Epigraphia Indica Vol 08

Author(s): E Hultzsch
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032562/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Vol. VIII (1905 - 1906) Ooo ROS pratnakIrtimapAvRNu PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001 1981

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume VIII (1905-06) PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110011 1981

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Reprinted 1981 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA 1981 Price : Rs. 80.00 Printed at Pearl Offset Press, 5/33 Kirti Nagar Industrial Area New Delhi-110015.

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA AS A SUPPLEMENT TO THE "INDIAN ANTIQUARY." EPIGRAPHIA INDICA AND RECORD OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. EDITED BY E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D., LATE GOVERNMENT EPIGRAFRIST; PROF. IN THE UNIVERSITY OF HALLE; CORR. MEMB. OF THE BATAVIA SOCIETY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES AND OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF SCIENCES AT GOTTINGEN; MEMBRE ASSOCIE ETRANGER DE LA SOCIETE ASIATIQUE. VOL. VIII-1905-06. CALCUTTA: OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA. BOMBAY EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS. LONDON: KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co. NEW YORK: WESTERMANN & Co. CHICAGO: 8 D. PEET. LEIPZIG: OTTO HARRASSOWITZ. VIENNA: A. HOLDER & Co. BERLIN: A. ASHER & Co. PARIS: E. LEROUX.

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CALCUTTA: GOVERNMENT OF INDIA CENTRAL PRINTING OFFICE 8, HASTINGS STREET.

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CONTENTS. The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE . 182 . , 50 . 298 * 138 148 169 D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.: No. 19. Dhulis plates of Karkaraja; Saka-Samyat 701. . T. BLOCE, Pa.D.: No 18. Two inscriptions on Buddhist images J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E.: No. 7. Chikmagalur inscription of Racbamalla III., of the period A.D. 989-1005 T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.: No. 31. Sopaik kavur plates of Virupeksha; Saka-Samvat 1308 . . . T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., AND G. VENKOBA RAO: No. 13. Nilambar plates of Ravivarman . . . . . . . HIRA LAL, B.A.: No. 28. Betul platos of Samkshobha; the Gupta year 199 . . . . PROFESSOR E. HOLTZCI, PH.D.: No. 2. Tiruvadi inscription of Ravivarman; A.D. 1318. . , 9. Dbar prasasti of Arjagavarman : Parijataupanjarf-natika by Madada 11. Nagpar Museum plates of Mababhavagupta I. Janamejaya . 12. British Museum plates of Charudevi . . . . . , 15. Pikira grant of Simbavarman . . . . . . >> 16. Undikavatika grant of Abhimanyu. 20. Two grants of Dhruvasena II. . , 22. Naustri plates of Sryasraya-SilAditya; the year 421 23. Chendelar plates of Kumaravishna II. . >> 24. Chendalar plates of Sarvaldk Asraya; A.D. 673 . . . PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., D. LITT., LL.D., C.I.E.: Nos. 1 and 26. Dates of Chola kings (continued). . No. 5. Talaganda pillar inscription of Kakasthavarman . , 6. Junagadh rock inscription of Rudrad&man; the year 79 . . , 14. Fivo oopper-plate inscriptions of Govindaobandra of Kanauj , 27. Dates of Pandya kings (continued). . . . . . . H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A.: No. 10. Karkala inscription of Bbairava II, Saka-Sath vat 1508 . . . PROPEABOR H. LODERS, PH.D.: No. 4. Sravana-Belgola inscription of Iragapa; A.D. 1493 . 21. Jaina inscriptions at the temple of Neminatha on Mount Aba , . 80. Tazila vase inscription . . . . . . . . . M: NARAYANASTAMI ATTAR, B.A., B.L.: No. 32. Madras Museum plates of Srigiribhupala ; Saka-Samvat 13.46 . . PROFESSOR R. PISCHEL, PR.N.: No. 25. Two Prakrit poems at Dhar . . . . . . . J. RAMATTA, B.A., B.L.: No. 3. Madras Maseum plates of Vema; A.D. 1345 . . . . . 229 233 236 1,300 . 38 * 149 . . 276 . . . . 200 . . 296 . 806 . 212 . 9

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CONTENTS. . . . . . . . 59 E. SENART : No. 8. The inscriptions in the caves at Nasik V. VENKATYA, M.A., RAI BAHADUR : No. 29. Triplicane inscription of Dentivarman G. VENKOBA RAO: No. 33. Two Agaimalai inscriptions . . J. P. VOGEL, LIT.D.: - No. 17. Epigraphical discoveries at Sarnath . . . . . . . . . 317 . . . . . . . . 166 INDEX.-BY V. TENEATYA, M.A., RAI BAHADUR . . . . . . . 323 APPENDIX I.-SUPPLEMENT TO THE LIST OF THE INSCRIPTIONS OF NORTHERN INDIA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIBLHORN, C.I.E.1. 1-19 SYNCHRONISTIC TABLE FOR NORTHERN INDIA, A.D. 400-1400. BY THE SAME to face page 20 of App. I. APPENDIX 11.-SUPPLEMENT TO THE LIST OF THE INSCRIPTIONS OF SOUTHERN INDIA. BY THE SAME . . . . . . . . . 1-27 SYNCHROXISTIC TABLE FOR SOUTHERN INDIA, A.D. 400-1400. BY TI BAME to face page 28 of Appz. II.

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1. Talagunda pillar inscription of Kakusthavarman 2. Junagadh rock inscription of Rudradaman; the year 72 3. Nasik inscriptions.-Plate I. 4. 5. II. III. IV. 6. 7. V. 33 wr 23 12 22 33 23 23 33 33 35 33 8. 9. 10. 27 33 11. Dhar prasasti of Arjunavarman: Parijatamanjari-natik by Madana. Plate I.. 12. The same.-Plate II. 33 13. III. . 14. The Chaturmukha-Basti at Karkala 15. Nagpur Museum plates of Mahabhavagupta I. Janamejaya 16. Plates of Vijaya-Skandavarman and Vijaya-Buddhavarman 17. Nilambur plates of Ravivarman 18. Pikira grant of Simhavarman 19. Undikavatika grant of Abhimanyu. 20. Asoka pillar inscription at Sarnath. 21. Sarnath inscriptions of Kanishka and Asvaghosha 22. Inscribed Buddhist image from Set-Mahet 33 33 33 LIST OF PLATES. 29 VI. VII. VIII. " 23. Inscribed pedestal of Buddhist image from Mathura 24. Dhulis plates of Karkaraja; Saka-Samvat 701 25. Nogawa plates of Dhruvasena II.; [Gupta-]Samvat 320 26. Mount Abu inscription of Tejahpala; A.D. 1230 27. Mount Abu inscription of the reign of Bhimadeva II.; A.D. 1230 28. Nausari plates of Sryasraya-Siladitya; the year 421 29. Chendalur plates of Kumaravishnu II. 30. Chendalur plates of Sarvalokasraya; A.D. 673 31. Prakrit poems at Dhar.-Plate I. 32. II. III. 33 33. 33 39 """" 35 33 34. Betul plates of Samkshobha; the Gupta year 199 35. The Taxila vase. 36. Boraikkavir plates of Virupaksha; Saka-Samvat 1:08 37. Madras Museum plates of Srigiribhupala; Saka-Samvat 1346 38. Anaimalai inscriptions.. 35 to face page 29 "" 33 * " wr 15 35 13 31 33 #5 33 33 21 "1 33 "" 106 112 "" 31 35 33 116 124 33 between pages 140 & 141 23 144 & 145 " 148 & 149 160 & 161 164 & 165 168 176 181 182 33 33 33 33 35 between pages 186 & 187 33 " 192 & 193 to face page 212 $22 232 12 """" 39 33 between pages 234 & 235 238 & 239 to face page 248 254 260 35 33 33 33 between pages 286 & 287 to face page 296 between pages 302 & 303 33 33 312 & 313 to face page 320 33 33 22 * 23 23 25 33 to face page 33 23 33 33 23 PAGE 32 44 60 74 76 78. 82 86 88 90

