public assembly presided over by his patron, who on the conclusion of the recital would reward the poet with gifts of money or, land, and with costly presents such as horses, chariots, elephants, and the like.
These poems owe their preservation to the esteem in which they have been held, not as records of historical events, nor as relics of the poets who composed them, but as rare specimens of the class of metrical compositions to which they belong. Making due allowance for the exaggerations that would naturally find their way into enlogistic verses addressed by poets to their patrons, there is no reason to question the truth of the main events narrated in them; and to the antiquarian and archeologist who have now to elucidate the ancient history of India from inscriptions on temples and copper-plates, such works should be of great interest. The facts that may be gathered from this class of Tamil literature, would enable such enquirers not only to correct or confirm the information they have already collected from inscriptions, but also to trace the history of those periods for which no information can be gathered from the inscriptions.
Cunningham, Archeol. Surv. Ind., Vol. II. p. 60; V. pp. 59, 60; Gardner, Catalogue of Coins o Skythic kings of Bactria and India, p. Eliv.
8 Cunningham, Archaol. Surv. Ind., Vol II. p. 132; V. 07; Gardner, P. xlix.

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. With this view, I have commenced the translation of a few of the poems, which I consider would be most interesting to those who wish to study the ancient history of Southern India. I give below the translation of a small poem, belonging to the class of Paranis, called
Kaļavali or the Battle-field. It is popularly known as the Kaļavali-Nárpatu, or " forty stanzas on the battle-field," But all the extant manuscripts which I have examined, contain forty-one stanzas. A printed edition published some years ago by Subbaraya Chettiyâr, late Tamil Pandit in the Government Normal School, Madras, also contains forty-one stanzas. The metre of the poem is known in Tamil prosody as Vempå. Each line consists of four feet, exoept the last one in each stanza, which contains only three feet. There is no restriction as to the number of lines in a stanza; but usually it is never less than four. The rhyme is always at the beginning of each line, and not at the end as in English poetry. A few lines of prose, prefixed to the poem, state that, when the Chola Chonkannan and the Chéraman Kansikka-Irumporai, engaged in battle, and the latter was defeated and taken prisoner, the poet Poikayar recited this poem before the Chola king and obtained the release of the Chêra from captivity. This fact of the Chola releasing the Chêra king on hearing the Kalavali, is mentioned in many later poems which I shall translate hereafter.
It appears from the poem that the battle which it commemorates was fought at & place called Kalumalam (stanza 36) which was situated somewhere in the Kongu or Chora country. There was then a famous town of the same name in the heart of the Chôla country, which is now known as Shiyali (a Station on the South Indian Railway, in the Tanjore District); but this cannot be the place mentioned in the poem. The battle was evidently a very sanguinary engagement, and was fought on a forenoon (St. 1.) The Chêra army was particularly strong in elephants, while the Chola had a numerous band of archers and horsemen. The elephants were unable to stand the ceaseless fary of the arrows shot by the Chola archers, and were slaughtered in great numbers by the cavalry and swordsmen. The Chola king drove in a chariot drawn by horses with cropped manes (St. 33). He is described as young, valiant, and terrible in war. He wore ornaments made of gold and of precious stones, a sword and scabbard, and garlands of fragrant flowers. His name was Chenkan or "Red-eye" (St. 4, 5, 11, 15, 21, 29, 30, 40). He is also described as the lord of Punal-Nadu (" the land of floods," a name of the Chola country), Chembian (a descendent of 'Sibi) and king of the country watered by the Kaveri. Nothing is said of his rival, the Chera prince, beyond that he was the king of Vanji (St. 39) and that his soldiers were Kongas (St. 14). The modern name of Vañji is Karar, according to the Tamil metrical dictionary Tivakaram. But the identification of this town with Karur in the Coimbatore District, by all the European scholars who have discussed the Ancient Geography of Southern India, is erroneous. They were apparently misled by the similarity of the names. Ancient Tamil works however describe Vanji as situated west of the Western Ghauts. In the Peria-Puránam, a history of Saiva devotees, which was written in the eleventh century A.D., during the reign of the Chôļa king Anabhaya-Kulottunga, Vaõji is mentioned as the capital of the Chöra king, and it is stated that it was known also as Makôtai or Kodunkôlür. The name Makôtaipattanam occurs in the Chêra grants in the possession of the Syrian Christians of Cochin, and it is alluded to therein as the capital of the Chêraman. Ptolemy correctly places it (Carura Regia Cerobothri) near the western coast, on a river flowing into the sea, close to the port of Muziris. In the Kéraļ8lpatti, a legendary history of the Malabar country, Karûr or Tirukkarûr (the prefix tiru means 'sacred') is mentioned as the capital of a Chéraman who embraced the Buddhist faith. The site of the ancient Karur should therefore be found somewhere near the modern towns of Kodunkóļúr or Tirukkarúr in the Cochin Territory.
We also gather from the poem that swords, javeling, lances, bows, and arrows, were used 18 weapons of war. Leathern sandals were worn by the soldiers to protect their feet. Big

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thundering drums were carried to the battle-field on elephants, and tall banners were borne on chariots as well as on elephants. The soldiers fought on foot or on horseback; the nobles and princes rode on elephants, while the commanders drove in chariots. Umbrellas, with straight handles and flat circular tops covered with white cloth, were carried behind the officers of the army as tokens of their dignity. Another curious fact mentioned in the poem is that women went to the battlefield, to recover the bodies of their slain kindred (St. 29). Such of the bodies as were not taken away by their relations, lay on the field to be devoured by crows, hawks, eagles, and jackals. The Kârttikai feast or the "feast of lights," peculiar to the Dravidian people, is also alluded to in the poem (St. 17).
260
The date of the poem cannot be later than the sixth or seventh century A.D.; for ChenKannan or Kochchenkannan (the prefix ko means 'king') is mentioned in the Leiden grant (see Archaeol. Surv. South. India, Vol. IV. p. 217) as one of the ancient and illustrious ancestors of Rajaraja-Chôla, who lived in the eleventh century A.D., and the poem is to be taken as composed in his life-time, very shortly after the battle described in it. He is similarly mentioned as a progenitor of Vira-Narayana-Chôla, whose date is presumed to be about A.D. 935 to 955 (see the grant of the Bâna king Hastimalla, published by Mr. Foulkes, Manual of the Salem District, Vol. II. p. 369). It will be seen from other poems which I shall translate, that his date is also anterior to that of Pallava-Malla-Nandivarman, who lived most probably in the seventh or eighth century A.D. (see his grant published by Mr. Foulkes in the Manual of the Salem District, Vol. II. p. 855). In the later Tamil poems which I shall notice hereafter, Chenkan is described as having extended his authority over the Pandya and Chêra kings; as having settled Brahmans, and built for them houses, at Chirrambalam (now known as Chillumbrum, a station on the South Indian Railway, in the South Arcot District), where there is a famous temple of Siva; and as having built no less than seventy temples, dedicated to the worship of that god, in different parts of the Chôla country. He was, in fact, one of the earliest of the Chôla kings who favoured Saivism, and helped the revival of the Brahmanical religions in Southern India.
(1) Nan ñâyirarra cheravirku vilntavar
vân mây kuruti kaliralakka tânmâyntu mun pakal ellâm kulampâki pin pakal tuppa takalil kelâum punanadan tappiyâr adda kalattu.
(2) Nalpina) elohiya üälañcher yinaikki] pôrppil idi murasinûdu pôm oņkuruti karppeyal peytapin chenkulak kôddukki! nirtûmbu nirumilva pônṛa punanâdan ârttamar adda kalattu.
TEXT.
(3) Olakkuňkurati alakkittalarvår iJukkankalirukkôdânşi eļavār malaikkuran mamurachin malku nir nådan pilaittârai adda kalattu.
(4) Uruvakkaduntêr murakki marṛatter paratichumantelunta yânai yiravichumbil chelchudar chêrnta malai pônṛa Chenkanmal
pullarai adda kalattu.
(5) Terikaņai ehham tiranta vâyellâm
kuruti padintunda kakam uruvilantu kukkil puratta chiralvâya Chenkanmal tappiyâr adda kalattu.
(6) Nânâṛrichaiyum pinam piranka yanai adukkupu êrrikkidanta iditturari ankanvichumpin urumerintenkum perumalaittûrerintaṛrê arumani pûnêntelin mârpiyaṛrindêrch Chembian tev vêntarai adda kalattu.
(7) Añchanakkunrêykkum yânai amarulakki inkulikak kunṛe pôrrônṛum chenkan varivarâl minpiralum Kaviri nadan porunarai adda kalattu.
(8) Yanai mêl yânai neritara ânâtu
kanner kadunkaņai meymmâyppa evvâyum ennarum kanṛil kurtinam pônṛanavê pannår idi murachil pay punal nir nådan napparai adda kalattu.

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261
(9) Mélôrai kiļör kuruki kuraittidda
kâlâr chôdersa kalal kalirankadalu! nila curapiralva pônța punanadan
nêrárai adda kalattu. (10) Palkaņai evvậyum pâytalil chelkala
tolki uyankkum kalipellam tolchirappis chevvalankunram pôrônsum punanadan
tervarai adda kaļattu. (11) Kalamiya nadpinu! maintikantár idda
oļimuracham oņkuruti adi tôlinmadinta kaņkan yanai utaippa ilumena mankal malayin atirum atirappor
Chenkanmal adda kalattu. (12) Ovâk kanai paya olki yelil vēlam
tîvây kuruti ilitalâl chentalai pavalaokunram puyarkêrpa pÔnsanavd Kaviri nadan kadaikkaditaka
küdarai adda kalattu. (13) Nirai katir nichham nîddi vayavar
varai purai yanaikkai nûra - varai mol urumeri pambil pura!um cheru moimbil
choy porutadda kalattu. (14) Kavalaiko! ya naiyin kai tunikkappadda
pavalañchoritaru pai pôr-tivaļolya onohe kuruti umilum punanadan
konkarai adda kalattu. (15) Koly&nai pâyakkudai murakki evvayam
pukkavâyellam piņampiranka-tachchan vinai padu palliyil tônsumê Chenkan
chinamal porata ka!attu. (16) Paruma inamakkadavitterimasavar
Okki eduttavaravattinarppañchak kužcharakkuinbattu pâyvana kanpivarum vônkai irum puli pônţa punanadan
vêntarai adda kalattu. (17) Årppelunta Adpina! (!åletirttódi
takki eritara viļtarum on kuruti Karttikai chârris kaļivilakkai pônsanavê pôrkkodittåpai poru punal ntr nadan
arttamar adda kalattu. (18) Nalinta kadalul timirirai pôlenkkum
vilintar piņam kurati Irkkum telinta tadaspidankko! vaddalai avilum târ choy
udafriyar adda kaļattu. (19) Idai maruppin vidderinta ehham kål
malki kadai mani kāņvarattônți nadai melinta mgkkôdda pônra kalirellâm air nadan pukkamar adda kaļattu.
(20) Iruchirakar irkku parappi eruvai
kuruti pinau kavarum torram tiravili chirmula pa namaippån pônța punanadan
nêrîrai adda kalattu. (21) Inai vel elinmarumattiuka pun kurntu
kaņai alaik kolkia yanai-tunai ilavải tol vali árri tulaukinavai mella nilaukål kavarum malai pônţa Chenkan
chinamal porata kalattu. (22) Iru nilañchernta kudaikkil varinutal
adiyal yânai tadakkai oliruva! odâ maravar tanippa tuņintavai kódu ko! oņmatiyai nakkum påmbokkamö padar idi murachil pay punal nir nadan
kûdârai adda kalatta. | (23) Eddivayavar eriya natal pilantu
neyttorppanalul nivanta kalirrudampu chekkarko!vinil kadunkoņmůppÔnsavô korraverrânai kodittindôr Chembian
cherrárai adda kalattu. (24) Tindôn masavar eriya tichaitorum
paintalai parir paraļpavai-nankennittum pennaiantoddam peruvali pukkarra kannar kama) teriyal Kaviri nir nadan
nannarai adda kalattu. (25) Malai kalankap påyum palai pôl nilai
kolla kuncharam påyak kodi eluntu-poukupu vânantudaippana pônra punanadan
mêvârai adda kaļatta. (26) Evvîyam di vayavar tuņittidda
kaivậyil kondelanta chenchevi puncheval aivai vayanâ kam kavvi vichumbivarura chevvai uvaņattiprônrum punanadan
tevvarai adda kalattu. (27) Cheñ chêsu! chel yanai chîți mitittalal
on chenkurutika! tokktudi ninrarai pû nir viyansa midâ pÔnra punan dan
mêvarai adda kalattu. (28) OdA maravar uruttu mataicherukki
pidudai válar pisankiya bad pinu! kadakat tôdaşra tadakkai kal kondódi ikalanvaitarriya torram ayalarkku kannadi kamparirrorpam punanadan
nangårai adda kalattu (29) Kadi kâvil kärsurreriya vedipaddu virra virra ôdum mayil inam pol –
narrichaiyum kesirilantár alasupavê Chonkan chipamal poruta kalattu.

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(30) Madanka erinta malai uraddu nir p81 (36) Oo uvaman upalvinsi ottate tadankonde oņkuruti kolkalisikkum
Kaviri nadan Kalumalam kondanal madankan masa moimpil Chenkad- mâyutaippa marrår kudai ellám kflmélky chinamál
avutai kaļambi pÔnra punanadan adavkárai adda kalatta.
mêvarai adda kalattu. (31) Odâ massvar eriya nutal pilanta
(37) Arachar pişánkânra neyttôr murachôdu kôdênta kol kalirra kombatta elilodai
muttudai kódda kalisirppa - ettichaiyum minnukkodiyin miļirum punan dan
paavvam punar ambi pênsa punanadan onnarai adda kalattu.
tevvarai adda kalattu. (32) Maiyin mâmêni nilamennum nallava!
cheyyata pôrttál por chevvantâl-poitirnta (38) Parumap paņai erattir pal yânai punkůrnt pântar muracir poru punal nir nadan urumeţi pâmbir para!um chera moimbis kâintârai adda kalattu.
ponnára márpir punai kalap kal Chombian (33) Poikai udaintu punal påynta vâyellâm
tupnárai adda kalattu. neytal idai idai vâļai piraļvanapôl
(39) Maintu kâl yâtta mayankiya nádpinu! aitilankehhinaviroļi vaļ tâyinavê
paintu kål pôki pulên mukanta veņkudai koichuvan måvir kodittiņder Chembian panchi pey tAlamê pÔnra punan dan tevvarai adda kalattu.
vañchi kô adda kalattu. (34) Inariya ñådpinu! Ørrelunta maintar chudarilankehham eriya chôrntukka
(40) Velli vennáñ chilân balamaluvanapol kudar kondu vånkum kusunari kantil
ellak kalirum nilam chêrnta -pal vær todarodu konki puraiyum adar paimpun
paņai malaika pôrttanai Chenkadchinamal choy porutadda kalattu.
kaņai mari peyta kalattu. (35) Chevvaraichchenni arimanodavvarai (41) Vênisaittinka vayavaral épandu olkiurumir kudaintașrån-malki
kanilankollâk kalanki chevichậitta karaikop rilitarûun Kaviri nadan
mânilankúpu masai kêdpa ponrave uraichål udampidi mulka aracho
pådar idi murachir pai punal nir nadan darachovå viļnta kalattu.
kodarai adda kalattu.
TRANSLATION. (Stanza 1) In the forenoon it was miry with the blood flowing from the sword-wounds of those who fell in the fight, trampled by elephants; and in the evening it was bright with dust of a coral hue, in the battle-field where the lord of Punal-Nadu killed those who had failed in their duty.
(2) The bright blood of the elephants which had dropped during the strife, streamed through the torn drums that were tied to their backs, like water bursting throngh sluices in the high embankment of a tank, - in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu rashed to the battle shouting the war-cry.
(3) The Warriors who sank with weariness from wading in the blood that was spilt in the fight, rose again by holding the tasks of slain elephants, - in the field where the lord of the land abounding in water killed those who had erred.
(4) The elephants, which rose lifting up on high the shining wheels of strong and well shaped cbariots which they had broken, resembled mountains on the brow of which descends the setting sun, in the field where Chonkanmal killed his foes.
(5) Red as jungle-cocks were the crows which dipped in and drank the blood flowing from wounds caused by the well-directed arrows and lances, - in the field where Chenkanmal killed those who had failed in their duty.
(6) Piles of slaughtered men and elephants lay on all sides like the boulders of a mighty rock scattered by a terrific thunderbolt, - in the field where the Chembian, riding on a strong chariot, and bearing on his breast jewels set with rare gems, killed the rival kings.

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(7) Elephants which looked like black rocks, when they entered the fight, resembled hills of red sand after the conflict, - in the field where the king of the country watered by the KAVört, in which the striped varál-fish (delight to) sport, killed his foes.
(8) Elephants, huddled one with another, and pierced on all sides by swiftly shot arrows, appeared like countless rocks with birds perched on them, - in the field where the lord of the land of the bounding waters, who owned thundering drums, killed those who slighted him.
(9) The feet of the horse-soldiers covered with leathern sandals and adorned with anklets, which were cut off by the warriors on foot, rolled in the flowing blood like blue sharks in the great ocean, — in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu killed his enemies.
(10) The elephants, which, unable to bide the storm of numberless arrows flying on all sides, were in great distress, appeared like the famous red mountain (Mera), - in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu slaughtered his enemies.
(11) The drums, abandoned by the weak in the thick of the fray, bathed in blood, and kicked by blinded elephants, resounded like thunder proceeding from dark-clouds, - in the field where the dauntless Chenkanmal destroyed his foes.
(12) Majestic elephants, shedding crimson blood, having been pierced by ceaseless arrows, appeared like rocks with red peaks, washed by rain, — in the field where the king of the country watered by the Kaveri, charged fiercely and killed those who would not be his friends.
(13) The trunks of elephants, lofty as mountains, which were cut down by warriors flourishing their bright and long swords, rolled on the ground like huge rocksnakes struck by lightning, - in the field where the young king, valiant in war, killed (his foes).
(14) The bright blood flowing from the maimed trunks of elephants, fell like strings of coral dropping from bags, - in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu defeated the Kongas.
(15) The furious elephants having broken umbrellas and killed men wherever they charged, the scene appeared like the workshop of a carpenter, - in the field where the wrathful Cheňkanmal engaged in battle.
(16) Like tigers springing on rocks, columns of mailed steeds, ridden by veteran warriors, charged against the elephants which stood (motionless) unawed by the shouts of the horsemen, - in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu slaughtered his rivals.
(17) Amid the battle-shouts the bright blood, shed by warriors who rushed on cach other, resembled the lights in the Karttikai feast, — in the field where the lord of the land of raging waters, who leads bannered hosts, killed his enemies with a loud shont.
(18) Corpses floated in the running blood like ships in the broad sen, in the field where the young king, who wears garlands of full-blown flowers (on his breast), and a sword and scabbard (at his waist), killed his enemies.
(19) Elephants, pierced by javeling which had entered deep between the tasks, appeared as if they had three tusks, - in the field where the lord of the land of waters killed his enemies.
(20) The eagles, flapping their extended wings, and feeding ravenously on the bleeding corpses, appeared like musicians beating their drums with both hands, in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu killed those who opposed him.
(21) Pierced in the chest by rows of javelins, and sorely wounded by waves of arrows, helpless, faint, and weary, the elephants sank on the ground like falling rocks, - in the field where the wrathful Chenkapmal engaged in battle.
(22) The massive trunks of elephants, whose foreheads are wrinkled, cut off by undaunted swordsmen, lying on the ground alongside of the ambrellas, appeared like serpents licking the full-moon, in the field where the lord of the land of surging floods, possessing thundering drums, killed those who would not be reconciled.

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(23) Slain elephants, floating in blood, with their foreheads cut open by warriors, appeared like dark clouds in a red sky, - in the field where the Chembian, who possesses the bannered, chariots and the ever-victorious army of lancers, killed those who frowned at him.
(24) Men's heads, cut off by strong-shouldered warriors, rolling on the ground, appeared like the round black fruits which had dropped down in) a grove of palmyra-palms shaken by a storm, - in the field where the king of the country watered by the Kaveri, who wears garlands of fragrant flowers, killed those who would not be attached to him.
@5) Like rocks advancing on rocks, elephants rushed against elephants, and the tall banners borne aloft on them shook and fluttered as if brushing the sky, - in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu killed those who would not be united with him.
(26) The red-cared hawks, which flew upwards holding in their mouths the hands cut off by warriors, appeared like the red-beaked cagle which soars in the sky, seizing a fivelicaded snake, - in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu killed those who would not submit to him.
(27) The bright crimson blood which gathered in the deep foot-prints, left in the red mire by furious elephants, appeared like the juice of flowers collected in pots, in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu killed those who would not be allied to him.
(28) The jackals which snatched away the hands of warriors, with shields in their grasp, cut off by heroes who had never flod (from their foes) and who rushed furiously brandishing their massive swords, appeared as if holding up mirrors, in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu killed those who would not approach him (to be his friends).
(29) Like troops of peacocks flying from groves shaken by a tempest, came women, wailing for their kindred slain in the fight, - in the field where the furious Chenkaņmal engaged in battle.
(30) Like floods which washed down rocks, was the flowing blood that dragged down the elephants, — in the field where the wrathful Chenkaņmal, brave and strong as a lion, killed those who would not submit.
(31) The gold plates adorning the foreheads of ferocious elephants killed by fearless Warriors, wero dazzling, like flashes of lightning (mid dark clouds),- in the battle-field where the lord of Punal-Nadu killed his onemics.
(32) The faultless fair lady earth crimsoned, as if she had clothed herself in red, - in the field where the glorious lord of the land of raging floods, who possesses drums adorned with garlands, killed those who offended him.
(33) Broken swords of shining steel lay glittering in streams of blood, like fishes struggling on land inundated by floods which had burst suddenly from a tank, - in the field where the Chembian, driving in a bannered chariot drawn by horses with cropped manes conquered his enemies.
(34) The jackals which tagged at the entrails out out by warriors with flashing swords in the mêlée, appeared like chained wolves (struggling to get free), - in the field where the youthful king, adorned with ornaments of gold, killed (his enemies) in battle.
(35) Like rocks rolled down with lions on them by the shock of a thunder-clap, the royal elephants fell, with the princes that rode them, — in the field where (fought) the king of the country watered by the Kaveri which bursts its banks when swollen by floods.
(36) Like mushrooms trodden by cattle, were the enemies' ambrellas trampled by war. steeds, and the comparison was indeed too true, - in the battle-field where the king of the country watered by the Kaveri seized Kalumalam.
(37) Big drums, and the dead bodies of princes and of tusked elephants, floated on all sides, like ships at sea, - in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu killed his enemies.
.

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BAGUMRA GRANT OF NIKUMBHALLASAKTI.
265
(38) Huge caparisoned elephants, wounded and sore, rolled like snakes struck by lightning, - in the field where the Chembian, valiant in war, and adorned with necklaces and anklets of gold, killed those who would not approach him (in frienlship).
(39) Where hardy warriors strove, setting foot against foot, the white umbrellas, lost by the enemy, lying without handles, and filled with blood, appeared like salvers containing water coloured with red cotton, — in the field where the lord of Punal-Nadu defeated the king of Vanji.
(40) The elephants all dropped down, and seemed as if raking the soil with silver ploughs - in the field where the fierce Cheñkanmal, with an army possessing thundering drums, and countless lances, showered arrows on his enemies.
(41) The elephants, pierced in their breast with lances by warriors and anable to stand, dropped, and laid their cars on the gronnd, as if to licar the secrets of the carth, -- in the field where the lord of the land of leaping floods, who possesses thundering drums, killed those who would not unite with him.
BAGUMRA GRANT OF NIKUMBHALLASAKTI;
DATED IN THE YEAR 406.
BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. The subjoined edition of the Bagumra grant of Nikumbhallasakti has been prepared according to an excellent ink-impression taken by Mr. Fleet. It is frequently the case with imperfectly preserved inscriptions that a good impression is easier to read than the original, where the half-effaced strokes are difficult to recognise. And it thus happens that, thanks to Mr. Fleet's work, I am able to restore now the whole text, and to give a number of important emendations of the version published in my German article " Ueber eine Sendraka Inschrift aus Gujarat" (Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie, Band CXIV. p. 169ff.) from the original plates. The most important is the new reading of the date, which I formerly gave as sarivatsarasatachatush: shatchatvárunsadadhike, etc. The reading shaduttaré is plain on the accompanying lithograph. It was first recognized by Mr. Fleet.
The grant is engraved on two copper plates, - now in the British Museum, each measuring about 7' by 5%. The rims aro raised. Two holes on the lower broad side of the first plate and on the upper one of the second, show that they were held together by two rings which have been lost. Only the inner sides of the plates are inscribed; the first has nineteen, the second twenty lines. The technical execution is very bad. The letters are often badly formed, of unequal size, and sometimes stand so close together that they ran into each other. The upper part of the first plate and the lower one of the second have considerably suffered by oxydisation. The letters closely resemble those of the Kavi and Nausari inscriptions of the Gurjara king Jayabhata IV. A few pecaliarities, such as the round form of the subscribed ma in lakshmikak (1.9) and in brahmaróttardi (1. 17), occur also in the later Valabhî inscriptions. The abnormal form of the same letter, which looks like sha, e.g. in Nilumbhallašaktik (1. 15), and in grâmarito (1. 17), is probably due to want of skill on the part of the engraver. The language is throughout Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the introductory verse and the quotations from Vyasa towards the end, very faulty prose. The grammatical knowledge of the author of the document must have been very limited. He uses the accusative instead of the nominative in savitáram ivoilayavantam anuraktamanndaluni cha (1.7), kalpadrumam iva, and Janárddanam iva (1. 8), makes the accusative plural of the a-stems and i-stems end in the anusvára before consonants and in m before vowels (11. 17-18), and forms compounds like vikasitamahatiyasasi (1. 2-3), instead of vikasitamahdyasasi, amalayaśasah (1. 7.), instead of 'yakah, and apahritamaséshabalirajya (1. 8-9), instead of apahritáséshabaliránh. It is to his ignorance and carelessness that we owe the monster rajaksrih (1. 29), instead of rajasrih or
Regarding ita discovery, see ante, Vol. XII. p. 179. ante, Vol. V. p. 113, and Vol. XIII. p. 70.

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rájyasrih, as well as the omission of various consonants, vowels and visargas, the erroneous repetition or transposition of words, and numerous mistakes in spelling. The details may be learnt from the transcript where the necessary corrections have been inserted,
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village of Balisa which was situated in the ahara of Troyanna to a Brahmaņ called Bappasvamin Dikshita, an inhabitant of Vijaya-Aniruddhapuri, a member of the Bbâr advaja götra, and a student of the Madhyandina súkhús of the White Yajur Veda. The grantor was the illustrious PrithivivallabhaNikumbhallasakti of the Söndraka line of kings, whose father was the illustrious lord of men, Adityabakti, and whose grandfather was the illustrious lord of men, Bhanusakti. Trêyanna is no doubt the same place as Trénne, or Tena, the modern Ten, near Bardoli, which the Räthôr grants mention as the head-quarters of a political district;' and Balisa, the modern Wanesa, south-east of Tên. Both localities thus are not very distant from Bagamra, the place where the plates were found. Regarding Vijaya-Aniruddhapuri, the residence of the grantee, I am not able to offer any conjecture. The above identifications make it certain that the Sondraka Prithivivallabha-Nikumbhallabakti held a portion of southern Gujarat. As far as the information, furnished by the formerly known inscriptions, went, the Sendrakas appeared to have been settled exclusively in the Kanarese country and in Maisûr. In one of the Kadambn grants published by Mr. Fleet, ante, Vol. VI. p. 32, the Kadamba Harivarman grants the village of Mårade to certain Jainas " at the request of Bhanubakti-raja, the ornament of the Søndraka race.” Again the Chalukya Vikramaditya I. (A.D. 670-80-81) presents ten Brihmaņs with some fields in the village of Rattagiri “at the request of the illustrious Dovakakti-raja, who was famous in the Sendraka family” (Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. S.. Vol. XVI. p. 239). Further, in a third inscription (Fleet, Páli, Sanskrit, and Oud-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 152) the name of the Chalukya Vinayaditya (A.D. 680-81-96) is found together with that of the illustrious Sendraka Pogilli. Finally, in Mr. L. Rico's Mercara inscription (Inscriptions from Mysore, p. 283), a Sendraka is named among the witnesses. The first three documents indicate, as Mr. Fleet has stated in his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 10, that the Söndrakas were feudatories first of the Kadambas and later of the Western Chalukyas who overthrew the former. The appearance of Sendrakas in Gujarat must under the circumstances excite surprise, and it would be inexplicable, if we did not know that southern Gujarat was conquered about the middle of the seventh century by the Western Chalukyas. The oldest document which proves this conquest, is the Khêda grant of Vijayaraja, who in (Chedi)-Samvat 394 or A.D. 642-43 held the Kasakula vishaya, immediately north of the Tapti. To somewhat later times belong the grants of the Yuvarája Siladitya-. Sryasraya, dated (Chêdi)-Samvat 421 and 443, or A.D. 669-70 and 691-92, the grant of his brother Mangalaraja, dated Saka-Samvat 663 or A.D. 731; and the grant of Pulakési-VallabhaJanasraya, dated (Chedi)-Sarvat 490 or A.D. 738-39.7 As the Send rakas in Kanara were fendatories of the Chalukyas, it seems probable that they came to Gujarat in the service of their liege lords, and were rewarded with grants of districts on the conquest of the country. In support of this conjecture it may be pointed ont that the titles, the illustrious lord of men' and the illustrious,' which are applied respectively to Bhâņusakti and Adityasakti, and to
I have intentionally not changed those words where the safadhi has hoon simply neglected in prose sentences. Permission to make any number of breaks in prose and to use then, instead of the Sauhita, the final forms of the single words, is clearly given by the well known Karikh :
Samhitaikapade nitya nitya dhatupasargayoh!
nitya samase vakyê tu sa vivaksham apekshata !! The first line is quoted by Vamana in his Kavydlashkarasitrauritki, v. 1, 2, and the verse no doubt goes back to early times.
Soo ante, Vol. XI. p. 181, and Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellechaft, Bd. XL. P. 322. Tên. is to be found on the Trig. Surv. Map, Guj. Ser. No. 34.
The change of la to na is very common in Gujarati, e.g. in nahan for lahan.
For the grant itself, spe ante, Vol. VII. p. 248, and for the identification of the geographical names, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 197.
See Dr. BhagwAnlAl's papers, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 75, Jour. Bo. Br. R. 4. Boc., Vol. XVI. p. 1 ff., and Terhandlungen des Siebenten Int. Or. Congr. in Wien, Arische Section, p. 210.

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BAGUMRA GRANT OF NIKUMBHALLASAKTI.
Nikumbhallaśakti, indicate their being vassals of some great power. It may further be urged that the possessions of the last chief lay exactly in those districts which we know to have been included in the Chalukya possessions. A connection of these three personages with the Southern Sendrakas of Harivarman's and Vikramaditya's inscriptions is, I think, indicated by the not very common termination sakti, which occurs in both sets of names. If this conjecture is to stand, it is, of course, necessary to refer the year 406, in which our grant is dated, to the Chêdi era, and to take it as equivalent to A.D. 654-5. The characters of the inscription too may be adduced in support of this view. They cannot, I believe, be assumed to belong to an earlier period. The specification of the date, "the full-moon-day of the month of Bhadrapada," without any such details as the week-day, does not permit us to test its exact equivalent by calculation.
In conclusion, I will add that, when I sent my German paper on this inscription to the late Dr. Bhagwânlal, he informed me that he possessed several sets of Sendraka plates from southern Gujarat. It is advisable that they should be looked for and published. They will probably bring us certainty regarding the points which at present are merely conjectures.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 O[*]
Prathama-dik-sarasi-pri(pri)thu-pamkajam gagana-vâridhi-vidruma-pallava m [*] tridasa-raktalo-japâ-kusumam navam
2 disatu vo vijayam ravi-mamdalam II Svasti
Mêra-mahidhara-vijara-sthira
rachita-samunnatê vikasi
naika-chinn(tu)rddanta-gaja-għat
3 ta-mahati-yasasi11 Sêmdraka-rajñam-anvayê
4 bdha-vijayo vijit-âśêsha-ripu-gaṇaḥ
5 sha-samanta-siro-muku[ta]-nighṛishta-pada-pamkajah
dama-day-din-da
6 kshinya-sri-sampad-upêtô narapatiḥ śrimad-Bhanusaktiḥ tasya putras-tat-pâdânudhyâtô (tah) sarad-ama
oha-samada-sanghaṭṭa-la
pranat-âsê
jala18-jaladhara
y[*] para-20
12 parama-gabhîrô
7 la-saśâmka-mamdal-âmala-yasasaḥ13
cha kalpa-lu(dru)
8 mam=iv15-abhivâmchbit-âśêshajan-ôpabhujyamâna-vibhavo
Janârddanam-iv16-ipa
hri(hri)tam-aśêsha17-Bal[i*]
9 rajya[*] para-chakr-ânurakta-lakshmikaḥ
śrîman-[n*]arapatiḥ Adityasaktiḥ
tasya putras-tat-pad-ânudhyâta[b*]
10 śrîmân dakshina-gur[u]-bahu-damdaḥ (da)-pri(pri)thivi-pâlana-kshamô vyapagata-sajala.
11 patala-dbya(vyo)ma-tala-gata-sarad-inda-kirana-dhavalatama-yaso-visânala1-vitûnô
267
âśêsha-sam
ava-bhuja-bala-vikkram-âkrânta12-mahi-mamḍalaḥ
15 Read kalpa-druma iv°.
18 Dele this word.
21 Read guru.
naya-vinaya-satya-sauch-âchâra
savitiram-iv-dayavantaṁanurakta-math(Jalah(6)
Bhava-sunur-iva pra
13 tihat-ârâtih Sattir-iv-opâtta-rajyaḥ
samada-dvirada-vara-salila-gatir-Arjuna
14 grâma-vijayi anavarata-vikkram-a(o)tsûha-sakta-shapanaḥ22 Kama iva samâna-yuvati
ja(ja)na
s Expressed by the Valabhi symbol for 9.
Metro, Drutavilambita.
11 If the text stands thus, then read maha-yasasi; but the syllables mahati-yasa are doubtful.
12 Possibly ékkranta.
13 Read yasi.
16 Read janirddana iv3. 19 Dele this word.
22 Read satru-mardanah.
di(de)va-dvijât[i]-taval-jana-b[*]mdhav-(0) pabhujyamâna-vibhavô
10 rakta is doubtful.
dhi
14 Read savit-v-dayavan. 17 Read opakrit-ajêsha. 20 Dele these two syllables.
iv=

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15 nayan-ana dana 23 árîma[t®]-Pri(pri)thivivallabha-Nikumbhallabaktiņ sarvan=
êva yathî-sa[m]badhyama16 naka[n] raja-rajasthaniya-chora(ro)ddbara ika-diundapásika-data-gamagaznika-bhata
châta-si(AC)17 vak-adi[n*] brâhman-ottaran(n) vanig-da(ja)napadám(n)anya[i* js-cha vishaya pa*]ti
rashtragrâmara(ků). 18 [-[a*lyuktaka-mahattar-Adhikarik-adim(n)=anayuty2=Astu vô vidita[i*]25 may[á] 19 para-lok-Avokshatvam=a[rn]gikri(kļi)tya
Second Plate. 20 mahártham va(cha) śrutvå datah28 Trəyann-lhår-antarggata-vishaye Balisa-grimo 21 bali-chara-vaiśvadêv-âgni(ni)hôtr-adi-kriy-ôtsarppan-arttha[m] mâ tâ-pitr[*]r=âtmanaś=
cha pu. 22 nya-yaśô-bhivri(vri)ddhayo i-cha[n*]dr-arkt(kk)-årņņava-kshiti-sthiti-samakâlînah putra
pô(pan)tr-invaya-kram-[*]23 pabhôgyah sabhůta-vâta-praty[a]y-Oparikaraḥ27 sarvy-dana-ditya-vishti-pr[*]tibh dika
parihînah 24 bhůmichchhidra-nyay&nwachata-bhata-pravasyarn sodrangah s[6]parikarah Bhadrapada
peurņam[*]sy&m Vija25 y-Aniruddhapuri-vastavya - Bharadvaja-sagðtra-Vaji(ja)sanêy[i* )-M[a®]dhyamdina - sabrit
hmachariņê Bappasvami26 D[8*] Dikshitasyitye29 udak-átisarygêna pratipa ditah [1*] yatô=smad-va[m*]sajair=
anyaireyy=f27 gâmi-nri(nri)patibhir=nnala-v[*]ņu-kadals-sáram samsaran jala-budbud-Opamam
cha jivitam-avadbäryys 28 sirisha-kusuma-sadri(dri)s-achampácha30 yauvana[10*] giri-nadi-salila-gatvarâņi ch
aiśvaryy[A]ni prabasa (la)29 pavan-llhat-asvattha-pat[t*]tra-chanchalâ cha rajah-śrîrl-ity=ayama2-akalays=îyam=
asma:l-day=numamtavah33 30 pratipâinyitaryas-cha y vajñana timira-patalà-vri(vri)ta-matir-ichchlitzada
achchhidyamânai v=[4]numódêta 31 sa parchabhir=mmah[*]p[^*]takaih apa sêpa påtakais-cha? sayaktab syâu=ity=
uktam cha bhagavatâ Parasaryyêpe vê. 32 da-vyîsêna Vyåsena : Bahubhir=vvasudha bhuktà rújabbih Sagar-adibhir=yyasya
yasya yada bhûri[s]tasya tasya tada phalam! Vindhy-ațavishu töyâ su 35 bashka-kotara-vasinaḥ
kriskri)shn-ihayo hi jayanto 'bhúmi-d[*]34 X X ranti yo il Shashti[in] varshsha 30-sahasrasi svarggê môdati bhůmi.
dah [] Achchheti cha X X mantâ cha tiny-hvi Barak[8] 35 vasê x x x x x para-datta [*] vam(va) ya[t"]nad=raksha Yudhishti(shthi)ra
mah[*] mah[i]matam śre X X X X yownupalanan[*] 36 Yan=iha dattâni purâ narendrair=ddînâni dharmmarttha-yasaskarami ni X X
X X X X mâni täni ko 37 nima sådhnh punarmidadîta 11 Samvatsara-bata-chatushtaye shad-uttaro
Bhadrapada-su(bu)ddha-panchadasy[Ar]
23 Read Anandanah. 2. Read antularsyaty.
25 Insert yathe after this word. 26 Read 'tas, i.e. atas.
97 Dele purikara) which appears again in the next lino >> Read chatabhatapraveśyah.
2 Read dikshitaya or dikshitdyéty. * Read Apayaris chua. $1 Read rijafrir. $2 Delo ayam, which gives no sense and is superfluous. 13 Read anumantaryak. A Delo clue.
* Read vindhy-atavishvatóyisu. 36 Read varshao. The ungrammatical doubling of sibilants which are preceded by a ra and followed by a vowel, is, however, found in all MSS. from Southern India. Its occurrence in this inscription may indicate that the Pandit who composed it was a Southerner.

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Bagumra Plates of Nikumbhallasakti.- The Year 406.
Gli 2012 Nardo
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W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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Page #289

SEPTEMBER, 1889.)
BAGUMRA GRANT OF NIKUMBHALLASAKTI.
269
38 datako-tra S rivallabha-Bappaḥ [1] 'mahabaladhikri(kļi)ta-Masam-Adaśama
likhitam=i[dan] tasy-aiv=anu-88 39 [j]na sa[mn]dbi(dhi)-vigrah-adhikri(kļi)ta-Dévadinnen-êti
TRANSLATION. On! May the orb of the sun, the broad water-lily of the lake-like eastern region, the coral-branch of the ocean of the sky, the newly-Copened) flower of the red Japå of the gods, grant you viotory!
(Line 1.) - Hail! In the race of the Sendraka kings that is free from decay, firmly fashioned and high like mount Mêra, the great fame of which has unfolded itself, (there was) he who obtained victory by the farious'! onslaught of arraygio of troops of four-toothed elephants, he who conquered the crowd of all his foes, he who gained the circle of the earth by the valour of his arms, he whose lotas-feet were scratched by the crowns on the heads of all his bending vassals, he who was endowed with political wisdom, modesty, truthfulness, purity, virtuous behaviour, self-restraint, mercy, liberality, kindliness, glory and wealth, the lord of men (narapatt), the illustrious Bhanubakti.
(L. 6). - His son, who meditated on his father's) feet, (was) he who possessed a fame spotless like the orb of the pure autumnal moon, he who (daily) rose (higher) (udayaván) and had a loyal kingdom (anurakta-nandalah) and thus resembled the sun who (daily) rises (udayavdn) and whose orb is coloured (red in the evening) (anuraktamandalah), he who resembled the tree of Paradise, his wealth being desired and constantly enjoyed by all people, he who took tribute or (their) empire (balirdjya) from all (kings) and thus resembled Janârdana who took the whole kingdom of Bali (balirajya), he whose Fortune was attached to the kingdoms of his foes, the illustrious lord of men (narapatı), Adityasakti.
(L. 9). - His son, who meditates on hís (father's) feet, who is glorious (and) able to protect the earth with his weighty staff-like right arm, whose canopy of glory is more brilliant than the rays of the antumnal moon that stands in the sky from which the water-laden clouds have departed, who is most deep in intellect, whose wealth is being enjoyed by gods, Brahmaņs and his Gurns, who like the son of Bhava repulses his enemies, who like Satti has gained a kingdom, who has the coquettish gait of a most excellent rutting elephant, who like Arjuna is victorious in all battles, who destroys his foes by unceasing acts of bravery and energy, who like Cupid is the joy of the eyes of the courtezans, the illustrious Prithivivallabha-Nikumbhallakakti instructa even all, however they may be connected with him,) (vis.) kings, viceroys, thief-catchers, policemen, messengers, Gamagamikas, regular and irregular soldiers, servants and so forth, BrAhmans, traders and lower provincials and others, rulers of vishayas, heads of rdshfras and of villages, oficials (dyuktaka), Mahattaras, persons in authority (Adhikdrika), and so forth (as followe)
(L. 18). "Be it known to you (that), being convinced of the reference (of donations of Land) to the next world, and having been taught (their) great advantage, I have therefore granted, (confirming the gift) with a libation of water, for the increase of my own and my parents' merit and fame, the village of Balise in the vishaya included in the Abars of Freyanne, for a period equal to the duration of the moon, sun, seas and earth,- (the said village) being to be enjoyed by the donee's) sons, grandsong, and their offspring, together with the bhútavátapratydya, together with the udraiga, (and) together with the taxes payable by non
7 Read mdearmadegat (R)
The syllables dam and je are very faint. » The connexion of samada, furious,' with # word not denoting an animal is most unusual. Probably it should stand before gaja.
# I translate Tha by 'array,' as the author seems to have used it in the sense of uydha.
41 This means, I suppose, that hie Fortuna was not contented with his empire, but desired to possess those of his foes and induced him to conquer them. 49 This name is, of course, corrupt.
15 Probably the Pagis are meant. # I understand bhdmidanarya, with paralók dvdkahatvam and mahartham.

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resident cultivators, being exempted from all ádána, ditya, forced labour and prátibhédika, (and) not to be entered by irregular or regular soldiers, -(the grant being made) according to the maxim concerning land unfit for tillage, 45 on the full-moon day of Bhadrapada, to Bappaevâmin. Dikshita, an inhabitant of Vijaya-Aniruddhapuri, a member of the Bhâradvaja family, a student of the Madhyandma (branch) of the Vâjasanêyi (or White Yajur-Voda) in order to defray the expenses of the bali, charu, vaišvadeva, agnihotra, and other rites. Wherefore future kings, whether of our line or others, understanding that worldly existence possesses (as little) kernel as a reed, a bamboo or a plantain-tree, and that life is comparable to a water-bubble, and considering that youth is liable to fade like the sirisha-flower, that sovereignty passes away like the water of a mountain-torrent, and that regal splendour is unstable like an asvattha-leaf which is struck by a very strong wind, should agree to and protect this our grant. But he, who with a mind covered by the dense darkness of ignorance resumes it, or allows it to be resumed, shall be guilty of the five mortal and the minor sins. And it has been said by the worshipful son of Parâsara, Vyåsa, the arranger of the Vedas ..........
(L. 37). - In the year four hundred and six, on the Afteenth (lunar day) of the bright half of Bhadrapada. The messenger for the conveyance of this (grant) is SriVallabha-Bappa. By order of the great general (mahábaladhikrita) Måsama, this has been written by his younger brother Dêvadinna, the minister of peace and war (savdhivigrahadhikrita).
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 182.-BELUR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAYASIMHA III.-SAKA-SAMVAT 944.
Bolar is a village about seven miles south-east of Bâdami, the chief town of the Badami Taluka or Sab-Division of the Bijapur District, Bombay Presidency, in the map, Indian Atlas Sheet No. 41, it is entered as Belloor,' Lat. 15° 51' N., Long. 75° 49' E. It is mentioned in this record by the old name of the Pêrar agrahera, in line 33; and as simply Porar, in lines 35 and 38. There are two inscriptions at this village; both inside the Fort. One of them is on a large stone-tablet that stands facing a modern shrine of the god Hanumanta. On this stone there are the remnants of an Old-Kanarese inscription of sixty-seven or sixty-eight lines of about thirty letters each; but a great deal of this record is now illegible; and, at my visit, I only noted that the date (line 32 f.) is Saka-Samvat 962, the Vikrama sasivat sara. The other inscription, which I am now editing, is on a stone-tablet at an old temple, now known as the temple of the god Narayana. A photograph, from my estampage, has been published in Pari, Sanskrit, ani Old-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 70. And I have noticed it in Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 43 f. But it is now edited for the first time.
The temple, which is now half below the level of the ground, is of some interest, though it does not present any elaborate architectural decorations. Instead of having the usual porch and entrance-hall, it is entered by a small door about 5 6' high by 3' 0'' broad. The first hall, the roof of which is supported by sixteen pillars, is about forty-five feet square. The second half is smaller, about thirty feet long by twenty feet broad. Over the door from the first hall to the second, there is a sculpture of Lakshmi and her elephants; and the same is repeated over the door from the second hall into the shrine. In the shrine, standing on an abhisheka-stand, there are three stone images, between three and four feet high, of the gods Brahman, Vishņu, and Siva, with emblems and attendant figures, and of beautiful antique workmanship. They are, in fact, among the best specimens of their class that I have ever seen; and, if they are still in a state of perfect preservation, as at the time of my visit in January, 1877, it would
+6 See Gupta Inscriptions, p. 188, note 2, and the rectification on p. 221 above.
+6 I suppose that the real name of the town is Aniruddhapurt, and that the prefixed vijaya means 'victorious' us in Vijaya-Vaijayanti, Vijaya-Paldsika, etc.
Ir. connection with the results for the date in the inscription now edited, it would be teful to have the full details of this date. But, as they are not in my notes, they are probably illegiblo.

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SEPTEMBER, 1889.]
BELUR INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA III.
be well worth while to remove them to a Museum; this could probably be easily arranged, as I found that the temple was not used for purposes of worship; and, as the roof had begun to fall in, it is desirable that the images should be secured and removed. The presence of these three images in the shrine, is in accordance with line 34 of the inscription, which speaks of "the hall of the Traipurushas," i.e. of the three gods Brahman, Vishnu, and Siva. And the record shews that they date, with the temple, from in or about A.D. 1020. The inscription is on a stone-tablet which stands outside the temple, against the east or front face, on the south side of the door. As it is fixed in its position, I could not remove it, to place it in safety inside the temple; but I covered it with stones, so as to guard it from further injury.
The emblems at the top of the stone have at some time or another been purposely defaced; but enough of them remains to shew that they were: In the centre, a linga on an abkishékastand, with an officiating priest; on the proper right, the bull Nandi or Basava; and on the proper left, a cow and calf. There must have been also the sun and moon; but these have been quite destroyed. The writing covers a space of about 1' 9" broad by 5' 1" high. It is in a state of fairly good preservation; not many letters having been destroyed. The characters are the so-called Old-Kanarese characters, of the regular type of the period and locality to which the record refers itself. They include, in line 30, the decimal figures 4 and 9. The virama occurs only twice, in mediniyo!, line 13, and déviyar, line 28; and is represented by its own proper sign. In bedangiyum, line 27, we have very clearly the separate form of d as distinct from d. The engraving is bold and excellent. The language is Old-Kanarese; with four Sanskrit verses in lines 42 ff. And the inscription is in verse and prose mixed. - In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the preferential use of the anusvára, instead of the proper nasal; and (2) the repetition of bh, instead of its doubling by b, in nirbhbhatsaná, for nirbbhartsaná, line 16.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Jagadekamalla-Jayasimha III. And its object is to record that, while governing the district known as the Kisukad Seventy, his elder sister Akkadevi, apparently in memory of her elder brother Tribhuvanamalla-Vikramaditya V., made a grant of the Pêrar agrahara, and caused to be built there "a hall of the Traipurushas," the Elders of which granted some land for the purpose of feeding and clothing students. The inscription is of interest in giving an instance of the combined worship of the three gods, Brahman, Vishnu, and Siva. And we also learn from it that Akkâdêvî practised the religious observances of Jina and Buddha, as well as those of Vishnu and Siva.
As regards the identity of the names Pêrar and Belûr, there can be no doubt about the fact, though the record contains no specification of the boundaries of the Pêrûr agrahára. In the first place, there is no other name in the vicinity at all resembling Pêrür. In this part of the country, the only Herûr or Hêrår, written 'Yehroor' in the map, is in the Hungund Taluka, about twenty-seven miles from Bêlûr, in a north-easterly direction. And, though in the Parasgad Talukâ there is a Hirar, yet this is a different name altogether, and the village is about forty miles distant from Bêlar, to the east. And in the second place, the text tells us distinctly that "the hall of the Traipurushas," i.e. plainly the temple at which the inscription stands, was in the Pêrûr agrahára. I may mention that, in spite of the spelling in the map, Belloor,' which might be thought to indicate the short e, the é in Bêlûr is long. And the metre, in line 38, distinctly marks the & in Pêrûr as long. In this name, r has been changed to 7; an instance of the opposite change, from 1 to r, occurs in Kadalavalli, which appears elsewhere as Kadaravalli, and is now Kadarôlli (see the Kalbhavi Jain inscription, in the next number of this Journal).
—
The date is given as Saka-Samvat 944, expressed in decimal figures, the Dundubhi samvatsara; the Uttarayana-Sankranti or winter solstice; a vyatipata; on Adityavara or Sunday. The month and the tithi are not given. And the details that are given, refer to the making of the grant; not to the writing of the record. By the southern luni-solar system, the Dundubhi sarhvatsara coincided with Saka-Samvat 945 current; i.e. with the

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SEPTEMBER, 1889.
given year, 944, as an expired year. But I find, with Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, that in this year the winter solstice, as represented by the Makara-Sankranti, occurred, not on s Sunday, but on Monday, 24th December, A.D. 1022, at about 5 ghafís, 19 palas, after mean sunrise, for Badami ;' and this must, apparently, have been the proper day for the celebra tion of any rites connected with it. For, the general rale regarding the punyakála- of the Makara-Sankranti is that, lasting according to some for twenty ghatis and according to others for forty ghatis, it comes after the sankranti; and, though there are certain exceptions to this, and though there is a rule that, at the solstices and at the equinoxes, the rites of bathing, making & grant, &c., should be performed after fasting for either three nights or one night beforehand, yet this seems to refer only to the fast, and neither in the Nirnayasindh nor in the Dharmasindhusára can I find any authority by which, as this sankranti occurred after sonrise on the Monday, the making of the grant could properly have been performed on the Sunday. The term vystipata ought to help in explaining the date; but what it may mean in this passage, is not apparent; and all that I can say is that it does not seem to denote the Vyatîpâta yoga. For, by Prof. Jacobi's Tables, at sunrise on Sunday, 23rd December, the yoga was Vriddhi, No. 11; and at sunrise on Monday, 24th December, the yoga was Dhruva, No. 12; so that the Vyatîpâta yoga, No. 17, did not occur even on this day. Later on the Monday there commenced the Vyagbâta yoga, No. 13; but the vyatipata of the text is very distinct, and can hardly be a mistake in writing for vyágháta. In the preceding year, however, Saka-Sarvat 944 current, the Makara-Sankranti oocarred at about 49 gh. 47 p. on Saturday, 23rd December, A.D. 1021 ; and it must apparently have been then celebrated on the Sunday, in accordance not only with the general rules, but also with a special role in the Dharmasindhusára which states that, if the Makara-Sankranti occurs in the night, in the present instance about 43 minutes after midnight, - its punyalála is always on the following day. This date, accordingly, Sunday, 24th December, A.D. 1021, may perhaps be the day that is intended. This solution entails the application of the given year as a current year; but to this there is no obstacle in the expression that is used in the text. And as regards the sasivatsara, it is at least a curious point that, by the southern Vikrama luni-solar system, if it can be established and can be carried back so far, the Dundubhi sarvatsara would coincide with Saka-Samvat 944 current; for, by the mean-sign system, with Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's Tables, it commeneed on the 5th December, A.D. 1019, in Saka-Samvat 942 current; and by the northern lani-solar system it coincided with Saka-Samvat 943 current. But here, again, the term vystipata fails to help in deciding the question; for, at sunrise on Sunday, 24th December, A.D. 1021, the yoga was either Priti, No. 2, or Ayushmat, No. 3. This date, therefore, must remain for further consideration, when the rules regarding the punyakála of sarikrántis have been fully elucidated, and when we can determine what is meant by the use of the word vyatipata in this passage.
• The exact meaning of the mention of Vikramaditya V. in this record, seems to call for some remark. His name is introduced in line 32, where it stands in the dative case, and is apparently governed by the immediately following word pardksham. This word in Sanskrit governs the genitive, and means out of sight, behind one's back, in the absence of, without the knowledge of. And we have met with it in a rather peculiar passage in the Miraj grant (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 17; see also Vol. XVI. p. 19), where Vikramaditya V. himself is mentioned as supporting the earth behind the back, or in the absence (paroksham)," - 1.e., as I take it, “in succession after the death," -of Satyasraya II. Now, the latest certain date that we have for Vikramaditya V. is Saka-Samvat 933, in an inscription at Galagnath in the Ranibennur Talaka (Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. p. 40), which mentions him as then reigning. While, in an inscription at Hirur in the Hangal Taluka (id. Vol. I. p. 44), Jayasimha III. is mentioned as the reigning king in Saka-Samvat 940. The inference is that Vikramaditya V.
The difference of time for Bombay is only 30 palas earlier; so that nowhero in India did the sashinanti ooour on the Sunday. • See my remarks, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 119 1.
. Seo page 928 ft. above.

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SEPTEMBER, 1889.)
BELUR INSCRIPTION OF JAYASIMHA III.
278
died in the interval, and at least four years before the date of the present record. And the same inference is to be drawn from the omission of his name in the genealogical part of this record. The use here of the dative case with paróksham seems certainly peculiar, even in Old-Kanarese. And the sense of the passage could be considerably altered by the insertion of an anustára after Tribhuvanamalla, in line 32; thus making it a nominative case, instead of taking it, as part of a compound. The meaning might thus be arrived at, that it was Tribhuvanamalla, .e. Vikramaditya V., who had previously granted the Pêrûr agrahára, to a god named Vikramadityadeva after himself, and who had caused the hall of the Traipurushas to be built; and that, on the specified date, Akkadevi simply made a grant of land for the purpose of feeding students. But this seems hardly a satisfactory method of dealing with the passage; especially because it leaves paróksha[in vi]nayadi, line 32-33, and mánigaļ=ayníér. varmi, line 34, without any apparent context and meaning, and because line 40 expressly refers to a "pious act of the Five-hundred" which can only be found in line 34f. And taking the passage as it stands, including the perhaps wrong or at least exceptional use of the dative case with paróksham, the meaning seems certainly to be that Akkadevi granted the agrahára and caused the hall to be built, and did so "behind the back, or in the absence," or, as I understand it, "after the death, and in memory," of Vikramaditya V.
TEXT.5 1 [Om Sva]st[i] Samastabhavanaśraya sripri(pri)thvîvallabha maha
råjadhiraja 2 [pa)ramêsvara paramabhattarakan Satyasraya-kuļa-tiļakam 3 [ChAjluky-ábharanam śrimaj-Jagadekamalladóvara vijaya-ri4 [iya]m-uttar-Ottar Abhivriddhi-pravarddhamanam=i-charidr-arkkataram 5 [sa]lattam-ire 1] tadi)-Jayasimha-chakravarttiya nij-âgrajäte 11 6 [Ka] 11 Srim-vanitey-enisid-Akkadevige v åg-dévig=akhila-jana7 nuta-Sitâdê vige Mâdêvige bhû-dévige samanremba n ți8 pa-sata-samudayaman 11
Gunada-bedamgiy=enal-sad-guna9 man negald-êkavákyey=ene sânţitaman raņa-Bhairaviy=ene san(sau). 10 ryyada gagaman=ad=en=emda bangipem nri(nri)pa-suteyam | Vpio 1 11 (Ja]nakam10 sri-Dasa(ka)varmmadevan-abhayam Chaľukys-vajram
ainesa-nibham Bhaga12 ladevi puạyavati saty-alâpe tây=chakravartti nija-proj[jo]vala-kirtti. 13 mûrtti Jayasimham tamman-amd=ande mêdiniyo! sri-nega!d-h14 kavákyeya yasa(sah)-prakhyati-såmânyame 11 Avinamn(mr)-åri-nri(nri)15 pâlaka-prale(la)ya-sampâda-ksham-ôchchaņda-Bhairavi tân=îgiyum-e16 yde simtatara-růp-inviteli nirbhbhatsanta-rava-sinh-agrajey=A17 giyum mada-gaj-dyad-ydneywerd=amdu dhâ(dhau)ta-vichitram nega?d=éka 18 vâkyeya charitraṁ bhûri-bhûchakradol 11 Jina13-Buddh-Ananta-Ra19 dr-agama-nigadita-dharmmamgala [m] madi kayyantana[---]
vrajakk-app-e. 20 nitap-anudinam kotta sarvy-ôrvviyoladana-nay-alan kire rara21 jigidal-akhila-vidyârtthi-din-avali-nandiniy-Akkadevi dharmm-âgra 22 [io] vimala-vacha[b]ári-jayasri-yasa bojári | Vachana || Anta . saks 23 la-jagat-pranateyum .
samasta-ripunpipa-charanâravimdeProm the original stone.
1... karde.
* Metre, Kanda ; and in the next verse 11... mahdAvige.
1.6. upitta.
10 Metre, Mattēbhavikridita; and in the next verso 11 Monier-Williams gives both formi, anvita, and anota. I have met with the latter in other Old-Kansrose inscriptions, and also with prandta, whioh oooura in line 23 below, or else with vindta; though I cannot just now give the references.
19 Read nirbbhart sand.
15 Metre, Mahl-Sragdhark; 6... Sragdhara, with two short syllablon, instead of one long, at the commencement of each pdda.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1889.
24 [y]umis vivê[ka]-chudamaniya
din-anatha-chintamani. 25 y[u]to (sva-vamia(P)]-varddhan-aika-sakshål-Lakshmiyum parijana26 [kal]p[a]vri(vpi)[kshe]
yu
v asadha-jana-kamadhênuvam-eka-va27 kyoyuṁ
goņada-bedangiyum=enisi negalda rime 28 d-Akkadaviyar Kisukad-erppattam
Bukha-samkatha.vi. 29 nodadin=aļattam-ire
Sa(ha)ka-nfipa-kal-atita-samvatsara30 [hajtamga[1] 044neya Dundubhi-samvatsarad-uttarayana31 sankrantiyum vyatipatamum-Adityavarad a[n]du annar 32 Tribhuvanamalla-srt-Vikramadityadevarge paróksha[ vi]. 33 nayadin-agraharam Paruram sarva-namasya(sya) bitt-alli 34 mûdisida Traipurushara såleya mânigal-aynûrvvaram 35 vidyartthigalg-asan-achchh âdanake kotta nelam mattarPpöruro36 l-aynûra maney=ayvatta půvina-tômta mattarwerada 37 chatus-simé(ma)-paryyamtam=eradum nasavel6 raja(ja)-rakshitam
dharmma 11 38 Kamil Viralo-ganar-int-idat Pərara mahajanam oralda nálni. 39 rvvarum-arvvi-ramaņar-akhila-gana-gana-sårareppálisage
vå40 rddhi-nagam-all-inega[m] l1 Mannisiy aynûrvvara dharmm
Cô)nnatiya ka41 du Panduvam sa-lalamam Manneya-Chattam bittan manneys42 mam nelada nêsar=u!l-annevaram 11 Slokam | Sval?.datt[A]
para-da43 tt[a] VÀ y8 harita vasundhara[m] shashtir-vvarsha18-sahasrani vi44 shthayam Ayatd krimi[ho] 11. Bahubhiryvasudha bhukta 45 rajabhis-Sage(ga)r-Adibhih y asya yasya Fadh bhu46 mill tasya taeyo tada phalan | Dinam và pha(p1)|apan v=[eoti 47 dânâch=chhreyf=nupåļanan
dankt-svarggam=avâpnoti 48 påļankdrachyuta pada 11 Samanyolaya
dha49 rmma-sêtur=nţipâņam
kalê-kale pålaniya
bha50 vadbhiḥ sarvvân-êtân bhagi(vi)naḥ partthivendrô(ndrin) bhu51 yô-bhuyô
yâcbatê
Råmabhadrah | Mangala-ma
hå-bri[ho] Om 30 Om [11]
52
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. During the reign of the asylum of the universe (samastabhuvanásraya ; line 1), the favourite of fortune and of the earth, the Maharajadhirdja, the Paraméévara, the Paramabhaftáraka, the orna dent of the family of Satyakraya (1.2), the glory of the Chalukyas, the glorious Jagadekamalladeva (1. 3.):
The elder sister of that same Chakravartin Jayasimha (III.) (1. 5) is Akkadevi (1. 6). who has the epithets of 'she who is charming by reason of her virtues' (ounada-bedangi, 1.8; and gonada-bedangi, 1. 27), and she whose speech is single and uniform (kaváky, 11. 9, 13-14, 17-18, 26-27), and who is a very Bhairavi in battle and in destroying hostile kings (ll. 9, 15). Her father was the glorious Dabavarmadeva (1. 11), the Chalukya diamond or thunderbolt; her mother was the virtuous Bhagaladevi (1l. 11-12); and her younger brother is the
16 Here we ought to have something like urip-drehchita-charan Aravindayuh.
15 This word is quite distinct; but what it is intended to mean, is not apparent. Perhaps it is connected with nan, 'delight, joy; or with nan, little.'
16 Metre, Kanda; and in the next verse. IT Metre, Blóka (Anushtabh); and in the next two verse.
Read shashti-wraha 1 Metre, Balint.
Represented in both places here by symbol 11 This is one of the metrical passages spoken of in connection with my remarks on his name, ante, Vol. XVI. p. 19 f.

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Chakravartin Jayasimha (III.) (1. 13). And she has practised the religious observances prescribed by the rituals of Jina (1. 18), Baddha, Ananta (Vishnu), and Rudra ('Siva).
While she, the glorious Akkadevi, is governing the Kisukaḍ Seventy (1. 28) with the delight of pleasing conversations ;-(At) the Uttarayana-Samkranti (1. 31) of the Dundubhi samvatsara, which is the 944th (year in) the centuries of years that have gone by from the time of the Saka king (1. 29); and (at) a vyatipata (1. 31); on Sunday, in the absence of her elder brother the glorious Tribhuvanamalla-Vikramadityadeva (V.) (1. 32), she with reverence allotted the Pêrûr agrahara (1. 33) as a sarvanamasya-grant, and caused to be made there a hall of the Traipurushas (1. 34), the Five-hundred Elders23 of which, for the purpose of feeding and clothing students, gave (one) mattar of land, and two mattars out of the flower-garden, consisting of fifty (mattars), belonging to the five-hundred houses at Pêrür (1.35).
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The Four-hundred Mahajanas of Pêrûr (1. 38) shall preserve this grant, as long as the ocean and the mountains endure. And seeing, and honouring, the excellence of this pious act of the Five-hundred (1. 40), Manneya-Chatta, the ornament of the Pânḍuvamsa (1. 41), gave a manneya-grant, to endure as long as the sun.
The inscription ends with four of the customary Sanskrit, benedictive and imprecatory verses, in lines 42 to 51.
FOLKLORE IN BURMA.1
BY TAW SEIN KO.
No. 1.-Maung Pauk Kyaing, or the Dull Boy who became a King.
In former times at Tetkatho3 there were congregated, for their education, sons of Mins, Ponnas, Thatês and Thagywès, from all parts of Zabudeik. Among them was Maung Pauk Kyaing, a young man of obscure birth, who, despite his long residence at the schools, was found to have made no progress whatever in his studies. His restless energy, his superior physical strength, and his aversion to books, convinced those who came in contact with him that his sphere lay not in secluded cells and cloisters, but in the wide work-a-day world. His preceptor, therefore, taught him the following three formulae and enjoined on him to make good use of them as occasion required :
(1) Thud bá myá o hkayio yauk:-Distance is gained by travel;
(2) Mé bá myd 8 sagd: ya:-Information by inquiry;
(3) Ma eik ma né athet shé :-And long life by wakefulness.
Maung Pauk Kyaing bade his preceptor good-bye and started for his home. Arrived there he could find no congenial occupation for his restless spirit, so he resolved to leave his country and carve out a fortune for himself.
partkahamh; see the introductory remarks.
23 mani seems to be a corruption of the Sanskrit minya, respectable, venerable;' and the present meaning is doubtless to be given to it in also the Aihole inscription, ante, Vol. IX., p. 74, No. 63.
This passage seems to give the average size of the village at that time; and to indicate the proper meaning of such expressions as "the Sixty Cultivators," "the Ugura Three-hundred," and the Five-hundred-and-four," which occur, for instance, in Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. pp. 21, 22, 23. The point, however, requires
further consideration.
The transliteration, or rather the method of rendering Burmese sounds,-for strict transliteration is impossible,adopted, is that usually used officially in Burma, so that those acquainted with the Burmese language may at once know how the words are spelt in the original. Pronounce ei as short e, aw as in awful; è as ai in air; th as in English, i. e., as in the or thing according to context. In aspirated consonants h is placed before the letter, thus ht, hp, hs, though it is pronounced after the consonant as usual; but in the case of aspirated semi-vowels and nasals, it is pronounced before the consonant, thus hi, hm, hn, and so on. Other sounds are pronounced as is usual in the Hunterian system. The heavy accent of Burmese is rendered here by a mark resembling the English colon, after the letter affected; and the light staccato ascent by under the letter affected.
3 Maung Pauk Kyaing is a well-known character in legendary Burmese history, as Thadonagansing. He was the ninth of the 2nd dynasty of Sakya Kings supposed to have reigned at Tagaung.
Tetkatho Takshasila (Skr.) Taxila (Greek), near Rawal Pindi in the Pañjab.
Mins, Ponnas, Thates, and Thagywès Kshatriyas, Brahmans, and Vaidyas: Thates and Thagywès being classed under the third caste. Observe the precedence accorded to the warrior-caste, to which Gautama Buddha belonged.
Zabudaik Jambudvipa, the southern continent in the cosmogony of the Buddhists.

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Applying the first formula of his preceptor to his case, he travelled on and on and passed through strange scenes and countries. During his journey he asked the people he met questions on various subjects, and gained much information. At last he reached Tagaung, the most ancient capital of the kings of Burma. His inquisitive spirit soon made him acquainted with the condition of the country he was in. The King had been dead for some time, and his Queen had taken & Naga, or a huge serpent, for her spouse, much against the wish of her people. The ministers and her other subjects wanted a human being to rule over them; but their wish was foiled because every one of the candidates elected by them to be their King, was killed by the Naga after passing a single night in the palace.
Maung Pauk Kyaing became desirous of aspiring to the hand of the widowed Queen, in spite of the rumours that all that had done so met with sure death. He accordingly intimated his wish to the ministers, and was, in due course, ushered into the palace. He observed that the Queen was sedate and silent, and be vainly tried to put ber in good humoar by his joviality.
Night came on, and the Queen put on her blandishments to induce Maung Pauk Kyaing to fall into a slumber. But he was too sharp for her. He had ascertained that all the former aspirants to her hand were killed by a Nags, whose spouse she was, and that to sleep in the palace was to sleep for ever.
He therefore pretended to go off to sleep and snore as loudly as possible. The Queen slept by his side. As soon as he found ont that she had fallen into a natural slumber, he got up and placed the trunk of a plantain-tree on the bed, covered it up with his own blanket, and retired behind a screen to see what would happen. He had not to wait long. Out from the darkness came a huge serpent hissing and wriggling along in a fearful manner. It reached the place where the Queen was sleeping, and taking a well-directed aim its head descended on the plantain tree with a tremendous crash. The Naga could move no more. Its fangs had been deeply buried in the fibrous tree, and tenaciously held there, while Maung Pank Kyaing with the quickness of lightning, darted forth from his hiding place and plunged his dagger into the Naga, cutting it in twain.
In due course Maung Pauk Kyaing was crowned King. There was great rejoicing and jollification among his subjects, but the Queen would not cast off her ballen and melancholy aspect.
The news of the good fortune that befell Maung Pauk Kyaing soon reached his parents, who accordingly set out for their son's kingdom. On nearing Taganng they rested under a tree on which two grows, who were husband and wife, were perched. The male bird said:
Wife, to-morrow we shall have a good feast." "Why ?" asked the female bird. “Because the King is to be executed. He and the Queen, you know, laid & wager that on his failore to solve a certain oonundrum be was to forfeit his life, but that if he was successful, the Queen was to die." "What may that conundrum be?" "It is this :
Htaung pe: lo hsók Yá pe: lo chok Chit tè la ayo: sado: sagyin lok. "A thousand is given to tear;
A hundred to sew; And the bones of the loved one
Are made into hair-pins." The female orow obferved that its solution was very easy, and she said : -"This conundram refers to the Naga, the loved one of the Queen. A thousand coins were paid for tearing
• Tagaung is on the left bank of the Irrawaddy, and lies about a hundred miles north of Mandalay. It is sapposed to be the most ancient ospital of Burma, and to have remained a fuo during the reign of 50 kings. It founder wu Abiy&zA (Abhirkja) who immigrated from the valley of the Ganges long before the birth of Gaatama Buddhs (628 B. C.).
+ The Nagus play an important part in Burmese folklore. They are represented bogo Nepents; but us matter of fact they are the indigenous Naga race inhabiting the country.

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off its skin, and a hundred to sew it into pillows and cushions; and its bones were made into hairpins, which are worn by the Queen."
The aged parents of Maung Pauk Kyaing overheard the conversation of the crows, and with increased speed they resumed their journey. They were just in time to save the life of their son; and the Queen, in accordance with the terms of the wager, offered herself to be killed. But the King, with great magnanimity, characteristic of a real hero, spared her life.
Eventually the Queen became reconciled to Maung Pauk Kyaing, who assumed the title of Thadonaganaing; and they reigned happily together.
MISCELLANEA.
MISCELLANEA.
PROGRESS OF EUROPEAN SCHOLARSHIP. No. XVIII.
Transactions of the Eastern Section of the Russian Archaeological Society, Vol. III. Part 3. (a) The finding of a hoard of Bulgarian Coins in the year 1887; by A. Likhachev.
On the subject of Jachi numismatics there is an interesting question, which remains to the present time unsettled. Among the coins of the Juchi dynasty relating to the XIIIth-XVth centuries, a whole series is met with, struck in the city of Bulgar in the name of the Baghdadi Khalifa An-Nasir-li-din-Allah who is known to have ruled the Eastern Khalifate from 585 to 622 A.H. (=1180-1225 A.D.). On these coins are no dates, and the time when they are coined can only be ascertained relatively. The obverse contains the Khalifa's name and title 'Commander of the Faithful': the reverse the name Bulgar and some pious expression. It is found both in silver and copper. Among the latter some are stamped with the Juchi mint in the name of Mangu, the Mongolian Khân. The name of the Khalifa AnNasir li-din-Allah is met with earlier than that of Mangu Khân. In consequence of this fact, Ch. D. Fachu thought that the money coined at Bulgar in the name of An-Nastr was an independent coinage during the XIIth and the first quarter of the XIIIth century, before the country had been conquered by the descendants of Changêz Khair. This opinion gained ground from the antiquity of the coins. Thus these coins were considered the last monument of independent
277.
Bulgaria on the Volga, which from the tenth century became connected with the Eastern Khalifate and Muhammadan. Fachu found that the Bulgarian maliks as they were called, coined their own money, like the Sâmant dirhams. He found among the hoards of Kufic money some Bulgarian coins, upon which are recognised the names of Talib, the son of Ahmad, who coined money, A.H. 338, in Suvar, and his brother Mumin, A.H. 366, in the towns of Bulgar and Suvar. He was able to furnish a quantity of dynastic knowledge, adding to the information gained from coins thus preserved in their histories. The coins discovered by Fachu are very rare. They differ from the Såmani dirhams by the inscriptions which resemble those found on monuments on the soil of ancient Bulgaria, and sometimes barbarous corruptions of words are found. Besides the coins described by Fachu, there was found at Bulgar in 1868 a dirham of Tâlib, the son of Ahmad, coined A.H. 338. It has come into the writer's collection, and as so far as concerns the place where it was struck it is still unpublished, he calls attention to it. After these coins, till the end of the twelfth century, no independent Bulgarian money is met with, and the cause of the long interval is unknown. Judging by the rarity of these Bulgarian coins of the tenth century, we may conclude that they were never much used and could not supplant the Kufic money introduced into the country in large quantities. Consequently they are only attempts at establishing a national coinage. But the plan was abandoned, probably because, there was not
8 ThadonAganaing = "the Prince who conquered the Nagas:" vide note 2.
The above tale is widely known among the Burmese. It was narrated to me by Maung Tin, late Sayegy! (clerk) of the Hluttaw (Late Royal Council Chamber at Mandalay), but now employed in the Burma Secretariat.
[This tale is common in many variants throughout India. See Wide-Awake Stories, p. 401, where many instances are quoted and again pp. 24, 25, above, where the tale crops up in Bombay. S. D'Oldenbourg, quoted in Trübner's Record, 3rd series, Vol. I. Pt. I. pp. 14-15, says-"The oldest known version of the legend about the snake and the girl is found in Kathasarits@gara, vi., 8ff, where Gunadhya is the child. For other versions of the birth of Salivahana, see the Simhasanadvâtrimska. In Buddhist books serpents and Naga tribes are often confounded with one another. Concerning jimútavdhana, compare a number of snake stories in Tarantha's History of Buddhism, especially pp. 108, 109. For Buddhistic stories about serpents, see further the portion of the Mghasutra ed. Bendall (J. R. A. S., April, 1880): Th. Pavie, Quelques observations sur le mythe du serpent ches les Indous (Journal Asiatique, 5th series, Vol. V. pp. 409 529), and the Nagapajavidhi, a small Buddhist tract (Paris, Bibl. Nat. D 117)." These serpent tales are by no means confined to Aryan and the old world folklore, but are common to America: See Journal of American Folklore, Vol. I., No. 1, pp. 44f, and 74ff.-B. C. T.]

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enough of workmen and there was no experience Bulgaria on the Volga occurred in the year 1237. in the technical parts. They therefore returned That the Khans of the Golden Horde did not to the use of foreign money. While there was establish the use of their money in the country 80 much of this the attempt to coin native money immediately after its conquest, is explained from was not stimulated by any need, but was only the the descendants of Changez never destroying the fruit of the ephemeral fancy of royal personages. institutions of a conquered country unless they This is further proved by the fact that, when in were opposed to their intereste. Besides, they the first quarter of the eleventh century the thought only of new conqueste, and being able to importation of foreign money was stopped, gain what they wanted by plunder they had no there was no fresh attempt at coining. Coined need of money. money was exchanged for bars of silver of various 1 Among the Jachi there have been found other kinds, such payments being common at the time. coins, struck in the name of the Khalifa AnIn hoards, besides perfect coins, many such bars are Nasir-li-din-Allah, but with the date A.H. 692 found which have been cut, and sometimes scales 693(=1293-129-4, A.D.), exhibiting a completely are discovered with a balance. Thus we see that inexplicable anachronism. They only resemble money was taken according to the weight of the the previously mentioned coins in having the metal. So matters went on to all appearance till Khalifa's name, and were coined in the Jachf the close of the twelfth century, when a new epoch in the time of Tokhta Khån. Why was the attempt was made to coin real Bulgarian money, Khallfa's name on them, when be had been dead and the issue lasted not only till the end of the already seventeen years P This led Fachu to independent kingdom of great Bulgaria, but even alter his views about these coins and look upon after the conquest of the country by the descend them as Jacht. ants of Changez Khan. These coins are totally P. S. Saveliev, however, the Russian numismadifferent from those of the tenth century. They tist, looks upon these as special coins of the are coined, however, like them, by illiterate work. independent Bulgaria of the Volga, and makes a men. There was thus felt to be a complete want class of their coins before the Mongols. The of good coiners. But still coins were struck in periods he subdivides into (a) Xth century, (b) the great numbers. They bear the name of the end of the XIIth and first quarter of the XIIIth. Khalifa An-Nasir-li-din-Allah, and it is by the These coins only agree in having been coined in years of his reign that we are enabled to tell the names of the 'Abbâsi Khalifas, whose spiritual their date. The coining was protructed even power was reverenced in Bulgaria, when converted after his death. Their transformation into Jachito Islam. But on the first coins, together with coins only occurred in the time of Manga Khan. the names of the Khalifas Mustaff B'illah, Muta He was elected in 1250, whereas the conquest of B'illah and Tai-B'illah, there were also included
1 There had been already an attempt to coin money convenience. The legends contained no record of real among the Mongols in the time of Changes Khan, historical or political facta.
Tiegenhausen). [The above abatraot has much interested In a letter to me the late Mr. Gibbe, a good authority me because I think I can throw light on its subject. A on such subjects, said that the same adaptation of paper will be shortly published in this Journal illustrating anachronistic coins to loool te was the universal role ruy collection of the coins of the modern Panjab Native among the native states in Kachh. Chiefs. All these coins are now in the British Museum. In Burma King Mindôn Min (1852-1878 A.D.) estabThe modern Panjab Native Chiefs who are entitled to coin lished mint, indenting on London and Calcutta for his money are PațiATA, Jind, NAbhA and Maler Kotia. They dies. This was about A.D. 1860, but his earlier coins obtained the right in the last quarter of the XVIIIth all bear date Burmese er 1214 A.D. 1862. All in century. originally from Ahmad SbAb AbdAll (DarrAni) Mandalay tell me that Mindôn Min used the peacock sa Afghan cong beror of Dehll. PatiALA, Jind, and NAbhA are his crest, and his son, Thibo Min (1878-1885 A.D.). wbom Sikhs, Maler-Kols is Afghan. They all coined as inde- the Eogliah deposed, used the lion (or dragon). Bat I have pendent Chiefs, and used the coin of Ahmad Sh Ah of his | lion" coins dated 1214 = A.D. 1852. I am told bys man fourth year, i.es of A.D. 1751, exactly as it stood. From who wo once employed in the mint, that this was because that day to this there has been no change in the die beyond the Burmand would sometimes use the reverse die of one & mark, as the reigning Chiefs special mark or crest. A coin with the obverse die of another! It is also doubtfal gold coin struck for me at the mint at Patials in 1894 in whether the Pañjab abiefs really coined before Sath vat 1820 my presence, bore the date 1751, 1.e. year 4 of Ahmad = A.D. 1763, though their coins bear date A.D. 1751. Shah
The coins of the Buddhist kings of Arakan bore The only attempt to vary the die has been made by NAbba, Muhammadan titles and designations and even the kalima which State dates its coins by the Vikrams Samvat on the long after the country densed to be tributary to the obverse, and uses the couplet adopted by the Sikhs of Muhammadan Kings of Bengal, Phayre's History of Lkhôr in the days of Ahmad Shah. The reverse bears the | Burma, p. 78. The history of the early British coinage in date, "Sanh-jalds 4."
India strongly exhibits the same falsification of facta and I once had set of gold móhare from the Rajput is donoribed by Prinsep as an "unhappy time of mig. (Hindu) State of Jaypur, purporting to have been struck statements as to names, places, and dates :" Ureful Tables, during each year of Bahadur ShAh the last emperor of
Pt. I. p. 4. Debli (1838-1857 A.D.) But Jaypur was at no period of The inferences therefore are (1) that anachronisms are the BabAdur Shab's reign under his nazerainty, but was more rale, not the exception, in the coinage of Minor Oriental under British suzerainty than any other Rajput State. Miuta; (2) by analogy the deductions about the Bulgarian The fact is that the Ras used the Dehli coins al coinage are probably all correct. R. O. TEMPLE.