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 11, last line from bottom, - for Anapota-Reddi read Anapota-Reddi. , 15.-Cancel footnote 1. , 22, note 7,- for "His enemies clenched their fists in rage" read "The palms of his enemies' hands closed together in token of submission." 31, paragraph 2, line 7 from bottom, - for Pravarasena read Pravaraseng. >> 58.-The date of the inscription published by Dr. Fleet on this page is intrinsically wrong, but admits of an easy and certain correction. In the date, as published, the full-moon tithi of Karttika is joined with the nakshatra Mula (the 19th nakshatra); but in Karttika the moon is full in or near Krittika (the 3rd nakshatra). On the other hand, an examination of native calendars for different years shows that in the majority of cases the nakshatra is Mule on the Afth tithi of the bright half of Karttika. This observation some years ago, when I first saw the text of the inscription in Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI., Roman text, p. 95, at once convinced me that the writer of the text erroneously must have put suddha-punnameyum (where the word suddha would really be superfluous) for suddha-panchamiyum. The date thus would give us for calculation the Afth tithi of the bright half of Karttika, a Monday, and the nakshatra Mula; and during the period (A.D. 989-1005), to which according to Dr. Fleet the inscription must be assigned, it would be correct for Monday, the 7th October A.D. 989, and for Monday, the 3rd October A.D. 992. Monday, the 7th October 989, was entirely occupied by the 5th tithi of the bright half of Karttika, and on it the nakshatra was Mula, by the equal space system from 0 h. 39 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 13 m., and according to Garga for 12 h. 29 m., after mean sunrise. And onMonday, the 3rd October A.D. 992, the 5th tithi of the bright half of Karttika ended 20 h. 53 m., while the nakshatra was Mula, by the equal space system from 5 h. 16 m., by the Brabma-siddhanta for 11 h. 50 m., and according to Garga for 17 h. 4 m., after mean sunrise. Which of these two days, or whether either of them, is the true equivalent of the original date, it is impossible to say at present.-F. K. 59, No. 8, 1. 13,- for (Pr.) read (N.). 78, text line 2,- for Karabend-read Karabend-. 79, 1. 5,- for Karabend read Karabena. 82, No. 12, text line 1,- for Dinikaputrena read Dinikapu trena (i.e. putrena). 101, text line 1,- for were read faer, and for safet read oxfat. 104, note 1,- for stue read arge. 111, 6,-for maddazyA read madRzyA. > 115, text line 73,- for fuld read agad. > 121, 1. 15,- for a read an. , 123, 1. 2 from bottom, - for left side read right side. , 126, note 3, 1.3,--for Balagami read Baligami. In 7 calendars out of 12 Mala is joined with the 5th tithi of the bright half of Karttiks, and in 3 with the 4th tithi ; in 2 (in which Karttika in preceded by an intercalary month) Mula goes with the 3rd tithi.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 126, note 3, 11. 5 to 12.-[Professor Hultzsch has critically edited the three Udiyavara inscriptions quoted here (Nos. 108, 98 and 97 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901) on pp. 18, 22 and 23 of Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX., respectively. In the light of his remarks some alterations in this note appear necessary. In numbers 97 and 98 the alternative forms Ponvulcha and Udayapura also occur. The word nakara, which I took to mean trading classes' in both these inscriptions, is taken by Professor Hultzsch as being placed in apposition to Pombulchada and Udayapurada, and as meaning city.' In No. 108 the attribute Patti-odeyon, which I took as applying to Svetavahana, probably refers to a Saiva priest. It was not Svetavahana that fell in battle, but a servant of the Aluva prince Ranasagara, named Kamakoda.H. K. S.] 127, note 2, last line,-for leunmolested read unmolested. 23 >> 128, 1. 16 from bottom,-for dacidedly read decidedly. ,, 138, No. 11.- In a letter dated Nagpur, 4th October 1906, Mr. Hiranand communi d. 33 23 33 33 33 33 200, 1. 12 from bottom.-With khattaka Mr. Krishna Sastri compares the Kannada gaddige and the Hindi gaddi, a throne.' ,,204, 1. 14 from bottom.-With ashfahika Mr. Krishna Sastri compares the ashtahnika of the Southern Jainas; see p. 137, note 4. 216, v. 37.-Regarding this verse see Prof. Kielhorn's remarks in the Journ. R. As. Soc. 1907, p. 175 ff. ,, 216, v. 42. Mr. Krishna Sastri remarks:- "I suggest that the word be taken as an apposition referring to Yasoda, and not independently as is done in the translation. I cannot understand how Krishna's splendour was augmented by his mother. svayamadhikapratApasya bhagavAn na anyatasyamucchAyamapekSate." 219, text lino 2 f.-Prof. Kielhorn supplies 33 29 vii wr cated to the Editor the following extract from a letter of the Deputy Commissioner, Sambalpur District, to the Superintendent, Nagpur Museum, dated 15th September 1889:-"The plate (viz. the plates edited on p. 138 ff) was found by Dusti Kulta, resident of Satlama in the Barpali Zamindari, in June 1897 (read: 1887 ?). He found it under a stone while he was constructing the embankment of his field near the Gandapara." Mr. Hiranand adds:-- "From this it is evident that the Satallama of the inscription is the very place where the plates were found." 147, paragraph 5,- for "Multagi is represented boundary" read "Multagi figures 173, paragraph 2, 1. 5,- for Pushyavnddhi read Pusbyavuddhi. . as forming the eastern among the boundaries." 183, 1. 11, for southern read northern.-Note the form of rtha in 11. 15 and 31 of the Inscription. ysicais. 234, 11. 4 and 7.-In accordance with Vol. IX. p. 50, read Karmaka-rashtra and Kammaka-rashtra (without ).-The same correction has to be made on p. 235, text lines 14 and 16, p. 236, 11. 14 and 17, and p. 238, 1. 8 from bottom. 295, note 1, 1. 7,-for Tiruvaymoli read Tiruvaymoli. 305, note 1, line 1,-for "Sudarsanacharya who wrote " read " Sudarsanacharya, also called Nainara, who was the son of Vagvijaya, and who wrote " 307, 1. 2.- On "Madras Museum" add a footnote:-"[No. 16 of Appendix A. in the Annual Report for 1905-06 of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle-V. V.]" 318, 1. 16,-for "three verses" read "three Sanskrit verses." 318, 1. 7 from bottom,-after "The second inscription," insert "which is in Tamil, and."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOLUME VIII. No. 1.- DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. (Continued from Vol. VII. page 177.) OF the numerous dates of Chola kings sent to me by Prof. Hultzsch and Mr. Venkayya, I again publish seventeen. Among these, the most interesting and, I may add, those which have given me most trouble-are perhaps the five dates Nos. 85-89 of Rajaraja [II.] Parakesarivarman, which prove that this king, of whom no dates have yet been published here, commenced to reign between (approximately) the 27th March and the 23rd November A.D. 1148. The date No. 99 reduces the time, previously found for the commencement of the reign of Rajendra-Chola III., to the period from (approximately) the 21st March to the 20th April A.D. 1246. The date No. 94, of Kulottunga-Chola III., is of the 25th January A.D. 1217, while the dates of his successor Rajaraja III. show that this king commenced to reign already between (approximately) the 23rd June and the 13th August A.D. 1216; and similarly the dates Nos. 96 and 97, of Rajaraja III., are of the 7th February and the 22nd April A.D. 1248, while the years of his successor Rajendra-Chola III., as has just been stated, are counted from some time between (approximately) the 21st March and the 20th April A.D. 1246. The date No. 100 belongs to a king or chief Tribhuvanavira-Chola, who apparently commenced to reign in A.D. 1331-32. A.-VIKRAMA-CHOLA. 84. In the Saranarayana-Perumal temple at Tiruvadi.1 1 Svasti sri [11] Pu-madu punara 9 ko=Pparakeearipanma 10 rana Tiribuvanachchakkaravatti[ga] sri-Vikkirama-Soladevar 11 kku yan[du*] 7vadu Sim [ha]-nayarru apara-pakshattu eka12 [di(da))iyan Tiruvadiraiyam pezz [V][y]Ala-kkilamai-nal. "In the 7th year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Choladeva,- on a Thursday, which corresponded to (the day of) Ardra and to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha." 1 No. 30 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. A date of the month of Simha (July-August) of the 7th year of Vikrama-Chola would be expected to fall in A.D. 1124, and this date actually corresponds to Thursday, the 7th August A.D. 1124. This was the 12th day of the month of Simha, and on it the 11th tithi of the dark half of Sravana) ended 20 h. 6 m., while the nakshatra was Ardra, by the equal space system for 15 h. 46 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 1 h. 58 m., and according to Garga for 3 h. 56 m.) after mean sunrise. B.-RAJARAJA II, 85.- In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalanjuli. 1 Svasti srt [11] Pa maruviya (Ti]ru-madum . . . . . . . . . . 4 ko=PparakesaripaNGmar-a[na Tri]bhuvanachchakravatt[i]ga[1] er[i]-Rajarajad[@]vapku yaNdu 4&va[du] Vrischika-nayarra apara-pa]kshatta [sa]ptam[i]yu[m] [B]uda[9]-[ki]lam[ai]yum [p]erra [P]ara[tt]a na[1]. "In the 4th year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Purva-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the 7th tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Vfischika." My examination of the four dates Nos. 85-88 has yielded the result that the reign of Rajaraja Parak@sarivarman, 6.6. Rajaraja II., commenced between (approximately) the 27th March and the 23rd November A.D. 1146. This date, No. 85, corresponds to Wednesday, the 23rd November A.D. 1149, which was the 27th day of the month of Vfischika, and on which the 7th tithi of the dark half (of Margafirsha) ended 14 h. 10 m., while the nakshatra was Purva-Phalguni, by the equal space system for 22 h. 20 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise. 86.- In the Karavandisvara temple at Udaiyerkoyil. 1 Svasti eri [ll] Pa maruviya Tiru-madum. . . . . . . . 8 . . . . . . . . . k[Ppara kesa9 [ri]patmar=ana Tribu[va]nachchak[ka]ravattiga[!] fri-Raja[r]@jadevarku yan[du] ara[va]d[u] Ka10 m[bha]-nayatru apara-paksha[t]ta pratham(ai]yu[m] Vi[y]@la-kkilamaiyum perra Maga[tt]u na[!). "In the sixth year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, - on the day of Magha, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the first tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kumbha." The date corresponds to Thursday, the 24th January A.D. 1152, which was the first day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the first tithi of the dark half (of Magha) ended 15 h. 27 m., while the nakshatra was Magha, by the equal space system for 22 h. 20 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 53 m., and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise. 87.- In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalasjuli. 1 Svasti eri | Pa maruviya Tiru-madum . . . . . . . . . . 5 ..... [k]8=Pparakesaripapmar-ana Tir[i]buvanachchak[ka] ravattiga! Rajaraja eri No. 622 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. No. 407 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. Between A.D. 1131 and 1178 this is the only day for which the date is correct. * The Kumbha-sarikranti took place 20 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of the 23rd January A.D. 1103 No. 628 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