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the names of the Bulgarian kings Talib and Mamin. On the coins of the second class is only read the name of An-Nasir-li-din-Allah. Saveliev considers them the last memorials of the independent Bulgarian Empire, and thinks that they were coined in great quantities.
These coins are generally copper, and of an antique type. The silver money is rarest with the inscription :- “Use life, short as an hour, in honourable works." The writer disagrees with Saveliev's opinion that many were coined. On the 2nd of December, 1887, some silver coins were brought to the writer from Al. Kagar. The discovery had been made while a grave was being dug. 104 silvercoins were found in a heap. There was no Jachi coin among them. Their condition showed that they had long been buried. They were rudely fashioned, and the inscriptions un. grammatical.
. He then proceeds to give a few of the most interesting
1. Obverse:- En-Nasir-li-din Allah, Comman. der of the Faithful.
Reverse :--a dindr, coined in Bulgaria.
The Khalifa's name is spelled wrong: and instead of dindr, which means gold coin, dörham, silver coin, should have been used.
2. Obverse and reverse the same as above, but on the reverse a kind of zigzag is out.
3. On the obverse there are three stare placed horizontally. Reverse: the inscription is, “Life is an hour; use it for piety."
Some of these coins are rare. The writer, during thirty years, has had only one example of No. 3. He eoncludes by stating that the coins are independent Bulgarian money, the coining of which continued after the conquest of the country by the Mongols till the establishment of an independent Jacht rule.
Finds of large hoards of money coined in the name of An-Nasir-li-din-Allah were not known up to this time.
(6) Nicholas Spathari, before his arrival in Russia; by P. Sirku.
There is a Chinese account in the Manchu language of the stay of Nicholas Spathari in Pekin. This document is valuable, because it explains the relations existing between Russia and China, Only some extracts have previously appeared in the Manchu Chrestomathy of Prof. Vasiliev. The writer of the article does not propose to give a complete account of Spathari, but some new material about him, especially from the Greek State Papers. He was born about 1625 in Moldavia, of a family which had come from the Peloponnesus, ana was educated at Constantinople. Here he acquired ancient Greek,
Turkish and Arabic, and afterwards probably finished his education at Padua. In 1653 Stephen Giorgitea seized the hospodarship of Moldavia from Basil Lupu, and Nicholas became his secretary and private friend. In 1657 George Ghika was hospodar, and into his good graces Spathari insinuated himself. But under a subsequent governor we find Spathari caught intriguing, and he had his nose cut off, hence he was called Kurnal or the snub-nosed. Afterwards on the recommendation of Dositheus, the patriarch of Jerusalem, he was received into the Russian service. In consequence of his great knowledge of foreign languages, the Tsar Alexis sent him as ambassador to China in 1675.
(c) List of Persian-Turko-Tatar and Arabic manuscripts in the Library of the University of St. Petersburg (concluded): entends from page 197 to page 220; by V. Rosen.
In a note at the conclusion, the writer thanks J. Gotwald for the presentation to the Library of a very old copy of the celebrated work of Gasalli. It is true that a Bulaq edition exists of this work ; but a good old manuscript always preserves its value, inasmuch as the greater part of the oriental editions are only reproductions of some one manuscript, and it is good to test them by other copies.
There is also an additional list of ten manu. scripts given by E. F. Kahl, which he collected in Bokhåra and Tashkand.
(d) The Wisdom of Balabar,' a Georgian version of the History of Varlaam and Joasaf.
The writer became acquainted with this Georgian version of the story of Barlaam and Joasaph during his stay in the Caucasus. He was told of two copies, one in possession of the priest of the Alaverd monastery, Simeon Gad. zeliev, and the other in that of Ivan Berdzenov, who died two years ago. There were also in Guria some persons with the name of Balaver, which might point not only to the existence of a book about Balavar, but also to its popularity in Georgia, because in that country personal names are often taken from popular works. In the Georgian Gaxette (Iveria), was an account of some books, which had been given to the Society for Spreading Education among the Georgians, and among these was mentioned the Wisdom of Balaver. When the writer was in Tiflis, he copied the whole MS. It was of the very recent date 1860, but this very circumstance gaye hopes of finding the original, and with this object he put a notice into the Iveria of his desire to find it. Soon after, in the Gasette, No. 104, there was a communication that the copy of the Wisdom of Balavar had been made from that of the

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Miltaurova, inherited by them from the | translation, which was turned into Greek by John, Georgian Tsareviches, under one of whom a a monk of the Savva Monastery. There is also Miltaurov. was the court captain. The manu. another Arabic translation from the Pahlavi which script, which belongs to the Society and includes is the original of the Hebrew rifacimento of Ibnthe Wisdom of Balavar, has the form of an ordi- Khisdan. nary pamphlet. The story of Balavar, which In the tale about the son of the Indian king, occupies the first 158 pages is followed by 20 pages if we contrast the Georgian version with the containing various poems, and an interpretation Greek and MusalmAn-Arabic, we can distinguish of the Lord's prayer. The last ten pages are blank. three elements : -(1) A fable; (2) A parablu; It is in the civil character, with the exception of (3) Religious teaching. the capitals, which are in the ecclesiastical. The The writer compares the various redactions pagination is in Arabic numerals.
and alludes to an edition of the Georgian text At the beginning of the manuscript we read :- which he is about to publish. He gives the Tho Wisdom of Balavar: the work of Father Georgian version with a translation. The Greek Bophronius of Palestine, the son of laaao. There and Arabio redactions are also compared. The are some lines at the beginning of the tale, appa- Arabio version appears to be of the least importrently by the author, pointing to the Ethiopian ance: in the Greek two of the creeds are cited : 1.6. Indian, origin of the book : "Once I was in the Georgian, only one. The article concludes in the country Ethiopia] where in the library with a list of proper names contained in the of the king of the Indians, I found this book, in tale, in Georgian, Greek, and Arabio. The arthor which his deeds are described." The following is hopes in a forthcoming work to trace the progress the inscription at the end : -"On October 6th, of this tale from the East to the West. 1860, this tale was copied by the Government (0) Variow Notes. Secretary, the noble Anthony Zakharievich (1) Baron V. Rosen on the Anthology of Dapkriev.
Ahmad Ibn-Abf-Tahir. "The hands of the labourers are turned to dust: In the British Museum (MS. Add. 18582), is "Their work will remain, like a treasure." preserved a fragment of the anthology of one of
The language is ecclesiastioal, with all those the remarkable writers of the third century, A.H.. peculiarities of style which we find in the Bible namely Abu'l-Fadhl, Aḥmad ibn-abi-Tahir and religious authors of the best period of Taipna, ob. 280 A.H. (893-94 A.D.). This is a Georgian literature. The use of the demonstra- most important century of Arabic literature, as tive pronoun in the place of the definite article, all Arabista know. These works were driven and many other archaic forms of speech and from popularity by the great compilations, such ancient words,-thus the proper word for nightin. as the History of Tabart, the Book of Songs gale, witchrinavi, which has become supplanted in (Kitabu'l-Agdni) of 'Ali Ispahånt, and others, modern Georgian by the Greek anda, &o. &o.,- which have not preserved all the material which all show the value of the manuscript.
existed. The anthology cited above had been Up to the discovery of the Georgian manu. described by Dr. Rieu in his Arabic Catalogue, soript, two chief redactions of the tale of the and the writer, during his stay in London in 1875, Indian king's son were known: the Greek, wbich made some extracts from it, in the hope that was most celebrated, and the Arabio, which was interest may be awakened in it. only recently published from a defective manu. Ibn-Abt-Tahir, the author of the Fihrist script. In it the story is interrupted at the tells us, came from a family of Khurlaan, and moment when Balabhar has bidden adieu to
was born at Baghdad A.H. 204. He died in the the king's son, and the king takes counsel with 76th year of his age. He is accused of pillering the wizard how to bring back his disobedient from other posts. Of his numerous works men child. Hommel, of Munich, reokons among the tioned in the Fihrist, not one has come down sources of the Fihrist some books about Bilay. complete, As far as the writer knows. Only hara, translated from Pahlavt into Arabio, and fragments of two of them have been preserved : thinks that this tale is in the closest connexion vis. (1) The Book about Baghdad; (2) The Book of with the Kallla and Dimna, also translated from Prose and Verse. These fragments are in the the Pahlavi. At the same time he states that the British Museum. The Book about Baghdad Hebrew redaction, called The Son of the King treats of the history of the 'Abbdefe;' the London and the Wrestler, is a translation from this Arabic
fragment is that which treats of the Khalifa redaction, which is Musalman and not Christian. MAman. The Book of Prose and Verse is an There were many versions of the history of anthology. According to the Fihrist it consisted Barlaam in Pahlavt, whence there was an Arabic of 14 parts, but only thirteen were published:

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the London fragment contains parts 11 and 12. discoveries made in Egypt in Tal-el-Amarna, The loss of the greater part of this manuscript is cuneiform tablets and rubAyat (a collection of much to be regretted. The eleventh part is portraits). Bezold has contributed further infor. entirely devoted to women, distinguished and mation to the Allgemeine Zeitung, his report undistinguished, free and slave, clever and stupid, being partly cornpiled from that of L. A. Budge. pre-islamite and post-islamite: their speeches, (3) Rosen adds a further note on the Essay and witticisms are introduced with many anec. by F. Hommel on Eduard Glaser's Reise nach dotes. The author gives some of the heads of Marib (in Südarabien). For all Arabists this the chapters which he noticed, as a supplement to book preserves great interest and throws much Dr. Rieu's work. In the twelfth part two poets light on the Early history of Yaman. especially deserve attention : Ahmad Ibn- (4) The Persian Version of the Story of Al-Karim has an elegy on an old shirt, the Varlaam and Joasaf. whole history of which the author lays before us: S. F. Oldenburg in a letter from London, dated the other gives a very realistic picture of the 17/29 of October has written to say that there is sufferings which were endured from the tar. a Persian Varlaam and Joasaf in the British gatherers, &c.
Museum. The MS. is without date: it came from The text of the London manuscript is very the Churchill collection, and belongs to the last mutilated. One chapter is devoted to the in- century. It is in tolik handwriting, and contains comparable verses' of various poets. The author
33 leaves. This MS., the speedy publication of was to all appearance a special worshipper of which would be very desirable, will perhaps give Nabigi. Among other things there is an Epistle the full text of the Musalman version of the of Abu'l Kabi Muhammad ibn-al-Lails to Con Romanoe, which in its Arabic form has no constantine, the emperor of the Greeks, which is no clusion. The opening lines of the MS. quoted doubt the same as the book of the Answer to in the letter of Oldenburg, give us the first Constantine in the name of Haran which the account of the Romance among Musalmans. Fihrist mentions among the works of that cele. The Ibn-Bataveih mentioned in this part, must brated secretary. It contains an enthusiastic be the celebrated Abu-Ja'far-Muhammad ibndefence of Islam, with a quantity of citations from 'All-ibn-Bataveth-al-Kummi, ob. A.L. 381(A.D. the Old and New Testament, and deserves notice 991), whom the Shi'a authors considered the best of as one of the oldest specimens of Muhammadan the scholars that came from Kumm, and one polemic with Christianity. The Epistle appears to 1 of the most notable Shra teachers. He com. be complete.
piled about 300 books, of which a few are The rest of the MS. contains letters and preserved in the great European libraries. There fragments. Enough will have been said to shew is also mention in the same passage of Abuthe character and importance of this anthology. Bakr Muhammad Ibn-Zakari-ar-Rant, the
We see from this manuscript that (1) the celebrated philosopher, surgeon and polyhistor, ancient poems, or mu'allahs, as they were called in who died probably A.H. 320. Among his numer. later times, in the time of our author, i.e. the ous productions is the Book of the man who has third century A.H., already formed a subject of not a surgeon at hand, a short guide to medicine. study. (2) The Khalifa • Abdu'l-Malik collected Ar-Razi was a many-sided writer, among other seven pieces of poetry, which up to that time things on Ethics, and in his works we might hope had never been gathered into any recueil. to tind mention of the Romance ; moreover be Among this number were six pre-islamite; and, was not unacquainted with foreign languages. strange to say, there was not one production of (5) N. Miednikov: on the coin No. 1 of the the Yaman or South-Arabian races. Finally, it collection of A. V. Komarov. is curious that our author does not make On a previous page is described the 'Abbast use of the term mu'allah, and knows nothing fels coined at Merv, A.H. 156, in the reign of the about the mu'allihs or any other ancient poems, Khalifa Al-Mahdi. Here an inaccuracy has crept which were written in golden letters and hung at in, inasmuch as Al-Mahdi ruled from 158 to 169 the Ka'aba: 80 we must consider Ibn 'Abd-u'r. A.H. (A.D. 275-785). This fels was not coined in Rabbi, as the oldest author acquainted with this the time of Al-Mahdi, but in that of his predelegend.
oessor Al-Mansur. (2) The latest discoveries in Egypt and Criticism and Bibliography. Southern Arabia.
1 8. Georgievski. An analysis of the Chinese V. S. Golenistchev has already communicated Characters, &c. St. Petersburg, 1888. on pp. 121-126 of the Journal of the Russian. The book is uncritical: the author connects the Archeological Society, some notes on the Chinese language among others with the Aryan.

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An attempt is made, by an analysis of the charac- appended, but plans of some of the Chinese ters, to give a sketch of the old Chinese culture. towns. Perhaps the former is somewhat overThe results already obtained by the study of early crowded with names, but the work is a very valuAryan culture are well known, but these results able one. have been brought about by a comparative study (g) Catalogues of Oriental MSS.; by Rosen. of roots, which are unquestionably connected, ( Catalogue of the Turkish manuscripts in the but even about which scholars are not uniform British Museum, by Ch. Rieu. London, 1888. in their opinions. Our author only investigates (ii) Verzeichniss der persischen Handschriften the Chinese language, and is very fantastic in der Kgl. Bibliothek - Berlin von Wilhelm his explanation of the Chinese combined charac- Pertech. Berlin, 1888. ters. And in the Chinese characters the same (iii) Verzeichniss der arabischen Handschriften group has a different meaning with different keys. der Kgl. Bibliothek zu Berlin von W. Ahlwardt.
There is also this radical fault in his interpre- Erster Band. Berlin, 1887. tation : he accepts the idea that the present style The materials for the study of these three of writing is nothing else than simplification of the Muhammadan languages are constantly increasancient styles. But why should we not believe ing; the British Museum and the Library of Berlin that, as the culture changed, the writing changed, being very active in their purchase. Dr. Rieu's so that in their different conditions the people Turkish Catalogue will be warmly greeted, bewould naturally express their thoughts by cause, with the exception of that of the Viennese different combinations and thus change the old Library by Flügel, there was little to aid our methods P He frequently treats as old characters study of Ottoman literature. those which are late. He attempts to prove, The collection of the British Museum conamong other things, that the Chinese, at the time tains 444 Ottoman M88. (including some from when they settled in the east from Central Asia, Azurbijan) and 39 Chughatai. It is rich in had not black hair, and were of a fair complexion, ancient works preserved in ancient copies. In but not one of the examples introduced confirm this respect it almost surpasses all other col. this. He interprets the combination of charac- lections. Those of Paris and Oxford, of which ters which Vasiliev takes to mean black haired' up to the present time there is no description, as signifying ploughmen, agriculturista,' which perhaps will prove richer. The British Museum he holds the primitive Chinese to have been
has no copy of the Kudatku-Bilik, of which The writer is too fond of seeing allusions to Vienna is justly proud, and manuscripts in the foreigners everywhere. He is led to this by the Uighur character are wanting, but it boasts an fact that the names of foreigners are written with old copy of the History of the Prophets by keys denoting the dog, snake, &c., but this may Rubgusi, compiled A.H. 710, and referred by Dr. point to the custom of calling races after animals, Rieu to the XV. century. The MS. is not dated, and does not show any attempt to look upon them but we can rely upon such a competent scholar as with dislike. Throughout, the author interprets Dr. Rieu. He identifies the Amir Nasiru'd-din the characters from preconceived notions, and Tukboga, mentioned in the preface of Rudguzi, also explains the same character differently into whom the whole work is dedicated, with the different parts of his book. Thus, as explaining Amir Tukboga, whom Ibn-Batata (A.H. 733) saw the earliest unit of the Chinese family, father, in the camp of Sultan Termashirin, near Naksheb. mother and son, he interprets the character tsra, When Rudguzi is edited again, which is much to on page 21, as 'three people under a roof,' and on be desired, the London copy must be compared page 97 he says, "the character tsra, house or with the text. family,' is compounded of mian,' a roof,' and shi, Besides this pearl, we find (p. 290) a rare old swine,' - i.e. each Chinese family had swine. I Chughatai work, Muhabbat nimah, by a certain
To conclude: the Chinese language and its Khwarizmi, compiled in A. H. 754, in a manuscript literature are still too little studied for it to be of the year 914, which also contains the Makhsanpossible to investigate the primitive culture of w'l-serdr of Haidar Telbë, the Gul-i-Nariz of the Chinese people: the analysis which onr Maulana Lutfi and also his divdn, the De-ndma author gives, is arbitrary and can lead to no of Amirt (compiled in A.H. 883), the Qasida of satisfactory results.
Shaibani Khan, the Lalafat-ndma of Khozhdeni (2) 2. Matusovski. 4. Geographioal Survey (a work up to the present entirely unknown), the of the Chinese Empire. St. Petersburg 1888. Ta'ash-Shah-ndma of Sidi Ahmad ibn-Mirin
This work answers & want long felt in Russia. Shah and some other small poetical produc. It is valuable both to the general public and to tions. There is also the Divan of Sakkaki, the specialists. There is not only a careful map oldest oontemporary of Mir 'Alishôr, unfortunately

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incomplete. The works of Mir 'Alisher are to be the treaty of the Pruth in July, 1711. There is found in several examples : especially remarkable also a very old cosmography, translated from is the dated copy of his diods of the year A.H. 887 the Persian. The original Dr. Rieu assigns and the copy of his Majdlis-an-nafaris of A.H. 987. to the beginning of the fourth century A.H., There is also the historical work of Tadarikh- but it has not been found. Everyone who is Gucida-i-Nusrat-nama, compiled in A.H. 908, acquainted with the Persian Catalogue of Dr. which contains the history of Shaibani Khân. The Rieu, will find in this new work the same excel. Shaibani ndma, according to Dr. Rieu, appears lent qualities which made that a model. We to be an abridgment of this work. The London see in it the same vast erudition and perfect copy is incomplete. Among Chughatai MSS. is criticism. Moreover there is a copious index. the only known copy of the great Chughatai- The Persian Catalogue of Dr. V. Pertsch, Persian dictionary, Seng-Lakh, compiled by contains a description of about 1150 manuscripts. Mirza - Mahdi Khân, the historian of Nadir Shah. Numerically Berlin is the richest in this branch, Among Osmanli MSS. very rare are the Turkish but in quality it yields to the British Museum translation of Tabari (in MSS. of the fifteenth and probably 'to Paris and Oxford. There are and sixteenth centuries), the diván of 'Ashiq however some ancient MSS. one a Recueil of Påsha, the contemporary of Dante in an excellent Edifying Tales, dated A.H. 543. Six dated MSS. copy, a treatise on Sufism by the patron of the refer to various years of the seventh century A.H. Janissaries, Haji Bakbash, the Iskandar-Nama, We may here mention the Persian translation of of Ahmadi, composed A.H. 792 in three copies, the Kallla-wa-Dimna of A.H. 669, the very rare Futul-ash-Sham by the Pseudo-Wakidi, (com- Astronomy of Muhammad al-Masti'de of A.H. 685, piled, according to Dr. Rieu, A.H. 795, by Zarir- the Cosmography of Tusk of A.H. 687. There are Mustafa of Erzerum), the very rare Safi treatise six MSS. belonging to the eighth century A.H. Bashdrat-ndma, by a certain Rafi who wrote One of A.H. 731, a very rare translation of A.H. 811, the Khushrav and Shirin of Shaikht Samarkandi. One of A.H. 734, a little treatise in three old copies. These books must be studied on the difficult words in the Quran, &c. if we wish to have a really scientific Ottoman Persian MSS. of the ninth century A.H. meet grammar and Ottoman dictionary.
us pretty often in all great libraries. The writer In history the British Museum Collection has not remarked many rare ancient works on is poorer than that of Vienna, but it possesses a l going through the Catalogue. There are, however, small number of valuable MSS. even in this a short encyclopaedio work of Avicenna, almost branch. In some of them we may hope to find unique; a rare Tazkira of Aufi, a valuable copy of fresh information about the Crimean Khanate, or the mystic poem of Senaie, and the Diviin of his eventa connected with Russian history : for pupil Sozeni; and some comparatively old copies example, the History of the Ottoman Sultans from of the works of Nizami. No ancient copies of Ilderins Bayazid to the death of Muhammad II, the Shah-Nama of Firdasi are to be found in this written by Sinan Chelebi, surnamed Bihishth library, and the manuscript of the Vis-1-Ramir the contemporary of Neshri, the Histories of has no value. But an old copy of the kreat Bayasid II. and Selim I. by an unknown author, Medical Encyclopaedia of Jurjánt and two copios but a contemporary. Here we should perhaps find of the Cosmography of Tast deserve notice. This an account of the stay of Salim at Kaffa and the last work is very interesting both in contents and visit he paid to Mengli Ghirei. Valuable are the language, and deserves editing. works of Koji Nishanji and Mustafa JalAlgada Besides these there is a copy of Tabak.lt. on Sulaiman the Great and Selim I. The London | Nasir, incomplete but somewhat old ; two good copy of the latter work is the third which has copies of Zafar-Nama; a comparatively rare been found.
Dustúr-u'l-Vusard of Khondamir; the History of The History of Islám-ghirei from A.H. 1054
the Kirman Seljúks, not long since edited by 1060 (1644-1650) has a direct connection with the Houtsma; the History of Haidar-Rdzí; this Memoirs Crimen; the copy is almost unique. The con- of Shah Tahmasp, important for the modern quest of Georgia, by Lala-Mustafa-Påshi, is told history of Persia ; &c. in the Wusrat-nuima, written by 'Ali of Gallipoli, Generally speaking, the Berlin Collection is his secretary, which is préserved in an excellent richest in Indo-Persian history and literature, as copy.
might be inferred from the fact that the greater In the collection of Letters of Abu'l-Kasim part was brought by Sprenger from India. The we appear to have the oldest specimens of Catalogue here published is the best known of Ottoman prose. In another collection are Persian literature, with the exception of that of letters from and to Peter the Great, and a copy of Dr. Rieu. The condition of Dr. Pertach in

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oriental literature is already known from his Catalogue of the Arabic books at Gotha. The reviewer has only two faults to find:-(1) There is no systematic reference to copies of the books in other libraries; (2) The author in the case of the minor tazkira gives full lists of the poets mentioned in them; of these there are about 4,000; our knowledge of Persian poetry is certainly thereby increased, but instead of so many names of mere rhymesters it would have been better to have given extracts from rarer works.
The indices are copious: these include the geographical names and ansdb, lists of Indian words in Arabic transcriptions, and indices of MSS. in which are found seals, miniatures, remarkable arabesques, beautiful bindings, &c. The Catalogue of Dr. Pertsch will undoubtedly take an honourable place in the library of all students of Persian literature.
The first volume of the Arabic Catalogue of Prof. Ahlwardt embraces about the sixth part of the vast collection of the Berlin Royal Library, which in all possesses about 6,500 vols. of Arabic MSS. The great characteristic of the Library is its richness in the works of all periods of Arabic literature.
The following MSS. are especially worthy of attention:
Fragments of the Encyclopaedia of Nuvairt (with the author's autograph) written in A.H. 738, an old copy, about A.H. 600, of a work of Khwarizmi which up to this time was considered unique in the Leiden collection, a work by Gazzari, extracts from the Quran in Kufic writing, two very rare Kufic fragments of an historical character, a Quran of 'A.H. 883, with Turkish interlinear translation, three copies of Abd-u'lAziz-al-Kinâni, a work of Abu Obaid-al-KârimIbn-Sallam, almost unique, rare and important works on the various readings of the Quran by Mikhi, a valuable Dictionary to the Quran by Rajab Isfahânt, and some very rare commentaries on the Quran forming a complete series.
.a
The Catalogue of Prof. Ahlwardt is compiled npon a plan in complete contrast to those of similar works. In the descriptions of the books, the European literature on the subject is completely ignored. The various parts of.. manuscript are described under different heads, and therefore we do not realise what were the literary tastes of the compilers of the recueils. The reader is obliged to be constantly referring to the indices. There are quantities of cross, references. It would have been better to describe each manuscript separately, and to add, as Dr. Rieu does, at the end a systematic index
[SEPTEMBER, 1889.
to the subjects. As regards ignoring European literature, it leads to constant repetitions. The author catalogues with equal accuracy the rarest MSS. and those in everybody's hands. At the end of each section he gives a kind of summary of Arabic literature on the subject, but the reviewer does not think this beneficial. The history of Arabic literature will be produced by the united labours of many generations, founded on a great number of monographs, and in no other way. The ordinary system of a detailed description only of unknown or little known books is the best.
The reviewer then proceeds to shew some instances of confusion in the Catalogue, but concludes that he is far from wishing to undervalue the importance of the work of Prof. Ahlwardt. He looks upon the Catalogue as a triumph of erudition and industry, and dwells with affectionate enthusiasm upon the time when he sat at the feet of the author. For a course of more than twenty years Prof. Ahlwardt devoted himself for ten hours a day to the compilation of this Catalogue. But great as is the work, the author might have found some more original task more worthy of his splendid abilities. W. R. MORFILL.
A LITERARY QUERY.
Can any of your readers, more especially those in South India, give me any particulars as to the authorship or date of a Sanskrit philosophical work called Gurujñdnavásishtha ? A quarto edition of a portion (Jñdna-Kanda) of this work appeared at Madras in 1882, under the editorship of Appayadikshita of Pattamaḍai (? a descendant of the well-known writer on alamkára, etc.) It would seem, from the preface in Telugu, that the book has other Kandas (Updsana-ko, Karma-k°); but if it is connected with the Yoga-vásishtha or Jñána-vdsishtha-rámáyana, it must belong to an unknown recension of that work, as the latter work is not divided into Kandas.
More recently, an extract from the same Gurujñânavásistha has reached me (Kanda I,' vada i. adhyaya, xi. 45 xiii.), under the curious title Yajnavardha-bhagavadgitá, and edited with an extensive Telugu commentary by a scholar whose name is itself a crux, Mantri Lakshmi Nârâyana. This appeared recently, undated, at the Adi-Kalanidhi Press, Madras. As to the editor's name, I at first took Mantri for a kind of family epithet, and the remainder for a compound personal name, children being, in North India at least, often dedicated to two deities. But this supposition is rather discountenanced by the circumstance that in a Sanskrit Slôka at the

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beginning, the Lakshmi. is dropped, as if an unessential part of the name. Even if no one can settle my bibliographical query, perhaps some correspondent can at least solve this point of nomenclature.
According to Dr. Oppert's Catalogue (i. 7053), a copy of the Gurujñánavasistha exists at Kottapêta, Vijayanagaram (Library of Mandadi Kondayya Pantulu).
CECIL BENDALL.
British Museum.
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. No. 29.
In the spurious copper-plate grant of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya I., from Kurtakoti in the Gadag Taluka, Dharwad District, published by me, with a lithograph, ante, Vol. VII. p. 217 ff., the passage containing the date (line 20 ff.), with all its inaccuracies, runs viditam astu sô-småbhi batrims-ôttara-pamchasatêshu Saka-varshêshv-&titêshu vijaya-rajyasambachchara-shôshasa-varshê pravarttamâna Kisuvolal-maha-nagara vikhyâta sthitvå tasya Vaisakha Jêshtha - mâsa - madhyam amavasyaBhaskara-dinê Rohinya-rikshê madhyâhna-kâlê Vikra[m]dityasya Atma cha atma-vinité nâma maha-dêvitayôḥr-ubhayôr-Vvrishabha-râsau tasmin Vrishabba-râsau sûryya-grâhana sarvvamâsi (read sarvvagrâsi)bhatê, be it known to you that by Us, when there have expired five hundred Saka yeurs, increased by the thirty-second (year); in the current sixteenth year of the years of the victorious reign; (by Us) stationed at the famous great city of Kisuvolal; on Sunday, which is the new-moon day between the months Vaisakha and Jyêshtha of that (year); (the moon being) in the Rohini nakshatra; at noon;.....
.. (the sun being) in the sign Vrishabha ; there being a total eclipse of the sun." And the charter goes on to record a grant of the village of Kuruta. kante, the modern Kurtakôți,-or of some land at that village, to a Brâhman.
Here the details for calculation are-SakaSamvat 532, distinctly specified as expired; the new-moon day between the months Vaisakha and Jyeshtha, i.e. the new-moon tithi of tho amanta Vaisakha, since, by the púrniminta arrangement of the lunar fortnights, the phase of the moon that separates these two months, is the
-
1 The tithi was nominally amânta Vaisikha krishna 14. The fourteenth tithi ended at about 5 gh. 29 p. on the same day; and consequently the fifteenth it was expunged. The results with Frof. Jacobi's Tables are very nearly the same; the ending-times being respectively 2 hrs. 25 min. 6 gh. 2 p., and 23 hrs. 51 min., =59 gh.38 p.
285
full-moon of Vaisakha, and the new-moon of Vaisakha, or of Jyêshtha, falls in the middle of its month; Bhaskaradina or Sunday; the Rohini nakshatra, for the moon; the sign Vrishabha, for the sun; and a total eclipse of the sun, apparently indicated as central at noon, or at any rate as including the hour of noon in its duration.
With Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, in the given year Saka-Samvat 533 current (532 expired).
the new-moon tithi of the amânta Vaisakha1 ended, not on a Sunday, but on Tuesday, 28th April, A. D. 610, at about 59 ghatis, 20 palas, after mean sunrise for Bådâmi. On this day, the sun was in Vrishabha ; having entered that sign at about 46 gh. 39 p. on Sunday, 19th April. And, though by the equal-space system of the nakshatras with Prof. Jacobi's Tables, Krittika, No. 3, commenced at about 8 gh. 42 p., and Rohini, No. 4, did not commence till the next day, yet by both of the equal-space systems there was the Rohini nakshatra, commencing by the BrahmaSiddhanta system at about 36 gh. 38 p., and by the Garga system at about 39 gh. 55 p. On this day, however, there was no eclipse of the sun, visible or invisible. The eclipse, a total one, which was not visible in or anywhere near India, but only in northern Europe, North America, and the Pacific Ocean, took place on Monday, 30th March, on which day there ended, at about 40 ghatis, the the new-moon tithi of the amanta Chaitra or the purnimanta Vaisakha. This eclipse, however, is expressly barred by the wording of the text, which distinctly specifies the new-moon of the amanta Vaisakha. Moreover, the week-day is not correct; for, even if the word madhydhna-kale is not to be connected with the eclipse, still the tithi only commenced at about 44 gh. 37 p. on the Sunday, and was not current at noon (15 ghatis) on that day. Also, the sun had not then entered Vrishabha. And the nakshatra at sunrise being Asvint, No. 1, by all three systems, there was no Rohini, No. 4, at all on that day.
If it should be thought that the given year is wrongly specified as expired, then we have to consider the circumstances for Saka-Samvat 532 current (531 expired). In this year the newmoon tithi of the amânta Vaisakha ended, again not on a Sunday, but on Friday, 9th May, A. D. 609, at about 15 gh. 19 p. On this day the sun was in Vrishabha; having entered that
The times here are for Bâdâmi all through; that place being the Western Chalukya capital, and Kisuvolal being the modern Pattadakal, quite close to Badami.
3 For this and the following eclipses, see von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse, pp. 174, 175, and Plate 87.

Page #306

286
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1889.
sign at about 31 gh. 7 p. on Saturday, 19th April. north of the equator, on Wednesday, 31st May, And by all three systems the Rohiņi nakshatra at the new-moon of the amdnta Jyêshtha or the was current at sunrise, and up to about 38 purnimanta Ashådha. ghatis. But there was no eclipse of the sun, Thus, in no way can & completely satisvisible or invisible. The preceding new-moon factory solution of this date be obtained. tithi, of the amanta Chaitra or the parnimdnta This result was not needed in order to establish Vaisakha, ended at about 57 gh. 18 p. on Wed- the spurious nature of the grant, which is pernesday, 9th April. At this new-moon, again, fectly clear (1) from the extreme inaccuracy of the there was a total eclipse of the sun, which, owing language and orthography ; (2) from the standard to the difference of longitude, is entered in the of the palæography, which marks at least the Tables for Thursday, 10th April; and which ninth or tenth century A. D. as the period of ite again was not visible in or anywhere near India, composition ; ard (3) from the fact that, accordbut only on the west coast of North America, in ing as we omit or retain the syllable ba as part the Pacific Ocean, and in Australia. In addition, of the date, it gives a day corresponding either to however, to the week-day not being correct, and the 20th April, A.D. 608, or to the 28th April, to this not being the given new-moon tithi of the A.D. 610, as falling in the sixteenth year of record, the sun, as we have seen, did not enter the reign of Vikramaditya I., whereas we know Vpishabha till ten days later; and by all three perfectly well from the unquestionably genuine systems the nakshatra at sunrise was Asvini, No.1, records of this family that his father Pulikesin 80 that Rohini, No. 4, could not occur at all on 11. only commenced to reign in A. D. 608, 609, that day. This eclipse again, therefore, is not or 610, and continued to reign at least up to admissible from any point of view.
A. D. 634-35. But the important point that If it should be held that the Praksit word ba, attracts attention is the analogy between two,' is not acceptable as part of the date, but is this spurious grant and the spurious Uméta, a pure mistake, e. g. for the visarga of the pre- Bagumra, and llad grants of the Gurjara chiefceding word asmábhih, which otherwise was tain Dadda II., dated Saka-Sativat 400, 415, and omitted, then we have to consider the circum. 417. The Umeta date cannot be actually tested; stances for Saka Samvat 531 current (530 expired). and the nature of the record has only to be In this year the new-moon tithi of the amanta decided in accordance with that of the other two. Vaisakha ended, again not on a Sunday, but on As we have seen (page 93 above), the possibility of Saturday, 20th April, A. D. 608, at about 16 gh. obtaining uniform results for the Bagumrk and 42 p. The sun was then in Vrishabha; having Ilfo dates rests entirely upon the use, by the entered that sign at about 15 gh. 46 p. on the person who calculated them for the forger of the preceding day, Friday, 19th April. By the equal. grants, of the amunta arrangement of the lunar space system of the wakshatras, Kittika, No. 3, fortnights, not only for his calculation, but also commenced at about 15 gh. 7 p. ; and Rôhiņi for the purpose of actual record in the civil No. 4, did not commence till the next day, reckoning for a period when it is not at all likely. Sunday; but by both the unequal-space systems that this arrangement was used with the years of there was the Rohiņi nakshatra on the the Saka era, even in Gujarat ; supposing that Saturday, commencing by the Brahma-Siddhanta the era itaelf was then used there, which I do system at about 43 ghatis, and by the Garganot believe to be possible. In the case of the system at about 46 gh. 20 p. And on this day present grant, it is not easy to decide whether the there was a total eclipse of the sun; though it calculator worked out the eclipse of Saturday, was visible only in Australia and towards the 20th April, A. D. 608, with a correct result, except South Pole, and not in or anywhere near India. for the week-day, and except for his improper As we have seen, however, the week-day is not use of the amunta instead of the purnimanta correct; and therefore this eclipse also fails to month in formulating his results for record in give a completely satisfactory solution. In this the charter according to the civil reckoning; year there was no solar eclipse, visible or in or whether he worked out the eclipse of Monday, visible, at the preceding new-moon, of the amunta 30th April, A. D. 610, again with a wrong weekChaitra or the purnimanta Vaisakha. And in day, and also with the mistake of a month either A. D. 607 the only solar eclipse in this period of in the course of his work, or in formulating the the year was a partial eclipse, not visible anywhere results. And perhaps, under all the circum.
• Here, also, the tithi was nominally amanta Chaitra and 23 hrs. 13 min. = 58 gh. 3 p. krishna 14. The fourteenth tithi ended at about 3 gh. This point could be put right by 2.88uming that 45 p. on the same day; and consequently the fifteenth bhikara.dine is mistake for bhaskaraputra.dine, tithi we expunged. With Prof. Jacobi's Tables the Sani, the recent of the planet Saturn, being a son of the ending-times are respectively 1 hr. 55 min. = 4gh. 47 p., Sun.

Page #307

SEPTEMBER, 1889.]
BOOK NOTICES.
two.
stances, the former hypothesis, resting upon the rejection of the syllable ba as part of the date, may be considered the more acceptable of the But, whatever opinion may be held on this point, the very specific expression used in formulating the details of the date, viz. "the new-moon day between the months Vaisakha and Jyêshtha," an expression which cannot possibly be interpreted as meaning anything but the new-moon of an amánta month, in this case Vaisakha, shews that the calculator, working,
NOTES AND BOMBAY SOCIAL CUSTOMS; PREGNANCY. On eclipse days, whether the eclipse be of the sun or of the moon, a pregnant woman is strictly prohibited from cutting anything asunder by means of a knife or any other cutting instrument, lest on her delivery she should have the child, then in her womb, injured.
Bombay.
R. JAGANNATHJI.
SOCIAL CUSTOMS; DEATH. In Bombay.
One of the funeral rites amongst the Parsis is to carry a dog into the presence of the dead a certain number of times, from the time of death to the time the body is carried away. The dog's eyes are made to turn in the direction of the face. of the dead. Does this custom bear any reference to the dog-hound,' the Kerberos of the Greeks? Mandalay.
H. E. B.
In Kasmir.
With reference to Indian Notes and Queries, Vol. I, notes 333 and 917, most Musalman
287
BOOK MASNAVI-I-MA'NAVI, THE SPIRITUAL COUPLETS OF MAULANA JALALUDDIN MUHAMMAD-I-RUMI; translated and abridged by E. H. WHINFIELD, M.A. late B.C.S., London. Trübner & Co.
In issuing a judiciously abridged translation of this work, so widely celebrated and respected throughout the East, Mr. Whinfield has added to the laurels already gained by his charming rendering of the quatrains of 'Umr Khayyam.
The Masnavi of Jalalu'ddin Rumi, which Mr. Whinfield rightly calls the Divina Commedia of Islam, is well deserving of a rendering into English, and we may congratulate ourselves on the task having fallen into such competent hands. We may further congratulate ourselves on the judiciousness that has reduced its 26,000 couplets to a readable size, without detracting from the
as is proved by the palæography of the grant, at a time when the amánta arrangement of the lunar fortnights had probably been adopted for all purposes in Southern India, not only used that arrangement for his work, as was proper enough, but was distinctly under the impression that it was valid for the civil reckoning in a period when, as we have already found (ante, Vol. XVII. pp. 141, 142), the purnimanta arrangement was used with the Saka years, even in Southern India.
J. F. FLEET
QUERIES.
tombs in the valley of Kasmir have oblong hollows on the top, whether the tombs of men or women or children. The friends of the deceased are accustomed to meet round the grave once a year when the roses are in bloom, and to pour water and about a ser of rose-leaves into these hollows. A few prayers are then offered and the company depart.
Srinagar.
J. HINTON KNOWLES.
MADRAS SOCIAL CUSTOMS; PARTURITION. In South India, before a woman is confined, the room, in which her confinement is to take place, is smeared with cowdung, and in the room at the outer gate, to the height of four or five feet from the floor, are fixed small wet cowdung cakes. These cakes are stuck to the wall and are then covered over with Margosa (Hindustani nim, Sanskrit nimba) leaves and cotton seeds. The cakes with these leaves and seeds are supposed to have a very great power in averting evil spirits from entering the room and doing mischief to the new-born baby or the lying-in woman.
Madras.
S. M. NATESA SASTRI.
NOTICES.
value of the abridgment as an exponent of Eastern philosophical thought.
The philosophy of Jalâlu'ddin Rumi was that the true basis of religion is love, and that all faith and piety not based on love are false. In illustrating at interminable length his doctrine that the visible universe is but what medical science would call the "symptom" of the spiritual reality within, the great poet took as his bases the Qurán, the Hadises, and the writings of the theologians and of the Safts. By his "Love" ('Ishq) the poet, as Mr. Whinfield insists at some length, meant the "Love," the "Charity" of the New Testament, and his "Knowledge" (Gnosis) is the result of this Love. "The more a man loves, the deeper he penetrates the purposes of God."

Page #308

288
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1889.
The "Knower" (Gnostic, 'Arif) therefore is he to revise his spelling of Sanskrit and other Indian who possesses this Love, and whose "faith" is words and names. Note 1, page 2, in addition based on love alone. No writer, in fact, deals more to giving Puranas and Bhagavat instead of severely with that faith which consists of orthodox Puranas and Bhagavata, contains no less than six dogmas (jama'at) and is based on orthodox customs mistakes in the well-known names which (acoord(taqlid). For mere ritual he expresses no respect. ing to the system aimed at) would properly have
Taking the above as a very brief expression been written Jambudwipa, Kuru, and Siddhapuri. of the cardinal points of the safl faith, as And still more remarkable peculiarity is expounded by one of their greatest representa- Mr. Garrick's use, all through the book, of the tives, it will be sufficient here to note one long w in Buddha and Buddhism, though the or two points of the practices he inculcated and merest tyro should know that this is a mistake. of the doctrines he taught, to show what a 1 Some of the footnotes are very wonderful from remarkable thinker and teacher we have before other points of view. In note 1, page 56, Mr. us in this book. The Sufis aimed at perfection Garrick tells us that " Merū is the Olympus of by self-annihilation fand) and JalAlu'ddin Rumi the Hindus: henoe the generic form of mer for countenanced ecstasy (hal) as an attendant of a mountain or mountainous district, and hence fand, though he was aware of its liability to abuse. also the affix of mer to such place-names as Ajmer, He believed in saints as the special favourites of &c., in India." !!! And in the note on the next heaven, gifted with miraculoas powers, which page he arrives at B.C. 1424 as the date of the were not, however, of much consequence; and he Bharata War; an error of 1024 years, since the also taught the doctrine of unrecognised saints, real date is B.O. 2448, as established by the well. or those who were endowed with spontaneous good. known completo version, - quoted by Vardhaness :-" against such as these there is no law." mihira and Kalhana, - of the first of the data
The poet also always, as emphatically as he mentioned by him. These are only typical could, taught the "paramount obligation of com- instances out of a large number of mistakes passion, humility, toleration, patience, and the which ought not to occur in even the lighter peaceful temper": the mystical meaning of the text writings of one who tells us, on the title-page of of the Qurân; the final restitution of those who the present book, that he is an Assistant Archwo. throw themselves on the mercy of God at the Day logist to the Government of India. of Judgment; and the doctrine that woman is "not As to the poetry," the kindest thing we can a mere plaything of man but a ray of the Deity." say of it is that it is on a par with the archæolo
We may justly quote, from Mr. Whinfield's gical knowledge and scholarship displayed book, his dying instructions (ob. A.D. 1273) throughout, as just noted. We can only hope to his followers as a means of judging what that it will afford as much pleasure, as it will no manner of man this remarkable philosopher was: doubt afford amusement, to that master of verse, "My testament is this, that ye be pious towards the Earl of Lytton, to whom we obeerve it has God in private and in public ; - that ye eat little, been dedicated by kind permission." sleep little, speak little; - that ye depart from wickedness and sin;-that ye continue instant in Ρουκ EDITIONo or ΣΤΕΦΑΝΙΤΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΙΧΝΗΛΑΤΗΣ, fasting and steadfast in vigilance; that ye flee from carnal lusts with all your might; that ye VITTORIO PUNTONI. Publications of the Italian endure patiently the contumely of all men ;- Asintio Society, Vol. II. Rome, Florence and Turin; that ye shun the company of the base and foolish, Hermann Loescher, 1889. and consort with the noble-hearted and the
The Fables of Bidpai, equally well known pious. Verily the best man is he who doth good
by their other title of Kalllah and Dimnah, in to men, and the best speech is that which is short
their Arabio and Syriac forms have long attracted and guideth men aright. Praise be to the God,
the attention of Orientalists; and the distinwho is the Unity!"
guished Italian scholar who has now presented us with four distinct editions of Stephanites
and Ichnelstes, as the title of the Greek version INDIA: A DESCRIPTIVX Pomy, by H. B. W. GARRICK, Assistant Archeologist to the Government of India.
runs, has earned the gratitude of all students of London, Trübner & Co. 1889.
this class of Folklore and conferred a lasting Before Mr. Garrick issues anything else, he benefit on the newly formed Italian Asiatio might advantageously get some competent friend Society.
1 Pubblicazioni della Società Asiatica Italiana, Volume Versione Groca del riesg alals is publicate da II. Srepavirns kal Ixiarns Quattro Recensioni della
Vittorio Pantoni. Roma-Firenze - Torino, Libreria di Er. manno Loescher, 1889.
by ,کتاب کلیله و دمنه the Groor version of

Page #309

OCTOBER, 1889.)
TERRA-COTTA SEAL FROM BULANDSHAHR.
289
AN ANCIENT TERRA-COTTA SEAL FROM BULANDSHAHR.
BY F. S. GROWSE, M.A., C.I.E., B.C.S.; FATEHGARH.
THE curious torra-cotta seal, of which a full-size print is here given from a wax impression.
1 was found about eight years ago at Bulandshahr, the capital of the District of that name, in the North-West Provinces. The site was a piece of high broken ground immediately to the west of the modern town. This was popularly known as the Moti Chauk' or Moti Bazar,' meaning, of course, not that it had ever been a pearl-market,' in the literal sense of the words, but that it was once the principal bâzâr of the place; in the same way as the beautiful mosque in the Agra Fort is called the .Môti Masjid.' The spot is now occupied by the new Town Hall and Municipal Garden, the latter - in order to preserve the old tradition - being styled the Môtî Bagh.'
The seal was turned up accidentally in levelling the ground, and was only a few inches below the surface. Thongh probably some fourteen hundred years old, the lettering is perfectly fresh and clear, and the rudely moulded ring that forms the back of the seal, still shows the texture of the workman's fingers who had handled the moist clay. It was inside a closed earthen jar, which accounts for its excellent preservation. It is oval in shape, with a dotted rim, and is divided into two equal compartments by a pair of parallel lines across the centrs In the upper portion are two devices, one of which is a conch-shell; the other, which is raised on a little stand, looks like a wing. Mr. Fleet was inclined to take it for a nautilus; but it seems difficult to understand how such an emblem could be used so far inland. I myself had at first thought that it might be intended to represent the chakwd or Brahmaņi duck, so frequently introduced in old Hindu painting and sculpture. In the lower compartment is the owner's name, in characters of about the 5th century A.D. Though the letters are so clear, they are somewhat abnormally shaped, and there has been considerable difference of opinion as to how they should be read. My first proposal was Sattila, which Gen. Cunningham corrected to 'Mattils,' and this has been finally endorsed by Mr. Fleet, who thinks the person in question may possibly be identified with the king Matila, of the Allahâbâd pillar inscription, where the omission of the second t may have been a mistake. Dr. Hoernle had suggested Hattiya ;' and Mr. Pincott, 'Hattipa.'
In spite of its modern Muhammadan designation, which is more correctly restricted to the Fort, the town of Bulandshahr, which stands on an eminence overlooking the river Kalindi, is of prehistoric antiquity. It was originally called Baran (the Sanskrit varana), and the name still survives as the title of the Pargana. Bactrian and Gupta gold coins have frequently been found, which attest its existence 88 & place of some wealth in those early days; and at the time of the invasion of India by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1017 A.D., Har-datt, the Raja of Baran, though nominally a feudatory of Kananj, was virtually the independent sovereign of all the country now included in the districts of Aligarh, Bulandshahr, Mêrath and Dehli, with parts of Murad Abåd, Mathuri, and Etâ. He was a por Rajput, and, according to a copper-plate grant of one of his successors dated in the year 1076 A.D., he was the seventh of his line who had ruled at Baran. The Dors,—now almost extinct,-claim to be a branch of the great Pramar clan.

Page #310

290
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
TABLES FOR THE APPROXIMATE CONVERSION OF HINDU DATES.
BY DR. ROBERT SCHRAM; VIENNA.
Professor Kielhorn's kind remark upon my Hilfstafeln für Chronologie, in his valuable paper on the epoch of the Nêwâr era, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 247, and the wish he expresses that these Tables may become more widely known, induce me to place before the English reader those of my Tables which treat of the Hindu luni-solar year, hoping that they may prove useful for an approximate, but rapid, conversion. The resolution of years and months in days, which in most cases facilitates the conversion of dates given in different eras, is especially fit for the Hindu year, in which the counting up of the ahargana, or number of days, is a constant practice. The reader must, however, be cautioned that Tables like the following cannot, for the Indian dates, be expected to give always absolutely true results. There must remain some uncertainty, which, it is true, will not generally exceed one day, but which in exceptional cases may even amount to two days. This must always be borne in mind; as well as the circumstance that the place of an intercalated month also may sometimes be found to be different by the different rules. A calendar like the Indian one cannot be brought with absolute accuracy into a simple Table; and I consider it not a little dangerous to give dates as absolutely certain ones, which by means of a general Table cannot really be fixed with accuracy.
Tables 1 and 2 serve for converting dates of our own calendar (old or new style) into days of the Julian period, and vice versa. Table 1 gives the number of days elapsed since the beginning of the Julian period to the beginning of each century; whilst Table 2 gives the number of days elapsed from the beginning of the century to the beginning of each month of every year within the century. And to obtain the day of the Julian period corresponding to a given date, we simply add up three quantities, viz. (1) the number of days corresponding to the given century; (2) the number of days corresponding to the given year and month; and (3) the given date of the month.
[Остовив, 1889.
As regards Table 2 it will be observed that it is arranged after the manner of logarithmic tables, the first number of the first column being common to all columns; e.g., for the 22nd year January, we have the number of days 8036; for the same year, September, the number of days is 8279. There are always to be taken the preceding numbers, so long as the figures in the column of the months are not printed in italics, in which case the following number should be taken. So, e.g., the number of days for the year 65, February, is 23773, while for the same year, November, it will be 24046. Supposing it now to be proposed to find the day. corresponding to the 20th October, A.D. 879, we shall have the following calculation: -
********..
Table 1, century 800, old style... 2013 257 Table 2, year 79, October....... Date of month.........
.............................
29 128 20 Sum 2042 405;
i.e. the 20th October, A.D. 879, corresponds to the day 2042 405 of the Julian period. Similarly, for the 10th February, A.D. 1889, we find :
Table 1, century 1800, new style...2378 495 Table 2, year 89, February 32 539 10 Sum 2411 044;
Date of month
i.e. the 10th February, A.D. 1889, corresponds to the day 2411 044 of the Julian period.
The date of the month, which is always a number not exceeding 31, may with some advantage be added immediately to the number taken from Table 2, so that the two above examples would stand as follows:
********..
********

Page #311

OCTOBER, 1889.]
SCHRAM'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
291
Table 1, century 800, old style...............2013 257 Table 2, year 79, October, + 20 ............ 29 148
Sum 2042 405; and Table 1, century 1800, new style ......2378 495 Table 2, year 89, February, + 10............ 32 549
Sum 2411 044. Two other remarks are necessary. When calculating for one of the years 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, 2200, 2300; 2500, etc., new style, one should in Table 2 use the line 00 g. K.}, (and not the line 00). Accordingly, for the 3rd February, A.D. 1800, we find :
Table 1, centary 1800, new style .....................2378 495 Table 2, year 00{g. K. }, February, + 3 ......... 35
Sum 2378 530. When calculating for a year B.C., we should bear in mind that years are given here as counted by the astronomers, who count the year commonly called 1 B.C. as 0, the year 2 B.C. as - 1, the year 3 B.C. as - 2, and so on. The number expressing years B.C. must therefore be diminished by 1, to get the negative number of years counted in the astronomical manner. Moreover, it must not be forgotten that, whilst the number of the centuries B.C. in Table 1 are negative, the number of years in Table 2 are always positive; and that therefore, in case we had to calculate e.g. for-813, we would have to take - 900 from Table 1, and 87 from Table 2, because - 900 + 87 = -813; in other words, we must always take from Table 1 the preceding century, exactly as in the case of years A.D. we take the completed) preceding century. If then we should have to find the day corresponding to the 18th February, B.C. 3102, we should have (since B.C. 3102 = - 3201 = - 3200 + 99): -
Table 1, century - 3200 ....................552 257 Table 2, year 99, February + 18 .................. 36 209
Sum 588 466; i.e. the 18th February, B.C. 3102, corresponds to the day 588 466 of the Julian period.
If, on the contrary, the day of the Jalian period be given, and we have to find the corresponding day of our calendar, we must first substract from the given number of days the next lower number in Table 1 to find the century. From the remainder we must substract the next lower number in Table 2; the place which this number occupies in Table 2 gives the year and the month, and the remainder gives the day of the month. For instance, having to find the date corresponding to the day 2042 405 of the Julian period, we have -
given number of days ................ 2042 405 - next lower number in Table 1 old style ............... 2013 257 = century 800, old style ;
Remainder 29 148 - next lower number in T. 2. 29 128 = year 79, October ; Remainder
20; i.e. the day 2042 405 of the Julian period corresponds to the 20th October, A.D. 879, old style.
Here, again, the substraction of the number in Table 2 can be easily made, without writing it down. Thus, for converting the day 2411 044 into a date of new style, we simply have the following calculation : -
given number of days............ 2411 044 - next lower number in Table I, new style......2378 495 = centary 1800, new style;
Remainder 32 549 = year 89, February; remainder 10, i.e. the day 2411 044 of the Julian period corresponds to the 10th February, A.D. 1859. new style.

Page #312

292
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1889.
TABLE 1.
Tables for the Julian and Gregorian Calendar.
Years B.O. counted
astronomically.
Years A.D. Old Style.
Years A.D. New Style.
Day of
Years.
Day of Julian period.
Years. Jalian period.
Years.
Day of Julian period.
2268 922
100 200 300
1721 057 1757 582 1794 107 1830 632 1867 157
1500) 1600
1700 { 1800 { 1900
2305 447 2341 971 2378 495 2415 019
400
-3500 ---3400 -3300 --3200 - 3100 --3000 ---2900 -2800 -2700
-2600 ---2500 -2400 -2300
500 600 700 800 900
2000 {21003 * 2200
2451 544 2488 068 2524 592
1000 1100 1200 1300 1400
{2300
2561 116
2400
2597 641
-2200
--2100
1903 682 1940 207 1976 732 2013 257 2049 782 2086 307 2122 832 2159 357 2195 882 2232 407 2268 932 2305 457 2341 982 2378 507 2415 032 2451 557 2488 082 2524 607 2561 132 2597 657
2500} 2600
2634 165 2670 689
442 682 479 207 515 732 552 257 588 782 625 307 661 832 698 357 736 882 771 407 807 932 844 457 880 982 917 507 954 032 990 557 1027 082 1063 607 1100 132 1136 657 1173 182 1209 707 1246 232 1282 757 1319 282 1355 807 1392 332 1428 857 1465 382 1501 907 1538 432 1574 957 1611 482 1648 007 1684 532
1500 1600 1700 1800 1900
2707 213
3 2700 2800
-2000 -1900 -1800 -1700 -1600 -1500 -1400 -1300 - 1200 -1100
2743 738
{2900
2780 262
2000 2100 2200 2300 2400 2500 2600 2700 2800 2900
When calculating for one
of the secular years put in brackets, use the line 003g K. of Table 2 (not the line 00).
IIIIIIIIIIIIIII
2634 182 2670 707 2707 232 2743 757 2780 282

Page #313

OCTOBER, 1889.1
SCHRAM'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
299
TABLE 2. Tables for the Julian and Gregorian Calendar.
VI VII VIII IX X XI XII
Feb. March April May +
June
Year.
JAD.
Feb. March April May
June July
Ang. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec.
{8.6.301 032 060091 121 152 182,231 244 274 305 335
101
000 031060091121_152/182 213 24 1274 305 335 50 18 263/294 322353383 414 414 475|506536.567597| 366 397 425 456 486 51715 17 578 609 639 670 700 51628 659 687 718 748 779 809 840 871 901 932 962
731 762 79018218518821912 913 974 004 035 065 521 993 024 053 084 114 145 175 206 237 267 298 398 1 096 127 155 186 216247/277 308 339 369 400 430 53 19 359 390 418 449 479 510 540 571 602 632 513 693)
461 492 521 552 582 6131643 674 705 735 766 796 54 721 755 783,814 814 875 905 936 967 997 028 058
1 096 127 155 156 2.5 13643 674 705 735 766 96 54 721769
0
0 11239362 393 423 461 492 521 552 582 0180
162 85.20 089 120 148 179 209 210 274 567895 728 750 789
827 1858/8851171947978008 039 070 100 131 161 55 20 089/120148/179 209240,270, 301332362393 4231 2 192 223 251 282 312 313373 404 485 465 496 526 56 454 485514545 575 606 636 667 698 728 750 789
557 588 616 347 677 708733769 800 830 861891 571 820 851'879 910 940 971'001 032 063093 124 154 08 9 22 953 982 013 043 074|104 135 166 196 237 257 58 21 185 216 24+ 275 305 336 366 397 428 458 489 519 09 3 283 319 347 378 408 439 469 500 531 561 592 622 59 550 581 609 640 670 701731 762 793 823 851834
TTTTTTT 653 68712 743 773 9041334 865 89692695798760 915 946'975006036|067 097|128 159 189 290950 4 018 019 077103 138 169|199 230 261 291 322 312 61 22 281 312 340 371 401 432 462 +93 52 455+ 585615
414 443 174 504 535)565 596627657688 718 6264616771705 736 766 797 827 859 899,919 950 980
749 790 808 339 369 900 930 961 992022 053 083 63 23 011042070 101 131 162 192223 25+28+315 345 14 5 114 145 173 201 234 265 295 326 357 387 418 448 64 376 407 436 467 497 528 558 589 620 650 681 711
15 479 510 538 569 599 630 660 691722 752 783 81365 742 773 801832 862 893923 954 985 015 016 076 161 864 1875 904|335 965 99636 057 088 118|149 179 66 24 107/138/166|197 227 258 288 319 350 330 411 441 17 6 210 211 239 300 330 361 391 422 453 483 514 514 67 472 503 531552 592 623 653 684 715 745 776 806 181 575 60663 1665/695 726/756 787 818 343879 909 68 837 8681897928 958949,019 050 081111 112 172 19 910 971994030 060 091|121 152 183 213 244 274 69 25 203 234 262 293 323 354 384 415 416 476,507,537
TIITTI 2017 805 336 365 396|12657497 5185 19579610640 701 569/5996271659 688 719 749 7801811841872'902
671 702 730 761 791 822 352 883 914 914 975005 71 933 961 992023 053 084 114145170205:37.267 S 035 067 095126156187 217 248 279,309 310 370 72 26 293 329 358 389 419 150, 180 511 542 572 603 633
401 432 160 191 521 552 532 613 644 674 705 735 73 664 695 723 75784 815 845 876 907 937 968 998 766 797 326 357 387 918 918|9790100400711017427 029 060088 119 149 180 210 211 272 302 333 363
58411 25 9 132 163 191-22 252 233 313 314 375 405 436 466 73 394/425453 481514 545 575 606 697 667 698 728
497 528 556 587 817 618 378 709 7 40 770 80 1831 78 759 790/819 350 830 911 911 972 003 033 064 094 862 893921|252932 013043 074 105 135 166 195 77 28 125 155184 215 245 276 303 337 363 393 42959 227 258 287 318 319 379 409 440 471 591 532 562 78 490 521519580 610 641 671 702 733 763 794824 593 1624652 383 713 74417748051836366/897/92779835888914/945 975 005 035, 0671098 198 159 189 ***
LIIIIIIIIIIbolellesoressa 959 999 017048 078 109 139 1702011231 262 29.
280 29 220.251/290 311 341 372'402 433 46 1/49 4525 555 11 323 354 382 113 413 474504 535566596 627 657 81 586617615676706 737 767 793 829 859 890920
688 719 7481779 809 80 870 901 932962 993 02382 951 932010041 071 102 13.2 169 194994 235 285 12 054 0351131144174205|235 286 297)327 359333|83|30 316 347 376/406 138467 497523559,539020 650 419 450 478 509 539 570 600 631 662,692 723 75384
536738 753 R11" 68117127411772802833 883 891925955936016
784 815|943 37490 4935|965 996097057|088|11818531 0171078 106/137167193222259 290 320 351 381 36 13 149 180 209 240 270 301 331 362 393423 451 436 86 412143171502532563 593 62 1 655 635 716 746
515 516 574 305 635 656)695 727 7587838198 1987 777 803 836367897,928 958 939 0.20 050 081 111 890 911|939270/000/031061 09:123.153.184|214188 32 142173202|233 263 294324355396416 417 477 245 276 304 335 365 396 426 457 483518 54957589 503 539 567 593 628 659,689 720 751781 312,842 610 16416701701731|782792 823 854 884915 945 90! 873.90 4932963 9930.24054 085 116 146177 207 976 10071035066 096 127|157 188 219 219 280 310191 33 233 269 297,328 359 389 119 450 491511042572 341 1372400131 461 492]522.553595614645 675 921 603.636663/694 724 755 735 816847,877 909,938 706 1737 7651796 826 8571837 918 919,979 01004093 969.000 0.28 059 080130 150 181 212 24.2.273 303 071 102 131 162 192 223 253 234 315 345 376 406 91 34 331 365, 393 424 451 495 515 516 577 607 638 669
TTTTTTTTTTTTTTTT 437 468496527/55758861861916807107-111771 95 699 730 7581799819/650880 911942,9721703039 802 833361892922953983 0140.45075 106 135/96:35 061095 124/155 183 216 245 277 308 338 369 399 167 1198 226257 287 318 348 379 410 410 471501 971 430 161 499520,550581611612673 70373 4764 532 563 592 623 653 684714 745 776 806 837 86798795826 85 4895 915 9 46 976 007 038 068|099 129 893 929 9571938|018 0491279, 1101411171 202 232 99 36 160,191 219 250 280 311 311 372 403,433164494

Page #314

294
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1889.
These examples will soffice to show how dates of our own calendar are converted into days of the Julian period and vice versa, by Tables 1 and 2. By the construction of similar tables for the Hinda calendar, we shall now be able, when a Hindu date is given, to convert it first into days of the Julian period and afterwards into a date of our own calendar; or, when a date of our own calendar is given, to convert it first into days of the Julian period, and afterwards into the corresponding Hindu date.
The Tables 3 and 4 for converting Hindu luni-solar dates into days of the Julian period, and vice versa, are arranged in exactly the same manner as the Tables 1 and 2; the only difference being this, that in Table 3, which takes here the place of Table 1, the argument does not proceed by complete centuries, but in a rather irregular manner, by periods of 19 or 122 years. To calculate the day of the Julian period corresponding to a given date, we first take out from Table 3 (using either the column expired or the column current, as the Case may be the number corresponding to the year next lower than the year of the date. We then add from Table 4, the number for the month of the date, in the line corresponding to the difference between the year of the date and the year taken out of Table 3; and to the sum we add the given date of the month. Thus, to ascertain which day of the Julian period was Karttika sukla 1 of the Vikrama year 937, current, we have -
given year 937 -next lower year in Table 3, Vikrama current 845 = 2008 562
Remainder 92 Table 4, year 92, month Kârttika, + date 1 =
33 843
Sum 2042 405; is. Karttika enkla 1 of the Vikrama year 937, current, corresponds to the day 2042 405 of the Julian period. And as this day has been already found (see above) to correspond to the 20th October, A.D. 879, this is the European date which corresponds to the given Hindu date.
The Table 4 is arranged for the amanta scheme, by which the dark half of a month follows upon the bright half of the same month. Here the nth day of the bukla-paksha or bright half is, of course, the nth day of the month, while the nth day of the krishna-paksha or dark half is to be sought as the (15 + n)th day of the same month. With the purnimanta scheme, by which the dark half of a month follows upon the bright half of the preceding month, the nth day of the bukla-paksha will likewise be the nth day of the month; but the nth day of the krishna-paksha must be sought in Table 4 as the (15 + n)th day of the preceding month. But in applying this role, we must always keep strictly to the year of the date, and must on no account calculate for the preceding year. Thas, calculating for Chaitra krishộa 9 of the northern Vikrama year 837, current, we have to look in the tables for Phålguna (15 + 9 = 24 of Vikrama 837, current (not of 836 current). The reason of this is that, even with the purnimanta scheme of the lunar fortnights, the year always begins with the bright half of the month; and consequently Chaitra krishna 9 belongs to the end of the given year.
It will be seen that in every second or third line of Table 4, two numbers are given for one and the same month; e.g., for the month Jyaishtha of the year 00. This shows that the month to which the numbers refer, is an intercalary month; and in such a case the apper number nerves for the first or adhika, the lower one for the second or nijа month of the name.
A few examples, suggested by Professor Kielhorn or taken from his papers on the Chedi and Néwår eras (the results of which have been adopted in the construction of Table 3) will show the practical working of Tables 3 and 4, in conjunction with Tables 1 and 2 -
1. Which day of the Christian era corresponds to Vikrama 1397, current, Magha sudi 4 (Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI., Plate xxix.) ?

Page #315

OCTOBER, 1889.]
SCHRAM'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
Given year: Vikrama 1397, current. - Table 3, Vikrama current, 1371
Table 4, 26, Mâgha + 4
......2200 688 9 807
—
Sum 2210 495
Table 1, old style, next lower number 2195 882 century 1300, O. S.
Remainder 14 613
Table 2, next lower number 14 610 year 40, January Final remainder
3.
Answer: 3 January, A.D. 1340.
2. Which day corresponds to Vikrama 1275, expired, Mârga sudi 5 (Archaeol. Survey of W. India, No. X. p. 111) ?
Given year: Vikrama 1275, expired. Table 3, Vikrama expired, 1229.........2149 187
.........
Table 4, 46, Marga + 5. ...... 17 073 Sum 2166 260
Table 1, old style...2159 357
295
century 1200, O. S.
Remainder 6903, by Table 2 Answer: 24 November, A.D. 1218.
3. Which day corresponds to southern Vikrama 1224, expired, Ashadha sudi 2 (Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. XXI. Plate xxiii. G.) ?
Southern Vikrama 1224, expired. -Table 3, column for Ashâdha, 1106 2104 625 Table 4, 118, Ashâḍha +2. 43 205 Sum 2147 830
Table 1, old style, 2122.832
century 1100, O. S. Remainder 24 998 by Table 2 = year 68, June 9. Answer: 9 June, A.D. 1168.
*******....
= year 18, November 24.
p. 248) ? vadi 10
4. Which day corresponds to Nêwâr 923, expired, Mârgasîrsha vadi 10 (ante, Vol. XVII. Since the Newâr year has the amánta arrangement of the lunar fortnights, Mârgasirsha Margasiraha 10+ 15 = 25; and we accordingly have :
Nêwâr 923, expired. -Table 3, column for Margastraha 819......2341 313
Table 4, 104, Marga + 25.38 266 Sum 2379 579
- Table 1, new style, 2378 495-century 1800, N. S.
Remainder 1 084 by Table 2 year 2, December 19. Answer: 19 December, A.D. 1802, new style.
5. Which day corresponds to Chêdi 793, current, Phâlguna vadi 9 (ante, Vol. XVII.
p. 215)? Since the Chêdi year has the purnimanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights, Phalguna vadi 9 = Mâgha 9+15 =24; and we accordingly have :Chêdi 793, current. 680 2060 064 Table 4, 113, Mâgha+ 24... 41 602 Sum ......2101 666 Table 1, old style...2086 307
Table 3, Column for Mâgha
Century 1000, O. S.
Remainder 15 359 by Table 2. year 42, Jan. 18. Answer: 18 January, A.D. 1042.

Page #316

296
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1889.
TABLE 3. Tables for the Hindu Luni-Solar Year. Chedi or Kalachuri. | Saks. Vikrama Era.
New&r Era.
Kaliyuga.
Day of the
Julian period,
Exp. Curr.
AshAdha
Phalguna
This This | This This
Northern 0 1 588 437 column column column column
(Chaitradi) 122 123 632 998 serves serves serves serves
year.
244 245 677 560 for the for the for the for the
2631 264 684 500
This Col. months : months : months. months :
385 386 729 061 Karttika Chaitra
umn serves507 Chaitra Bhadra.
508 773 623 Vaisakha
for all the Margasira Vaibikha Alvina
526 527 780 563 Jyaishtha Pausha Jysishtha Kirttika
months of 648 649 825 124 M&gha AshAdha Margasira
this year. 770 771 869 686
789 790 876 626 Srdana Phálgana Sravana Pausha
Southern (Kirttikadi) Bhedra Mågha
911 912 921 187
year. Abrina
965 749 1033 1034
1010 This
1155 1156
310 This
1174 1175 1017 column
250 column
1296 1297 1061 812 serves serves
1418 for the
1106373
1419 for the
1437 1438 1113 313 months! months :
1559 1560 1157 875 Chaitra Karttika
1681 1682 1202 436 Vaisakha Margasira 1803 1804 1246 998 Jyaishtha Pausha
1822 1823 1253 938 Aghadha Magha
1944 1945 | 1298 499 Sråvana Phálgana
2066 2067 1313 061 Bhadra
2085 2086 1350 001 Avina
2207 2208 1394 562 23:29 2380 1439 124 2451 2452 1483 686
2470 271 1490 625 Exp. Carr. Erp. Carr. Esp. Carr.
2592 2593 1535 187 2714 27151579 749 2733 2734 1596 698
285528561631 250 -66 2977 2978
2978 | 1675 812
3099 3100 1720 373 Exp. Carr. Exp. Curr.
3118 3119 1727 313 -111-110 -110 109
3:240 3241 1771 875 1 12! 12 13
18+
319 3362 3363 1816 436 801 81 81
3893381 3382 1823 376 152 153 159
460 3503 3504 1867 938 Exp. Carr. Exp. Carr. 274 275 275
580 581 582 3625 3626 1912 499 396 397
568 5691 702 703 703 70437473748 1957 061 415 416 416
721 722
722
723 3766 3767 1964 001 -92
537 538 538 539 709 710 848 844 8.14 815 3888 3889 2003 562 659 660 660 661 831 1 832 965 966 966 967 4010 4011 2053 124
678 679 679 680 850 851 984 985 985 986 4029 4030 2060 064
172 800 801 801 802 972 973 1106 1107 1107 1108 4151 41522104 625 293 293 294 922 923 923 924 1094 1095 1228 1229 1229 1930 4273 4274 2149 187
4151 418 416 1044 1045 1045 1046 1216 12171350 1351 1351 1352 4395 4396 2193 749 483 434 434 4351063 1084 1064 1065 1235 1236 1369 1370 1370 1371|4414 4415 2200 688 555 556 556 5571185 1186 118611871357 1858 1491 (1492 1492 1493 4538 4537 2245 250 6771 678 6786791307 1308 1308 1309 1479 1480 1613 161+161416154658 4659 2289 812 696 697 697 698 1326 1327 1327 1928 1498 1499 1632 1638 1633 1636 4677 4678 2298 751 818 8191 819 820 | 1448 1449 | 1449 1450 1 1620 1621 | 1754 1755 1755 1756
620 16211754 1755 1755 175647994800 2341 313 940 941 941 9421570 1571 1571 1572 1742 1743 1876 1877 1877 1878 4921 4922 2385 875 959 960 960 961 | 1589 (1590 1590 1591 1761 1762 1895 1896 1896 1897 4940 | 4941 2392 814 1081 1083 108211083 1711 1712 1712 1713 1883 18842017 2018 2018 2019 5062 5063 2437 376 1203 1204120412051833 1834 1834 1835/2005 2006 2139 2140 2140 2141 5184 5185 2481 938 1325 1326 1926 1927 1955 1956 1956 1957/2127 2128 2261 2262 2262 22635306 53072526 499 1344 1945 1345 1346) 1974 1975 1975 1976 2146 2147 2280 2281 2281 2282 5325 53282533 439 1466 1467 1467 1468 2096 2097 2097 2098 2268 2269 2402 2403 2403 240454475448 2578 001
-67
11
397
599
17T

Page #317

OCTOBER, 1889.)
SCHRAM'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
297
TABLE 4. Tablos for the Hindu Luni-Solar Year.
Chai.
Vais.
Jyni.
AshA,
Srav.
Вhad.
Åsvi.
Chai
ya.
Bhad.
Åsvi.
Kart
Marg.
Paush.
Magh.
687 10111:
903 903/937577 606/03
125
A 60180250245
829 859
: 948 1977
A
000030 A: 119 119 148 178 207 237 266 296 325 355 61/22 295 325 354 3844134431
472 502 531 561 884 414 443 473
32561 591 620 650 679 7091 62 649 679 708 788 :: 18271856 886 915 945 974 004 738 768 798 827
798 827 857 886 916 945 975004034 063 63 23 033 063092J122 15 181210/240/269299 328 358 0 :: 152 181 211 240 270 299 329 358 388 411 447 64 388 418 447 477 506 536 565 595 624 654 683 713 476 506 535 565 535 565 594 624 653 683 712 742 771 801
920 949 979 008 830 860 889 919
9 919 008 037 067 096 126 155 185 24 126|156 185215 244 274303333362392 421 451 214 244 273 303
480 510 539 569 598 628 657 687 716 746 775 805 569 599 628 658 658 687 717 746 776 805 83
1 895 924 954 983 013042072 101 131 160 190 3 307 337 366 396 425 455 484 514 543
701 573 603 632 662 :::
751780 810 839 869 898 928 661 690 7201 749 779 1808 1838 861 89
71 957 987 016046075 105 134 164 199 229 259 282 103 133 162 192 221 251 399 429 458 488 517 547 576 606 635
844 873 903 932 962 991 021 784 813 843 872 :: 961 991 020
168 198 227 257 286 316 345 375 168 197 227 256 286 315 345 374 404 433 463
404 434
463 493 522 552 581 611 640 670 699 729 492 622 551 581 610 640 669 699 728 758 787 817 76 758 ... 847 936 965 995 024|054 088 113 846 876 905 ::: 994 024 053 083 118142171 201 7728 142 172 201 231 260 290 319 349 378 408 437 467
260 2891319 348 1378407437 466 496 525 555 78 585 615 644 674 703 733 762 792 821 851 880 910 791 880 910 939 969 99882810571087 110|146 175 205 939 :: 028|058087117146176 205 | 225 264 294 80 29 235 265 294 324 353 383 2 442 471 501 530 560 323 353 382 412 441 471 500 530 550 589 618 648 589 619 648 678 10:17 826 855 885 914 944 678 708 737 767 796 ::: 885 914 944 973 002 032 973 003 032
180 209 239 268 298 069 091 121 150 180 210 289 269 298 328 357
534 568 593 622 652
682 712 111 213 243 272 302 331 361 390 420 449 479
597 627 656 686 715 745 1982 011 041 070 100 199 159 188 218
306 385 365 394 424 453 483 306 336 365 395 424 454 483 513 542 572
691 720 750 779 809 838 868 660 690 719 749778 808 837 867 896 926
045 074 104 133168 192222 0441074 109 133162 192 221 251 280
369 399 428 458 487 517 546 576 369 398 428 457 487 516 546 575 605 634
783 13 871 900 930 959 489 018 166 195 225 254 284 313 343 372
492 521 551 580 610 639 669 521 550 580 609 639 668 698 727 757
876 905 935 964 994 023 058 HA 934 964 993 023 052 082 111 141
230 259 289 318 348 377 407 259 288 318 347 377 406 436 463 495
643 673 702 732 761 791 583 613 642 672 701 731 760|790 819 849
997 027 056 086115145 998027 057 086 116 145
382 411 441 470 500 322 352 381 411 440 470 498
66 795 825 854 884 676706 735 824 854 883 913 942
120149 179 208 288 060 090 119 149 178 208 237 267 296
562 592 769 799 ::: 88
917 946 976 971300 330
655 685 507 537 566 596 625 655 684 714 743 773
892921 951 980|010 039 069 802 832 :: 921 950 980009 039 068109R 107469
246275 305 334 364 393 423 600 630 659 689 718 748 777 807 836 866 836 866 895 925 954 984 013 043 072 102 131 161 955 984 014 043 073102 132 161 191 220 250 191 291 250 280 309 339 368 398 427 457 486 516 279 309 338 368 397 427 456 486 515545 574 604 545 575 604 ::: 698 723 752 782 811 841 870 900 870 899 929 958 988 929 959988|0180471077|106 136 165|195 224 254
283 313 342 372 401 431 460 490 519549 578 608 549 579608638 667 6971141 638 ::: 727 757 786 816845 875 904 934 963 993
04 938 963 992 022 051 081|115|42 022 052 081|111|140 170199229258288317347 199228258287317346|376 405 435 116 376 406 435 466 4941 :: 583 613 642 672 701 73
760|790819849878 908937967 1996 026 055 085 937 966 996 095 055 08/114 143 173118143 114 1144173 203 232 2621291 321/350 380 409 439 261/291/320 350 379 409 438468 497 527 119 469 499528558 1646675705734 616 646 675 ::: 764
LR11764 794 823 853 882 9121201 852 882 911 941 948 0000290591088|118 117 177 000 030 059 089|118 148 177 207 236 266 121 44 207 237 266
Amanta vcheme nth sudi - nth of same month: atb vadi - (15 + n)th of same month. Pornimanta scheme : nth sudionth of same month; ut ali 15+ alth of preceding month.

Page #318

298
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1889.
6. Was Åshậdha an intercalary month in Chôdi 958, current (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 219) ? Deducting by Table 3, Chedi, column for Aghadha, current, the next lower year 923 from the given year 958, we have a remainder of 35; and turning with 35 to Table 4, we find that in that year Ashâdha was intercalary.
7. As a last example, we will ask, to which date of which northern Vikrama year current, corresponds the 2nd April, A.D. 1036 ? Table 1, century 1000, old style ......... 2086 307 Table 2, year 36, April, + 2, ............. 13 242
Sum 2099 549 - Table 3........................... 2060 064 = northern V. 986, current.
Remainder... 39 485, by Table 4 = year 108. Vaisakha 3.
Sum, north. Vikrama 1094, current, Vaibikha 3. Accordingly the 2nd April, A.D. 1036, corresponds to the 3rd of the bright half of Vaisakha of the northern Vikrama 1094, current (ante, Vol. XVII. p. 252, No. 24).
For the Hindu solar year it is generally more convenient to use Tables which give directly the beginning of the different months, according to the European calendar, without necessitating the conversion into days. But as it may be sometimes useful to have ready at hand, also for this year, Tables like those for the luni-solar year, our Tables 5 and 6 may not be altogether superfluous. The arrangement of these Tables is exactly like that of the rest, and requires no further explanation They will be found convenient when we seek the solar date corresponding to a luni-solar date, e. g., the solar date of the beginning of the lunisolar month; and they will also be useful for the computation of Samkrantis. As the new-moon days correspond to the oth days of the luni-solar months, so the Samkrántis correspond to the Oth days of the solar months; and we have
Oth Vaisakha Mêsha-sankranti in Oth Kârttika =Tula-sankranti Oth Jyaishtha =Vpisha
8
Oth Mârgasira=Vțiśchika , Oth Ashadha Mithuna
II Oth Pausha =Dhanuḥ
SMakars Oth Srávaņa
- Karkata, =
» Oth Magha Dakshiņiyana,, S Oth Bhadrapada=Simha ,
Ith Phålguna=Kumbha Oth Aśvina =Kanyâ »
m oth Chaitra Mina → Two examples may show the application of Tables 5 and 6:
1. Which day of the solar Chaitra corresponds to the beginning of the luni-solar northern Vikrama year 1881 expired ?
Northern Vikrama 1881, expired; - next lower year in Table 3....1877...............2385 875 Table 4, 4, Chaitra + 1................ 1 477
Sum 2387 352 -next lower number in Table 5 .................. 2361 429
Remainder... 25 923 ; by Table 6 corresponds to the 20th
Chaitra. Accordingly Chaitra sudi 1 of the luni-solar northern Vikrama year 1881, expired, corresponds to the 20th solar Chaitra (Warren, Kala-Sainkalita, p. 315).
8

Page #319

OCTOBER, 1889.)
SCHRAM'S TABLES FOR HINDU DATES.
299
TABLES 5 and 6. Tables for the Hindu Solar Year.
Table 5.
Table 6.-(cont.)
>
€
Kaliyuga current.
Day of the Julian
period.
Kaliyuga current.
Saka current.
Day of the Julian period.
Kaliyuga
current.
Saks
current.
Day of the Julian period.
Year.
Vaib.
Jyai. AshA.
"Agy
Kertt.
Marg.
Paush.
Phalg. u
229
588 463 1829 1256 156 3684 5051933 711
609 6481914 1287 203 3742 563 1954 896 146 640 695 1999 1318 2501 38271 648 |1985 943
671 742 2057 1339 4353912 733 2016 990 287 692 9272142 1370 482 3970 7912038 175 372 723 9742200 1391 6674055 876 2069 222 430 745 1592285 1422 7144113 9342090 407 515 776 206 2343 1443 89914198 1019/2121 454 600 807 253 2428 1474 9464283 1104 2152 501 659 828 438 2513 1505 993 4341 1162 2173 686| 743 859 485 2571 1527 178 4426 1247 2204733 801 880 670 2656 1558 225 4484 1305 2225 918 888 911 717 2714 1579 410 4569 1390 2256 965 9+4 932 902/2799 1610 457 46271448 2278 150 1029 963 949 2884 1641 504 4712 15332309 197 1114 994 9962942 1662 689 4797 1618 2340 244 1172 1016 181 3027 1693 736 4855 1676 2361 429 1257 1047 228 3085 1714 921 4940 1761 2392 476 1315 1068 41313170 -91745 9684998 1819 2413 661 1400 1099 4 6032281 49 1767 153 5083 1904 2444 708 1485 1130 507 3313 134 1798 200 5168 1989 2475 755 1543 1151 6923398 219 1829 247 5226 2047 2496 940 1628 1182 739 3456 277 1850 432 53112132 2627 987 1686 1203 924 3541 362 1881 479 53692190 2549 172 1771 1934 971 3599 420 1902 664 5454 2275 2580 219
162 194 225 257 288 318 848 878407436466 497 528 559 591 622 653 683 713 743 772 802 832
862 893924956 987 018 049 079 108 137| 1671 197 10 227 258 289 321 352 384 414 444478 503 532 562
592 623 655 686 718 749 779 809 839 868 897 927 301 958 989 020 052 083 117|175 17 204293 263 298 31 11 323 354 385 417 448 479 510 540 569 599 628 658 32 688 719 750782 814 845 875 905 934 964 993 023
12 053 084116 35 784 815 846 878 903 940 971 007 030 060 089 119 36 13 149 180 211 243 275 306 336 366 395 425 454 484 371 514 545 577 608 640 671 701 731 761 790 820 849
42 15 391
beg 800 1831 862893 923 1904
Table 6.
3
OC
-
Vail.
Jysi.
Ashi.
Sråv.
Bhd.
Aévi. Kartt. Mårg. Paush.
Magh.
Phålg.
676 305 335
000031 062
156 187 217 365 396 427
522 552 582 730 761
887917 947 096 127
252 283 312 04 461 492 523 555 589 617 648 678 707 787 766 796 05826 857 8881920212228378 408 438 467 497 526 051 896 85719881920 9521983101.Onsl07e1102 1311161 07 557 588 619 651 682 713 744 773803832 862 892
1 922 953 984016 047 078 109 139 168|198 227 257 09 3 287 318 350 381 413 444 474 504 533 563 592 622
652 683 715 748 778 809 839 869 899 928 958 987 4 018 049 080 112
333 414 445 477 508 5391570 600 629 659 688 718 13 748 779 811 842 874 905 935 965 995 024 059 083 141 5 113 144/176 207 239 270 300 330 360 389 419 448
725 754 784 814 844 875 906 938 969 000 031 061 090 120 149 179 17 6 209 240 272 303 335 366 396 426 456 485 514 544 1 575 605 637 668 700 731 761 791 821 850 880909
940 971 002|034 065 096 127 157 180 245 245 275 7 305 336 367 399 430 461 492 522 551 581 610 640
670 701 733 764 798 827 857 887 917 946 975 005 22 8 036 066 098|129 161 192222 252 282 311 341 370|
618 647 676 706 736 983 012 042 017 101
TI
742 773
39 14 245 276 307 339 370 401 432 462 491 521 550 580 40 610 641 673 704 736 767 797 827 867888 915 945 41 975 006 038069 101 152 162 192 321 251 281 310 42 15 341 372 403 435 466 497 528 558 587 616 646 676
16 071 10211311 165 197 228 258 288 318|347376406 45 436 467 499 530 562 593 623 653 682 712 742 771 46 802 833 864 896 927 958 989 019 048 077 107 137 47 17 167 198 229 261 292 323 354 384 413 443 472 502 49 898 928 960 991 023 054 084 114144173209 232 50 18 263, 294 325 357 388 419 450 480 509 538 568 598 51628 659 690 722 753 784 815 845 874 904 933 963 52 993 024 056087 119 150 180 210 240 269 298 328 53 19 359 389 421453 484 515 545 575 605 634 664 693 54724 755 786 818 849 880 911 941 970 999 039 059 55 20 089 120 151 183 214 246276 306 335 365 394 424 56454 485 517 548 580 611 641 671701 730 759 789 571 820 851 882 914 945 976 007 036 066 095 125 155 59550 581 612 644 676 707 737 767 796 826 855 895 60 915 948978009 Oni 072 102 132 169 197 220 250 61 29 281 312 343 375 406 437 468 497 527 556 586 616 62 646 677 708 740|771 802 833 863 892922951981 63 23 011 042 073 105 137 563 593 623 652 682 711
958 988 017047077 66 24 107 138 169 201 232 83 294 324 353383412 442 671 472 503 535 566
659 689 719 748 777807 6925 203 234 265 297 328
19478 508 538 70 568 599 630 662 693 4 755 785 814 844 873 903 711 933 964 996097059 090|190 150 180 209 238 268 7226 298 329 361 392 424 455 485 515 545 674 604 633 74 27 029 060 091 123
216 246 275
275 305 334 364 5 394 425 457 188 520 551 581 611 641 670 699 729 76 760 790 822 853 885
946 976 77 28 125 156 187 219 250 281 312 34
677 707 6 766 795 825 79 855 886 918 949 981 01204 80 29 221 261 283 314 346 377 407 43 7496 526 555 81586 617 648 680 711 742 773 803 832 861 891 921 82 951 982013045 076108|138 168 1972:97 256286 30 316 347 379 410 442
682 713 744 776 807 838 868 898
766 797 82818691

Page #320

300
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1889.
2. Was there a Sankranti on the 13th of the bright half of Margasirsha of Vikrama 1187, current (above, p. 57) ?
Vikrama 1187, corrent, - next lower year in Table 3, 1108 ..................... 2104 625 Table 4, 79, Marga + 13,
29 129 Sum
2133 754 . - next lower number in Table 5 ........................ 2121 454
Remainder
12 300; by Table 6 corresponds to
the oth of Pausha or the Dhanuh-sankranti. And accordingly there was a Sankranti on Mårgasirsha sudi 13 of Vikrama 1187, current.
In conclusion, it may be added that the Tables may be used for finding the weekday in a very simple manner. For, dividing the day of the Julian period by 7, the remainder 0 always indicates a Monday; 1, a Tuesday; 2, & Wednesday; 3, a Thursday: 4, a Friday ; 5, & Saturday; and 6, a Sunday. E.g, as 2133 754 divided by 7 leaves remainder 0, the Sankranti spoken of in the last example took place on, and Margasirsha sudi 13 of the example was, a Monday.
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY E. SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE. Translated by G. A. Grierson, B..8., and revised by the Author.
(Continued from p. 108.)
SEVENTH AND FIGHTE EDICTS. (Formerly seventh and an eighth edict were distinguished, the latter being engraved circularly round the base of the column. Really, as Dr. Bühler has pointed out, these two form only one, and it is convenient to reunite them in a continuous text. A separate enumeration, 1, 2, &o., is however retained for the lines which go round the pillar.)
Prinsep, pp. 697 ff.; pp. 602 ff. - Lassen (p. 270, n. 1; p. 275, n. 3) and Burnout (p. 749 ff.) have only commented upon or given new translations of short fragments.
TEXT. 11 Dávånampiye Piyadasi lâjâ hêvar Ahå[.] yê atikamtath 12 amtalam lajánd husu' hêvam ichhieu katham janë 13 dhammavadhiy vadhôya no chu janë anulupaya dhammavadhiya 14 vadhitha [..) etam' dôvânampiyê Piyadasi lâjâ hêvan Abê [ - ] esa mê 15 hatha atikamtam cha amtalam hêvam ichhisu Ajând katham jane 16 anulupaya dhammavadhiya vadhôyâti nô cha janë anulupaya 17 dhammavadhiya vadhithâ [.] sê kida sa janë anupațipajêya 18 kins, su janë anulupâyâ dhammavadhiya vadhêyati kina sa kani 19 abhyuínimayêham dhammavadhiyati [.] êtam dêvånampiyê Piyadasi lâjâ hêvam 20 Ah [.] ésa mê huthi dharmasávanâ ni såvå payâmi dhaímántsathini 21 anasismi Atam jang satu anupațipajisati abhyumnamisati 1 (a) dhammavadhiya cha bådha vadhisati [.) étaye mê athaye dhammasivanani
så våpitâni dhamanasathini vividhani anapitâni (.) yathatiyipa' pi bahune janasi Ayata 6ta paliyovadisanti pi pavithalisanti pi [.] lajáka pi bahukesu pânasa tasalasesu dyatê tê pi mê ânapita hôvam cha hêvan cha paliyovad Atha
(a) Hore commences the so-called vilith Ediot.