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No. 1.] DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. 6 devarku y[8]du papnirandavadu Mesha-n[Qya]rru apara-pakshattu navamiyam B[uda]n-kilamaiyum pjerra Ti7 ravona[tta na]!. "In the twelfth year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to 8 Wednesday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mesha." The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 28th March A.D. 1158, which was the 2nd day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 9th tiths of the dark half (of Chaitra) ended 6 h. 35 m., while the nakshatra was Sravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 12 h. 29 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 13 h. 47 m., after mean sunrise. 88. - In the @kamranatha temple at Conjesveram. 1 Svasti sri [11*] Pa maruviya Tiru-madum . ... . . 2 . . i ... ko=Ppara kesaripatmar-ana Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! sri Rajarajadevarka panda padiganjavadu Tai-masattu purvva-pakshattu Paparpu samum chatu[r]ddasiyum Viyala-kkilamaiyum=a[na] nal. "In the fifteenth year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Punarvasu, which was a Thursday and the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Tai." The date corresponds to Thursday, the 12th January A.D. 1161, which was the 19th day of the month of Tai (or Makara), and on which the 14th tithi of the bright half (of Magha) ended 19 h. 3 m., while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 10 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise. 89.-- In the Apatsahayesvara temple at Alanguli. 1 Svasti sri [ll] Pu maruviya Tiru-madum . . . . . 6 ko=P parakesaripatmar=&na 7 Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! 8 erf-Rajarajadevarku ya9 ndu apavadu . . 14 .... . Mina-nayarru pu15 rvva-pakshattu saptamiyum Viyela-k16 kilamaiyum perra Ordsapi-na 17 ! "In the sixth year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajad@va,-on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the seventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina." Between A.D. 1136 and 1299 the only days for which this date would be correct, are Thursday, the 26th February A.D. 1159, and Thursday, the 27th February A.D. 1186, neither of which could have fallen in the 6th year of the king's reign. Guided by the results of my calcu. lations, I therefore assume that the month of Ming has been wrongly quoted in the date instead of the immediately preceding month of Kumbbe. For this month the date regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 14th February A.D. 1152, which was the 22nd day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 7th tithi of the bright half of Phalguna) ended 17 h. 26 m. after No. 9 of the Gavrnment Epigraphist's collection for 1893; compare South-Ind. Intor. Vol. III. p. 79 and note 4. : No. of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1899.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Rohini, by the Brahma-siddhanta and according to Garga during the whole day, and by the equal space system from 6 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise. C.-KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA III. 90.-In the Patapisvara temple at Aridvaramangalam. 1 ... [cha]kkaravattiga! sri raMadurai kond-aru[Jiya Sri-Kulo[t]tunga Soladeva[r]kku yadu 10vadu pattavadu Ma[ga]ra-nayarru apara-pasha (kshattu panchamiyum Sevva[y]-kkilamaiyum perra Uttirattadi-na. "In the 10th -tenth-year (of the reign) of the emperor [of the three worlds], the glorious Kulottunga-Chladova, who was pleased to take Madurai,- on the day of UttaraBhadrapada, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the fifth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Makara." The wording of this date is intrinsically wrong. As in the dates of the inscriptions Nos. 480 and 604 of my Southern List, either the nakshatra Uttara-Bhadrapada has been qnoted erroneously instead of Uttara-Phalguni, or the second fortnight instead of the first. My calculation has shown that really the latter is the case. The intended day undonbtedly is Tuesday, the 5th January A.D. 1188, which was the 11th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half of Magba) ended 19 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada, by the Brahma-siddhanta and according to Garga the whole day, and by the oqual space system from 5 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise. 01.-In the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiruvannamalai. 1 Svasti [11] 2 Tiribu vanavi(vi)radevarku y&pdu 35va[du] . . . . 3 M[i]duna-nayarru ettan-diyadiyum A[ou]lamum perra tiru-Na[ya]rra kkilamai-nal. "In the 35th year (of the reign) of Tribhuvanaviradeva, - on a sacred Sunday which corresponded to the day of) Anuradha and to the eighth solar day of the month of Mithuna." The date should fall in A.D. 1213. In this year the Mithuna-sankranti took place 3 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 26th May, which was the first day of the month of Mithuna. The 8th day of the same month therefore was Sunday, the 2nd June A.D. 1213; and on this day the nakshatra was Anuradha, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 22 h. 20 m., and by the equal space system and according to Garga from 3 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise. 02.- In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalazjuli." 1 Svasti sr[1] [118] 2 Tr[i]bhuvanachchakkara[va]tt[i]ga[!] Maduraiyum f[la] 3 mum Karuvarum Pa[o]diyanai mudi-ttalaiy[u]4 n-gond-aru[li] virar-abhishekamum vi5 jayar-abhishekam[um] panni-ar[u]liya gri-Tiri6 [b]uva[na]v[ira] devarku ya[n]du mu[p]pat[t]age ra. 1 No. 611 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. * The beginning of the inscription is built in. Cancel the syllables fr * No. 557 of the Governinent Epigraphist's collection for 1902. * No. 631 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