Page #321

OCTOBER, 1889.)
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
801
2 janam dhammayutam [.] dêvânampiye Piyadasi hêvam Aha [.] étamêva mê
anavêkhamânê dhammathambhậni kafani dhammamahamatâ kata dhamma ... kate [] dêvînampiyê Piyadasi lâjâ hêvam Aha (.) magêsu pi me
nigohani lôpâpitâni chhây ôpagânio hôsamti pasumunisanam ambavadika
| lopspita ndhakosikini pi mê dupanuni 3 khânâpâpitâni nimsi - dhaya" cha kalapit âpânâni mê bahukAni tata tata
kalapitáni patibhögâyê pasumunisanam 1.) 8 -êsa pațfbhôgê náms" [.] vividhåyå hi sukhåyanåyå polimehi pi lajîhi mamayâ cha sukhayitê lokê
iman chu dhammanupatipati anupatipajamtu tê êtadath me 4 ésa kațê (.) dêvânampiye Piyadasi hêvam abA (.) dhamamahậmata pi mê
tal bahuvidhêsu athêsu Ânugahikêsa viyapata sê pavajitânam chêva gihithana cha sava ... dêsu pi cha viyapata sh[.) samghathasi pi méb kat& imê viyapata hồhamti ti [.] hômêva bAbhanêsu Ajivikesu
pi mê kate 5 imo viyapata hóhanti ti (.] nighamthêsu pi mê katê imê viyâpata hóhaṁti
[] ninapasamdesu pi mô kațê imê viyâ pațà hôhamti ti [.] ninapasamdêsu pi me katë imå viyâpata hōhamti ti (.] pațivisitham pațivisitham têsu têsu tê tê mah&mAtA dhammamahámáta chu mê êtêsu chêva viyâpata savêsu cha amnêsu på samdêsu [.] dévânampiyê Piyadasi lâjâ
hệeam 8ha [1] 6 été cha amne cha bahuka mukh" dânavigagasi viyapata 8 mama chêva
devina cha .) savasi che mê 618dhanasi to bahuvidhena A lenatâni tâni tathayatapâni pati ...[:] hida chêva disâsu cha dAlakánam pi cha mê katoamnanam cha dêvikumálậnam ime dinavisageau viyapata
hồhamti ti 7 dhammapadanathâye dhammånapatipatiye [.] esa hi dhammâ padánê dhamma
patipati cha ya iyam" dayê dânê sachê sôchave madav sådhave cha lókasa hêvam vadhisati ti [.] dēvånampiyd .. .. lâjâ hêvam ehå [ ] yani hi kani chi mamiya sâdhavani katêni tam 10ké anpatipaṁnd
tam cha anavidhiyamti têna vadhita cha 8 vadhisanti cha mâtâpitisu sususay& galusu sususayê vayômahalakânam snopati
patiyà bábhanasamanêsu kapanavalákêsu Avadasabhatakêsu sampatipatiya" [.] devinampiy ... dasi l&jê hêvam ehå [.) munisanam cho" y iyan dhammavadhi vadhita davēhi yêva Akaldhi dhammaniyamêna cha nijhatiya
cha [.] 9 tata cha laku sê dhammaniyamd nijbatiya va bhuyê [ . } dhanmaniyamê chu
khô bsa yê må iyan kat& imâni cha imâni jậtâni avadhiyâni annani pichu bahu ..dhammaniyamani" yani me katAni [.] nijhatiya va
chu bhuyên munisana dhammavadhi vadhita avihińskye bhutanam 10 analambhảyê pênanam [.) sê êtâyê athayê iyan kata putâpapôtikê chamdama
suliyike hôtu ti tatha cha 'anupat ipajaṁtu ti [.] hêvam hi anupattpajamta hidatapalat& Aladhi hôti 1.satavisativasábhisitena" mo iyan
dhammalibi likhápåpitâ ti [.] êtam devânampiyê aha [.] iyam 11 dhammalibi ata" athi silåthambhậni vê silâphalakani vâ tata kataviyê êna
@sachilathitiko siya [.]
NOTRS.
: 1. The correct form would be hursu. We have already met the two spellings hushsanh (Kh. viii. 1. 22) and ahusu (G. vii. 1. %), and we shall subsequently come across husash (S. 1. 2.) and husu (R. 1. 2). This word is the form which corresponds to the abhthou or abhuhou of
(6) Thom here has both the signs for the towel and for the vowel s.

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302
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1889.
Buddhist Sanskțit. With regard to third persons in thá, like vadhitha, and in the next sentence huthá, cf. Mahävastu, I. p. 378. It is plain that we must supply an iti after vadhéya, as we see is done when the sentence is repeated lower down, the phrase expressing the intention of these ancient kings. Anulúpa, conformable,' appears to refer to the wishes of the kings.
2. I strongly doubt if ea should be taken as a pronoun, either here or when the sentence is repeated in line 19. A stereotyped formula, such as we have here, would scarcely be modi. fied, and least of all by an addition of so little meaning. In dealing with Girnar (viii. 1. 3) and Khálsi (viii. 1. 23), I have mentioned examples of éta representing atra (Pali éttha); I believe that we have here another case of the same use (étau, as we have at Kh. étá, and as we have had savatar, &c.), and that in both the sentences the word would be exactly represented by our 'now.'
3. The repetition here gives a singularly embarrassed and clumsy turn to the whole idea of the passage. The two formulas dévánarapiyé .. .. dha are, so to say, on different levels. The first simply introduces the observations made by the king; the second, the practical solutions and the decisions to which he comes regarding them; for this is the drift of ésa mé hutha, 'I have taken this resolution, as its repetition in line 20 shows. The cha which appears in this connection, corresponds to the one which follows in no cha jané.
4. It is kinassu which we should understand here ; for the exact form of this instrumental is kiná, see Hémachandra, III. 69. It is the Påli kénassu, in Sanskrit kếna svit. The phrase is shortly afterwards completed by the addition of káni, which particle I have already explained in dealing with a former edict.
5. The active form abhyunnamati is, as we see from line 21, used here in the sense of 'to rise up,' which in Pali (Lotus, p. 456) is applied to unnamati, and which we should only expect to find in the passive. Abhyunnámayati therefore signifies to cause to go forward. We have several times had occasion to refer to the potential in Chan, for éyan.
6. With regard to súvana, cf. 1. 1 of the circular part. We shall again come across it at Rūpnâth (1. 5), and at Sahasram, where it is erroneously written sarané. The must be long, for the word refers to causing to hear, to the promulgation, the preaching of the religion. It is hardly necessary to point out that anusisúmi, is a false reading for anusásámi.
7. This word must be very much defaced on the original stone. The first facsimile, LELOG, read yajayapdpi, marking the first three letters as not clearly apparent. General Cunningham gives O c o C yathatiyipúpi, but in the transcription he places the first four characters in brackets, thus signifying that he has not read them with certainty. Anyhow, both the divergence of the two readings and the fact that neither of them gives a satisfactory interpretation, prove that the text is here very doubtful. We are thus compelled to have recourse to conjecture. From the detached edicts of Dhauli and of Jaugada we see, and this is also implied elsewhere by the very nature of the circumstances, that the king had, with the view to the moral and religious surveillance which so much occupied his attention, distributed over the country his various orders of functionaries by towns or by provinces. I would therefore prefer to read LO6 C yathávisaya pi, several officers have been commissioned, district by district. A priori this restoration would not appear violent, but it is clear that only an attentive revision of the original stone would enable us to judge of the degree of probability which it may possess. Regarding byata, see above, Edict IV. note 1. Pavithalati indicates that the officers should orally develop the advice, which the king, in his inscriptions, can only give in abstract.
8. Regarding this phrase see above, Edict IV. note 4. As for the form of the Imperative in átha, it is known in Páli, cf. also Mahávastu I. 499.
9. Regarding the orthography of anuvékhamána, see above, Edict III. note 3. Between dharma and katê there is a lacuna of about three aksharas, happily without any serious influence on the general sense. We might suggest that the stone, in its integrity, originally bore the words dhariasávané katé. I must, however, state that Goneral Cunningham, in his transcription, writes a lha in brackets after dharima. I conclude that this reading is far

Page #323

OCTOBER, 1889.]
from clear. If it is really the true one, I confess that I can think of no expedient for completing the word.
10. For the commencement of this sentence, compare Girnar, II., 1. 5, and following. I have elsewhere given my reasons for considering the sign in the words ambávaḍika and adhakosikáni to be a simple variant in form of +. We actually meet the former word again in the Queen's Edict, under the usual form ambávaḍiká. This word, indeed, puzzles me more as regards its derivation, at least, as regards the derivation of its second term. The first, amba= ámra, gives no room for doubt. Barnouf, following the example of Prinsep, translates the whole compound by plantations de manguiers,' without stopping for a detailed explanation. It is, I presume, by a simple inadvertence that he applies the epithet aḍhakésikáns to it. The pandits of Prinsep translate the compound by 'mango-trees,' transcribing it on one occasion as amravṛiksha which is inadmissible, and another time as ámravalikáḥ, from which I can draw no meaning. An analysis into, ámra +ávali, would give 'lines' or 'rows of mango-trees,' but this is excluded by the spelling vaḍiká common to the two passages. The word might be taken as a popular spelling for vatiká, vati, (as we have libi lipi) being equivalent to vata, the whole meaning 'mangos and fig trees.' But then we fall into a new difficulty; for in the Queen's Edict this translation does not fit properly into the sentence; there the word being co-ordinated with álámé, árámaḥ, could scarcely be anything but a singular with a collective meaning. On the other hand, an inscription at Junnar (Burgess and Indraji, Cave Temple Inscriptions, p. 47, No. 15) has abikábhati, which must be compared with, in the neighbouring inscriptions, jabubhati (p. 46, No. 14) and karajabhati (p. 48, No. 17). The last two expressions are rendered by Burgess and Bühler as 'plantation of jambus,' and 'plantation of karamjas,' respectively (Archaeological Survey West. Ind., Vol. IV., p. 97); and for the first Burgess and Indraji suggest 'mango-field.' I suppose that, in either case, it is the transcription bhriti which is thought of. Although, at least so far as I am aware, the word is not commonly used in such a meaning, still this translation is possible from its etymology. But, however tempting the apparent connection between ábikábhati and ambávaḍiká may be, it seems to me to be difficult to admit their complete identity. Such an orthography as vadi for bhriti, beside the usual one of bhati, could hardly occur on our monuments; and hence this analogy, if it has appeared to me to be sufficiently curious to demand attention, does not bring our perplexity to a close. On the whole, it appears to me to be almost certain that we must explain ambávaḍiká as a feminine substantive meaning some such thing as a mango plantation' or 'mango grove; and that most probably we must seek in vadika for váḍiká a popular spelling of vátá, váți, in its sense of 'enclosure' and hence 'park' or orchard.'
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
303
11. Although General Cunningham marks no lacuna between si and dha in his transcription, and although the line immediately above shows a fault in the rock which existed previously to the engraving, it appears to me to be indubitable that several characters are missing here. The reading as given nimsiḍhayd gives no meaning; but it is the more difficult to complete the imperfect word or words with likelihood, as, owing to the fault in the stone, we are unable to calculate the exact number of missing letters. One single point appears to me to be extremely probable, that the characters dhayd ought to be read dhayé, or dhiye, and should form the concluding syllables of the word [po]dhiyé or [po]dhaye. This form podhi, equivalent to the Sanskrit prahi, continually reappears in the cave inscriptions; it is sufficient to refer the reader in general terms to the work cited in the preceding note. These springs' are exactly what à priori we should expect here. As for the former portion of the word I have nothing positively convincing to propose. Before going further, we must know with more precision the exact condition of the stone. I do not know whether the characters read as nihsi are subject to doubt or not. If it is allowable to correct them, the expression sinanapôḍhi, equivalent to snánaprahi, which an inscription (Cave-Temple Inscriptions, p. 16, No. 21) appears to use, is suggested to us. In that case we might restore it here as nahá napo]dhiye, and tanks would be here referred to. A future revision of the monument will decide as to the lot which this provisional hypothesis deserves.

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304
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1889.
12. As far as pasumunisdnan the phrase develops with entire clearness. Thereafter the lacuna which follows sa throws us into uncertainty. About one thing there can be no doubt - that hitherto the following words have been wrongly divided into phrases. Following Prinsep and Lassen, Burnouf connects ésa patilhögé náma with the succeeding proposition; but the hi which accompanies vividhdy proves that a new sentence begins with this word. This sentence stands by itself, the particles pi and cha being correlatives, and means, in fact, former kings, as much as I myself, have favoured the happiness of their subjects in various ways. The rest, imu chu, 8-c., is marked by the particle chu as forming a kind of antithesis with the former portion of the sentence, such as would ensue from the following translation, but the great wish, which has inspired me, has been the desire of developing the practice of the Religion.' It hence follows, on the one hand, that one sentence is completed by pasumunisánan, and, on the other, that another, equally complete, commences with vividhaya. The words sa....sa pațibhôgé náma must therefore, for their part, forma complete proposition. One of the turns of style most commonly employed by the king consists, as we have seen from several examples, in taking up a term, which has just been used in an ordinary and familiar sense, in order to transfer it by some addition or allusion into the domain of morals and religion, e.g. 'traditional practices are a very good thing, but the great object is the practice of the Religion' (G. 9); the giving of 'alms is very praiseworthy, but his true alms are the alms of religious exhortation' (ibid.); there is only one conquest which is worthy of the name, the conquest of souls to the Religion, only one real pleasure, the pleasure found in practising and favouring the Religion' (13th Edict), &c. Here we have a similar rhetorical figure. The king has just been speaking of enjoyment' (paribhoga) in a material and physical sense, as in the 2nd Edict; and immediately he goes on, but this is the true enjoyment' (patibhôga ndma), to do that which I do, in regard to the Religion and its progress among the people. At the same time, as this enjoyment does not fall to the lot of everyone, I presume that here the king opposes his peculiar form of enjoyment to the vulgar enjoyments of beings in general (pasumunisánain), and I would be willing to admit that the lacuna ought to be filled up as sa [tu mama) ésa or some such phrase. Whatever be the value of this sagges. tion, the way in which the sentences should be divided, and the meaning of the wholo, appear tome to be sufficiently certain. We should, of course, read sukhiyanáya. On a former occasion (Vol. I., 135, 136) I have referred to the instrumental mamayd, which we meet again lower down in line 7 as mamiya. We must certainly take étadathi as equivalent to étadathan, and anupati pati as equivalent to anupatipatuh. If the reading of the facsimiles were less plain, we might be tempted to return to the analogy of most of the passages where this phrase occurs, and read étadatháyé ésao, but I do not consider the change indispensable.
13. As we have the text delivered to us, we can only consider the words dhanamamahamátä pi mé as forming a complete sentence, and correct the ta following into té. But it is curious that the king does not return here to his usual phraseology which would be má katá, and all the more so because the pronoun té is repeated in its equivalent sé which follows vyápața. We have previously met this phrase vyápa!ase, and I have already (Vol. I. 131), given reasons which scarcely allow us to take sê as anything but a parallel form of tế. These reasons are strengthened by a fact which we can remark here, where we see imé vyapatá and vyápatá sé used as interchangeable, and supplementing each other. Under such circumstances, the concurrence of tê and 6 in the same sentence would be hardly probable.
14. For the second member of the sentence, see G. V. 1. 4, which allows us to fill it up with certainty as sava pásamdé su.
15. We could easily construe the locative smnghathasi with kata, and in the sense with regard to, looking to, the interests of the sangha.' But this construction becomes less probable in the phrase which follows, for niganthé su, &c., and is altogether inadmissible in line 6 for dála kdnan. Besides, everywhere here, vydpata necessarily requires an object. I therefore conclude that, in this series of propositions the words mé katé represent a kind of parenthesis, and the ksita is hence to be taken, as we have seen kichcha at Girnar (IX. 9), in the sense

Page #325

OCTOBER, 1889.]
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
305
o
of thinking,' desiring,' they will occupy themselves, such is my thought, such is my aim, in the interests of the sangha, &c.' With regard to this daty of surveillance over the clergy entrasted by the king to his officers, compare Girnar VI., 1. 7.8.
16. The letter which follows tê appears to have been still legible at the time when the first fac-simile was taken. At any rate we cannot hesitate to read, with it, té té, a distribu. tive repetition corresponding to têsu tésu, each mahámátra finding himself thus charged with some special sect (pativisithan). Moreover, a distinction is made between the mahámátras charged each with one of the particular sects who have just been mentioned, and the dhasimamahámátras to whom a general surveillance, both over these corporations and over all others, is entrusted.
17. I do not think that there can be any doubt as to the division of the words bahrká mukha. The figurative sense of mukha, means,' seems sufficient to warrant the only interpretation which is possible, that of agent,''intermediary.' We may, in a manner, compare the use of dvara (duvála) in the detached edicts of Dhauli, i. 3; ii. 2. These, with many others, are my agents. Their duties will be to distribute the alms which come from me and also those wbich come from the queens. As to what comes from the latter we have an express allusion to their intervention in the fragment of the Allahâbâd Edict. . 18. It is certain that we must complete to a[ka]lena. Tuthấyatanáni gives no admissible sense, and the word is certainly incorrect. I think that it is easy to suggest the remedy, and to read yatháyatanáni : for is a very easy correction. The verb is unfortunately incomplete, but whatever it was in its integrity, whether pativékhati, or patijagganti, or what not, there is no doubt about its general meaning. The officers put in charge by the king of the interior of his palace (cf. the fifth of the Fourteen Edicts) 'are each to supervise the rooms to which he is detailed.' Ayatana designates a portion of the orodhana, the inner apartments taken as a whole.
19. I confess that I have some difficulty in ascertaining the exact shade of meaning which separates ddlaka from dévikumára. The first designates, in general terms, the children' of the king. As for dê vikumára, as we have just above been dealing with the subject of the alms of the queens (dévínan cha), it is extremely probable that we should take the compound, not as a dvandva, but as a tatpurusha. On the other hand, if we translate literally, our children and the other princes, sons of the queens,' it will become necessary to admit that the dárakas form a special category among the devikumdras ; but this is just the opposite of what we should expect; the sons of the recognised queens should form a particular and privileged class amid the offspring of the king. I only see one way out of the difficulty,—to admit here for anya the same appositional use which we find in Greek (oi aido Eumpayou, the others, that is to say, the allies); dálaka would mean specially those sons of the king who were not assured an official title by the rank of their mothers, while dévikumára would be those who had the rank of princes. I have remarked above that the genitive dúlakána, substituted here for the locative which appears in the earlier phrases can only be construed with dánavisagésu: In dhaimapadána, I take apudána, in its Páli sense of action,' noble deed,' and as equivalent to the Sanskrit avadána. Even in Sansksit apadána is sometimes met in this sense (St. Petersb. Dict. . v.). The meaning would therefore be in the interests of religious practices.'
20. For ya iyan, equivalent to yad idan, see above, Edict I., note 6. As for the enumeration which follows, it strongly recalls that in the 2nd Edict, 1. 12. We must read sôchevé, for sôchêye, instead of sôchave. We have already (Kh. xiii. 2) met mádava, i.e. mardavan, in an analogous meaning. We should of course read sádhave not súdhanmé; especially as the first facsimile indicated the letter read as 8 by dots only, thus showing that the reading was already then indistinct and hypothetical.
21. The whole of this sentence has been perfectly explained by Burnout; he has made a mistake about one word only. He translates kapanavalákásu, 'the poor and children,' as if he had before him balaké su, but this transcription is inadmissible. We must here substitute the Sanskrit kripanavarákéshu, the exact form supposed by our text, i.e. the poor and the miserable.'

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22. The particle chu can very well commence the sentence: we have seen (I. note 3) that it implies slight opposition, but now,' a statement which is immediately verified once more in the following sentence. The only difficulty which exista, is in the words dhanmaniyama and nijhati. The first is sufficiently defined by the sequel. It means the rules, the prohibitions inspired by the Religion,' such as the forbidding the slaughter of such and such animals. Nijhati is less clear. However, after what has been said above (IV. note 10) about the verb mijhapayati, I think that we need not hesitate to derive from it the substantive mijhatti as we do vijñapti from vijñāpayati. It would, in that case, mean the action of calling the attention, reflexion. If this is correct, the two conditions of progress which the king distinguishes would be, on the one hand, positive prohibitions, duly enumerated, and on the other, the personal feelings awakened by the prohibitions, and, in general, by religious instruction. It seems to me that what follows confirms this interpretation. Twice does Piyadasi warn us that it is the nijhati which alone gives all its importance and all its development to the niyama, which by itself is but a small thing. Regarding the meaning thus given to lahu, laghu, we may compare not only lahuká in the sense of contempt' in the 12th edict of Girnår, but especially the adjective lahukd in the 13th edict of Khálsi, I. 12, note w. The meaning appears to me to be very clear: it is natural that the king should attach less importance to the material observance of a few necessarily limited rules, than to the spirit which he would propagate among his people and which would inspire them, for example, with a still wider and more absolute respect for life (avihinsdye bhutánam análambhdyé pánánan).
23. It is doubtful how many characters are here missing. At first sight one would be inclined to read bahu[vidhant]; but the facsimile of the Corpus appears to have traces of a horizontal mark which hardly belong to anything but & +, so that an almost certain restitution would be bahu[káni), which has, however, the same meaning.
24. The construction here is extremely awkward; it exactly corresponds to a difficulty which has already been considered in the 11th (Rock) Edict; I refer to what I have said there (Vol. I. 245-47). If we had not this precedent, we should be tempted to take the accusative paripajantan as governed by the verbal idea contained in the substantive áladha. But in the other passage, neither the form karu at G., nor the pronoun 88 at Kh. and at K., allow us to have recourse to this. We must therefore take it here either as an accusative absolate (cf. Trenckner, Pali Miscellany, I. 67 note) equivalent to the nominative absolute, as I have concluded above, or take the spelling paipajarnta, as equivalent to patipajanté (cf. Edict IV. note 7; santan = santé, santah) and us consequently representing a nominative. I incline rather to the second solution.
25. At the time of the first facsimile, the correct reading "vasdb bisiténa was still distinct.
26. It is unnecessary to remark that ata represents yatra and not atra, and that it has its correlative in the tata following. Siláthasabháni vá siláphalakáni vd is in apposition to, and explains, dhanmalibi, and comes to this 'these edicts, whether they are carved on pillars, or inscribed on rocks.' We see, I may remark, here, in iyan dharmalibi, ésa chilathitiké, what confusion reigns in the use and application of the genders.
TRANSLATION. ML
Thus saith the King Piyadasi, dear anto the Devas :- Kings who ruled in the past did bave this wish,-How can we secure that men shall make progress in the Religion ? Bat men did not make progress in the Religion according to their desires). Now, thias saith the king Piyadasi, dear onto the Devas :-Thus have been my thoughts, --because kings who ruled in the past did have this wish,-how can we secure that men shall make progress in the Religion ? and because men did not make progress in the Religion according to their desires), by what means can I bring men to walk in the Good Way ? By what means can I secure that men shall make progress in the Religion according (to my desires] ? By what means can I cause them to advance in the Religion P Now, thus saith the king Piyadasi, dear unto the Devas :Thus have I resolved; I will spread abroad religious exhortations, and I will publish religious

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THE INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI.
307
teachings. So, when they hear these words], will men walk in the Good Way, will advance [in welfare), (Circular edict commences) and will make rapid progress in the Religion. It is for this reason that I have promulgated religious exhortations, and that I have given various directions in regard to the Religion. I have appointed numerous (officers) over the people, each having his own jarisdiction, that they may spread abroad my instructions, and develop (my wishes). I have also appointed rajjúk as over hundreds of thousands of living beings, and they have been ordered by me to instruct the faithful.
Thus saith Piyadasi, dear unto the Dêvas: - It is with this object alone that I have erected columns, (covered with) religious [inscriptions], instituted overseers of the Religion, and spread abroad religious exhortations (?).
Thus saith the King Piyadasi, dear unto the Devas :- Along the roads have I planted nyagródhas, that they may give shade to men and animals; I have planted mango-orchards; at every half krosa have I sunk wells; I have had tanks (?) dug ; I have had many inns built for the enjoyment of men and animals. But to me the true enjoyment is this, that, while former kings and I myself have contributed to the welfare of men by various benefits, they should also be led to walk in the path of the Religion. It is to this end, therefore, that I direct my actions.
Thus saith Piyadasi, dear unto the Dêvas: - I have also appointed overseers of the Religion whose daty it is to busy themselves with all matters of charity, and their duties will also -extend to all the sectaries, whether those of monks or of householders. I have also borne in mind the interests of those in holy orders, with whom the duties of these officers will lie ; the interests of the brahmanas and religious ascetics, with whom their duties will lie; the interests of the nirgranthas, with whom their duties will lie; and the interests of all the sectaries, with whom their duties will also lie. The mahámátras will deal with only one or other of these, each to each body, but the overseers of the Religion will occupy themselves in a general manner both with these sectaries, and with all others.
Thus saith the King Piyadasi, dear unto the Dêvas :- These and many other officials are my agents, and it will be their duty to distribute my alms and those of the queens. In my entire palace they will employ themselves] in various ways, each according to the apartments confided to him. I purpose that, both here and in the provinces, they should employ themselves in the distribution of the alms of my children, and especially of those of the royal princes, so as to encourage the Religion, and devotion to the practice of the Religion. For devotion to the Religion means practice of the Religion, mercy, charity, trath, purity of life, gentleness, and goodness.
Thus saith the King Piyadasi, dear unto the Devas :- Now, whatever acts of goodness have been performed by me, so in these the people follow after me, these they take as their examples. Therefore have they grown up, and will they grow up, in obedience to their parents, in obedience to their teachers, in reverence to those advanced in age, in consideration towards brahmanas, eramanas, the poor, the miserable, and even to slaves and servants.
Thus saith the King Piyadasi, dear unto the Dêvas :- But this progress of the Religion among men is promoted in two ways; by positive rules, and by the sentiments under which they are practised. Of these the positive roles have only a moderate importance, and it is the sentiments under which they are practised which give them a high value. The positive rules are such as when I forbid the slaughter of such and such kinds of animals, and the other religious prescripts which I have issued in great numbers. But it is only by the change of personal sentiments that the progress of the Religion really takes place, in the (general) respect for life, and in the exercise of care not to kill any living being. It is with this object that I have set up this inscription, for my sons and for my grandsons, to endure as long as the sun and moon, that they may follow my instructions; for by so doing they will obtain happiness both here below and in the world to come. I have had this edict engraved in the twenty-eighth year of my coronation.
Thus saith the [King), dear unto the Devas :- Where this edict exists, whether on columns of stone or on walls of rock, there care must be taken that it may long endure.

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THE QUEEN'S EDICT AT ALLAHABAD.
Prinsep, p. 966 and ff.
TEXT. 1 Dévånampiyasa vachanens savata mahậmata 2 vataviy [.] é hota dutiyâyê dêviyê då[]nê 3 ambi vadika va Alami va dana 8 hêva êtasi anne 4 kichhi ganiyati tîyê dêviyê sê nâni sava 5 dutiyâyê dêviyê ti tfvalamata káluvâniye
NOTES. Although General Cunningham does not express himself on this point with all the clearness which one would desire, it appears to me to be certain, as Prinsep practically admitted, that these five lines preserve for us the commencement only of an inscription which the detrition of the stone interrupts from the sixth line. Has this detrition made itself felt in the fifth line ? We shall at least see that, according to my opinion, and so far as one can judge from a single portion of a sentence, the reading of the last few words require much more correction than the rest of the fragment. On the other hand, I see no necessity for assuming that the lines which have come down to us are themselves incomplete, as Prinsep sapposed with regard to the fourth. In any case, there can be no hope here of a really certain translation, but there are at least some details which can be rectified with confidence, and the Queen Kichhigani, for example, re-enters into that non-existenco, from which she should never have emerged.
The first phrase is clear enongh: it closely follows the commencement of the detached Edicts of Dhauli and Jaugada. Of what follows, we have only the beginning. The verb is missing, so that we cannot construe the sentence. However, as far as tivalamdta, do, the functions. of the different sub-phrases appear to be pretty clear. We have two relative propositions : ó héta, &o., and & hevd, &c., but is the sé of sé náni, &c., their antecedent, so that the iti refers back to the whole of this first portion of the sentence P I think not. The meaning hardly lends itself to this construction ; for then the thought attributed to the ideal interlocutor, rendered indeterminate by the mutilation of the stone, would come to something like this: All the alms given by the second queen belong to the second queen' or come from the second queen,' an observation the parport of which it is not easy to discover. I have therefore no hesitation in considering that the two relative propositions, contain the subject of the principal proposition, the verb of which has been lost, and that the iti refers only to the proposition of nani, &c. This admitted, the division of the words presents no exceptional difficulties. Héta is for åttha, atra. In the last word of the second line, read dané by Prinsep, the first character is curiously wanting in clearness. It looks something like a , and the reading dáné suits the meaning well. We have discussed anbávadika (EJ. VIII. 1. 2) above ; and this word gives a nsefal basis for the correction of blame to alámé,' garden, grove.' There can be no doubt about the words which follow : anhné Wichhi, which must certainly be transcribed yadanyat kinchit, and ganiyati, which is the passive of the verb garayati, in the meaning of 'to prize,''to esteem.' Etasi is doubtless to be taken adverbially, and gives a meaning equivalent to the étarahi of Pali, and the Starhi, etarahish of Buddhist Sanskrit. Instead of seeking for an imaginary general in sénáni, we can remind ourselves that we have already had twice to correct ndni into káni, so as to restore a particle hitherto always misunderstood, and we shall thus write sé leáni, that is to say, in Sanskrit, tat khalu. The last words, - those which follow ti, - are unfortunately obscure. Although Prinsep's attempted interpretation requires no formal refutation, it is by no means easy to substitute anything which would be accepted as probable. I can only offers conjecture. The first word appears to be tive, which we have already met (G. XIII. 1; Kh. XIII. 35) A8 marking the activity of the religious zeal. This comparison leads me to suggest the correction of lamá to dhamá, to . In the following

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KALBHAVI JAIN INSCRIPTION.
OCTOBER, 1889.]
"
characters there is a variant between the two facsimiles; that of Prinsep has clearly kiye, while that of the Corpus has niye. It seems most probable that we have here the feminine termination of some adjective agreeing, for instance, with déviyé, and I therefore read kalunikáyé, from káruniká, full of compassion.' The correction of to is sufficiently easy. When we have once adopted this division of words, the correction of the character ta necessarily follows. The first word must be, like the second, an epithet of the queen, and I complete it by reading -dhamáya, or, more accurately, -dhamáyé. I cannot bring together these observations into a kind of translation, without conjecturally supplying a word on which tay déviyé kálunikáyé can depend. I need hardly say that this restitution is entirely hypothetical, and is only an outline taken at hazard, to bring together the disjointed fragments.
309
TRANSLATION.
Here followeth the order directed by command of the [king] dear unto the Devas to the Mahamatras of all localities:- For every gift made by the second queen, a gift of a mangoorchard, of a garden, as well as of every article of value found therein, [it is right to do honour] to the queen, whose religious zeal and charitable spirit will be recognised, while one says, all this comes from the second queen
KAUSAMBI EDICT.
This fragment is so designated by General Cunningham, because it is addressed to the Mahamatras of Kausâmbî. This is the only positive fact which we are entitled to draw from it. I can make nothing of the remainder of the transcription, which is too incomplete, and too imperfect to serve as a basis for useful conjectures. I only reproduce it here, as given in the Corpus, for the sake of completeness.
TEXT.
2
1 Devanampiyê Anapayati Kosambiya mahamata ramari (?).. samghasi nilahiyo ...... thatibhiti. bhamti nita.. chi
3
4 ba ... pinam dhapayita ata satha amvasayi.
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.E.A.S., C.I.E. No. 183. KALBHAVI JAIN INSCRIPTION.
This inscription, which is now brought to notice for the first time, was discovered in 1882 by Mr. Kalyan Sitaram Chitray, who then held the post of Mamlatdar of the Sampgaum Taluka. I edit it from the ink-impression made by my own copyist.
Kalbhavi is a village about nine miles to the south by east from Sampgaum, the chief town of the Sampgaum Tâlukâ or Sub-Division of the Belgaum District, Bombay Presidency; in the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 41, it is entered as 'Kulbavee,' in Lat. 15° 41' N., Long. 74° 53′ E. It seems to be mentioned in lines 8, 15, and 21, under the older name of Kummudavada. The inscription is on a stone-tablet, outside a temple of Ramalings in the village.
The emblems at the top of the stone are: In the centre, inside a small shrine, an officiating priest, standing by a linga on an abhisheka-stand; on the proper right side, inside another shrine, a Jain figure, squatting cross-legged, with two attendants standing beside him, and, above the shrine, the sun; and on the proper left side, a cow and a calf, with the moon above them. The writing covers a space of about 2' 9" broad by 3' 8" high. It is in a state of very good preservation, and is legible, without any doubt, almost throughout.The characters are the so-called Old-Kanarese characters, of the regular type of about the eleventh century A.D. and of the locality to which the record belongs. They include, in

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line 14, the decimal figures 1, 2, and 6. The virama is represented in both ways, as noted at page 35 above in respect of the Gudigere Jain inscription. The average size of the letters is about ". The engraving is bold and excellent. — The language is Old-Kanarese, with five Sanskțit verses in lines 1 f.. and 29 to 33; and the inscription is mostly in prose. - In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the preferential use of the anusvára instead of the proper nasal, e.g. in gambhira and launchhana, line 1; basadha, line 4; and koriguņi, line 3; but not in the case of the lingual nasal in mandalesvaraa, lines 3, 4, and 24; and (2) the repetition of bh, instead of its doubling by b, in or-bhbhágadis, twice, in line 20.
The inscription recites that, a king named Amoghavarsha having washed the feet of a Jain teacher named Devakirti who belonged to the Mailâpa lineage and the Kåreya gana or sect, his feudatory, the Ganga Mahamandalesvara Saigotta-Permånadi or SaigottaGanga-Permanadi, otherwise named Sivamare, built a temple of Jinêndra at the village of Kummudavada, and granted the village to it; making also other grants to the dána-sále or almshouse. The date of this grant is given as Saka-Samvat 261, the Vibhava savatsara. But this, of course, is & spurious date. And the real record is contained in lines 24 to 26; where we learn that the grant, which in the ineantime evidently either had been confiscated or had lapsed from neglect, was restored by another Ganga Mahamandalesvara named Kancherase. Of course it may be argued that the whole inscription is a sparious one. But I am inclined to think that the fact recorded in the latter part of it is genuine, and that the introduction of a spurious date for the grant itself, is to be attributed to a loss of the original charter, so that it was not known which of the Rashtrakata kings named Amoghavarsha was reigning at the time, coupled with the desire to claim as great an antiquity as possible. The composition of the record may be referred to about the eleventh century A. D. Probably its exact period can be determined hereafter through the mention of the Mahamandalesvara Kancharasa. And in the same way, the period of the original grant may perhaps be established through the mention of the teachers Guņakirti, Någachandra, Jinachandra, Subhakirti, and Devakirti, of the MailApa lineage and the Kareya sect. Another record mentioning this sect and family, is the Saundatti inscription, which, referring to a grant made in Saka-Samvat 797 by the Rashtrakūta king Krishna II., gives us the names of Mullabhattâraka, a teacher in "the Kareya sect of the holy MailApatirtha;" his disciple, Gunakirti ; his disciple, Indrakirti ; and his papil, the Ratta Mahdsámanta Prithvirama (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 199.)
Of the local places mentioned in this record, Kummudavada would seem to be an older name of the modern Kalbhavi itself; though the record of the boundaries does not contain any details that actually prove this. At least, I can find no other name in the neighbourhood resembling it. Kadalavalll, the chief town of a circle of thirty villages which included Kum. mudavada, is the modern Kadarolli, – the ‘Kadarwollee' of the map, - about seven miles to the south by west from Sampgaum; the name appears elsewhere as Kádaravalli (e.g, ante, Vol. I. p. 142). In this name, 2 has changed into t; we have had an instance of the opposite change, from to 1, in the names of Pêrûr and Belûr, at page 271 above.
The real record of the restoration of the grant is not dated. The date that is given, in decimal figures, for the original making of the grant, is not only spurious, but also incorrect in its details, which are 'Saka-Samvat 261, the Vibhava samvatsara, Pausha krishna 14, Sómavara or Monday, and the Uttarayana-Sankranti or winter solstice. But the Vibhava samvatsara coincided, by the southern luni-golar system, with 'Saka-Samvat 231 carrent; and by the meansign system, which is the one that would apply for this period, it commenced on the 8th March, A.D. 314, in Saka-Samvat 237 current, and ended on the 4th March, A.D. 315, in Saka-Samvat 238 current. In Saka-Samvat 231 current, the púrrimanta Pausha krishņa 14 ended, by Prof. K. L. Chhatre's Tables, on Sunday, 28th November, A.D. 308, at about 52 ghatis, 10 palas, after mean sunrise, for Bombay;t the winter solstice, as represented by the Makara-Samkrånti, occurred at about 19 gh. 41 p. on Friday, 17th December; and the amanta Pausha krishna 14 ended on Tuesday, 28th December, at about 37 gh. 48 p. And, in the
1 The times here are for Bombay, all through.

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KALBHAVI JAIN INSCRIPTION.
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duration of the sandateara by the mean-sign system, in Saka-Samvat 237 current, the pirnimanta Pausha krishọa 14 ended on Tuesday, 23rd November, A.D. 314, at about 12 gh. 56 p. ; the Makara-Sankranti occurred at about 52 gh. 50 p. on Friday, 17th December; and the amanta Pausha krishna 14 ended on Wednesday, 22nd December, at about 40 gh. 36 p. Thus, a correct result cannot be obtained for the given savatsara. Nor can a correct result be obtained for the given Saka year, irrespective of the sainvatsara. For, in 'Saka-Samvat 261 current, though the purnimanta Pausha krishna 14 ended on Monday, 27th November, A.D. 338, at about 10 ghatis, 6 palas, yet this was twenty-one days before the samnkránti, which occurred at about 5 gh. 27 p. on Monday, 18th December; while the amanta Paasha krishna 14 ended on Tuesday, 26th December, at about 44 gh. 41 p. And in Saka-Samvat 262 current (261 expired) the purnimanta Pausha krishna 14 ended on Sunday, 16th December, A.D. 339, at about 13 gh. 35 p.; the Makara-Sankranti occurred at about 20 gh. 58 p. on Tuesday, 18th December; and, though the anzántu Pausha krishna 14 ended on Monday, 14th January, A.D. 340, at about 43 gh. 47 p., yet this was twenty-seven days after the sankranti.
TEXT." 1 Om 1(11) Srimat--parama-gambhira-syadvád-Amogha-lânchhanam Jiyat=[t]raiļdkye
nåthagya sâsanam Ji. 2 na-âsanam 11 Svasty=Amoghava[*]shade va-paramèsvara-paramabhattaraka-vijaya
rajyav(m)-attaróttar-abhivri3 ddhi-pravarddhamânam=&-chandr-arkka-tarań baram salattam-ire [1*] tat-pâdapadm
pajivi samadhigatapanchamahäsabda-mahamanda4 ļêsvaraṁ Kuvalala-puravar-êśvaram Padmavati-labdha-vara-prasüditam Komhguni.
pattabandha-virajitam áâsanad&pl-vijaya-bhårf-nirgghosha5 nam bhagavad- Arhan-mumukshu-pimcbhadhvaja-vibhúshagam akala-bhūpå!a-manļi.
manikya-châďáratna-ramjita-charanam vidvishta-manoram-alam6 kåra-haranam sarasvata-janita-bhashâtraya-kavita-lalita-väglaland-lill-lalåmam kaja
vidya-dhậmam srîmat-Sivamarb-abhi7 dhậna-Saigotta-Ganga-Permmansdigal maradalumetey-Age Gangavadi tombhattara
såsiramam sukha-samkathâ-vinodadim pratipâļisutt-i8 jdu Kadalavalli-mûvattar-olagaņa Kummudavadado! Jinêndra-mandiraman
midisidan-ada dorey=ad-endode 11 Vpi® 11 Ido? Gang9 dhibvara-sri-gļiham-ida vilasad-Gamga-bhopalar-amnayada kirttisrf-vihar aspada
karam=ido Garhg-AvaninAthar=audi10 ryyada janma-sthanam-emb-ant-ire vibudha-jan-Anamdaman bhavya-sampat-padaman
Saigotta-Permmanadi Jina-gribama maờidam bhaktiyiroda 11 11 Å Jina-mandirakkel Vpi Vimala-sri-Guņakirtti-devar-avar=anotêvåsigal=Naga
chandra-munindrar-tad-apatyar=adgha-Jinachandr-akhyaretta12 diy-Atmajar=ddamit-aghar-Ssabbakirttidevar=esedar-ttach-chhi 8 h y&r=ud yad.vachô.
ramaniyarəssale Dévakirtti-gurugal-vad-ibha-kaņthiravasr 11 ] 13 À paramêsvarar-ppara-vadi-vidhvamsiga!um vidit-aśêsha-kastrarum Mailep-anvayam
enisida [K]Areya-gana-gagana-chů. 14 dAmanigaļum=appa Devakirtti-pamţita-dêvara kalan karchchi || Om Saka-Varsha
261neya Vibhava-samvatsarada Paushya(sha)-bahula15 chaturddahl-80maváram=uttarayana-samkrantiy-amdu Saigotta-Ganga[m]
Kummudavadam-emb-Gram bittan-Allige mattam 16 dana-sálege polanıma Kummudabbeya dêguladira badaga pôgi můda makham
kêrivama basadiyim müdalu då. From the ink-impression.
3 Ropresented by a symbol throughout. Here, and at the end of the record, there is waed an elaborately decorative symbol, of which the basis or cosential part is the plain symbol itaelf as it ooours in lines 14, 23, 24, and 20. • Metre, Slóka (Anushţubh). 6 Read órimach-chhivamar.
. i. e. vritta, metre.' Metre, Sragdhark.
# Metre, Mattabhavikridite.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1889.
17 na-sálege panni[ro]-kkayi-nivêsanamumañ | Arith mûda Sapasi(P)řge-ga[ro]ddeyum
bayalumam bitta- i-A9 grå18 mada simey=emt-e[mo]doợe Aligomdadim | Siļilanerilim | Sameyadátana-kereyim
malappa-bûdanin tolapa.. 19 balapa-biļiyalariyim | Gangarolâduva-sankiya-kereyimi | Hichchalagereya kôdiyim
nimdabelit Simdagiri-vo. 20 r-bhbha(bbhA) gadiṁ Så mdigereya nîra tatav-Or-bhbha (bbhá)gadin Singasa
gereyim Kadikotta-Balivali-garddeyim- | -d-olag10=ulla bhůmi 21 Kummudavadakke 11 Mattamarim teñka dâna-såleya polakko Erapa-kereya
mudaņa kodiya badagana 22 guttiya teńka makhade mûdal-mêre temka[lu*] Balivaļi-garddeyan
åligomdaman mêre badagal-Imvina-kereya 23 madhyam mêre paduvalu Bikkiya-bestada temkaņa bâg-olag-âgi mêre 11(1)
illind-o!ag=alla bhůmi dâna-sålege 11 Om [ll] 24 Om Svasti Samadhigatapamchamahāśabda-mahâmaņdaļêávaran Kuvalala-puravar.
êśvaram Padmavati-labdha-va25 ra-prasaditam Koṁguņi-pattabandha-virajitam så(sa)sanadêvi-vijaya-bhøri-nirgghôshar
ņam bhagavad-Arhan-mumukshu-pin26 chhadhvaja-vibhushananum=appa Grimat-Kamch-arasar-Ssaigotta-Garhganim banda
dharmmamam samaddharisidan Idan-tappa27 de pratipâļisid-atam Våranâsiyo!u sâsirvvaru brâhmaņargge sâsira kavileya[mo]
kotta pha28 la idan=aļid-atam Vânarâsiyo!12 såsira kavileyumaṁ såsirvvarəttapôdhanaraman
såsirvvar-brâhma. 29 maruman=aļida påtakan-akku [11] Om [11] Sámány613-ya dharmma-sêtum
nţipânår kale-kaļ& pâļaniyo bhavadbhis-sa30 rvvân=6tân=bhävinaḥ pårtthivêṁdrân bhầyô-bhûyê yachatê Råmabhadraḥ (11)
Syal6.dattâm para-dattath Vâ yo 31 haréta vasundharam shashtir-bashalo-sahasrå (srâ)ņi vishthâyên jậyatê krimiḥ 1(11)
Na vishath visham=ity-thuh dêva. 32 svam visham=uchyatê visham-êkûkinara hanti deva-svar putra-pautrikan ll .
Bahubhir=vvasudhå datta 33 rajabhis-Sagar-adibhiḥ yasya yasya yada bhůmi[s®]-tasya tasya tada phalam 11 Om [ll]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. After a verse in praise of the doctrine of Jina, the lord of the three worlds, the inscription proceeds to record that, in the reign of the Paramésvara and Paramabhatáraka Amoghavarshadeva (line 2), his feudatory (pádapadm-ôpajivin), the illustrious Saigotta-Glange PermAnadi (1.7), who also had the name of Sivamara (1. 6), who was a Mahamandaļasvara, invested with the panchamahásabda (1. 3); who was the lord of Kuvalala, the best of cities (1.4);17 who was favoured with a boon acquired from the goddess) Padmavati; who was decorated with the binding on of the Konguņi fillet af sovereignty (pafta-bandha); who was entitled to (be heralded in public by) the sounds of the victorious dram of Sasanadevi;
• Road bitran 11 A.
10 Read garddeyird-olag. 11, 11 The use of the two forms Aranhai and VA arasi in one and the same inscription, is rather exceptional. 13 Metre, Balint.
* Read a&turunripAnam. 15 Metre, Bloks (Anushtabh); and in the following two verses. 16 Road shashti-varsha, or shashkim taraha.
11 This is hereditary Ganga titls; and does not necessarily imply that Saigotta-Gang-Permånadi's sont of government was actually at the city in question.

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Kalbhavi Jain Inscription.
స్నానం
-
A అందరి గుం దనం కలు మనమును కుల వివక
అ
S ARE
er
H
EART
--
తన కు నుక దశకు అక్కడకు
ముందు అంది. నగరంలో
Hoo ఉండగా
అందులో
A
అని నాకు
33
1
sa
Mana
AM..
మన మన
Scans.
...
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S.
AANI W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE 20

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OCTOBER, 1889.]
NAMES OF THE COINS OF TIPU SULTAN.
313
who had for an ornament the banner of a bunch of feathers, 18 which was the banner of the divine Arhat, desirous of emancipation (1. 5); who was the principal place for the sportive play of the charming goddess of speech, in the form of poetry, in three languages, 19 composed by eloquent people (1.6); and who was the dwelling-place of the science of training and managing) elephants, - was governing the Gangav&di Ninety-six-thousand (1. 7)............20 with the delight of pleasing conversations (sukha-sankatha-vinoda).
At the village of Kummudavada, in the Kadalavalli Thirty (1. 5), he, SaigottaPermanadi (1. 10), caused to be built a temple of Jinêndra, which was the delight of learned people, through being the very abode of the fortunes of the Ganga rulers (1.8); the very pleasure-ground of the goddess of the fame of the succession of the Ganga kings (1.9); and the very birth-place of the greatness of the Ganga lords of the earth.
There was (a saint named) Guņakirtideva (1. 11). His disciple was Nagachandramunindra. His son was Jinachandra. His son was Subhakirtidêva (1. 12). And his disciple was Dêvakîrtiguru. The Paramésvara i.e. Amoghavarshadeva) (1.13) washed the feet of Dévakirtipanditadêva (1. 14), who was the ornament of the sky that is the Kereya gana, which is also known as the Mail&pa lineage (1. 13); and then, - at the time of the UttarayanaSamkranti, (on) Monday, the fourteenth lunar day of the dark fortnight of (the month) Pausha of the Vibhava samvatsara, which was the 21st Saka year, - to that temple of Jina (1. 11), Saigotta-Ganga granted the village named Kummudavada (1. 15). Also, to the almshouse (dana-sále) at that place (1. 16), he granted a field; and a street, facing to the east as onu goes to the north from the temple (dégula) known as the temple of Kummudabbe; and a courtyard (nivesana), measuring twelve cubits, on the east of the Jain temple (basadi); and the rice-land called Sapasingegarde, and the waste laud, on the east of the village.
Lines 18 to 23 specify the boundaries of Kummudavada, and of the field that was given to the almshouse. But no village-names now to be found in the map, occur here. Nor are all the terms intelligible. The words which are recognisable as appellatives, are those which give the names of Sidilaneril ( the refuge of, or from, the thunder-bolt'); the tanks called Sameyadátana-kere, Gangarolâd uvasankiya-kere, Hicbcbalagere, Sundigere, Singasagere, Erapakere, and Imvina-kere, ('the sweet tank'); the hills called Sindagiri and Bikkiyabetta; and the rice-lands called Kadikotta-garde and Baļivali-garde.
Lines 24 to 26 record that the illustrious Kancharasa (1. 26), - who was a Mahamandalébvara invested with the panchamahásabda (1. 24); who was the supreme lord of KuvalAls the best of cities; who was favoured with a boon acquired from the goddess) Padmavati; who was decorated with the binding on of the Konguņi fillet of sovereignty; who was entitled to the sounds of tbe victorious drum of a Sasanadévi ; and who had for an ornament the banner of a bunch of feathers, which was the banner of the divine Arhat, desirous of emancipation, - raised up, i.e. restored, this religious grant that had come down from the time of) Saigotta-Ganga (1. 26).
And lines 27 to 33 contain the customary benedictive and imprecatory sentences ; followed by four of the usual Sanskrit verses of the same purport.
THE NAMES OF THE COINS OF TIPU SULTAN.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PA.D.; BANGALORE. In the fifth year of his reign, A. H. 1201 or A.D. 1786-87, Tipu Sultan of Maisor replaced on his coins the era of the Hijra by a new one of solar years, called the Mauladi
16 Here, in line 5, and again in line 25-26, the original has pirhchha, i.e. pifchha, which is given by MonierWilliams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, no meaning a wing :' and by Sanderson, in his Kanarene Dictionary. 29 meaning & ponoook's tail.' But Mr. K. B. Pathak, in shewing how this word was arrived at, by e particular method among the Karnataka Jains of writing the word pichchha, in such a way that the ch was represented by a sign which resembles and eventually came to be mistaken for the anusvdra, has explained that it means ' bundle of feathers carried about by a Jain ascetic' (ante, Vol. XI. p. 278, note 1.)
10 1.. Sanskrit, Old-Kanarese, and probably Mahir Ashtri-Praktit. ► maradalumetey-age, line 7, requires explanation.

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[OCTOBER, 1889.
era, which commenced from the birth of the Prophet in A.D. 571, and which, at that particular point, was 14 years in advance of the lunar era of the Hijra. One year later he invented a series of new names for his gold and silver coins. These names are well-known; but so far as I can ascertain, they have not yet been satisfactorily explained. Most of the explanations which are given belo were suggested to me by a Muhammadan gentleman, Mr. Habibu'd-din, of the Haidarâbâd Civil Service, whose acquaintance I had the pleasure to make on a short holiday-trip to Maisûr and Srirangapaṭṭanam.
314
The names of Tipa's series of copper coins, which, with one exception, appear first on part of the issue of his eleventh year, the Maulûdi year 1221 or A.D. 1792-93, present no difficulty. They are nothing but the Persian or Arabic designations of certain stars. Tipu's gold muhr (vulgo, mohar) is called Ahmad1, his half gold muhr Siddiqi, and his pagoda Faruqi. His silver coins are:- The double rupee or Haidari, the rupee or el Imami, the half rupee or
Baqiri, the two-anna piece or
the half-anna piece or
Khizri.
Among the silver coins, the rupee or Imâmi is undoubtedly called after the twelve Imams. This fact gives us a clue to the derivation of the names of the remaining silver coins. Each of them, except the smallest, refers to the name of a single Imâm. The largest coin, the double rupee or Haidart, is derived from Haidar, a surname of the first Imam le 'Ali. The fractions of the rupee are successively named after the 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th Imâms, viz., the 'Abidi after Zainu'l-abidin ore Abid Bimar; the Bâqirî after Muḥammad Baqir ; the Ja'farî after i Jafar Sadiq; and the Kazimi after Musa Kazim. The name of the half-anna piece or Khizri" is derived from Khwaja Khizr, a prophet who is said to have drunk of the fountain of life and is considered as the saint of the waters.
Abidi, the quarter rupee or Ja'fari, the one-anna piece or Kazimi, and
The names of Tipu's gold coins likewise refer to Muḥammadan saints. The gold muhr or Aḥmadî is derived from Ahmad, one of the designations of the Prophet himself; the Siddiqi from Abu Bakr Siddiq, the first Khalifa; and the Fârûqî from 'Umar Faruq, the second Khalifa.
The largest of Tipu's copper coins is the double paisá.3 It bears two names, i 'Usmani and Mushtari. The first of these names is met with on coins of the Maulûdi years 1218 and 1219. It is derived from lielie Usman ibn 'Affan, the third Khalifa, and is thus connected with the above-mentioned series of the names of gold coins. But when, in the Maulûdi year 1221, Tipû had started a series of names for his smaller copper coins, which consisted of the names of different stars, the designation 'Usmânî did not agree with the rest. Accordingly, the double paisás of the Maulûdî year 1222 and of the following years bear a new denomination, viz., Mushtari, the Arabic name of the planet Jupiter. The name of the paisa is 8 or 1, and that of the half paisát. Zuhra and Bahram are the Persian designations of the planets Venus and Mars respectively. The quarter paisa is the Akhtar, which means "a star" in Persian.
Marsden notices "a minute coin intended for a half Akhtar, or eighth part of a paisá, on one side of which is the elephant, with the letter, and on the other, the denomination of the money, being a word that may be read Qatib, but is by no means distinct." My
1 Marsden's Numismata Orientalia Illustrata, Part II. p. 700 f.
A copy of this rare coin is in the Bangalore Museum. It is mentioned in Dr. Buchanan's Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, Vol. I. p. 128, note.
Moor's Narrative of the Operations of Captain Little's Detachment, p. 475.
The Persian spelling 8 is found on the coins struck at Pattan (Seringapatam), the Hindustan! spelling on those struck at Nagar.
8 Numismata Orientalia Illustrata, Part II. p. 725.

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OCTOBER, 1889.)
THE FATE OF ST. MARK.
815
collection contains two different varieties of this coin. Both have on the obverse an elephant facing the right, and on the reverse the legend w e , “struck at-Pattan," and over it the designation which is clearly not ubi, but ybi Qutb, the Arabic name of the Pole-star, which fits the whole system followed by Tipû in naming his other copper coins. The first of the two coins has the letter over the elephant on the obverse, and the date 1224 over the legend on the reverse; the second coin bears the letter and the date 1225 in the corresponding places. As on Tipa's larger copper coins the letters, and are combined with the dates 1224, 1225, 1226 and 1227 respectively, Marsden's coin, which had the letters, must have been struck in the Mauladî year 1226 or A.D. 1797-98.
When introducing his new era, Tipû made another innovation by reversing the order of the Arabio numerals on the dates of his coins. On the coins of the Mauladi year 1215, we find both the old order 1110 and the new one ori. In 1216 the only exceptions from the new rule are the paisá, half paisa and quarter paisá struck at Bengaļür. From the year 1217 to the year of Tipů's death, the Maulûdî year 1227 or A.D. 1798-99, the dates on all the coins run from right to left. There are a few specimens, on which the engraver of the die did not only reverse the order of the numbers, but turned the numbers themselves. Thus a quarter paisá struck at Faiz-hişâr (Gutti) and one struck at Khâliqâbâd (Chandagal) bear the date 0971, which is meant for 1778; and two quarter paisás struck at Faiz-bişâr have the dates 141 and 4711. These are both meant for irrr; in each case the two middle figures are reversed, and in the second the unit has undergone the same process.
THE FATE OF ST. MARK, ACCORDING TO AN ARAB HISTORIAN
OF THE TENTH CENTURY.
BY MAJOR J. S. KING, BO.S.C. The following is a translation from Chap. xxviii. of Al Mas'adt's historical encyclopeedia, entitled "Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems";' a remarkable work, in which he describes the state of the nations and countries of the East and West as they were in his age, that is to say, in A. H. 330 (A. D. 941). The chapter in which occurs the passage here selected is devoted to the history of Ram.
"The disciples of Jesus of Nazareth dispersed themselves over all the surface of the earth. Mari betook himself to the neighbouring part of 'Irâķ, and died in the town of Dair Kannál and As-Şafia, on the bank of the Tigris, between Baghdad and Wasit, which is the country of 'Ali bin Da'ad bin Al Jarrah, of Muhammad bin Da'ad bin Al Jarrah, and other learned men. The tomb of Márt is there, in a church, where it remains up to the present year 332 (A. D. 943); the Christians hold it in great veneration. Thomas, who was one of the twelve disciples, went to India, where he called the people to the law of the Messiah, and where he died. Another disciple penetrated to the most remote parts of Khurâsân, and died there.
In his valuable Catalogue of Mysore Coins in the Madras Museum, Mr. Thurston figures alt-paisů strack at Beigaļur in 1218 and one struck at Sallmabad (Satyamangalam) in the same year. I possess three other paiads, of which one was struok at Pattan in 1218 and the second st Bengalûr in 1919. The third bears the date 1222, and on the reverse the two words ye was; the name of the mint-town seems to be omitted by the engraver.
+ The only exception is a quarter paisd struck at Faiz-higår, which bears the letter but the date 1294.
. A solitary instance of a relapse is a half paisi struck at Pattan with the date Irp. (1220). The engraver of a paied struok at Faix-hisar in the same year has not completely succeeded in reversing the figures from Mr. tor , but has written them as P.Pi.
Instead of isl, thin coin bears the denomination plat, which the engraver seems to have copied by mistake from a half paisa.
کتاب مروج الذهب و معادن الجوهر
دير قني والصافية •
» No such person as Márt is mentioned in the Bible, but I think we may take this passage as sufficient anthority for determining that Marl was the name of one of the "other seventy" (or seventy-two) mentioned in Take x. 1. According to Johnson (Arabic-Eng. Dictionary)" Mar Y'akab" was the name of a heretical teacher of Christianity.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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The site of his tomb is known and venerated by the Christians; but others say that he died in the country of Dakuka, Khânîjâr and Karkh Hudân, on the confines of 'Irak. The place of his sepulture is known.
"Mark died at Alexandria, in Egypt, where is his tomb. He is one of the four disciples who have composed the Gospel. Strange particulars are related of that which passed between him and the Egyptians at the moment when he was put to death. We have already stated on what occasion that took place, in our Middle History, to which work the present is a sequel. There we have related in detail how Mark, when on the point of starting for the land of the West,' charged them, saying: Whosoever shall present himself to you in my likeness, kill him; for you will see, coming after me, men who will resemble me; but hasten to put them to death, and do not accept their teaching.' Then he left them. After having been absent a long time, being unable to reach the place where he wished to go, he returned to the Egyptians. When he saw that they were about to kill him, he said to them: Woe unto you! I am Mark. No,' replied they; 'verily our father, Mark, told us to kill whoever should come to us in his likeness. But it is I myself who am Mark.'-'We cannot let you go, and it is absolutely necessary that we put you to death.' So they killed him.
-
"Formerly they had demanded of him some proofs in support of his statements, and had begged of him to work some miracles. Some among them had said to him:-If that which you affirm to us is true, ascend to heaven before our eyes.' Then they stripped him of his pontifical robe (j), and clothed him in a dress of camel's hair, so that he might ascend to heaven. But many of his disciples attached themselves to him, saying:- If thou departest, what will remain to us after thee, for thou art our father ?' Then happened to him that which we have related above.
"The disciples of the Messiah are seventy-two in number, besides whom twelve more have to be counted. Those who have transmitted the Gospel are:-Lake, Mark, John, and Matthew. Luke and Matthew are ranked among the seventy-two; the latter is also classed among the twelve, but I know not the reason of it.' The two who make part of the twelve are :-John, son of Zebedee, and Mark, patriarch of Alexandria. The third, who arrived at Antioch, where he had been preceded by Peter and Thomas, is Paul. He is the person alluded to in the Kur'an under the title of the third,' when God says:- Wherefore we strengthened them with a third.'s
"Of all the Christian Monks, those of Egypt are the only ones who eat meat; because Mark permitted them to do so."
MISCELLANEA.
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. No. 30.
In the stone inscription of the manta Bappuvarasa, on a pillar inside a temple at Mahakata, Makata, or Makuta, near Bâdâmi, in the Kaladgi District, Bombay Presidency,
published by me, with a lithograph, in this jour nal, Vol. X. p. 104 f., No. 96, the date (line 6 ff) is Mahasa-Saka-nripa-k&l-&tita-samvatsara-satamgal entunûra ayivatta Araneya Jaya-samvatsarada Karttika-suddha-pañchamiyum Budhavarad-andum,
"the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of (the
mentioned in the
ارض المغرب
The work here referred to is probably Mas'udi's "History of Time," ( opening of the first chapter.
The word & of the text has no apparent meaning; it is probably a misprint either for the Persian gold-embroidered,' or the Arabic a la robe of office.'
There has always been a tradition that St. Luke was one of the seventy; and this is mentioned as early as the 3rd and 4th centuries by Origen and Epiphanius: so Mas'udi may be right in his case, but from what he says regarding Matthew (ze) it seems likely that he confounded him with Matthias. Eusebius, as well as Epiphanius, says that the latter was one of the seventy; and we know that he became one of the twelve after the Ascension. The "Gospel of Matthias" is one of the thirty-four Gospels rejected by the Christian Church as being uncanonical.
Vide Kur'an, Sale, Chap. xxxvi. page 361-62, notes. It is necessary to read this in order to understand the
allusion.

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OCTOBER, 1889.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
317
month) Karttika of tho Jaya samvatsara, which Now, as regards the application of the given is the eight hundred and fifty-sixth (year in the tithi, the Nirnayasindhu, pari. i., p. 7b, line 13 f., centuries of years that have gone by from the time gives the general rule that the fifth tithi is to of the Saka king, and on Wednesday." And be used or celebrated when it is joined by the the inscription records that on this day Bappuva- sixth tithi, i. e. on the day on which it ends. rasa came to the place, and made a grant of Whereas the Dharmasindhundra, pari. i., p. 5 a, (an image of) Nandik6vara, i. e. Nandi, and of line 5 1., states that the fourth and fifth tithis some rice-land.
form a couple; as a consequence of which the Here the mention of the Jaya samvatsara fifth tithi may be used when it is joined by the would permit us to take the given year either fourth, i.e. on the day on which it begins. But, in as current or as expired. For, by the mean-sign the more detailed rules, the Dharmasindhusdra, i., Bystem, with Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's Tables, Jayap. 8 a, line 11 ff., states explicitly that, except in the commenced on the 10th December, A.D. 932, case of the Skandópavdsa and the Ndgavrata, "in and ended on the 6th December, A.D. 933. any ceremony whatsoever the fifth tithi, both in And in this period Karttika sukla 5, of Saka- the bright and in the dark fortnight, is to be Samvat 856 current, ended on the 26th October, taken when it is cleft by the fourth tithi;" and A.D. 933, at about 18 ghatis, 26 palas, after the Nirnayasindhu, i., p. 13 b, line 12 ff., though mean sunrise, for B&dami. This day, however, seeming on the whole to maintain the correctness was a Satarday. And the details of the date of its own rule, quotes several precepts to the cannot be explained in this way.
same effect. Also, Prof. Kielborn has given me On the other haud, by the southern luni-solar the following quotation from the Kalamddhava, system the Jaya samvatsara coincided with - Skandópavfsê pañchamt para-viddha, anyatra Saka-Samvat 857 current, i. e. with the given purva-viddh-êti sthitam, " it is established that year 856 as an expired year. And in this year, at the Skandspavása the fifth tithi (is to be used) with Prof. K. L. Chattre's Tables, Karttika when it is cleft by the following; on other oc. Sukla 5 began at about 5 gh. 15 p. and ended at casions, when it is cleft by the preceding." In about 59 gh. 65 p. on Wednesday, 15th October, the present instance the details of the date disA.D. 934. With these results, it would be an tinctly refer, not to the writing of the record, but expunged tithi. But the ending-time is so very to the occasion on which the ceremony of making close to the following sunrise, that most probably the grant was performed. Consequently, it ap& calculation by any of the Siddhantas would pears that the tithi would be properly connected make it end after sunrise on the Thursday; as with the Wednesday, on which day it began : and is the case with Prof. Jacobi's Tables, according that the correct English date is Wednesday. to which it began at about 2 h. 33 m., 6 gh. 15th October, A.D. 933, as found above. 22p., on the Wednesday, and ended at about
In addition to this illustration of the use of & 34 m, =l gh. 25 p., on the Thursday. And I current tithi, this date is of interest in giving an think it may safely be taken for granted that the instance of the use of the southern luni-solar tithi did end on the Thursday, according to the system of the Sixty-Year Cycle of Jupiter, almanac consulted by the person who drafted the for a time not very long after the period that I record. Consequently, the date of Wednesday, have indicated for its introduction (see ante, Vol. 16th October, A.D. 933, can be accepted only if | XVII. pp. 142, 143.) the tithi was used as a current tithi.
J. F. FLEET.
NOTES AND QUERIES. VENKATACHALAPATI; A MADRAS LEGEND. , Vishnu's bull and the latter Gangå's bull. The
Every now and then, throughout Madras, & origin of the first is given in a legend, but that of man dressed up as a buffoon is to be seen the last is not clear. loading about a bull a fantastically got up as
The conductors of these bulls are neatherds of himself with cowries and rage of many colours
high caste called Paidaiyan, i.e. Flower Neatherds, from door to door, for the purpose of procuring
and come from villages in the North and South religious alms. The operation is accompanied by Aroot (Arkât) districts. They are a simple and such music as the man can command.
ignorant set, who firmly believe that their occupaThe bull is called in Tamil Perumal erudu tion arises out of a command from the great god and in Telegu Ganga eddu, the former meaning Venkatachalapati - the Lord of the Venkata1 I think that in line 10 f., instead of nandiktsara- of) Nandikivars," as published, we should read nandi. (ma-nellu-geyuvarl," three rioe-fields at (the villagok aaramu [h] nellt-geyuuuh..
. The times here are for Badami, all through.

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[OCTOBER, 1889.
chala Hills near Tiruppadi in the North Arcot remaining five-sixths to the conductors. They look District.
upon it as a "good work," but the village boys Their legend is as follows:-Among the and girls think it the greatest fun in the world to habitual gifts to the Venkatachala temple at watch its performances, and the advent of a
Tiruppadi were all the freaks of nature of the Vishnu's bull is hailed by the youngstere with neighbourhood as exhibited in cattle such as two- the greatest delight. tailed cows, five-legged bulls, four-horned calves, The demeanour of the balls has led to a well and so on. The Paidaiyans, whose original duty known South Indian proverb : -"As mild as was to string flowers for the temple, were set to Vishnu's (or Ganga's) bull." In Tamil it is avan graze these abortions. Now to graze cows is an Perumdl modu appa : in Telugu vádu Gangi honour, but to tend such creatures as these the eddu vale addhu. Poidaiyans regarded as a sin. So they prayed to Madras.
S. M. NATESA SABTRI. Venkatáchalapati to show them how they could purge it away. On this the god gave them a bull called after himself the Perumal bull, and said -
KALI NAG; A KASMIR LEGEND. "My sons, if you take as much care of this bull Just outside on the river side of) the Shal Haas you would of your own children and lead it madan moeque in the heart of Srinagar city. is a from house to house, begging ita food, your little stream constantly running. The stream is sin will be washed away." Ever since then they sacred to Kalt and is called Kalt Nag. A Brth. have been purging themselves of their original man is generally to be seen sitting near to offer sin!
the prayers and receive the presents of worshipThe process is this. The bull-leader takes it pers. The water emerges from the ground inside from house to honse and puts it questions, and the mosque. On this account several Hinda the animal shakes its head in reply! He then rulers have tried to get the place and offered abuses it and it butts at him in anger! This is large sums of money for it, but without avail. proof positive that it can reason !
Oolonel (P) Miyan Singh determined to raze the The fact is the animal is bought when young mosque to the ground, but being afraid of a for a small sum and brought up to its profes- rebellion on the part of the Musalmans, he changed sion. Long practice has made its purchasers his mind. experts in selecting the animals that will suit It is said that nobody can look upon the spring them. After purchase the training commences, itself without losing his sight. Some curious which consists in pinching its ears whenever it is folk essayed to do so, and came away blind. given bran, and it soon learns to shake its head Afterwards, in order that others might not come at the sight of bran. I need hardly say that a | into the like misfortune, a great stone was placed handful of bran is ready in its conductor's hands over the ndg, which remains there to this day when the questions are put to it. It is also The spring is said to have appeared here when taught to butt at any person that speaks angrily Råvana's house was destroyed by Råma, and is to it.
therefore supposed to have come from Ceylon. As regards the offerings made to these people,
J. HINTON KNOWLES. one-sixth goes to feeding the bulls and the Srinagar.
BOOK NOTICES. ALBERUNI'S INDIA. An account of the Religion, Philo- Natives of India usually either can not or will not
sophy, Literature, Chronology, Astronomy, Customs, Laws and Astrology of India, about A.D. 1030 buy expensive works, such as this necessarily in Edited in the Arabic Original by Dr. EDOUARD If we may be allowed to express an opinion on such BACHAU. Published by the Secretary of State for India. London: Trubner and Co. 1887. 4to;
a matter as this, we should say that the outlay Pp. xli., 365.
would be more likely to be profitable if made Upwards of three years ago, ante, Vol. XV. p. 31f, in freely advertising it in English papers and we had the pleasure of publishing a preliminary journals, and in sending copies of it liberally for notice by Dr. Bühler of this mighty work, and notice in the same. we have now to notice its actual production.
As all the world knows, the peculiar value of We have at last before us the Arabic text Albêrûnt's work is that it is practically almost the of the great original. But the book as it stands only authority we possess for Indian history and is consequently available only to Arabic scholars. mode of thought at a period which is otherwise as For this reason the publishers have extensively a sealed book to us. To have, therefore, made advertised it in vernacular papers in India, but available a text, which is as accurate as we can whether this will repay them is doubtful, as reasonably expect, is a matter of no small

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BOOK NOTICES.
319
importance, and the thanks that we owe to Dr. text, as he has given it, will have to be materially Sachau should be proportionately great.
altered. Alberoni flourished in the time of Mahmad Dr. Sachau enters at some length into the proof Ghazni, when the Brahmanical civilization, bable date of the book, and arrives at the concluwhich had superseded the Buddhistic, was in its sion that it was written between 30th April and turn about to be overshadowed, first by that of the 30th September A.D. 1030, meaning by "writing." Musalman and eventually by that of the Christian, the final composition of a work, the various parts And it is, indeed, fortunate for the world, that, at of which had long previously been completed. It the very commencement of the epoch of destruc. appears to have been composed at Ghaznf during tion inaugurated by Mahmåd, there should have the troubled period which succeeded the death of been living and writing scholar gifted with Mahmad, and Albêrunt probably got most of sufficient breadth of view to enable him to study his information from Hindu residents of that sympathetically the system that was passing place, who were then, no doubt, very numerous, away: sufficiently endowed with the critical
His actual travels in India do not seem to have faculty to appreciate modes of thought so opposed extended beyond the Pañjáb; the districts about to those with which he had been himself imbued Peshawar, Jhêlam, Sialkot, LÅhôr, and Multân, from his birth; and possessed of sufficient energy and skill to record what he had learnt for the But it is not so much from his record of what he benefit of his contemporaries and successors. He saw, as from his record of what he read, that wrote in A.D. 1030, and among his predecessors
Albêrunt has become of world-wide fame. His in the description of India were the Greek diplo- learning in Sansksit literature was for his time matist Megasthenes about B. 0. 295, and the
wonderful, because it was against his religious Chinese monks in the 5th, 6th, and 7th centuries teaching to study systems foreign to Islam, and in A.D. But Alberoni is incomparably, as far as
the few cases where this prejudice has been overwe are concerned, the most important writer of come no other instance exists of a Muhammadan them all. Of Megasthenôs we have but fragments, trying to procure his foreign learning at first and the Buddhist monks from China are as babes hand. As a translator, he rendered from Sanscompared with the highly cultivated and well- kpit into Arabic, Kapila's Sankhya, the book of informed scholar whose work we are now con
Patañjali, the Paulisa-Siddhanta, the BrahmaBidering
Siddhanta, the Brihat-Samhitá, and the LaghusThere are three MSS. of the great book in Jataka; while from Arabic into Sanskrit he Europe :-(1) in the library of M. Schefer, rendered Euclid's Elements, Ptolemy's Almagest, Membre de l'Institut: (2) in the Bibliothèque and a book of his own on the construction of the Nationale in Paris : (3) in the library of the Astrolabe. Mehemet Köprülü Medrese at Constantinople. This list of works raises the questions as to how The last two are copies of the first, which purporte much he acquired or Sanskrit, and as to how far to be a copy of the author's autograph, "with he was a real translator, or merely the mouthwhich it has been collated as carefully as possible" piece or supervisor of those who explained or by some unknown hand long ago. With the translated for him. Dr. Sachau gives reasons exception of some lacune and blunders, probably at some length for considering that he really resulting from partial illegibility or from worm. knew enough of Sanskrit to enable him to go holes in the autograph, and of the misplacement of alone in the language to a small extent without the leaves at the end, Dr. Sachau considers M. blundering, but that he read his Indian books with Schefer's MS. to be " of very rare merit, one of the aid of Pandits and made his translations into the most accurate I have ever known." This is i Arabic from their dictation; while his translathe MS. Dr. Sachau has followed, and on which, tions from Arabic into Sanskrit meant that he with the advantage of emendation where neces. explained to Pandits, who converted his explanasary by the light of modern Arabic and Sanskpit tions into blokas of approved form. All this learning, his text is based. The nature of Alb- involves the assumption that Albérdni and his růni's work has prevented its being copied and Pandits spoke or understood well some common treasured up in the libraries of the East, and so vernacular, and there seems to be abundant interfar it has not been found there. This fact, how. nal evidence in the Indica that Albôruni was well ever, while it venders us all the more grateful to acquainted with the vernacular of the period, the European scholars who have saved Albêrůni whatever it was, then current in the extreme from the fate which has overtaken Megasthenes, north-west of India. does not, Dr. Sachau thinks, lead us to suppose In explaining the extent of Alberoni's Sansthat, should more MSS. be found hereafter, the kşit scholarship, Dr. Sachau has to tread along

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the dangerous and delicate path of testing it by his transliteration of Sanskrit words. And in doing so he shows where Sanskrit compounds have been wrongly divided and so mistranslated,
e.g. H
afiqfII into
زپرحهان and سالني
and where parts of compounds have been mis- understood. ... Tarafa fy:. in which Albê. rani thought that 2: was the name of the 7th Rishi, come as he calls him. In this connection Dr. Sachau prints in this volume an "index of words of Indian origin" in 42 pp. double column, and he promises a comparison of Albêrani's Indian names with those in his Sanskrit sources. It need hardly be said that this comparison will be looked for with much interest.
Like all scholars from his time downwards Albê. rani was oppressed with the difficulty of transliterating Indian words into his own character, and like all scholars of all countries he adopted & system of special diacritical marks combined with a deferential acquiescence in existing custom in the case of well-known words. So his w ( ) and his , 4.. (CT) have formed a puzzle on their own account, as no doubt will our English "cooly" (46) and "boy" ( ) in the dim future. Dr. Sachau has treated this part of his subject with conspicuous skill, and he well explains the diffi. culty of getting at Alberoni's meaning in his transliterations. Thus, he evidently endeavoured to write in Arabic the sounds of the Indian words as he heard them, and since he took them down sometimes orally and sometimes from books, he at one time would transliterate from bad and variant pronunciations and at others from the written words. We then get two or more forms of the same word; e.g. umie and for CFU Then again, while purporting to transliterate he would be really rendering some vernacular form; e. g. 4! for 194. Sometimes he mixed up the vernacular with Sanskrit; e.g. when he says did = 60 years. Like many another scholar, too, Alberoni, after devising a system of diacritical marks, based in his case on those in Persian, did not stick to them; e.g. while adopting for p he would write for band for p, and so on. The diacritical markings in the MS. of M. Schefer are also rendered all the more uncertain from the fact that at the time it was written the modern system of marking Arabic was hardly yet in vogue. The old and the then new system of marking were
1 It is a pity that this Index loses much if not all of its value for Sanskrit students, to whom chiefly it is of interest, through being arranged coording to the order of the Arabic alphabet. All such Indexes ought to
both at times followed by the scribe in some cases, au in w and resulting in much ambiguity. Lastly, Alberoni, in quoting or adapting from old works as from Al-Erânshahrt on Buddhism, follows the old corrupt spelling, whereby we get for ! However, it is gratifying to find that Dr. Sachau can nevertheless confidently assert that "the consonantal skeletons of the words are very trustworthy and offer a sufficient basis for their reconstruction."
The value of Alberáni's work to the student of things Indian, can be seen by a mere reference to its contents. He opens with an acoount of Hindu religion and philosophy, including a disquisition on caste. He then proceeds to describe the literature of the Hindus, their science, metrology, and mathematics. The chapter on " Hindu sciences which prey upon the ignorance of the people should attract attention. Then we have a description of Hindu geography and cosmogony; and much astronomy and computation of time, the most valuable part of the work, which will be much appreciated by students of this Journal. And finally Hindu manners, customs, customary law, and astrology have a fair share of attention. There are chapters here in which the folklorist and anthropologist should alike revel. THE MSS. IN THX LIBRARY AT COLOMBO. Ceylon Administration Reports, 1887. Pt. IV., Miscellaneous, Colombo Museum, by Mr. F. H. M. CORBET, Librerian.
It is a comfort to find from the date of this Report that other people besides Indian officials are apt to be behind time in recording the practical work performed by them. However, there is much to interest us in the short report on Sinhalese M.SS. now before us, as the collection of these in the Colombo Museum Library, -- an institution which does not otherwise seem to be of any note,- is no doubt in a fair way of becoming very valuable. .
The old manuscripts, consisting of original texts of the Buddhist Canon, commentaries, histories, philological, poetical, scientific and medical works, are worth serious attention.
The Canonical Books, however, are themselves incomplete, but the commentaries are in a much better condition. Of histories there are fifty, and of philology and poetry there are 76. In science and medicine th:re is only a beginning of what no doubt will become a valuable collection later on.
It is satisfactory to note that the arrangement of the MSS. is systematic and practical. follow the order of the Roman alphabet. It is only Dictionaries that require to be arranged according to the alphabet of the language to which they belong.

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NOVEMBER, 1889.]
MODERN PANJABI COINS.
THE COINS OF THE MODERN NATIVE CHIEFS OF THE PANJAB,
BY CAPTAIN, B. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., M.R.A.S.
821
I. GENERAL REMARKS.
THE
THE coins which form the subject of this monograph, were collected mostly by myself in the Pañjab about eight years ago, with the kindly personal assistance of the Chiefs of the Panjab Native States, one of whom has since died. These coins I had the pleasure of presenting to the British Museum. The remainder are taken from former presentations to the Museum, and I am indebted to the courtesy of the Keeper of the Coins for being enabled to represent them in the plates attached hereto. I am also specially indebted to Mr. Graeber, of the Numismatic Department, for the trouble he has taken in having both the coins I collected and those previously presented to the Museum properly reproduced for me. In the detailed description attached to this paper the coins given by myself to the British Museum and those of other donors are carefully distinguished. There is, as far as I am aware, no other collection of these coins in existence.
Properly speaking, the Coins of the Moderu Native Chiefs or the Pañjab should include those of the Mahåråjås of Lâhôr and of the Mahârâjas of Jammu and Kaámir. But the Sikh coinage is a study in itself, and so is the ancient coinage of Kasmir. This paper is therefore confined to the productions of the mints of the Chiefs of the Panjab, that have now, or have had in recent times, the right to issue coins of their own. These are the Maharajas of Patiala, the Rajas of Nabha and Jind, the Sardars of Kaithal, and the Nawabs of Kotla-Maler (more commonly called Mâlêr-Kôtlâ). Of these the Maharajâs of Patiala, the Rájás of Nabha and Jind and the Sardars of Kaithal, belonged to one great family of Chiefs known in the Pañjab as the Phûlkian.
To the student of numismatics the coins of these chiefs have a special interest, as affording valuable examples of the principles governing the evolation of the coinage of partially civilized peoples. The theory of the evolution of coins, first made known by Mr. Evans in his wellknown work, has been applied with great acuteness and ability by Mr. Keary in his Morphology of Coins (1886) to Oriental coins. It is in support or criticism of its application to the coins of semi-barbarous peoples that the following pages will be found to be chiefly valuable.
Mr. Keary makes two remarks in his little book which the reader will do well to bear in mind throughout his perusal of this article. At page 9 he says: "There is a peculiar sort of morphology (of coins) shown when a barbarous or semi-barbarous people, incapable of inaugurating or much modifying a coinage of its own, takes as a model the money of some other State and makes either imitations or reproductions of it in a descending order of degradation. Examples of this class take generally one of two forms: a. If the nation is not very barbarous, it sometimes invents for itself a new type founded on the parent type, and adheres to that for a long succession of years. Such people are not artistic enough or original enough to produce variations of importance on this fixed type. b. A much more barbarous people, who are incapable of either inventing any type for themselves or of copying correctly that which is before them, produce a series of successive degradations which are very curious and interesting to trace." At page 13 he further remarks: "The local issues of different (Greek) cities may be regarded as a kind of token money, not acceptable except by weight outside a narrow area," How far the semi-barbarous coinage of the modern Native Chiefs of the Pañjab bears out these observations the reader will be able to judge for himself.
In the year A.H. 1164, or A.D. 1751, being the fourth year of his reign, the famous Ahmad Shah Durrani (or Abdall) made a raid into the Pañjab and overran the greater part of it; and it is a common historical statement in the Pañjâb, that in that year he granted to the Coins of the Ancient Britons, 1864. But see below, p. 325.
1 As distant connections only.

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chiefs of Patiala, Nabha, Jînd, and Kotla-Mâlêr the right to coin within their respective States. The now extinct State of the Sardârs of Kaithal also seems to have acquired the right to use the mme coinage within its territories, but how or when I have been unable to ascertain. Besides these the Sikh State of Kapurthala and the extraordinary adventurer, George Thomas, RAJA of Hansi, are said to have each had an independent coinage, of which more anon.
Now the coins of Ahmad Shah bear a distinctive legend, as is well known. It runs thus :
obverse
حكم شد از قادر بیهون با حمد باد شاہ مکہ زن برسیم و زر ازارچ ماهي تا بهاء سنہ جلوس میمنت مانوس ضرب
reverse The words and figures following the words ungle and your naturally vary with the year and place. In plate I., figure a, I, give a fine specimen of the full legend, bearing the date I r, i.e., A.H. 1173, (A.D. 1761), and the year of the reign 14, and showing the mint as
دارالخلا ف شاه جهان آباد ,that is, Dehli
In the fourth year of his reign Ahmad Shah coined at Sarhand, better known as Sirhind, now a town in the Patiala State. The exact form of his coin I do not know, but, for reasons given further on, it can be guessed from the impressions of the die given below, which is that now in use at Köţ18-Maler, and which I am able to introduce here through the kindness of the Khân Sahib, 'Inayat 'All Khåó, brother of the Nawab of Kotlá-Málêr.
Now the point for the present argument is this :- from that day, nearly 140 years ago, to this, the coins of all these States - Patiala, Nabha, Jind, Kaithal and Koția-Maler, With the exception of some of the issues of the Nâbhâ mint, have never changed either the legend, the date, or the mint. The dies have been cut and re-cut over and over again, but no material change has ever taken place beyond adding, in some cases only, the mark or sign of the particular chief issuing the coin. To all outward appearance they are all - even those of & year ago - the coins of Ahmad Shâh minted in the fourth year of his reign (A.D. 1751)! Nábhá alone has had the originality to vary the type to a limited extent, using for that purpose, of later years, the ordinary legend of the Sikh coins of the late Maharajas of Lahôr. The issues of the Sardûrs of Kaithal show a falling off in the artistic capacity of the moneyers of this distinctly "Minor State" in comparison with the others above noticed, that will be found to be specially valuable and interesting in the present connection.
The History of the modern Native States of the Panjab, being of so recent & character, is to a certain extent well known and is therefore of much value as evidence for
• This is a large thin gold coin which belongs to the British Museum, to the authorities of which I am indebted for the reproduotion. It may not be a real coin at all, but one of those medals that used to be struck in India to be thrown amongst the populace on special occasions, or it may have been strook in commentoration of the capture of Dehll in that year, for 1178 A.H. was the year of the notorious massacre he caused to be committed there.
• I say to a "certain extent" advisedly, for it is much more obscure than one would sappone possible.

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MODERN PANJABI COINS.
323
or against the theories of Messrs. Evans and Keary, - for we now have the advantage of studying a semi-barbarous coinage of precisely the same nature as that which has flourished throughout the East any time these thousand years, side by side with otherwise veriflable historical facts regarding the coiners.
II. HISTORY The Pholkian family of chiefs are Siddhu Jatts and claim, as is usual in the Pañjab, among persons of importance, a Rajpât origin:- in this case from Jaisal, the founder of Jaisalmer in the twelfth century A.D. The descent from Jaisal through Siddhu, the eponymous founder of this now great clan of the Pañjabi Jatts, is legendary in the extreme. However, whatever may have been their origin, the ancestors of the Phůlkian house must have been people of much consideration, for in A.D. 1526 the emperor Babar created the son of Sanghas, the head of the family, a Chaudhari? for services rendered in that year by his father at the battle of Pânipat, where he was killed. The headship or chaudhariyat thus won was confirmed by the emperor Humâyûn on Sanghar's grandson in A.D. 1554, and a hundred years later we find Sanghar's descendant Phal, the direct founder of the Phalktan, succeeding his father in the chaudhariyat about A.D. 1618, and dying as the great Chaudhart Phal in 1652. Phul left six sons — the two eldest of whom we may call the major and the rest the minor sons. From the two major sons, Tilokha and Rama, spring the present great chiefs of the Siddhu Jatts, and from the rest the Jiandan Sardárs and what are called the Landghariâ, or "Minor Branch," Sardârs. All are personages of high standing in the Paõjab. From Tilokha, who succeeded to the chaudhariyat, come the RAJAs of Nabha and Jind, and from Rama the Maharajas of Patiala, the Sardars of Bhadaur (absorbed by Pațiàlâ) and the Malaudh families. At the present day they rank as follows, Patikla, Jind, Nabha, Bhadaur, Malaudh;- but by descent their seniority is Nabha, Jiod, Bhadaus, Patiâlâ, Malaudh, while their originally absolute equality is proved by the fact that the village of Bhai Rů på, founded by Tilökha and Rámå jointly, is still owned in equal shares by all the above chiefs. There are seventeen great Sikh families in all sprung from Chaudhari Phul, and of these three have become "royal" and have still the right to issue their own coinage. It is with these three, Patiala, Jind and Nabha, that we have now to do.
At the present day by far the most powerful of these families is that of Patial, and we will take it first into consideration. Rama, the second son of Phůl as above described, carved out for himself by the sword, after the manner of the time, a small semi-independent territory, and after a turbulent career, was murdered in extreme old age in A.D. 1714. Some 15 years later (A.D. 1729) on the death of his second son, Sabha, his third son, Aiha Singh, came into possession of Rama's residence and petty principality of Hodiana; the eldest son, Dünâ, having obtained another estate, now held by his descendant, the Sardâr 'Atar Singh of Bhadanr From this small beginning, to which he added certain other little territories won by the sword, Alba Singh, in the course of a warlike career, before his death in A.D. 1765, had founded Patiala Town and State, had been a prisoner of Ahmad Shah (in 1762), had then been petted by that monarch, receiving from the Afghan the title of Râjâ (1762), had next destroyed and annexed the great Muhammadan provincial capital of Sarhand or Sirhind, and had finally been created chief of the whole of his district (chalka) by Ahmad Shah. The right to coin given by Ahmad Shah to the Phalklan States was therefore clearly given in his time and the coins depicted
• Sir Lepel Griffin, Bajas of the Paftjdb, p. 9, gives 21 generations between Sanghar (ob. 1526) and Jaisal (ob. 1168), which is an apparent impossibility, and at p. 8 there is a legend to mocount for the birth of Siddhu in " Bijpåt's house."
1 Chief local revenue authority always chosen from among the local magnates.
• It is to be observed that in the genealogy above alluded to wo again got 6 generations in 100 years between Sangbar and Phal, when dates are admitted by the tribe to be vague, and only 8 generations in over 200 years between Chaudharl Phal and the present Maharaja of Patiala, when dates have been accurately recorded.
• Sarhand and is the proper spelling of this word on the coins and in M88., not ay "Sahrind" Mr. Rodgers states, J. A. 8. B., Part I., Vol. LIV., p. 73.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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in figs. 1 and 2 are universally attributed by the local bankers (mahdjan, Sran) to him, his mark being the kalghi, or aigrette plume.10
Alha Singh was succeeded by his grandson, Amar Singh, after a struggle for the chiefship with his elder half-brother Himmat Singh, the offspring of an irregular marriage, known in the Pañjâb as the karéwa, and which is in fact the levirate. This chief reigned till 1781 and was in his turn petted by Ahmad Shah, during the latter's last irruption into India in 1767, being given the title of Raja-i-Rajgân Bahadur in addition to that of Rajâ already conferred on his grandfather. Like Ålha Singh be was a great soldier, and made Pațiâlâ the most powerful of the Cis-Satluj states. He is represented in the coins by fig. 3; his mark being like that of Albâ Singh, the kalghi.nl
He was succeeded by sahib Singh, his sot, then but six years old, who reigned till 1813. This chief, who was more or less a madman, injured his State almost as much as his predecessors had improved it, and although he secured the title of Maharajâ from the Dehli Emperor, Akbar II., in 1810, he left Patiala in such a condition that no one respected its authority. His days saw the rise of Ranjit Singh of Lahôr, and his court was much concerned in the diplomatic struggles between that great ruler and the British Government, in the course of which it became entirely subservient to the latter. Sabib Singh's coinage is represented in fig. 4; his mark being the same as his predecessor's.13
Sahib Singh's successor was his son Karm Singh, who reigned on till 1845, bis last act in joining the British against the Lahor Government on the outbreak of hostilities doing much towards wiping out the injury done to his State by his wild and imbecile predecessor, He did not, however, live to reap the reward of his loyalty, for he died on 23rd Dec. 1845, the day after the battle of Phêrůshahr (Ferozeshah). His coin is shown in figs. 5 and 6, the special mark being & saif or two-handed sword.13
The next chief was Narinder Singh, the son of Karm Singh, who died in 1862, after doing as much for his State as the ablest of his predecessors had done, and whose comparatively loyal action in the Sikh War and whole-hearted loyalty in the Mutiny enlarged its borders to their present extent. His coin is shown in fig. 7 with a spear-head as his special mark.16
Narinder Singh was succeeded by his son, Mahindar Singh, who did nothing remarkable during his 14 years of rule up to his death in 1876. His coin is depicted in fig. 9 with a halberd bead for the distinguishing sign.16
BAjindar Singh, the son of Mahindar Singh, is the present Mahårâjâ of Pațiálů, to whose kindness, through his Minister - for he was a small boy when I procured the collection - the bulk of the Patild coins reproduced in the plate attached to this paper are due. His peculiar sign is the well-known katár or dagger
169.7
17 of India. His coin is represented in figs. 8, 10, 11, 12, 13 and 14. No 14, & gold coin, was specially struck for me on the occasion of my visit to the Pațiálê mint in 1884. In this connection I shonld draw attention to a curions coin represented by Mr. Rodgers as fig. 17, Plate II., of his Coins of Ahmad Shah Abddu, in Vol. LIV., Part I., (1885), of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. It is reproduced Rodgers's Coin of Rajinder Singh of PatiALA. here for reference.
SADE
1. But see poat, pp. 825, 835, 886.
11 Griffin, op. cit. p. 288, noems to argue that Amar Singh was the first P AA RAJA to use Abmad Shah's soins but I hardly think this is likely under the circumstances and it is against the testimony of the local banker. 11 But see post, pp. 825, 806.
w But noe post, pp. 825, 836. * But see poet, pp. 385, 398. But soo port, pp. 825, 886.

Page #347

MAP SHOWING THE LOCATION OF THE MODERN NATIVE MINTS OF THE PANJAB.
Mhritsar
LAHOR
Hoshiarpur
% Saket
R. Bias KAPURTE
Kapurthalsh
Jalandhar
Phagwara
X
S
*
rawan
Nalagarh
aus
R. Satluj
Vilozour
m
an Ferozeshah)
Ludhiana
Repar
Canal
Mudki
Sarhand
Farikot
Şahan
apur
heldaur Rupa
ebra
Bernal
atiulla
A
AITHAL
"Tun
Fathabad
Barwala
Agrokon
F
Find
East Jame
Hisar
Hasi
A. Jam na
Rohtak
hasini
Juanzgech
HO
Dujana
Rajgarh
Thajhar
JP v T A N
Farruldmagae
Yellow Patiala Blue....Jind Lake. Nabha Sepia. Kotla Maler Red Kapurthala White...Other Native States Grean British Territory ---- Territories of George
Thomas Rajah of Hansi.
Loharu
Pataudi
R. Zemple,
Stord Ganghreb

Page #348


Page #349

MODERN PANJABI COINS.
NOVEMBER, 1889.]
At p. 75, in describing it he calls it "a modern Patiala rupee presented to me by the Foreign Minister of the State." It is, however, doubtful whether any such coin was ever current, as it is much larger and must be very much thinner than the regular Pațiâlâ rupee. Most likely the Minister had a medal struck for him exhibiting the whole die or nearly all of it. Its chief value is that it gives the whole legend for all practical purposes.16
We have therefore before us, as regards the Patiala State, a specimen of the coinage of each ruler that has had the right to coin in his own name, or rather on his own account, and so can trace the coins from generation to generation. These rulers reigned as follows:
36 years. 16 years.
32 years.
Raja Alha Singh A.D. 1729-1765 Raja Amar Singh 1765-1781 Maharaja Sahib Singh 1781-1813 Mahârâja Karm Singh 1813-1845 Maharaja Narindar Singh 1845-1862. Maharaja Mahindar Singh 1862-1876
32 years.
17 years. 14 years.
Maharaja Rajindar Singh 1876 to date...
I think the fair inference to be drawn from these coins is that in the 140 years during which they have been issued no material change has taken place in the artistic merit of the die-cutters.
*********....
825
Another interesting result from the study of this set of coins is that, although all of them are modern and many of them quite recent, there is a conflict of competent opinion as to which ruler the various types are to be assigned. This shows how very uncertain and difficult is accurate enquiry into the historical facts connected with semi-barbarous oriental peoples.
Griffin, op. cit. (p. 286, footnote), quoting official documents, says that Amar Singh established the Pațiâlâ mint and was the first to coin rupees:-" in fact in another place in the Pâtiâlâ Reports Samvat 1820 (A.D. 1763) is mentioned as the year." But Amar Singh did not succeed till 1765. And though it is quite possible that in minting the first coin, an old coin (i.e. of the year 4) and not a current coin (i.e. of the year 14 or 16) of Ahmad Shah was taken as the sample, yet the Pațiâlâ and indeed all the Pañjab Rupees bear the date or the year 4, i.e., A.D. 1751. Either date, 1751 or 1763, falls within Alhâ Singh's reign. So I agree with the native bankers in saying that Alha Singh initiated the currency.
a
Again says Griffin:-"Mahârâja Amar Singh's rupee is distinguished by the representation of a kalghi (small aigrette plume); Mahârâjâ Sahib Singh by that of a saif (or two-edged sword); Maharaja Karm Singh had a shamsher (bent sabre) on his coin; Mahârâja Narindar Singh's coin had a katta (or straight sword) as his distinguishing mark. The present Mahârâjâ's rupee is distinguished by a dagger." At Patiâlâ I found that the officials knew very little, but that the bankers knew a great deal, and traditionally knew to whom to assign the various rupees at once. Their statements were that Alha Singh, Amar Singh, Sahib Singh all used the kalghi, Karm Singh the saif, Narindar Singh a spear-head, Mahindar Singh, (the "present Mahârâja" of Griffin,) a halberd-head, and Rajindar Singh, subsequent to the date of Griffin's book, a dagger. It seems to me to be hardly possible that the bankers could err on so recent a coinage as that of Mahindar Singh and Narindar Singh when confronted with it, and I have preferred their statements, as given to me direct, to those of the books.
The next set of coins on the plate belongs to the Rajas of Jind, whose history we will now examine. Tilokha, the eldest son of Phûl, had two sons, Gurdittâ and Sukchain, from the former of whom sprang the Râjâs of Nâbhâ and from the latter the Rajas of Jind.
and
16 Mr. Rodgers gives a hand-drawn illustration, which may not be quite correct. After the word above the word; on the obverse is an inexplicable date vr. This might mean A. H. 1272 which A.D. 1855-6, or St. 1872 which=A.D. 1815, or Saka St. 1772 (very unlikely) which A.D. 1850. All are impossible dates for Rajindar Singh, who came to the throne in 1876. Perhaps we should read for Vr, taking to be a misreading for the latter portion of ", which would make the date St. 1982=A. H. 1292 = A.D. 1875-6.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1889.
Sukchain died in 1751 without doing anything remarkable, leaving three sons - Alam Singh who died in 1764, Gajpat Singh, the founder of the Jind State, and Balaki Singh, the founder of the Dialpuriâ family. Alam Singh was a good soldier and took part in the capture of Sarhand already mentioned, getting a large accession of territory in consequence. But he died childless a year or so afterwards, Gajpat Singh succeeding to his estates. Gajpat Singh was a remarkable man and a prominent figure in those troublous times.. Like all the Sikh chiefs of the day he underwent many ups and downs, alternately fighting and serving the feeble Court of Dehli, being sometimes its prisoner, sometimes its petted official, and sometimes its open foe. In 1772 he received the title of Raja from the Emperor Shah Alam and according to Jind History began to coin as an independent prince in that year. If this be correct - and it would seem to be so his coinage and that of his State is exceedingly interesting, as showing that he actually borrowed the die in use in the Patiala State in its entirety, although it showed Ahmad Shah to be suzerain, whereas his own suzerain was Shah Alam. Ordinarily, of course, if he borrowed a coinage at all it would have been that of Shah Alam.17 Gajpat Singh died in 1786 and was succeeded by his son, Bhag Singh. His coin is shown in fig. 15.
Bhag Singh was also a prominent ruler and had a long reign, dying in 1819. He was distinguished as being the first Sikh Chief to seek an alliance with the British Government. This was in 1803. He was also the unele, but hardly the friend, of the great Rañjit Singh of Lâhôr, whose mother, the ill-starred Bibi Raj Kanwar, was his sister. He did much for his State, though his later years were clouded by illness and family troubles. He is represented by figs. 17 and 18, his coins being peculiar in having the reverse quite blank.
Bhag Singh was succeeded by his son Fath Singh, who had a short and uneventful reign, dying in 1822. I have no specimen of his coin.
He was succeeded by his son, Sangat Singh, an extravagant debauchee, who thoroughly misgoverned his State and died childless in 1834. His coin is that shown in fig. 16.
On the death of Sangat Singh, under Sikh law the state lapsed to its suzerain, the British Government; but after some consideration the collateral heir, Sarap Singh, was allowed to succeed to the major portion of it. A fine and gallant soldier, a just and honest man, a truly loyal feudatory of the British Crown, doing signal service in the Mutiny, - he greatly increased the importance and prestige of his State during his long and prosperous reign. He died in 1864. His coin is represented in fig. 21.
His successor, Raghbir Singh, who died as lately as 1885, was worthy of his illustrious father. It is to him that I owe the two specimens of his coinage given in figs. 19 and 20.
1T As a commentary on the above and on the fact of all the PañjAb coins even to the present day purporting to acknowledge the suzerainty of Abmad Sush, I may here quote the following remarks regarding the Jaypur State coinage, made by me in Punjab Notes and Querier, Vol. II., note No. 695.
"A quantity of gold mohars of the Jaypůr Rijks that lately (1883) passed through my hands, exhibited that numismatia falsification of history which appears to be the rule in the modern coins of the petty States of Indis.
All the Jaypur specimens bore the name of Muhammad Bahadur Shah, the last Mughal Emperor of Dehlt, dethroned by the English in 1857 A.D., and they exhibited every year of his reign from 1 to 19, and some had in addition the Samvat year olearly legible, it being added in intention to every coin. The die, as usual, had been larger than the coin, but from the whole colleotion the legend except that the coin of the year 1 had dalin full, instead of merely the date in figures. It ran thus :
obverse,
مکہ مبا رک ۱۳۲۳ بادشاہ غازی محمد بهادر شاه |
میمنت مانوس ضرب سوا ئی جالي بور ۱۰ سنے جلوس
reverse, Thoue dates correspond exactly to facta, for Bahadur Shah succeeded in 1837, so that his your 10 is 1847, which islo A.H. 1268. The coin of the year 19 is interesting as being one of the very last ooina struok under the Mughal Dynasty. [It afterwards passed into the collection of the late Mr. Gibbs].
These coins then clearly show Bahadur Shah ma suzerain of the Jaypůr Rajke, but such was never the fact. The British Government took over Jáypdr as suzerain in 1918, vigorously asserted its rights in 1885, when the Rait Mangal Sep, in whose time all these coins were struck, came to the throne, and especially interfered in the management of the State until 1857."
Prinsep's Useful Tables, 1834, Part I., pp. 9 to 4, may be usefully read in connection with the above remarks.

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MODERN PANJABI COINS.
327
The coins therefore of the Jînd State show those of rulers who reigned as follows:RÂjá Gajpat Singh, A.D. 1764-1786
22 years. Râjâ Bhåg Singh 1786-1819
33 years. [Raja Fath Singh , 1819-1822
3 years.]18 Raja Sangat Singh, 1822-1834
12 years. Raja Sarap Singh 1834-1864 ............... 30 years. Râjâ Ragh bîr Singh, 1864-1885 ................ 21 years.
Raja Ranbir Singh , 1885 to date. I think the same inference may be drawn from this set as from that given of the Maharajas of Patiala -- that the tyle has not materially changed throughout 120 years.
We must pass on to the history of the owners of the next set of coins shown in figs. 22 to 26, viz., the Sardars, or more popularly, the Bhais of Kaithal. The State is now extinct, and I have not found it possible to refer the individual coins to particular rulers, though distinctions were apparently made between their issues.
The Kaithal family traces its descent direct from the eldest son of Siddhy, whereas the Phůlksån descent springs from the second son. Its connection with the Phůlkiäú Rájás is therefore a very distant one, but it has always been recognized, and a short time before the State lapsed to the British Crown under the Sikh law of inheritance, the Bhais of Kaithal were most important chiefs; - the last, Bhai Udai Singh, being received at a Governor General's Darbar in 1828, as of equal rank with, and senior to the Rajâs. of Jînd and Nábh.10 The loss of their State to the family under the operation of the law was directly due to the action of its own representatives; for on the death of Sangat Singh of Jind in 1834, as above described, without heirs, & plain opportunity was given by the British Government to the principal Sikh Chiefs to choose between the payment of a fixed tribute, or the existing freedom from payment coupled with the chance of lapses to Government on the failure of direct heirs. The chiefs finally "preferred the easy terms which they enjoyed in the present to a more secure future which involved some present sacrifice." The result was the almost immediate lapse of a part of Jind and the total lapse of Kaithal within nine years.20 The folly of the decision of the chiefs becomes the more apparent when it is considered that failure of direct heirs has always been a common occurrence in great Sikh families, owing to the intemperance and private vices so frequent, at any rate at that time, among them.
The founder of the Kaithal Chiefship was Bhai Gurbakhsh Singh, friend and contemporary of Rajá Álha Singh of PatialA (1729-1765). He was succeeded by his fourth son, Bhai Desa Singh, who actually conquered Kaithal town from some Afghan Chiefs in 1767, and afterwards much enlarged his borders. He died in 1781, and was practically succeeded by his second son, BhA1 Lal Singh, after the latter had murdered the heir, his elder brother, Bhai Bahal Singh. An able, utterly untrustworthy, violent and unscrupulous man, he greatly enlarged his estate in those troubled times, and became the most powerful Cis-Satluj Chief after Patiala. He died an old man in 1819, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Bhai Partab Singh, and then in 1824 by his younger son, Bhai Udai Singh, a prominent figure in his day, who died childless in 1843. Upon this all but an insignificant part of the State became British territory.21 The Bhals of Kaithal therefore ruled as follows 23:Bhái Désů Singh, A.D. 1767-1781..............
14 years. Bhai Bahal Singh, 1781-1781................................ Bhái Lal Singh, 1781-1819............
38 years. Bhai Partab Singh, 1819-1824 ...........
5 years. Bhai Udai Singh, 1824-1843 .............
........ 19 years.
18 No coin of this RajA has been found.
Griffin, op. cit. p. 870 n.
Griffin, op. cit. p. 330. n Bhd is the title of a Sikh sint or holy man, and is used as a prefix by his descendants. The Kaithal Chiefs got their title of Bhal from Bh& Råmdial, the father of Garbakhsh Singh, a personage of great sanctity in his time.
» As an instance of the great difficulty of dates when writing of such histories as this, I may say that Ibbotson's Casetteer of the Karnal District, pp. 38-40, differs somewhat from Griff's Rajds of the Partjd., pp. 48-49, and that both authors worked on the best original sources of information procurable on the spot.

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The coins of these chiefs are very rough but interesting, as showing & falling off in artistio merit from those of the surrounding Rajâs. They are all of one type, but the minor marks" differ considerably. 23
We must now turn to the history of the Afghans of Kotla-Maler, because their coins follow the general type of those of the chiefs already discussed, although, properly speaking, the history of the Phůlksån State of Nîbh should come next.
The history of Koti-Malêr has been written in a useful little book - A Description of the Principal Kofia Afgháns, by Khanakhib 'Inayat 'Ali Khan of Maler-Kotla, (Lahore, “Civil and Military Gazette" Press, 1882.) The Khaosahib is the brother of the present Nawab Ibrahim All Khåll, and the book was kindly sent to me by him. It is somewhat confused, but we may take it to be the best public information on the subject in existence.
The fonnder of the KotlA family at Malêr was Shekh sadr Jahan, a Sarwant Afghan, who was a safi saint of much celebrity in his time, and who came into prominence from his connection with Sultan Bah101 Lodi. This ruler, in fulfilment, it is said, of a vow, gave him a daughter in marriage in 1454 A.D. with, of course, a suitable dowry in the shape of land. After this the Shekh contracted a second wealthy marriage into the family of a local magnate. Ho left three sons - Hasan, 'Isâ and Müsa. Hasan by the Lodi Princess, and I and Ms by the local lady. The present Kotla-Maler family is descended from 1se, the descendants of Hasan being nowadays merely the mujawwirs, or attendants at the shrine of Sadr Jahûn.
Originally the property acquired by Sadr Jahan was equally divided amongst his song, and this gave rise to a pernicious custom which was, that every scion of the house got his own share of the State, with full rights, fiscal, judicial and advnistrative over it, the eldest living member being the Ra'is or Chief. The Chief was thus really only primus inter pares, and the State never had much power in consequence. The rule of primogeniture as regards the chiefship was introduced in course of time through the action of the British Government, but the rights of sovereignty were not vested in the Chief alone until quite recently. Much of the revenue of the State is still split up amongst the collaterals of the Chief.
The fifth in descent from Sadr Jahan, Bazid Khan, was the first to considerably enlarge the family estates, and founded Kotla, near Maler, in 1657. His grandson, Sher Muhammad Khan, was a prominent general of his time, and in his days began that incessant fight with the Sikhs, under Gurûs Têgh Bahadur and Gobind Singh, which lasted up to quite modern times and almost wiped out the State of Kôţ1A-Måler. He did not, however, suffer much himself, and died. in 1712, after converting the State into one of some importance. The next Ra'is was his son, Ghulam ussain Khan, a timid man, and on his death his sons were excluded from the chiefship for what was considered to be pusillanimity. His successor was his brother, Jamal Khan, a great chief in his day and the ancestor of all the present Kotla Afghans of any importance.
On the death of Jamal Khân, the principality was split up into five sections among his five sons, of whom the eldest, Bhikan Khan, became Ra'is under the law above explained. He seems to have been a temporizer and to have been a friend of the Sikhs and Ahmad Shah Durrant alternately. From the latter he received the right to coin in his own name, and was killed by the former in 1763. I have no specimen of his coin unfortunately.
Bhikan Khận left two sons, Wazir Khai, and Fath Khân, but his brother, Bahadur Khan, succeeded under the local law of seniority. I have no specimens of his coin.
Bahadur Khân also left two sons, Himmat Khan and Dalil Khan, but again the chiefship went to the next eldest brother, 'Umr Khan. His coin is shown in figs. 27 and 28, being the best from an artistic point of view of the whole series,
See post, pp. 397, 338.

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NOVEMBER, 1889.]
MODERN PANJABI COINS.
829
Asadu'llah Khan, the fourth brother, next became Ra'is and lived amicably with his neighbours until his death in 1782. His coin is represented in fig. 29.
'Atau'llah Khan, the last of the five sons of Jamal Khan, succeeded bim. He lived in troublous times and practically lost his State to that arch-devourer, Rabjit Singh of LAhôr, but it was restored him in part under British protection by Sir David Ochterlony. He died in 1809, leaving three sons, Rahmat. 'Ali Khân, Fazal 'Ali Khan and Imam 'Ali Khan, but the family law of seniority made the title of Ra'is revert to Wasir Khan, the eldest son of Bhikan Khân. This was the last time it was applied, for the British Government now stepped in, and no doubt taking advantage of the fact that Wazir Khåó happened to be the eldest son of the eldest son directed that the law of primogeniture should apply in future. I have no coin of 'Atâu'llah Khân. Wazir Khâo led an uneventful life, dying in 1821. I have no specimen of his coin.
He was succeeded by his son, Amir Khan, and was the last to bear the title of Ra'is, for the British Government conferred on him the title of Nawab. He died in 1845 (P). Three specimens of his coins are figured in the plate, Nos. 30, 31, 32.
His son was Mahbab 'Ali Khan, better known as Sabo Khan. Like his Sikh neighbours, he was on our side in the Mutiny and died in 1859. His coin is shown in fig. 34.
His son was Sikandar 'Ali Khan, who is said to have been an hermaphrodite and seems to have spent all his time in quarrelling with his relatives. He was credited with two sons, Ghaus Muhammad Khan and Roshan 'Ali Khân, who both died early and so saved the dispate s to legitimacy, which was contemplated, had they outlived their reputed father. He died in 1871, and on his death there was a dispute as to the succession, which was decided in favour of the present ruler, Ibrahim 'All Khan, the eldest surviving descendant of 'Atâu'llah Khai, Advantage was taken of this decision to make the holder of the title of Nawåb, already made hereditary by strict primogeniture, the head of the State in every way, instead of allowing his collaterals to exercise independent powers within their own shares of the family possessions. Fig. 33 represents the coin of Sikandar 'Ali Khan, and figs. 35 and 36 that of Ibrahim *Alt Khab.
The following table may help to explain the complicated succession of Ra'ises and Nawabs of Kotla-Mâlêr :
(1) Raʻle Bazid Khaja
(2) Ra'is Firoz Khan (8) Ra'ls Shør Muhammad Khan
(4) Rold Ghulam Ņussnin Khai
(5) Rolu Jamal Khan
(6) Ra'is Bhikan (7) Ra'ts Bahadur (8) Ra'is "Umr (9) Ra'ls Asadu'llah (10) Ra'ls 'Atâu'llah Khan
Khân Khan Khân
Khan (11) Ra'is Wazir Khan
Rahmat All Khai (12) Nawab Amir Khân
Dilwar 'Ali Khai (18) Nawab Sabe Khân (14) Nawab Sikandar 'Ali Khan
(15) Nawab Ibrahim Khansahib 'Inayat Ali Khan
'All Khân
The figures in brackets show the order of succession to the chiefshipe.

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As regards the coins of these chiefs they extend over the following reigns :
[Ra'is Bhikan Khan A.D. 1761-1763 reigned 2 years.] 26 [Ra'is Bahadur Khan 1763-1768
5 years.] Ra'ts 'Umr Khan
1768-1778 10 years. Ra'is Asadu'llah Khan 1778-1782
4 years. [Ra'is 'Atâu'llah Khan 1782-1809 27 years.] [Ra'is Wazir Khan
1809-1821 12 years.] Nawab Amir Khân 1821-1845 24 years. Nawab Sabố Khân 1845-1859 14 years. Nawab Sikandar 'Ali Khân 1859-1871 12 years.
Nawab Ibrahim 'Ali Khân 1871 to present time. We have no coins of the chiefs before 'Umr Khân; bat from his time to the present, about 100 years, we find no great difference in type, except that his coin, s.e. the oldest coin, is the best cut of all.
We must now turn to the last set of coins on the plate, those of the Bajas of NabhA. As above explained these chiefs are sprang from Gurditta, the eldest son of Til8khá, the eldest son of Phal. He founded Sangrûr, long the head quarters of the Nâbhâ State, but now included in Jind. He died in 1754, his estates passing to his grandson, Hamir Singh, who was a brave and energetic chief, and practically the founder of the Nabha State.
Hamir Singh established a mint, how is not exactly known, and became independent. He died in 1783, and was succeeded by his son, Jaswant Singh, then a boy. I have unfortunately no specimens of his coin.
Jaswant Singh ruled all through the troubled days of Ranjit Singh of Lahor, during which he managed to uphold the honour of his State. He obtained the title of Rajâ by patent from the Court of Dehli. Grasping and unscrupulous as regards rival potentates, he was a good administrator and ruled his State well. He died in 1840, and throughout his career was a firm friend of the English Government. Figures 37, 38, 39, and 40 represent his coinage.
He was succeeded by his son, Devinder Singh, a vain, foolish, and arrogant prince, whose unfriendly conduct during the Sikh war of 1845-6 ended in his deposition by the British Government in the latter year, and the confiscation of one-fourth of his territory. He was succeeded in that year by his son, Bharpûr Singh, then seven years old, but lived on at Mathuri and Lahor as a state prisoner till 1865. I have no specimen of his coin.
Bharpar Singh attained his majority in the year of the Mutiny, when he greatly assisted the English with men and money in every way, and reaped his reward in an accession of territory and the right of adoption. He was an intelligent and earnest prince, and was moreover a good vernacular and English scholar, & rare accomplishment for a Sikh prince in his days. He died in 1863 without issue, and was succeeded by his younger brother, Bhagwan Singh. His coinage is represented by figs. 41, 42, 43, and 44 Plate II.
Bhagwan Singh commenced his reign under circumstances of great domestic trouble, which led to a commission of enquiry being ordered by the Government of India; bat he came out of the ordeal without loss of dignity or character, and ended his days in peace in 1871. I have no specimen of his coins. He was succeeded by his son, Hira Singh, whose coins are represented in figy. 45 and 46. It is to his personal kindness and interest in such matters that I was enabled to obtain the specimen of the Nâbhâ coinage now published.
The coins of the Nabha State therefore extend over the reigns of all the chiefs of that State, thus:
[Sardar Hamir Singh 1754-1783 reigned 29 years.] 26 Raja Jaswant Singh 1783-1840
57 years. [Raja Dêvindar Singh 1840-1846 6 years.]26 Raja Bharpur Singh 1846-1863 , 19 years. [RAjå Bhagwan Singh 1863-1871 , 8 years.136
Raja Hira Singh 1871 to date * I have no coins of the chiefs whose names are in brackets. I have no specimens of the coins of these rulers.

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831
The Nabha coins are remarkable for an attempt to vary the stereotyped form of the coinage of these Paõjab chiefs, but it will be observed that originality has not gone beyond imitating the legend of the overshadowing State of Lahor. In one instance (No. 40) the year of the reign has dropped out to make way for the date of the era in use. The Nábha legend runs thus:
* دیغ تیغ ننم نصرت و درنگ بافت از نانک گورو گوبند سنگ Obserge
میمنت مانوس ضرب نا بها جلوس
Reverse Griffin, who had never seen the coins, and writing from information, pays, p. 288, footnote, that the words we should be 6, By, but the coins themselves have obviously on them what is above given. The above is the ordinary Sikh or Nanakshahf legend, and the change in legend seems to take place with the reign of Bharpur Singh; but as there are no specimens of Dêvindar Singh it is not possible to say whether the change should be ascribed to the Sikh fanaticism of Dêvindar Singh or to the scholastic tendencies of Bharpur Singh. There is no appreciable change otherwise in type to be observed in these coins between the earlier and the later specimens.
Some reference should here be made to the coinage, real or mythical, of the Kapurthala State. This state was founded by J8888 Singh Ahluwalia (1718-1783 A.D.) one of the most prominent Sikh chieftains of his day. He is said to have struok & ooin, a story widely spread all over the Pañjab, with the following extraordinary legend :
سکہ زد در جهان بفضل اکال ملک احمد گرفت جسا كلال
Griffin, in his Rájds of the Panjab, p. 460, note 2, remarks that the coin could not have been struck before 1762, (whereas Cunningham, History of the Sikhs, makes out they were struck in 1757-8,) that he had never soen one himself, and that the Raja of Kapurthald did not possess one. He then goes on to say: "The Tawdrikh-i-Pañjdb of Ganes Das states that the Sikhs did not strike the coin, but that the Qazis and Mullas in 1764, after the famous Nanakshahi
LALÓr] rupeo had been struck, desiring to anger Ahmad Shah against the Sikhs, coined twenty rupees with this inscription themselves and sent them to the Shhh at Kabul, who was as indignant as they anticipated at the insolence of the Distiller, (kalah) who claimed to have seized his country, mulk-i-Ahmad! The title or term Jassa Kalal is an allusion to the humble origin of the Ahlawâliâ family. Cunningham, p. 97, 2nd ed. quotes Browne, Tracts, ii. 19; Malcolm, Sketch of the Sikhs, p. 93 (wrongly, should be p. 95); Elphinstone, Caubrel, ii. 289; and Murray, Runjeet Singh, p. 15; and he no doubt took his information direct from Malcolm. Mr. Rodgers, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, part I., 1881, pp. 77-8, gives the couplet and makes the remark that he has never been able to find the coin. I may add that I have frequently made similar attempts myself without saccess. It seems that the Kapurthala Rajas never had a coinage otherwise.
Among the more notorious Indian adventarers towards the end of the last century was the whilom able seaman, George Thomas, Raja of Hansi. The authority on the subject of his exploits is the Military Memoirs of Mr. George Thomas, by William Francklin, and they have been dealt with in more or less detail by several writers. Thomas originally came to India in
27 J is a mock Arabicism for pot, cauldron, and refers to the langar or publio kitchen then kept up by every Sikh Chief.
Military Memoirs of 'Mr. George Thomas, who by extraordinary talent and enterprise, rose from an obscure situation to the rank of a general | In the service of the Native powers in the North-West of IndiaThrough the work are interspersed geographical and statistical accounts of several of the states oomposing the interior of the Peninsula, especially the countries of Jypoor. Joudpoor. And Oudipoor, by Geographers denomi. nated Rajputaneh, the Seiks of Punjab, the territory of Beykaneer and the country adjoining the great desert to the Westward of Harrinpeh. Compiled and arranged from Mr. Thomas' original documente.1 By William Franck lin | Captain of Infantry. Member of the Asiatic Society | Author of a tour to Persis | And the History of Shah Aulum Moros, populon et pralia dicam Calcutta | Printed for the author at the Hurkaru Press A.D. 1808 entered at Stationer's Hall.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NÓVEMBER, 1889.
& man-of-war in 1781-2, and entered the service of various chiefs in Southern India, and by 1787 had found his way into the far North-West to the Court of the Bogam Samro at Sardhana, whose service he entered. This he quitted in 1792, for that of Apa Khanda Rav, with which Marathả chief he qnarrelled in 1795. He was now a personage of importance in possession of a jágir granted by his late chief and was able to help Begam Samrû when in distress. Upon Åpå Khanda Râr's suicide in 1797, Thomas seems to have been on uniformly bad terms with his successors, and spent most of his time in defending his jágir from their attacks. In 1798, taking advantage of the troubles of the times, he appears to have given up the lands he held from the Marathås, and to have seized the district round Hisar and Hansi, known as Hariana. The latter town he made his capital and established himself as Rajâ thereof. His territory, according to Francklin, comprised 253 villages and paid a revenue of about Rs. 3,00,000. Again, according to Francklin, p. 93, to quote the remarkable words he has put into Thomas's mouth, “here, says Mr. Thomas (with that energy and spirited animation which distingaished him throughout the scenes of his extraordinary life), here I established & mint and coined my own rupees, which I made current in my army and country, eto.'» After establishing himself at Hânsi, the rest of Thomas's life, like that of the neighbouring chiefs, was one of perpetual war: in his case, against the Maråthås and the Sikhs, as represented chiefly by the chiefs of Patiala, NÅbha and Jind. In his case also, it ended in a general combination against him, his flight into British Territory and his death at Berhampore (Bahrampur) in 1802.
The Tarikh Makhzan Panjáb of Mufti Ghulam Sarwar Qureshi of Lahor, published by Nawal Kishor at Lucknow in 1877, repeats the assertion about the coinage of George Thomas, in its account of him, pp. rr-ro. Byli valo; ha uigi yale molbu ss. The actual words at the bottom of p. rr are usb pula ialomel zweilyll " after completing his administrative arrangements Mr. Thomas issued coins in his own name." Thomas, it is true, ruled only for a very short time, and all trace of his coins may have been lost; but, if issued in any quantity, this seems hardly possible. He built a fort, due east of, and not far from, Dehll, which he named after himself George-garh, but which is now known as Jaházgarh, just as he is known as Jaház Sahib, apparently in conscious recollection of his origin, for says the Tarikh Makhaan Panjab :
خود مختار ضلع ہریانہ جارج طامس صاحب انگریز بهي بعد عملداري مرنهون کے ایک رئیس
تها. انگريزي جهازون مين دليل عهده پر نوکر
شخص ہو گذرا ہی پہلے پہر وغيره مین
In his territory also were the towns of Hånsi, Hisar, Bhawani, Fathåbåd, Jind and Tuhana. In some of these places therefore there may be coins belonging to him lurking in money-changers boxes. It is worth while searching. I have never myself been able to make a personal search for Thomas's coin, nor have I ever heard of any one who has possessed or seen one, though I have frequently enquired in likely directions.
III. MINOR MARKS.29 It will have been observed already that the only method of distinguishing the coin of one chief from another's is by the special mark each ruler puts upon those issued in his time. Thus, Alhi Singh of Patiâlâ had a kálghi, Karm Singh a two-handed sword, Narindar Singh a 'spear head, and so on. Again, the Maler-Ko¢â Nawabs used the initials of their names as their distinguishing marks. But there is another possible method of separating out the coins of the rulers in cases like the coinage under consideration. Each would start a new die as he succeeded, which die wonld have to differ in some respects from that of his predecessors, and hence it might be possible to detect each ruler's coins by the minor marks and ornaments on it. Those would then become important as the chief, and in many cases the only, method of
The importance of noting these on Indian coins was pointed out by Prinsep more than 50 years ago, but seems to be bave been lost sight of by numismatists. See his remarks, Useful Tables, Part I, PP. 85, 38 and 68 to 56: and Plate III.

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MODERN PANJABI COINS.
333
identifying the coins. In the following detailed description I have therefore very carefully considered the minor marks on the 46 coins of the plates. The result shows that the minor marks are a good, though not complete, indication of the ownership of a particular coin, because some rulers used more than one die and the moneyers were not always careful to preserve the ornaments intact in duplicating the die. E.g., the two coins of Âlha Singh of Patišla (figs. 1 and 2) are from different dies, and exhibit different marks. The same remark holds good of the two specimens (figs. 19 and 20) of coins of Raghbir Singh of Jind, of Umr Khân of Malêr-Kötla (figs. 27 and 28) and of Ibrahim Ali Khâů of Malêr-Kotlâ (figs. 35 and 36). Again, as to the coins of Nâbhâ, which are dated and thus distinguished, of the four specimens of Jaswant Singh of Nâbhâ (figs. 37, 38, 39, 40), all are of different dies and have different minor marks; wbile the four specimens of Bharpúr Singh of Nabha (fige. 41, 42, 43, 44) are from three dies, 30 each die differing in its marks. On the other hand, Rajindar Singh of Pația là has apparently only used one die (figs. 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14), Bhåg Singh of Jind two dies without alteration of marks (figs. 17 and 18), as have also Karm Singh of Pațiâlâ (figg. 5 and 6), Amir Khân of Malêr-KOțlâ (figs. 30, 31, and 32)," and Hira Singh of Nabhi (figs. 45 and 46). And in all the cases of single specimens, the dies and marks are both peculiar to each ruler; e.g., Narindar Singh and Mahindar Singh of Pațiâlâ ; Gajpat Singh, Sanghat Singh, and Sarap Singh of Jind; Sikandar Ali Khan and Sûbe Khan of Malêr-Kóla.
A complication in using the minor marks for the purposes of identification is caused by the facts that successive rulers, such as Amar Singh and Sahib Singh of Patiâlâ, have used apparently the same die (figs. 3 and 4), and that the coin of Asadu'llah Khân differs from that of his successor Amir Khân of Malêr-Kôțlà only in the form of the distinguishing initial letters
The coins of Kaithal are too crude to help us much here : but figs. 22 and 24 seem to be from the same die; while figs. 23, 25, and 26 have all distinctive marks, are struck from different dies, and belonged (?) to separate chiefs of that line. Indeed, one is almost tempted to apportion the coins respectively to Bhai Dêså Singh, Bhai Lal Singh, Bhai Partâb Singh, and Bhai Udai Singh.
IV. METHOD OF MINTING.
Griffin, Rájds of the Pañjáb, in a long footnote extending over pages 286-289, gives the detailed report of General R. G. Taylor, at one time Agent to the Lieutenant-Governor of the Panjab for the Cis-Satluj States, on the mints of those States, which is of much value in connection with this paper, and, indeed with the study generally of the methods of Oriental mints. Any one who has entered into Indian or Oriental numismatics generally, must be convinced that, where the European method of minting has not been adopted, Orientals coin now as they have done at any time these 2,000 years. Any knowledge, then, that we can gather now of the working of a genuine Eastern mint will no doubt explain what has occurred in Eastern mints as a rule since the days that coins began to be used.
General Taylor asked the authorities at Patiala, Jînd, and Nábbå, six questions, viz.:-- (1) The political condition of the coinage. (2) The nature, title, and character of the coinage. (3) The annual outturn of the establishment and value of the coinage as compared with
that of the British Government. (4) The process of manufacture and any particolars as to the artificers employed.
(5) The arrangements for receiving bullion and the charges (if any) levied for its conversion into coin.
(6) The extent of the currency.
30 Figs. 48 and 44 have been struck from the same die. 31 Figs. 31 and 32 are from the same die.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1889.
Patiala, as might be expected, gave the best answers; and as regards the first question we may pass over all the replies, as recapitulating what has been already written berein, except to note that in 1857 Patiala very nearly succeeded in ousting her old coinage for a modern English rupee on the plan that Alwar adopted later, and as Mindon Min of Burma succeeded in doing for his country about the same time. Passing on, we find that the Patiala rupees are called Bajashahi, the Jind rupees Jindia, and the NAbha rupees simply Nabha.
Only silver, and occasionally gold, is coined. The Patiala rupee weighs 117 mdshas of pure silver and is of the fall value of a rupee. The weight of the Jînd rupee is the same, but its value is only about 12 ánás (t rupee). The Nábha rupee is also of the same weight, and is valued at 15 anás (10 rupee).
The Patiala mohar is a valuable coin, being 101 máshas of pure gold. Jind does not coin gold, but the Nâbhâ Government sometimes strikes & mohar of 97 máshas of pure gold.
In none of these states is there any regular outturn of coinage. Special occasions and sometimes economical necessities oblige the mint to become active by fits and starts. In fact the moneyers only work when necessity drives." In Jind' and Nâbhâ, royal marriages and great state functions are practically the only occasions when money is coined in any quantity
Jind apparently keeps up no establishment for its mint, but Patialâ and Nábhê do so. The Patiala establishment consists of a superintendent, a clerk, two assayers, one weigher, ten smiths, ten moneyers, four refiners and one engraver. The Nábhá establishment is on & still smaller scale, viz., one superintendent, one assayer, one smelter, one refiner, one smith. The refining is carefully performed in both cases, and the silver and gold kept up to standard.
Jind has never received bullion for coining, but Patiklâ receives both silver and gold, and Nâbhâ silver. For silver Patiâlâ charges the public 1 per cent and for gold Rs. 24 per 100 coins, or 13 per cent. Nâbhâ charges less, only 1 per cent. for coining silver.
Jind rupees are current only within the State, but the Patiâlâ coins find currency both in the State and in its immediate neighbourhood in some quantity; while only a few Nâbhâ coins find their way outside the State.
The Mâlêr-Koflê mint issues its coins apparently on precisely the same lines, the rupee going by the name of the Kotla rupee, Extensive frauds on the part of the mint masters, twice detected of late years in fraudulently alloying the silver, has depreciated the value of this rupee to 12 ánás (I rupee).32
It is also very interesting to watch the steady depreciation in weight of the coins of the successive chiefs of Méler-Kolå in connection with the general theory of the evolution of coins. Thus:
weight of coin Umr Khân, 1768-78
9 máshas 4 rattis Amir Khai, 1821.45 Mahbab'Alf (Sabe) Khai, 1845-1859 8 , 4 , Sikandar Ali Khan, 1859-1871 8 , 2 , Ibrahîm 'Ali Khan, 1871 to date 8 1
No wonder the Khâusahib 'Inayat Ali Khan in the passage just quoted remonstrates against the practices of the Kotlê mint !
The present writer, as has been already noted, had the good fortune some five years ago to be escorted over the Patiala Mint, and to have been given an opportunity of noting what occurred.
The Mint is an ordinary Panjabi Court-yard, about 20 feet square in the open part, entered by a gateway leading into a small apartment doing duty as an entrance hall, the remainder of the courtyard being surrounded by low open buildings opening into it. These buildings, which looked like the "rooms” of a sardi, are the workshops.
Principal Ki Afghans, p. 19, footnote.

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MODERN PANJABI COINS.
335
The method of coining in this very primitive "Mint" is as follows:-33
The silver after being assayed is cast into small bars (réni) by being run into grooved iron moulds. The melting is done in the courtyard in very small quantities in little furnaces improvised for each occasion. The thickness of the bars is about the diameter of che rupees (vide the plate attached), and when cold they are cut up by & hammer and chisel by guess work into small weights, (gélrd), and weighed in small balances as accurately as hand-weighing will permit. These gélrás are afterwards heated and rounded by hammering into discs (mutallis) and again weighed by hand and corrected by small additions of silver hammered in cold, or by scraping. After this the disc is handed over to the professional weigher (wazankash) who finally weighs it by hand and passes it. It is then stamped by hammering, being put between two iron dies placed in a strong wooden frame. The lower die (reverse) is called páin and the apper (obverse) bálá. These dies are very much larger than the coins, so that only a portion of the legend can come off, and the coiners are not at all careful as to how much appears on the coin. The only thing they look to is to try and make the particular mark of the reigning chief appear. If they do not succeed it does not matter much.
Sir Richard Temple mentions in his diary kept in Kasmir, that in 185934 he visited the mint at Srinagar, and this is what he saw: "In the afternoon we went to see the Maharaja's mint on the banks of the Nahari Mar. The building and the whole workshop are very rude. The process of coining was as follows:-The silver and the alloy of base metal was first melted and fused. A piece of the required weight was then separated, made as nearly round as a rough hand could make it, and struck with a hammer over a die! Thus was a rupee worth about 10 dnds (# rupee) of the East India Company's money produced !"
V. DETAILED DESCRIPTION.
Patial4.36 No. 1.- Coin of Alha Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.56 Obverse :-Legend
[us].'[^] [?] – W; [S] - [81] 4 [4] [-] Marks :- over wall and Mover Sw. Reverse :- Legend
میمنت [مانوس
ضرب [ جلوس
Marks: - after u in uwgle and between the , and the un. No. 2.-Coin of Alha Singh: ex coll. B. M.37 Obverse :-Legend, badly cut
ulj! [-] - [8] 64 [24].
Marks :-
over
What read like .باد بماء in د after ھ ز باد ماه and باحمد between ھے احمد
MP are really not figures, but the apparent is the tail of pin, pse, as can be abundantly seen throughout the coins and the 1 is part of the ornament. Reverse :- Legend
[inde] l w [dbo] [30] Marks :- after the ww of woglo, being the kalghi or full sign of Ålha Singh, and 99 over the part of the border also appears in this coin.
» Soe Parijab Notes and Queries, Vol. II. note 188.
Journals kept in Hyderabad, Kashmir, Sikkim and Nepal, Vol. II. pp. 75-76.
16 Only the words actually visible on the coins are given. The letters of these words which are not actually visible owing to rubbing or cutting off are shown in brackets. All the coins are silver unless otherwise specially atated. * That is ex coll. R. C. Temple.
That is a coll. British Museum. These coins are added to the plates to complete the evidence available.

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886
No. 3.- Coin of Amar Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.
Obverse: Legend Marks: Obscure.
Reverse:
Legend
Obverse:- Legend
Marks: None.
Reverse:-Legend
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Marks:-Apparently the same as those of Alhâ Singh, but coin recognized without hesitation as that of Amar Singh by local dealers.
No. 4.- Coin of Sahib Singh: ex coll. R. C. T. Obverse-Legend [][][1) [1] Marks:over and go after es. comes clearly down between and 4 in sta otherwise inexplicable letter throughout these coins.
Reverse:-Legend: same letters visible as on the preceding coin.
Obverse: Legend
Marks:
Marks: The same as on the preceding coin; but coin recognized by dealers as Sahib Singh's. It would seem therefore that the first three Pațiâlâ Râjâs did not vary their coins.
No. 5.-Coin of Karm Singh: ex coll. B. M.
-10
تا در وی با دشاه سکه زن بر سیم و زر
[NOVEMBER, 1889.
ضر ب [ج] لوس ميمنت [ مانوس 0
با حمد over
Reverse:-Legend
[]~ [1]
[+] [m]
It is to be observed that the tail of the in in this coin, as in No 1. This is the key to an
Marks:- between the and the of and a fine two-handed sword (saif) after the, being the full sign of Karm Singh.
No. 6.-Coin of Karm Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.
Obverse:- Legend: same letters visible as in the previous specimen. Marks: None.
Reverse:- Legend. Same letters visible as in the previous specimen. Marks: The same also, but the sword is not nearly so well cut. No. 7.- Coin of Narindar Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.
شداز بیچون باد شاه [ - ] که زن برسیم و زر
جلوس 2 ميمنت
شد با ] حمد بادش [1] - [ ] زن بر سهم اوج - [][]
جلوس ۵ [ همه ات [ مانوس
between the, and the
of. It
Marks: after the and before it and is to be observed that these particular marks do not thenceforward change. There is also after the of a spear-head-the full sign of Narindar Singh."
No. 8.-Coin of Rajindar Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.
This coin has got into the wrong order in the plate and will be considered below with Nos. 10, 11, 12, 18, and 14.
No. 9.-Coin of Mahindar Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.
Obverse:- Legend, unfortunately much rubbed but still visible:
شه از [ قادر [ پیچون زن برسه[م]
Marks: None. Reverse:
Legend
Marks : — In addition to those in No. 7 after the of use and oo over it; Bor
halberd-head-the full sign of Mahindar Singh.
جلوس ۵ [ مهمة ] [ مانوس

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NOVEMBER, 1889.)
MODERN PANJABI COINS.
337
حکم شد از [تا] در [بیچون بادشا[8] زن برمیم]
مم وميمنت [ما] نوس
من جلوس
Nos. 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, and 14.-All coins of Rajinder Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.
No. 14 is gold. The marks on the reverses of these coins are those on No. 7 as above noted, and the full sign of Rajindar Singh comes out very clearly. It is the short dagger well known in India as the katár. There is also under the of a cross . These specimens are chiefly useful in helping us to read the full legend. The mint mark y yo Sarhand (commonly known as Sirhind) comes out on No. 10. Just as No. 9 shows where the guli of the first line of the couplet et juli jl s pso came on the die, so No. 10 shows is clearly. No. 11 shows tylsi in full, and in No. 13 we get ole the remainder of this lino indicated.
Jind.58 No. 16.--Coin of Gajpat Singh: ex coll R. C. T. Obverse: Legend roughly cut Marks :- None. Reverse : --Legend
Marks :-Not clear, but over tinglovover , in same word ; and before y; also over the w of it .
No 16.- Coin of Sangat Singu: ex coll. B. M. Obverse : -Legend roughly cut
potwyd wj [as] -- [34]*»[4] Marks.- None. Reverse :-Legend clearer
i[+w] | [] [ ] Marks: - over the , of wogle ; before ); inside of the same word. Nos. 17 and 18.-Coins of Bhag Singh: No. 17, ex coll. R. C. T., No. 18 ex coll. B. M. Obverse:- same Legend visible on both
w [-] [84] 4 [ 4] Marks :--The tail of the very plain between the land of slowly Reverse :- Blank. Nos. 19 and 20.-Coins of Raghbir Singh: ex coll. R: C. T.
Legends well cut and clear, though coins are rubbed, and useful for completing touplets On No. 19 de porter comes out quite clearly, as also does the sle of law, not usually visible on these coins. On both reverses why is clear, as also is the word w ao which is not usually found in full.
No. 21.-Coin of Sarap Singh: ex coll. B. M. Obverse - Legend
[24]->! Wj [16]- [34] [4] jl cü pilo] Marks: - above we Reverse :-- Legend Marks :- over the , of ople
Kaithal No. 22. Coin of the Sardar of Kaithal: ex coll. B. M. Obverse :-Legend Marks :-None. Reverse - Legend Marks :-None. No. 23. Coin of the Sardar of Kaithal: ex coll. B. M. Obverse :-Legend, very rough.
. wj [nr] - [36].4 Marks :-Obscure.
غرب جلوس مم ميمنت مانوس
Es' [us] - [ská Jola [64] o [iodo] MO ws[la] - [si]
*The coins of these R AjAs are unfortunately not given in the order of reigns, which really occurred me follow, -Gajpat, Bhg, Fath (no specimen), Sangat, Surdp, Raghbir.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1889.
e [ ingr] ß ws[la] - [jo]
Reverse :-Legend, very rough Marks : -None. No. 24.-Coin of the Sardar of Kaithal ; ex coll. R. C. T. Obverse :-Legend, rough but better than the two preceding.
uj [ns] – [0].06. [4]
[ ضرب [ جاوا س ۴ [ميمذ ]ت
Marks : - over 4. Reverse :-Legend Marks :-before the u- of ugle No. 25.--Coin of the Sardar of Kaithal: ez coll. R. C. T. Obverse :-Legend, badly cut and worn
[-][0]; [-]- [xl]43 Marks : -None, but the mark J is apparently meant for the tail of the p of plo. Reverse : -Legend
I wo [la] - [name] Marks :-None. No. 26.--Coin of the Sardar of Kaithal ex coll. B. C.T. Ovverse :- Legend, very rough Marks: -88 after wash. Rererse :-Legend Marks: --8 before the u- of water
Kotla-Maler. No. 27.--Coin of "Umr Khan: ex coll. R. C. T. Obverse :-Legend, finely cut
'[-] [') p ywj [-] - [t] Sude (9] ; [Ss] Marks: - Numerous and peculiar to this coin : 898 over us ; • under it; og under l
[01] = [54] [4]»» [4]
c[intere] ws[4]
lo;
.اوج after % ;سیم under & ززن inside the o of %%
.
Reverse :-Legend
wo [ilo] [**] wgl [ ] - [ ] [ ] Marks :- after the w of wogle; between the , and of this word ; and over the after you and over it the same mark. In the ww of so instead of we have the letter & the initial of 'Umr Khan's name as his sign. All the Kotla-Malêr coins have such an initial as a distinguishing mark. The omission of the in this place is very rare in these series. About E are 8 and 98 as marks.
No. 28.--Coin of 'Umr Khan: ex. coll. B. M.
Identical with the preceding specimen, except that the rare words slople on these coins are indicated on the obverse, and ofo is obviously used as an ornament in the u of uw glo on the reverse.
No. 29.-Coin of Asadu'llah Khan : ex. coll. R. C. T. Obverse :-Legend Marks :-p over was.. Reverse:-Legend
[حکم شد از [بیچون باحمد باد ش[9] س [که] زن برسد [م]
[ضرب جلوس ۴ ميمنت [ما [نوس
Marks :- between and, in wel; over, in the same word ; indications of the same flower ornament as in No. 27 and of a trefoil ornament in the v- of uw geblo. The distinguishing sign of this ruler is a straight after the in the ww of wogle

Page #363

Ex Coll. RC Temple.
SALA FUP FAV
IKE
She
Liss
Indian Antiquary. Plate I
COINS OF THE MODERN NATIVE CHIEFS OF THE PANJAB.
Full size.

Page #364


Page #365

Er Coll RC Temple.
Indian Antiquary. Plate II.
s
22
28
29
30
31
37
35
36
COINS OF THE MODERN NATIVE CHIEFS OF THE PANJAB.
Full size.

Page #366


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NOVEMBER, 1889.)
MODERN PANJABI COINS.
339
[ضرب [جلوس ۴ [میمنت مانوس
Nos. 30, 81 and 32.-Coins of Amir Khan: Nos. 30 and 31 ex. coll. R. C. T.; No. 32 ex. coll. B. M.
These coins are practically the same as No. 29, except that the alif standing for the initial of el is a curved one, whereas that standing for the initial of all is straight. No. 32 is a rough, worn specimen.
No. 33.--Coin of Sikandar 'Ali Khan: ex coll. R.C.T. Obverse :-Legend
[]-dos ![:] [#] jl che plo Marks :- after w.s4. Reverse :-Legend
Marks :- (being a clear kalghi or crest) after the wu of wogle; and within the w of that. word the letter ju as the initial of , www over Z
No. 34.- Coin of Sabe Khan alias Mahbub Ali Khan: ea. coll. R. C. 1.30 Obverse : --Legend P[a] [9] [p] - W; [-S]-[x] [24] [54] Marks :- after whole Reverse :-Legend
Marks :-Same as on the preceding, but in of ge the letter p as the initial of Yye; and 88 under it. There are signs also of 898 under the y of you.
Nos. 35 and 36. Coins of Ibrahim Khan: ex. coll. R. C. T.
Two separate types : No. 35 is a fine coin with, on the obverse, over the w of slay and se over the , of Egl. The marks on the reverse are remarkable : after the wo of ungles and
within it, and d over it. Wel for polip are clear in both coins. The kalghi, is here, it will be observed, turned into a flower.
In No. 36 there is a clear return to the kalghi and the ornaments of Nos. 33 and 34, the mark peculiar to the top of the kalgkí being visible after the of ugle on the reverse, There are however 8 within the hand over it, as in the last coin. On the obverse the elaborate ornament over the of lawy turns into a simple :
ضرب (جلو) س م ميمنت [مانوس
t
Nabh8.40 L
No. 87.-Coin of Jaswant Singh: ex coll. R.C.T. Obverse :--Legend
s potis yo w jasno [0] []0[**]j! Marks :-None. Reverse :-Legend
Marks :- rude kalghi, the mark of Jaswant Singh ; ar is for inar, ie, St. 1888 - A.D. 1826.
No. 88.--Coin of Jaswant Singh : ex coll. R.C.T. Obverse :-Legend
[ ]! w; [87
];JG; [o]
ذميمذمت [جلوس مم سہ
Marks : before .جاد ماه in با
* These No. 83 and 34 have become reversed on the plate unfortunately. Sabe (or Mahbub 'Alt) Kkko preceded Sikandar 'All Khåó.
• The coins of this state in the plate are not according to date of striking, the order of which is 88 (probably), 89, 37, 40, 42, 41, 43 (P), 44, 45, 46.

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340
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Reverse:
and
Marks: over, in between, and; signs after kalghi of . No Hindu date on this coin, but I think it is undoubtedly Jaswant Singh's, because of his mark thereon, assuming that the local dealers in Pațiâlâ were right in assuring me that it is a Nâbhâ coin.
No. 39.-Coin of Jaswant Singh: ex coll. B. M.
Marks: after
حکم شد از [با حمد بادش [ ] - [ ] زن بر [Obverse : Legend (badly preserved [at
شراب [جا وس [میهن ته مانوس
A. D. 1820.
.partly visible within it 8 ; مانوس o after the 3 of ; جلوس of
Reverse:-Legend
Marks:-Part of the marginal ornament visible :-A kalght partly visible; after the vv is for Avv, i. e., St. 1877=
جلوس ۱۵ ۷۰ میمنت مانوس
Marks:-v over, giving date St. 1917 Reverse:-Legend
1862.
[NOVEMBER, 1889..
No. 40.-Coin of Jaswant Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.
Obverse Legend Marks :-None.
Reverse :-Legend Marks after in and within it. This coin is of a type differing from the rest in having No. 41.-Coin of Bharpur Singh: ex coll. R. C. T. Obverse :-Legend, now peculiar to Nâbhâ as dropping the familiar legend of Ahmad Shah, and adopting the equally familiar Sikh legend.
حکم شد از بچون باد] [ ] [ ] که سیم زر از اوج
غرب جلوس ۹۳ [میه نت مانوس
no
vv vv
1 for Ar, i.e., St. 1893 = A. D. 1836.
م . . جلوس as the date of the
1860 A. D.
88
ل ديغ تيغ قة [ع] نصرت بافت از گورو گوبه [۵] - [هم]
Marks: The pipal leaf of the Sikh coins star between, and.
No. 42.- Coin of Bharpur Singh: ex coll. R. C. T. Obverse Legend Marks:
below the of and
= 1850 A. D.
مر ب [1] به [1] [+] لوس ۵ میمنت مانوس
is evidently the mark of Bharpûr Singh
نصرت یا فت از نانک گورو گوبند سنگهه ]
above it; 11v over, giving date St. 1907
added over
رب [3] ، [ب] ) جلوس 0 مبينات [مانوس
Reverse: Legend
in; 19'v.over the, of
;
Marks-Same as in preced ing coin, and Xover the c of the same words; 8 between the, and of; between the two alifs of . No. 43.- Coin of Bharpur Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.
Obverse:- Legend
Marks:-19 over, giving a date between St. 191 and 1919 or between A. D. 1853 and
تمع فنی به رنگ اصره [۴] ورو گوبند سن گه [بافت
Reverse:- Legend
Marks:-Same as on No. 41: but No. 44. Coin of Bharpur Singh: ex coll. R. C. T.
after the in the of
(~[the] we] hote] 10 was [4]+[m]
42 is an interesting word as being a false Arabicism rhyming to following. The word is really a cauldron. The verse means "the pot, the sword, the victory, the conquest, Garu Gobind Singh obtained from NAnak":"the pot" corresponding to the purse," for with the old Panjab Chiefs he that could fill the stomachs of his followers was sure to obtain many.

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یافت از نانک
گورو گوبند س[ نگه
Obverse :- Legend Marks :-111 over my giving date St. 1920 = A. D. 1863. Reverse: -Same as that of No. 43. No. 45.-Coin of Hira Singh: ex coll. R. C. T. Obverse :- Legend wujl [4] (nej Lin isy [ ] [ ] [] Marks :- Numerous small strokes and dots about the letters; the long cross stroke of the
,.. ,کور و over ۱۹۳۸. یا فمه أو فست learly visible over theء من میگه. of گی St, 1928 = A. D .1871 ,
۴ رميهذيت مانوس إضراب نابها [جلوس
Reverse :- Legend (rubbed) Marks :-katár or short dagger after the
of ugle, which is the mark of Hira Singh ; accom
panied by a flower ; the star peculiar to these coins between the , and u of uw glo ; part of the marginal ornament visible.
No. 40.--Coin of Hira Singh : et coll. R.C.T.
Obverse :-Legend and marks same as in the preceding coin, but date 1989, i.e., St. 1929, = A. D. 1872.
Reverse :-Legend and marks same as last coin, but clearer. Marks: - Numerous lines and dots about the letters with after each alif in Wu.
THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM UDAYPUR IN GWALIOR.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. I edit these inscriptions from rubbings placed at my disposal, together with others, by Mr. Fleet, to whom they were made over by General Sir A. Canningham. The originals are at Udaypur, town now belonging to the State of Gwalior, and once forming part of the kingdom of Milava; Indian Atlas, quarter-sheet No. 52, Lat. 23° 54' N., Long 78° 7' E. The inscriptions A. and C, are important, chiefly because they show that the Chaulukya rulers of Anhilwad do not vainly boast when in their inscriptions they claim to have repeatedly defeated the kings of Malava. And the inscription B. is of some interest, both for its date and because it contains the name of one of the districts which is mentioned in the inscription C. I may add here that there is another inscription at Udaypur, which in line 3 professes to have been recorded during the reiga of victory of Jayasimha, the predecessor of the king Kumarapaladóv& who is mentioned in the inscription A., bat that the condition of the rubbing renders its publication at present impossible. According to a statement in pencil which is on the rubbing, this last inscription is outside the entrance of the great temple of the town; it contains 12 lines of writing which cover a space of about 2' 8" broad by 1' 5" high.
A.-Stone Inscription of Kumarapaladova.
(The Vikrama year 1220 P). This inscription is stated to be inside the east entrance of the great temple of the town. It consists of 20 lines; and the writing covers a space of about 1' broad by 1'11" high. But the inscription is incomplete now; for, at the beginning of each line we miss from about eight to ten aksharas, which may have covered a space of about eight inches broad, all the way down, on the proper right of the actually preserved writing. The size of the lettors is between l' and 11 The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit ; and, judging from what
1 See Archaol. Survey of India, Vol. VII. p. 81, and Vol. X. p. 65.
1 Seo ante, Vol. VI. p. 186. Compare also inte, Vol. IV. p. 266 : Kirtikanmui. Introduction, p. xii. : Professor Bhandarkar's Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. for 1893-84, pp. 20-21, and the verses at the end of the several pâdas of Hêmachandra's Sanskrit grammar.
Regarding the word Tribhuvanayanda, spoken of ante, Vol. VI. p. 186, I would point out that in . MS. which was writton during the reign of Jayasimha, Tribhuranganla is a name applied to Jayasinhs himself. See
y Report for 1880-81, p. 35, No. 41. Compare also Archæol. Surrey of Western India, No. 2, p. xiii., No. 56, line 2.

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remains, the whole inscription was in prose throughout. The writing appears on the whole to be well preserved; but, the rubbing of the lower part being in some places very indistinct, and the inscription being incomplete, all I can say about the specific purpose for which it was pat up is, that the insoription was intended to record certain donations in favour of the temple of the god dalesvara at the town of Udayapura, by a personage whose name appears to be Vasantapala, and who belonged to a family the name of which is given in line 9, but which I am unable to make out with certainty.
The historically important portion of the inscription is contained in lines 1-8, from which we learn that the above-mentioned donations were made during the reign of the (Chaulukya) king Kumarapaladova of Ana[hilapataka), the vanquisher of the king of Sakambhart and of the lord of Avanti (i. e. the ruler of Malava), while Yasodhava[la] was prime-minister, and when a certain Rajya pala ?], who is described as mahd-addhanika, and who had been appointed by Kumarapaladeva, was governing Udayapura. For this statement proves beyond doubt that, when the donations were made, the town of Udayapura, probably together with the surroanding districts, formed part of the kingdom of Anbilwảd.
The date of the inscription was fully given at the commencement of line 1, but all that remains of it now, is the uksharas shs-sudi 15 Gurau, i. e. on the 15th of the bright half of a month the name of which must end with the syllable sha (or possibly kha), on a Thursday. Nevertheless, the statement contained in line 11, that the donations were made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, enables us to calculate the date and to supply the missing portion of it at the commencement of line 1, in my opinion, with absolute certainty.
From the inscription C. below we learn that Kumarapaladêva had ceased to rule in April, A.D. 1173; and from other sourcego we know that he had ascended the throne about A.D. 114344. In an attempt to settle the proper date of our inscription, we must then first find out what lunar eclipses from about the beginning of A.D. 1141 to April 1173 fell on a Thursday, and what dates of the Hindu calendar corresponded to the particular Thursdays so found. The result of our proceeding in this manner is as follows:There were lunar eclipses on Thursday,
the 12th February, A.D. 1142,= Phâlguna-sudi 15; the 16th June, A.D. 1155,= Ashadha-sadi 15; the 9th October, A.D. 1158,= Ăśvina-sudi 15; the 18th August, A.D. 1160, =Bhadrapada-gudi 15; the 1st February, A.D. 1162,=Magha-sudi 15; the 12th December, A.D. 1183,= Vikrama 1320 expired, Pausha-sudi 15; the 27th May, A.D. 1165,=Jyaishtha-sudi 15; the 6th April, A.D. 1167,=Chaitra-sodi 15; the 19th September, A.D. 1168, = Asvina-sudi 15;
the 13th January, A.D. 1172, = Magha-sudi 15. From this statement it appears that during the whole reign of KumârapÅladeva there was no lunar eclipse on a Thursday in a Hinda month the name of which ends with kha; and during the same period there was only one lunar eclipse, that of the 12th December, A D. 1163, on a Thursday in a Hindu month the name of which ends with sha. Accordingly, Thursday, the 12th December, A.D. 1163, = Pausha-sudi 15 of Vikrama 1220 expired, must be the date of our inscription, and the full date at the commencement of line 1 must have been Samvat
The name of this deity, OdalAdira-dova, occurs in several other inscriptions at Udaypur; and we also find it in line 5 of an inscription from Bhadrvar, in Archeol. Suru. of Western India, No. 2, page riii.. No. 56. Srf-odala occurs in Archaol. Suru. of Western India, Vol. II, p. 218. We may perhaps compare Udalakdyapa, which in the Paraskara-grihyashtra ocours as the name of a goddess of agriculture.
* This title ooours in the grant of V Akpatirkja of Dhård, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 160, 1. 9. • See e.g. ante, Vol. VI. p. 218.
1 According to von Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse the eclipse ( partial one) would have taken place, at Ujjain, 12 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise. And by Professor Jacobi's Tables the full-moon tithi ended 18 h. 24 m. after mean sanrise.

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1220 varshe Pausha-sudi 16 Gurau. And I may point out that this result is in perfect accord with a statement at the end of a MS. of the Kalpachurni, given by me in my Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, p. 10, according to which the same Yakodhavala, who is mentioned as prime-minister in the present inscription, held the same position under Kumarapaladòva in “Samvat 1218 varshê dvio Ashâdha-kudi 5 Gurau," = Thursday, 29th June, A.D. 1161, s. e. within two years and a half of the date which I assign to the present inscription.
TEXT. 1... gha-gudi 16 Gurau | Adyha érimad-Ang-10 2... [j]Avali-virajita-paramabhatáraka-mahA-11 3. . . ti-vara-ladhva(bdha)-praudhapratâpa-nijabhaja-(vikra]."
... 8A(64)kambharibhopala-śrid13- Avantinatha-érimat-Ku-16 5... tan-niyukta-mahâmâtya-sri-Jasodhava-15 6... (sta)-mudra-vyåpårån=paripamthayat=ity=êta-16 7... [ja]dhiraja-sri-Kumarapaladevena nija 17
... lê tan-niyukta-mahâsâ(dha)nika-sri-Rajya)... [dhva(dha)?]-sri-Udayapur[e] [Sthêrôm P]vak-anvaya-mahara[ja]. ... mahârâjaputra-sri-Vasantap Al[&n=ktra anu- ?]
... khyastajie yathi || Adya somagrahana-parvvani 12 ... [svarņga ]19-samáhrita-tirthodakaiḥ snåtva jagad-[ga]
... (ava)-puņga-jaső-tivșidhayê 20 Udayapurd kåri. ...grih-Opota[n] ddvagrih-[vá]sana-paniya[k8]... là[di]-grih-Opêtam simgha-[dvaa ?] 2 tura[gas-ch=ishtan ?] ... m-Opêtam eri-Udalès va áva)ra-dévåya sasttra]m=&... så(á)sanena pradatta[m] tatha gré(sre)shthôda(kaka ?]
... kôdává i ka pradatta [H] Asmatuprada19 ... vamsa (sa)jaih pllaniyam [11] Asy=årth Cyâ anya-10 P]20 ... mangalam maha-éri[h*] 11 21
B.--Stone Pillar Insoription of the (Vikrama) year 1222. This inscription is stated to be on a pillar south of the east entrance of the great temple of the town. It consists of five lines. The writing covers & space of about 1'3' broad by 61 high, and appears to be well preserved. The size of the letters is between t' and '. The characters are Nagari; the language is Sanskrit ; and the whole is in prose.
The insoription records that the Thakkura, the illustrious ChAhada, apparently for the
. From the rubbing.
I believe the commencement of this line to have been : Om sarhwat 1220 varshe Pausha-rudi lo Gurau. See my introductory remarks.
10 i. e. -Ana hilup&tak samasta-rajavalt.. 11 i. e. maharajadhirdja-paramešvar-Omópativara-, or words to the same offect. 11 One would expect some such phrase as vikrama-randngana-vinirjita-.
18 This, frida, appears to have been the original reading of the stone; but the rubbing looks as if the two aksharas had been struok out and as if the proceding la had been altered to ld, thus suggesting the reading -bhapdiAvantinatha..
16 i. e. - Kumdropdladdva-kalydna-vijaya-rdjye. 15 i. e. -Yalódhavald srtörfkaran&dau samasta-mudra-wapdrdn. ** i. e. tammin lil4 pravartament mahardjadhiraja.
11 Here I should expect some phrase like nija-pratáp-8pdrjita-, followed by the name of a district or province, followed again by the word -mandale.
1 i. o. likhyatd; compare e. g. Professor Bhandarkar's Report on Sanskrit M88. for 1882-83, p. 328, 1. 23.
Here and below the rubbing in cortain places is so indistinct that I cannot be absolutely certain about the actual readings. * Road punya-yas8-bhivriddhaya.
Below this, there is one more line of writing which appears to be in a different hand and not to be connected with the preceding.
* Chahada appears to be the name of one of Kumarapaladeva's generals ; see ante, Vol. IV. p. 287.