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No. 1.] DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. 7 vadu Mesha-nayar[ru] pu[rvva]-pakshattu 8 tri(tri)tiyaiyum Tingal-ki[lam]aiyum per9 ra Rosapi-na!. "In the thirty-sixth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Tribhuvanaviradeva, who was pleased to take Madurai, Ilam, Karuvur and the crowned head of the Pandya, and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of victors, on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Monday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mesha." The date corresponds to Monday, the 14th April A.D. 1214, which was the 21st day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of Vaisakha, i.e. the akshayatritiya) ended 19 h. 29 m., while the nakshatra was Rohini, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 14 h. 27 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 13 h. 47 m., after mean 93. In the Kailasanatha temple at Kalappal.1 sunrise. Vri(vri)schika-nyarr[ kkilamaiyu[m] perra 1 Svasti sri [1] Tribhuvanachchakravattiga[ Ma]dhuraiyum Ilamui-Garuvuru[m] Pandiyan mudi-ttalaiyun-gondu [vi]rar-abhishekamum vijai[ya]r=abhi[sh]e2 kamu[m] Joqniy-aruliya sri-Tri[bhu]va[na]viradevarku yandu 37du prvva-pakabaitu [cha]ta(tu)[r]dda[6]yun-Dingal 5 3 Karttigai-nal. "In the 37th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Tribhuvanaviradeva, who took Madurai, Ilam, Karavur and the crowned head of the Pandya, and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of victors, on the day of Krittika, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Vrischika." The date corresponds to Monday, the 17th November A.D. 1214, which was the 21st day of the month of Vrischika, and on which the 14th tithi of the bright half (of Margasirsha) commenced about sunrise, while the nakshatra was Krittika, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 11 h. 50 m., according to Garga for 13 h. 8 m., and by the equal space system from 0 h. 39 m., after mean sunrise. 94. In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalanjuli. 1 Svasti [sri][*] Tirib[u]vanachchak[k]rava[r]ttiga! Madurai[yum] Ilamum Karuvarum Pandiyanai mndi-ttalaiyum kondu virar-abhishe [ka]mmum3 vijayar= abhishekammum pappily-a]ruliya eri-Tiribuvana [vira]devarku yandu 39avadu Kumba-nayarru a[pa]ra-pakshattu prathamaiyum [Buldan-kilammaiyum perra Magattu nal. "In the 39th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Tribhuvanaviradeva, who took Madurai, Ilam, Karuvur and the crowned head of the Pandya, and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of victors,- on the day of Magha, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the first tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kumbha." The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 25th January A.D. 1217, which was the 3rd day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the first tithi of the dark half (of Magha) ended 12 h. 54 m., while the nakshatra was Magha, by the equal space system for 11 h. 50 m., after mean sunrise. 1 No. 659 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. No. 618 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. Read abhishikamum. Read -kilamaiyum.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. D.- RAJARAJA III. 95.- In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalanjuli. 1 Tiribuvaachchakkaravattiga[!] fri-Ra[ja]r[ja]davarkku yandu ettavadin e[dir]m= Andu Tol[a-na]yarra apara-pakshattu navami]yu[m] Tin2 ga[1]-kilamaisyum perra Pajsattu n[al]. "In the year opposite the eighth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Ra[ja]ra[ja]deva, - on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Monday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Tula." The date undoubtedly corresponds to Monday, the 7th October A.D. 1224, which was the 11th day of the month of Tula, and on which the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 15 h. 46 m., and by the Brahma-siddhaata for 13 h. 47 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 14 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise, was the 8th, not the 9th, tithi of the dark half (of Asvina). The result shows that, instead of the word nasvami]yu[m] of the original date, we ought to read ashtamiyum. 06.-In the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiruvannimalai. 1 Svasti srf [ll*] Tiribuvanachchakkaravatt[i]ga! Sri-Irajarajadevarkku [y]andu 32vadu Kumba-nayarru pu[rvva]-pakshattu tu[vada ]siyum Vel[li]-kk[i]lamai yum perra Panar[p]usattu na!. "In the 32nd year of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Friday and to the twelfth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha." The date corresponds to Friday, the 7th February A.D. 1248, which was the 15th day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 12th tithi of the bright half (of Phalguna) ended 21 h. 23 m., while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 13 h. 47 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 13 h. 8 m., after mean sunrise. 97.-In the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiruvannamalai. 1 Svast[i] er[1] [ll] T[i]ribuvanachchakkara va]ttiga! sr[f-R]ajarajadevarkku yandi 32vadu Mesha-nay[i]rru apara-pakshatta trayodas[i]yum Budan-k[i]lamaiyum perra Ireba (va)a[i]-nal. << In the 82nd year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeve, on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mesha." The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 22nd April A.D. 1248, which was the 29th day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 13th tiths of the dark half of Vaisakha) commenced 6 h. 40 m., while the nakshatra was Revati for 21 h. 1 m., after mean sunrise. E.- RAJENDRA-CHOLA III. 98.- In the Premapurisvara temple at Anbil. 1 . . . T[i]r[i]ba[va]nachchakkarava]ttsigall sr[f]-Ira[se]qdirasro]ladeva[r]kku yandu 4vadu Kano[i]-nayarru purvva-pakshattu panchamiyum N&y[i]rru-kkilamaiyum perra A[ni]lattu na[1]. No. 629 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. 9 No. 491 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903. * No. 503 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. No. 596 of the Goveroment Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