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spiritual benefit of his deceased parents, 23 gave half the village of Samgavatta in the Bhringari-chatuḥshashti, i. e. the group of sixty-four villages called Bhringûrî, (probably to the temple at which the inscription was put up) at Udayapura. And the inscription is chiefly interesting for the statement in lines 1-2, according to which the donation was made on the occasion of the akshaya-tritiya, on the 3rd of the bright half of Vaisakha of the year 1222, on a Monday.
Referring this date to the Vikrama era, we obtain for Vaisakha śukla 3 the following possible equivalents: -
for the northern year 1222 current, in which Vaisakha was intercalary,
for the first Vaisakha,- Friday, 27th March, A.D. 1164;
for the second Vaisakha,-Sunday, 26th April, A.D. 1164;
for the northern year 1222 expired, or the southern current year,-Thursday, 15th April, A.D. 1165;
for the southern year 1222 expired, Monday, 4th April, A.D. 1166, when the 3rd tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise.
The true date therefore is clearly Monday, 4th April, A.D. 1166, and the result shows that the year 1222 of the date is the southern expired Vikrama year.
The localities Samgavatta and Bhṛimgâri, the second of which we shall meet again in the inscription C. below, I am unable to identify.
TEXT.24
1 Om15 samvat 1222 varsha Vaisakha-budi 3 Some sdy =êha Uda
2 yapurė akshayatritiya-parvani Avômți-26[G]ôpâ[la]-[punya ?]-s[an (sau)]
3 [cha-dharmmâ]ya tha°27-éri-Chahadena udaka-pûrvakaṁ âchaṁdra-kâli
4 kam Bhringari-chatu[b]shashṭhau(shtau) Samgavatta-grâm-ârddhaṁ pradattam
5 Yo na pâlayati sa mahâ-pamchapapa-bhagi bhavatu II
C. Stone Inscription of Ajayapaladeva.
The (Vikrama) year 1229.
This inscription was found by Dr. F. E. Hall 'in Udayaditya's magnificent temple to Siva,' and was first edited 38 by him in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXXI. p. 125. According to Dr. Hall, it is on a thick slab of stone, which is detached from its original setting. The lower edge of the stone is broken away or otherwise injured; and, in consequence, line 22 of the inscription, which would seem to have been the concluding line, has almost completely disappeared, and a few aksharas are missing towards the end of line 21. Otherwise the writing is well preserved, and, excepting two aksharas in line 8, and one each in lines 12 and 21, there is nowhere any doubt about the actual reading of the inscription.
The existing writing covers a space of 1' 6" broad by 1' 11" high. The size of the letters is between and . The characters are Nagarî; the language is Sanskrit; and, excepting three benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 14-19, the inscription is in prose. The orthography calls for no particular remark; and, as regards grammar in general, it need only be stated here that the word gráma has been throughout used as a neuter.
The inscription, after the words 'Om, ôm, adoration to Siva,' and a date which will be treated of below, refers itself (in lines 1-5) to the reign of the (Chaulukya) king Ajayapa
25 In the original this passage is doubtful; see below, note 26.
24 From the rubbing.
25 Expressed by a symbol.
The whole passage, from here up to dharmmaya, is indistinct in the rubbing, and some of the aksharas may have to be read differently.
27 i. e., thakkura.
An important correction of the text published by Dr. Hall was first suggested by Dr. Hultzsch, ante, Vol. II. p. 244, note 12.
It may be noticed that in line 1 the words ady-ha 'to-day here, (at Anahilapataka) have been thoughtlessly copied from other Chaulukya grants; for the present grant was made (line 6) at Udayapura.

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ladeva of Anahilapataka, and to the time when somosvara was that king's chief minister.30 At that time (lines 5-11) the illustrious Lunapasaka, an officer appointed 31 by the king to govern Udayapura, which was in the Bhlillasvami-mahadvadabaka province (mandala), 1.c. the great group of twelve called Bhâillasvâmin,-a province acquired by the king's own prowess,32 - on the occasion of the yugádi which coincides with the akshaya-tritiya, gave the village of Umaratha, which was in the pathaka called Bhrimgårika-chatuhshashti, ie. the group of sixty-four villages called Bhțingårikå, to the god Vaidyanatha ('Siva) at the town of Udayapura, for the spiritual benefit of the deceased Raja, the illustrious Sôlaņadêva, a son of the Rajaputra, the illustrious Vilhamadêva, of the Muhilaündha (?) family33 The boundaries of Umaratha were (lines 12-13), to the east, the village of Naha; to the south, the village of Vahidau[mtha]; to the west, the village of Douli; and to the north, the village of Lakhaņauda. Lines 14-19 contain three benedictive and imprecatory verses, together with an admonition to preserve the above grant. Lines 20-21 state that this donation was received (upárjitam; on behalf, as I take it, of the god) by the most pious and highly reverend, the holy Nilakanthasvâmin; and the concluding line appears to have contained some imprecation, directed against people who might interfere with the grant.
Since we know from the preceding inscriptions that the town of Udayapura belonged to the kingdom of Aphilwad already under Jayasimha and Kumarapaladêva, the historical value of the present inscription lies mainly in this, that it furnishes a date, which admits of verification, for the reign of their successor Ajayapaladeva.
To my knowledge, two such dates have been hitherto made public. One of them, corresponding according to Mr. Fleet to the 27th (and 29th) October, A.D. 1175, is furnished by the copper-plate grant published above, p. 82. The other occurs in the Narapatijayacharya, a treatise on omens by Narapati, and is contained in the following verse834:
Vikramarka-gatê kâle paksh-Agni-bhanu-1232-vatsaré ! mase Chaitre site paksbê pratipad-Bhaumavåsarê 11 Srimaty-Anahilansgard khyâtê sri-Ajayapala-npipa-rajyê
sriman-Narapati-kavina rachitam=idam såkunam sastram II i. e., this work on omens was completed by the illustrious poet Narapati at the famous town of Anahilapataka, in the glorious reign of the illustrious king Ajayapala, in the year 1232 of the time of Vikramårka, on the first of the bright half of the month Chaitra, on a Tuesday. The proper equivalent of this date (for the northern expired Vikrama year 1232, or the southern current year, and for the nija Chaitra) is Tuesday, 25th March, A.D. 1175, preceding the last-mentioned date by about seven months.
The present inscription, now, in line 1 is dated, in figures only, in the year 1229, on the 3rd of the bright half of Vaibakha, on a Monday;' and according to line 7 the donation, which the inscription is intended to record, was made for the spiritual benefit of a deceased person (probably the grandfather of the donor) on the occasion of the yugadi which coincides with the akshaya-tritiya. Alshaya-tritiya is the well-known name of the third tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha, and this same tithi is regarded as the commencement of the Kțita-yuga; and religious ceremonies in honour of the dead are prescribed for the akshaya-tritiya as well as for the yugádi 35 Referring our date to the Vikrama era, and calculating for Vaisakha sukla 3, we find -
for the northern year 1229 current, - Saturday, 10th April, A.D. 1171;
30 For the further particulars, see above, p. 81. 81 The technical expression is niyukta.danda, which occurs again e. g. in Professor Bhandarkar's Report for
pita-danda in Professor Peterson's Report for 1884-86, App., p. 51. Compare with it niyukta-mahisidhanika in line 8 of the inscription A. above.
32 Considering that Udayapura belonged already to Ajayapala's predecessors, the above expression can hardly be taken literally.
88 See below, note 46.
24 Soe Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1882-83. n. 220. Attention may be drawn to th preceding verse, that Narspati's father Amradeva livod at Dhård in Malaya.
* Compare for this and the following the Dharmasindhu, Bo. Ed. of Saka 1796, p. 72.

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for the northern year 1229 expired, or the southern current year, - Wednesday, 29th March, A.D. 1172;
for the southern year 1229 expired, -Tuesday, 17th April, A.D. 1173.
In none of the three years did the third tithi end on a Monday; but since in the southern expired year 1229 it covered at least part of a Monday, we must for this particular year find the exact beginning and end of the given tithi, and must inquire whether there is anything in the nature of the festive days or the religious ceremonies with which the date is connected, that would allow or oblige us to combine the third tithi with the Monday on which it commenced.
By Professor Jacobi's Tables the third tithi with which we are concerned, commenced 1 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain) of Monday, 16th April, A.D. 1173, and it ended 2 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 17th April; by Professor Keru Lakshman's Tables it commenced 4 gh. 13 p. after mean sunrise (for Bombay) of the Monday, and ended 7 gh. 15 p. after mean sunrise of the Tuesday; and, allowing for any possible differences of time, we may say that the tithi certainly had begun at Udaypur before the 8th ghatiká of the Monday and had ended before the 11th ghatiká of the Tuesday. Now in regard to a Yujádi-éraddha in the light half of a month, the rule laid down in the Purushárthachintamani and quoted with approval by the author of the Dharmasindhu is that, when a tithi covers part of two days in such a manner that it ends before the 13th ghatiká after mean sunrise of the second day, while it occupies the 13th, 14th, and 15th ghatikás after mean sunrise or part of those ghatikás of the first day, the śrâddha-ceremonies must invariably be performed on the first day.38 This rule is strictly applicable in the present instance; and, in accordance with it, the ceremonies referred to in the inscription, and everything connected with them, had necessarily to be performed on the Monday,37 and could not possibly have been deferred to the Tuesday; and the Monday is rightly coupled with the third as a running tithi. Accordingly, Monday, the 16th April, A.D. 1173, is the true equivalent of the date of our inscription; and the result shows that the year 1229 of the date is the southern expired Vikrama year, exactly as was the case with the year in the date of the preceding inscription B.
The third trustworthy date which we have thus found for the reign of Ajayapaladeva, is, then, Monday, 16th April, A.D. 1173, civilly the second of the bright half of Vaisakha of the southern expired year 1229, or the southern ourrent year 1230; and, if there be any truth in the traditional statement, according to which he began to rule on Pausha-sudi 12 and reigned for three years, Ajayapala's accession should have fallen on the 28th December, A.D. 1172, Pausha-sudi 12 of Vikrama 1229 expired, or 1230 current.38
As regards the illustrious Lanapasaka, who made the grant, it is clear that his name is a corrupted form of Lonapasaya, the regular Prâkrit equivalent of the Sanskrit Lavanaprasáda. Another form of the same name is Lúnapasája, which occurs in line 13 of the copper-plate grant of the Vikrama year 1317, published ante, Vol. VI. p. 210. There Lûnapasâjadêva is described as Ránaka, and as the grand-father of the person who made the donations recorded in that inscription; and I do not consider it impossible that he may be identical with the Lûnapa
36 The main rule is that, in the light half of the month, the Yugadi-áraddha (or akshayatrittyd-śraddha) should be performed during the 13th, 14th and 15th ghatikas of the day. And accordingly, in the inscription B. above, where the tithi ends 21 h. 35 m. after sunrise of the second day, it is correctly coupled with the second day. And the same is the case in a date, quoted ante, Vol. XII. p. 209 (.. Saka-samvat 1078... Vaisakha-suddha-akshayatritiyayam yugadi-parvvani Bhaumadinê..., Tuesday, 24th April, A.D. 1156), where the tithi ends 13 h. 58 m. after sunrise of the second day (the Tuesday). In the dark half, the Yugadi-áraddha should be performed during the 16th, 17th and 18th ghatikos of the day. An example for this is furnished by the date, quoted ante, Vol. XII. p. 212 (... Saka-varsham 1047. Bhadrapada ba 13 Sukravåra mahatithi-yugadiy-amdu, Friday, 28th August, A.D. 1125), where the tithi ends 16h. 9 m. after sunrise of the second day (the Friday).
37 As ceremonies performed on the akshaya-tritty are said to be particularly meritorious when the akshayatritiya is joined with the nakshatra Rohini and with a Wednesday, I may add here that on the above Monday the nakshatra joas Rohint up to about 15 h. after sunrise,
58 Professor Bühler informs me that, according to the Vicharairant, Kumarapala, the predecessor of Ajayapala, died Vikrama-samvat 1229, Pausha-sudi 12; according to all other Prabandhas, Vikrama-samvat 1230, Pausha-sudi 12. Mr. Kathavate, Kirtikaumudi, Introduction p. xiii., quotes 1232, dvadasi Phalguna-sudi,' which must be wrong for the accession of Ajayapila, and may rather be the traditional date of his death. Dharmasågara's Pravachanapariksho, in Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, p. 457, has:-tataḥ 1230. Ajayapala-rajyam varsha 3.'

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THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM UDAYPUK.
NOVEMBER, 1889.]
sâka of the present inscription, although an interval of 88 years between grandfather and grandson may appear rather long.
39
Of the localities mentioned in the present inscription, Bhaillasvamin has been already identified with the modern Bhêlsa, a town on the eastern bank of the Bêtwa river, about 34 miles south of Udaypur. The various villages and the district of Bhrimgarika, which is also mentioned in the inscription B., still await identification.
TEXT.40
1 Om41 || Om namah Sivaya || Samvat 1229 varshê 142 Vaisakha-sudi 943 Some Ady-êba śr[1]
samastarajâvalivirajita-mahârâ[ja]dhiraja-paramêsvara
2 mad-Anahila[p]"take
3 paramamâhêávara-sri-Ajaya[pa]"ladeva-kalyanavijayarajyê tatpadapadm-opajlvl(vi)-ma 4 hâmâtya-sri-Somesvare śrisrikaranâdau samasta-mudra-vyâpârân paripamthayat-i5 ty-êvam kâlô pravarttamânê nijapratapoparjita-sri-Bhaillasvami-mahadvadabaka
[math]
6 dala-prabhujyamânê45
ady-êha śri-Udayapurê tên-aiva prabhuna niyuktadaṁda
śrî-Lanapa
7 sakėna dhauta-vâsasi paridhâ[ya] parama-dhârmmikêņa [bhû]tva akshayatritiyayugadi
8 parvvani [Mu]hilaandh P34-Anvayê rajaputra-sri-Vilhaṇadêva-putra-paramalok
âmtarita-ra
9 ja-sri-Solanadê va-śrêyasê
shthi(shti).
10 pathakė patchôpachara-puja-nimittam savrikshamal-akulam Umaratha-grâmaṁ*7 śasanêna 11 chatar-âghâța-samanvitaṁ
[ya]tha 1
atratya-dêva-sri-Vaidyanathâya
12 Asya grâmasya parvvatô Naha-grâmam dakshinatô paschimatô
13 Dêuli-grâmaṁ uttaratô Lakhanaüḍa-gramam-vam vi[su]ddham grâ[mam] [*]
14 Va(ba)hubhir50-vvasudha bhukta rajabhi Sagar-idibhiḥ I bhumis=[ta]
347
Bhringarika-chatuḥsha
trina-[ja]lasay-opêtam pradattam | Aghatas
Vahiḍâu[mthâ]-grâmaṁ
krita-ya
Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXXI. pp. 111 and 127.
40 From the rubbing.
hi
chatuḥkamkata-49
15 sya tasya tada
phalam II chha II Sva-dattâm para-dattam vasumdharam shashthi(shti)-va16 rsha-sahasrani amêdhyê jayatê krimiḥ II
chha II Madhit51
yasya yasya yada
yo harêta su-mahipatiḥ
vâ
41 Expressed by a symbol.
42 This sign of punctuation is superfluous, and has perhaps been struck out already in the original.
43 This figure, for 3, is quite clear in the rubbing; but before it, there is a vertical line, evidently a sign of punctuation, which has been prolonged above the top line of the letters; and after the 3, and partly covering it, there is the sign of visarga.
44 Originally pa; altered to pd.
45 I take the meaning to be:-Bhaillasvami.mahádvadasaka-manale (Linapasakina) prabhujyamine triUdayapuré, i,e.. at Udayapura, which is in the enjoyment of (or governed by) L., (and is situated) in the BhaillasvAmi-mahådvadasaka mandala. Compare, e. g., ante, Vol. VI. p. 210, No 11, 1. 8, and Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1882-83, p. 223, 1. 21; and, for the similar use of bhukto, ante, Vol. XIV. p. 100, 1. 9.
46 I am not certain that the consonants in these brackets are really ndh; but the way in which the sign for tho vowel & is joined to the consonants appears to show that the akshara does contain the consonant dh.
47 The word gráma is used as a neuter here and below.
48 One would expect to read asya gråmsey-dghita yath 1 pûrvats, &c.
49 Read chatush-kamkata..
5 Metre, Sloka (Anushṭubh), of this verse and of the next.
51 Metre, Sardalavikridita.-On this verse see Hall in Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. XXX. p. 203; Böhtlingk, Indische Sprüche, No. 4831; Bhandarkar, lor, rit. p. 225. In our text, the end of the third Pada, ydvadbhavi bh patir, gives no sense; Böhtlingk (who would seem to have missed the meaning of the verse) has yavad-bhavanbhupatir instead, Bhandarkar's MS. yavad-bhavan bhupaté, and Hall yavanta év-bhavan.

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17 gê, slaŭ kâra-bhůto gataḥ sêtureyêna mahôdadhau virachitaḥ kv=asau
Dada)sasy-am18 takțit | anye ch=&pi Yudhishthira-prabhțitayê yâvad-bha[v]á bhûpatir=n=
sikên=api 19 saman gatâ ka(va)sumati manye tvaya yâsyati || chha || Ity-adi paribhâvya 20 gâsanam-idam p ilanîyam | chha | Paramanaishthika-mahAbhattaraka-sri-[N]i21 lakamtha[sv]amina [u]pârjitam-idam il chha 11 Yah kaschid-atra52 ..... rak8
bhavati tê22 ,53
. . . . .
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, M.F.L.S. No. 31.-THE FOUR GOOD MAXIMS.
First Variant. In a certain village there lived. a poor merchant of the Chetti caste. He had an only son, to whom, on his death-bed, he handed a palm-leaf as his only property. The following four maxims were inscribed on it:
(1) “Travel not without a living assistant. (2) "Sleep not in an inn. (3) "Neglect not what four or tive people say.
(4) "Be not always open towards your wife." Receiving the leaf containing the four maxims, the old Chetti's son, who had the greatest regard for his father, promised him, in his last moments, that he would observe each and every one of those maxims to its last letter. Then the old man died, and the funeral rites were duly performed over him.
After the death of the old Chetti, the difficulties of his son increased, for he had nothing to live upon. So he resolved to travel to some distant place, and there to earn his livelihood. While he was thinking over this, Somuletti, — for that was the youth's name, - bethought him of his father's first maxim, - not to travel without a living assistant. But where was he to go for an assistant in his poverty-stricken condition? As he was thinking and worrying over this, & crab happened to crawl slowly past him, and placing a literal interpretation on his father's words, he took hold of the crab, and put it in an earthen pan full of water, and covering the mouth with a cocoanut-shell started on his journey, with his mind at ease ; for had he not now a living assistant for his journey?
In this way Sômusetti travelled for about a day, till only one watch remained before the lord of day should sink out of sight. He was extremely tired, and seeing a fine shady banyan tree, he laid himself down overcome by exhaustion, under the cool shade to sleep and give rest to his wearied limbs. The pan, with the crab in it, he kept by his side.
Half-an-hour or so after Sómasetti had gone to sleep, a crow, which had its nest on the top of the banyan tree, began to caw. Now this was a very dangerous crow, for as soon as it cawed, & serpent - the incarnation of Death itself - used to come out of an ant-hole near the tree and drink up the life of any sleeper lying in its shadow. Not one sleeper till that day had ever survived his sleep, and so the tree was much dreaded. However, on this occasion, the crab came out of its pan and pinched Sômusetti's hand, and he suddenly awoke in consequence. Getting up, he saw the huge black serpent coming towards him, and away he ran with all the speed that he could command.
Meeting some neatherd boys not far off, he related to them his narrow escape, and they, with one voice, exclaimed that he was a most fortunate man. Said they :-"Friend, many
* Here about five aksharas are entirely illegible or altogether gone.
# The writing in this line is almost completely gone, and only the tops of a few letters are visible in the rubbing.

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& man has slept under that tree, but not one, except yourself, ever rose up alive. It is the most dreaded tree in the neighbourhood, and is known by the name of the crow-cawing tree. No one from our villages near ever approaches that tree, but only weary travellers, whom we cannot warn or persuade, for we all try to do so when we can; and whenever they resort to it, they always die. So saying the boys went about their duties, and Somuśetti, too, thanking his stars and wondering at the wisdom of his father's first maxim, through which alone he had been saved, pursued his course and before twilight reached a village.
He went down the street crying, "Who will feed this beggar with a handful of rice ?" Half-a-dozen of the villagers gave him each a handful or two of cooked rice, which served our hero for his simple supper. He then went begging for a lodging wherein to sleep. But though a few would feed him, not a single soul in the whole village would permit him to sleep in his house. Not that the poor villagers were wanting in hospitality, for such kindness has always been proverbial among the rural population of India, specially among Hindus. But unfortunately for Sômusetti, this particular village was subject to attacks by robbers; and every now and then some crafty robber had visited it as a beggar or a traveller, and requested the villagers for a place
to sleep in. Many a time had their hospitality been requited by plunder; for the pretended • traveller would open the door of his host to his comrades, and thus help them to do their terrible work. The misery that the villagers had on several occasions experienced, had obliged them, without making any distinction between good and bad, never to allow anyone to sleep in their houses. They all suggested that Sômusetti should go to the village-inn to sleep. But our hero, remembering his father's second maxim,- not to sleep in aninn, - preferred the open plain adjoining the village. Thither he went, and spreading a couple of rags on the ground, prepared himself for sleep, thinking over his father's words which had saved his life the preceding night, and admiring his sagacity.
The day's adventures were so impressed upon his mind that, though he was very weary, he did not for a long time fall asleep. At last nature overcame him and he closed his eyelids, but only for a short repose. For as soon as he had stretched his limbs in sloep, he dreamt that a serpent was pursuing him and was almost at the point of biting him. This dream, which was nothing but a recollection of his previous adventure, was not yet finished, when he imagined that several persons were beating him. This was no dream, but a stern reality; for on opening bis eyes, he discovered that he was surrounded by a gang of robbers, each one of whom was giving him a blow, saying :-"Give me what you have in your hand." Unable to bear the severe beating to which he was being subjected he collected the rags spread on the ground, and in a pitiable tone said :-"These are all I have in this world ; take them and spare my life." Some of the robbers, a little better-hearted than the others, said that he was a pauper, and that it would be as well for them to leave him alone. Others however gave him additional blows for not having anything of any use with him, and walked off with his rags.
All soon left him and proceeded towards the village. Sômusetti sat up stupefied, not knowing what to do. He had avoided the village-inn as he had been bidden, and had chosen the most harmless spot he could find, and yet thieves had plundered him of his rags! The danger of the day and horror of the night, not yet over, passed and repassed before his mind, and the more he thought the more stupefied he became. At last, after thinking and thinking for some two or three hours, he rose up from that place, resolving to go to the village-inn, notwithstanding his father's warning words, and spend the remainder of the night there. However, he had not proceeded far when he saw the robbers again. He kept out of their way, and after they had passed, proceeded to the village and to the inn, against entering which his father had so wisely warned him. And the spectacle that met his eyes there ! He found the whole village assembled outside the inn, for the robbers had chosen that spot for their havoc that night, and had murdered every soul sleeping in it! Not a soul that had slept there had escaped the cruel hands of the bloodthirsty rutfians, who had come there specially that night because they had heard
? A practice very common among the predatory classes in India, who almost always treat their poorer victims in this way.

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from one of their spies that a rich traveller was then sojourning there. Somasetti, who a moment before had been calling himself a fool for not having gone into the public inn for his night's repose, now shed tears of joy to the memory of his father.
By this time it was dawn, and the villagers requested Sômusetti to oblige them by burying the murdered persons. It is loathsome work to bury the unclaimed dead, and our hero would have avoided the task, but the old Chetti's third maxim, -"neglect not what four or five people say," - rushed into his mind, and, true to his promise,' he willingly consented to perform the disagreeable task. In return, the villagers promised to pay him at the rate of five fanams for every dead body interred, and gave him the privilege of taking for his own use any property that he might find on the dead. Our hero thus gained a double advantage ; be was obeying his father's third maxim, and he was profiting himself materially by it. His reward was indeed a double one, for though the robbers had plundered all the people in the inn before putting them to death, still a great deal remained on the bodies. One of them, indeed, who had been a Chetti, had in his waist-cloth nine rubies tied up in a rag, and these our hero secretly removed and secured without arousing any suspicions. The great wealth he thus acquired in the remuneration for his duty, made him at once very rich, in addition to the possession of the nine rubieg. He thought that he had now enough to live upon, and returned to his own village. Near it there was an old temple of Kali, in ruins, and to this our hero resorted in the dead of night, and underneath the idol itself buried his nine rubies and great part of his other treasure. What remained with him was enough for him to lead a respectable life. He took to wife a girl of respectable family, and lived with her for a while in happiness and comfort.
Unlike the usual run of Chestis, who are proverbial for their stinginess, our hero was known in bis village for his liberality. And whenever all his available tash was exhausted, he would ask his wife for a little rice for a meal or two, as he was going to a village near, to try and make some more money. Now our hero had never informed his wife where he had buried his treasure, for his father's fourth and last maxim was, “be not always open with your wife.” And Somusetti had benefited so much by the strict observation of the first three maxims, that he had every reason to give more than usual weight to the last one. So he always kept his treasure underneath the image of Kali a dead secret ; but he now and then went to it, in the dead of night, when his cash was exhausted, pretending to be absent from the village, and always returned with enough for his expenses. This he did for a long time, and little by little he bought land, extended his house, and made jewels for his wife. She was a very simple and good-natured woman, but even she began to suspect that her husband must be the master of some miraculous power, to be growing rich in this way. She often asked him how he managed, every time he left the village, to return with so much money. He kept the truth from her for a long time, but she went on worrying him repeatedly. Even iron by constant hammering gives way, and the heart of a man, especially under feminine charms, has much less chance. So, notwithstanding his strict resolution to observe his father's words to their last letter, our hero at last told the whole truth to his wife, warning her at the same time to keep it a dead secret, and never to open her lips to anyone about it. He told her that he had brought with him a great quantity of money and nine rabies, that all the money had been spent, that he had sold one of the rubies for nine karose of mokars, on which money he was still living, and that when that was gone, he had still eight more rubies, each of which was worth the same enormous sum. How great was his wife's joy when she heard this news from her busband! Her whole face beamed over with it, and she swore to keep the secret. Thus did our hero, for once in his life, notwithstanding his strict resolution to observe his father's maximg, deviste from the last of them, and we shall now see the consequences.
The very next day the mistress of the neighbouring house, paying her usual visit to our hero's wife, observed unusual brightness in her face, and on repeatedly enquiring the cause of it learnt all the secret of Somuśetti's wealth. In fact Somusetti's wife told all about the rubies, the place where they lay buried, and everything else, to her friend, repeatedly asking her to keep the secret, as of course she swore over and over again to do. The conversation was

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very engrossing. The more attentively the neighbour listened, the more excited. Somuśetti's wife became, and went over and over the same facts. Having thus learnt the whole affair, the neighbour took her leave, and naturally the first thing she did was to communicate it to her husband, who in his ambition and covetousness at the increasing prosperity of Somasetti, robbed him of the remaining eight rubies that very night.
A day or two passed without our hero knowing of the heavy loss that had befallen him. buty on the third day after the communication of his secret to his wife, Sômašețți began to be a little uneasy in mind at having disclosed it in spite of his father's strict injunctions, and resolved to go that very night to the temple of Kali to examine his treasure. Accordingly he wenty without informing his wife about it, and from that moment his happiness left him. When he missed his rubies, he stood like a stone for a while and then went mad.
Plucking wild flowers, making them into wreaths, and adorning his body with them, he began to wander from village to village and from city to city, crying " Give me back my eight rubies," and saying nothing else, no matter what people might say to him. His wife, who knew well enough why the change had come over her husband, cursed herself for her carelessness, and not knowing what else to do, followed her husband, secretly watching him and feeding him. For very shame, she never gave out the reason of her husband's madness, nor mentioned her relationship to him ; bat as her inward conscience chided her for being the cause of all his grief, she, like a good wife, determined to share his miseries. In this way more than two years passed. And Somasetti, among other peculiarities, would never taste & morsel of rice, even when hungry. If rice was placed before him by some one through the kindness of his wife, he would fling it away, mattering, "Give me my eight rabies."
Thus wandering over several countries, our mad hero at last reached a great city, the king of which was famous throughout the country for his liberality to beggars. Never would he taste a handful of rice without feeding them first, and for their special entertainment he had built a large dining-shed, and used to superintend their meals in person. The day on which Sômusetti joined the beggars of the city at their dinner, the king, as usual, came to watch the feeding. Every beggar was soon engaged at his meal, except our hero, who was almost famished with hunger. A man in his state would naturally go straight for his dish. But Sômasetti cared for nothing that was placed before him, but kept mattering “Give me back my eight rubies," sometimes to the wall, sometimes to the leaf-plate in front of him, and sometimes to the servants. The king's attention was drawn to this unfortunate beggar, who never even tasted the rice, famished though he was, but kept on talking about rabies instead. He thought that there must be some connection between rubies and his madness, and as he had bought a ruby the previous day from a merchant, he sent for it, in the hope that the beggar might take a little food on seeing it. The ruby was brought and placed before our mad hero, who seized it and said :-"One has come ; bring back the other seven." This he kept on saying incessantly. The king now concluded that there was some special reason for his madness, and ordered his servants to watch him carefully, and do their utmost to feed him, He also secretly issued orders to have the merchant who had sold him the ruby the previous day brought to him. Now this man, it must be explained, was no other than the neighbour of Somusetti who had stolen the rubies. To avoid all suspicion he had travelled to this distant country to sell his ill-gotten gains, but fearing that a sudden sale of all the rubies might awaken suspicion, he had begun, on the previous day, by selling one only to the king, promising to bring another the next evening. In the evening, according to his promise, he brought the second raby. The king gladly bought it, and, promising to double the price for a third, demanded it on the third evening. Thus the rubies began to come to him one after another, and every evening, after a purchase, the king returned with it secretly to Sðmusetti, whose madness began to decrease by degrees on the recovery of his lost rabies one by one. The king went on playing the trick of promising double and treble the price, till the last and eighth ruby was bought, and then he at once issued orders to have the merchant arrested and imprisoned till the history of the rubies was known. On the production of the eighth ruby Somusetti was entirely

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cured of his madness, and falling at the feet of the king related the whole story of the four maxims, how he had disobeyed the last of them, and what calamities had come upon him in conse. quence. The king was highly pleased, and after punishing the pretended merchant with death, he restored the rubies to their rightful owner, Sômuseţti. And our hero, not to be outdone for his liberality, presented half of them to the king who had taken so much pains in bringing him back to his senses, and returned with the other four to his own country.
As soon as he was restored to his original state, he learnt about his wife, how she had guarded and followed him all along throughout his miseries; and forgetting that she was the cause of all of them, he pardoned her faults and lived happily with her. And the good woman too, seeing that all these miseries had resulted from the wealth not being placed in the house, exercised a most scrupulous care over her husband's property, especially remembering the sufferings that both had undergone.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
PERPETUAL FIRE IN MADRAS, Uliyanur Perinthachan (lit. master-mason) is Travancore burning in the open air mentioned the legendary celestial architect of the Malabar in Isis Unveiled), and the tank at Hanuman Kairi Coast, and is held to be an incarnation of the in the Betulnad ta'luqa of British Malabar, conDeity. The stone lamp at the holy city of taining 18 ghats, but now in ruins, are attributed Jarunannya, which remained perpetually burn, to him. ing for several years (there is a similar lamp in' Madras.
SUXKUNI WARIYAR,
BOOK NOTICE. The NICOBAR IBLANDERS. By E. H. MAN. London: wise they are a well-fed and well-developed people Harrison and Sons. 1889.
of ungainly aspect and devoid of beauty. Their Mr. Man's books are always a delight to the great physical peculiarity lies in their hideous student of anthropology, and this last monograph teeth, which are covered with a deforming from his pen is no exception to the rule. Mi- encrustation caused by chewing betel and lime. nuteness, carefulness, completeness and accuracy Their physical powers are good, but not much have already characterised his work, and all these developed, and their senses sufficiently acute. But admirable qnalities are as abundantly present in owing to the quantities in which food is supplied thiş pamphlet on the Nicobar Islanders as in by nature they are not given to much or prolonged airy of its predecessors. We are indeed forta- i exertion. nate in having results before us at first hand of The Nicobarese will cross with Malays and the researches of so painstaking and competent Burmans, but not readily with other races. an anthropologist.
The limits of life are low, but apparently higher At present we have only an instalment of what than that of Indo-Chinese races generally. They Mr. Man has to say about the Nicobarese, and the appear to be free from the epidemics of the remainder will be looked forward to with some East, in spite of the miasma that surrounds the eagerness, especially as the Government is aban- dwellings of many of them, proving so fatal to doning its stations there, and much more all strangers, and their recuperative powers information is not likely to be procured for a are like those of many Indo-Chinese races, quite long while.
remarkable. On the vexed question as to the origin of the Their colour is decidedly dark but not by any Nicobarese, Mr. Man decidedly inclines to the means black, and they are not naturally offensive Malayo-Burman theory, and gives twelve argu- as to odour. The hair of the head is not black, ments in its favour.
but a dark rusty brown, and is much lighter in In stature the Nicobarese are of medium young children than in adults. Hair on the body height; very few reaching 6 feet, not many to is not common. 5 ft. 7 in., and the majority ranging from 5 ft. Such in the briefest form possible are the 5 in. to 5 ft. 3 in. The women are about 3 inches results of Mr. Man's investigations, so far as yet shorter. The average chest measurement is 34) published, on this very interesting race. Let us inches and the average weight about 10 stone; hope that we shall not have to wait very long while the women weigh over 8 stone. Other before we are favoured with a further instalment.

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KANARESE BALLADS; No. 4.
353
A SELECTION OF KANARESE BALLADS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., MB.A.S., C.I.E.
(Continued from Vol. XVI. p. 361.)
No. 4.- THE CRIME AND DEATH OF SANGYA. THIS ballad, a very favourite one in the Belgaum District, owes its popularity to the
1 pointed way in which it comes home to many & poor cultivator, who, situated as Sangya was, would very heartily endorse the sentiment at the end of verse 8) that "very strict are the English laws; no one can play any tricks under them."
The action is based on a murder, which took place on the 13th October, A. D. 1863 (see notes 16, 32, below), at Hongal, or, as the town is more usually called, Bail-Hongal or “Hongal of the open country." The victim was a money-lender named Basalingaạna, whose business and personal habits are described in the opening verse. Among his debtors was a cultivator named Sanga, Sangya, or Sanganna, who, in the usual manner, had pledged his field as security for the advances made to him. At length the creditor, who, as the song says, “took care to shew no harshness beyond what the law allows," sues Sangya in the Subordinate Judge's Court at Saundatti, and obtains a decree against him. Sangya appeals to the District Judge at Dharwad; but without success. And then in due course a clerk of the court is sent to execute the decree, by selling the field by auction; and, Sangya being unable to buy it in, and failing to obtain any further respite from his creditor, the field is made over into the money-lender's possession. Then Sangya, taking counsel with his brother Parsya, determines to have his revenge by killing Basalingaņņa. Rising at dawn next day, Sangya prostrates himself at his mother's feet; and then he and Parsya, after a prayer for succe88 to their patron-god Basavanna, set out. They think first of killing Phakirama, one of Basalinganna's brothers, but cannot find him; for, “Paramèśvara (the supreme god) protected him," and he had fortanately left his house. Again they do worship to Basavanna, and then decide upon killing Basalinganna's other brother, R&chappa ; but him, again, they fail to meet with, since, happily for him, " the protector is more powerful than the slayer, and very fortunate was his luck." Then they go straight to Basalinganna's house, and find him there, engaged in business ; "his thoughts being only on his rupees." And without any more ado, heedless of the spectators, Sangya pulls out his sickle from where it is hidden up his sleeve, and cats him down; "the blood poured out in torrents from his mouth; his senses failed; he fell and died." No parti. cular attempt at escape is made ; in fact, Sangya's remorse allows him not to try; and straightway he and Parsya are seized and taken to the village police-station. Two very characteristic touches are introduced here; the binding of Sangya and Parsya face to face to a post, where they are beaten till they confess; and their attempt to implicate an innocent man, Høvina-Rama, to gratify some private spite against him. The Chief Constable then comes to investigate the matter; and the prisoners are taken on to the Mamlatdâr at Sampgaam. From there they are forwarded to Belgaum, to stand their trial. And at length, Hůvina-Râma is duly acquitted; Parsya is let off with transportation for life; and Sangya is sentenced to death. Sangya is first taken to the jail at Dharwad, which then was the principal jail for the two Districts. But, in accordance with a frequent custom in the case of exceptional murders such as the present one, it was decided to carry out the sentence at the village of Hongal itself. And the rest of the ballad is occupied with the journey, with Sangya's farewell to his parents, with his lamentation over his untimely fate, and with the description of the execution. Here there are many touching passages; and the whole account is extremely graphio.
A short addition at the end shews that this ballad was composed by a professional balladmonger named Appa, a Maráthâ; and that the great merit of it obtained at once for his party the victory in a contest of singing with some rivals of the same profession.

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TRANSLATION.
Chorus. A very bad thing is poverty! The poor man felt much wrath! When he had to pay his debt to the money-lender, great distress came upon Sangya !
First Verse. In the city of Hongal there is a money-lender; Daravajanti is his name. In silver and gold, small change and silver currency, and cotton, are his dealings and trade. The silver. smiths receive his money, for making various kinds of chaukass of pure Chinese silver; and every week, on Saturday, the running accounts of the charkas are made op. Of manifold kinds are his functions; and eight or ten are his servants. Innumerable women clear his cotton from the seed, in both the winter and the rainy season.
(With a change of metre), -How shall I describe his business? He carried on all the duties of a money-changer. His two brothers, elder and younger, (assisted him with) great intelligence; in what they did, there was no lack of gain; no one in the village felt any dislike (for them); with great honesty they carried on the business of a money-lender.
(Lowering the voice), - I will describe to you his apparel; listen now! He used to stroll along the streets, wearing a very fine chaukas fastened round his neck; and on his head a turban with a border worked with gold threads; look at him! His apper-cloth was from Nagpur; on his body there was a separate jacket of camlet;? how beautiful were his chandrahára and gôpa, with the gold glittering so lastrously upon his breast; on his finger he wore a pure and holy ring.
(Raising the voice), - In speech he was very firm; not the least particle of falsehood (was in him)!
Second Verse. Listen first to the origin of the matter. See!; the field in (Sangya's) occupancy was good black soil. He (mortgaged it for a loan, and executed a deed in due form, with a period of five years; last year they went to law; (the lender) shewed no harshness beyond what the law allows ; according to the value of the produce, he laid his plaint; and the quarrel came ap (for trial) in the Saundatti Court. (Sangya) presented the stamped paper (containing his plea), admitting that Basalinganna's words were true, and did obeisance. The Munsifflo (pronounced against him, and) said, -"Go to Dhậrwad, and make your petition of appeal."
(With a change of metre), - From there he came to Hongal, and made, Sir, preparation for the journey. Taking with him a hundred rupees, he set out thence for Dharwad. He presented to the Governmentil the petition of appeal, and straightway retained a Vakil.12
1 This must be his surname. The word has also been explained to me as moaning that his name was known "far and wide." But I cannot find any authority for this.
• A chauka is a box in which a linga, the phallic emblem, is carried; it is usually worn suspended from the neck. 3 chye stands for chyála, =chala; see ante, Vol. XV. p. 350, note 6. • The Rachapps and Phakiranna who are mentioned further on.
Sikhamani seems to be used here to qualify chauka, and to denote's chauka, the best of its kind; a very excellent chauka,
6 This is the Nagpur of the Central Province, which has long had a great reputation for the manufacture of thótars. or the cloths worn by men. Two such cloths are worn; one fastened round the waist, and hanging down and the other round the upper part of the body. Here the verbal adjective hott-iru, i.e. hott-irwa, specifies the upper cloth The lower cloth is called utta-konda dhatra,
+ The word in the text, kemalata, is an adaptation of the English word. I am told that camlet stuff was formerly much used in this part of the country.
These are gold neckleta of different patterns,
• The third Anger of the right hand is onlled pavitrada beralu, 'the pore finger, being considered purer than the others; and pavitrada ungana is the technical name of a ring, made of gold, for this finger.
1. The Native judge of the local court. The official title now is 'Subordinate Judge.' 11 se. to the Court of the District Judge.
13 A Native lawyer, a 'Pleader.'

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Ba-da-ta - na
ba-da
sawa
KANARESE BALLADS.
THE CRIME AND DEATH OF SANGYA.
-va-ga
- ka ra
J.F.FLEET, BO.C.S.
-
Sangyaga
am -
ban
-
sa -
bu du
to
la
di- to
ba la ket
bahu sit
ko da bek
san
4&
-
kash
Air of the Chorus)
ta
ta
ta
ga
da - ra

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(Lowering the voice), -- "Present now a petition for me," he said; "take these hundred rupees, of the Government currency ;13 tell me quickly what you say to me." The Vakil took thought in his mind, see now!, and gave a promise to devote his energies to the case, and said, "Why do you feel anxiety (about the result), since you have given your Vakil a hundred rupees, into his very hand ?" The first day of the month was Sunday; and the date (of hearing the appeal was fixed for) the next day, Monday, and straightway there was issued an order of attachment.
(Raising the voice), - The Karkûn14 brought and executed the order of attachment. Thus Basalinga carried into effect his pertinacious design!
Third Verse. The Kårkûn says, “Call Sangya and tell him, a decree has been passed against you for (the value oj') the produce, reckoned at three hundred rupees : how much do you bid to retaine it in your own possession) "?" A great web (of trouble) was cast round Sangya. He explained what was convenient to himself, saying "I will pay the money according to the decree; set free my share in the field; the whole fault is truly mine; apart from you I have no refuge; I will never disobey the orders of Basalinganna." Thus saying, he joined his hands in supplication and embraced his feet.
(With a change of metre), -"Since the order of attachment has come, what can I say? ; to-day your field is lost." Thus Basalinganna hardened his heart; and the field passed into the possession of his brother) Phakiraņņa. Going home, Sangya pondered, - "To-day my field, belonging to me by right of occupancy, has been lost."
(Lowering the voice), -Sanga and Parsya, the two together, made another plan, see!, & secret device, conversing with laughter, - “The speech between me and you, let it be known to no one; without letting anyone know, let us do that which we can ; we will rise in the carly morning and go to do it)." They sharpened their sickles, as they sat, saying, "We will kill him, even though to-day we lose our heads; let that happen which must; except life, nothing is left to us)."
(Raising the voice), - Basalinga left the village of Wakkand; on the morrow the festival of the Mahanavam 16 was to be celebrated !
Fourth Verse. On the Tuesday, 16 at dawn, he (Sangya) rose of his own accord, and went and fell at the feet of his mother. Then Sangya and Parsya said, -"O (god) Basavanna, carry through our quarrel to its accomplishment!" Sharpening his sickle, and concealing it under his arm-pit, he set out, and at the third hour of the day he came to Phakiranna's house. At his house they ask, -"Where has he gone P; we had much business with him." Says Tukkanna, "Why hast thou come ?; what business hast thou with me P"
(With a change of metre), -Hearing this, he went back again, and searched in the field and on the stream. Had he been found, his life was lost; but Paramêsvara (Siva) protected Phakiraņņa! Having searched everywhere, he came to a shop, and bought some camphor and a cocoanut.
(Lowering the voice), - Quickly he went to the god Basavanna, and broke the cocoanut, and ignited the camphor and waved it (round the heall of the gol), and did reverence, and then
13 lit. "rupees (which have on them) the face of the Sovereign), and which are) of a regular round shape." The intention is to distinguish them from the so-called Sarti rupees, of very different make, which at the time of this ballad had not yet entirely ceased to be current.
14 One of the clerks of the Court.
15 lit. " the pot of the Mahanavami was to be placed." The Muhanavam, which is better known in other parts of India as the Durgapaja, is a festival in honour of the goddess Durga, commencing on the first tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Alvins. On that day water-pots, filled with water, are placed near the gods, who are supposed to reside in them till the navami or ninth tithi.
16 The 13th October, A.D. 1863 ; see further on.

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took the road to Hongal. Sangana went on in front, and then came) Mégaţi-Parsya, who said, -"First let us seize Råchappa and kill him." Talking thus together in various ways, they went to Richappa's house, and asked the old house-wife, -"Where has Aņņappa? gone!"
(Raising the voice), - The protector is more powerful than the slayer; very fortunate was his (Rachappa's) luck!
Fifth Verse. Say they, - "Our coming has been in vain;" they became wrathful in their minds. They went to Basalinganna's house; their secret intention was not known. At the ninth hour (i.e. 3.0 p. m.), that which was predestined came to pass. Sangya and Parsya saluted, and went and stood close by him. Basalinganna's thoughts were on his rapees; near him there stood three or four men; he knew not that they would slay him; but Siva brought the (fatal) wreath and fastened it (round his neck). 18
(With a change of metre), -Pulling up the sleeve of his jacket from over his wrist, Sangya took out the sickle from ander his armpit, and, taking aim as he stood there, cut him fiercely down. In the same way he drew out the sickle, and, having wounded him, slank round behind him, and, calling Parsya, ran away.
(Lowering the voice), - In great agony Basalinganna rose, bowing his head; the blood poured out in torrents from his mouth; his senses failed; he fell and died. The people sitting there went out in great confusion; they all said, “Seize him! seize him ! there he runs ; he cut right throngh the neck." Those who met him, face to face, and close, not one of them seized him. Then, hearing the tidings, the Halabel' came.
(Raising the voice), - Throughout the village there was a great outcry; he could not pass beyond the gates of Hongal.
Sixth Verse. Then ceased the anger of his mind. Quickly a crowd assembled. Harling away the sickle from his hand, he threw it down. His (sense of) sin allowed to go no further. (In) a strait road, a narrow lane, quickly the Halabs seized him, and, cuffing and beating him, dragged him to the chaudi ;31 no respect was left, to be shewn to Sangya. The Kulkarna2 came and looked. The Police Pâţil» said, "Beat them !" Face to face tightly they bound Sangya and Parsya to a post.
(With a change of metre), -"Beat ns not without necessity; now and here we confess that we killed him; arrest us, and send us to Sampgaum." An enquiry was made in the Kachêri. They said, "Hûvina-Rama was in the business with us; he is at the village of Wakkund; he is there."
(Lowering the voice), – The Haļabs got ready and went to the village of Wakkund; there he was found, Høvina-Râma. He became confused, and was in terror for his life; "they accuse me through enmity," (he cried); in fear, he staggered about, in an agitated manner; saying, "What is this that has happened ?," he wept. All the people in the village told him to be brave; "if you were not in this crime, nothing can happen," say his friends.
(Raising the voice), - In the dead of night he set out; they would not let him eat even a morsel.
11 i.e. Rachappe. The word nappa is a respectful form of anna, an older brother.' 16 This is the meaning of the passage ; bat I have not been able to obtain an explanation of this allusion.
19 halaba, one of the ancients, an old servant, an old inhabitant is one of the Kanarose names, the other being sodlikara, for the village police or watchmen. They are employed on all miscellaneous retenue and police duties.
» The original has the words géta, which is the English 'gate. It may menn either the village gate,' or 'the Police Station. 11 The office of the Patti and Kulkarni, where all the business of a village is transacted.
The village accountant, the Parl's right-hand man and assistant.
23 The Path is the head man of village. In the larger villages in the present case, there are separate Patils for the police and revenue daties. The poliss of the text is the English word 'police;' the word in composition with it, in the Kanaree gauda, which is the equivalent of the Marathi pettl, The Revenge Paul is called mulk.pdfil or millganda.
ise in the Mamlatdir's office at Sampgaum, the chief town of the Thake or Sub-Division.

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Seventh Verse. The Police Patil and the Kulkarpi said (to the guard), - "Be very watchful; they have killed a most respectable rich man; never before has such a thing happened." They made a report, 45 writing it on paper; a Haļab took it, and went to Sampgaum. He delivered the report in the Kachðri ; the Subhêdara6 read and examined it. Very speedily the Phaajdar27 got ready, and said, - "Pat quickly the saddle on my horse." Taking a Peon, on Wednesday, in the evening, he arrived.
(With a change of metre), - The Phaujdâr came, and stood and looked; with his own eyes he saw the blood ; looking at the corpse, he grieved in sympathy. “Why were the gods Hari and Brahman wroth with him," (he said); "when they killed him, who were there ?" (The answer was),- "Three people; two) Lingayat priests of Mantor, and Paõchappa."
(Lowering the voice), -Hearing this much, he told them to bury him. In great affliction the mother and father (of Basalinganna) are weeping, falling flat on their faces, and rolling about in grief, crying, - "Evil is our lock; through his kindness there was nothing wanting in our happiness ; (when he was born), what was the (evil) boon that he got from Siva, that our son has now left us and gone P; great is the grief of his wife; she has torn off and thrown away her marriage-thread, decorated with jewelled beads;#0 what now remains for ns, since he is hidden in the earth ?"
(Raising the voice) - O Vaikuntha (Vishșu) ! an untimely death was his; who can understand the pranks of Siva P
Eighth Verse. "The day of the Mahanavami new-moon was Monday; the first day of the bright fortnight of Afvayaja is Taesday; it is the Saks year seventeen hundred and eighty-five, and the saivatsara named Rudhirðdgårin', thus they reckoned it up, - the Police Pâți!, the Kulkarni, and the Phaajdar. With Sangya and Parsya in close custody, the Halabe set out. "Be very much on the alert in this matter; attend at the Kachêri; if you fail to be on your guard, no one knows what may become of you ;" - thus the Mamlatdâr gave the order.
(With a change of metre), - They left this Taluka, Sampgaum, and carried them to the District town of Belgaum. Tbe gentlemanas called for them, and made the adjudication. To Sangya, it was as if he had fallen into a tank or a well. They wrote the proceedings, and sent them to Bombay, and reported that) the bringing of Hûvina-Rama (into the matter) was unjust.
(Lowering the voice), - After three months the answer came; the noblo officer read and examined it; "let Parsya off with transportation, this is enough." As to the principal prisoner, Sanganna, the settlement was thos; the gentleman said, "Go to Dharwad; it is
The word in the original here, and a little further on, is raporta, which is an adaptation of the English word. The Mamlatdar; the head revenge and magisterial officer of the Taluka The Chief-Constable of the Taluka.
milli manwalva, lit. ' Man who wears a brass badge on a belt alung over his shoulder or worn round his waint. The more wal tarm is patteo 14, from the Hindustani palla, which denotes the same belt with its badge. The word bius in an adaptation from the Eaglish, and is, I imagine, the word 'bill.But it is supposed by the Natives to be an adaptation of buckle,' which is often waed for the same badge.
Here, again, I cannot got an explanation of the allusion.
The guladak is a more elaborate kind of thļi, the marriage-badge worn by married women round the neck,' whioh is removed when & wife becomes widow.
m Mahanavaml-amdvdsy is the popular name, in the Kanarese country, for the now.moon of Bhadrapada, which immediately precedes Alvina bukla 1. The present new-moon tithi onded on Monday, 13th October, A.D. 1863.
- The Radhirðdghrin swataara coincided with Baka. Samvat 1785 as an expired year. And the orresponding English date for the details given in the text, is, Tuesday, 18th October, A.D. 1863, on which day the Lithi Larina kukla 1 ended.
6.e. the Sessions Judge.
1.. in order to obtain confirmation of the death sentence. It would seem that, in the Sessions Court, Parsya, well m Baogya, was sentonood to death; but that in his case the High Court oommated the sentence into one of transportation.
kari-nfr, lit. the black wator. This is the popular term for transportation, bacause it entails crossing the se, to the Andaman islands. The Marathi expression bile pani has exaotly the same moaning.
M

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notified that the sentence is that he is to be hanged) by the neck." A guard of soldiers on him, all around, took him to Dharwad ; not any device (for saving himself) suggested itself to him after that. (Raising the voice), - Very strict are the English laws; no one can play any tricks !
Ninth Verse. He left the village of Dharwad, and came away; no one could save him. "Take him, and go to Hongal," said the gentleman, the Subhêdâr, the Phaajdâr, and the Kårkan; "be wide awake, with great watchfulness." In front of him and behind, there was an escort with drawn swords; there was all the apparatus for hanging him; and Sangya was seated on a cart. They brought him in close restraint,36 He converses without any fear. On the Thursday he sent for his older and younger brothers, and his mother.
(With a change of metre), - To the mother that bare him, he says, “Why dost thou weep?; all that which was to happen, has occurred; it has befallen me as it did to Abhimanyu in the battle-field; for me from no one was there any aid ;37 to-day the debt is paid ; cease now to grieve for me."
(Lowering the voice), - Saying this, he made the funeral lament, for just a little while, - "That my fate has been settled thus, (is the decree of) an unjust court; they inquired not into my fault; I thought that they would let me go free, with imprisonment for only a year; I have been caught and captured; my fault has been in accordance with that which the god) Brahman wrote ;38 my fate (is like that of) a lamp that has gone out unintentionally while still there is oil left; (to nourish) enmity is very evil; angor should not be felt."
(Raising the voice), - Disputing at every word is bad; to a good man, & (mere) word is a blow !
Tenth Verse. The market-day was Friday 30 that same day the people of the neighbourhood gathered together. He talks with catching breath, and is beside himself. They brought him outside the village. Joining his hands in respectfal salutation, he made a little request to the gentleman, 40 - "Spend five rupees, and have me buried in a matha." His face shrivelled and grew small; his colour lost its lustre, and faded away. Saying “Hara! Hara !", he took his way (to the gallows), and, mounting, stood on the appointed place.
(With a change of metre), - They fastened the rope around his neck, right round his throat; he trod the path of heaven to Kailasa." His elder and younger sisters, his elder and younger brothers, and his mother, (made) lament; the people were standing all around. Four months and twelve days (had elapsed since the date of the Awarátri new-moon.
(Lowering the voice), -The village of Bail Hongal is a great city, this is well known; it is famed far and wide in the surrounding kingdom. (There there is the god Hanumanta, to whom be reverence! Tukaram is our teacher; the ballad-monger Appu has composed this song); the hand-writing, in which there is no fault, is that of Dêmanna, on whose drum there is
» lit. " confined in a net."
The more literal meaning is no one was my charioteer." I bare not a book to refer to; but it seems that Abhimanyu was killed in single fight, hemined in by the Kauravas, with none of his own party near at hand to help him.
- Brahman is supposed to write on a man's forehead all that he is destined to do during his life.
39 We are told further on that this day was four months and twelve days after the new-moon of Pausha. This latter tithi ended on Sunday, 7th February, A.D. 1864. And so we seem to have either Friday, 19th June, or Friday, 26th June, for the day of the execution.
1.. the Magistrate, or the District Superintendent of Polioe, who attended the execution.
41 Compare ante, Vol. XIV. p. 800, where the amount is ten rupees. A matha is a kind of religious college, or residence of priesta.
The mountain Kilden, vapposed to be one of the loftiest peaks in the Him Alayas, is the paradiso of Biva. The term Kaildea-udain, now residing in Kailles,' is of constant occurrence in speaking of deceased persons
• Awarátri-ampdoyd in the popular name, in the Kanarese country, of the new moon day of Paushs. I have been told that it is a corruption of avatarar-atri; but I do not see how it can be connected with any of the avataras. A more probable explanation is that it stands for avare-ratri,'the night on which people can begin to eat the avare-been after its barreet.

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a plume of pearls, with feathers and tinsel, and gold and silver lace. Santu and Basanna, our firm friends, have completely overcome our enemies;44 defeat has come to the kalagi.
(Raising the voice), - Madhavarao became a sore trouble to the kalagi; in singing he has everything at the tip of his tongue.
TEXT.
Palla. Badatana ambuda bala-ketta badavaga banto bahu sitta sâwakára sâlâ koda-bêk-adara Sangyaga adito sankashta | Palla 11
Ine nudi. Sahar Hongaladäga sâwakâra | Důravajanti avana hesara | belli bangåra rokka rupayi alliya wahiwata vyâpâra | Chinaya kurêda chauka-tara rupâyi wôyuttara pattara wara-wara chalatichauka-lekkha madodu Saniwåra andadundi avana karbhara! hatt-entu mandi avana manushyara! mâgi maligala hatti arawutára gotta illada hengasara || Chyê | Yena hêlal=evana 66 kårbåraki lava mádut-iddano chinawåraki anpa-tammar-ibbaru tilavaļikil avara mådudaks kadim-illa gaļiki | ûråga yârigåg-illa bêsariki bahaļa sâche itfadda sâwakariki || Ilava | Avana pôshaka hêlatena nimaga kêla igal ava hidada teragat-idda wôņi | chaakakikhámaņi hâkidda koralaga ! jerakati rumala tali-mêga noda avaga | hott-iru døtra Nákpuri kemalata bêre angi maiyaga chandrabara gopa chanda hyanga yedi-mêga talatala hoļudu bangåra pavitrad-ungar ittidda beralâga | Yêra il Matili iddana bahu-ditta sulla mâta illa ya!!-ashta 11 1 11
2ne nudi. Modals køla matina jari khâteda hola noda játa yeri aida varashada dina muddata mâdidana bara-kotta kâgada barabari nyâya bandito boda-bari jóri madalilla kâyade miri | mâsili-prakâra phiryadi mâțidana Sawadatti-kortinyaga bitta muri | Basalinga nana mâta sari | shtåpa chelli mâțida mujari | Mungupha antana aphil-arji Dharwadake hôgi madari 11 Chyê 11 Allinda bandana Hongalaka masalatta madida hogudak-ari nûra ropayi togonda hanteks illinda bontana Dharwadaka aphil-arji kottana sarakâraka vakilan=ittano âgina-kshanaka 11 Ilava 11 Arji anta madi koda namaga ni iga nära rupâyi togo mâri gadil hêla lagu madiiyên wanti namaga | vakfla tisada manadagan da aga hing-anta kotta wachana katleda sandana | chinti yako ninagal nûra rupâyi kotta vakilage kaiyâgat pahila târikha muddata Adityawara | manda Sômawâra jabeti banta bega 1| Yêra | Karkûna tanda jabati itta Basalioga nadisida tanna hata il 2 11
3ne nudi.
Munnûra rupâyida mâsila nina mêl-ayito phaisalâ kârkûna antana Sangenna karagu dî yêna madati sawâlâ 1 Sangyâga bitto maha-jâlâ hêli-konda tana anaküla phaisala-prakâra rupâyi kodatena holada-walaga bidasari pâlâ garva tappa nanda ayit-allâ ninninda horata gatiy-illa Basalinga pana mâta miradilla
# The allasiou here is to a singing-match between two rival parties of ballad-singers. The members of one party bare on their drums the turd or 'plame of feathers and pearls and tinsel, with gold and silver lace ;' and those of the other party, a kalagt, which seems to be a plame of feathers for a horse's head. The two parties sing alternately until one is declared to have surpassed the others. Ia the present case the turd-party, to which belonged the composer of this ballad, is declared victorious.
45 lit. " water has descended upon." The metaphor seems to be of Markght origin; see Molesworth and Candy's Dictionary, 8. v. pan.
We have here, in Mlal-avana, = halali + avana, another instance of the customary, though irregular, euphonic conjanction to which attention has been drawn, ante, Vol. XV. p. 358, note 19. Other instances cour in verse 7 below, in hogar-ende,kodari (lodir) + and4, and in verse 9, in nadir-endd, = nadiri + anda.

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[DECEMBER, 1889.
kai-mugada hidadana kAll 11 Chye | Japti banda-balika yena helali indigeninns hola hoyiti Basalingaņņa madidana châti Phakiraộnana jumeks hola ati Sangya manige hôgi mâdyâná chinti | khâteda hola indige yaray-kti | Ilava II Matt-onda madyåra masalatta nôda bêta Sanga Parisya ibbaru kādi i nagata matâdi yârigailla gotta namma-nimmara wolaging mata hing-anta yêr-yårige tiliya-bårada hinga máqunu ball-anga högunu haryana hottal avara masadara kudagola kunta kadunu anta indige hôgali namma tali agavada Agali jivadinda horatân | Yêra i Wakkunda würa Basalinga bitta nåle hâkudu mahaDaumi-gatta 11 3 !!
Ane nudi. Manga!âra udayaka thyaddal tâyi-pâdaka higi biddal Sangya Parisya ibbara antara Basavanna nadasu nama jidda 1 kudagola masada ava hidads bagalaga muchchi-konda tâ nadads mora tågs hott-erita aga Phakiraņqana manige banda maniyaga kelatâra yelli hoda bahala kelasa itta avaninda! Takkappa antana yataka bandi yêna kelasa nana manda | Chye # Ishta kêļi hindaks tirigi hôda 1 holadaga holyaga hudikidå sva sikkara prana hägudâ Phakfraînana Parameswara kåda budiky-adi angadige banda kappara kaya togonda wonds ! Ilava || Basavagna-dåvarige nadada mâdi jalada' kåyi wadada beļigi kappara måļi namaskara Hongala dari hididà i Sanganna banda manda-manda i allinda Megati-Parasa yênwanda | muñche kadan=anda | R&chappana hidida hinga mâtadi pariparidinds wond-oodA | Rachappans manige högi kêlyara mudikigi Anpapa yelli hodâ 11 Yêra | Kollavanakinta kåyava breshtha babala chelo svars Adarushta il 4 II
бре даdi. Bandadd-Ati antara káli fitta Adara tamma manadalli Basalingannans manigo hodaro tiliyalilla ibbara neli wombat-tâba vēleda mêle purva-likhita wadagita alli Sangya Parisya majari madikyårs hôgi nintaro avans badiyalil Basalingappans chitta rupâyi mêle mora náku mandi avana badiyalli kaçadaru ambudu avaga tiliyalilla Siva tanda hakida máli || Chyê | Sangya mungaiyy-angiya tódi-konda bagalanna kudagðla takkonda ninta nodi kadadano avana chanda adaranta kadagðla yala-konda kadad-evans hindaks sara-konda wôdi hồdana Pariávånns kars-konda 11 Ilava 11 Basalinga na yedda sangat-agil kira bagi bayili Burita nettarai harita kabarà 1 biddana jiva hôgi kunt-iru mandi gába ági horaga hôgil yellaru antara hidi hidi wôdatans wôdi kôda kattigi baruhanta mandi idarigi badig-agi avana hidiyalilla yâr-yårå bandara halabari Aga wuddy-Agi 11 Yêra | Oråga edita babbâta | dátalilla Hongala gota | 5 MI
Bne nudi. Sitta tirita avara manad-andâ mandi kûdito sutvarad kaiyána kndagols bisâți wogedana påpa bôga-godalilla mundê bikkatta hâdi wôņiya sandâ halabara hididars madi jalada | hoda-konta bada-konta chÂwadigaddara maryade bliyalilla Sangyândâ kulakarņi banda noạida ! pôlisa-gawada hodi anda idara-badara Sangyâna Parisyâna kambaka katyâro biga-bigada 11 Chyê || Sulļa badiya-bedari niva namaga kadad-a nga kabûlead&v=igal nammana bidada kalavari Sampagånvyiga chaukasi Adita kachêryaga! Havina-Rama iddana idaraga ! ava ayidana ayidans Wakkunda-würaga 1Ilava 11 Wakkunda-wêrige hontaro haļabari tayarê ava bikka Hd viná-Ráma 1 âgi bêpâma jivaka banta görâ adawatige hêlatára avara ibbar sõji nadagatậna tara-tarê id=ena Akara kannige tanda nira Arags hêlatára air yellára I i papadaga jar illa gênên=agudilla antara geņiyara 11 Yera !! Råto-råtrili sva honta una-godalilla wand=ița 11 6 11

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DECEMBER, 1889.)
KANARESE BALLADS; No. 4.
361
7ne nudi. Pôliga kalakarņi yên=anda bahala huśâri ira-bêkranda | wole sâwakarana kadada hâkidara hint-ada ágakilla yend-enda rapôrta madera kagada barada! halaba togoņda Sampagamvige hôda 1 kachêri-wolaga raporta chelyana sabhedâra wôdi nôdida I phanjdåra laga-bêga tayâra âda 1 kudurigi taời bêga håk=anda | billimanushyara togonda Budhawara cheñji-vêledali ava banda 11 Chyê | Banda ninta nôdida phaujdára 1 kaņņili kaņdana nettari 1 heưa nôdi maragida maramara pêna manidåna Hari-Brahma-dêvarê | ivana kadadåga iddara yar yara Mantûra ayyagola Pañchappa muvara 11 Ilava II Ishta keimaņņa kodar-end aratinda tâyi-tandi alatáro bôryadi bidda horalyadi | adarushta kam namada | yêna kadimiy-illa åpanda dayadinda 1 yên bêdi bandana Sivanalli namma hottili maga bitta boda nânâ-pari dukkha striyalad I bakida ganda-gulada!i wogadAla harada i inn-êna ati nandal mangigi mari Ada 11 Yêra 11 Dar-maņa adito Vaikunthal yârige tilayado Sivanekta 11 7 11
ne nudi. Mshanaumi amási Sômawâra | Aświja sudda pâdya Mangaļira Sake sattarase pañchå-aiméi7 Rudrôdgari nama-samvatsara hinga mididara vichåra polisa kulakarņi phaujdara | Sangyûna Pariấyåna kaida-wolaga sangata hontara halabara idara mêga bala-huskra kachêri-wolaga hajara yachchara tappiyattara hôdiri hukuma madidana mamledåra || Chyê 11 Illi talaka bittara Sampaganyi wôda hâkvira jille Belagavi I karasi sîhêba madida nirnyayi | Sangyaga bidd-anga A dita keri båmvi katta barada kalivyára Mammâyil Huvvina-Ramana tandadda angayi | Iļava 11 Mûra tingalige barita uttara-majakûrå I wôdi nôdidina saradára Parisyana kari-nfrâ ! bidada ati pura Sanganna awala kaididâra karara Dharwadaka sâhêba höganda saja gallinda ati jâhira | sutta-mutta avana meli pårå chetigira | Dharwadaka hâkidara tanda hunára mundinda tiliyalilla jara 11 Yêra 11 Ingreji kayide bik katta naduvadilla yar yara ata 11 811
one nudi. Dharwada wūra bitta banda i ulasaņa agalilla yârindê sâbêba subhedara phanjdåra kärkuna Hongalaka tokonda nadir-endâ 1 yachcharike ira-bêka yachcharadinda hirada katti para hinda mundê | gallig-hakudu sâmâna yella Sangya chekkadi mêga kunt-idda | mâdi tandaro bali-banda I mütadatâ na darajillada Bestara-divasá anna-tammaraná tanna tayina karisidA ll Chyo. 1 Hadeda tâyavvagrantano yakwalati | águhantâd=ellâ âgi hoti | raņa-mandala Abhimanya nanag=ati | nanaga yar yara illad-anga kto sârati | indige riņa harada hôti inna bitta-koda nanna kakalậti | Ilava | Ishta hêļi madida alapa | wandu swalpa ! nanda hinga itta-pramana keta diwani kêļalilla tappa madi bittar=antinni mâpå varasha têpå sikk-anga ato kaiseri Brahma bareda bari mâdid-antâ tappa yenn-irata hôd-a nga dipa akalpå hint-îda nanna adarushta jidda bali-ketta ira-barado kôpå 11 Yêra 11 Mata-matige mathana ketta chelô manushyaga matina pettâ 11 9 11
1one nudi. Santi Sukrawârâ ada dina sattina mandi kadita jana barva hâri kabaru. illada mêtadatána wara horaga tandêro avan ) såhêbaga heli-konda yên-êna kaimagada madida sarana aida rupâyi kharchu mâţikyâra mathada wolaga kodasari maņna 1 mâri bâți Adita saņņa kale gundi bârita banqâ | Hara Hara anta hadi
41 The nameral-words here are Martht, according to the general custom of the Marathi people, who use their own words for numbers and dates, even when speaking Kanarese. Amongst other Marathi features in this ballad, duo to the composer being a Marath, we may note especially the use of the particle jar, 'if, near the end of verse 6.

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[DECEMBER, 1889.
hidadano hatti ninta tanna tikana || Chyê li Gallige hâkyâra koraligi saraka swargada dari hidadáno Kailasak akka-tangera anna-tammara tâyi dukkha suttagatti nintita jana-lôka | naka tingala hannerada dinaka | awarâtri amâsi tarikh 11 Jļava | Tra Bail-Hongala dodda sahara 1 já hîra sutta rajyada walaga hesara Hanumanta-devará avaga namaskara Tukarama namma wastadara sayira-kavi Apu mâdida tayâra | Dêmannan-akshara illad-anga kasara avara dabbida mêga muttina türk 1 jartará Santu Basaņna jîvada geneyara wairigi madyâra jêra 1 iļita kaligigi nirà 11 Yêra 11 Madurawa kaligige biddâna gantål håļina walaga mukapata 11 10 11
SANSKRIT AND OLD-KANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. No. 184. - KOMARALINGAM COPPER-PLATE GRANT OP RAVIDATTA. This inscription, which, I believe, is now edited in full for the first time, was originally brought to notice by Mr. Rice in this Journal, Vol. XII. p. 13. His remarks on it have been reprinted by Mr. Sewell in Archæol. Suru. South. Ind. Vol. II. p. 226. And in the same volume, p. 27, No. 185, the original plates are described as being in the possession of Kômaralingam Ramayya, residing at Komaralingam in the Udamalpet Tâluka or Sub-Division of the Coimbatore District, Madras Presidency. I edit it from the original plates, which I obtained for examination, through the District authorities, in 1883.
The plates, of which the first is inscribed on one side only, but the last on both sides, are three in number, each measuring originally about 8}" by 31". The second plate is entire. Of the first plate, small portions have been broken away at the ends of lines 1, 2, and 5 to 7. And of the third plate, about an inch has been broken away, all the way down, at the ends of the lines. The plates are quite smooth, the edges of them having been neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims; but the writing is in a state of very good preservation, and is quite legible throughout. - The ring on which the plates are strung, passes through ring-holes at the proper right end of each plate. It is a plain copper ring, about " thick and 27" in diameter. It had been cut, when the grant came under my notice. No seal is forthcoming; and the ring presents no indications of having had a seal attached to it, or of having been soldered into the lower part of a seal. — The weight of the three plates is about 1 lb. 2 oz., and of the ring, 2 oz.; total, 1 lb. 4 oz.-The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets. The average size of the letters is a little over ". The engraving is good ; but it is not very deep, so that, though the plates are rather thin, the letters do not show through on the reverse sides of them at all. A few of the letters shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. - The language as far as line 15 is Sanskrit, very bad both idiomatically and from an orthographical point of view. This portion of the record, as far as line 11, is in mixed verse and prose; but the only complete verse is the first, in lines 1-2; the other metrical passages are mere fragments of verses, plainly quoted from some other source or sources, and mixed up in the most remarkable manner with the prose passages that complete the sentences. A perusal of the text by anyone who can understand it, will satisfy him that these metrical passages really are fragments of verses; not words which only incidentally have assumed a metrical shape. In line 16, in the middle of a sentence, the language changes abruptly to & dialect of Old-Kanarese, with a curious mixture of Sansksit words and inflections in it; and from that point, as far as line 28, the record is in prose. The remainder of it is in Sanskrit, with four of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses in lines 32 to 36. - The orthography is so bad throughout, that it is useless to select any points for special notice, except the occurrence of the Dravidian ! in the village name Kolûr, line 14, and in a few words in the Kadarese portion, and of the Dravidian ? in two words, lines 25 and 26, in the same portion. I will only remark that the use of singa

Page #393

DECEMBER, 1889.)
KOMÄRKLINGAM GRANT- OF RAVIDATTA.
863
(with g, not gh) for sikha in singavermma, line 7, and the use of b for v in bbasudha, line 33, are in themselves almost sufficient to prove that the record belongs by no means to the early period to which it has been assigned by Mr. Rice.
The inscription parports to be the charter of a grant made by a raler named Ravidatta, while his victorious camp was at a town the name of which is Kitthipura as it stands in the text, but was probably intended to be Kirtipura. It is non-sectarian; the object of it being only to record the grant of some villages to some Brahmaņs.
As regards the date, the grant purports to have been made on Sunday, the new-moon day of the month Phálguna, under the Rêvati nakshatra, and on the occasion of an eclipse of the gan. But no reference is made to any era; and Ravidatta is not known from any other record. Consequently, the details cannot be tested by calculation.
Of the places mentioned in addition to Kitthipura or Kirtipura, the first village is Pungisoge, which is defined as being in the east-central desa in the Kudugur nadu in the Punnadu vishaya. The other villages granted are Kolur, Kodamaky, Dvatogeyanar, Tanagundur, and Pattal. And the village of Elagovanar is mentioned in the specification of bonndaries. All of these names remain to be identified. Mr. Rice (ante, Vol. XII. p. 13) has suggested that Punnadu appears as Pannata and Pannuta in Lassen and Yule's maps of Ancient India, and has added his opinion as to its modern representative. As indicated by him, the Punnadu vishaye of this record is doubtless identical with the Pûnada district, supposed to be a Tenthonsand district, which is mentioned in the Merkara grant (ante, Vol. I. p. 365, and Mysore Inscriptions, p. 283). And the statement in line 30 of the present record, that the witnesses were the subjects of the Ninety-six-thousand vishaya, shews that the Pannada vishaya was & sub-division of the well-known Gangevadi Ninety-six-thousand. But it is difficult to follow his further identification of the Pûnadu Ten-thousand (P) with "the Padinad or Ten Nad country,"mentioned in the Yolandur inscription of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries A.D. (Mysore Inscriptions, p. 334 ff.), which he has located in the south-east of Maisûr (id. p. xliii.), and the name of which, he tells us, "survives in the existing Hadinadu, now corrupted into Hadinara, a village on the Kabbani river, not far from its junction with the Kävêri." Hadinâra (hadin-aru), if this is exactly the right spelling of the name, means 'sixteen.' And there are the following objections to Mr. Rice's identification. In the first place, it is at least extremely doubtful whether the d of nádu can change, or even can be corrupted, intor in Hadinâru, except in the preparation of an English map by someone who would confuse the two sounds. Secondly, though the syllables hadi, or padi in the older stage of the language, do mean 'ten' in hadi-múru, 'thirteen,' and in hadi-nálku, 'fourteen,' get, as the second part of the word is not a numeral, it is not easy to see how they can be used in that sense in such a name as Hadinidu or Padinada; assuming again that this is exactly the right spelling, and that the second syllable is really di, not di. And, thirdly, it is still more difficult to imagine how the first two syllables of Padinada came to be substituted for the pun or pt of Pannida or Pûnada. The identification seeme really to be based apon the supposition that each division of "the Padinad or Ten Nad country" contained one thousand villages, in support of which there is, at any rate. nothing in the Yolandur inscription; and upon the view that the Pûnadu vishaya was a Tenthousand district. This letter point reste upon the opinion, held by Dr. Burnell (South-Ind. Paleo. p. 67), that in the Merkara grant, line 18, a certain akshara, which stands between the words Pånddu and sahasra (sic), is the namerical symbol for 'ten.' But the form of the akshara as given in Dr. Barnell's book, differs essentially from the form that it has in the lithograph of the grant (ante, Vol. I. p. 362). Nor, as it stands in the lithograph, does the akshara really resemble closely any of the known forms of the symbol for 'ten.' As it stands, it distinctly reads as chhd. Withont, at any rate, an inspoction of the original plate, I will not venture to say what it may mean. Bat, because it does not agree with the known forms of the symbol for *ten,' and because the use of a numerical symbol at all is so unlikely in the period to which the Merkara plates really belong, and still more because the use of a numerical symbol as part of a compound, with a fully written word on each side of it, is so very extraordinary that without

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1899.
gennine analogous instances it cannot possibly be accepted, I cannot take it as proved even that the Pannada vishaya was a Ten-thousand district.
As regards the full genealogical and historical purport of this inscription, it will be desirable to quote here exactly what was said about it by Mr. Rice, who brought it to notice in connection with the Kadaba grant of Prabhatavarsba-Gôvinda III., dated Saka-Samvat 735 expired,- of which, by the way, the authenticity is at least very doubtful. He wrote (ante, Vol. XII. p. 13):- "I have, through the kindness of Mr. R. Sewell, seen a grant of the "Pannâta Rajas which must belong to early in the sixth centary. In it their succession is "thus given :-(1) Kaśyappa Râshtravarmma; (2) Nagadatta, his son ; (3) Singa Varmma, "son of the last; (4) his son (not named); (5) Skandavarmma, son of the last ; (6) Ravidatta, “his son. The addition to the first name may point to a suzerainty of the Rashtrakūtas. "But from other inscriptions (ante, Vol. V. p. 140, Vol. VII. p. 175; Mysore Inscriptions, "pp. 292, 295) we know that in the time of Skandavarmma the Pannad kingdom was "annexed to the Ganga dominions by Avinîta who married the king's daughter." Of the two referenoes given by him, only in the first (ante, Vol. V. p. 140, and Mysore Inscriptions, p. 292), and in no other document, can I find the passage which he intends. This is one of the Mallohalli grants; and from it we learn that the son of Konga imahadhiraja of the Western Ganga line, was Avinita, otherwise named Kongaộivsiddharúja and Darvinita, " whose broad chest "was embraced by the beloved daughter of Skanda Varmma, the Punnad RAjal who herself “had chosen him though from her birth assigned by her father, according to the advice of his "own gara, to the son of another," and who was "the ruler of the whole of Pannad “(? Pakhad) and Punnad." Now, this Mallohalli grant, though Mr. Rice will not see it, is a spurions grant, belonging to a much later period than the date, Saka-Samvat 435 or A.D. 513514, to which he has referred it (ante, Vol. V. p. 140). This date was arrived at by him as part and parcel of his theories regarding the Western Gangas, which are erroneous throughout, because they are based on nothing but a series of spurious and unreliable grants. And, having given up his original suggestion that Punnâtarâja-Skandavarman, the father-in-law of Avinita, might be a Pallava king or a fendatory of a Pallava king (ante, Vol. V. p. 135), and having identified him instead with the Skandavarman of the present record, it followed that, having fixed Saka-Samvat 400 or A.D. 478-79 for the beginning of the reign of Avinita, he was natur. ally obliged, as part and parcel of his theories, to refer to an early period in the sixth century A.D. the present grant of Ravidatta, whom he took to be the son of Skandavarman. I shall dismiss, without further comment, the exact dates arrived at by him. It is only necessary to point out that his remarks quoted above shew plainly that he treated the present inscription of Ravi. datta as a genuine record; and that he used it for historical purposes, either as corroborative of, or as corroborated by, another record, which he supposes to be genuine and ancient.
I differ considerably from Mr. Rice in my interpretation of this inscription. In the first place, instead of finding six generations in unbroken succession of father and son, with Ravidatta in the last of them, I find that Skandavarman's son was Pannataraja, and that Ravidatta is simply mentioned as a descendant of Pannitarája, - with what interval between them it is impossible to say. In making Ravidatta the son of Skandavarman, Mr. Rice seems to have taken the word Punnatarajasya, line 9, simply as an epithet, either of Skandavarman or of Ravidatts, meaning that the person to whom it applies was a ruler of the Pannata or Pannada country. The construction of the passage is, of course, bad to a degree; and especially so is the use, - evidently intentional, though the vowel d has been omitted, - of the Taddhita affi, kyana, which is restricted to the special words amushydyana and dvyámushya. yaņa, and to such derivatives as Åsvalâyana, Bådarayaņa, Katyayana, &c, and whicb cannot be correctly used as it has been here, vis, as a separate word after Punndfardjarya which is in apposition with tat-putrasya. Bat, doing the best that is possible with the text, it certainly
1 The original, however, distinctly has punndtardja, like the present inscription. - I have quoted this passage from its later version, Myrore Inscriptions, p. 292. In ante, Vol. 1. p. 140, the only difference is that we have "of the Pannad rajs Skanda Varmma."

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DECEMBER, 1889.)
KOMARALINGAM GRANT OF RAVIDATTA.
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seems to mean that Skandavarman's son was named Pannâţaraja, and that Ravidatta was a descendant of the latter person, in some unspecified degree. In the second place, it is impossible to agree with Mr. Rice in taking Nagadatta's son to be Singavarman, i.e. Simhavarman. The text, line 7, distinctly gives the name of Någadatta's son in the word bhujagamvarágah, which, judged by the metre, seems to stand for bhujangadhirdjah. And it proceeds to mention, not a son, but a danghter of Singavarman; and she is plainly intended to be introduced as the wife of Nagadatta's son, though the exact words are missing. And in the third place, I do not feel quite sure that we have the whole of the inscription before us. I do not find any record as to whether the ring was still uncut when the grant first came to notice, and even if it were so, it is possible that an original ring, with a seal attached to it, was abstracted; that the present plain ring was substituted; and that, in the course of this, part of the original charter was lost. The doubt arises in connection with the context of lines 7 and 8. The last two letters of the first plate, in line 7, have been broken away. And it is impossible to supply for them anything that can satisfactorily connect the last extant word on this plate with the first word on the second plate, in such a way as to give what is required here, vix, the name of Singavarman's daughter, and the distinct mention of her as the wife of Bhujamgadhiraja (?). Either her name and the other words were carelessly smitted altogether; or else .they came on another plate which, possibly with others also, is now missing between lines 7 and 8. In the face, however, of the worthlessness of the whole inscription, this is not a point of any special importance. And, assuming, as Mr. Rice plainly did, that the entire record is practically before us, I find that it gives the following succession of names :-(1) Rashgravarman, who seems to be described as belonging to the Kasyapa gôtra; (2) his son, Nagadatta; (3) his son, Bhujangadhiraja (P), who married a daughter of Singavarman, i.e. Simhavarman, but the name of whose wife either was omitted or has been wrapped up in some unrecognisable shape in the syllables vidyd .... nayano, line 7-8; (4) his son, Skandavarman ; (5) his son, Punnátarája; and (6) his descendant in some unspecified degree, Ravidatta. In the description of these persons, there is nothing to indicate anything higher than feudal rank. And, on the other hand, the statement that Ravidatta made the grant with the permission of Cheramma, seems not only to shew plainly that he was merely a subordinate chieftain, but also to give the name of his master. His authority was probably confined to the Pannada vishaya, which is the first and chief territorial division mentioned in specifying the position of Pungisoge.
I also differ entirely from Mr. Rice in my appreciation of the value of this insoription. Amongst its peculiarities, the first point that attracts attention is the abrupt manner in which, after the words Om Svasti, it opens with a verse that commences with tad-anu jayatt,'after that, victorious is......... Ravidatta." This abrupt opening shews that the record is not complete even at the beginning of it, and that at any rate some invocatory verse or verses, which ought to have been included, must have been omitted here; compare, for instance, the Junagadh inscription of Skandagupta (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 58), and the Aiboļe inscription of Polikeáin II. (ante, Vol. VIII. p. 241), which open with an invocation of respectively Vishnu and Jinêndre, and then introduce the reigning kings with verses of which one, that in the Junagadh inscription, commences with tad=anu jayati, and the other, that in the Aihoļe inscription, commences with tad-amı, having jayati at the end of the second páda. The next point, of course, is the extraordinary corruptness of the Sanskrit portion. With the exception of the opening verse, which very curiously contains only one real mistake, viz. sampadánti for sampatanti, the errors, both of idiom and of orthography, are of a more marked kind even than in the ordinary spurious inscriptions. I cannot call to mind any other instance in which the idiom and construction are faulty to the same extent. But the orthographical mistakes are of the kind which occur more or less in all the spurious grants, except in the British Museam plates of Pulikesin I., dated Saka-Samvat 411 expired (ante, Vol. VII. p. 209 f.), and in the Pimpalnêr plates of Pulikësin I. or II., dated Saka-Samvat 310 (ante, Vol. IX, p. 293); and in no genuine grants, except

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perhaps some of the latest of the Valabhi records. Another point is the wonderful mixture of verse and prose in lines 2 to 11; in respect of which, as I have said above, anyone who can understand the text can satisfy himself that the metrical passages really are fragments of verses, taken plainly from some other document, and not words which only incidentally have assumed & metilval shape. For this I can eall to mind no parallel whatever. And another point is the abrupt transition from Sanskrit to Old-Kanarese in line 16, not only in the middle of a sentence, but even in passing from an adjective in Sanskrit, used moreover erroneously in the nominative case, to the Kanarege dative which it is intended to qualify. For this, again, I can call to mind no analogous instance. In fine, how anyone can apply the present record seriously, is to me quite incomprehensible. The points to which I have drawn attention stamp it unmistakably as a document that has been pieced together, in the most careless fashion, and by a very ignorant and clumsy person, from perhaps half-a-dozen different sources, so that, whatever substratam of fact there may be in any of the passages included in it, taken as a whole it is a worthless, document, utterly useless for any historical purposes. It is by no means the first specimen of its kind from the same part of the country. On the spurious Western Gaiga grants, of which one is the Mallohalli record referred to above, through which the present record has been connected with them. I have written elsewhere (Dynasties of the Kangrese Districts, p. 11 ff). Wearisome as is the task of dealing in detail with such records, I have now treated fally of the present inscription, because, like the Western Gaiga grants, and in special connection with one of them, it has misguidedly and misleadingly been accepted from a serious point of view; and because, in the face of such treatment, it was necessary that its nature should be plainly exhibited. As far as it can be determined palæographically, and especially by the marked wave in the upper part of the vowel á as attached to consonants, which first began to appear about the end of the seventh century A. D., -see, for instance, the Harihar grant of the Western Chalukya king Vinayaditya, ante, Vol. VII. p. 300, Plate,-the date of its concoction might perhaps be placed about the commencement of the eighth century A.D.; but certainly no earlier. As, however, I cannot find any date in the eighth century which gives us the Rêvati nakshatra, at sunrise or at any time during the day, coupled with an eclipse of the sun on a Sunday answering to either tha párnimánta or the amanta Phålguna new-moon, it would appear that, unless the given details are purely imaginative, the record must be referred to a later time than A. D. 800.
TEXT.2
First Plate. 1 Om? Svasti (11*) Tad'-ann jayati râjâ râjamâna[h*] Sva-diptyä raviraiva
Ravidatto dattavin dharmmal-karal a[isi)- . 2 diśi vijit-îrêreyyasya viryya-pratâpah sakalam-avani-désar Bantatar sam
pada(ta)nti [1] Vidya-v[i]. 3 nå(na)y-Ativihita-vrittaḥ niti®-sastra-prayoga[t*) îsiderâjâ vidita-vijayah Kabyapo 4 Rashtrave(va)rmma tat-putrô=bhůt samara-mukha-huta-pri(pra) huta-sûrapurusha
taraga-va5 ra-våré(ra)pa[b*] chaturddasa (sa)-vidyasthîn-adhigata-vimala-ma’tiḥ gaja-vara(rů)tha
gatire-Nnagadatto nårêndrah tat-putrasya 6 rddantal vimardda-vimsidita-visvamba (mbha)radhipa-maali-mal[AR]-makaranda-punja
pimjarista )-satru-chchô(chů)da-vih[i*]ta-yasas-sûsa . .
? From the original plates.
• Represented by a symbol. • Metre, Malint. This is the only complete verse in the body of the grant: . After this rmma, a na or n seems to have been engraved and cancelled. • Matre, MandAkrántá; as far as putra-bhot or samara. . First mi was engraved ; and then the i was partially cancelled. • Metre, Mandákrantà or Sragdhard; as far as narendral.
. Read chaturddanta.

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KOMARALINGAM GRANT OF RAVIDATTA.
367
7 niyan k[^]nty10.Anang yavatishu nộipa-sri(ári)-Bhulljagamvaragaḥ13 srils-Singave(va)rmmeli-npipatês=tanaya vibhâti vidya ....
Second Plate; First Side. 8 nayanô16 tat-putrasya sva-bhuja-bala-paråkrama-kraya-viryya-sampanna-Skanda
ve(va)rmmana[h*] tat-pu9 trasya Punnaga-rajasy-[a]yanô dộintale s[v]a-bhuja-vikrama-datta-mály-[a]dêrs
E(i)ndra17-vikramð mri. 10 danga-gavira18-ninâda-nisvanaḥ samasta-samanta-tha(bha)ţa-pravarddhana[h] prasasti
râjâ suchiram vasundhari min] 11 sriman Ravidatta-namadhồyah [11*] Kitthil-puravarav(m)-adhivasati vijaya
skandâ vâre20 Cheramm-and12 jõeyâta Palgunamasyarha23 Adityavare Bovati(tl)-nakshatré suryya-grahana3
Punnadu13 vishayê Kudugar-nnaďo! půrvva-madhya-dêsê Pungisoge-nâma-gråmam(h) udaka
půrvvan-dattah Dvivi-vi. 14 prasya sarvva-båda (dha)-parihåre[ņa] janma-kshếtra Koļu(a)r-nnâma-gråmam
Sómasa (sa)rmma-bhattah Kodamaku-nå-15 ma-grâman Kumba(mbha)sa(sa)rmma-bhattah Dvatogeyanar-nnâma-grâma Kaśyapagôtrah Kâmarave(va)rmma-shada da)
Second Plate; Second Side. 16 gaviya(da?)rggam Atrêya-gôtrâya Paduvasa(sa)rmmagam i nti irvvorggań 8k8
bhagam(b) se(ke)shasya ja17 nma-kshetram chêvatrom Tanagundær-nnama-gråman Sridhara-chauvera-putrasya
Biņamma-dvédi25 Patta19 1-nâma-grâmam dvija3-guru-dêvatá-půdya27-Gananayaka taty428 samasta-ni(ni)ti-sastra
prayogi 19 Tetriya-charaña-prâ(pra)vachana-kalpa Vatsa-gôtraḥ Mada(dba)ra-chauvêrarggaṁ isau30
Kaova20 yana-sagôtrah Kêsa(sa)va-kramayitarggam inti irvvorggam ekô bhagam(h) dvishu
bhaga21 sya tasya simântarâņi půrvvasyên=disi(si) kammatthivâys allir virttandakolliga
pala- . 22 mpeyale tuļdilgâlâ-mûđâyolbe. ebeļla31 degalla-mû(?)tâya poreë(ye) bandu teruņa(?)
bà (?)lliya(?ye) 23 banda Elagovantra badagana si(si)meya! ku(ka)ại dakshiņasyân-disi(si)
ka(?)lipolekkal-tenne(nno)lbe tala ..
10 Metro, MandAkranta ; as far as bhujaginsvarigah for bhujangadhirija. 11 This bhu was at first omitted, and was then inserted below the line, with a mark to indicate the omission.
13 Some correction is necessary hers; and bhujung-adhirajal would satisfy the requirements of the metre, and agrees pretty closely which what is actually engraved.
13 Metre, Vasantatilaka; as far as vidyd. 14 First rmm was engraved ; and then the d was partially cancelled. 15 As regards the connection between this and the preceding line, see the introductory remarks. 16 What was intended here is not apparent.
17 Metre, Vatsastha ; as far as varundharah. 11 Road gambhira.
19 Read, perhaps, kirtti. » Read skandhåvird.
21 Read Anujnaya. * Read phalgun-Amdvisyan.
25 Read grahan. This may perhaps be intended for ch-air-tra.
25 Read dvivédi, or duvédi. 26 This ja was at first omitted, and then was inserted, in a very cramped style, between the dvi and the gu. 21 This is perhaps a mistake for pajya.
» What was intended here is not apparent. Read taittirfys.
* What was intended here is not apparent. After this Ha, some letter seems to have been engraved and cancelled.

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Third Plate; First Side. 24 .......b.. boņarkkellodiļda aduviṁ bada(?da) olbeekkuttam . . dirggase
.............. 25 álakkal-tennolbe ekiruvadikkål-tennolbe eku!dakkal-tennolbe ekarkkälliku ..b.. .
26 ba(Pbe)rkku-gereyalliyeva(ba)ndu suņņa-kkolligo! ku(ka)ạittu paschimasyân-disi(si)
saņņa-kkolli ..... 27 di bandu kuņdinadol-ku(ků)ời badaga rekkakadadubadagây-vetľadim biļda-kolliya
ta(Pu)...... 28 betgada mél-porale banda mađây-si(sf)meyu! ku(ka)ạittu 11 Tat-kal tad-vishayê
kada ...... 29 sya adaka-pûrvvam dattaḥ kṣitya-kuchcha-vyavahûrê agra-vákyê agra-pûje
pa.... [11 A). 30 sya danasya såkshiņal shannavatisaha(ha)sra vishaya-prakritayah [11] Yô=sy
âpa[hartta] 31 [m]Ohât-pram(ma)dêna vâ sa pañchabhir=mahabhi tpåtakaisa sarayuktô bhavati yo râ(ra)kshatissa(sa) puạyâ(nya)m a[vápnoti 11]
Third Plate; Second Side, 32 [S]v[en]33=d[8]tun Bu-mahach-chhakyam duhkham=anyasy palanan dẫna và
pålanam vəêti dânâch=chhre[yö-napala)33 nań (11*] Bahubhir=bba(vva)sudha bhuktà rajabhis=Sagar-adhi(di)bhiḥ yasya yasya
yada bhû[mis-tasya tasya] 34 tada phalam 11 Sarvv[]n34-éta[n] prårtthayatyaepa (va) Râmô bhùyô-bhûy635
bhậvinah på[rtthivêndrân sâ]35 mångôəyam dharmma-sêcur=nţipâņam kålê-kálê pålani(ni)yd maha(ha)dbhiḥ 11
Bra[hma-svan36 tu vi]36 sham ghômram37 na bhi(vi)sham visham=achyatê visham=ôkákinam hanti brahma, svar pu[t]ra-[pautrikam 11]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS, After the words "Om! Hail!", the record opens with a verse introducing the name of the king' Ravidatta (line 1), by whom, as we learn further on, the grant purports to have been made. The verse begins with the words tad=anu jayati, "after that, victorious is ...... Ravidatta;" which shew that at any rate some invocatory verse has been omitted here.
It then gives Ravidatta's genealogy. It states that there was a king' named Rashtra. varman (1.4), who seems to be described as belonging to the Kasyapa götra (1. 3). His son was
king' Nagadatta (1. 5). His son was the king,' the illastrious Bhujamgadhiraja (1.7), if we accept the correction that suits the metre and is suggested by the syllables that actually occur; and in connection with this person, and evidently as his wife, mention is made of a daughter of the king,' the illustrious Singavarman, but her name either was omitted or cannot be made out. His son was Skandavarman (1. 8). His son was Punnataraja (1.9), And his descendant is the king,' the illustrious Ravidatta (1. 11), who has now been governing the earth for a long time.
While his, Ravidatta's, victorious camp is at the town of Kitthipura, or perhaps Kirtipura, which is the best of towns (1. 11), with the permission of Cheramme, on the new-moon day of Phalguna (1. 12), on Sunday, under the Bevati nakshatra, and at an eclipse of the sun, the village named Pungisoge (1. 13), which is described as being in the east-central desa
» Read mahadbhi pdtakail, or mahipata kaih. 33 Metre, Blóka (Anushțubh); and in the next verse. * Metre, Alint.
25 First bhdvinah was engraved here, and then it was corrected into bhayo. * Metre, Bloks (Anushțubh). Read ghoran.

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śrutaskandha, i.e. updngas 8-12.7 Finally in the tenth place are the saikh éviyadasaus with the foll. names Ichuddiyd vimanapavibhatti, mahalliya vimd na[274]pavibhatti, angachuliya, vaggachúliya viváhachdliya, ArunovavÂê, Varaņôvavad (Varuo in the Schol., perhaps Dhara) Garulôvavad, Vélamdharovavad, Vêsamaņôvavae. All these names recur in the anangapavittha list of the Nandi (Pakshikas. Vidhipr.). We have seen above, p. 223, 224, that the five ajjha. yanas beginning with khuddiyavim dņa, are designed for the eleventh year of study, the five ajjh., which begin with arunovavda for the twelfth year of study. From this two facts are plain : first, that they still existed at the date of composition of the versus memoriales in question, secondly, that they were of great importance in so far as their study is made to occur after that designed for anga 5 i.e. the tenth year. By vivdhachiliya (vyákhya bhagavati, tasy đó chúliká) we may remark in passing, we are to understand one or more of those supplements to anga 5, all of which now appear to have been incorporated in that anga.
We cannot doubt that all the texts mentioned above were thus constituted at the period of the existence of anga 3. Hence the extreme interest of this detailed presentation of the subject. It is only as regards anga 7 and chhedasútra 4 that this account is in entire agreement with the existing text of the Siddhanta; in all other particulars this account is either widely different or has reference to texts, which are not found in the Siddhanta at all. The proof here given of the fact that from the mention of a work in one place or another there does not [275) follow the identity of the then existing texts with the present (though in reality proof of a fact that is self-evident) is nevertheless not out of place in the present case, since it has become so customary in these days to draw from the titles of Chinese, etc., translations of Buddhistic works conclusions in reference to the existence of the latter in their present form. The proof here carried out in reference to anga 8 to 10 is intended as a reminder that greater caution must be used in the future. (See Ind. Stud. III. 140).
Of great interest is farthermore the enumeration in ajjh. 7 of the names of the seven schismall together with those of their founders and of their localities : évann cheva samanassa bhagavató Mahavirassa titthaimi satta pavayananinhagd pan tah: bahurayú, jirapadésiya, avvattiya, sdmuchchhétiyd, dôkiriyá, térdsiya, avadhdhiya (!); éési nan sattanhah pavayananinhagánann satta dhammayariyd hottha, tan : Jamali, Tisagutté Asadhé, Asamitté, Garnge, Chalu, Gotthámáhile ; éési nas pa nan satta uppattinagard hotthá, tana: Sâvatthi, Usabhapuram, Sêyabiyâ, Mihilê, Ullagatiram, puram Amtaramji, Dasapura(m) ninhaga-uppattinagaram. According to Ávasy. nijj. 8, 61. 89, the last of these schisms occurred in the year Vira 584; from this we may derive some basis for chronological determination,12See Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15.
An exact examination of this important text is a great desideratum, since in it are contained a large number of signifi cnt [276] statements and data. It constitutes a perfect treasure-house for the correct understanding of innumerable groups of conceptions, in distinguishing which from one another the pedantic formalism of the Jains was wont to run riot.
The table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi (N) reads : sê kim tam thâņê ? thâņe nam sasamaya thâvijjamti parasamaya sasamayaparasamayâ; jiva thâvijjamti ajiva jîvâjiva; lôgô alôgô lô gálógô thêvijjaṁti ;18 thâņê ņam davva-guna-khetta-kala-pajjavapayatthâ nam sêla salila
dirghadaálhavarupato'navagata dva, tad-adhyayangi (kani) chin narakávalik A-srutaskandha upalabhyarte, tatra chandrayaktavyat pratibadaham chandram adhyayanath, tathi hi: Rajagrihe...; Seshani triny pratitani.
9 samksh@pika dash apy anavagatesvarapléva, tadadhyayanAnAm punar arthah: khuddié tyAdi, iha' valiks. pravishtetaravim napravibhajanath yatra 'dhyayane tad vim&napravibhaktib, tach chai 'kam alpakranthorthan, tath&'nyan mah&granthártham.
This first 5 of the preceding ten ajjh. are doubtless meant by this statement. At least in the Nandi they preserve the same order of succession.
1. These texts may be conosaled, 1.e., absorbed by larger texta-a conjecture which is very probable e.g. in the . case of the vivdhachdliyd. See above.
11 of. Kup. 794 (4), where the word "in connection with Ayyarakkhia and Pasamitta" belong to the last line after Gotthimshila; see Av. N. 8, 89.
19. The Jain records on the above sovon schisms have been translated into German by Leumann, Ind. Stud. XVII., p. 91-135.-L.
18 In N. we read jfui ajtud jfrdj. at the beginning : then follows lié albd lay ; and sasamad p. sanamayapara. sa mdf forms the conclusion, (a algo in the case of angas 4 et seq.): the verb is thdvijahti in each one of the nine esse-1.8. in the plural,

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SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
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ya samudda-sara-bhavana-vimaņa-agaranadiò nidhayo purisajay14 sarà 15 ya gotta ya jðisam vålA10; èkaviham vattavvayam duviham java dasaviham vattavvayam jivaņa pôggalána ya lógatthåim cha ņam pardvaņayå kg havijjai, 17
The commentary is by Abhayadêva, who both here at the end and elsewhere is frequently called navdngívrittikdrah. Commentaries to angas 3-11 are ascribed to him; and we have one from his hand on upanga 1.
He calls himself a scholar of Jinêsvaracharya18 and of Buddhisagara the younger [2771 brother of the former. The present commentary was prepared by him Saivat 1120 (A.D. 1064) in Anahillapataka with the help of Yaśôdêvagani, a scholar of Ajitasinhâchárya, for a panditaparshad, conducted by śri Drôņáchârya. According to Dharmasagara's Gurudvali, the "navaingavrittikrit," Abhayadeva died Sauvat 1135, according to others 1139. See Kl. 248b. 253b. (12.30).
IV. The fourth angam, samavaya, "association, group, rubric," in one ajjhayaņa, that consists of very heterogeneous parts. The contents of the first two-thirds is in general the same as that of the third anga, both being designed for instruction in the eighth year. See above. There is however the difference that the categories here exceed 10,19 and continue by progression up to 100,20 and then per saltus far exceed 100. Immediately following, but without any logical connection with this, is a detailed table of contents and extent of all the twelve angas ; then all sorts of statements which cannot be united into one class and which deal partly with doctrine, partly with hagiology and, if we may use the expression, history or legend. This third part is without doubt to be regarded as an appendix to the first part, and the whole as a supplement to the third anga; as in fact we learn from & 57 that angas 1 to 3 were regarded as a connected unit. We have here & compendium of everything worth knowing, [278] a perfect treasure-house of the most important information which is of the greatest value for our understanding of the Siddhanta. Of especial significance are, in the first place, the statements of literary and his. torical content in $ 1-100, in reference to the extent and division of the separate angas, etc., (statements which were doubtless the principal cause of the addition of the full treatment of this subject); the mention of various celebrated Arhats of the pastal together with the number of their scholars (this was the cause of the addition of the conclading part); and the frequent reference to the lunar and nakshatra computation of time and to the quinquennial yugam. The references to the yugam are exactly in the manner of the jyótisha védánga, Kțittika, etc., being the beginning of the series of the nakshatras.
Anga 4 begins, after prefacing the customary introduction (suyam mê dusana, te nas bhagavaintenan évam akkhayann) with a fresh statement in reference to the authorship of Mahavira :-iha kchalu samané nan bhagavayd Mahaviré narit (then follows the regular varnaka with about 40 attributes, among which are Jinênan .. buddhê nan bohaốnasi ....) ime duválasangé ganipidage23 pannatté, tam jahá : (then follow the names of the 12 angas) 23 (279)
14 ParisajAys tti porashaprakära unnatapranatidibhêdal; path Aŭtarêņa: pussajöga tti upalakshanatvat pushy Adinakshatrani chamdréns saha paschimagrimôbhayapramidAdikó yôgah. 15 svarss cha shardj&dayo.
16 chala B C; jy tishale thirdrúpana hudlandni (ca1°9). 11 N. has instead of thane para davvs the following: tarkA kada selA vihariņo pabbhara kundAiro guhA6 Agar daha naio Aghavijjarti; thÅpe par égátyde @guttariy&è vuddhie dasatthiņavivaddhiyanam bhavanar perdana ághavijjarti.
18 The founder of the Kharataragachchha, see the pattavalt at the end of the Sabdaprabhádatika v. 2 (ms. or. fol. 813), and KL. 248a (11).
19 In $ 1-10 there are many statements which recur in the same form in anga 3.
* They are counted up to 100 M first, sooond, third samavaya (or in the noutor samavdycom) up to the hundredth.
21.9. Kurths 27. 81, Kunthu 895, Paan $ 38, 70, 850. Panaini (Nami B.C) $ 39, Arithanémi $ 40, Nami. 41, Vimala § 44. 56, Munisuyvan 50, Malli 55. 57, Usabha K aalis $ 63, 83. 89. Móriyaputta $ 65, Suvihi Pupphadanta 6.75. 86, Bharaha $ 77, Seyyasa $80, Siyyamea $ 84, Siyala $ 83. 90, Mandiyaputta $ 83, Supisa $ 86, 95, 200, Ajjiya 90, Indabhati & 92, Cardappaha 993, Samti & 93, Sumar 9 300, Sambhava g 400, Ajia $ 450, Sagara 450, Vasupujja $ 700.
11 This word, which in 887 is used especially for angas 1-3, belongs of course to the tipitaka of the PAli texts, but has no reference to the number three. The designation of "basket" inolines one to think of its having been committed to writing. On the first mention of the name tipitaka see Ind. Stud. 5, 26; Vorles. Ind. Lit.-G. 311, appendix, page 18.
92 All of the preceding from ihr khalu on gives an impression of secondary origin. This is the first occasion that we meet with the tarnaka of Mah&vira.

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tattha nasi jé se caütthé angê samavde ti dhié, tassa, nan ayam atthe ... In angas 1-3 we do not find at the outset any such designation as first second, third angam.
I extract the following from the remainder of the anga. In & 1 repetition of the statements of the third anga in reference to the asterisms addá, chittá, súti being called égatára; further on the saine statements are made about the remaining nakshatras; in $ 7 the 28 nakshatras are divided into four groups, viz. : kittiykiya (Radika) in the East (puvvadáriya), mahliya in the South, anura ndiya in the West, dhani tháiyd in the North. After the sentence kittiyaiydiyd satta nakkhatta puvvudáriyá parn (pannattá) the words pághántaréna abhahiyadiya (A, abhiyaiya BC) are inserted ; 26 whereby, as the schol. explains, abhijit, asvint, pushya, sváti are indicated rather than the names in question. This insertion purposes to put the series of nakshatras, first invented by the Jains and taught especially in upángas 5, 7 (see Ind. Stud. 10, 220, 304) in the place of the old lețittiká series, which still maintained its validity at the time the fourth anga was first composed. 27 The new view had not yet received the authoritative stamp of orthodoxy. [280] We must however here notice that (cf. p. 269) in the third anga 8 7 we find statements completely identical with those in this insertion.-In 18 enumeration of the 18 kinds of writing usual for the bambhi livi (but not so correct as in up. 4 on which account I cite them there);-$18 atthinatthipavayassa puvvassa (this is the fourth púrvam) atthárasa vatthú ;-in § 19 enumeration of the 19 nayajjhayanas, i. e. of the 19 books of anga 6, in kariká form ;-in & 23 enumeration of the 23 styagadajjhayanas, i. e. of those of anga 2;-in 25 enumeration of the 25 ajjh. of anga 1; ayarassa bhagavaô sachúliyáyassa, the maháparinná being mentioned in the ninth place and the wisíhajjhayana being designated outright as " 25th ajjh." The latter is probably the chúliya (see $ 57 and p. 254); the designation as bhagavant is found also in $ 85, cf. also $ 84 ;-in & 36 enumeration of the 36 ajjh. of the uttarajjhayaņa, i.e. of the first múlasutra, and in fact with a few insignificant variations of the names given here; see below- 43 téyálisan kammavivagajhayaņá pan(natta); the names are however not enumerated; accord, to the schol. the 20 ajjh. of the eleventh anga, called vivágasuya are hereby referred to as also the 23 of the second (1) anga. Cf. page 270 in reference to the kammavivågadasâu in ten ajjh. mentioned in anga 3, 10; – § 44 chôálisan ajjhayaņd isibhåsiya dévalógachuyabhásiyá pann(natta); both of these texts, at least under these names, are no longer extant, 34* I have found the dévalogachuyabhásiy mentioned in this place alone; the isibhásiyá however are often mentioned. We have already come across them (see p. 272) in anga 3, 10 as third ajjh. of anga 10 (!) [281] In the Nandi they appear among the anangapavittha texts; the author of the Avasy. nij. confesses that he (2,6) is author of a nijj. to the isibháridi too, and (8, 54), placing them in the second place, describes them together with káliasua, súrapannatti and ditthivda as the four kinds of anuôa (see p. 258); Abhay. however here characterizes them as kálikasrutaviséshabhútáni. Haribhadra on Av. identifies them, on one occasion (2. e) with painna 7, on another (8,5), he calls them uttaradhyayanádini ! See above, p. 259. They appear also in connection with the painnas, embracing 50 (!) ajjh. in the Vidhiprapd, where their connection with the Uttarajjhayana as matántara is also referred to - $ 46 ditthiváyassa nasi chhayálisani mauyapaya (matrikápadání) pari(natta); barbhíé nan livie chháyálisan máuarakkhá (mdurakará BC, perhaps máuakkhard ? mátri + aksho) pain. In reference to the 46 máuy ápaya of anga 12 see below. By the "lékhyavidhau 46 mátrikáksharani" of the Scriptures, are according to the schol., to be understood a to ha, with the addition of ksha, but with the
** Akhyata, I assumed several years ago (Bee Bhag. 1. 410. 2, 251) under the erroneous belief that this form belonged especially to the Stryaprajtapti (800 Ind. Stud. 10, 264) that dhia dhijjai were derived from the root khyå weakened to khi, hi. I should now prefer to regard them as a species of retrogressive formation from the common dhahru (root ah). 25 Thus in A; in BC before.
26 The same case is found $72. 31 The echol, however regards the abhijit series 98 siddhdrhtamatam : he then adds : iha (in the text) tu mataturam abritya krittikddini .. bhanitini chandraprajñaptau tu buhutardni matani darsitani) (Ind. Stud. 10, 285).
3. See however the last but one asteriem note.
29 The Paniniy bikshe counts 68 or 64 varnas and (as is very remarkable)" both for Sanskrit and for Prikrit (!)" See Ind. Stud. 4, 348, 349.

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omission of jha-da-tri (?)-um(?)-la (?) 130 These statements are of the most remarkable character. The number of 46 aksharas, whether written signs or sounds (which can have reference to Sanskrit alone and not to Prákrit, since ksh is included in the list), I am as yet entirely unable to explain31 § 57 tinham ganipidaganam áyárachúliyavajjánam sattávannam ajjhayaná pai (natta) áyáré 24, súyagadé 23, tháné [282] 10; here the first 3 angas are taken together as a unit and called 'the three ganipiḍagas' par excellence. It is here worthy of note that only 24 ajjh. are ascribed to the áyára after the separation of the áyárachiliya, and in fact (p. 254) only the nisthajjhayanam, which in § 25 is called the 25th ajjh., can be meant by úyárachuliya;-in § 59 fifty-nine day-nights (rátindiya) are allotted to each season of the lunar year; § 61 panchasainvachchharassa nam jugassa ridumáséṇash miyyamáṇassa égasaṭṭhi udumásá paṁ(náttá); see on this Jyotisha v. 31 (my treatise, p. 93);-§ 62 the quinquennial yugam has 62 full moons, 62 new moons; § 67 67 nakkhattamásá; according to § 71, the winter of the fourth lunar year (in the yuga) has 71 vuxenpepa-chaütthassa nash chanhdasamvachchharassa hémantá nam ékasattarié ratimdiyehim vitikkamte him;-in § 72 enumeration of the 72 kalas which are essentially identical with those which recur in aiga 6, 1, 119, upanga 1, 107 and elsewhere; 33 the repeated use of the word lakkhana probably forms a literary synchronism with the Mahábháshya and the Atharvaparisishtas. See Ind. Stud. 13, 460 Burnell, Tanjore Catalogue, p. 9 fg.; the names are:
878
-
Lêham 1, ganiyam 2, râvaṁ 3, naṭṭam 4, gîyam 5, vâiyam 6, saragayaṁ 7, pukkharagayam 8, samatâlam 9, jûyam 10, janavayam 11, pôrêvachcham (A, kavvam B.C.) 12, atthâvayam 13, dagamaṭṭiyam 14, annavihim 15, pânavihim 16, lênav.34 17, sayanav. 18, ajjapahêliyam (ajjam pa° BC) 19, magahiyam 20, gâham35 21, silogam 22, gamdhajuttim 23, [283] madhusittham 24,36 abharaṇavihim 25, tarunîpaḍikammam 26, itthilakkhanam 27, purisal. 28, hayal. 29, gayal. 30, gônal.37 31, kukkudal. 32, midhayal. 33, chakkal. 34,38 chhattal. 35, damdal 36, asil. 37, manil 38, kaganil. 39, chammal. 40,39 chamdayal. 41, sûrachariyam 42, râhuchariyam 43, gahachariyam0, 44, sôbhakaram 45, dôbhakaram 46, vijjagayam 47, maṁtag. 48, rahassag. 49, sambhavam 50, varam (? châram BC) 51, paḍivârain (châram BC) 52,41 bûham 53, padibûham 54, khamdhâvâramâņam 55, nagaramanam 56, vatthumanam 57, kham.dhâvâranivêsam 58, nagaranivêsam 59, vatthunivêsam 60, îsattham 61, chharuppavâyam (pagayam BC) 62, âsasikkham 63, hatthisikkham 64, dhanuvedam 65, hariņavâdam (hiranṇavâyam BC) 66, suvannavâdam 67, manipâgam 68, dhâupâgam 69, bâhujuddham 70, damḍaj. 71, mutthij. 72, atthij. 73, juddham 74, nijuddham 75, juddhatijuddham 76, suttakhedḍam 77, nâliyakheḍdam 78, vaṭṭakhedḍam 79, dhammakheddam12 80, chamharevattam (pamhakheḍḍam BC) 81, pattachheyyam 82, kadaga (kannaga BC) chheyyain 83, pattagachheyyam 84, sajivaṁ 85, nijfvam 86, saunaruyam 87 iti. Of these 87 names, 15 are to be removed, whether they are puthamtaras (see on No. 80) or interpolations. For the v. r. from Náy. see below;-§ 81 vivahapannattie (in the fifth anga) ékkásíun mahájummasaya [284] (mahayugmasatáni) pam(nattá);—§ 84 vivahapannattiés nam bhagavaté chaurasiim payasa
30 Among the Brahmans too there is found an enumeration of the alphabet in order to form a diagram. Cf. my treatise on the Rama TAp. Up. I. 62, p. 309. This enumeration contains 51 okshoras (16 vowels, 35 consonants), which, after deducting 5 aksharas, shows the 46 máuyakkhará ascribed in onga 4, 40 to the bathbht livt. In reference to their use see page 462. It is however doubtful whether the use of the latter (on page 462) represents an example of the mauyakkhara.
31 tani cha 'kârâdini hakârâmdatâni (râmtâni) saksha kârâni jha-da-tri-ûm-lam(!). (Leumann proposes to me to read ri, ri, li; but what is the meaning of jha and da !) ty eva (!) ity êtadaksharapanchakavarjitâni sambhâvyamte. The letters meant are indeed ri, rt, li, t and ., see Weber's Cat. II., p. 408, n. 2.-L.
32 See Paul Steinthal, Specimen of the Nayadh. p. 29 and Leumann Aupapât. p. 77, where especial notice is taken of the variant readings here.
ss Nay, has here pasayam and reverses the position of 12 and 13.-*The right name of the 12th kall is no doubt porekachchan-pauraskṛtyam.-L.
24 Vilévana Nay. with the addition of vatthav,
35 Nay. adds gitiyans.
36 Instead of 23. 24 Náy. has hirannojuttim, suvannaj, chunnaj. 38 Nay. omits 33, 34.
57 Steinthal has ganal". 50-40-50 omitted in Nây.
Are they to be regarded as planets or are they to be understood according to the fashion of the Ath. Paris. 53. 54P
41 Instead of 51-57 there are in Náy. the following 31 names; tatthuvijjan, khamdháromânam 56. 53. 54, 51 (BC), 52 (BC) chakkavihan, garulavinam, saga avúham, 74-76. 73. 72. 70, tay juddham, 61. 62. 65-67. 77. 79. 78.
81. 82. 85-87.
43 Omitted in BC, where we read instead parantaré (pathântare) chamha, by which chamha is manifestly designated as v. 1. to pamha°.

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[DECEMBER, 1889.
hassá padaggenam pannatta. Later on in the course of our investigation we will recur to the fact that this statement in reference to the extent of the text is less by 100,000 padas than that of the present text. See $ 85 and $ 25 on the designation as bhagavati, which has remained the exclusive property of this text.-$ 85 Ayarassa pain bhagavatô sachúliyágassa parichásin uddésanakálá; - $ 88 difthivaya888 na atthastir suttiin pain tai: ujjusuyani, parinayáparinayan, évan althasiin suttani bhaniyavvani jaha Nandie. This reference to the Nandi, by which any further enumeration has been spared, is very remarkable from the fact that the statements in it, a few pages further on, are found in exactly the same detail in the fourth anga itself at this very point, in the consideration of the contents and extent of all the angas. This being the case the reference ought to have followed the collective statement found several pages further on in the same anga. We are therefore compelled to believe that the Nandi is the original source of information for this presentation, common to anga 4 and the Nandi, and that this presentation was at a later period taken from the Nandi and inserted in anga 4; furthermore, this insertion ninst have occurred at a period succeeding that to which the above reference of the redactor belongs. Or have we merely to do with a later act of the scribes ? Were this the case, this act of theirs is at least very remarkable, if not unfortunately executed. There is, however, one difficulty in the way of the assumption that the Nandi is the ultimate source, viz. :-there are all manner of differences between the treatment in the Nandi and that here, differences in which the Nandi does not always [285] contain the more ancient statements. See below. The fact that the table of contents in N. is much shorter than that here makes, it is true, eo ipso, an impression of greater antiquity; and N. offers in this table of contents many readings which are decidedly older and better,
We have now reached a point where we may discuss the collective presentation itself. It begins simply: dudlasarige gamipidagé par (natté), tah:.. then follow the names of the 12 angas and then the details in reference to contents, division and extent of each of the twelve. I ingert here what I have collected from the statements in reference to division and extent, that the reader may obtain a general survey of the whole. I subjoin the v. r. from the Nandi (N) which, after what I have said above, may in the last instance claim priority over those of the anga.
1. Ayare, 2 suyakhamdhi, 25 ajjhayaņâ, 85 uddêsanakala, 85 samuddêsanakálů, 18 payasahassaim payaggênarn.
2. suyagade, 2 suyakh. 23 ajjh., 33 add., 33 samudd., 36 padasabassain (36,000) padaggêņa.
3. thane, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh., 21 udd., 21 samudd., 72 payasahasskim (72,000) payaggênan.
4. samavae, 1 ajjh., 1 sayakh., 1 add., 1 samudd., égé chôyâle payasayasa hassé (144,000 ;. saya is omitted in the incorrect Berlin MS. of N, but accord. to Leumann is in the N Ed.) pay.
a 5. viyahe, I say., 100 ajjh. with & residue (! égê sairégé ajjhayanasayê), 10 uddésagasahassaim, 10 samuddésagasa hassâim, 36 vågaraṇasabassaim, 84 (!) payasa hassin (84,000) payaggêņam :- the latter statement is found also in § 84-see above page 284-N, however, has: do lakkhả atthâsîi (288,000) payasa hassaim, which corresponds to twice the former steady increase in 1-4.
6. [286] nayadhammakahau, 2 suyakh., 19 (A N Edit., 29 BCN) ajjh. 10 dhammakahaņam vagga (this omitted in N), 19 (A N Ed., 29 BCN) uddêsanakala, 19 (A N Ed., 29 BN) samuddoorņak Al, sankbêjjhim payasayasa hassaim p. (saya omitted in N., also in Ed. ; 576,000 Schol.) - Between 10 dh, vaggå and 19 (or 29) udd. we find inserted : in each dhammakah 500 akkhaiya, in each akkhîiya 500 uvakkbâiya, in each uvakkhaiyA 500 akkhaiya-uvakkháiyâ, in all 34 akkhaiyakodi6.44 In N this statement from dasadhammakahåņam vagga (inclusive) on, is at an earlier place in the description of the contents:
7. uvasagadasao, 1 suyakb., 10 ajjh., 10 add. káld, 10 samudolâ, sank hêjjai payas ayasahanskim p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed.; 1,152,000 Schol.).
eguna visar A N Ed., ekonaviniati Schol. (also on N), ég Anattisat BCN.
CY. my remarks on aniga 6 in referenoe to this remarkable number. We are lead to expect figure. N Ed. has kahapagako coord. to Leumann instead of akkhaiyakodio.
much higher

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DECEMBER, 1889.)
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375
8. amtagadadasa, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh. (N omits), 7 (8N) vaggi, 10 (8 N) udla, 10 (8 N) samud14, samk hêjjái payasayasahanskim p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed.; 2,304,000 Schol.).
9. anuttarovavaiyadasao, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh. (omitted in N Ed.), 3 vagga, 10 (3N) uddola, 10 (3 N) samold, samkhêjjâim payasayasahasskim p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed.; 4,608,000 Schol.).
10. panhavagarapani, l suyakh., [45 ajjh. N], 45 uddola, 45 samuddol, sarkhêjjåņi payasa yasa hassari p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed. ; 9,216,000 Schol.).45
11. vivayasue, [2 suyakh. N], 20 ajjh., 20 uddol, 20 samuola, samkhôjjáim payasayasahasedim p. (saya omitted in AN, also in Ed.; 18,432,000 Schol.)
12. [287] ditthivae, 1 suyakh., 14 puvvâim, samkhijja vatthù, sankhejjâ chala (chulla N) vattků, samkhejja pahudi, s. påhudapähuda, sakhejjâu pâhudiyêu, samkhejjâu pahudiyapåhudiyaa, samkhejjáni payasahassani.
The most remarkable feature of the above is the statement in reference to the number of the words of each aiga. According to Abhayadeve in the scholia, 67 the number of words in the case of angas 1-4, increases continually by half till the eleventh anga is reached; and the Nandi and an anonymous writer thereupon asserts the same with the modification that, instead of angas 1-4, angas 1-5 are said to show this increase. This view is however in direct opposition to the actual facts of the case, for angas 7-11 are the least of all as regards their extent; which is so very small that there can be no thought of “100,000 countable padas,"40" countable" meaning here probably “those that need a special count," "numerous" or "innumerable." If we reckon on the average for each padam three aksharazo and for each grantha (éloka i.e. 32 aksh.), twelve padas, the following is the result of a comparison of the number of these granthas, stated as in the MSS., with the above pada numbers [288].
1. afiga, 2564 gr., i. e. 30,649 padas, instead of 18,000 p. 0 2.. 2800 gr., 27,600 padas,
36,000 3. . . 3750 gr., 45,000 padas,
72,000 4.. 1607 gr., 19,284 padas,
14,000 5. . , 15,750 gr., 189,000 padas,
84,000
(988,000 N 6. . ,5,375 gr.," 64,500 padas,
576,000 7. - 812 gr.,
9,744 padas,
[1,152,000] 8.· 890 gr., 10,680 padas,
(2,804,000) 9.. . 192 gr., 2,804 padan,
(4,608,000) 10. . 1300 gr., 15,672 padas,
[9,216,000] 11. . 1816 gr., 16,792 padas,
(18,432,000]
Drinavatir lakshah shōdaasahaaradhikah.
Aks padakotis chatarasitir lakshAb dvåtrikao cha sahasrápi. 47 Likewise slao Némichandra in the Pravachanasdrôddhara $ 92 v. 726 : padhamat Syarangan atharasacahassapayaparimpath Ovath sésamg&ta vi dogupi dugunappam&path 11
+ N at least has only " thousands."
+ Acoord. to Leumann samkhajja signifies merely an indefinite number that is still to be counted, and not always a large number.
* See Bhagav. 1, 877. This is true in the case of the prose; in verso we must reduce the number somewhat. The preliminary question is of course-What does the author understand by pada? [Malayagiri in the Nandi KH SAYA D. 425 yatrorth palabdhis tat padam.-L.) In this approximation of three aksharas to pada I havo jeokoned the single members of compounds a single word, in so far as the compounds can lay claim to be considered as such.
61 See above, p. 250. The grantha enumeration is of secondary origin in comparison with the pada enumeration.
59° So also in nisithabhishya pedh. 1 (taken from the Ashraniry.). It must, however, be noted that the whore number (18.000) referred to the frat srutaskandha only. Malayagiri saya [Nandi-1 p. 4951: atra DATA Abs yath'Aohare dvad grutaskandhau pabchavinbatir adhyayanani padagréga chishtAdata pada saharli
arhi yad bhanitara nava bambhacharamail afphdrasa paya-sahabad vil i tad viradhyaté; atra hinavabrahmachar yadhyayans-matra evdah Adaka-padasahaarapramina Aohara ukto, 'smins tv adhyayane dvau frutaskandhau patiohaviobatir adhyayanAni Mat samagoay! Acbaraaya parimanam oktam, ashtAdaba pada-sshaardi peab prathama-srutaskandhaays navabrahmacharydhyayanaaya. vichitrêrtha-nibaddhani hi sutrkpi bhavanti, sta era shishAr samyakarthivaramo karpadlingo bhavati nányatha, Oha cha charikrit 1 dl muyakhandh panat fears avhavanini, yanh kyaraq sahiyanna (0) Aydrassa pamanaih bhaniyathatthrasa paya saha sad puna padhama. wakhandhasha navabambhachermayassa pamamath vichitta-attha nibad dhani ya mittari, gurdwaal daithe atth. jdniyavuo thi. This view of the Charmiksit (translated by Malayagiri into Sanskrit) seems to be the more right
w the Digambaras sacribe also 18,000 pude to the Achdro without soknowledging any sooond Brutaskandha te Prof. Peterson's Second Report, p. 184.-L.
# Another statement 6,500 gr., or 4 155 gr.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1889.
In the case of angas 1 and 5, the numbers above given are less, in the case of all the others, greater than the actual state of the case. In a majority of cases the difference is simply ridiculous. The statement in reference to anga 5 (84,000)64 is not in harmony with the increase in 1-4 i.e. twice the number of the previous. We should expect that anga 5 should have preserved the same ratio, as is the case in N. This statement is in direct contradiction to those statements which are found in the MSS. of anga 5; according to which its extent is not 84,000 (and not 288,000, as is stated in N) bat 184,000 padas (Bhag. 1, 377), which corresponds well enough to its actual extent: 15,750 gr. = 189,000 padas. The peculiar nature of our statement in reference [289] to 84,000 padas is, finally, rendered more apparent by the fact that it is found in § 84 of the first part of our anga, on the strength of which it has again found a place here. In that it is so free from suspicion that I consider it correct for that period, and find in this very circumstance a critical criterion or testimony that, at that time, the fifth anga had not yet reached its present extent.
As peculiar as the statements in reference to numbers of padas are those concerning the 31 kiti" i. e. 35 millions, in anga 6. That all this is perfect nonsense, is perfectly apparent. See below. Finally there are several differences of a very surprising nature in the other statements which are not so readily set aside as incorrect or impossible, differences which exist partly in these statements themselves, partly in their relation to the actual facts. First, the difference in reference to the number of ajjhayaņas in anga 6 ; according to A and Abhayad. there are 19 and such is the actual state of the case-but according to BCN56 there are 29. Then as regards anga 8 the 10 ajjh. are wanting in N.67 The number of the vaggas (7), of the udd. (10) and of the samudd. (10) is in N everywhere 8; likewise as regards anga 9 N has the number 3 as in the case of the vaggas, and in that of the udd. and schudd.; in the case of anga 10 N adds 45 ajjh. and in that of anga 11 likewise 2 suyakh. In reference then [290] to the actual facts, we must make the preliminary observation that the division into udde sagas in the case of angas 8-11, and that into samuddésagas in general in all the angas, is not denoted in the MSS.58# The other differences refer chiefly to the fifth angam which has no division into ajjhayanas; in that anga they are called saya (sata), and their number is not 100 but 41 or, including the sub-sayas, 138; likewise the existing text has only 1925 (not 10,000) uddésagas. A special demarcation of vágaraña sections is unknown.5o What can possibly be the meaning of 36,000 vágaranas and only 84,000 padas! (cf. Bhag. 1. 376). The differences in reference to angas 8-11 are not less remarkable. As regards the vaggas (8), anga 8 agrees with N, but has, not 10 (cf. anga 3, 10), but 93 ajjh. ;-anga 9 has likewise not 10 (cf. again anga 3, 10), but 33 ajjk. ;-anga 10 has ten dáras; cf. the ten ajjh. in anga 3, 10, whereas we have here no information about dáras or ajjh., and N, on the other hand, speaks of 45 ajjh.-iga 11 has in agreement with N the 2 suyakl., which are not mentioned in the source of information before us. In the case of anga 12 there is no possibility of com, paring the statements in question with the text, since there is no longer any such extant.See below.60
Or sarva-milanena 1841 (v. 1. 1894) grunthas!
A So also Abhayadeva, who shows that he is evidently embarrassed in his statement : chaturasitipadasahasripi pedigréné 'ti samaviy apekshay ("in reference to 6 84") dvigunatay& (tky&P) iti (8) narayanat (). anyatha te dvigunatvé dve taksde asht&sitih Bahasrani cha bhavanti. In the following anga he states the number of padas ta be 576,000 i.e. twice that of those in anga 5, according to his computation.
# According to Leumann Ned. has 19 and not 29.--Here again, as with arga 1, only the first drutaskandha is intended by the assortion of there being 19 ajjhayanas and not 29. In the same way only Part I. of anga 11 has been known to the author of anga 3, 10 as has been shown above on p. 270.-L.
According to Leumann this is not so in Ned. ** This statement requires some inodification ; see the closing words of ages 8-10 in Weber's Cat. II., 502 (8), 807 (9), 520 (10: danu chevs divas su uddirijanti....), aga 11 has in the place a reference to sga 1 (see ibid. 534) which, however, has the same bearing.-L.
This demarcation, or the number 36,000 representing it, is also found in the table of contents of alliga 5 preceding the statements in reference to the extent.
* I will note here merely the fact that in the section in reference to the twelfth angam, Bhaddabhu is men. tioned by name, whom tradition proclaims to be the last teacher of this angam or of the fourteen purvas, see above, p. 214. It is furthermore stated that therein was contained section in reference to Bhaddabhu and to his history

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377
DECEMBER, 1889.] SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS.
The question now arises how are these differences to find a fitting solution? It is selfevident, that, so far as the extraordinary character [291] both of our information in regard to the number of padas, and of the akkháias in anga 6 is concerned, they are a fabrication of the author; nor is it improbable that a similar explanation may hold good in the case of the special differences of detail. The carefulness of statement which we notice here, renders it, on the other hand, possible that the author has based his statements on those of his authorities, and that we have to deal with genuine discrepancies between two different texts. Abhayadeva declares here that he is unable to explain the contradiction in the case of angas 8 and 9 and in the case of anga 10 all that he does is to admit the existence of the conflict.63 But in his commentary on anga 10 he adduces (1) a further case of divergence-an introduction at variance with the general character of the introductions in that it allots to the anga two suyakkhamdhas, and (2) refers especially to the conflict between the purvácháryáḥ and the aidamyugináḥ. See below. Of primal importance for angas 8 to 10 (11) is the fact that the statements in anga 3, 10 too render it [292] probable, that these angas had then a text different from our own. The irreconcilability of title and contents show that in the case of anga 10 something must have occurred to cause the present condition of affairs.
As we have seen that there are important differences between the statements made here or in N. and the actual state of things in the eleven angas, so far as extent and division are concerned, we now discover that the same holds good as regards the statements, now under examination, concerning the contents. These statements, which in N are much more brief than those in anga 4, are, it must be said, of so general a character and so colourless that their real contents can only be discovered with difficulty. They appear in a form that is purely stereotyped (see the common introduction in angas 2 to 5,63 and in 6-9 and 11,64) whereas there is no such similarity of contents between each of the single members of these two groups; and the statements in question are not in exact accordance with the contents of any single one. This latter remark holds good in the case of the special statements in reference to the contents of anga 10, to which we do not find any such stereotyped introduction. These special statements suit the name of the anga, but not its present contents. It is of great significance that the statements in anga 3, 10 (see above, p. 272) are essentially in accordance with these now under discussion. This agreement [293] makes it extremely probable that the contents of the tenth angam, as it then existed, was in harmony with these statements.
To the detailed consideration of the 12 angas there is appended here, as in the Nandi, a passage on the entire duvalasamgam ganipidagam. This deals partly with the attacks, which it was subjected to in the past, 65 which it now experiences in the present and will experience in the future, partly with the devoted acquiescence which is its lot to meet with in these three periods and conclades with the declaration of its certain existence for ever: na kayai na asi, na kayai na 'tthi, na kayai na bhavissati.
The coucluding portion of the fourth anga consists of frequent reference to the legendary hagiology and history of the Jains, genealogical enumerations (and others of different content) of parents, wives, etc. of the kulakaras, 24 titthakaras, 12 chakkavattis, 9 Baladêvas, 9 Dasaras, 9 Vasudevas, partly in metrical form (sloka and árya). Towards the end there is a transition to prophecy (construction in the future). Our information here varies in part very materially from that contained in Hêra. 26 fg. 691 fg. and is not preserved in the MSS. with any
61 On 8: dasa ajjhayana tti prathamavargåpêkshayai 'va ghatate, Namdy& tathai 'va vyakhyâtatvat (see below); yathe (yach chê) 'ha pathyat satta vagga ti tat parthamavargad anyavargapêkshaya yato tra sarve 'py ashta varga Nadyam api tatha pathitaḥ: sarvani (adhyayanini) chai 'kavargagatani yugapad uddisyamte, ato ('tra) bhauitam attha udd 14 ity Adi, iha cha dato 'ddésanakala adhiyamta iti na 'sy 'bhiprayam adhigachhamah:-- and on 9: iha 'dhyayanasamûho vargo, das 'dhyayanâni, vargaá cha yugapad vo padisyat, ity atas traya evi ddéanakala bhavamty êvam eva cha Namdáv adhiyate, iha tu drisyaté: dasé 'ty, atra 'bhiprayo na jiAyate.
62 Yady apt 'ha adhyayananirn daiatvad dasai 'vo 'ddêéanakala bhavamti, tatha 'pi vachanlintarâpêkshaya (ef. N) pamchachatvarioéad iti sambhavyamtê iti panayAllsam ity Adi aviruddham (!).
68 Samaya, loya, jiva.
64 Nayardim etc. N limits herein its treatment of the subject entirely to this common introduction and gives nothing else in addition.
65 According to Abh., attacks at the hands of Jamali, Goshthâmâhila, etc., i.e. the representatives of the seven schisms.

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378
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1889.
great consistency. Hence it appears that our knowledge is not complete, but is derived from accounts of a partial nature which is in need of additional supplementary testimony. Some of the MSS. afford at one time generous information and at another limited data.
The survey of contents of anga 4, contained in the detailed account of the angas, runs as follows: sê kim tam samavad? samaväê nazo sasamaya sûijjamti [294] parasamaya s. jávu lögalôgê sûijjanti86; samavaêņam égâdiyâņamêgatthâņam @guttariyaparivaddhiya67 (duvalasangassa ya ganipidagassa pallavagge samaņugâijjai) 68 thâņagasayassa bårasavihavittharassa70 suyananassa jagajivahiyassa71 bhagavató samâsêņam samâyâr872 ahijjaï; tattha ya nåņavihappagârâ jîvâjivå ya vanniya 7 vittharêņam, avaré vi ya ba huviha visêså naraya-tiriya7-maņuyasuragaņåņam åhår'-ussâsa-løsa-âvåsa-samkha-âyaya - ppamaņa - avavậya - chayaņa - ogában' - hi76 - veyayâvihåņauvaðga76 jóga-imdiya-kasaya,77 vivihi ya jivajoņi vikkhambh'-ussêhaparirayappamånam vidhivisasa78 ya, Mamdarádiņam mahidharaṇam, kulagara-titthagara-ganaharkņam samatta Bharaháhivåņam 79 chakkina chôva chakkahara-balaharâņa ya, vásâņa ya niggamál samaê, êtê anne ya êvam-ai etthae vittharêņam atthå samasejjamti.83 The commentary is by Abhayaddva.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. GUSTAVE GARREZ.
amount of learning of varied kinds. His bent was The year 1888 was darkened by the deaths of two always towards foreign tongues, and he comgreat French oriental scholars, -Abel Bergaigne, menced with German and Italian. The perusal and Pierre-Gustave Garrez. Neither could be of Max Duncker's Histoire de l'Antiquité turned spared, for each was a high authority in his own his attention to the East, and armed with Benfey's domain. Bergaigne's Vedic studies were cut short Manual, he commenced, unassisted, the study of by a tragic aocident which occurred while he Sanskrit. The range of his studies quickly exwas still in the active vigour of his maturity, and tended. India led him to Iran, and Irån to the Garrez's death, as sudden as it was unexpected, Semitic languages and civilisations of ancient Asia. has left a void which will be none the less He studied, in turn, Zend, Persian, Pahlavi, felt, because his modesty prevented his name Armenian, Hebrew, Arabic, and Syriac, without being widely known beyond the immediate circle allowing the wide extent of his reading to interof the Société Asiatique.
fere with its depth. In India, too, the boundaries A short memoir of the career of the latter, of his researches approached nearer and nearer to from the pen of M. E. Senart has appeared in the the present day, and he made himself master of the pages of the Journale Asiatique, and a brief Prikrits, of the dialectic Sanskřit of Buddhism, account of the salient facts of his life will no and of the modern languages,-not only those of doubt be acceptable to the readers of the Indian the Aryan stock, but also the Drå vidian ones, and Antiquary.
more especially Tamil He was born at Rome in the year 1834, was. All this time spent in the acquisition of learnbrought up in Paris, and as a young man sawing gave him little leisure for the production military service in the Crimean war. He left of original compositions. Moreover, never satisthe army in 1857, and abandoned himself tófied with anything short of perfection, an unsparstudy with that inexhaustible energy, that labor ing and severe critic, he could not be prevailed improbus, which characterised all that he did, upon to publish to others that with which he and which resulted in the acquisition of a vast was not himself entirely satisfied. With such
06 N has instead of sdijjahti everywhere samfaijjarti and, as in the case of 8, the order jivA.., loé.., sasama. 67 parivuddhiya A.
e pallavå avayavke, tatparimpan samanuglyaté pratipadyatê. 9 N is much better : samaväe nam égåi-eguttariya thånasayavivaddhiyåņam bhåvåņam purůvani àghavij. jati: duvAlasarngassa gao gassa pallavagge samAsijjai, N omits all the following. As the words duvao gàijjai interrupt in anga 4 the connection, I have enclosed them in bracketa. 70 barassa A. 71 jiviyassa hi A.
11 °yari A.
73 viņiya A ; varpitâb. 64 taragatariya A. 76 ugghhinoyahi A ; avagAhan, avadhi.
76 uvaüga ABC. *** kasays A B C i prathama .. lopah. --So upanga 1, 103 presents Aranha-Achchuyatini ya (see p. 88, note 6 of my ed. of the text).-L. 78 viddhasésa A.
samasta Bharatadhipanám. $0 Varshiņim Bharatädikshetrápán.
$1 game ya BC.
$a Adi 'ttha A. 35 So A, samdhijjanti BC samfériyante, athavi samlayamte.

Page #411

DECEMBER, 1889.]
MISCELLANEA.
severe self-criticism, there is the danger of writing too little, and into this danger Garrez fell. His ripe learning, his power for comparative philology, have been lost to the world. His two principal essays, the one on the Bundehesh of Justi (1869) and the other on Weber's Hála (1872), are monuments of erudition. He showed himself able to thread his way with equal ease amid the mazes of Zend and Pahlavi, Arabic and Armenian, Prakrit and Sanskrit, ancient and modern India. His review of Hala's Saptasatikd is probably that which is best known in India, and its readers will remember with what sobriety, yet decision, he put forward theories then altogether new, but since in great measure confirmed, regarding the comparatively late development of the classical literature of India, and the previous existence of a literature couched in the popular dialects. Other shorter essays, published in the Journale Asiatique, and in the Revue Critique, need not be referred to here, though we may direct attention to his luminous criticism (Rev. Crit. March 1873) of the first volume of Mr. Beames' Comparative Grammar. The writer of these lines well remembers a pleasant afternoon spent at the rooms of the Société Asiatique in Paris, in the winter of 1886, and how delighted he was with the learning and the originality of some remarks on Hindi put forward by Garrez in the course of an ordinary
conversation.
His private means were sufficient to render it unnecessary for him to submit to the drudgery of a professorship, and at the same time prevented his feeling the at times useful spur of necessity. Hence, beyond the range of his intimates, his name was as little known, as his writings were
rare.
M. Senart's closing remarks deserve quoting in their original form, "Cette vie se ferme sans avoir conquis dans le public la réputation legitimement due à tant de travail et de mérite. C'est une tristesse pour les amis de Garrez. Quant à lui, jamais une pareille préoccupation ne l'a effleuré. Il était aussi supérieur à la vanité qu'étranger à l'ambition. Sa noble carrière, toute pleine d'une activité sans agitation, quoique sans repos, gouvernée par une âme haute et sereine, éclairée par un esprit admirablement ferme et étendu, restera inoubliable à ses confrères et à ses amis; elle leur sera, mieux qu'un cher souvenir, un modèle fortifiant. Quelle récompense plus enviable pour un homme qui, avec la patrie, a surtout passionément aimé deux choses; la science et l'amitié ?"
379
CALCULATIONS OF HINDU DATES. No. 31.
In the Talgund stone inscription of the time of the Western Chalukya king Jayasim ha III., from Maisûr, published by me in this Journal, Vol. IV. p. 278 f. (see also Pali, Sanskrit, and 8 ff.) is -Saka-varsha 950neya Vibhava-samvatOld-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 215), the date (line sarada Pushya-suddha-5-Sômavarad-uttarayanasamkrântiy-andu," at the time of the Uttarayana-Samkranti of Monday, the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of (the month) Pushya (i.e. Pausha) of the Vibhava samvatsara, which is the 950th Saka year." And the inscription goes on to record that, on this occasion, the Thirty-twothousand (Mahajanas) of Sthânakundûr, an agrahára that had existed from time immemorial, made a grant of twelve márus (of land), by the measure of the staff called gaḍimbada-gale of the god Pranamêsvara.
By the southern luni-solar system, the Vibhava samvatsara coincided with Saka-Samvat 951 current; i.e. with the given year 950 as an expired year. In this year the given tithi, Pausha 1028, at about 56 ghatts; 42 palas, after mean sukla 5, began on Sunday, 22nd December, A.D. sunrise (for Bombay); was current all through about 1 gh. 7 p. And the Uttarayana-Samthe Monday; and ended on the Tuesday, at kranti, as represented by the sun's entrance into Makara, occurred on the Monday, at about 37 gh. 58 p. Accordingly, the English equivalent of the given date is Monday, 23rd December,
A.D. 1028.
This date gives an instance of the custom to which I have drawn attention at page 260 above, of quoting, as the tithi of a samkranti, the tithi that is actually current at the moment of the samkranti. It is not a very pointed instance; because there was no other tithi, current or ended, on the day of this samkranti. But there was no absolute necessity for the original to quote the fortnight and tithi at all; there are plenty of instances in which these details, and sometimes even the name of the month, are omitted, in connection with a samkranti. And therefore this date is an instance of the custom in question; though doubtless we shall obtain more pointed instances hereafter.
In this instance we find that, though the samkránti occurred more than three ghatis after sunset, its punyakala was not deferred till the next day, but was taken to be on the day of the occurrence of the samkranti. J. F. FLEET.
G. A. G.
1 Rice (Mysore Inscriptions, p. 201) has given Sunday;' but this is a mistake; the syllables sómavara are very distinot,

Page #412

380
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DECEMBER, 1889.
THE SIXTY-YEAR CYCLE OF JUPITER. i..., the 18th October, A.D. 1295, 21 h. 4.2 m. In order still further to facilitate the finding of
after mean sunrise. the exact commencement (and end) of a Jupi. Having found the commencement of a year, we ter's year which may be mentioned in a Hindu find the end of the same year by adding to the date, I have constructed the accompanying sum found, for the year without Bija 361.0267 Tables from the data in my paper on the Sixty- days, and for the year with Bija 361 0347 days, Year Cycle, ante, pp. 193-209. Tables 1 and 2 | as shown in my former article, thus:serve for the Sarya-Siddhanta rule; Tables 3 Commencement of Plava, with und 4 for tbe Jyotistattva rule.
out Bija, .......... 2194 312.6052 In Table 1 the last two columns give the day
+ 361-0267 of the Julian period for the commencement for end) of a complete cycle of sixty years,
sizm. . . . . 2194 673-6319
ie the 8th September, A.D. 1269, 15 h. 9.9 m. counted from Vijaya as the first year of the cycle,
after mean sunrise, - end of Plava without Bija; without and with Bija; and the first column
and gives the European date for the day put down in
Commencement of Plava, with the same line under the heading without Bija,' while the second and third columns give the
Bija, ...... 2194 347-8779
361.0347 expired (northern) Vikrama and Saka years to which that European date belongs. Table 2, on
sum ... 2194 708-9126 the other hand, gives the number of days for the i.e., the 13th October, A.D. 1296, 21 h. 54'1 m. commencement of every year within the sixty. after mean sunrise, - end of Plava, with Bija. year cycle, also without and with Bija. And all To show how to find by the Tables the Jupithat is necessary to find the European date for ter's year current at any given moment, and, the commencement of any year, is, to add up one
at the same time, to test once more the accuracy set of figures from Table 1 and another set of
of the Tables, we will ask :-What year, without tigures from Table 2, and to convert the sum into Bija, was current, and what portion of that year the European date, and into hours and minutes had elapsed, at the time of the Mêsha-Sarikranti after mean sunrise (for Ujjain), as may be seen
of the expired Saka year 1713 ? from the following example:
By the Tables given in my paper on the SixtyAccording to Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. Year Cycle, the day of the Julian period for the XI. Plate xxxvii. 3, a stone inscription at Jaunpur commencement of the solar year Saka 1713 ex. is dated
pired,= Kaliyuga 4892 expired, isJyêGjyai) shthê másê sitê pakshe dvadasy&(áyk).
2375 309.4392 (Mésha-Samkranti). u=Budha-vAsare . . . Plave-vatsarê Il San
Deduct next vat 1353 Il
lower complete corresponding to Wednesday, 16th May, A.D. cycle, without 1296. The cycle of sixty years, of which the year Bija, in Table Plava, which is here coupled with the Vikrama 1, ....... 2364 717-2175 year 1353, forms part, must be the one which by remainder .. 10 592-2217; Table 1 commenced in Vikrama 1344 expired; deduct next and we accordingly have, for the commencement lower figure, of this year Plava, without Bija,
without Bija, by Table 1, commencement of
in Table 2,.. 10 469-7749 (commencement cycle, without Bija, for
of Dundubhi). V. 1344, ........... 2191 424 3914
remainder
122-4468. + by Table 2, commencement of Plava, without Bija, ....... 2 8882138
Accordingly, by the Tables, the year without
Bija, current at the time of the Mesha-Samkranti 2194 312-6052
of Saka 1713 expired, was Dundubhi, and of this i.e., the 13th September, A.D. 1205, 14 h 31.5 m.
year there had elapsed, at the same moment, after mean sunrise ; and similarly, for the com
122-4468 days = 122 days, 10 h. 43-4 m. of solar mencement of Plava, with Bija,
time. Now, by a MS. calendar for Saka 1713 ex. by Table 1,...... 2191 459-6007
|pired, which is in the Royal Library at Berlin, the + by Table 2, ..... 2 888-2772
Jupiter's year current at the commencement of sum
2194 347-8779 the year was Dundubhi, as found above; and 1 The construction of these Tables han to some extent Tables for the Sorya-Siddhanta rule, without Blje, conbeen suggested to me by the general practioe of Dr. structed on similar principles, though without reference Sehram's Hilfetafeln für Chronologie, and by some MS. to the Julian period, by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit.

Page #413

DECEMBER, 1889.)
MISCELLANEA.
381
since of this year there are stated to have elapsed, | Vikrama 1303, the day of the Julian period for the at the time of the Maba-Sankranti, 4 months, 2 end of the year Sadhârana, the 44th year of a days, 6 dandas=122 days, 2 h. 24 m. of Jupiter's cycle. The year Plava of our date is the 35th own time, which are equal to about 122 days 10 h. year of a cycle, and, coupled as it is with Vikrama 45-4 m. of solar time, the result obtained by the 1353, it is clear that Plava does not fall in the Tables for the actual commencement of the year same cycle with the year 44, Sådhårana, of Table Dundubhi differs from the statement in the MS. 3, but belongs to the next cycle. To find the calendar by about two minutes.
commencement of Plava, we must therefore take Owing to the unequal length of the Jovian years, from Table 3 the day of the Julian period put the Jyotistattvs rule requires another treat- down for the end of the year 44, Sadharana, in a ment, and the arrangement of Table 3 and 4 will line with Vikrama 1303, and must add to it, from therefore be found to differ considerably from Table 4, the number of days for the commencethat of Tables 1 and 2. Here, Table 3 gives in ment of the (16 + 35 =) 51st year, thus:the last column the day of the Julian period for Table 3, V. 1303, end of year the end of the Jovian year, the number and namo 44 .......... 2176 245-8692 of which are given in the column immediately + Table 4, commencement of preceding the last. The first column gives the year 51 .
. 18 018-6490 European date for the day of the Julian period
sum, commencement of year put down at the end of the same line, the third
95 = 60 + 35 (Plava). 2194 294.5182 column the expired solar Saka year in which that l.
t ie., the 26th August, A.D. 1295, 12 h. 262 m. European date falls, and the second column the
after mean sunrise. expired (northern) Vikrama year which approxi. mately corresponds to that Saka year. It should
Similarly, if we had to find the commencement be particularly noted that the Jovian years are of the year knara, the oth year of a cycle, which here counted as shown in the auxiliary Table at
in Table 3 is coupled with Saka 912, we should the foot of Table 3. Table 4 gives the number of start from the day of the Julian period put down days for the commencement of a series of Jovian
in Table 3 for the end of the 59th cycle-year years, the numbers of which must not be con
Krodhana, in a line with Saka 827, and should founded with the number of the years in Table 3.
add to it from Table 4 the number of days for the The use of the two Tables will appear from the
commencement of the (1 + 60 + 25 =) 86th following examples :
year, becanse here the difference of 85 solar years According to Professor Eggeling's Catalogue
between Saka 827 and Saka 912 would show us of the Sanskrit M88. I. 0., p. 23, a MS. of the
that there lies a complete cycle of 60 years beKandinukramankd-vivarana is dated in the Vi
tween the end of the year 59, Krodhana, which we krama year 1650, in the year Subhakrit. The
know from Table 3, and the commencement of the year Subhaksit, - by the auxiliary Table the 36th
year 25, Khara, which we are to find. Our calcayear of a cycle, which is here coupled with
lation would accordingly stand thus :Vikrama 1650, must have followed upon the year
Table 3, Saka 827, end of year 29, Manmatha, which in Table 3 is coupled with 59 ...... .... 2051 693-0488 Vikrama 1644; and it is clear that, to find the
+ Table 4, commencement of day of the Julian period for the beginning of year 86 . . . . . . . 80 682-7032
Subhaksit, we must add, to the day of the Julian sum, commencement of year period put down in Table 3 for the end of the said 145=60+ 60 + 25 (Khara) .. 2082 375 7520 year Manmatha, from Table 4 the number of days for the commencement of the (36-29=) 7th
i.e., the 26th March, A.D. 989, 18 h. 2.9 m. after
mean sunrise. year, thus: - Table 3, V. 1644, end of year
Having found the commencement of a year, we 29 . ........ 2300 798.6897 find the end of it by adding 360-9730 days. But + Table 4, commencement of
the end of the years actually put down in Table 3 year 7 . . . .
2 165-8379 must always be ascertained from that Table itself. sum, commencement of year 36
Thus, in the case of our two first examples, we (Subhakrit). .. .
find :
3302 964 5276 i.e., the 4th March, A.D. 1593, 12 h. 39-7 m. after
Commencement of Subhakpit ... 2302 964:6276 mean sunrise.
+ 360-9730 Above we have seen that an inscription at Jaun
Bum
2303 925.5006 pur is dated in the Vikrama year 1353, in the i.e., the 28th February, A.D. 1594, 12 h. 09 m. year Plava. In Table 3 we find, in a line with after mean sunrise, end of Subbakpit; and,

Page #414

382
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1889.
TABLE L
Sarya-Siddhanta Rule. Day of Julian Period for the commencement of a complete Cycle of Sixty Years,
counted from Vijaya as the first year of the Cycle.
A.D.
Vikrama expired.
Saka expired.
Without Bija.
With Bija.
260
320
168 217 277 886 395 455 514 578 632 692 751 810 870
379
438
929
O.S. 101, September 1 ...
160, December 21 .. 220, April 12 279, August 3 ......... 338, November 22 398, March 14........ 457, July 3 ............ 516, October 28 ...... 576, February 13...... 635, June 4 ............ 694, September 24 ... 754, January 13 ...... 813, May 5 ........... 872, August 25......... 931, December 15 ... 991, April 6............. 1050, July 26 .......... 1109, November 15 1169, March 7........... 1228, June 26.............. 1287, October 17 .. 1347, February 5 ...... 1406, May 28 ............ 1465, September 17 ... 1525, January 6........ 1584, April 28............. 1643; August 19.........
1702, December 8 ...... N.S. 1762, April 10.......
1821, July 31 ....... 1880, November 20 ...
1758 192-8261 1779 853.9294 1801 515.5327 1823 177.1359 1844 838.7392 1866 500-3424 1888 161.9457 1909 823.5490 1931 485. 1522 1953 146.7555 1974 808.3588 1996 469-9620 2018 131.5653 2039 793 1685 2061 454-7718 2083 116.3751 2104 777.9783 2126 439.5816 2148 101.1848 2169 762.7881 2191 424-3914 2213 085.9946 2234 747-5979 2256 409.2012 2278 070-8044 2299 732.4077 2321 894.0109 2348 0566142 2364 717.2176 2386 378.8207 2408 040-4240
988 1048 1107 1166 1226 1285 1844 1403 1463 1522 1581 1641 1700
1758 218.0194 1779 8800985 1801 642-1776 1823 204-2566 1844 866-3357 1866 528.4148 1888 190.4938 1909 852.5729 1931 514.6519 1959 176.7310 1974 838.8101 1996 500.8891 2018 162.9682 2089 825.0473 2061 487.1263 2083 149 2054 2104 811.2845 2126 473-3635 2148 135.4426 2169 7975216 2191 459-6007 2213 121.6798 2234 783.7588 2256 446.8379 2278 107-9170 2299 769.9960 2821 482.0751 2343 0941542 2364 756.2832 2386 418-3123 2408 080-3913
972
1031 1091 1160 1209 1268 1328 1987 1446 1506 1565 1624 1684 1743 1802
1759
1819 1878
1937

Page #415

DECEMBER, 1889.)
MISCELLANEA.
383
TABLE %.
Sarya-Siddhanta Bule. Number of days for the commencement of every year within the Cycle.
Year.
Without Bija.
With Bija. No.
Year.
Without Blja.
With Bija.
1 Vijaya ........... 2 Jaya ............. 3 Manmatha ......... 4 Durmukha ......... 5 Hêmalamba.. 6 Vilamba ......... ? Vikárin ......... 8 Sarvarin ....... 9 Plava
Subhaksit ....... 11 Sobhana .......... 12 Krodhin ......... 13 Visvävasu ..... 14 Parábhava ........ 15 Plavanga ...... 16 Kilaka 17 Saumya ......... 18 Sådhôrapa ...
Virðdhakrit.........
Paridh&vin ......... 21 Pramadin
Ananda...........
RAkshasa ....... 24 Anala ........... 25 Pingala............
KAlayakta ..... 27 Siddharthin..
Raudra.......... 29 Durmati ............
Dundubhi .........
000-0000000000031 Rudhirôdgårin ... 10830-8016 10831.0395 361.0367 361.0347 32 Raktáksha ....... 11191.8284 11192.0742 722.0584 722.0693 33 Krödhana......... 11552.855111553.1089 1083.0802 1083.1040 34 Kshaya.......... 11913-881811914.1435 1444 1069 1444.1986 35 Prabhava .......... 12274.908512275:1781 1805-1336 1895.1733 36 Vibhava ........... 12635.9352 12636.2128 2166.1603 2166 2079 37 Sukla ........... 12996.9620 12997.2474 2527. 1870 2527-2426 38 Pramoda ........ 13357.9887 13358.2821 2888.2138 2888-277239 Prajapati ........ 13719.0154 13719-3167 3249-2405 3249.811940 | Angiras........... 14080-0421 14080-3514 3610-2672 3610-3465 41 Srimukha......... 14441.068814441.3860 3971.2989 3971.881242 Bhåva ............ 14802-0956 14802-4207 4832.3207 4832.4158 43 Yuvan ............ 15163.1223 15163 4553 4693-3474 4693.4505 44 Dh&tri ............ 16524.1490 155244900 50543741 5054-4851 45 Isvara ............. 15885.1757 15885.5246 5415.4008 5415-5198 46 Bahudhânya ...... 16248.2024 16246-5593 5776.4275 5776-554447 Pramåthin ........ 16607-2292 16607-5939 6137-4543 6137-5891 48 Vikrama .......... 16968.2559 16968-6286 6498.4810 6498.623749 Bhşiśya.......... 17829.2826 17329-6633 6859.5077 6859.6584 50 Chitrabhanu ..... 17690-3093 17690-6979 7220-5844 7220-6930 51 Subhanu ......... 18051.8361 180517326 7581.5611 7581.7277 52 Tarana
18412.3628 18412-7672 7942-5879 7942.7623 58 Parthiva ........ 18773.8895 18773.8019 8803-6146 8303.797054 Vyaya .......... 19134.4162 19134.8365 8664.6413 8664.831655 Sarvajit
19495 4429 19495.8712 9025 - 6680 9025-8663 56 Sarvadhárin...... 19856.4697 19856.9058 9386-6947 9386-9009 57. Virodhin ...... 202174964 20217.9405 9747.7215 9747-9356 58 Vikfita............ 20578-5231 20578.9751 10108.7482 10108.9702 59 Khara .......... 20999.5498 20940-0098 10469-7749 10470-0049 60 Nandana ........... 21300-5765 21301.0444

Page #416

384
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1889.
TABLE 8.
Jyotistattva Bule. Day of Julien Period for the end of the Jovian year which pregedes an Expunged Year.
Vikrams
End of year. A.D.
Day of Julian expired. expired. No. Name.
Period.
Fake
195 280 866
451
636
621
706
792 877
962
O.S. 138, March 18......
223, March 20......... 309, March 17 ........ 394, March 19...... 479, March 21...... 564, March 22...... 649, March 24...... 735, March 22... 820, March 28. 905, Maroh 25... 990, March 27.. 1076, March 23.. 1161, March 25....... 1246, March 27......... 1831, March 29..... 1417, March 26......... 1502, March 28. 1587, March 30.........
1672, March 31...... N.S. 1757, April 13 .........
1843, April 12 ......
912
1047 1133
Sukla .............. Manmatha ........ Dundubhi............ Sarvadhárin........ Ånanda.............. Vikrama ........... Parabhava ......... Srimukha.......... Vikårin. Krôdhana.......... Khara ........... KAlayukta ........ Tårana .............. Sadharana .... Dh4tri ........... Sobhana .......... Sukla Manmatha ......... Durmati Sarvajit Ananda
1771 539.4460 1802 587.4079 1833 996-3427 1865 044 3046 1896' 092.2665 1927 140-2283 1958 188-1902 1989 597. 1250 2020 645.0869 2051 693-0489 2082 741.0107 2114 149-9455 2145 197.9074 2176 245.8692 2207 293.8311 2238 702-7660 2269 750 7278 2300 798.6897 2831 846-6516 2862 894.6134 2994 303-5433
1218
1303 1388 1474 1559 1644
998 1083 1168 1253 1339
1494
1509
1729 1814
1594 1679
.....
..
1900
1765
48
The Sixty-Year Cycle.
1. Prabhava. 2. Vibhava. 3. Sakla 4. Pramoda. 5. Prajapati. 3. Angiras. 7. Srimukha. 8. Bhåva. 9. Yuvan. in. Dh&tri.
11. Ikvara. 21. Sarvajit. 31. Hemalambe. 41. Plavaiga. 12. BahudhAnya. 22. sarvadhårin. 32. Vilamba. 42. Kilaka. 13. Pramåthin. 38. Virðdhin. 88. Vikarin. 43. Saumya. 14. Vikrams. 24. Vikrita. 84. Sarvarin. 44. Sahrens. 15. Bhribya. 25. Khara. 85. Plava. 45. Virödhakrit. 16. Chitrabhint. 26. Nandans. 1 38. Subhakrit. 46. ParidhArin. 17. Subhanu. 27. Vijaya. 37. Sobhana. 47. PramAdin. 18. Tarana. 28. Jaya. 38. Krodhin. 48. Ananda, 19. Parthiva. 29. Manmatha 89. Vibrávasu. 49. Rakshasa. 20. Vyaya. 30. Durmukha. 40. Parabhara. 50. Anals.
51. Piogala. 52. KAlayukta 58. Siddharthin 64. Raudra. 56. Durmati. 56. Dundubhi. 57. Radhirõdgório, 58. RaktAksha. 59. Krodhana. 60. Kshaya.

Page #417

DECEMBER, 1889.]
Year.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
Days.
Jyotistattva Rule.
Number of days for the commencement of Jovian years.
000-0000
360.9730
721.9460
1082-9189
1443-8919
1804.8649
2165-8379
2526.8109
2887-7838
3248.7568
3609-7298
3970-7028
4331-6757
4692-6487
5058-6217
5414-5947
5775-5677
6136.5406
6497-5136
6858-4866
7219.4596
7580-4326
7941-4055
8302.3785
8663-3515
9024-3245
9385-2975
9746-2704
10 107.2434
Year.
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
MISCELLANEA.
54
55
56
57
58
TABLE 4.
Days.
10 468-2164
10 829-1894
11 190-1623
11 551.1353
11 912.1083
12 273-0813
12 634.0543
12 995-0272
13 356 0002
13 716-9732
14 077.9462
14 438-9192
14 799-8921
15 160-8651
15 521-8381
15 882-8111
16 243.7841
16 604.7570
16 965-7300
17 326-7030
17 687 6760
18 048-6490
18 409-6219
18 770-5949
19 181-5679
19 492.5409
19 853-5138
20 214-4868
20 575-4598
Year.
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
Days.
385
20 936-4328
21 297-4058
21 658-3787
22 019-3517
22 380-3247
22 741.2977
23 102.2707
23 463-2436
23 824 2166
24 185.1896
24 546.1626
24 907.1356
25 268-1085
25 629 0815
25 990-0545
26 351.0275,
26 712.0004
27 072.9734
27 433.9464
27 794.9194
28 155.8924
28 516-8653
28 877-8383
29 238-8113
29 599-7843
29 960-7573
30 321-7302
30 682.7032
31 043.6762

Page #418

386
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1889.
Commencement of Plava ... 2194 294.5182 Expressed in days of the Julian period, the
30th September, A.D. 1889, new style, 8 hours 2194 655-4912
after mean sunrise, is - Bum i.e., the 21st August, A.D. 1296, 11 h. 47'3 m.
2411 276-3333. after mean sunrise, - end of Pla 7a.
Table 3 - 2394 309-5483 = end of year 48. But the year Khara of the third example ended remainder 16 972-7850; as put down in Table 3, on the day of the Julian Table 4. - 16 966 7300 = commencement period 2082 741 0107, i.e., on the 27th March,
of year 48. A.D. 990, 0 h. 154 m. after mean sunrise.
remainder 7.0550; sum 96=60+ 36 Finally, to show here also how to find by the
(Subhaksit). Tables Jupiter's year current at any given Accordingly, the current year is Subhakpit, and moment, we will ask : What year was current, at the given moment there had elapsed of that and what portion of that year had elapsed, on the year 70650 days = 7 days, 1 hour, 19.2 minutes. 30th September, A.D. 1889, 8 hours after mean
F. KIELHORN sunrise ?
Göttingen.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
RUSTIC CUSTOMS IN OUDH. LAKHIA BHUT.
| down on their hands and knees and are freely Lakhi Bhat, is the name of a festival bathed in it. which is, I hear, of Gurkha origin, and is held at
The procession is followed by a crowd, with the planting of the paddy during the monsoons.
music and songs, and the LAkhia Bhat dancTwo men, masked, and with horns tied to their
ing wildly in the midst. The bhut is dressed heads, are yoked to a plough. Two rows of men,
up in a woman's dress, wears a large mask, and facing each other, walk sideways behind them, flowing hair made of the tail of the chdwar gde advancing towards and retreating from each
(yák). other, while imitating the planting of the paddy.
| Query.--Who or what is the " LAkhia Bhat" ? When they meet a pool of water, the "oxen' drop
Lucknow.
G. H. R.
BOOK NOTICE. PHILOSOPHISCHE HYMNEN AUS DER RIG- UND ATHARVA- existence, while, however, simultaneously in this
VEDA-SAXHITA, VERGLICHEN MIT DEN PHILOBOPHEMEN DER ALTEREN UPANISHAD's von Dr.
absolute "Nothing" a Primitive Being is involved, Lucian Scherman; Strassburg, Karl J. Trübner. which out of the non-existing (as out of one of its 1997; 8vo. Pp. vii., 96.
own limbs) causes the Universe to proceed. In 1883 the Faculty of Philosophy of the (2) The main factors, which the Primitive University of Munich offered a prize for an Being used for the development of the world, are investigation into the philosophic hymns of the the abstracts, Tapas, Káma, and Manas, i.e., the Ķig. and Atharva-Veda-Sanhita, with regard Working of the Spirit, the Will, and Absolute to themselves, and in relation to the philosophy Thought, of which the last two work reciprocally. of the older Upanishads. The prize was won by Tapas eventually became identified with the Dr. Scherman in 1885, and his essay, revised and neuter) Brahman. corrected, has since been published. The author (3) The act of creation is similarly explained first gives a revised translation of six hymns or in the hymns and in the Upanishads. With the portions of hymns of the Rik-Sanhita, and of help of Tapas (i.e. Brahman), Manas, and Kama, thirteen of the Atharva-Samhita. Each transla- the universe arises in a perpetual order of develoption is supplied with copious notes, and (when ment. necessary) with a short paraphrase or interpre- (4) With the recognition of the impossibility tation of its contents, and of their philosophic of a clear explanation of the development of the import. It is then, in each case, followed by a world, the way is opened for the confession that comparison of similar tenets put forward by the the soul of man is not able to solve such questions. older Upanishads. The author finally sums up, The above does not pretend to do more than in seven pages of concluding remarks, the princi- indicate the direction of the conclusions arrived pal points of connexion between the hymns and at by the author in his very interesting and the Upanishads.
learned paper to which the reader must be reThese are: (1) The primitive condition of All ferred for further particulars. is a general denial of all existence and non
GEO. A. GRIERBOX.