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No. 1.] DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. "In the 4th year of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladeve, on the day of Anuradha, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the fifth tiths of the first fortnight of the month of Kanya." The date corresponds to Sunday, the 12th September A.D. 1249, which was the 16th day of the month of Kanya, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half (of Aovina) commenced 1 h. 42 m., while the nakshatra was Anuradha, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 22 h. 59 m., and by the equal space system and according to Garga from 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise. 99,- In the Sakshinathasvamin temple at Avalivanallur. . . . Tiribu[va]nasakkara[va]2 ttiga! sr[i]-Iragendira-S[8]3 ladeva[r]kku yandu 22[va]du 4 Mela-nayarru apara-pakshatta 5 de(da) sam[i]yum Budan.kilamaiyum [p]e 6 Ira (Sa]daisyatta] n[a]!. "In the 22nd year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladove, on the day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mesha." The date will be expected to fall in A.D. 1267 or 1268. It actually corresponds to Wednesday, the 20th April A.D. 1287, which was the 26th day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 10th tithi of the dark half (of Vaisakha) ended 13 h. 40 m., while the nakshatra Was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system for 4 h. 36 m., after mean sunrise. This result reduces the time during which Rajendra-Chola III. must have commenced to reign to the period between approximately the 21st March and the 20th April A.D. 1248. F.- TRIBHUVANAVIRA-CHOLA. 100.- In the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiruvannamalai. 1 Svasti eri [ll] T[r]ibhuvanavira-soladevarku yandu 11&vadu 2 Chitrabhanu-varushatta Sinha-nayarru apara-pakshattu 3 ptamiyum Ve[!]!i-kkilamaiyum perra Urosani-na 4 L "In the 11th year of the reign) of Tribhuvansvira-Choladeva,- on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Friday and to the seventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha of the year Chitrabh&nu." If the Tribhuvanavira-Choladeve of this date were identical with Kulottunga-Chla III. who bears the name Tribhuvanaviradeva, the date would fall in A.D. 1188; but for that year it is in every respect incorrect. Between A.D. 1000 and 1500 the only day for which the date is correct is Friday, the 23rd August A.D. 1342. This day by the southern luni-solar system fell in the Jovian year Chitrabhanu (Saka-samvat 1264 expired). It was the 26th day of the month of Sinha, and on it the 7th tithi of the dark half (of Bhadrapada) ended 10 h. 8 m., * while the nakshatra was Rohini, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 19 h. 42 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 19 h. 3 m., after mean sunrise. 1 No. 605 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. * See above, Vol. VII. p. 176. No. 622 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. If correctly.recorded, the date would prove that there was a king or chief TribhuvanaviraChola who commenced to reign between approximately the 24th August A.D. 1931 and the 23rd August A.D. 1332 (in Saka-samvat 1253-54). No. 2.- TIRUVADI INSCRIPTION OF RAVIVARMAN: A.D. 1313. BY PROFESSOR E. HOLTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). This inscription (No. 34 of 1903) is engraved on the south wall of the Virattandsvars shrine at Tiruvadi near Paprutti in the Cuddalore taluka of the South Aroot district. It opnsists of a passage in the Sanskpit language and the Grantha alphabet, and of a sentence in the Tamil language and alphabet. The Sanskrit portion (11. 1-3) is identical with the first four lines of the Ranganatha inscription of Ravivarman, which has been published and translated by Professor Kielhorn, as far as the word Kulasekharadeva. The Tamil portion (1. 3 f.) records that Ravivarman alias Kulasekharadeva bathed and repaired the central shrine of the Tiruvirattagam temple at Tiruvadigai in the fourth year of his reign, the Kaliyuga year 4414 and the Sa ka year 12]35, on the day of Rohini, Saturday, the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of Makara. Professor Kielhorn kindly informs me that this date corresponds to Saturday, the 29th December A.D. 1313, when the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 14 m., and the nakshatra was Rohini for about 21 hours, after mean sunrise. In verse 4 of the Arulala-Perumal inscription of the same king we are told that he stayed at Kaichi in his fourth year. The subjoined inscription is dated in the same year, and adds the information that this year corresponded to A.D. 1313. TEXT. 1 Svasti sri-Jayasi[m]ha ity=abhihitag=8omanvay-ettamsako r&j=&sid=iha Keraleshu vishaya nath Yadu-kshmabhfitam || jatd-smad-Raviva[r]mma-bhu patirUm[&]devya kumkrag-sivad=dehavyapya-Sakabda-bhaji Samaye deh=ivs vird ra[sa]b 6 [19] Kshayan-nitva so=yam kali-bala[m-iv-Ar]ati-nivaha[i]= ja ya*Jerivat kritva nija-sahacharim Pandya-tanayam || trayastrimad-va[r]shd yasa i[va] yayau Kerala-padam(dam) raraksha svam rashtra n-na]garam=iva Kolambam-adh[i]pah 6 [2] [Ji]tva samgramadhiro nfipatir-adhira[na]m(nam) vidvisham (sham) Vira-Pandyam(ndyam) ksity=&gau Pandya-Cholan-naya iva tanum[&]n Keralebhyo-py=adhi[n]an || shatcha2 tvarimsad-abdas-tata-bhuvi mukutan=dharayan-Vegavatyah kridam simhasana-sthas chiram-akrita mahf-kirtti-vap i-ramabhih 6 [3] A Merdr=& Malay&d=& purv vad= cha paschimad=acba[1]at || Yadukula-sekhara esha kshonin Kulasekharas=svayam bubhuje Il L [4"] . Svasti sri [ll] Chandrak[ulamangala]pradipa II Yadava-Narayana | Keraladega-punyaparinama || NamantaraKarnpa || Kupaka-Jarvvabhauma | Kulasikhari-pratishthapita-Garudaddhvaja II Kolamba-puravar-adhisvara [11] Sri-Patma(dma)nabha-padakamala-paramaradhaka [11] Pranataraja-pratishthacharyya | Vimataraja-bandikara || Dharmmatarumulaka nda] || Satgudgu)-Alamkara || [Cha]tushshashti Above, Vol. IV. p. 149. : Above, Vol. IV. p. 147. * For this ancient name of Tiruvadi see above, Vol. VII. p. 162. * From an inked estampage prepared by Mr. G. Venkoba Rao.