Page #419

abbreviations requiring explanation, and some of them apparently used unnecessarily. .............84, 111, 113, 114 Abhêlavaṭu, an ancient village in the Jârut............. 142
...............................................
********************
tha pattalá *************** abhigamika gundh, certain qualities of an inviting kind..... ....235 and n. abhihála, abhihara, 'pursuit, prosecution (for crime)' .........................................4, 9 Abhimanyu, a king of Kaámir... 69, 73 Abhimanyupura, an ancient town in Kasmir
**********...
tional date of his death, 346 n.; -notes in connection with him and his reign, 187;
190
he levied tribute from Lakshmâpâla, king of the Sapádalaksha country, 115; a grant of his time, of Vikrama-Samvat 1231, edited, 80; - an Udaypur inscription of his time, of V.-S. 1229, edited ...... 345 Ajivikas, Brahmanical ascetics, worshipping Narayana djñdta, a command,' in connection with a copper charter ............ 116 Akavaliyê, an ancient village in the Surâshtråḥ mandala ..........111, 115 Akhal-Tekke Oasis, the, M.. Lessar's account abhishta-dévatd, 'a favourite deity". of, noticed dbids, the quarter-rupee of Tipa ............... 314 Akhlaq-i-Hamidi, notice of the Abu'l-Hussain ibn Ilyés, his chronicle Accadians, religious account of the ............. 246 Achilles, the myth of, Dr. Meyer on... 248 Adalij, a village in the Ahmadâbâd District;
115 19
**********..
157 247
..................................
52
******...
akhtar, the quarter-paisd of Tipů .............. 314 Akkâdêvi, elder sister of Jayasimha III.,
274, 275; she had the government of the Kisukaḍ Seventy
251
......
examination of the date of an inscription of Vikrama-Sathvat 1555......... adha-úrdhva, below and above,' a fiscal term (see also úrdhv-ddhaḥ-siddhi) 34 Adhiyâvada, ancient name of Adivår& 177 Adhvan Parganâ, in Kaémir, probably mentioned under the ancient name of Karåla... Adityaáakti, a Sêndraka chieftain.... Adivars, a village in Gujarat, mentioned under the ancient name of Adhiyâvâdâ Advaita philosophy; a South-Indian Sanskrit verse on it.............................. Agastya; a confusion of him with the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara 241 Agnisv&min, a writer; he flourished in pro
**********...
***********
Aksha, a king of Kaémir akshapaṭaláddya and akshapatalaprastha, fiscal terms requiring explanation.19 n. Akshavala, a village established by Aksha. 98, 104 akshaya-trittyd, the name of the tithi Vaisa. kha śukla 3,.. 344, 345, 347; the rules for the use of it ********* ......................346 and n. Akshayint, an ancient river in Kasmir ...99, 104 Aladag dialect of Turki, notice of dictionary 158 Alaviḍag&mva, an ancient village in the Parna pathaka........ ............84, 85 Albérant's India, notice of Sachau's edition of the text, 159; account of it............ 818, 319 Alexander, Romance of, its Egyptian origin, 88; independent Oriental version from Persia, 88; a Coptic version, 88; - Theban version Alha-Ghât, a pass in the Central Provinces ; probably mentioned under the ancient name of Shatashaḍika Ghat, 214; -the inscription of Narasimhadêva, of VikramaSamvat 1216, edited Alhaṇadevi, wife of Gayakarṇadêva, and daughter of Vijayasimha 215 Alhaṇadevi, probably the name of the wife of Govindachandra 58 n.. Alha Singh, founder of Pațiâlâ, 323 ff.; — his coins, described Allahâbâd mentioned name of Prayaga, 33; on the Aśoka column, the Kausâmbi edict
bably the fifth century A. D........... 187 Ahirana, ancient name of Irânâ *************** 178 Aḥmad Ibn-Abi-Tahir, note on the Anthology .........280, 281 314
89
of
******...***********
************
335
INDEX.
69, 73 Abhinava-Siddharaja, a biruda of Bhimadêva II...
-
**********
328
ahmadi, the muhr of Tipa Ahmad Shah Durrani grants the right of coinage to the Pañjab Chiefs, 321, 322;gives Alha Singh of Patiala the right to coin, 323, 324; grants right to coin to Kotla-Maler..................... Ahuâma, an ancient village in the Dhanêsaramaua pattalá **********. Aithôr, a mistake for Athor Ajayapala (Chaulukya), 81, 84, 115, 344, 345; examination of some of his dates, 81, 345, 346; the probable exact day of his accession, 346; the possible tradi
********...
*********
68
269
177
48
13 178
*****************
275 .98, 104
*************
-
.......................................
213
under the ancient the Queen's edict edited, 308; - and 309
********************

Page #420

388
INDEX
more
... 133
Allahâbâd District, inscriptions from the, edited
..............33, 308, 309 Altai dialect of Turki, notice of dictionary ... 158 aluna, = aruna, & particular kind of bird ........................
.................. 74, 80 Amarfivati slúpa; proof that the great rail
was erected in or about A. D. 190 ........62, 63 Amarêśvara, an ancient place of pilgrimage
in or near Kaśmir ........... .................. 101 Amar Singh of Pati41A, his coins, 324; -
description of them ....... ................... 336 Åmâyi (P), an ancient village in the Manara
pattald ............. umbakapilika, 'a water-ant'(P)..................74,80 Ambarnath, a temple near Kalyan; the inscription of MÂmvåņi, of Saka-Sarvat
782; examination of the date ............... 94 Ambavadi vishaya, the territory of GuņAr.
nava I. ................................................ 170 arbdvadikd, 'a mango-grove'................303, 308 Ambull pattald, an ancient territorial divi.
sion on the river Daivaha........................ 138 Amir Khan of Koti-Maler, his coins, 329;
- description of them ........ Amõghavarsha, a king mentioned in the
Kalbhavi Jain inscription ................... 310, 312 Amáudatta, an ancestor of the Gangas of
Kalinga ......................... .............. 170 amúra, a Vedic adjective; remarks on its
meaning and connected words .............. 247 Apahilanagara, a form of the ancient name of Anhilwad................
****............. 345 Anahilapataka, the usual ancient name of Anhilwad, 81, 84, 110, 345, 347; - also
Anahillapátaka ............................... 111, 114 Anantavarman, Mahardja (Ganga of Kalinga) 146 Anantavarman, otherwise called Chôdagan
gadêva (Ganga of Kalinga), 164, 165, 171, 175; - mention of him with the paramount titles, 165, 171, 175; - and with the title of Mahardja coupled with them, 171; - he had the title of 'supreme lord of Trikalinga,' 165, 175; - he had sovereignty over the whole of Utkala, 172; - the date of his accession, 164, 171, 175; - the corresponding English date in A. D. 1078,.. 162; - his grants, edited, of Saka-Samvat 1003, 161; – of S.-S.
1040, . . 165; - and of S.-S. 1057............ 172 anda, a Vedic word, its proper sense .........28, 29 Anat, a Babylonian goddess, wife of Anu...... 246 anathika-machha, = anasthika-matysa, 'the boneless fish'
....................... 73, 75, 80 Andha-Yudhishthira, another name of Ya.
dhishthira I................................. 99, 104 Andhra dynasty, the kings of the; remarks
on their chronology ......... ...........62, 63
Anésejjeya-basadi, an ancient Jain temple
at Lakshmeshwar ........... .......... 37 Anhilwåd, or Aphilw&då påţan, or simply
Patan, a town in the Gaikwâr's Dominions ; notes on its history, 81; - mention of it under the ancient names of Anahilanagara, 345; - Aşahilapataka, 81, 84, 110, 345, 347; - and Anahillapataka, 111, 114; - and perhaps of Dharmavarhika ...111, 112,
114 n., 116 animals, Buddhist prohibitions regarding killing, castrating, and marking them, at certain times, 80; - animals helping hero in folktales, 348, 349; - talking in folk.
tales .................... ...... ................ 148, 276 Aniruddhapurt, or Vijaya-Aniruddhapuri, an
ancient town ...................................... 266, 270 anka; forms of this word used in express
ing dates; ankatah, 11, 55, 56, 112, 131,
136, 137, 139, 140; -mike ........ 20, 21, 58, 141 Anna, Chaldean god of the sky................... 246 An-Nasir-li-din-Allah, coin struck in his name 277 Antarvôdf, the Doab, the country between the
Ganges and Jamna.............. .............. 135 Åntroli-Ohh&roli, & village in the Surat
district; the grant of Kakka, of Saka
Samvat 679; examination of the date ...... 55 anubhavane, time or period of office' ......... 36 Anu, the god, denotes primordial chaos, in
the Babylonian religion ....................... 246 anufta, for anita................................273 and n. aphil, an adaptation, in Kanarese, of the
English appeal'................ ............... 359 dptakriya, 'a trusty agent'......................... 176 apärva-Brahmana, 'new Brahmans who have not been fed on a previous occasion, and see ante, Vol. VI. p. 212, note) are
not to be fed again ........................85 and n. Arabic, Dr. Vollers on the grammar of
living, 28; - dialect of Damascus, gram. mar of, 89; - Algerian Dialects, grammar of, 89; - MSS. in Berlin, notice of the Catalogue of, 126; - MSS. in the Berlin Library, 284 ; -version of the Story of St. Mark, 315 ff.; - numerals reversed on Tipa
Sultan's coins .................... ............... 315 Arabs, notice of Dr. Schwarzlose's treatise
on the coins of the ancient ................... 28 Arathaura, ancient name of Athôr............ 178 Archeological Survey of India; notice of
Vol. XXIII., 96; -of Southern India; notice of Dr. Burgess' volume on the Amarivatf and Jagayyapeta Stapas, with the Asöka inscriptions at Jaugada and
Dhauli by Dr. Bühler ............................. 62 Arhat, the Jain; his banner was that of a
bunch of feathers ...... .........313 and n.

Page #421

127
Aristotle, oriental versions of Arjuna, progenitor of the Kalachuris of
*****************
**************
..........
Chêdi... Arjunagrama, an ancient village arms of the ancient Arabs, notice of Dr. Schwarzlose's treatise on ....... Arnôraja, a king who attacked Gujarat immediately after the death of the Chaulukya king Jayasimha .............................. aruna, in Pali aluna, a particular kind of bird
186
74
29
**********
-
INDEX.
--
*****************
***........................................
*************
*****************
************...
Aryaman, see Mitra, 29; - a member of the earliest Ayran Trinity Aryas mentioned in the Rájataraingint, apparently in contrast with the Mlêchchhas.... 103, 104 Asadu'llah Khan of Kôtla-Maier, his coins, 329; description of them. Asanâra agrahara, supposed to be the modern Chrår 68 Asarva, wife of Krishnapa (Chandella)...236, 237 Asatika, an ancient place, apparently on the Jamnâ...... ............15, 19 Ashadha, 'one of the Hindu lunar months; a year commencing with this month, is in use in certain parts of Kathiawaḍ and in the neighbourhood of Idar, 93; -further notes on this year, and instances of its use, 251 to 253; this year had the amanta arrangement of the lunar fortnights Asiama, a paṭaka of Maniart **********........... Asiatic Societies, inscriptions in the, edited; the Royal As. Soc., 110; the Bombay Branch, 108; the Bengal As. Soc... 9, 14, 33, 129, 134, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142 Aéôka, the great Buddhist king; mentioned by the name or title of Piyadasi and the epithet of Devanaṁpiye, 3, 9, 80, 107, 306, 307; mentioned by Kalhana as a king of Kasmir, 68, 72; in such a way as to place him five reigns before B. C. 1182, though his accession was really in B. C. 260,..65; as adopting the religion of Jina (i. e. Buddha), 68; as the founder of Srinagari, 68; and as a descendant of Sakuni and as the father of Jalauka I., 68; his columnar edicts; M. Senart's texts and translations, rendered into English by Mr. Grierson; the third edict, 1; the fourth, dated in his twenty-seventh year, 3; the fifth, dated in the same year, 73; the sixth, dated in the same year, 105; the seventh and eighth, dated in his twenty-eighth year, 300; the sepa rate edicts; the Queen's edict, 308; Kausâmbi edict
the 309
-
************
215
235
28
338
251
142
************************
.....................................
Asôkêévara, the name of two temples built by Asoka ashṭamipakshá, pakshashtami, the eighth 77 day of the half lunation' abráhe, see érthe 37, 38, 39 n. Assur, the supreme god in Assyrian religion 246 Asthihil, a place in Kasmir, probably mentioned under the ancient name of Hastiáâlâ 67 Asurabhaka vishaya, an ancient territorial division near Allahâbâd Avapati-Gajapati-Narapati-raja-tray-ad hipati, an epithet of Govindachandra, 133;of Vijayachandra, 133; - and of Jayach
***********
=
889
-
************
--
chandra.......
74 77
******************
**********...........
dta, a part of the names of birds in dhdmyâța, gairáta, and vyághráța atham pakha, ashṭamipakshá 'Atâu'llah Khan of Kôtla-Malêr ............... 329 Atharva-Véda; the rites of it were practised in the eleventh century A. D. by the Purohitas of the Chaulukya kings ..... ..... 186 Athor, a village in Gujarât, mentioned under the ancient name of Araṭhaura atita in compounds expressing dates, of the Saka era, 55 and n., 56, 90, 274, 316; and of the Vikrama era.......112, 251 Atrêya gótra included the Kalachuris of Chedi, 210; and the Gangas of Kalinga 164, 171, 175 Avadhata, a magician mentioned in the Rajataramgint.......... ..................................................68, 70 avalaksha, or valaksha, used to denote the bright fortnight 30 Avalokitesvara, Bodhisattva; a confusion of him with Agastya..... 241 Avanti, a name of Ujjain; a lord of Avanti was conquered by Jayasimhadeva 115, 343 avaratri-amdvdsyd, the popular name, in the
************* *******************
Kanarese country, for the new-moon of Pausha .........................................................................358 and n. dvasana, or vasana, a termination of village
names, in Chandavasana, Kalavasana, and Nandavasana **********.. .......................................................... 178 Avesta, notice of Dr. von Spiegel's article on the Fatherland and Age of the 27 Ayodhya, the modern Oudh, Oude, or Audh ; mentioned under the ancient name of Uttarakôsala....... ................. .13, 18, 132
******.*....
སྐྱ་ཐ་བས་&
******************
ba, an abbreviation of bahula, 'the dark fortnight,' used without the abbreviation di, 128;-ba di and u di continued as separate abbreviations up to about the beginning of the twelfth century of the Vikrama era, 87; later instances in which vadi or badi, and budi, are used, not
133
178

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INDEX
**.
89
as separate abbreviations, but as words Belgaum District, an inscription from the, meaning the dark fortnight' and 'the edited ................................................. 309 bright fortnight' ...
Bel = the demiurge in Babylonian religion... 246 Bâbism, M. Huart on
Bélit, a Babylonian goddess, wife of Bel ...... 246 Babylonian contracts......
.......... 90
Belor, a village in the Bijapur District : Bahadur Khan of Kötla-Maler .................. 328 mentioned under the ancient name of Bahlôl Lodi, maternal ancestor of the Kotle. Pêrar, 271, 275; - an inscription of the
Maler family ....................................... 328 time of Jayasimha III., of Saka-Samvat bahram, the half-paisd of Tipů ................... 314
944, edited........................ ................ 270 Bagumra, a village in the Nausari District; Benares mentioned under the names of Kåbi, the grant of Nikumbhallasakti, of Kala
13, 18, 132 ; - Vårånasi and Varanasi, churi-Sarrat 406, edited, 265; - the grant 13, 57, 59, 133, 135, 136, 138, 312; -- and of Dharavarsha-Dhruvarija III., of Saka
Vånarási
............... 312 and n. Samvat 789; examination of the date, 56;- Benares College, an inscription in the, edited 129 the grant of Krishnaraja, of S.-S. 810; exa- Benares District, inscriptions from the, edited mination of the date, 90; - the spurious
129, 134, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142 grant of Dadda II., of S.-S. 415; suggestion Berber Grammar, Basset's .......................... 89 as to the circumstances under which the Bettigo of Ptolemy, the mountain Potalaka 241 date was arrived at, in forging it, 91 to 93 ; Bêtal District, an inscription from the, edited 230 - a similar instance ........
...... 280 bhdgabhágakataka, a fiscal term requiring Baka, a king of Kasmir ...... ......... 98, 103 explanation ............ .. . ...... 19 n. Bakavati, an ancient river in Kasmir ...... 98, 103 bhdgakútaka, a fiscal term requiring explana Bakeśa, an ancient temple built by Baka ...98, 103 tion ....... ..... ....................... 19 n. Baktria, remarks on the Greek empire in... 125, 126 Bhagaladevi, wife of Daśavarman ............... 274 Baktrian kingdom of Vist&spa, its existence bhagavat applied to Fire under the name of doubted..........
..................... 27 Jäta vēdas, 19; - to Siva, 35, 84,- to the Balabhar, Bee Balavar ............................... 280 Sun, 19; - to Vishọn, 133, 136, 141; - to Baldditya, a king conquered by Kámarpava I. 170 the Arhat, 38, 313; - to the MimamsaBalárjuna, a biruda of Sivagupta ................ 180 writer Devasvamin, 188; - and to Vyasa, Balavar, the Wisdom of, is a Georgian version 110, 236; the feminine, bhaganatt, ap.
of Varlaam and Joasaf, 279, 280; - Indian plied to the Gangå ............... .................. 35 origin of the work ................ ................. 280 Bhagavata sect; notes on its development ... 189. Balavari, origin of the name......................52, 53 Bhåg Sipgh of Jind, his coins, 326; - descrip Balisa, an ancient village in the Trêyanna
tion of them ................. dhira, 269 ; - it is the modern Wanesa ... 266 Bhagwan Singh of Nábhå, his coins ............ 330 Ballada, Kanarese; No. 4; the Crime and Bhai Bahal Singh of Kaithal..................... 327
Death of Sangya....................................... 353 Bhai Dosa Singh of Kaithal,327;-Gurbakhsh Ballaladeva, Riuta, an official or dependant Singh, founder of Kaithal, 327; -LAI Singh of Narasimhadeva ...........
......... 212
of Kaithal, 327 ;-Partáb Singh of Kaithal, Bangagéri, an ancient village or hamlet ...... 37 327;-Udai Singh of Kaithal................... 327 banners: the Arhat'a banner of a bunch of Bh&illasvämnin, ancient name of the modern
feathers .................. ...............313 and n. Bhelså; mentioned as the chief town of a Bappa, the Dátaka of the Bagumri grant of mahaduddalaka mandala ....................... 345
Nikumbhallasakti ........... ... ........... 270 Bhakhar, a village in Gujarat, mentioned Bappuvarasa, Mahdsamanta; see Mahakūta 316 under the ancient name of Bhimshara...... 178 beqiri, the eighth-rupee of Tipo ............ 314 Bhåmshara, ancient name of Bhakhar ........ 178 Barbaraka, see Varvaraka .......
84 Bhandarkar, Dr. R. G.; notice of his Report Burlaam, see Varlaam ........
..... 280
on Sanskrit MSS. for 1883-84......... 184 to 192 Baroda State, an inscription from the, edited 265 Bhîņusakti, a Sendraka chieftain ............... 269 Basahi, a village in the Etawah District; Bharata war, the; it is placed by Kalhaņa in
notice of the substance of the grant of Kaliyuga-Samvat 653 expired, or B.C. 2448.66, 99 Govindachandra, of Vikrama-Samvat 1174.. 19 Bharpar Singh of Nabha, his coins, 330; - Bazid Khan, founder of Kötl-Mâler............ 328 description of them ........................340, 341 Beal, the Rev. S.; notice of his translation Bhatakavala, an ancient village .................... 19
of the Life of Hiuen-Tsiang ................... 160 Bhatarka, Sendpati (of Valabhi); he preventBêchar, a village in Gujarat, mentioned ed an invasion of Kathiếwad by the Hanas
under the ancient name of Vahichara...... 177 | under Toramana......... ............... 228
tion or them
...
............................ 337

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391
Bhatta Bhallata, a new Sanskrit poet....... 28 Bijbihåra, a place in Kasmir, mentioned bhalldraka used as an epithet of the god Siva 35,146 under the ancient name of Vijayésa or Bhauptas, the people of Tibet; mention of
Vijayêśvara .............................68, 70 and n. them in the Rdjatarangini .........98, 103 and n. Bilhaņa; see Vikraminkadévacharitra ... 185, 186 Bhavabhdvand, the, a commentary on it was billi, an adaptation, in Kanarese, of the
completed in Vikrama-Samvat 1171 current 85 English bill' or buckle'.....................357 n. Bhavasvâmin, a writer; he must have flour. "bloody cloth," the, in India ................159, 160
ished before the tenth century A. D., and blood-money in Vedic times....................... 30 probably in the fifth century .................. 187 Bodhisattvas; a curious mention of them in Bhêlsa, a town in the Gwalior State; connection with Jalauka I. and Kritya ...68, 71 mentioned under the ancient name of Bodleian Library, Notice of Collection of BhAillasv&min ............... .................. 345 Coins in the ..................................
.............. 248 Bhikan Khan of KötlA-Mâlêr, receives the Bombay Presidency, inscriptions from the,
right to coin from Ahmad Shah Durrani ... 328 edited ...............35, 80, 108, 110, 265, 270, 309 Bhimadêva I. (Chaulukya) ...... ............ 116 Book of Animals, the (Arabic) .................. 157 Bhimadêya II. (Chaulukya), 110, 115; -he Book of the Just, the, comparable with the had the biruda oi Abhinava-Siddharija,
Shahndma 115; - a grant of his time, of Vikrama. Brahman, the god, as an emblem on a grant Samvat 1266 and Simha-Samvat 96, edited, itself, not on the seal of the grant ............ 110;-grant edited, which has been Brahmanapataka, an ancient town or city in treated as being issued by him, and as the Anhilwad kingdom ............ being dated in Sinha-Sauvat 93 [but Brahmapuri, an ancient village or hamlet in which may turn out to be a record of the Surfehtråḥ mandala.....................111, 116 Bhimadêya I., dated in Vikrama-Samvat Brihachchharngadharapaddhati, the, is an
1093, or to be a spurious grant) ............... 110 enlargement of the Sargadharapaddhati... 18 Bhôja, a king mentioned in connection with Brihatkatha, an old collection of Hindu tales; Chandradeva ........................................ 15
notes on the materials for its study ......... 154 Bhoja, king of Dhari, mentioned in literary British Museum, the coins of Tórumana in legends ...............
................40 to 44 the, noticed and described................... 225, 226 Bhojanadaśarathi, the hero of a literary Buddha; a Græco-Buddhist sculpture of him,
folktale ................ ................................ 41, 42 with a dated Arian-Pali inscription ......... 257 bhringakítakanyaya in the Advaita philosophy 48 Buddhism ; a confusion between it and Bhringåri, also Bhringårikå, the name of a
Jainism, by Kalhaņa, in the case of Asska, pathaka of sixty-four villages in the An. 68; - a reference, of the eleventh century
hilwad kingdom .............. ............344, 345 A.D.,to Buddhism in the Kanarese country, Bhabarada, an ancient village in the Surish. 271; - Buddhists mentioned in the Rija
prah mandala ..................................111, 115 tarangini ............. ........68 to 73, 97, 100 Bhujangadhiraja (P), an ancestor of Ravi- Buddhist inscriptions; the columnar edicts
datta; he married a daughter of Simhavar- of Asoka, edited ....................1, 73, 105, 300 man...........
...............365, 368 | Budhagupta; remarks on him in connection Thujyamdna,' being enjoyed,' 109, 113;
with Töramina...............
................ 227 and in prabhujyamina ................... 347 and n. Bühler, Dr. G.; notice of his edition of the Bhokshiravåţika, an ancient place in or near Asöka inscriptions at Jaugada and Dhauli 63 Kasmir............................................98,
............... 98, 104
10%
Bulandshahr, an ancient terracotta seal bhamichchhidra, a term meaning land not
from ............... ....... ........................ 289 fit for cultivation' ............................ 221, 270 Burgess, Dr. J.; notice of his volume on the Bhatêsvara, a temple consecrated by Narên. Amarivati and Jagayyapeta Stapas ......... 62
drAditya I. ..................................99, 104 and n. Burma, Dr. Himly on chess in .................. 28 Bhuvanaikamalla-Santináthadêva, the god Burmese spelling, a note on ...................... 32 of a Jain temple at Gudigere ..................
.. 37
37 Burnah, see Varana..........................131 to 143 Bihar grant of king Sivasimha, of Lakshma
nasena-Samvat 293, the Hijra year 801, Vikrama-Samvat 1455, and Saka-Samvat Calmuck literature, Pozdneiev's paper on, 1321; examination of the date [it may,
notice of ............................................ 49 however, be a spurious grant) .................... 30 causal in Sanskrit ; remarks on its construc. Bijapur District, an inscription from the, tion with the instrumental case and with edited. .......... 270 the accusative ..............
............ 254
...........

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892
*****************
Central India, remarks on the history of, in the Gupta period, 227; - inscriptions from Central India, edited ..................341, 343, 344 Central Provinces, inscriptions from the, edited..179, 209, 211, 213, 214, 218, 230 Châhada, Thakkura; a general of Kumarapâla ******************* .....................343 and n. Châharapalli, ancient name of perhaps Chârôl 177 Châhumana, the name of a lineage or dynasty; an instance in which it is written Châhuyâna, 85; mention of the Mahdmandaléévara Vaijalladêva, of this lineage... 85 Chahuyana, a variant of Chdhumána Chakhdhar, a mound in Kasmir, representing
85
the ancient Chakradhara.................97, 101 n. Châkivada, an ancient village in the Samvå
vishaya Chakradhara, an ancient Vaishnava temple in Kasmir, now represented by the mound of Chakhdhar.... 97, 101 and n. Chalukyas, Eastern (see also VishnuvardhanaVijayaditya); synchronisms between them and the Western Châlukyas and the Cholas 240 Chalukyas, Western; inscriptions and notes relating to them, 35 to 38, 270, 272; - synchronisms between them and the Eastern Chalukyas and the Cholas... 240 Cham literature, M. Barth on..................... 126 Chamundaraja (Chaulukya)....... 114 Chanakya, notice of Monseur's edition of ...54, 55 Chandanachala, a name of the mountain Potalaka
......................................
241
Chandasarman, Mahdsdindhivigrahika, the Dutaka of the grant of Bhimadeva II. of Simha-Samvat 93 (P). 110 Chandavasana, ancient name of Charâsan......178 Chandella kings; the older form of their
family-name was Chandrêlla, 236, 237; -a later name was Chandrâtrêya .................. 237 Chandracharya, a grammarian; see Mahabha. shya............. ...........69, 73 Chandradêva, a Brahman mentioned in the Rajataramgint in connection with the Någas and the Buddhists ........69, 73
Chandradeva (Gâhaḍavala), 10, 13, 15; - mentioned as acquiring the sovereignty over Kanauj, 13, 15, 18, 132, 133; -a possible mention of him as an incarnation of Brabman, 18 and n.; in the grant of Vikrama-Samvat 1154, he seems to have the title of Mahardja, as well as the paramount titles, 12 n., 13; his grant of V.-S. 1154, confirmed by his son, edited ... Chandragômin is not Chandragôpin Chandragupta, son of Nannadêva (of a branch of the Lunar Race) 180 Chandrakuly&, an ancient river in Kasmir..98, 103
************
******...........
INDEX.
******************
165
9 52
***********..
185
Chandrâtrêya, a later form of the familyname of the Chandellas Chandrêlla, the older form of the name Chandella ........................................ .....236, 237 Chanpaka, the real form of the name of Kalhana's father 105 and n. Châpôtkata kings; remarks on a MS. giving a history of them................. charana, a sect or sohool studying any particular sakhd of the Vêdas; mention of the Taittiriya charana ........................................................... 369 Charasan, a village in Gujarat, mentioned under the ancient name of Chanḍavasana... 178 Chârôl, a village in Gujarât, perhaps mentioned under the ancient name of Chahara. palli... Chatagêlauâpali, a páṭaka of Dêûpâli 138 chaturmastpaksha, 'the half lunation which follows each full-moon called cháturmást.. 77 chdturmdeya; Buddhist prohibitions regard
177
........................................
***********
ing killing, castrating, and marking animals on certain days in this period.................. 80 Chaudhari Phal, the ancestor of the Phůlkin chiefs of the Pañjab...... 323 Chaulukyas of Aphilwaḍ; some of their inscriptions, 80, 108, 110, 341, 343, 344; remarks on a MS. giving a history of them, 186, 187;-proof that they really did defeat the kings of Målava......341, 342, 345 chauri as an emblem on seals of grants...161, 172 chauvéra, a termination of Brahmans' names, or a title or epithet ....... 369 chavatha in the fiscal term vimśatichhavatha 19n. Chêdi, the Kalachuris of; they belonged to the Atrêya gótra................ 210 Chêdi era, the; see Kalachuri or Chêdi era, and also eras... ...........296, 297 Chembian, a name of Chenkanṇân.. 259, 262, 264, 265 Chenkan, Chenkapmål, or Chenkanṇân, an early Chôla king, who fought with the Chêra Kapaikka-Irumporai...259, 260, 262, 263, 264, 265 Cheramma, apparently the paramount lord of Ravidatta........ 365, 368 chess, Dr. Himly on Oriental 28 chhapana, in Paschima-Chhapana 135 *************** Chhihula, Ranaka, an official or dependant of Narasimhadeva .... 213
*******...
***************
237
Chhittaraja, a Mahámanḍaléévara, mentioned in connection with Mâmvâni............94, 95 Chi-mo-lo, another name of Malakôṭṭa; it is 241 28
..................................................
equivalent to Tamila....... China, Dr. Himly on chess in Chinese grammar, Georgievski, on, 158; geography, note on a Russian, 282; - Life, Georgievski's principles of, 157, 158;

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INDEX.
393
social institutions, Georgievski's book, notice of, 49; - account of the Embassy of Spaphari to Pekin, 49, 279; - proclama
tions, notice of some ....... ............. 149 Chiramôchana, an ancient tirtha in Kasmir...68, 71 Chitrambara, an ancestor of the Ganges of
Kalinga................................................ 170 Choda, a variant of Choa......................... 171 Chodaganga, an officer and namesake of
Anantavarma-Chôdaganga ............... 173, 176 Chôdaganga or Chôdagangadēva, another name of Anantavarman (Ganga of Kalinga)
164, 165, 171, 172, 175 Chôdas mentioned in connection with the
Kalachuri king Karna ..................... 215 Choļa country mentioned in the Rdjataran
gins ..................................................98, Chôļas; synchronisms between them and the Western Chalukyas and the Eastern Chalukyas, 240; - intermarriage of them
with the Gangas of Kalinga.........164, 171, 175 Chrkr, a place in Kasmir, supposed to be the
ancient Asanfra...................................... 68 Coimbatore District, an inscription from the, edited ..............
..................... 362 coinage of the Arabs, date of introduction of the
................ 159 coins, of Tôramina, 225, 226; - theory
of evolution of coins, 321; -false history on, 278, 322; - importance of the minor marks on, 332, 333; - method of minting oriental, 333, 336; - of Find, borrowed the PaciAll die, 326; - of Nabha, copied those of LAhôr, 331; - Bodleian collection, 248, 249; - Gardener's catalogue of Indo-Baktrian, 125, 126; - of Indo-Scythian, 125, 126; -of Indo-Greek, 125, 126; - Sauvaire's paper on Masalman Numismatica, 89; - Bulgarian, 277, 279; - of Jind, 321, 325-827; -- of Lahor, 331; - of Kaithal, 321, 327-8; - of Kapurthala, 322, 331; -of Kasmir, 335; - of KoçLA MAlô, 821, 328-330; -- of NADA, 330;
- of the Pañjab, 321 f.; -of Patiala, 321, 323-325; -of thu 'Abbasis, 281 ; - of the Durranis, 256; -Gupta in the Bodleian, 249; -Hulqat, 155; - Jaghatai, 157; - Jachi, 277-279; - Khalifas of Baghdad, 165: - KhwarizmshAh, 155; -Saffavi, 155; - of the Seljaqe, 52; - Samani, 155; -(Sassanian) of Khurav II., 154; - Shaiban, 155; - of the Turke, 62; - Zaidi, 165; - Ziart, 155; - (Afghan), of 'Abdu'rrahman of Kabal, 154; of Ahmad Shah Darrint or. AbdAlt, 920 8.; -of AnNhair-li-din-Allah, 277; - (Chughatai), of Kazan Timur, 49; -of George Thomas of
Hanst, 322; -of the early Khalifas, 158, 159; -of Manga Khan, 277; -of Mamin, 277, 279;. - (Afghan), of Sher 'All of Kabul, 164;-(Saljag), of Sultan Kaikhusrav I., 52; - (Turkish), of Sultan Murid IV., 62; -of Talib, 277-279:- of Tipu Sultan
(Maisar)................................................ 313 Colair, see Kolleru...................................... 61 confidence in strangers, of hero, in folktales.. 22 conscience, rise of, in Chaldæan religion ... 246 crab helping hero in folktales ... .................. 348 cregte; the bull-crest of the Gangas of
Kalinga............... .................. 164, 170, 175 crow helping hero in folktales................276, 348 “crow-cawing" tree, the ............................. 349 Cuci - Zuci .......................................... 51 curiosities of South Indian Sanskrit literature
45, 46, 47, 48 current and expired years; an instance of a
year of the Vikrama era distinctly qualified as current, by the word pravartamdna, and to be applied as such, if the southern rec. koning of the era is followed, 253; - an instance of the use of the same word, where, however, the year has in reality to be applied as expired, 251; - years distinctly specified as expired, of the Vikrama era, 86, 87; - unqualified years, to be applied as current, of the Kalachuri or Chedi era, 211, 213; -of the Saka era, 56 (P), 272 (P); -of the Vikrama era, 10 (P), 15(?). 20 (P); - and of the same, it the southern reckoning is followed, 34, 58, 129, 214, 252, 345; - unqualified years, to be applied as expired, of the Saks era, 31, 38, 56, 56 (1), 90, 91, 94, 127, 128, 162, 817,379; - and of the Vikrama era, if the northern reckoning is followed, 34, 58, 129, 214, 262, 345; according to the southern reckoning, 81, 59, 135, 140, 238, 252, 344, 346; - and accord
ing to either reckoning, 21, 57, 82, 112, 138, 251 curiosity, punishment of, in folktales ......... 350
Dadda II., Mahdadmanta (Gurjara); see
Bagumrl and TIAO .............................91 to 92 dadi, dudi, a small species of tortoise ... 73, 75 Dahala, or DahAla; the name is a synonym
of Ohbdi, and the country is located near
Koala ................................................. 213 Dahbid, mosque of, at Samarqand ............. 155 Daivaha, an ancient river...........
138 delaka daraka .............
306 Damodara I., . king of Kasmir, contempora
neous, according to Kalhana, with Krishna, 67; -his wife was Yasvatt ................. 67

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****
.....
16
Damodara II., a king of Kasmir ...............69, 72 Damodarasada, an ancient swamp in Kasmir
69, 72 Dânärņava (Ganga of Kalinga)..............170, 171 DandAhf pathaka, an ancient division of Gujaråt...............
................. 178 Dångaraud, ancient name of Dangarwa, a
village in Gujarat ................................. 178 DAradas, the people of Dardistân; mention of
them in the Rajatarangint...67, 98, 103 and n. ddraka, the son of a king, whose mother's
rank does not assure him an official title 305 Darvabhishra, an ancient place in or near
Kasmir ..................................................... 73 Dasaj, a village in Gujarat, mentioned under
the ancient name of Disayaja................. 178 Dasavarman (Western Chalukya), 274 and n.;
- his wife was Bhagaladevi....................... 274 Disayaja, ancient name of Disaj ............... 178 dates (see also eras); dates which do not give
satisfactory results, 10, 15, 20, 57, 82, 109, 127, 138, 310; - Dr. Schram's Tables for the approximate conversion of Hindu luni-solar and solar dates, 290 to 300; - dates recorded in - decimal figures...11, 16, 20, 21, 30, 35, 39,
56, 57, 58, 84, 85, 86, 90, 95, 109, 112, 127, 128, 131, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 143, 145, 192, 213, 214, 238, 251, 252,
253, 274, 311, 343, 344, 345, 347, 379 numerical symbols .........55, 225, 226, 257 numerical words ...30, 86, 163, 164, 169,
174, 345 words ......11, 20, 21, 55, 56, 58, 83, 85, 87, 90, 91, 112, 131, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 143, 145, 211, 235, 251, 253,
257, 268, 285, 316 Dattasena, an ancestor of the Gangas of Kalinga............................
................ 170 danghter, only, in folktales................... 146 ff. Dâvadamadavam vishaya, a division in the
territories of the Gangas of Kalinga ......... 146 Davangere, a village in Maisar ; remarks on
the identity of Vishņuvardhana-Vijayaditya
mentioned in an inscription there ......38 and n. Dayadama, an ancient village in the Duyada
mt pattald .............................................. 139 daye, civil, of the fortnight or month,
denoted by bu di and ba di or va di, and mentioned in recorded dates : bright fortnight:first
1........ 214 second ............
****.......... ........ 238 third ..
................................11, 344, 347 fourth **......**
........58 (P), 90, 189 fifth ....***************
..........218, 251, 343 seventh ...........
............................................ 136, 137 eleventh ..................................... 21, 109 thirteenth..................................... 84, 131 fourteenth ............ ................... 112
fifteenth ................58, 140, 141, 143, 343 dark fortnight: - third..........
................. 20 () fourth ...............
............. 35 fifth ............................................... 192 eleventh ..................... ............... 252
fifteenth ............................. days, lunar, i. e. tithis, of the fortnight or
month (see also tithi), denoted by the number or name of the tithi, and mentioned in recorded dates :bright fortnight:
first ......................................86, 211, 345 second ...... .........
............... 252 third ..............................11, 164, 169, 174 fourth .................
.............. 139 fifth ......................... 85, 87, 261, 316, 379 seventh ...
..........................SO, 55 ninth ............................................. 95 tenth
.................................. 136, 137 eleventh ........................................ 21, 83 thirteenth ............ ................86, 131 fourteenth ...........................
112 fifteenth ............
268 full-moon ......57, 58, 86, 140, 141, 143, 253 dark fortnight:first **
.......... 253 third ...
20 fourth fifth
..................85, 86 eighth
.. . . .. ............ 164 fourteenth ................................... 311 thirtieth ....................................... 123
new-moon .........................86, 91, 127 fortnight not specified : - full-moon
.......... 127, 235 new-moon ...............56, 90, 127, 285, 367 days of the week; instances in which the
week-day is denoted by dina, 11, 20, 21, 57, 58, 83, 86, 87, 112, 131, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 143, 163, 169, 174, 252, 285; by udra, 86, 127, 128, 164, 211, 251, 253, 274, 311, 316, 379; - and by vdraka, 91;cases in which it is mentioned only by its name, without any of these words, 11, 16, 20, 21, 30, 58, 84, 86, 95, 109, 131, 136, 137, 140, 141, 148, 192, 213, 214, 238, 251, 252, 343, 344, 347; - names of the days of the week, as used in recorded dates :
Aditya (Sunday)............ 127, 164, 274, Angkra (Tuesday) ........................... Arka (Sunday)................................... Bhaskara (Sunday)
86
.
.
.
...
........
30

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395
.
.... 253
Bhauma (Tuesday)......
251 Dharmakhdin, maternal uncle of DevendraBhrigu (Friday) ..........
I varman .................................... ...... 146 Bhamitanaya (Tuesday)....................... 252 Dharmkranya, an ancient vihdra at Vitastatra 08 Buddha (Wednesday)...84, 86, 128, 192, Dharmavarhika, perhaps, an ancient name of
213, 251, 316 Anhilwad ...................... 111, 112, 114 n., 116 Guru (Thursday) .........30, 58, 87, 112, 343 Dharmèsvara, a form of the god Siva ...... 144, 146 Mangala (Tuesday)......................... 127 Dharwad District, an inscription from the, Ravi (Sunday)... 16, 86, 109, 131, 139, edited ................................................ 35
214, 238 Dhruvarkja III., Mahdadmantadhipati(RAshRavija (Saturday) ...............163, 169, 174 trakota of Gujarat); see Bagumri............ 56 Sani (Saturday) ...................21, 136, 137 Dhvajatațâka, Sanskrit name of Gadigere...36, 37 Sôma (Monday) 11, 57, 83, 86, 252, 811, dhydn-aikatdna, 'having the thoughts en
344, 347, 379 tirely concentrated on meditation' [it Sukra (Friday) ...... 20, 58, 95, 140, 141, 143
may be noted that this expression ooours death, customs in Bombay concerning ....... 281
also in Vol. XVII. p. 232, line 2] ............ 219 decimal figures; exceptional forms ............ 145 dina, 'a solar or civil day,' used in such a way Dehli, apparently mentioned under the an. as to be contrasted with tithi, ' lunar cient name of Indragthana ............ 13, 18, 132
day.............................................112, line 6 Deógadh, a town in the Lalitpur range of
dinna, a termination of proper names, in hills; mentioned under the ancient name
Dévadinna .............
................ 270 of Kirtigiridurga, 288, 289; - the rock
dishța, a synonym of kala, 'time' ......210 and n. inscription of Kirtivarman (Chandella), of Dodiylipataka, ancient name of Doriwari...... 177 Vikrama-Sarhvat 1154, edited ................. 237
Dommikenda, an ancient village in the Sam. D&ult, an ancient village, near Udayapura ... 845 mag vishaya.............................................. 176 Dêdpali, an ancient village in the Ambal Dôriwara, a village in Gujarat, mentioned pattald ................................................... 188
under the ancient name of Dôdhiyapataka... 177 diva-janita, an epithet which has been sup
dramá, Persian, and in its connection with posed to exist on certain coins; but it is &
religion................................................ 246 pure mistake..................... ................. 225 Dramilas conquered by Rajaraja (Ganga of Dévadinna, Sandhivigrahddhikrita, writer
Kalingh) ............................................ 171 of the Bagumri grant of Nikumbhalla- drum, a double, as an emblem on seals of grants 165 sakti ................................................... 270
duo, or perhaps to or nao, an abbreviation Devakirtiguru, a Jain teacher, in the Kareya
requiring explanation............... 113 and n., 114 gana ...........................
Dudahi, a village in the Lalitpur, District; Devalabdhi (Chandella), 236, 237; -his Du. . ! the inscriptions of Dévalabdhi, edited ...... 236 dahi inscriptions, edited
.............. 236 dudi, a small species of tortoise ............. 75, 80 Dévánampiyo, an epithet of Asoka... 8, 9, 80, Durgardja (Rashtrakata) .....................233, 285
107, 306, 307 Durlabharija (Chaulukya) ....................... 115 Dermvamin, a writer; he must have fou. Durranis, the ; notice of a paper by Mr. rished before the tenth century A.D., and Dames on their coins .............
................. 256 probably in the fifth century ................ 187 Dvira, the Gate of Kasmir, i.e. the Pass of Devendravarman (Ganga of Kalinga), 146;
Varshamola ......................... 68, 70 and n., 103 his grant of the year 254, edited ........... 143 Dvatogeyanar, án ancient village in the Pun dépíchakra, see Mothers, the Divine. ......... 70 n. nåda vishaya .....................
369 dévikumdra, 'the son of a king, who has the rank of prince' ...........
................ 305 Devinder Singh of NAbhA............................ 330 Ea, the Chaldean god of earth .................. 946 Dhanoaramaus pattald, an ancient territo. eclipsen, lunar, 127, 342; - solar, 19, 56, 90,
rial division .......................................... 13 91, 127, 128, 285, 368; - an instance in Dhara, Udayaditya of ................................. 215 which reference is made to an eclipse of Dhyrantvarkha, Mahdadmantadhipati (ChA- the sun, which did not oocur on the given pa); see HaddAA ......
date, 19; -mention of Rahu, me causing Dhåråvarnha-Dhruvarája III., Mahdadmanta. an eclipne of the sun ...........................17, 19 dhipati (Rashtrakata of Gujarat); see Egyptian ethica, old, compared with Malagway 28 Bagamra
.................. 56 ekaodbye, an epithet of Akkadért ............... 274 Dharma (P) (or possibly Dharmajya), an Elagovanar, an ancient village in the Punat
Ancestor of the Gangm of Kalinga ...167 n., 170 du vishaya ...........
...........
90
.
. 889

Page #428

396
INDEX.
****......
14
elephant-goad as an emblem on seals of grants folktales, ancient Indian, 154; - Arabic, 89;
161, 172 - in Burma, 275 ; - in Southern India, emborasma, the Seleukidan intercalary month 267 literary, 40; - in Southern India, 81, 88, English words adapted in Kanarose; kemalata 120, 340; - in Western India..............21, 146
= camlet,' 354 n. ; -99, or getu, = forbidden things in folktales ..................... 350 'gate, 356 n.; - pálisa, = 'police,' 356 fortnighta, lunar; the bright fortnight den.; - raporta,='report,' 357 n.;-billi, = noted by valaksha, or adalaksha, 30; -by
bill' or buckle,' 357 n.; - aphil,= 'ap- sita, 87; -- and by fvéta, 211; -mention of peal,' 359; -kortu, = 'court'................... 859 "the first fortnight," without any indication Erai, a village in the Sågar District; re- whether it is the bright or the dark fort
marks on the inscriptions of Budhagupta night, 145; - an instance of the use of the and Tôramaņs ............................ 227, 228, 229 purnimanta arrangement with the Vikrama eras, the varions, used in recorded dates : -
era in the North-West Provinces, 34; - Hijra.................. ......................... 80 the amanta arrangement was used with the Kalachuri or Chedi .....................211, 213, 268 Saka era in Gujarkt in A. D. 866 or 867, .. Lakshmanasena ....................................... 30 56; - and permanently so by A. D. 888,.. Ganga ......
.......... 145 90; - instances of the use of the amdnta Saka...30, 39, 55, 56, 90, 91, 94, 127, 128, 163, arrangement in the dates of sparions
169, 174, 192, 285, 274, 285, 311, 316, 379 grante, for periods for which the proper Simha
............ 109 (P), 112. arrangement is the purnimdnta............93, 286 Vikrama...11, 16, 20, 21, 80, 85, 57, 58, 83, fortune, seeking, by hero, in folktales... 21, 84, 85, 86, 87, 112, 181, 186, 137, 139, 140,
147 ff., 348 141, 143, 214, 238, 251, 252, 253, 342, 844, future life, the rise of the idea in Assyria ... 246
845, 847 éru, '& river,' as a termination of placenames in Southern India ................
GAdhipura, one of the ancient names of Etawah District, an inscription from the
Kanauj ............... .................. 13, 18, 132 edited
Gagaha, a village in the Gorakhpur District; etymology, popular, instances of.................. 69 notice of the substance of the grant of expired years; see current and expired years Govindachandra and Rajyapala, of Vikra
ma-Sathvat 1199 [the original plates are in
the British Museum)............................... 20 Fa-Hien; notice of Mr. Legge's translation of GAhadavila, the name of the family of Jaya
his Record of Buddhistio Kingdoms ......... 254 chchandra of Kanauj and his ancestors, fand, self-annihilation in the soft taith ...... 288 15,-17; - inscriptions and general notes farigt, the pagoda (coin) of Tipa ............... 814 relating to these kings .........9 to 21, 129 to 148 fate; South Indian Sanskrit verses on its
GAhunda, apparently a local designation of supremacy .............................. 46, 47 Siva, in one of the Tewar inscriptions ..... 210 fels, a copper coin ................................. 281 gairdta, in PAli geldta, a particular kind of Firdost's satire on Mahmud of Ghazni ........ 51 bird, probably derived from giri, a moun. fire, the offering of an oblation to, at the time
tain ............................................. 74, 80 of making a grant, 13, 19, 134, 136, 187, 139, Gajapati, see Abvapati .......................... 133 140, 142 ; - perpetual fire, in Madras ...... 352 Gajpat Singh, founder of Jind, 996; -- his
Grajpat Singh, founder of Jind, 320;fiscal terms, strings of ...18, 19, 21, 34, 184, coins, 826; -description of them ............ 881
185, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143 galivanra, or galibandha, word requiring Five-hundred Elders, the,' of Pêror ............. 275 explanation ............. ...............172, 176 . 'five-hundred houses, the,' of Pêrar, 275,- Gambhu, a village in the Kadi district, men
terms like this perhape give the average tioned under the ancient name of Gam.
size of a vilage .................................. 275 bhith ...................................... ...177, 178 flowers fade on being touched by a woman ... 149 Gambhata, ancient name of Gmbha, and the folklore in Burma, 275; - in Malacca, 59, 60, chief town of # pathaka including one
61;- in Southern India, 40, 46, 47,87, 120, hundred and fourty-four villages ............ 177 348; - in Western India, 21, 146; - Gandhars country or people, mentioned in
Ossetic, 29; - Sanskrit literary ............... 40 the Rdjatarangin ........................ 67, 98, 103 folk-medicine in Malacca .....................59, 60, 61 Ganga chieftains in Western India.........312, 313 folk songs of the Transilvanian Glipnios, 28; Ganga or Ganga family of Kalinga; genes
- Persian, notice of, 152:- of the Sarta. 49 logical inscriptione, edited, 149, 161, 166,

Page #429

INDEX.
397
................. 170
172; - the Puranic genealogy, 170; - the Gipsies, notice of Von Wlislocki's, Songe of members of it belonged to the lineage of the Transilvanian .............. ******...... 29 Vishnu, and to the Lunar Race, 170 and n.; Gita-Govinda, an imitation of the ................. 28 - and to the Atrêya gotra, 164, 171, 176; Godanti, an ancient village in the Paschima- the origin of the name of the family, Chchhapana pattald ............................... 135 170; - intermarriages with the Vaidymva Godhara, a king of Kasmir ........................ 67 or Vaidumva family, 164, 175; - and with Gökarna, a king of Kasmir ......................98, 104 the Chôļas, 164, 171, 175; - the insignia of Gokarnasvâmin, a form of siva on the moun. the family
................. 164, 175 tain Mahendra............... 145, 164, 170, 171, 175 gangapuputaka, a particular fish of the Gan- Gökarnêsvara, a temple founded by Gokarna 98, 104
ges, remarkable for some protuberance...... 75 Golleti, or Gollêtisimei, a Tamil term of Gangavl i Ninety-six-thousand district, 313 ;
contempt for the Telugu country............... 61 - mention of it as the Gangavadi vishaya,
gonada-bedangi, an epithet of Akkadevi ...... 274 in a grant of the Gangas of Kalinga, 170;- Gônanda I., a king of Kasmir, contempora- another reference to it as simply " the neous, according to Kalhuna, with Yu
Ninety-six-thousand district"............363, 369 dhishthira.......................... ................ 67 Gängêya, an ancestor of the Gangas of Ka- Gönanda II., a king of Kasmir, contemporalinga ............
neous, according to Kalhana, with the Gangêyadeva (Kalachuri of Chôdi)............. 215 Kurus and Pandavas.............................. 67 Garrez, Pierre-Gustave, the late; notioe of Gênanda III., a king of Kaşmir, 97, 100;
his work ............................................. 378 his accession is placed by Kalhana in Garuda as an emblem on seals of grants ...10, B. 0. 1182.............................................. 66
134, 136, 138, 139, 141, 142, 231 Gopa, the name of some ancient agrahdras in Gavundu, the modern Gauda 'or Patil, 'a
Kasmir ............................................ 98, 104 village-headman,' 37; - also Gavundu, 37; Gopaditya, a king of Kasmir .................. 98, 104 - also Gdvunda, 37; - instances of the Gôpådri, an ancient hill in Kasmir...98, 104 and n. mention of "Twelve Gavundus” ........... 37 Gopalpur, a village in the Central Provinces, Gayakarnadevs, or Gay&karnad@va (Kala- near Bhêra-Ghat, the inscription of Vijachuri of Chôdi or Tripura), 210, 215, 219;
yasimbadáva, noticed as far as the rubbing his wife was Alhaņadevi, 215; - his Têwar is legible ......... inscription of the Chedi or Kalachuri year Gorakhpur District, an inscription from the,
902. edited .....................********............ 209 noticed ..................... ............... 20 Gayasada, a pataka of Manieri ............. 142 Gosaladêvf; she was really the wife of Gazzalt, a note on a new MS. of .................... 279 Jayasimbadeva (Kalachuri), not of Vijayagelata, probably = gairdta. ......................... 74 - simhadêva ........................................... 219 genealogies, Puranie; of the Gangas of K- gotra, 's family or clan;' cases in which
linga ................................................... 170 royal families are allotted to gótras; the geographical notes; Belganm District, 310; Gangas of Kalinga, to the Atrêya götra,
- Baroda State, 81; - Broach District, 164, 171, 175; - the Kalachuris of Chedi, 112; - Dh&rwad District, 37; - Gañjam to the Atrêya gótra, 210; - and the ances. District, 144; - Gujarat, 81, 176 to 178, tors of Ravidatta, to the KAấyapa gôtra, 266 - Kachchh, 108; - Kalmir, 67, 68, 365, 368; - an instance in which certain 69, 70 n., 72 n., 97, 101n.; - Kathiếwad, 111, Kshatriyas are allotted to the Vatea gotra, 112; - Málwa, 112, 233; - Miraj. State, 135, 137, 139; - names of gotras mention. 37; - North-West Provinces, 135, 137; -
ed in records :Pañjáb, 112, 226, 227; - Rajputâna, 112;
Ananta .............
.............. 210 - Raypur District ...... .... .................. 179
Åtrêya ..................164, 171, 175, 210, 369 Georgian Grammar, notice of Brosset's ..... 55 Bh&radvaja ................ .................... 270 géta, or more properly getu, an adaptation, in
Kanvāyana ................................ 369 Kanarese, of the English 'gate'............356 n. K&śyapa ...........................365, 368, 369 Ghalis, a modern Musalman sect .............. 156
Kausika .........
**................. 13 Ghantelana, an ancient village in the Su
Kautea .....
****...... 235 rashtrâh mandala ........................111, 115 Sarkaráksha.......
134 Ghantiamauyi, a pdtaka of Gôdanti ........... 135 Vatsa...21, 110, 135, 137, 139, 140, 141, Ghassånis, notice of Prof. Nõldeka's biatury
142, 369 of the ................................................. 125 Govindachandra (GAhadavala), 15, 18, 20, 21, Ghulam Hussain Khan of KölA-MAlêr......... 328 132, 133 (see also Baskhi, Benares, Gagaha,
****... 218

Page #430

398
INDEX.
Gurditta, ancestor of the Rajas of Nabha ... 380 gurjao, an abbreviation of gørjara, or more
properly gurjara ............................114 and n. Gurujñidnavdsishtha, a Sanskrit philosophical
work; a query concerning it ................... 284 Gwalior State, inscriptions from the, edited
341, 343, 344
Lucknow Museum, Rahan, and Raiwan); mention of him with the title of Mahardjaputra, 18; - mention of him as fighting against the Hammira, 18; -his wife's name was probably Alhaņadevi, 58 n.;- his grants, of Vikrama-Samvat 1166, edited, 14; -and of. V.-S. 1174 and 1199,
noticed ............................................. 19, 20 Govindaraja (R&shtrakata); son of Durga
raja, and father of Svåmikaraja .........233, 235 Graeco-Bactrian empire, remarks on the,
125, 126; - it originated about B. O. 260... 126 Greco-Buddhist sculpture, &, dated, from
Hashtnagar ............................................ 257 Græco-Indian empire; it originated about
B. 0. 208 ............................................ 126 Grammar, Brobeet's Georgian, notice of, 55;
notice of Dr. Hübschmann's paper on Ossetic, 28; - notice of the Katantra, 30; -of living Arabic, Dr. Vollers on the, 28; - Arabic, Algerian Dialects, 89; - Arabic dialect of Damascus, 89; - Berber Bassel's, 89; - Burmese, a notice of, 32; - Chinese, Georgievski on, 158; - Somáli, 116 ff. ;-Turki Language, 158; Yagnob
Language (Central Asia), 157; - Védic ... 247 Gregorian calendar, Dr. Schram's Tables for
the ............................................... 292, 293 gudda, 'a pupil' ................ .................. 36, 87 Guddasêtu, an ancient causeway in Kasmir...69, 72 Gudigere, a village in the Dhårwad District;
mentioned under the Kanarese name of Gudigere, 35, 37; - and under the Sanskfit name of Dhvajatataka, 35, 37; -a Jain
inscription of Saka-Sathvat 998, edited..... 35 Gajarát; remarks on MSS. which give a
history of this province in connection with the Chapôtkata kings, 185; - and in connection with the Chaulukyag, 186, 187;
-inscriptions from Gujarat, edited 80, 108, 110 Gujari, the ballad of the........... ................242 gunada-bedangi, an epithet of Akkadêvf ...... 274 Gunakirtideva, a Jain teacher, in the Kareya gana ..............
.................... 313 GunamahArpava, a variant of the name of
Gunârnava II. ............................... 164, 175 Gunarnava I. (Ganga of Kalinga) ............... 170 Gunârnava II. (Ganga of Kalinga), 171; -
also called Guņamahârnava, with the title
of Mahardja .....................................164, 175 Ganda, or Gundama II. (Ganga of Kalinga)
163 n., 164, 171, 175 Gundama I. (Ganga of Kalinga)...... 164, 171, 175 Guptas, the Early; remarks on the interrup
tion of their sovereignty, especially by the
Hanas under Toramana .....................227, 228 gurba, a class of Gujarati ballads ............... 242
Haddale, & village in the eastern part of KA.
thiwad: the grant of Dharanfvardha, of
Saka-Samvat 836; examination of the date 90 haidart, the double-rupee of Tipa ............... 314 hdl, ecstasy, in the Safi faith ...................... 288 hala, a particular land-measure ; four halas
=one fird .................................... 19 and n. halaváha, a particular land-measure, a
plough'............. ***....................... 110 HalAyudha; see Kavirahasya .................... 185 Hambira (see also Hammira), mentioned as
defeated by Vijayachandra ...................... 133 Hamir Singh, founder of Nabha, 830; - establishes a mint
............... 330 Hammira (see also Hambira) mentioned in
connection with Govindachandra .......... 18 Hangalapura, ancient name of Hasalpur ...... 177 Hansapala, a king of Pragv&ta ................. Harischandra, son of Jayachchandra ...... 129, 134 Harshadova, a Buddhist panegyrio of ......... 51 Harghagupta, son of Chandragupta (of a
branch of the Lunar Race) ..................... 180 Hasalpur, a village in Gujarat, mentioned
under the ancient name of Hamsalapura ... 177 Hashtnagar in the Peshawar District; a dated
Græco-Buddhist sculpture .................. 257 HastisA IA agrahdra, ancient name of probably
the modern Asthihil ............. .. ............. Hathaunda pattald, an ancient territorial
division......... hawwa, Arabic, identified with Skr. hêvaka... Héldrája, author of the Parthivdvali.. ........... 67 hero in folktales as physician cures princess of
an incurable disease, 24 ff.; - playfellow rescues him in poverty in folktales, 23; - sister will not acknowledge him in poverty
in folktales ... ................................23, 24 heroine disguised as a man in folktales......... 147 hévaka, a rare Kasmiri-Sanskrit word mean
ing 'love, desire,' and identified with the
Arabic hawwa ................. Hijra era; an instance of its use in a Sanskrit grant..................
.. .. HiranyAksha, a king of Kasmir...............98, 102 HimnyAkshapura, a town built by Hiranyl. kahs ............................
................ 98, 102 Hiranyakula, a king of Kasmir ... ......98, 102 Hiranyôtsa, a town built by Hirapyakula...98, 202
67
80

Page #431

Hira Singh of Nabha, his coins described historical texts, Tamil; Kalavali or "the Battle-field," edited Hiuen-Tsiang; notice of the Rev. S. Beal's translation of his Life ................ 160 Hiza, Emperor of, = Aurelian 54 Hôdiâns, the original holding of the Patiâlâ Chiefs........
323.
Hôklitr, a place in Kasmir, mentioned under the ancient name of Sushkalêtra. 68, 69 Hôlada, an ancient district in or near Kasmir 98, 103 Homer, Indian parallels of 248 hu, a possible reading for du°............113 and n. húhúkánta, a rare word meaning 'the moon' 10, 14 n.
***********************
******************
INDEX.
341
*********...
258
-
Hulgar, a village in the Dharwad District, mentioned under the ancient name of Pullumgår, 37; - the inscription of Sômê. évara (Kalachuri), dated Saka-Samvat 1096; examination of the date, 127; the inscription of Mahadeva, dated Saka-Samvat 1189; examination of the date. .............. 128 human sacrifice by devotees of Durga in the
seventh century A. D., 160;-human sacrifices mentioned in the Rajataramgint...98, 104 hundreds, omitted; an instance, of the sixteenth century A. D., in which the figures for the century have been omitted, whether purposely or negligently, 252; - instances in which the figures for the century are separated from the figures for the year in the century. ...........252, 253 Hushka, the form of the name of Huvishka in the Rajataramgint Hushkapura, ancient name of the modern Ushkar ********. ..................................................................69, 72 n. Huvishka (Turushka or Indo-Scythian), mentioned in the Rdjataramgint under the name of Hushka, and as a king of Kasmir, and allotted to the Turushka race........69, 72
**********..
69, 72
*************
Ibn-Abi-Tahir, his Anthology 280, 281 Ibn-al-Mu'tazz's poems, notice of Dr. Lang's translation of ... Ibrahim'Ali Khan of Kotla-Mâlêr, his coins, 329; description of them....... Idaråd, a village in Gujarât, mentioned under the ancient name of Indråvada Ilo; the spurious grant of Dadda II., of Saka-Samvat 417; suggestion as to the circumstances under which the date was calculated in forging the grant, 91 to 93;
*********......
178
a similar instance........................................................ 286 Ilu, a god in the Babylonian religion... 246
27
339
399
images on seals of grants. 161, 165, 172 imami, the rupee of Tipa.... ................. 314 Indila, an ancient name of Indla....177 n. Indla, a village in Gujarat, mentioned ander the ancient names of Indila and Itila 177 and n. Indo-Greek kings of Bactria, remarks on the
***********... 126
219 29
125, 126 Indo-Scythians, remarks on the, in connection with Bactria.............. Indor, a village in the Bulandshahr District; an amendment in the rendering of the grant of Skandagupta Indra, origin of the word........ Indrabala (of a branch of the Lunar Race)... 180Indrabhânu, a new Sanskrit poet 28 Indrajit, a king of Kasmir 97, 100 Indrasthana, probably the same as Indrapras tha, an ancient name of Dehli; mentioned as a tirtha..... ************... 13, 18, 132 Indråvada, ancient name of Idaråd ..... 178 inscriptions, Arabic, in Syria, 90; - Arabic and Chinese at Canton; notice of, 27; - Cham (Annamese); notice of, 126; - in Egypt, cuneiform, 156;- Georgian in Russia, 50, 51;-Himyaritic at Sana'a, a notice of, 27, 28; Manchu, notice of, 152; - at Palmyra, names used in the ............... 53, 54 inscriptions on copper, edited: :
***************
**********
-
..............................*******
***************
Ajayapala (Chaulukya); Vikrama-Samvat 1231
************ *****************
Anantavarma-Chôdaganga (Ganga of Kalinga); Saka-Samvat 1003,.. 161; -S.-S. 1040, .. 165; S.-S. 1057... 172 Bhimadêva II. (Chaulukya); Simha-Samvat 93 (P), 108;- Vikrama-Samvat 1266 and Simha-Samvat 96 *************** Chandradeva and Madanapala (Gahadavála of Kanauj); Vikrama-Sahvat 1154 Devendravarman (Ganga of Kalinga); the year 254........... Jayachchandra (G&haḍavila of Kanauj); Vikrama-Samvat 1232,.. 129; - V.-S. 1233, 134, 136;-V.-S. 123,.. 137; -V.-S. 1236... 139, 140, 142 Madanapala and Govindachandra (Gahadavala of Kanauj); Vikrama-Samvat 1166 Nandaraja (Rashtrakuta); Saka-Samvat 631. ........ 230 Nikumbhallasakti (Sêndraka); the year 265 362 33
*******..
*************
406
***************
Ravidatta (of Punnâd); spurious Trilochanapala inscriptions on copper, noticed substantially, but not edited in full:
Govindachandra (Gahadavala of Kanauj); Vikrama-Samvat 1174...........
........
80
*********
110
9
143
14
19

Page #432

400
INDEX.
Govindachandra and Rajyapkla (Gaha Jaggayapeta, or Bêtâvolu; the stipa here
davala of Kanauj); Vikrama-Samvat seems to have been erected not later than 1199 ..............................************
B. 0. 100 ............................................. 68 inscriptions on stone, edited :
Jaghatai language, an official Court language Ajayapala (Chaulukya); Vikrama-Sam.
152, 153 vat 1229 ......................................... 344 | Jain inscriptions, edited ......................... 35. 309 Asoka; his columnar edicts; the third, 1; Jainism; notes on its foundation and history,
- the fourth, dated in his twenty- 191; - a peculiar metaphor borrowed from seventh year, 3; -- the fifth, dated in Hinduism, referring to the three eyes of the same year, 73; - the sixth, dated
Siva, 36 and n.;-& confusion between in the same year, 105; - the seventh
Jainism and Buddhism, by Kalhans, in the and eighth, dated in his twenty-eighth case of Asôka, 68; - Dr. Bühler on the year, 300; -the separate edicts; the leading principles of Jainism .................. 159 Queen's edict, 308; - the Kaubambi Jains; translation of Prof. Weber's paper on **............................... 309
their sacred literature ..................... 181, 369 Dêvalabdhi (Chandella)......................... 236 Jalaluddin Rami, the Masnart of ............... 287 Gayakarnadeva (Kalachuri of Chêdi); Jalauka I., a king of Kaśmîr, 68, 70; -his
Kalachuri-Sarvat 902 ..................... 209 wife was Isanadevi .............................. 68, 70 Greco-Buddhist sculpture ......... .......
...... 257
Jaladkuhe, an ancient village .................. 235 Gudigere Jain inscription ; Saka-Sarhvat JAlhaņa, Maharanaka, father of Chhihula ... 213
998............................................... 35 JAlôra, an ancient vihara and agrahara in Jayasinha III. (Western Chalukya); Kašmir, perhaps the modern Zavar ......... 68
Saka-Sarvat 944.............................. 270 Jaluka, an ancient village............................... 235 Jayasinhadova (Kalachuri of Chedi)...... 214 Jamal Khan, chief ancestor of the KotlaKalbh&vi Jain insoription..................... 809 Maler family ...................................... 828 Kirtivarman (Chandella); Vikrama-Sam- jamalikambali, a fiscal term requiring expla
vat 1154 ......................................... 237 nation.......................................... 137, 142 Kumarapala (Chaalukya); Vikrama-Sam. Janaka, a king of Kasmir.............................. 68
vat 1220 (P), . . 341; - another, pro- jangala, a rare word.............................84, line 5
bably of his reign, V.-S. 1222............. 343 Jantavara, in the Kalinga country, the capital Narasithadeva (Kalachuri of Chôdi); of Kámárņava I.............
Kalachuri-Samvat 909, . . 211; - Japan, Dr. Himly on chess in ................... 28
Vikrama-Samvat 1216 ...................... 213 Japanese poem, notice of the Man-y6-siu ...... 30
Sivagupta (of the Lunar Race) ............ 179 J&ruttha pattald, an ancient territorial division inscription on stone, noticed substantially, in the Kanaaj kingdom............ 141 and n., 142 but not edited in full:
Jasså Kalal is Jasså Singh Ahlawalia........... 331 Vijayaairhhadeva (Kalachuri of Chêdi). 218 Jasså Singh ÅblowAlia, his coins ........ 331 intercalary months; indicated by the ex. Jaswant Singh of Nábha, his coins, 330; - pression dvio-AshAdha, 343; -mention
description of them.........................339, 340 of the Seleukidan intercalated month Em. Jávur, see Závur ............
.......... 68 borasma............................................. 257 Jayachchandra (GAhadavála), 129, 133, 135, invocations of Gandía, 215;-Lakshmi, 12, 17,
136, 138, 139, 141, 142; - he had the 132;-Sarasvati, 215; - and Siva 84, 210, 215
epithet of Advapati-Gajapati NarapatiIrana, a village in Gujaråt, mentioned under rájatray-ddhipati, 133; - mention of his
the ancient name of Åhiran .................... 178 Bon, Harischandra, 129, 134; his grants, 'Isa, direct ancestor of KoţA-MAlêr family ... 3:28 edited, of Vikrama-Samvat 1232, .. 129; - Isinadôvt, wife of Jalauka I.............. 68, 70 of V.-S. 1233, . . 134, 136; - of V.-S. ishan, a holy man,' in Turkistân...............52 1234, . . 137; -and of V.-S. 1236... 139, 140, 142 Istar, the Babylonian Venus .......... .... 246. Jayadeva, reputed author of the Rama-GitaIțila, a mistake for Indila, ancient name of Govinda ..................... **.*............... 28 Indla.............. .................................. 177 Jayanta, & commentator on the Kdoyapra.
káéa; he wrote in Vikrama-Sarhvat 1350... 187
Jayantasimha (Chanlukya); identification of j used for y in the name of Jabodhavala ...... 343 | the places mentioned in his grant of Vikra. ja'fart, the sixteenth-rupee of Tipd .......... 814 1 m a-Samvat 1280 ........................................ 177 Jagadókamalladêva, a biruda of Jayasinha Jayasena I. and II., ancestors of the Gangas III.............. ............... 270 of Kalinga ..........
... 170
**** 170

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401
Jayasimha (Chaulukya); he had the birudas tem; Prof. Kielhorn's method and Tables of Siddhachakravartin, 115; - and Tribhu
for calculating the beginning and end of vanaganda, 341 n.; -he conquered the lord any year of the cycle, according to the so
of Avanti, 115; - and the Varvarakas.. 84, 115 called Telinga rule, 202 to 209; - an Jayasimba III. (West. Chalukya), 274, 275;
instance of the use of this system of the - he had the biruda of Jagadêkamalla,
cycle not long after the period that has 274 ; - his elder sister was Akkådôvi, 274; been indicated for the introduction of it,
-Bélar inscription of his time, of Saka- 317; - names of the years of the cycle, Sanhvat 944, edited, 274; - examination of according to this system, as used in rethe date of a Tálgand inscription of his corded dates :time, of Saka-Samvat 950 .................... 379
Anala.............................
............................. 37 Jayasimhadova (Kalachuri of Chedi,) 215,
Jaya ..........
..................127, 316 219; – his wife was Gogaladevi, 219; -
Prabhava ..........
................. 128 his Karanbôl inscription, edited .............. 214 Vibhava ..............................311 (P), 379 Jayasvamipura, an ancient town in Kasmir 69, 72
Vikrita ................ ............... 91 jessamine king, folktale of the .............87, 88
Viridhin ..................................... 192 Jhulaann, * village in Gujarat, apparently Jupiter, the planet; his Sixty-Year Cycle ; mentioned under the ancient name of remarks on the apparent existence of a
Kalavasana .......................................... 178 variety of the luni-solar system, which Jhdet, & town in the Allahabad District;
may be named the southern Vikrama luni. it probably represents the ancient Pratish- solar system, 221 to 224; - * possible
China .................................... ................. 93 n. actual instance, of the eleventh century Jinachandra, a Jain teacher, in the Kareya
A. D.................................................... 272 gana ................ ......................... 313 Jushka, a king of Kasmir, mentioned with Jind, history of the Rajas of..................... 325 ff. Hushka and Kanishka .........................69, 72 Jitenkusa (Ganga of Kalinga)..................... 171 Jushkapura, ancient name of the modern Jitavirya, an ancestor of the Gangas of Zukru.................................... 69, 72 and n. Kalinga.........................
....... 170 jue prima noctis, Arabic origin of the ......... 28 John of Phanijoit; notice of a Coptic MS. Jyeshţharudra, or Jyêshthêsa, an ancient regarding him
................88, 89 temple at Srinagart ................... 68, 70 and a. Jônarkja; he wrote his commentary on the Jy6hthôša, another name of Jylehtharudra,
Kirstdrjunkya in Saka-Samvat 1870......... 189 68, 70 and n.;- it was on the Gópådri Jukru, see Zukru ......................................... 69
hill
................. 98, 104 Julian and Gregorian calendars, Dr. Schram's jyoo, an abbreviation, probably of jyotisha Tables for the ................................ 292, 293
113 and a. Jupiter, the planet; his Sixty-Year Cycle
according to the mean-sign system; Prof. Kielhorn's method and Tables for calculat- Kachchha mandala, the province of Outeh ing the beginning and end of any year of
108, 110 the cycle, according to the Sarya-Siddhan- kachchhaka, or kasthaka, a word requiring ta, the Jyotistattua, and the Brihat-Samhita, explanation ................................... . 198 to 209; - and for determining the KAdalavalli, another form of the name of occasion of a kshaya or expunged year, Kedaravalli or Kadarolli, 310, 318; -men196; - the corresponding expired years of tioned as the chief town of a circle of the Saks era, within which the expunged
thirty villages...................* ****** *... 313 years fell according to the Jyotistattva Kadi grants,, of Jayantasimba of Vikramsrulo, 200 n.; - some slight differences in Sarivat 1280, and of Tribhuvanapala of this respect according to the Brihat-Sam
V. S. 1299; identification of the places menhitd rule, 202 n. ; some more handy
tioned in them ............. .................177, 173 Tables for the Súrya-Siddhanta and the Kahadigrama, an ancient agrahára in Kasmir Jyotistattva rules, 380 to 386; - according
98, 104 to the Súrya-Siddhanta, the length of Kaitbal, coins of, described, 337, 338; -hieach year of the cycle without bija, is story of
.............327 ff. 361.026 72103 days; and the length of each kaivartabhoga, in PAli kévatabhoga, perhaps
year with blja, is S61.0346511 days............ 193 'a fish pond' .......... .................. 79, 80 Jupiter, the planet; his Sixty-Year Cycle Kaiyata and Kaiyyața, or Kayyata ; which nccording to the southern luni-solar sys
is the proper spelling? ........ ............ 128
.
....
.

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402
INDEX
...... 114
KAkapur, a place in Kasmir, mentioned under
the ancient name of Khági ....................... 67 Kakka (Rashtrakata of Gujarat); see Antrů.
li-Ohhåróli ............... ..................55 and n. Kalachuri or Chôdi era, the (see also eras);
Dr. Schram's Tables for the conversion of
dates in it....................................... 296, 297 Kalachuris of Chêdi; their Puriņic genes
logy, 215; - they belonged to the lunar race, 215; - and to the Atrêya gótra, 210; - their family mentioned by the name of Kalachuri ......................................215, 219 kalambakam, a class of Tamil poems ........... 258 Kalaturya, a variant for Kalachurya or
Kalachuri............. Kalavali, or Kalavali-Nárpatu, "the Battle.
field," a Tamil historical text, edited ......... 258 Kalbhåvi, a village in the Belgaum District;
apparently its older name was Kummu.
davada, 310; -a Jain inscription, edited 309 Kalhaņa (see Kaśmir, and Rajatarangin, his father's name was Chanpaka, 105 and n.; - extracts from his Rajatarangini, 65, 97; - he wrote a certain part of the
poem in A. D. 1148-49 ........................... 66 Kalhari, ancient name of Kalrt ............... 197 Kalidasa, the poet, mentioned in literary
legends, usually in connection with king Bhoja ................
.... ......................41, 42, 43 Kaligalankusa (Ganga of Kalinga)................ 171 Kallah and Dinnah, new ed. of, 126; - Italian version of ...........
.............288 Kali Nag, story of ............ ............... 318 Kalindi, the river Jamna, mentioned in the
Rajatarangins ............... Kalinga country, the; mention of it in the Ganga grante, in the plural (Kalisigdk), 146, 170, 171; -mention of it ss the Kalinga deda, 176; -mention of it as Trikalinga, the three Kalingas '... 164, 165,
171, 175, 212 Kalinganagara, ancient name of the modern Kalingapatam in the Gaijam District 144,
145, 165, 175 Kaliyuga era; its epoch according to the
Súrya-Siddhanta, in days of the Julian period, and with reference to Ujjain, if reckoned for the apparent Mesha-Samkranti, is 588,4657500 days, 193; – but its vulgar epooh, reckoned for the mean Mêsha-Sankranti, is 588,463-6024 days, 193, 197; - Prof. Kielhorn's method for finding the beginning, taken at the mean Mesha-Sathkranti, of any year of this era, in accordance with the Súrya. Siddhanta, 193; - Dr. Schram's Tables for the conversion of dates in this era...296, 297
kalpadi, a special name of certain tithis ...... 20 KAlrt, « village in Gujarat, mentioned under
the ancient name of Kalhari .................. 177 Kalumalam, an ancient place in the Kongu
or Chêra country ........... ................... 259, 264 kalyao, an abbreviation, in kalyao-froshthio,.
requiring explanation KAmarava I. (Ganga of Kalinga), 170, 171;
he conquered BalAditya, and took possession of the Kalinga countries, 170; -his
capital there was Jant&vura ..................... 170 Kåmârnava II. (Ganga of Kalinga); his capital
was named Nagarą................ ................ 171 Kamârnava III. (Ganga of Kalinga) ............ 171 KÅmårnava or Kamârnavadêva IV. (Ganga of
Kalinga) .............. .................. 164, 171, 175 Kåmår avadêva V. (Ganga of Kalinga)... 164,
171, 175 Kamârnava VI., also called Madhu-Kamar
ņava (Ganga of Kalinga, 163 n., 164, 171,
175; - his wife was VinayamahAdôvi...164, 175 kdmaádstra, 'a work on the art of love;' such
work is attributed to Vasunanda ......98, 104 kamatha, perhaps rendered in Pali by kapha. ta, 'a tortoise ...........
............. 75 Kambali, ancient name of Kambli, a village
in Gujarat.............................................. 178 Kampur, a place in Kasmir, mentioned under
the ancient name of Kanishkapura....... 69, 72 n. Kaņaikka-Irumporai, an early Chôra king who
fought with the Chola Chenkannan ......... 259 Kanakavahini, an ancient river in Kaimir ...68, 71 Kanarese Ballads; No. 4; the Crime and
Death of Sangya....................................... 353 Kanauj, a town in the Farrukhabad Distriet; mentioned under the ancient names of Kanyakubja, 13, 133; - Kanyakubja, 18; - Kanyakubja, 68, 70; - GAdhipura, 13, 18, 132; - and Kusika, 13, 18, 132; -men
tioned as conquered by Jaluuka I. .........68, 70 Katcharasa, a Ganga Mahdmandalesvara. 310, 313 Kanishka (Tarushka or Indo-Scythian), men
tioned by Kalhaņa as a king of Kasmir, and allotted to the Turushka race, 69, 72; - according to Kalhana, he was anterior by two reigns to B. C. 1182; but in all probability the Saka era, commencing A. D.
77, runs from the beginning of his reign ... 65 Kanishkapura, ancient name of the modern
Kampur..........................................69, 72 n. karkata, a word meaning 'boundary'...81 and n. Kantaka vartant, the territory of Vajrahasta
1....................................... ....... .... 171 Kantakotea, an ancient agrahdra in Kasmir 69, 73 kanthikd, 'the necklet (of royalty) .......... 170 Kapalesvari, a goddess ............................... 116 kaphata, perhape = kamatha ........ ...... 75

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INDEX.
403
Karala district, apparently the ancient name Kayyaţa, or Kaiyata and Kuiyyata; which is
of the modern Adhvan Pargana............... 68 1 the proper spelling? ............................... 128 karana, an astrological term for half a tithi; kdeint, the anna of Tipa .............................. 314
mention of the Bava karana ................... 251 Kodára, a god, or matha named after him... 116 Karanből, heap of ruins in the Central kemalaça, an adaptation, in Kanarese, of the Provinces, near Jabalpur ; - the inscrip
English camlet ................................. 354 n. tion of Jayasim hadeva (Kalachuri), edited... 214 | Késavaditya, Mahardjaputra, father of BallaKåreya ganu, a Jain sect, also known as the ladeva ..........
.............. 212 Mailapa lineage ...............................310, 313 kdvala-jidna, 'the (Jain) doctrine of unity'... 36 karmasthana, 'a public building'................70 n. kedvagabhága, -kaivartabhoga..................... 79 Karm Singh of Patiala, his coine, 324; -de- Khagendra, a king of Kasmir..................... 67
scription of them .................................. 336 Khagi agrahara, ancient name of the modern Karna, a king mentioned in connection with
Kakapur..................................... 67, 98, 104 Chandradeva ................... .................. 15 khalaka, 'a threshing-floor' .................... 116 Karna, or Karnadeva (Kalachuri of Chêdi) ... Khambhila, ancient name of Khambhel,' a
210, 215, 219 village in Gujarat ............................... 177 Karpadêra (Chaulukya); he had the biroda khanda, particular grain-measure, 'a candy' 115
of Trailokyamalla .......... .................. 115 Khandhaka, an ancient village, probably in Karnats country mentioned in the Blata
the Parna pathaka.......... rangint .................... ............... 98, 102 Khabas, a tribe; mention of them in the Kdrttik-odyd panu, a festival, in honour of Rajatara ingin ...............
....................97, 103 Vishnu, connected with Karttika bukla 11... 84 Khasa; an ancient place in or near Karur, place probably in the Cochin terri- Kaimir .........
..................... 98, 104 tory; mentioned under the ancient name Khårt, an ancient place in Kasmir...98, 104 and n. of Važji.........
................ 259, 265 KhilAl-as-Sabi's chronicle ; ite value for Turki Kårvån, a village in Gujarat, probably men-. history ...........
..... ....... 52 tioned under the ancient name of Kaya. Khinkhila, another name of Narendraditya I. vatára .................................... ....... 176
of Kabmir ..................... ............... 99, 104 Kasi, one of the names of Benares; men. khiars, the half anna of Tipa ..................... 314
tioned as an ancient tirtha...............18, 18, 132 Khoja Abrår, Mosque of, at Samarqand, Kasimovo, Essays on the Tears of, notice described ...............
................. 155 of .............................
Khônamusha agrahara, ancient name of the Kaimir, the early history of, as given in Kal. modern Khunmôh, a place in Kasmir
mir ..... 67 hana's Rajatarangin, 65 to 73, 97 to 105; Kielhorn, Prof. F.; notice of his Sanskrit - the previous authorities used by Kalhana,
grammar, third edition .......... . .........253 67, 68, 97; -established dates which will Kimnara, another name of Nara I..........97, 100 be of usein adjusting the chronology, 65; - Kirnaragrama, an ancient village in Kasmir other remarks shewing how Kalhana fixed
97, 100 his chronology, 99, 100 ; - lists of the Kirnarapura, another name of Narapura 97, kinge .................. ...................67, 97
101 and n. kasthaka, or lachchhaka, a word requiring ex. Kiņihivattára, an ancient village .............. 235 planation ......
Kiól, a village in Gujarat, mentioned under Katantra, notice of the .............................. 30 the ancient name of Kuiyala .................... 178 Kathiawad mentioned under the ancient name kirtana, used in the sense of a temple'...236, 237
of Surahtrih mandala ..................... 111, 115 Kirtigiridurga, an ancient fort, the modern , Kaubambi, the ancient name of Kóram, 213,
Dhogadh ....................................... 238, 239 214; - the Kausambi edict on the Aboks 1 Kirtipurs, see Kitthipura ......................363, 368
column at Allahabad, edited .................. 309 Kirtivarman (Chandella), 288, 289; - his KAvērt, the river; references to it in ancient Deógadh inscription of Vikrama-Samvat Tamil poetry..............................259, 268, 264 1 10, edited
1154, edited ........................................... 237 K&vi, a village in the Broach District, men. Kisukad Seventy, an ancient territorial divi.
tioned under the same name in the thirteenth sion; AkkAdôvt had the government of it... 275
century A. D. .............. .................112, 115 Kitthipura, perhaps for Kirtipura, a town of Kavirahasya of Halayudha, the, was written 1. Ravidatta ................ ............... 363, 368
in the reign of a Rashtrakapa king named Kodamaku, an ancient village in the Pannada
Krishna ................................................... 185 vishaya .......................... ............ 369 Kâyâvatara, ancient name of probably Kårvån 176 Kökalla (Kalachuri of Chedi) .................. 215
...............
49

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404
INDEX.
Koláhala, an ancestor of the Gangas of Kalin. Kuiyala, ancient name of Kiol ................ 178
ga: he built the city of Kolahalapura.......... 170 Kular, a place in Kasmir, perhaps mentioned Kõlkhalapura, Koláhalapurt, a city in the under the ancient name of Kurühåra ....... 67
Gangavadi vishaya, bualt by Kolahala ...... 170 Kalavasana, ancient name apparently of Kolair lake, origin of the name ................. 61 Jhuldsan ........................................... 178 Kolarian languages; a point against the view kumdragadianaka, a fisoal term requiring that all South Indian languages are Kõlarian 61 | explanation ..............
......... 19 . Kolleru, the proper form of the name of Kumarapala (Chaulakya), 342, 343; -he oon.
Colair'; it means "lake-river'.................. 61 quered a king of Sakambhari, 84, 115; - Kollêtistma, the country of the Kolleru the date of his death, according to different (Colair) lake' ......................................
81 authorities, 348 n.; - his Udaypur inscripkollu, a contraction of kalanu or golanus, & tion of Vikrama-Samvat 1220 (P), edited ... 341 natural pond or lake,' as a termination of
Kummudavada, apparently an alder name place-names in Southern India.................. 61 of Kalbhavi, in the Kadalavalli Thirty...310, 313 Kolar, an ancient village in the Punnadu Kunga, the Kongu or Kongudesa of Southern vishaya ...........................
India; mentioned in connection with the Komaralingam, a village in the Coimbatore Kalachuris of Chedi ............................... 215
Distriot; the spurious grant of Ravidatta, Kunkumamahadevi(West. Chalukya), younger
edited.................................. .... ...... 362 sister of Vijayaditya ...........................37, 38 Konga, the name applied to the troope of kurangamada, 'musk;' a word not found
Kanaikk-Irumporai ........................ 259, 263 in the dictionaries .......... ..................217 n. Kongudán, mentioned in a Kalachuri inscrip- kurgan, '& mound,' 49; - is an ancient
tion by the name of Kunga ................... 215 dwelling mound ........... ................... 50 Konguni. pattabandha, 'the binding on of the Kurtaköti, a village in the Dharwad District;
Konguni fillet of sovereignty'............312, 313 examination of the date of the spurious Kosam, a village in the Allahabad District, grant of Vikramaditya I., of Saka-Samrat mentioned under the ancient names of
532..................................................... 285 Kausâmbi, 213, 214; - Kosamba, 136, 137; Kuruhara, an ancient agrahura in Kasmir,
-- and Kosambi .......... ......................... 309 supposed to be the modern Kular ........... 67 Kosamba, an intermediate form of the name of Kusa, a king of Kasmir
Kösam, 136, 137; - also Kosambi ............ 809 Kusika, one of the ancient names of Kananj; Köthâravandhuri, an ancient village in the mentioned as a tirtha .................... 13, 18, 132
Kosamba pattald.................................... 136 Kuvaldla-puravar-Ebvara, a title of Saigotta. Kötla-Maler, history of the Afghåns of, 328 to Ganga-Permånadi, 312 and n.; - and of
330; - peculiar customs of heredity in the Kalcharasa ............................................ 313
family ............................................... 328 kyphi, the sacred perfume of the ancient kovai, a class of Tamil poems .................. 258 Egyptians ...........
........... 89 kramayita, a termination of a Brahman's
name, or a title or epithet......................... 389 Krishnapa (Chandella); his wife's name was 1 and n, interchanges of, in Gujarati names
Asarv&... ........... ................. 236, 237 and words ................ .................266 and a. Krishọarája, Mahasamantadhipati (R&shtra- I and r, interchanges of, in Kanarese names... kúta of Gujarat); see Bagumra ............. 90
271, 310 Krishnarkja Udaiyêr of Maisar, literary folk. La-san, an abbreviation for Lakshmanasena
tales about .......................................... 44 sarvat ................................................ 30 Krittikas, the Pleiades: see Kritya .........68, 71 lagna, the rising of a sign of the zodiac Kritya, a goddess, one of the Ksittikas; 4 (raki); mention in a recorded date of the
curious mention of her in connection with Nriyugma (1. e. Mithuna; Gemini) lagna... Jalauka I. and the Bodhisattvas............ 68, 71
163, 169, 174 Krity&srama, an ancient Buddhist pihara in Lakbaņauda, an ancient village, near UdayaKaśmir .................. .......................... 69, 71 pura ...............
........... 345 Kshatriya caste; a mention of it by name, Lakhi Bhat, a festival, of Gurkha origin ... 386
with the allotment of certain members of lakshana, 'the sexual parts;' with this word
it to the Vatsa gátra .................. 135, 137, 139 is connected wirlakshay, 'to cut, to Kshitinunda, a king of Kaśmir ................98, 104 castrate ..................
............. 79 Kudugar nddu, a sub-division of the Punnadu Lakshm&påla a king of the Sapadalaksha vishaya .......
...........363, 369 country; he paid tribute to Ajayapkladêva 115
****..
67

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INDEX
405
............
27
Lakshmôshwar, a village in the Miraj State, madhyánnakdla, the period of three muhur.
within the limits of the Dharwad District, tas with noon as the centre, or 72 minutes mentioned under the ancient name of before and 72 minutes after noon ...... 58 and n. Parigere ........................ ..................... 37
Madras Government Central Museum, inscripLAI- Pahad, a hill in the Central Provinces, tions from the, edited ...... 143 (P), 161, 165, 172
near Bharhut; the rock inscription of Madras Presidency, 'inscriptions from the, Narasimhadêva, of the Chôdi year. 909, edited ......................... 148, 161, 165, 172, 862
edited.............. ................................ 211 maghavdn, note on the word ...................... 29 Lalitpur District, inscriptions from the, edit- mahdo-pratio, abbreviations of doubtful mean. ed............
......................236, 237 ing ..............................................113 and n. languages, three, an epigraphical reference to 313 Mahabharata, the ; reference to Prof. Lata country mentioned in the Rajatarangini Darmesteter's examination of points of
98, 102 contact between it and the Shah-Nama, laughter producing a sweet scent in folktales 87 89; - Kalhana placed the great war of laukio, laukikao, abbreviations which perhaps | this epic in Kaliyuga-Samvat 653 expired,
stand for laukika-gananaya ............112 and n. or B. O. 2448 .....................................66, 99 Lava, a king of Kasmir ............................. 67 Mahdbhdshya, the; mention of ChandraLavanaprasada, see Lunapasáka ............... 346 charya and others bringing it into use in Lavaņotsa, a town built by Baka ............98, 103 the time of Abhimanyu, 69, 73; - some Lavarapraváha, Rånaka, in the time of Govin
remarks on the divisions adopted by Prof. dachandra.......................** . .**
19 Kielhorn in his edition of it, 128; - the Lêbhundáka, a village in the Asurabhaka Maurya question ; reference to a note by vishaya ..................................
Dr. O. von Böthlingk........... Ledart, ancient name of the modern Lidar ... 67 Mahadeva (Yadava of Devagiri); see Hullegends, literary, Sanskrit, 40 to 44; -
gûr ...........................
............... 128 legends from Kaşmir, 818; - from Madras 318 Mahakata, MAkůţa, or Makuta, the name of a Lavara, an ancient agrahara in Kasmir ......... 67 group of temples in the Bijapur District; Lidor, a river in Kasmir; mentioned under
examination of the date in the inscription the ancient name of Ledart ..................... 67 of Bappuvarasa, of Saka-Samvat 856... ...... 316 linga, the phallic emblem, on seals of 1 mohan, also mahan", an abbreviation of ma.
grants ............................................... 166 hattara or mahattama ... 110 and n., 113 and n. literary legends, Sanskrit ......................40 to 44 mahamiérapandita, a great scholar, deserving loka, the origin of .................
of the honorific title misra'............. 134 and n. Lôlôrn, a town in Kasmir .............. ... 67 mahanavami-amdvdsyd, the popular name, Lönapasiya, see Lanapasåka............. ..... 346 in the Kanarese country, for the new-moon Lucknow Provincial Museum, an inscription of Bhadrapada ............ .................857 and n. in the noticed ................
Maharajaputra, an official title, next in rank Lanapasåja, another form of Lônapas ka ...... 346 above Rajaputra, 212 n.; - this title was Länapasåka (corruption of Lonapasaya = applied to Govindachandra in his father's
Lavanaprasada), a governor of Udayapura, life-time, 18; - and to Rajyapala ............ 21
under Ajayapala ...............................345, 346 Mahdaddhanika, an official title .........342 and n. Lunar Race, the ; see Sómavamsa... 170 and n., Mahb&b 'Ali Khan of Kôt1A-MAlêr, 329; -his
179, 180, 215 coins described
Mahdist movement in North Africa, notice of
Dr. Goldziher's paper on the ................... 27 Madanadôva, a variant of the name of Mada Mahendra, & mountain in napala ..................
............13, 14 Ghauts ........................ 145, 164, 170, 171, 175 Madanapala (Gahadavála), 10, 13, 15, 18, 132, Mahfchandra (Ghadavála) ......................13, 132
133 (see alsu Rihan); - his name also Mahindar Singh of Patikla, his coins, 324;.occurs as Madanadêva, 10, 14;-the charter description of them ........ ............... 837 by which he confirmed his father's grant of Mahipaladeva, a king to whom Dharan vara Vikramra-Samvat 1154, edited, 9; - another ha was feudatory ................................... 90 grant of his time, of Vikrama-Samvat Mahitala, an early prince, of the GAhadavala
1166, edited ................... ................... 14 family, 17; - elsewhere he is called Mahiala 15 Madhu-Kamarnava, another name of Kamar mah6daya, =svámin, ' a possessor' ......... 180 n.
nava VI. ............. .......163 n., 164, 171 | MailApa lineage, the, a Jain sect, also known Mudhukdía, a form of Siva at Nagara ......... 171' as the Kareya gana ...... ..................310, 313
.
....
.......
...
29
****...... 339

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406
INDEX.
Maistr, literary folktales from maitamal, a public chest or treasury' ......... 52 Makhdom-i-'Azam = Khoja Ahrer ............ 155 MAkhulaglmva Forty-two, the ; a sub-divi
sion of the Parņa pathaka ..................... 84 Makuta; see MahAkta .......................... 316 Malagasy ethics compared with old Egyptian 28 Malakotta, a country in Southern India, men
tioned by Hiuen-Tsiang under the name of Mo-lo-kiu-ch'a, 239; -- the etymology of the name, 240; -- it was also called Chimo-lo, 241;- it was also known by the name of Malaya, 241;- its boundaries according to Hiuen-Tsiang, 241; - its capital, unnamed by Hiuen-Tsiang, was probably Koskai ............................ ...***
................... 242 Malakata, a name which is to be struck out !
of the map ............................................ 240 MAlavabhadra, Skr. poet, identity discussed.. 28 Malaya, another name for the Malakotta
country, 241; - 'other applications of the
name in Sanskrit, Malayalam, and Tamil... 241 Malays, sacrifice for purification among the 31, 82 MAlêr-Kotl, see kõtlA-MAlêr ............... 329, 330 Mamvåni, Mahamandalákvara (see also Am.
barnath); he may perhaps be of the SilshAra family; but he is not to be identified with Mummusi, 95; - a remark about the
reading of his name.............................. 95 n. Mânapura, the residence of Abhimanyu
(Råshţrakata); it is possibly the modern
Månpur in Malwa ........ ................... 233 Manara pattaid, an ancient territorial division 133 Minava-Dharma-Sastra; notice of Prof. Jol
ly's edition of the Sanskrit Text............... 256 man, heroine disguised as a, in folktales ...... 147 Manchu-Mongol Army, a collection of papers
relating to the, dated 1723-86 ............. Mandagor, chief town of the Mandasör Dis.
trict in Scindia's Dominions; amendments in the rendering of the pillar inscription of Yasôdharman, 219; - and in the 'inscrip
tion of Yasodharman and Vishnuvardhana 220 mani,' an Elder ................................ 275 and n. Maņiari, a pațaka of Abhêlâvatu ............... 142 Mânpur, a town in Málwa; it is possibly men.
tioned as Månapura, the residence of Abhi. manyu .............
..................... 233 Manu, the Code of; notice of Prof. Jolly's
edition of the Sansksit Text.................... 256 manoddi, the special name of certain tithis
which are anniversaries of the fourteen
Manus ........................... Man-yo-siu, an ancient Japanese poem ........ Marasimha (Ganga of Kalinga) ............170, 171 marganaka, or abhinava-marganakq, a fiscal
term requiring explanation ...........
Mark, St., the fate of...
............ 315 marriage customs in Perak ...................... Måsama, Mahabaladhikrita, an officer of
Nikumbhallasakti ............. ............... 270 Mathurs mentioned in the Rajatarang int ... 67 Matila ; see Mattila.............. ................ 289 Mátrichakra, see Mothers, the Divine......... 70 n. Mattila, the name on an ancient terra-cotta
seal from Bulandshahr ............................. 289 Mauladt era of Pipa Sultan of Maisur,
fourteen years in advance of the Hijra... 313, 314 Maung Pauk Kyaing, a Burmese popular hero 275 Maurya question and the Mahabhdshya; reference to a note by Dr. O. von Böth lingk on .........
............. 27 maxims in folktales .....................22, 275, 348 medials hardened into tenues in PAli; e. g. kubhd = guha.............
........... 6 mshao, an abbreviation, possibly of mdhara ...
113 and n. Méhara, an apparent mention of a ............... 115 Merv, Russian accounts of ........................ 156 Mihirakula, mentioned by Kalhaņa as a king
of Kasmir, 98, 102, 103 ; - his accession, according to Kalhana, was in B. C. 704 ; but his real date was about A. D. 515, ..65; -- an amendment in the rendering of the reference to him in the Mandasôr pillar inscription of Yabodharman, 219; - his capital was Sakala in the Pasjab, which
is the modern Sångalawalaţibbê .........226, 227 Mihirapura, a town built by Mihirakula in
the Hôladá district ...........................98, 103 Mihirésvara, a form of Siva, established by
Mihirakula at Srinagart ..................98, 103 misra, a particular honorific title, in mahd.
miérapandita .............. .....134 and n. Mitra, Varuna, and Aryaman, the earliest
Trinity of the Aryans ............. ............ 29 Mléchchhas mentioned in the Rajatarangins
68, 70, 98, 102, 103 Mo-lo-kiu-ch'a, a country mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang, identified with Malakotta
239 to 242 moon and sun, a emblems on seals of grants 165 months, Hindu lunar (see also intercalary); names of them as used in recorded dates :
AshAdha (June-July)......................... 343 Asvayuja (Sept.-Oct.) ...................... 55 Bhadra (Aug.-Sept.)...............86, 131, 214 Bhadrapada (Aug. Sept.) ...............58, 268 Chaitra (March-April)... 58, 86, 90, 109,
238, 345 Jyêshtha (May-June)...56, 87, 95, 127,
128, 259, 285 Karttika(Oct.-Nov.)..83, 84, 86, 192, 235, 316 Madhu (March-April) ....................... 88
.
....
58
30

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127
**********..
Magha (Jan.-Feb.)11, 251 Marga (Nov.-Dec.) ...57, 86, 112 Margasira (Nov.-Dec.) Pausha (Dec.-Jan.) 16, 90, 91, 139, 343 Paushya (Dec.-Jan.) Phalguna (Feb.-March)......20, 21, 145, 252, 367 879
311
211
Pushya (Dec.-Jan.) Sravana (July-Aug.)...30, 35, 35, 213, 251 Suchi (June-July). Vaisakha (April-May)...85, 136, 137, 140, 141, 143, 252, 285, 344, 347 months, Hindu solar; Prof. Kielhorn's Tables for the solar months, according to the Arya- and the Sarya-Siddhanta, 204, 207; Dr. Schram's Tables for the same 296, 297, 299;-instances of the use of the solar months in inscriptions of Southern India; Mêsha-måsa (i, e. the solar Vaisakha), 162;- Vrischika-masa (i. e. the solar Margasirsha), 174; and the solar Phalguna, indicated by the sun being in Kumbha
163
......
-
***********....
*********** **************
months, Seleukidan; mention of the intercalated month, Emborasma.... Mothers, the Divine; mention of their worship in the Radjataraṁgins, 68, 70 and n., 99, 104; - and in connection with human sacrifices 98, 104 mounds in Turkistan... ..49, 50 mridhravách, the proper meaning of ..28, 29 Muhilaündha (P) family ..................345, 347 n. Malaraja I. (Chaulukya) Malaraja II. (Chaulakya); he defeated Nagarjuna, king of Kivi......... 111, 115 Mulge, the Chaldean god of hell................... Multai, a village in the Bêtal District; the grant of Nandaraja, of Saka-Samvat 631, edited
114
246
230
*********...
Mummuņi (Silahåra of the Konkan); he is not to be identified with Mâmvâņi mára, a Vêdic adjective; remarks on its meaning and connected words................ 247 Muraïthaghatta, a bathing-place on the Jamna, apparently at Åsatika
19
musical instruments; the victorious drum of a Sasanadéví 312, 313 Musalman books printed in Russia, list of 155, 156 mushtart, the double paisd of Tipů....... ............ 214 mythology, M. Regnaud's theory of the sources of..... 248
**********...
INDEX.
***********...
************
257
95
n and 1, interchanges of, in Gujarati names and words....... ..... 266 and n. Na'amân of Khurâsân; an Arabic folktale... 89
407
330, 331
Nabha, history of the Råjås of Nagachandra, a Jain teacher, in the Kåreys
gana
************
313
Nagadatta, an ancestor of Ravidatta......365, 368 Nagara, the city of Kâmârnava II.
171
Nagara Brahmans of Gujarat were as influential in the tenth century A. D. as they are
186
now............................
Nagara kindred, mention of the....... 115 Nagari characters; one of the earliest instances of the use of them in Southern India, is the Ambarnath inscription of Mâmvâni, of Saka-Samvat 782 ............................................... 94 n. Nagarjuna, the Buddhist patriarch; he built the great rail at the Amaravati stúpa, in or about A. D. 190
63
*************
Nagarjuna, Bodhisattva, a king of Kasmir 69, 72, 73 Nagarjuna, a king of Kåvi, defeated by Mala111, 115 raja II................ Nagas; mention of them in the Rdjataramgint 68, 69, 70, 73, 97, 100, 101, 103 Nagas in Burmese folklore ........................ 276 Nagavadana, an. ancient port for Ceylon,
***********
probably Negapatam ***************** *** 242 nágavana, perhaps an elephant-park, a gamepark' .79, 80 345
188
Naha, an ancient village, near Udayapura Naidhruva-Narayana, a writer; he cannot be placed later than A. D. 600 nakshatra, 'a lunar mansion;' Buddhist prohibitions regarding killing, castrating, and marking animals on the full-moon days that are in conjunction with the nakshatras Tishya and Punarvasu, 80;-names of the nakshatras as used in recorded dates :Anuradha Punarvasu ****************** Rêvati........................................................... .163, 169, 174, 367
********** ***********..
86 87
...
Rohini **********
285
28
Uttara, for Uttara-Bhadrapada ........ 251 Uttara-Bhadrapada ........................... 251 namaka, a Sanskrit word, the use of it......... Namuchi and Vritra, remarks on, as described in the Mahabharata ******.... Nandaraja (Rashtrakuta), 232, 233, 235; he had the biruda of Yuddhâsura, 231, 235; -his Multai grant of Saka-Samvat 631, edited........ Nandavasana, ancient name of Nandasan, a village in Gujarat......
230
178
Nandi, or Nandin, the bull of Siva; images of him on seals of grants....... ..161, 165, 172 Nandi-Purána, a work mentioned in the Rajataramgins...... Nandikshêtra or Nandiśakshêtra, an ancient place in Kasmir ...............68, 70 and n., 71
70
***********..
247

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408
nandímukha, a particular kind of aquatic bird 74,80 Nannadêva, also called Nannéévara (of a branch of the Lunar Race)
**********..
28 133
******
-
130 Nannesvara, another name of Nannadêva...... 180 Nara I., also called Kimnara, a king of Kasmir 97, 100, 101, 102 Nara II., a king of Kasmir....98, 104 Narahari, a notice of, by Prof. Aufrecht Narapati, see Alvapati Narapatijayacharya, a treatise on omens by Narapati; the date of its composition 345 Narapura, also called Kimnarapura, a town built by Nara I..............97, 101 and n. Narasimha, or Narasimhadêva (Kalachuri of Chêdi), 210, 211, 213, 215, 219; - he had the title of lord over Trikalinga' and Дévapatio, 212;-mention of him as supreme king of Dahala, 213; his LAI-Pahad rock inscription, of the Chêdi year 909, edited, 211;- his Alha-Ghat inscription of the Vikrama year 1216,, edited ............ 213 Narayanadása I. and II.; notes in connection with them........................................... ............ 191 and n., 192 Narendrabhavana, an ancient vihara in Kasmir or Dardistân...... ******************** 67 Narendraditya I., also called Khinkhila, a king of Kasmir *******...... .................. ..99, 104 Narindar Singh of Patiala, his coins, 324; description of them
*********...
336 Narmada, the river Nerbudda; mention of
84 29 .................................. 138
******************
265
............
242
"the province on the banks of the Narmada" as part of the Anhilwâd kingdom Narts, a fabulous Ossetic tribe Naugams, a páṭaka of Dêapali ..... Naula, Sámdhivigrahika, the writer of the Mult&i grant of Nandaraja. ********************* 236 Nausari District, an inscription from the, edited Negapatam, in the Tanjore District, probably mentioned by the ancient name of Nagavadana ............ Nêwar era, the; Dr. Schram's Tables for the conversion of dates in it..296, 297 Nicobar Islanders, account of the............... 352 Nikumbhallasakti, a Sêndraka chieftain, 266, 269; he had the epithet or biruda of Prithivivallabha, 269; his Bagumrå grant, of Chêdi-Samvat 406, edited Nila, a king of the Nâgas, 69, 73, 97, 100; - he is the supposed author of the NilaPurdna.... Nila-Purána, or Nilamata-Purdna, one of the works used by Kalhana for the history of Kasmir, 66, 67; mentioned and referred to in the Rdjataramgint, 69, 73;the supposed author of it is the Någa king Nila
*********....
265
73
******
INDEX.
*************
73
nilakhiyati,nirlakahayati, from nirlakshay, to cut, to castrate" ****************
79
nirúpita-danda, an official expression ...... 345 n. Nitamauyi, a páṭaka of Godanti.................. 135 niyukta-danda, an official expression......... 345 n. North-West Provinces, inscriptions from the, edited, 1, 3, 14, 33, 73, 105, 129, 134, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142, 236, 237, 300, 308, 309; an ancient terra-cotta seal... 289 Nuah, the 'saviour' in Babylonian religion. 246 numeral compounds, such as the Five-hundred Elders,' the five-hundred houses;'. a note on their possible bearing ************ ..275 n. numeral words, irregular use of..................19 n.
official titles, strings of, 13, 18, 70 n., 133, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 172, 235, 269 Skapinda, a Páli word, perhaps meaning a fox................................................... ..75, 80 onomatopoeia in Hindustani......... ......... 224 Ossetic grammar, notice of Dr. Hübschmann's paper on, 28;- Ossetic folktales... 29 ordeal in folktales 148, 149
—
...
*************
padapadmopajlvin, a technical expression, of constant use in Southern India, indicative of feudal or official rank; instances of its use in records in Gujarât, 84, 115;- and in Central India, 346; -use of the shorter term pádopajivin......... Padmamihira, an earlier writer used by Kalhapa for the history of Kasmir ************** 67 padmasadman, a rare word meaning the sun' 10, 14 n. 14 n.
*****... 172
padmasana, a word meaning 'the sun' padópajívin, a similar expression to pádapadmopajivin .....
pála as the termination of the names of three kings, Vijayapala, Rajyapala, and Trilochanapala, whose lineage and dynasty remain to be determined 33, 34 palace, enchanted, in folktales................. 22 ff. palasata, Pali, probably a mistake for pala
pata, a turtle-dove'
75
pálí as a termination of village-names, in Dêûpâlî and Chațâgôlauâpâli **********....... 138 palladiká, a word requiring explanation 111 Palmyra, History of, notice of Grimme's, 54; -notices of, by Arabic geographers....... 54 pañchalangala-mahddána, 'the great gift of five ploughs.......... 58 and n. Pañcharitra system, notes on the 189 pañchárthika, a word equivalent to Pasupata
210 and n.
172

Page #441

INDEX.
409
pandita", apparently an unnecessary way of patibhoga, Pali, consumption (of food)' ...... 75
writing pandita .............. ........... 111, 114 pattabandha, 'the binding on of the fillet of Panduvarnsa, the lineage of Pandu' ......... 275 sovereignty ............... .............312, 313 Pañjáb, a dated Græco-Buddhist sculpture Pattal, an ancient village in the Punnadu
from the, 257; - the coins and history of vishaya ............................................... 369 the modern Native Chiefs of the Pañjab pattald, a territorial term, 13, 18, 21, 133, 135,
322 to 341 136, 138, 139, 141, 142; used apparently pannasasa, = parnasaéa ............................ 75 in the usual sense of a territorial division, Paramabhattaraka, a title of paramount sove. but perhaps in the sense of a patent' 113 n., reignty; instances in which it is applied to
115 and n. ** the divine Arhat," and to a Baiva priest... 36 Pekin, Russian Mission to, in 1715 ........... 157 paramabrahmanya, 'most kind to Brahmans' 235 | perfume of the ancient Egyptians, the Paramédvara, a title of paramount sove
****........... 84 reignty : applied to the divine Arhat" ... 36 PermAdirdjn, a person mentioned in one of parani, a class of Tamil poems................ 258 the grants of Anantavarma-Chôdaganga 175 Parikshit, son of Dharma (®), an ancestor of
and n. the Gangas of Kalinga ........ ............... 170 Persian MSS. in the Berlin Library ...... 289, 284 parnasaba, in PAli pannasasa, a particular Pårur, ancient name of the modern Beldr 271, 275 species of hare ......
............... 75, 80 Peshwar District; a dated Græco-Buddhist paróksham, 'in the absence of, behind the ! sculpture
............. 257 back of '...........
...........272, 273, 275 Phffichadi, ancient name of Phéchari, a village parrot in folktales helping heroine............. 148 in Gujarat ......
............ 177 Parsis, Compendium of the Social Code of Phalkan Chiefs of the PafijAb, 321; - their
the .................................................... 126 history ............................ ....................... 323 ff. PÅrsva-Jinêsvara, a deified Jain teacher ...... 37 pigeons in folklore ..................................46. 47 Parthian empire; it originated about B. C. pinchha, or piñchha, 'a bunch of feathers 250, . . 126; - the Parthians established
carried about by a Jain ascetio'............ 313 n. themselves in the Kabul valley about B.C. Pipaloandurga (P), an ancient fort or village 161, and their dynasty came to an end in in the Central Provinces ...................... 218
Sindh about the middle of the first century 126 Pipparika, an ancient village ..................... 235 Purthivdvali, & work by HélArkja, used by Piyadasi, a name or title of Asoka......3, 9, 80, Padmamihira, and through him by Kalha
107, 306, 307 na, for the early history of Kasmir ......... 67 Podigei, or Podiyam, the mountain Potalaka, parturition, customs in Madras concerning ... 281 the Bettigd of Ptolemy .......................... 241 parvar, an astrological term, used with Poikayar, an ancient Tamil poet, anthor gi ! eclipses, 56, 90, 91; - and with sankrantis the Kalavali-Narpatur. ..................... 259
90, 109 pólisa, an' adaptation, in Kanarese, of the parydya-allotment, a term requiring explana- English police ................. .. 356 n. tion
......... 37
Pötalaka, a mountain in Southern India, also pasa, a particular land measure,' a chain '... 115 called Podigei and Podiyam, and ChandaPaschima-Chchhapana pattald, an ancient náchala
............ 241 territorial division in Antarvêdi ................ 135 Prabhdsakshatratérthayatrdwukrama, the; ex. passion-plays in Persia ................................. 247 amination of the date & a MS. of it, of the pasngeya pola, 'joint-fields' ....................... 37 fifteenth century A. D............................ 251 Pasupata ascetics ; & reference to one, by the prabhujyamdna, a particular use of the word
word pdñchdrthika ........................ 210 and n. (see also bhujamdna)........................... 346 n. pataka (see also vátaka), ' an outlying portion Pragalbhá, an ancestor of the Gangas of
of a village, a kind of hamlet, 135, 138, Kalinga .......................................167 n., 170 142; - instances of the use of the word prågodo, an abbreviation of prdgodt ...114 and n. as a termination of names of villages, in Prágvát kindred, mention of the, 115; - Anahilapätaka, 84 ; - Brahmanapataka, another mention of a Pragvåt ............... 116
84; — and Döąhiy&pataka ..................... 177 Prágvåta; it is either another name for Påtan, a shorter name of Anhilwadapatan 81 Méwåd, or the name of the country of
and n.. which Mê waq formed a part ................... 215 pati= prati, substituted for pari, in Prikrit Prikrit; a probable reference to Maharashtri
dialects ................................................ 6 | Pråkfit in an Old-Kanarese inscription Patiala, history of the Maharajás of......... 323 ff.
313 and n.
...............

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410
INDEX.
..... 215
...
57
Praksit words; - chhapana, 135; - daha, i Puranic genealogies ; of the Gangas of Ka
90; puppha, 14 ; - samvachchhara, 140; linga, 170; - and of the Kalachuris of
- savatchhara, 90; - achchha................ 108 Chedi ....... ..... prakriye, '& prerogative, in samsta-rdja. Purigere, one of the ancient names of Laksh. prakriy-6péta ................. ............ 21
mêshwar ...............
................... 37 pranata for pranuta .......................273 and n. Porna pathaka, a sub-division of the proprapa, 'a watering-trough ........................ 115 vince on the banks of the NarmadA"......... Prasannapura, an ancient town .................. 110 pratipatti, consent' (?) ........... ................ 115 Pratishthana, an ancient town at the con
qutb, the eighth-paied of Tipů ..............314, 315 fluence of the Ganges and the Jamna, 33; - it is probably represented by the
modern Jhost .................................... 83 n. pravanikara, a fiscal term requiring explana- 7 and 1, interchanges of, in Kanarese names tion... ........ 134 and n., 137
271, 310 prarara, 'an invocation of ancestors at the Raghbir Singh of Jind, his coins, 326; -de
performance of certain rites;' names of scription of them .......... ................ 337 pravaras as mentioned in records :
Råhan, a village in the Etawah District; the Bhargava-Chyavana-Apnavâna-Aurva. grant of Madanapala and Govindachandra,
Jámadagnya............... 134, 135, 139, 140 of Vikrama-Samyat 1166, edited............... 14 Gautama-Aitatha-Angirasa ................ 19 Rahasya, an official title .......................... 146
Visv&mitra-Audalya-Devarata ......... 13 Raiwán, a village in the Sitapur District, Pravarasena I., a king of Kaśmir, mentioned Oudh, N. W. P.; the grant of Govinda
as a descendant of Gônanda III. ... 97, 100 and n. chandra, of Vikrama-Samvat 1187; examipravartamana, being current'; an instance nation of the date ......... in which this word is used to qualify a rájddhiraja, a regal title
....... 171 year of the Vikrama era, which is really rájaparamébvara, perhaps a regal title, per to be applied as current, if the southern haps a biruda mearing. 'a very Parames. reckoning of the era is followed, 253; -
vara among kings'......................... 171 and n. an instance of the use of the same word,
Rajapurf, ancient name of Rajapur, & village where, however, the year has in reality to
in Gujarat................... ............... 178 be applied as expired.
............... 251 Rajaputra, an official title, next in rank below Prayaga, ancient name of Allahabad ......... 33 Mahardjaputra ................................... 212 . pregnancy, customs in Bombay concerning ... 287 R&jaraja (Ganga of Kalinga), 164, 171, 175; princess in folktales kills every one who tries
- his wife was Rajasundari, 164, 171; - to cure her, 24; - cured of incurable he conquered the Dramilas, 171 ; - and he
disease by hero ...................................... 24 ff. succoured a king of Vengi named Vijay - . prithivt, Skr., full meaning of..................... 28 ditya, 171; - and a king of Utkala ......... 171 prithivivallabha, favourite of the earth,' an Rajarajesvara, a form of Śiva at Rengujed 161, 165
epithet or biruda of Nikumbhallasakti ... 269 BAjasundari, daughter of Rajendrachôla, and proverbs of Tarkistân, notice of a collection wife of Rajaraja (Ganga of Kalinga)... 164, of the............................... ............ 158
171, 175 Pullungnr, ancient name of Hulgûr............ 37 Rajatarashgins of Kalhana, a historical poem Papadu, see Punnadu ......... **** ... 363 giving an account of the kings of Kašmir; Punal-Nadu, the coumtry of Chenkannan 259, extracts from it, 65, 97; -established dates
262, 263, 264, 265 which will be of use in adjusting the chroPungisoge, an ancient village in the Punnadu nology given in it ............
........... 65 vishaya ...................... ...................363, 368 Rajendrachôla; his daughter, Rajasundari, Punnadu or Panadu vishaya, the territory of was the wife of Rajaraja (Ganga of Kalinga) Ravidatta, 369; - it was a part of the
. 164, 175 Gangavadi Ninety-six-thousand, 363; - Räjim, a village in the Raypur District; remarks against the view that it was a Ten
amendments in the rendering of the grant thousand district.............
of Tivaradeva ................ ............ 220 Punnitarija, an ancestor of Ravidatta ...365, 368 Rajindar Singh of Patiklâ, his coins, 324;punning verses, Sanskrit, 45, 46; - accidental description of them ...........................336, 337
puns in the Vedas ........... ................ 247 Rajyapala, a king, the predecessor of Trilopuppha, Prakrit form of pushpa ............... 14 chanapala .........
..............
363
**...
33

Page #443

INDEX.
411
187
***********...
... 110
336
Rajyapala (GAhadavála); mentioned with the Sabaras vámin, the most ancient commenta
title of Mahardjaputra, 21; his grant of tor on the Mimámek; he cannot be placed
Vikrama-Samvat 1199, noticed ............... 20 later than A. D. 400 or 500 .................. Råmi, ancestor of the Maharajas of Patiala ... 323 Sachinara, a king of Kasmír...... ............. 68 Rama-Gila-Govinda, an imitation of the sacrifice, human; by devotees of Durga in
Gita Govinda ...................................... 28 the seventh century A. D., 160 ; - men. Råmaitha, an ancient village in the Sigurodha tioned in the Rajatarangin ............... 98, 104 pattalt ..............
18 sacrifice in the Malay peninsula .............31, 32 Ramani, a Nagi, 101; - the forest of Sahasachiņa, an ancient village in the Kach
Ramani, in or near Kasmir ...................... 101 chha mandala ................... Ramanipur, an ancient town
...... 239
Sahasrarjuna, an ancestor of the Kalachuris Ramanuja; notes on his philosophical of Chedi .............................. ............ 219 system ...............
...... 189
Sahib Singh of Patiala, his coins, 324; -deRanirnava (Ganga of Kalinga) .................. 171 scription of them Randavai, an ancient town or village on the Saigotta-Ganga, or Saigotta-Ganga-Perm
Ganges .................... .................. 139, 141, 142 nadi, also named Saigotta-Permånadi, and raporța, an adaptation, in Kanarese, of the Sivamara, a Ganga Mahamandalákvara 310, Englist 'report'................................. 357 r.
312, 313 Rashtrakatas of Central India and neigh- Saiva inscriptions ........................143, 161, 179
bourring parts .......... ............... 233, 234 Saka era (see also eras, and fortnights); its Rashidu'ddin, notice of Berezin's translation epoch, according to the Arya-Siddhanta, of................................................... ...
in days of the Julian period, and with refeRashtravarman, of the Kliśyapa götra, an rence to Ujjain, 198; - Prof. Kielhorn's
ancestor of Ravidatta ..................... 365, 368 method for finding the beginning of any rabi, ' a sign of the zodiac': names of rdfis as year of this era, in accordance with the used in recorded dates :
same Siddhanta, the years being taken for Kumbha (Aquarius) ................. 163, 169, 174 this purpose as solar years, each beginning
Vrishabha (Taurus) ............................... 285 with the Mesha-Sankranti, 198; - Dr. Ratanapkla, Mahdmdtya, a minister of Bhf. Schram's Tables for the conversion of dates madêva II. ........................................
in this era, 296, 297; - the earliest reliable ratha as a termination of a village-name, instance of the use of this era in Gujarat, in Umarathi
.................. 345 in a date that can be tested ....................... 56 rdu", an abbreviation of'rduta ............113 and n. Saka, an adjective meaning of or belonging Rduta, a, of the Kshatriya caste...... 135, 137, 139 to the Sakas;' instances of its use... 30, 91, Råvana, a king of Kasmir .......................97, 100
163, 164, 169, 174 Ravidatta (of Punnad), 363, 364, 365, 368; - Sa kala, the capital of Mihirakula ; it is the
he was apparently a feudatory of a person modern SångalawalâţibbA ..................226, 227 named Cheramma, 365; - his spurious Såkali, an ancient village in the Surfshtraḥ
Komaralingam grant, edited ................... 362 mandala.......................................... 111, 115 Râypur District, an inscription from the, Sakambhari, the ancient name of Sambhar or
edited .............................................. 179) Sâmbhar; a king of Sakam bhart was con. regnal years, instances of the use of...9, 80, quered by Kumarapaladdva 84, 112, 115, 186, 343
107, 108 sdkha, lit. 'a branch,' a Vedic school, followRengujed, an ancient village in the territory ing any particular recension of one of the
of the Gangas of Kalinga ....................... 165 Védas; names of adkhds mentioned in rio, a technical abbreviation requiring expla. records - . nation ..........................................8+ and n.
Chhandôga ... Rig Veda, the ; reference to M. Bergaigne's
Samkhyayana ................. researches into its history, 89; - notice of
Våjasanêyi-Madhyamdina .............. 270 Dr. Lucian Scherman's investigation into
Yajurvêda ................................... 21 the philosophic hymns of the Rig and Sakhola, an ancient agrahdra in Kasmir...98, 104
Atharva Vedas ......................................... 382 bakti as a termination of proper names, in Religion, Chaldæo-Assyrian, M. Pressense Adityasakti, Bhâņusakti, and Nikumbhal. on ...............................
..... 264 lasakti ............ ....................266, 269 rita, a Védio word ; remarks on ite meaning 247 Salakhanapura, ancient name of Sankhalpur 177 rock inscription, a ...................... ............... 287 Saleți, an ancient village in the Jaruttha undra, large, great, lofty' .................... 36 pattald .............
.141
.
...

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412
INDEX.
***
.75
talyaka, probably rendered in PAli by sayaka,
& porcupine ........................................ 75 san, an abbreviation of samvatsara, 'a year,'
or of any of its declensional cases ; need in composition with La, to denote years of the Lakshmaņasêna era, 30; - used with. out any appellative in composition, to denote years of the Saka era, 55; -of the Vikrama era, 16, 30, 35, 140; -and of an
uncertain era ......................................... 257 Samadiyl, an ancient village in the Suriah
trah mandala .................................. 111, 115 Samanghsa, an ancient agrahara in Kumir,
supposed to be the modern Svângas... 68, 98, 104 samastabhuvandaraya, 'asylum of the uni.
verse,' an epithet or biruda of Jayasimha III. .....
**********...** . ****
............. 974 sambaddha, belonging to' .......................33, 35 Sambhar, or Sambhar, in Rajputana, men.
tioned under the ancient name of Sakath
bhari ...........................84, 112, 115, 186, 343 sancharita used for the delivery of an order
and the engrossing of it on copper............. 116 sandhi; a rule authorising the neglect of it
in prose........................................ 266 n. sankranti, or sankramana, 'the entrance of
the sun into a sign of the zodiac'; Prof. Kielhorn's method for determining the occasions of sankranti, according to the Sdrya-Siddhanta, 204; - Dr. Schram's Tables for the samkrantis, 299; -- in speci. fying the tithi of a sarakranti, the custom is to quote the tithi that is actually current at the moment of the sankranti, 250; an instance of this, 379; - notes on the punyakála of the Makara-Samkrinti, 272; - instances in which the Uttardyaņa-Sankranti is apparently coupled with days on which it cannot occur, 10; - references to sankrantia, without distinct specification of them, 57, 109; - names of the sankrantis, as used in recorded dates :
Dakshiņkyana (summer solstice) ......... 33, 34 Uttarayana (winter solstice)...13, 90, 189,
274, 311, 379 Vishuva (equinox) .......... ............. 55 Sammag or Sammaga vishaya, a division in the Ganga territory, in the Kalinga ddba
175, 176 Sampavada, ancient name of Sampawara, a village in Gujarat .........
...... 177 Samva vishaya, division in the Eastern
Ganga territory ...............................165, 172 sanat, an abbreviation of salvatsara, 'a
year,' or of any of its declensional cases; used as an indeclinable, in apposition with a
locative singular, 251; -commentary on the Bhdsuatkarana says that the Vikrama era bears the name of Samvat, 191 ; - but in unspecified cases, the meaning of the word has to be decided on the merite, 191, 192; - used in composition with the word Saka, 90, 94; -- with the word Simha, 112;
- and with the word Vikrama, 112; - used without any appellative in composition, to denoto years of the Kalachuri or Chédi era, 213; -of the Simha era (P), 109; - and of the Vikrama era...11, 20, 21, 30, 57, 58, 84, 85, 86, 181, 136, 137, 139, 141, 143, 214, 238,
251, 252, 253, 843, 345, 347 sathvatsara, '* year ;' used without any qua
lifying appellative, to denote a year of the
Vikrama OTA............................................ 87 Saravêdin and Sath vôdya, ancestors of the
Gangas of Kalinga ......................... 170 and n. san, an Arabic word meaning year,' used in
dates; an instance in a Sanskrit grant...... 30 sardaka = shanda ...... Sangat Singh of Jind, his coins, 326; -de
scription of them ........ ................. 337 Sångavatta, an ancient village in the Bhringarf Sixty-four district ...............
20 .... .................. 344 Sangya, the Orime and Death of; a Kanarese Ballad ...............
..................... 353 Sankha-shell as an emblem on seals of grants
10, 134, 136, 138, 139, 141, 142, 161, 166, 172, 289 Sankhalpur, a village in Gujarat, mentioned
under the ancient name of Salakhanapura 177 bankuchi, in PAli sankuja, 'a skate-fish'...... 75 sankujamachha, bantuchi..................... 75, 80 Sanskrit, its philological position in India,
Danish Academy's prize for essay on, 124,
125; Dr. Hanusz on the n-declension 126, 127 Såntingtha, a deified Jain teacher ............... 37 Sapadalaksha, the ancient name of the region
of the SiwAlik Hills.....................112, 115, 186 Saradhvaja, an ancestor of the Gangas of Kalinga ...............
*** .... ..... 170 Sarauds, an ancient village in the Manara
pattald ...................... ... ....... 133 Saravattatalia, & pdtaka of Dedpáli ............ 138 Sarsko, a village in Gujarat, mentioned under
the ancient name of Sirasåvi .................. 178 Barrigadharapaddhati, a new edition of the ... 28 Sart folksongs ................. ................ 49 Sarðp Singh of Jind, his coins, 326; -de
scription of them ............... .................. 337 sarudbhyantarasiddhi, a fiscal term requiring
proper explanation .............. .............. 81 sarvalókásraya, 'refuge of all people, an | Eastern Chalukya epithet .................... 38 n. Sdaanaddol, the divine female messenger of
& Jain Arhat ............ .................312, 313

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**********.
Satakapâlesa, an ancient Saiva temple at Khêri 104 and n. satka, belonging to,' used redundantly... 237 n. Sattvatas, a sub-division of the Yadava tribe,
189; the Tusâm inscription gives the earliest mention of the Sâttvata sect... 190
=
=
*************
************
Saurânga, an ancestor of the Gangas of Kalinga........... sayaka, probably salyaka Sayyid Ahmad Kasani Khoja Ahrâr Scherman, Dr. Lucian; notice of his examination of the philosophic hymns of the Rig and Atharva Vôdas Scythians, the, of Bactria, invaded India about B. C. 25. seals; an ancient terracotta seal from Bulandshahr, 289;- emblems on seals of grants, 10, 134, 136, 138, 139, 141, 142, 143, 161, 165, 172, 231, 289; legends on seals of grants, 10, 134, 136, 138, 139, 141, 142, 231, 289; an instance in which the emblem is engraved on the plate itself, not on the seal 81 Sédâ or Sôda mandala, the territory of Marasimha....... .......... 171 Sefer Hayyashar, see Book of the Just....... Seleukidan empire included Bactria till about B. C. 250 Senart, M. E.; translation of his renderings of the inscriptions of Piyadasi ...1, 73, 105, 300 Sênabóva, a village-accountant,' the modern Sânabhoga or Kulkarni
89
..............
37
******************
268
Sêndrakas of Gujarât, 266, 269; and of more southern parts serpent in folklore, 46, 47; in folktales, 276, 348; from princess's mouth, to kill
hero
***********
-
*****************
...
Sêshadêvati, an ancient hamlet in Gujarat Seyffarth, Dr. Gustav, Dr. Ebers' notice of the life of........
shadangavid, a termination of a Brahman's hame, or a title or epithet.
************
INDEX.
***************
*************
170 75 155
386
126
126
គ ត ន &
369
Shadarhadvana, an ancient grove in Kasmir 69, 72 Shah Nasru'ddin (of Persia), Diary of
53
28
Shahnama compared with the Mahabharata 89 Shang-yu-pa-ki, notice of Dr. de Harlez's translation of the........ shanda, in Pali sandaka, a bull living or wandering at liberty' .................75, 80 Shatashaḍika Ghat, probably the ancient name of the Alha-Ghât .....................213, 214 Shekh Sadr Jahân of Kôtla-Malêr. Shêr Muhammad Khan of Kôtlá - Môlêr 328 ships in folktales .22, 146 ff. Siam, Dr. Himly on chess in ..................... 28 Siddha, a king of Kasmir 98, 102 Siddhachakravartin, a biruda of Jayasimhadova (Chaulukya)
328
115
25 177
27
413
......................................................
siddiqi, the half muhr of Tipa .................. 314 Sigurôdha pattald, an ancient territorial. division Sihvar, a village in the Benares District; the grant of Jayachchandra, of VikramaSamvat 1232, edited......
Sikandar 'Ali Khan of Kôtla-Mêlêr, his coins 329; description of them..................... 339 Silaratnasûri; he completed his commentary on Mêrutunga's Méghadáta, at Ana hillapataka, in Vikrama-Sarhvat 1491 stma, a popular word for 'country' on the banks of the Krishna and the Godavari... 61 simala, the Pali name of an animal requir ing to be identified........ ....75, 80 Simhals, Ceylon, mentioned in the Rájata: ramgint ................................... 98, 102 Simhavarman, father-in-law of Bhujangdhiraja (P). ....365, 368 Sindarapóra, a town of Anantavarma-Chôdaganga, probably in Utkala............ 172 étrá, a particular land-measure,' -four halas
.......................
**************
**********
**************
18
**************
129
14, 19 Sinhalese MSS. in Colombo Museum Library 320 Sirasâvi, ancient name of Sarsão............... 178 Sirdarya, description of the people of 53 Sirpur, a village in the Raypur District, mentioned nnder the ancient names of
Sripura, 179, 180; and of Sripuri, 179; the inscription of Sivagupta, edited 179 fishshinti, a religious pupil, or disciple'...36 and n., 37 sister of hero in folktales, will not acknowledge him in poverty .....................28, 24 Siva, the god, "the destroyer" of the Hindu triad; mention of him with attributes of "the creator," as "the father of all things animate and inanimate," 84, 110, 145, 164, 171; and the sole architect for the construction of the universe," 145, 164, 171; -worship of him at the time of making grants, 13, 19, 33, 35, 84, 110, 133, 136, 137, 189, 140, 142; in one of the Têwar inscriptions, he apparently has the local designation of Gâhunda Sivaliya, an ancient village in the Surashtraḥ mandala 111, 115 Sivagupta, son of Harshagupta (of a branch of the Lunar Race), 179, 180; :- he had the biruda of Bâlârjuna, 180; his Sirpur inscription, edited Sivamara, another name of Saigotta-GangaPermanadi Sivasimha, a king; see Bihar..................... Siwalik Hills, in the Pañjab; mention of the region round them by the ancient name of Sapadalaksha ........
...................................
**********.
*************
112, 115
86
210
179
310, 312 30

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414
INDEX
.........
.......... 313
Skandagapta (Early Gupta); see Indôr ....... 219 Skandapura, an ancient agrandra in Kasmir
98, 104 Skandavarman, an ancestor of Ravidatta 365, 368 sleeping beauty, varied as a decoy girl in
enchanted palace ..................................... 22 ff. social customs, in Bombay, 267; - in
Kasmir, 287; - in Madras ..................... 287 86bhanastutayak, the ; examination of the date
of a MS. of a commentary on it, of the
seventeenth century A. D. ...................... 252 SödA or Sød mandala, the territory of
MArasimha ..................................... .. 171 Sodara, an ancient spring in Kasmir 68, 70,
and n. 71 Solar Race, the; see Saryavama........... 12, 132 Sóma, son of Dattasens, an ancestor of the Gangas of Kalinga...........
... 170 Somáli grammar ............... ................ 116 Sômantha in Gujarat; Yuvarajadôva did
worship here, and also Lakshmanarája...... 215 Sômanathadára, a god, perhaps at V&mana
sthalt ............................................116 and n. Sömarkjadáva, Mahapratthdra (P), an officer
of Bhimadeva II.............. ............... 115 Sómavansa, the Lunar Race; it included the Gangas of Kalinga, 170 and 'n.;-the Kalachuris of Chôdi, 215; - and the family of
Indrabala and Nannndova................. 179, 180 Sómsvara; see Surathotsava ............... 186, 187 Som @svars, Mahamatya of AjayapAla ... 84, 845 Sômávara (Kalachari); 89e Hulgar ........... 127 Sômékvara I. (West. Chalukya); remarks on
his relationship with Vishņuvardhana. Vijayaditya ...........
...... 38 Sômésvara II. (West. Chalukya); he built a temple or set up an image of SantinAtha at Gudigere, 37; - au inscription of SakaSamvat 998, which perhaps belongs to the
end of his reign, edited............................. 35 son, only, adventures of, in folktales, 21 ff.;
- seventh, in folktales, 120; - seventh, is
an arch-impostor...................................121 ff. sons, seven, in folktales ............................ 146 Sophronius of Palestine, author of the Wisdom
of Balavar ............... Soraka, an ancient city in Kasmir op Dar. distan ...........
.............. 67 Sôrasa, an ancient vihdra in Kasmir............ 67 Soshadi, an ancient river in the Surlahţraḥ
mandala ............................................. 111, 115 Spaphari's Mission to China.................. 49, 279 apurious grant, edited ............................. 362 frdhe, or asrdhe, a word, used in dates, re.
quring explanation ..................... 37, 38, 39 n. frohthio, apparently an unnecessary way of
writing breathi ....... .........111, 114
ért, as an integral part of a proper dame,
emphasised by the use of trimat before the
name ................ ............................. 36 n. Srichchhavilld, one of the works used by
Kalhana for the history of Kasmir............ 68 bríkarana, 'the records department' ......... 115 Srinagari, the capital of Kasmir, represented
sa founded by Asoka, 68; - other refe
rences ............... ............... 68, 70, 71, 98, 103 Sripura, ancient name of Sirpur, 179, 180; - also Sripuri ...........
............ 179 Srisa-Pratishthâna, Pratishthana ......... 33 n. Srivallabha-Bappa; see Bappa ................... 270 Stephanites and Ichnelates, Italian version of 288 athana', an abbreviation of sthanapati ...... 114 sthánd', an abbreviation of sthanddhikarin
or athanapati ........... ............... 114 and n. sthanddhikara, the office of superintendent of a shrine
............... 146 athanapati, a title of religious office... 114, line 50 Sthåròvaka (P) family, the...................... 343 stone monuments, rude; a curious instance
of possibly misleading examples ............... 96 Sabê Khân, see Mahbab 'Ali Khan ............... 329 Subhakirtidêva, a Jain teacher, in the Kareya
gana .............. sudivasti, 'a lucky day,'a term used obecurely
in some of the Asoka edicte, but perhape denoting the sixteenth day of each month
of the chuturmusya ........................... 76, 78 Safi faith, the cardinal points of the............ 288 Sukchain, ancestor of the RajAs of Jind ...... 325 sukhasaritathdvinoda,' the delight of pleasing
conversations, a term used in connection with royalty.............
.............. 275 Sukhodadhi, the; it was completed in Vik.
rama-San vat 1779 ............ Sukra, the preceptor of the demons; apparently
mentioned as the ancient preceptor of the
gode'......................................... 170 and n. Sumatra, sacrifice for purification, in ...... 31, 32 Sumuda, an ancient village in the Sammag vishaya..........
***
176 sun, worship of the, at the time of making a
grant...........13, 19, 133, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142 sun and moon, as emblems on seals of grants 165. Sunnamaya, a brook in Kasmir, mentioned
under the ancient name of Suvarna
manikulya ............................................ 67 Surashtrih mandala, the province of KAchil - wed ....... ................................ 111, 115 Surat grant of Trilochanapala, of Saka-Sanhvat .
972; examination of the date .................. 91 Surathtaava of Som dávara; written before
A.D. 1240-41; remarks on new MS. of it ........................................ Syrendra, a king of Kaimir..................... 67
***.....
86
.
.
..............
280

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INDEX.
415
Saryavamsa, the Solar Race; reference to Tibamti, a Babylonian goddess, wife of Nuab 246
kings of this race, as predecessors of the Tilökha, ancestor of the Rajhs of NábbA and
GAhadavalas of Kanauj... ...................... 12, 132 Jind ................................................... 323 Sushkalētra, ancient name of the modern Tipa Sultan of Maisûr, coins of .................... 313 Hôklitr.................
..................... 68, 69, 72 tithi, 'a lunar day'; Dr. Schram'method Subravas, a Naga ................................97, 100 and Tables for calculating the English dates suta®, apparently an unnecessary way of of Hindu tithis, 290 to 300; - an instance
writing suta ............... ............... 111, 114 in which the dina 'or civil day' is menSuvarna, a king of Kaśmir ...................... 67 tioned in such a way as to be contrasted Suvarnamalikulya, ancient name of the with the tithi, 112, line 4;- mention of modern Sunnamaya ........
67 the new-moon tithi, as the thirtieth titki, Svåmikaraja (Rashtrakata)................... 233, 235 in the dark fortnight, 128; - a special admin, a title or name-termination; among
name of a lithi; akshayatritlyd, = Vai the writers on Mimârsâ it indicates a sakha sukla 3, . . 347; - in this instance
certain amount of antiquity.................... 187 it is used with the week-day on which it Svångas, a place in Kaśmir, supposed to be began, 346; - in another instance, it is the ancient Samångåsa .............................
68 used with the week-day on which it Syamaladevi, wife of Vijayasimha, and ended, 344; & manuddi tithi, 58; - daughter of Udayaditya of Dhara............. 215 the rules for it 59;-& yugddi tithi, 345,
347; -- the rules for it, 346; - the rules for the use of the fifth tithi, with an in
stance in which it must have been used with lalabhádydghdņakamalakavundhaka, a fiscal the week-day on which it began, 317; -
term, or terms, requiring explanation...... 81 a case in which Bhadrapada sukla 4 may Tal-al-Amarna, the portraits discovered at ... 281 have been used in the same way, 58; - an Talgund, a village in Maisar; examination of instance in which both the ended and the
the date of an inscription of the time of current tithi are quoted, 253; - with a
Jayasitnha III., of Saka-Samvat 950......... 379 sankranti, when the tithi of the samhloranti Tamarakhandi, an ancient village in the is intended, the custom is to quote the tithi Samvå vishaya ............
172 current at the actual moment of the Tamil historical texts, Kalavali or "the, sankranti, 249 'to 251; - probable
Battle-field," edited ....... ............... 2581 epigraphical instance of this, 138; - Tandya-Brahmana, the; examination of the another probable instance, though not date of MS. of it, of the sixteenth century very pointed ...........
...... 379 A. D.............
252 Tittilingi, or Trillingi, a hamlet of Sumude... 176 Tanagundur, an ancient village in the Pun- Tivaradeva; see Rajim............................. 220 nadu vishaya .................. ................... 369
tombs in Kasmir, customs concerning ......... 287 Tarabh, a village in Gujarat, mentioned un- Toramana; notice of his coins and history,
der the ancient name of Tribha ............... 178 225 to 231; — with the result that the Telingana, the Telugu country; ita names ... 61 commencement of his reign is to be placed Tên, a village in Gujarat; mentioned under about A. D. 460 ........................................ 237
the ancient name of Trêyanna ................ 266 | Trailökyamalla, a biruda of Karnadeva (Chau. Tenugurajyamu and Tenugusima, names for
lukya) ............................................... the Telugu country, used by the people of Traipurusha, a collective term for the gods it .................
................ 61 Brahman, Vishnu, and Siva ...................... 275 Tetkatho is the Burmese form of Takshasild 275 transliteration, a note on Burmese............... 275 Têwar, a village in the Central Provinces, Trêyanna, the chief town of an ancient near Jabalpur; the inscription of Gay ka
dhdra, 269; - it is the modern Tên ......... 266 ng of the Ohôdi year 902, edited ............ 209 Tribha, ancient name of Tarabb.................. 178 Thadon ganaing; see Maung Pauk Kyaing... 275 Tribhuvanaganda, a biruda of Jayasimha Thakkuras of the Brahman caste, 20, 21; - (Chaulukya) ........... ......................... 341 n.
of the Kshatriya caste ............... 135, 137, 139 Tribhuvanamalladêva, a biruda of VikramaThomas, George, Raja of Hañsf, 322; -his ditya V. .............
................. 275 history, 331, 332; - his coins.................... 332 Tribhuvanapala (Chaulukya); identification of Tibet, the people of, mentioned in the the places mentioned in his grant of Vikra. Rajatarangini under the name of Bhaut. ma-Samvat 1299 ..........
............ 178 tas.
..... 98, 103 tricks in folktales ..................120, 169, 150, 151
.
..
..
.

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416
INDEX.
*.. 172
Trikalinga, the three Kalingas;' mention ulóka, Skr., origin of .............
of this country in the Eastern Ganga Umaratha, an ancient village in the Bhringari
granta......... ................164, 165, 171, 175 Sixty-four district ............ .................... 345 Trikalingddhipati, a title of Anantavarma. umbrellas, single and double, as emblems on
Chôdagangadeva, 165, 175; -and of seals of grants........................................ 165
Narasimhadeva ............ ................ 212 'Umr Khân of KotlA-MAlêr, his coins, 328; Trikandamandana, an author; he must be - description of them ............
anterior to the latter half of the thirteenth Uñjhå, ancient form of the name of Unjha, a
century A. D. ......................................... 187 village in Gujarat ............. ................ 178 Trillingi, see Tittilingi ................ ............... 176 Untadya, ancient name of Utwa ................... 178 Trilôchanaghatta, a bathing-place on the upango, a technical abbreviation requiring
Ganges, apparently at Benares ............... 13 explanation.....................................84 and n. Trilôchanapâla, a king, remaining to be iden. uposatha among the Buddhists, remarks on tified, 33, 34; — his grant of Vikrama
the days of.....
................. 77, 78 Samvat 1084, edited
......... 83) arddhv-ddhah-siddhi, that which accrnes Trilôchanapala of Lâţadêsa (Chaulukya); see above and below,' a fiscal term (see also Surat ..................
adha urdhva) ..... ....................... 19, 139 trinity of the Aryans, Mitra, Varuna, and Ushkar, a place in Kasmir, mentioned under
Aryaman, 29; - the Babylonian ............ 246 the ancient name of Hushkapura......... 69, 72 n. Turkish MSS. in the British Museum ...282, 283 'usmdnl, the double paisd of Țipa ............... 314 Turushka race; according to the Rajataran- Utkala, a king of, mentioned as assisted by
gins, Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka be- Rajarkja, 171; - Anantavarma-Choda.
longed to it ................................. 69, 72 ganga had the sovereignty over the whole of turushkadayda, a fiscal term requiring expla- Utkala ................... nation ...............
. 19 n. Utpaláksha, a king of Kasmir...................98. 102 Turvaltı, son of Yayati; a reference to Uttarakhal, an ancient name of Ayodhyâ;
him that requives explanation .......... 170 and n. mentioned as a tirtha ..................13, 18, 132 tya, a Taddhita affix of locality, in Khanddka- utsa, & termination of names of towns in ketya, 83; -and in mathétya ...........
Hiranyotsa, 98, 102; - and Lavanotas... 98, 103 Utwa, a village in Gujarat, mentioned under
the ancient name of Untadya ................. 178 €", a possible reading for duo ........... 113 and n. Udaldivara, a god at Udaypur ............ 342 and n. Udayaditya of Dhara, father-in-law of Vijayasimha................................................ 215
..... 215 vs an instance of the doubling of th before Udayana, father of Indrabala (of a branch of this letter
...........211 and n. the Lunar Race).................................. 180
Vadhiar district, in Gujarat, mentioned under . Udaypur, a town in the Gwalior State; men
the ancient name of Vardhi pathaka......... 177 tioned by the name of Udayapura in the
vadhikukuta, = vadhrikukkuta, .................... 76 twelfth century A. D., 342, 348, 344, 345; vadhrikukkuta, in Pålivadhikuluga, a
- it then foriged part of the Aṇhilwad capon ............................. .............. 76 kingdom, 343; - and was in the ancient Vadyavá, an ancient village in the Central BhAillasvâmi mandala, 345; - inscriptions Provinces....................... ................ 212 edited, of KamArapêla, of Vikrama-Samvat vaha, a water-channel'.................... 212 and n. 1220 (P), 341; -of V.-S. 1222, . . 343; - vahani, a word requiring explanation .......... 111
and of Ajayapala, of V.-S. 1229 ............... 344 VahidAunthi, an ancient village, near Udayaudharita, & word of which the meaning is not pura ... ....................................... 345
apparent ............................................... 213 Vahicbara, ancient name of Béchar ............ 177 Ugrdéa, an ancient temple in Kasmir......99, 104 vaidarvéyaka, in PAli vedavdyaka, apparently Uighur language, specimens of...............152, 153 1. a particular kind of fish resembling a Ujjain mentioned under the ancient name of snake without a hood, e.g. an cel .........75, 80
Avanti............... ......................112, 115 | Vaidumva or Vaidumva family ...163 n., 164, 175 Ujjhatadimba, a place where the Mlêchch has Vaidyanatha, a form of the god Siva at Udaya
were defeated by Jalauka I. .................. 68, 70 pura ....................... .......................... 345 uklapindaka, a Pali word, perhaps meaning Vaijalladeva, Mahamandalesvara (Chahu. a fox'
............ 75 mâna), a feudatory of Ajayapala............84, 85 uli, a class of Tamil poems ...... ........... 258 vaira, a Vedic word meaning blood-money' 30
... 114
............
......
.

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INDEX
417
.... 171
Vairisimha, father of Vijayasiṁba, and son Vêdic criticism, contributions to ........... ...28, 29
of Hansapála of Pragvata ..................... 215 Vêkariya, an ancient village in the Kachchha Vaishņa vism, modern; notes on the develop. mandala ..................
................ 110 ment of its various forms .................. 189, 190
.................. 189, 190 Vengi country mentioned in connection with Vajrabasta I. (Ganga of Kalinga) ......... 170, 171 Rajaraja, Vijayaditya, and the Cholas ...... 171 Vajrahasta II. (Ganga of Kalinga)............. 171 Venkatáchalapati, a Madras legend..........317, 318 Vajrahastadêva III. (Ganga of Kalinga). 164, 175 Vêthvôtr, a place in Kasmir, mentioned Vajrahasta IV. (Ganga of Kalinga).. 164, 171, 175 under the ancient name of Vitast&tra ...... 68 Vajrahasta V. (Ganga of Kalinga)... 164, 171, 175
Vibhishana I. and II., kings of Kasmir...97, 100 valaksha, or avalaksha, used to denote the Vidyadhara (Chandella) ........................... 239 bright fortnight .............. ............ 30
vijaya prefixed to names of towns 134, 270 and n. vama, perhaps an abbreviation of vdmana.
Vijaya- Aniruddhapuri, an ancient town... 266, 270 sthali........................... ............... 114 and n. | Vijayachandra (Gáhadavala) ...................... 133 VAmadova, a person mentioned in connec. Vijayaditya, a king of Vengi, succoured by
tion with Narasimhadêva ........................ 212 Rajaraja ...................... Vimanasthali, ancient name of the modern Vijayaditya (Western Chalukya), mentioned
Wanthali .............................. 111, 115, 116 n. by the name of Vijayadityavallabha, 37, Vanarasi and VåranAsi; use of the two 38; his younger sister was Kunkuma. forms in one inscription .............. 312 and n. mahadevi ......
. .... 37 Vanji, the capital of Kanaikka-Irumporai; Vijayakshộtra, an ancient place in Kasmir ... 102 its modern name is Karar. ............... 259, 265
Vijayapala, 4 king, a predecessor of Trilo. Varadi, an ancient village in the Surashtrih
chanapala ............................................. 33 mandala .............. ................ 111, 115 | Vijayapala (Chandella) ........................... 239 Varana, the, and the Gangas; the six grants Vijayasimha, father-in-law of Gayakarņa. of Jayachchandra, found at the confluence
dêva, and son of Vairisimha .................. 215 of these rivers, edited ... 134, 136, 137, 139, Vijayasit badeva (Kalachuri of Chedi), 219;
140, 142 Gosaladevi was his mother, not his wife, Varanasi, one of the ancient names of 219;-his Gôpålpur inscription, noticed as
Benares, 18, 57, 58, 133; - also Varanasi, far as the rubbing is legible..................... 218 135, 136, 138; - use of the forms Varanasi Vijayêba or Vijayêśvara, ancient name of the and Vânaråsi in one and the same inscrip- modern Bijbihåra......68, 70 and n., 71, 98, 103 tion, 312 and n.; - spoken of as Vijaya- Vikrama era (see also eras and fortnights);
Varanasi ................................................ 134 Dr. Schram's Tables for the conversion of Väravala, an ancient agrahara in Kasmir 68, 70 dates in it, 296, 297 ; - cases in which the Vardhi pathnka, ancient name of Vadhiar ... 177 name of Vikrama is connected with the Varlaam and Joasaf, a Georgian version era, 83, 84, 85, 86, 112; - the southern
of, 279, 280; - a new Persian version ...... 281 reckoning of the era was preserved in vartans, a territorial term............................. 171 Bihar in A. D. 1399 ............
......... 31 Varuņa, origin of, 29; - also see Mitra ...... 29 Vikramaditya I. (Western Chalukya); see Varvaraka, the name of a people; mentioned
Kurtaköţi ...................
........... 265 as conquered by Jayasimha (Chaulukya) Vikramaditya V. (West. Chalukya); he had
the biruda of Tribhuvanamalla, 275; - vasana, see avasana ...........
.......... 178 !
note on the period of his death, and on the Vaschika, an ancient agrahara in Kasmir 98, 104 expression paróksham used in connection Vasukula, a king of Kasmir .................. 98, 102 with his successor ... ....................272, 273 Vasunanda, a king of Kasmir ............... 98, 104 Vikramaditya VI. (West. Chalukya); an inudtaka, a hamlet' (see also pataka)............ 176 scription of Saka-Sarnvat 998, which perVatavana, a pataka of Maniari .................. 142 haps belongs to the beginning of his reign, Vateávara, a linga-form of Siva, in Kasmir 97, 100 edited ............................................... 35 Vatsaraja, a minister of Kirtivarmad Vikramankadevacharitra of Bilhana; re(Chandella) ............
............. 239 marks on a new MS. of it ...................185, 186 Vavaharidiha, a pdtaka of Dédpali ............ 138 vinsatichhavatha, a fiscal term requiring Vedas, the, indicated as four, by the use of explanation......
.... ........... 19 n. the word chaturvéda as part of a name, Vinayaditya (Ganga of Kalinga)...... 169, 171, 175 235; - plays on words in the Vedas, 247 :- Vinayamahadevi (Vaidumva or Vaidumva),
blood-money in the Vedas...................... 30 wife of Kamârnava VI...................... 164, 175 vedavéyaka, vaidarvéyaka .................... 75 vindta, for vinuta........ ............... 273 n.
84, 115

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418
INDEX.
Weber, Prof. A.; notice of his Catalogue of
Sanskpit and Prakrit MSS. in the Berlin Library, 96; - translation of his paper on
the Sacred Literature of the Jains ......181, 369 wehrgeld in the Vedas ...........
..... .... 30 wife, discarded, in folktales .....................146 fr. wine in Ancient India wine in Ancient India ........
.............................. ..
30 wing, as an emblem on & seal ...................... 289 women, tricks and deceits of, Skr. version ... 48 worship, combined; of Brahman, Vishnu, and
Siva, 271; -observance of the rituals of Buddha, Jina, Siva, and Vishnu............... 271
...........
viráma, the ; instance of a pronunciative value
attaching to one of the Kanareae methods
of representing it .............. ................ 35 Virasimha (Ganga of Kalinga)..................... 170 virginity, tests of, among the Malays.........61, 62 Virôchana, son of Kolkhala, an ancestor of
the Gangas of Kalinga ........................ 170 Visadhèśvaradeva, a god ...........
................... 116 visatiathi(?)-prastha, a fiscal term requiring
explanation......................................... 19 n. Vishaya pathaka, an ancient division of Gu
jaråt ................................................... 178 Vishnu, the god, "the preserver" of the Hindu
triad ; mention of him as "the preserver," under the name of Vasudeva, 13, 133, 134, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 143; - worship of him at the time of making grants, 13, 133, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142; - a special instance of this ................................................. 82, 84 Vishnuvamsa,the lineage of Vishnu;' it
included the Gangas of Kalinga ...... 170 and n. Vishņuvardhana, a king of Western Malwa; Bee Mandagor
............... 220 Vishņuvardhana-Vijayaditya, a Maharaja
(probably East. Chalukya), who requires to
be identified.....................................38 and n. Vistâápa, the Baktrian kingdom of, its exist.
ence doubted ....................................... 27 vstardga, destitute of passion,' applied to
"the divine Arhat " ........................36 and n. Vitastâ, the river Jhelum in the Palijab ...72,
97, 100, 101 Vitastatra, ancient name of the modern Vethyotr ................
................ 68 Vizagapatam District, inscriptions from the,
edited................................... 143, 161, 165, 172 vrio, an abbreviation of drittih or vrittam 113 and n. vrishabha-lañchhana, 'the crest of a bull;' one of the insignia of the Gangas of Kalinga
164, 170, 175 Vrishadhvaja, an ancestor of the Gangas of
Kalinga Vrishạis, the Yadavas, mentioned in the
Rajatarangini................................... 67 Vritra and Namuchi, remarks on, as describ
ed in the Mahabharata............................ 247 vyatspåta, a term requiring explanation as used in connection with eclipses... 127, 128,
272, 274
y changed into o in Pali; e. g. douti=dyrkti 4,7 Yagnob language, grammar of the ............ 157 yamalikdmbali, a fiscal term requiring expla.
nation ................................................ 137 yamushadeva, a woven cloth, stamped with
an image of the sun, taken away by Mihira
kula from Ceylon...........................102 and n. yarlik = Tâtår epistles, 152;- of Tamir Qut.
lugh, 153, 154 ; -of Tuqtamish......... 153, 154 Yasahkarņa (Kalachuri of Chêdi)............210, 219 Yasodharman ; see Mandasor ..............219, 220 Yasodhavala, a minister of Kumarapala...342, 343 Yasovarman (Chandella) ...................... 236, 237 Yasovati, a queen of Kasmir, wife of Dâmô.
dara I. ................................................ 67 Yasovigraha (Gáhadavála) ........... 12, 20, 21, 132 Yayati; a reference to his son Turvasu, that
requires explanation ..................... 170 and n. year; Schram's Tables for the Hindu luni.
solar year, 296, 297; -- and for the Hindu solar year, 299; - the length of the solar year according to the Súrya-Siddhanta is 365.2587565 days, 193; - and according to the Arya-Siddhanta, 365-25868055 days, 198; - according to the Súrya-Siddhanta the length of Jupiter's year, without Bija,is 361.02672103 days, 193; -and the length of the year with Bija is 361.0346511
daye .............................................. 202 y8°, an abbreviation, perhaps of yogin 114 and n. yoga, an astrological element; mention of the
Siddhi (for Siddha) yoga ......................... 251 Yuddhasura, a biruda of Nandardja ...... 231, 235 Yudhishthira; his coronation is placed by
Kalhana in B. O. 2448 .................. .......... 66 Yudhisthira I., also called Andha-Yudhish
thira, a king of Kaśmir .................... 99, 104 yugddi, a special name of certain tithis, e. g.
of Vaibakha bukla 3, which is regarded as the commencement of the Kritayaga, 345, 346 n., 347; - the rules for the use of yugddi tithis and the performance of érdddha-ceremonies on them ......... 346 and n.
***....... 170
Wanesa, a village in Gujarat; mentioned
under the ancient name of Balisa ............. 266 Wanthali, a village or town in Kathiwad,
mentioned under the ancient name of
Vamanasthall ......................... 111, 115, 116 n. Wazir Khan of K IAMAlêr ...................... 329

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INDEX.
419
Yuvarjadeva (Kalachuri of Chedi); men
tion of him as worshipping the god Sôme. Syari............
........... 215
Zabudeik is the Burmese form of Jambudvipa 275 ZAvur, a place in Kasmir, perhaps mentioned
under the ancient name of JAlära ............ 68 Zuci Khan, the so-called, 51;-Zuel is not a man's name ...
**** 31 zuhra, the paisd of Tipa .....
....... 314 Zukru, a place in Kasmir, mentioned under
the ancient name of Jushkapura ... 69, 72 and 1.
Zabaikailia, is the district east of Lake
Baikal, 157; - history of, a notice of the... 157

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Page #453

p. 30 b, No. 21, line 7-8, for Sravana, read Sravana; p. 270, 1. 14, for Parâsara read Pardéara; and at and line 8, for pakshê-valakshê, read paksha valakshê.
the end of the line insert ", to mark the end of the donor's speech.
p. 35, lines 1 and 2 from the bottom, for dhátriyolu, read dhatriyoiu; and for guḍigereyolu, read guḍigereyolu.
pp. 277-278-279, for An-Nasir-li-din Allah, wherever the words occur, read An-Nasir. li-din Allah.
p. 40, Text line 38, for umbaliy read umbaliy; pp. 277-8, for Ch. D. Fachu, wherever the words and in line 42, for mishthâyâm, read mishthâyâm.
occur, read Ch. D. Fraehn.
p. 63 a, line 36, for nirvana, read nirvana.
p. 278 b, lines 33, 34, for Khalifas Mustafi B'illah, Muta B'illah, and Tai-B'illah, read Khalifas Mustakfi-B'illah, Muti-L'illah and Tai-L'illah.
p. 279 a, line 13, for from Al-Kasar, read at Kazan.
ERRATA IN VOL. XVIII.
p. 73, line 1, for Kantakotsa, read Kantakotsa.
line 9, for (thus, read (thus).
line 10, for country), read country, p. 75, line 15, dele the semicolon after them.
p. 76, line 3 from the bottom, for másaim, read
másam.
33
p. 81, note 1, for meaning, read meanings.
p. 82, line 11, for four-months', read four-months. p. 83, Text line 8, for anusâsan, read anusâsan(t). note 15, for apátů, read ápáta.
31
p. 85, note 33, at the end of the note add the words, See Vol. VI. p. 212, note, where it is said that it means Brahmans who had not been fed before, and were not to be fed again.
p. 101, line 32, insert a comma after Chakradhara. p. 102, note to verse 299, read of Iranian origin, the term yamusha might &c. The sentence, as it stands, has been wrongly divided by the substitution of a fullstop after origin.
p. 112, Text line 6, for Chamu-[m*]-da, read Chamu[m]ḍa-.
p. 113, Text line 23, for Vamanasthat-isrika-, 'read Vamanasthali-śrika-.
p. 130, Text line 7, for nilin-ânanaḥ I, read nilînânanaḥ II.
p. 94 a, line 24, for irima [ch], read éríma[ch].
p. 95 a, line 29-30, read Also, not one of the three lithographs of these inscriptions &c.
p. 96 a, line 35, for the colon after Siddhanta, p. 281 a, line 22, for Abu'l-Kabt-Muḥammadsubstitute a full-stop.
ibn al-Lais, read Abu'r-Rabi-Muḥammadibn-al-Lais.
p. 136, G. line 1, for 21" by ", read 21" by 16" p. 146, note 27, for see note 19 above, read see note 20 above.
p. 171, note 50, for paramamahéévara, read paramamáhéévara; and for paramavaishanava, read paramavaishnava. In Vâ sudêva-nayaka, dele the hyphen.
p. 200, line 1, for 5-89 m., read 58-9 m.
p. 267, note 22, for satru-mardanaḥ, read sakti
sampannaḥ.
p. 268, Text line 15, for âna danaḥ, read -ânadanaḥ.
p. 269, 1. 10, for four-toothed, read four-tusked.
1. 30, for who destroys his foes &c., read who is endowed with bravery, and energy and the (royal) powers.
29
p. 279 b, line 20, for J. Gotwald, read J. Gottwaldt.
p. 280 a, line 1, for Miltaurovs, read Melitaurovs. p. 280 a, line 3, for Miltaurov was court captain, read Melitaurov was court chaplain.
p.
280 a, line 14 from bottom, for Balabhar, read Balawar.
p.
280 a, line 4 from bottom, for Wrestler, read Hermit.
p.
p.
280 b, line 30, for Taipna, read Taifar.
281 a, line 12, for Ahmad-Ibn-Ali-Karim, read Ahmad-Ibn-Abi-Karim.
p. 281 a, line 21, for worshipper of Nabigi, read admirer of Nabiga.
p. 281, for mu'allah, wherever the word occurs,
read mu'allaka.
p.
282 b, line 16 from bottom, for Rudguzi, read Rubguzi.
p. 282 b, line 6 from bottom, for Khozudeni, read Khojandi.
p.
282 b, line 4 from bottom, for Ta'ash-Shahnáma, read Ta'ashuk-náma.
P.
283 a, line 4, for Majális-au-nafaris, read Majális-an-nafais.
p. 283 a, line 19, for Haji Bakbash, read Haji Baktash.
p. 283 a, line 22 from bottom, for Ilderine Bayazid, read Ilderim Bayazid.
p. 283 a, line 15 from bottom, for Mustafa Jalalgada, read Mustafa Jalâlzâdâ.
p. 283 a, line 7, from bottom, for Wusrat
námah, read Nusrat-námah.
p. 284 a, line 19 from bottom, for Abn-Obaidal-Karim-Ibn-Sallâm, read Abu-Ubed-alQasim-Ibn-Sallam.
p.
284 a, line 16 from bottom, for Mikhi, read Makki.
p.
284 a, line 15 from bottom, for Rajab Isfahani, read Raghi Isfahani.
p. 358, note 43, for avatárar-dtri, read avatára.
rátri.

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