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No. 3.] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VEMA. 3 kald-va[lla] bha || Dakshina-Bhojaraja Sa[m]gramadbira | Maharajadhiraja param@gvara | Jayasith hadeva-nandana || Ravivarmma-maharaja 11 [6] Sri [11] 6 Sri-Kulasekharadeva || 6 [I]varkku yandu nalevadu Kaliyuga-varsham 4414 idilningiya Sa . . . . . 351 idan mel fellanipra Magaranayarru purvva-pakshattu @kadasiyum Sani-kki[la]m[aiyum] p[e]rra Rosan[i]-na! Tiruvadi[g]ai udaiyar Tirusvira]tt&pam-udaiya nayanar koyil Vapa-Kaiyil&ya-Ttirumalai stupi-paryyantamaga tirumananamum panni [pu)rachcharapai tirukkallum 6[&t]ti4 y-aru![i]nar Raviva[r]mma-ma[h]ara[ja]r-aga peruma! Kulasegaraddvar 6. Svasti Gri o TRANSLATION OF THE TAMIL PORTION. (Line 3.) (In) the fourth year of this (king),--the Kaliyuga year 4414,- the Sa[ka year 12]35 separated from this, on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month Makare current after this (Saka year),Ravivarma-Maharaja alias the lord Kulasekbaradeva was pleased to bathe up to the pinnacle the Vana-Kaiyilaya-Tirumalaid in the temple of the lord of Tiruvirattapam, the god of Tiruvadigai, and to fix the stones which were bulging out. Hail! Prosperity! No. 3.- MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VEMA; A.D. 1345. BY J. RAMATYA, B.A., B.L. This inscription is engraved on five copper-plates which are deposited in the Madraw Museum, and I edit it from ink-impressions kindly furnished to me by Prof. Hultzech. The plates are engraved on both sides, except the first plate which is engraved on one side only. The ring and seal are missing. The letters are bold and legible. The characters are of the old Telugu type. The language is Sanskpit, except the portion describing the boundaries of the village of Atukuru, which is in Telugu. The inscription opens with an invocation to the boar-incarnation of Vishnu (verse 1), whose feet gave birth to the fourth caste (v. 2). In that caste was born Vemaya, the founder of a family (vamsa-karta, v. 3). To him was born the great hero Komati-Prola (v.4), whose wife was Annemamba (v. 5). To Komati-Prola, Annemamba bore five song :- Macha, Vema, Doddaye, Annaya and Mallaya (v. 6). Of these Veme ruled the earth (v. 8). He was the torrent of a mighty river to the trees which were rebellious neighbouring kings, the full-moon to the waterlilies which were friendly kings, the wind to the cotton which was the mad manne chiefs, a very Agastya to the ocean which was the Mlechchhas (v. 9), and bore the biruda R&yachekoluganda (v. 10). King Vema restored all the agraharas of Brahmanas, which had been taken away by the wicked Mlechchha kings from the time of) king Vira-Rudra of the Kakati-vamsa (v. 19). King Vema, surnamed Sri-Pallava-Trinetra, was a bee on the lotusflowers which were the feet of the preceptor named Ghoderdya-Ganga (v. 13). Vema's Restore Sakabdam 1285. * The meaning of this expression is perhaps : 'separately stated along with this (Kaliyugs year).' . ' I.e. the holy mountain of the heavenly Kailass. This seems to have been the name of the central shrine in the Tiruvirattanam temple. * The reference seems to be to the hill-chiefs whom Vems vanquished. I.e. the Muhammadans. * This person seems to have been the family Garu of the Reddis. He is referred to in Srinatha'. Bhimakhanda and Kdilkhandam ss Ghoder ya-Bhimaya-Guru and Ghorariya-Bhimesvars, respectively.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. capital was the city of Addanki in the country of Pangi, which extended from the eastern slopes of Srigiril to the eastern seal on both sides of the river Kundi (vv. 14 and 15). At an eclipse of the moon on Chaitris in the sake year counted by the mountains (7), the seasons (6) and the sons (12),- in figures 1267,- in the presence of Manduka-Sambhu, king Vema gave as an agrahdra to several Brabmanas the village of Atuk uru, which was situated on the northern bank of the river Krishna, and which was renamed Vemapuram after the donor (vv. 17 and 18). After this comes a list of the donees, which is followed by a detailed account of the boundaries of Atakara, - boundaries which were entirely of a temporary nature, and which must have disappeared centuries ago. The inscription ends with the usual imprecatory verses and the signature Sri-Pallava-Trinetra (line 87). This is the earliest inscription of the Reddi dynasty 49 yet discovered. There is another inscription of Vema at Amaravati, also dated in the Saka year 1267,6 bat in the month of Karttika. The Saka year quoted in the subjoined inscription was the expired and not the current year, and the date of the grant corresponds to Friday, the 18th March A.D. 1345, on which date there was, according to Professor Kielhorn, "a total eclipse of the moon from 18 h. 49 m. to 22 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise, and therefore visible in India." In the Amaravati inscription the corresponding cyclio year is given as Parthiya. I have not met with the name of Pungi elsewhere and cannot say whether it has anything to do with Ongole, which is a contraction of Vangavola- the town of Vanga. It would perhaps be more fanciful to derive the word from Paka in Pakanadu. The country of Pungi comprised parts of the modern districts of Kurnool, Nellore and Kistna. The village Atukuru I identify with Gani -Atukuru-west of Bezvada. Addanki is the well-known village of that name in the Ongole taluks of the Nellore district and is the head-quarters of a Deputy Tahsildar. The river Kundi is the Gundlakamma of the map and is called Brahma Kunli and Kundi-Prabha in the Amaravati inscription. All the accounts hitherto published of the genealogy of the Redai chiefs open with Komati-Prols. This inscription gives us the name of Prola's father Vema, after whom his illustrious grandson was named. This account is corroborated by the Telugu Harivandam, which was dedicated to Vema, the donor of the present grant. In this book Vema is called indiscriminately V&ma, Komati-Veme, Prolaya-Vema, or Annama-Vema. The second and third names are combinations of Vema's own name with those of his father, and the last name he derived from his mother. From the Harivamsam we learn that Prola's wife Anname was the daughter of Dodda, who had three sons, viz. Pota, Chitta and Naga. Chitta had a son named Nake who is said to have been a very dear friend of Vema. He is perhaps identical with Nallanunka, who married Vema's daughter Vemasani. From the same book we learn that Vema's younger brother Malla took Motupalli? - from whom it is not stated- and that he was of great help to Vema. The latter statement derives corroboration from the Amaravati inscription already referred to, which says that Vema fixed five golden pots on the top of the temple of Amaresvara for the eternal benefit (punya) of his younger brother Malle-Reddi. Before taking leave of the Harivandam, it may be pointed out that that book mentions only two sons of Vema, vis. Pota (afterwards called Anapota or Anavota) and Komati. Anaveme, Doddambika and Vemasani were apparently not yet born when the Harivansam was composed, and Komati probably died while yet a boy. 1 Srisailam in the Kurnool district. The Bay of Bengal. 1.e. the full-moon day in the month of Chaitra. * 1.e. at the Siva temple called Mindake vara. . No. 268 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897. * See above, Vol. III. p. 287, and the genealogical tree published in the Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900. 1 In the Bapatla talaks of the Kistna district.

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No. 3.) MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VEMA. The statement in the inscription that Vema restored the agrahdras wrested by the Muhammadans from Prat&parudra is, so far as I am aware, the only epigraphical reference as yet discovered to the Muhammadan conquest of Warangal. It also shows, as has been already pointed out by Mr. V. Venkayya in his Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, that the Reddis were the political successors of the Kakatiyas. There is, however, no satisfactory evidence for determining exactly when the Reddis came into power. The account of the Kakatiya dynasty compiled for Colonel Colin Mackenzie and deposited in the Madras Library of Oriental Manuscripts says that Prataparudra's generals were all Padmanayakas or Velamas, and this is confirmed by the poem entitled Velugotivari Vamavali, i 6. Genealogy of the Velugoti family of Venkatagiri).' The only reference made by the former book to the Reddis is a short passage in which one Terala-Bucha-Reddi is said to have fought for Prata parudra in his final battle against the Muhammadans. It is not known whether this Bacha-Reddi had anything to do with the Reddis of Kondavidu. According to the traditional history of Kondavidu preserved in the Kondaviti Dandakavsls, the Reddis became suddenly rich in the time of one Donti. ALIAJA-Reddi, who robbed a man named Vems of the Komati caste, who was his guest, of a piece of philosopher's storte (sparsavedi). When the stone, in securing which he had spent the best part of his life, was stolen, the Komati, the book saya, died of broken heart, and on his death-bed he enjoined that his name should be perpetuated in the family of the Reddis, and that the wealth obtained through the stone should be spent on charity. The account proceeds to state that, with the money thus obtained, Polaya-Vema raised troops, seized Dharanikota and the neighbouring country from the officers of Prataparudra, and subsequently established bimself at Kondavidu. It is difficult to say what truth there is in this story. It may have been suggested by the fact that Komati was a recognised name of several members of the family. From Srinatha's Haravildsam we learn that a Komati named A vachi-Devaya, son of Pavani, a great merchant of Sim havikramapattana (Nellore), was the chief source of support (prdpu) to Vema. AvachiDevaya's son Tippa, to whom the book was dedicated, was also a great merchant and was purveyor to Kumaragiri-Reddi. It would seem that Avacbi-Deva supplied Vema with the sinews of war and thereby enabled him to found and extend his kingdom, and that his descendants rendered similar assistance to the descendants of Vema. The original sphere of influence of the Reddis was Pakan du or Pangidesa. It may be that they originally governed this province subject to the authority of the kings of Warangal, though no proof of it exists. When the power of the Kakatiyas began to decline, the Reddis became independent and made Addanki their capital. It seems to have been the fashion with the Reddis to have & surname for each. Vems signed as Pallavatrinetra, Kumarogiri was Vasantareje, and Komati-Vema was Viranarayana. According to the Dandakavili, vema was the first independent Reddi chief, and there is no evidence that any of his predecessors was such. The present inscription shows that Vema himself extended his dominions at least up to the northern bank of the Ktishna, while the Amaravati inscription shows that his territories extended up to the banks of the Godavari.! There are no means of knowing when the capital was removed from Addanki to Kondavidu. That this was not done prior to the Saka year 1283 is clear from the Amaravati inscription of that year, which refers to Addanki as the capital. This inscription also shows that Vema, son of Malla, was at that time governor of Dharanikota or Dhanyavati under Anapota-Redai. I 1 He is described as having granted to Brahmanas villages on both sides of the Brahmakundi, the Krishna and the Godavari, and also in the country between these rivers (Brahmakundi-Krish pa pongd.Goddpart.mahdnadi. tatad raya-tanmadhyad dia-dali-dndke-dgraldra). ? No. 253 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897. C2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. presume that Kondavidu did not become the capital till the time of Anavema, and that, prior to this, Dharaoikota was the chief seat of Reddi power in what is now the Kistna district. The fact of Vema building steps leading to the temples at Srisailam and Ahobalam is not mentioned in this inscription, though it is mentioned in the Amaravati one. This omission can hardly be regarded as due to oversight, seeing that the act was considered so meritorious as to be mentioned in almost all the subsequent inscriptions of this dynasty. A more probable explanation seems to be, that the work was not finished when this inscription was composed. Vema was succeeded by his eldest son Anapota, and he by his younger brother Anavema. Both these kings were, according to the Dandakavili, wise and strong rulers, and they consoli. dated the kingdom founded by their father. In the Velugotivari Vankavali, Anapotanidu and Madanidu, sons of Singa who was a general of Prataparadra, claim to have defeated AnapotaReddi at Dharapikota about the Saka year 1283, which is also the year of an inscription at Amaravati, in which Anapota's minister is referred to. I know only of two inscriptions of the time of Anavema, both dated in Saka 1299 (expired). One of them is at Draksharama in the Godavari district, and the other on a stone pillar in the compound of the temple of Agastyesvara at the junction of the Musi and the Krishpa in the village of Vadapalli in the MiriyAlagadem taluka of the Nallagonda district in the Nizam's dominions. The poet Srinatha seems to have first flourished at the court of Anavema, in whose praise there are several verses extant. On the demise of Anavema, the crown passed on to Anapots's son Kumaragiri, who, according to the Dandakavili, was an unpopular and wicked prince. From the Haravildsam we learn that Kumaragiri was & contemporary of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara (A.D. 13791399) and of the Bahmani king Firuz Shah (A.D. 1397-1422). Tippa, to whom the book was dedicated, is said to have had the monopoly of supplying perfumes and spices for the great annual spring-festival (vasantotsava) which Kumaragiri seems to have instituted. It is interesting to note that, at this period, the Teluga country had extensive trade relations- not only with other parts of India, but also with foreign countries. For, Tippa is said to have imported camphor trees from the Panjab; golden sprouts (bangaru-mola ka) from Jalanogi ;* elephants from Simhala (Ceylon); horses from Huru manji (Ormuz or Persia); essence (drava) of civet (sanikumada) from Gova (Goa); pearls from Apaga;' musk from Chotangi, and silk cloths from China. It was in the time of Kumaragiri that the kingdom was divided into two and the Eastern part with Rajahmundry as capital was given to his brother-in-law and minister KAgaye-Vema. This separation seems to have been effected not later than the Saka year 1308; for we have inscriptions of Kataya-Vema issued in that year. Kumaragiri seems to have been the last of Vema's branch of the family, and on his death the crown passed to Vema or Peda-Komati-Vema, grandson of Vema's elder brother Macha. I know of two inscriptions of Komati-Vema, one dated in the Saka year 13317 and the other in 1334. The latter is a copper-plate inscription recently sent to the Collector of Kistna by the Tahsildar of Guntur. Both the inscriptions purport to have been composed by Srinatha, who is described as the Vidyadhikari to Komati-Vema. The Dandakavili says that Komati-Vema was a wise prince and walked in the ways of Anavema, and it proceeds to state that K@matiVoma was succeeded by his younger brother Rache-Vema, who was the last of the dynasty. In 1 No. 258 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897. : An inscription of Anapots dated in the Saks year 1281 is st Motupalli. * No. 505 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1893. * I am not able to identify these places. . Above, Vol. III. p. 319. * No. 277 of the Government Epigrapbist's collection for 1899. 7 No. 162 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1899.

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No. 3.] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VEMA. 13 the village of Aminabad in the Sattenapalli taluka of the Kistna district there is an inscription! of Racha-Voma, son of Vema, who is said to have, in the year Manmatha corresponding to the Saka year 1337 (expired), excavated a channel to feed the tank called Santana-Sagara, which had been dug by his mother Suramba. We know from the Phirangipuram inscription that Peda-Komati-Vema's wife Suramba had tank excavated and called it Sant&na-Sagara. The two inscriptions are about two miles distant from each other, and they, no doubt, refer to the same tank. This establishes the fact that Peda-Komati's successor Racha was his son and not his brother, and the same conclusion is pointed to by the Volugofivari Vambavali. This book says that Macha (who was the only brother Peda-Komati-Vema seems to have had), son of Komati, was killed in battle by Pina-Vedagiri or Kumara-Vedagiri, great-grandson of Madanidu who had fought with Anapota-Reddi at Dharapikota, and that Macha's elder brother Vema killed Pina-Vedagiri and was himself killed by Pina-Vedagiri's younger brother Linga. When Peda-Komati-Vema died, he had, therefore, no brother to succeed him. The Dandakavili says that the Reddis of Kondavidu ruled for 100 years and distributes the period as follows: Polaya-Vema or Vema; Saka 1242 to 1253 (both years inclusive). Anapota ; Saka 1253-1283. Anavema; Saka 1284-1295. Kumaragiri; Saka 1296-1309. Peda-Komati-Vema ; Saka 1310-1337. Racha-Vema ; Saka 1338-1341. This distribution conflicts with the dates furnished by some of the inscriptions quoted above. Taking 100 years as the approximate total of the reigns of the six Reddi chiefs, I would redistribute it as follows, so as to make the distribution accord with the latest information available on the subject : Pelaya-Vema or Vema ; Saka 1242-1271 (30 years). Anapota ; Saka 1272-1283 (12 years). Apavema ; Saka 1284-1299 (16 years). Kumaragiri; Saka 1300-1320 (21 years). Peda-Komati-Vema; Saka 1321-1337 (17 years). Racha-Vema; Saka 1338-1341 (4 years). TEXT. First Plate. 14 zrImatkomalanIlanIrajaruciaulAvarAhazciraM nAtiprauDhamRNAlakaMda2 kalasaiMSTrAMkuraH pAtu vaH / yasmibuddahati krameNa vigaLatyAthodhinIlAMza3 27 meter fra Hent Afeat. [**] relent[HT] 4 Ditatanovasya lakSmIpateH pAdAtpadmanibhatviSo bhagavatI gaMgeva puNyodayA / pAkalpasthirajIvanA trijagatIsaMtAraNodyoginI paryAyeNa caturtha 1 This inscription consists of a Telugu verse in the Sisa metre and is engraved on the western side of a hillock named Pullaribodu, north-east of Aminabad which adjoins Phirangipuram. At the end of the verse are the words Srindtha-kriti, i.e.Srinatha's composition.' * No. 162 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1899. * From ink-impressions.

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14 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 6 varNavitatigaMbhIryadhairyaprasUH / [2] tahaMzAbdhau sakalajanatAnecasaM 7 pUrNacaMdro jAta [:] kI [rtti ] prabhavasadanaM vaimayo vaMzakarttA // yasyodagre spura- ' 8 ti satataM bhAsvatIva pratApe nAsItkaMThaiSvarimRgadRzAM hAratArA[va]LizrIH [Vol. VIII. [ // 3*] tenA 9 ani hijanikAya hitAvatAra[: *] zreyAnguNaistanubhRtAM marutAmiveMdraH / vI10 rANIjagati komaTiprolanAmA pratyarthibhUpatibhujaMgavihaMgarAjaH / [4*] Second Plate; First Side. 11 zaMbhoradrisuteva paMkajabhuvo devI yathA bhAratI viSNorasAgarasaMbhaveva saritAM pa12 tyuryathA jAhnavI / sUryasyeva suvarcalA zazabhRtaH puNyA yathA rohiNI rUDhA 13 koTiprolayasya sadRzI bhAryAkramAMbA satI / [5*] utsAhAcidivaukasAM surata 14 rUn kSIrormirekhA yathA putrAnko maTiprolayAhuNavatI' sAsUta paMcakra15 mAt / agre mAcanRpAlamunnatamatha zrIvemapRthvIpatiM pathAhoDDayabhU16 pamannayanRpaM zrImajJayakSmApatiM / [4] satyena satyena' parAkrameNa rUpeNa 17 budhyA' ca virAjatastAn / trANAya bhUyopi bhuvovatIrNAnUnaM janomanyata 18 pAMDuputrAn / [7*] atha sakalabudhAnAmAzrayaH pAlanAya cititalamavatI19 rNaH kaMsamaddava devaH / kalisamayavidRmyahasyubhUpA virasyanvahati sakala20 pRthvIM bemayakSoNipAla: / [ 8 * ] dRptAnaMtararAjabhUruhamahAsrotovahA Second Plate; Second Side. 21. nirjharI maitrIsaMgatarAjakairavavanI saMpUrNacaMdrodayaH / mAdyanmantre nRpA22 lalapavano lecchAvikuMbhodbhavaH zrImAn komaTivemabhUpatirasau vIraH 23 kathaM varNyate / [2] raNazirasi vicitraM rAyaceko lugaMDaprakaTataraktapANakSu21 'nagAcAH kSaNena / sapadi viyati bhidaMtyuhatAstatpratApapratikkatiminabiMbaM 25 pratyanIkacitIMdrA: / [10] nityaM 'tAruNya dasyuritakucabharodAra vRMdA26 ranArIhelA saMcAralIlA subhagasurapuraprAMgaNArohaNA 27 ya / ca viMzAzajAnAmatikaruNatayA yena pUrvAparANAM [nityaM ]" dA28 nAtidAnavrata sukRtamahAdAnanizreNizilpaM / [ 11* ] zrImatkAketa vaMza zekha ramaNe29 rA vIrarudrAvRpAtpApaicchanarAdhipairapahRtA viprAgrahArAH kalau / sarvve ye30 na samuddhRtAstamanaghaM zrISemapRthvIpatiM vIraM viSNuparAkramaM kathama 1. Read sphurati The metre requires a single instead of a double consonant after ft. * Read sattvema. * Read 'sphurita' * Read bujA. 1 Rend vyakta ? * Read ythA. * Read zraumaskAkati.

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No. 4.] SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA. Third Plate; First Side. 31 [ho] stotuM samA janAH / [12] zrIpaJjavatrinetrAMko dhanyo vemamaho patiH / zrIghoDe32 rAyagaMgAkhyagurupAdAmaSaTpadaH / [13] bhAste zrIgiripUrvapAdanikaTAdA pUrvapA]33 thonidherdeza: kuMDitaraMgiNImubhayata[:*] zrIginAmAMkita: / tasmin bhAsu34 rasaudhagopuravato nityotsavAlaMkatA naMdatyaurajanA vibhAti nitarAmahakinA35 mA purI / [14] uiMDamaMDalikamaMDalakAladaMDadoIDavikramavinirji36 tavairilokaH / soyaM bibharti nagarI nagarAjadhIra[:*] zrIvamabhUpatirimA 37 jaganobbagaMDaH / [15] saptasaMtAnavatyAsonmahI vemavibhIriti / sparDayeva dhRtAH kIrtyA 38 garbha lokAzcaturdaza / [16] + zAkAbde kudharatubhAnu 1267 gaNite caiyAM za39 zAMke tamograste vipragaNAya vaimanRpatirmADUkazaMbhoH puraH / prAda40 ta spaTamAtakUrumanaghakharyabhogASTakaM zrIkRSNottarakUlasaMsthama Third Plate; Second Side. 41 tulaM grAmaM mahAzreyase / [17*] khanAmacihnitaM kRtvA datto vaimama[hI bhujA / zre42 Tho bhAtya mahArANaM grAmo vemapurAtayaH / [18] + No. 4. SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA; A.D. 1422. BY PROFESSOR H. LUDERS, Ph.D.; ROSTOCK. Transcripts of this inscription in Roman and Kanarese characters, together with an abstract of its contents, have been previously published by Mr. Rice. My edition is based on excellent inked estampagess received from Prof. Hultzsch. . The inscription is engraved on three faces of a quadrangular pillar bebind the image of the Kushmandini-yaksh which is set ap in the Brahmad@va-mandapa in front of the Gummata temple on the Vindhyagiri at' Sravana-Belgola. The inscription begins on the south face. Above the writing we find a number of sculptures representing, from the left to the right, beneath two chauris, & woman seated with folded hands, a Jina seated with a triple umbrella overhead, and & man seated, with one hand holding a book and the other raised. Next come two lines of the - Read degmAnI. * The anusodra stands at the beginning of the next line. - Read sTa '. * Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, No. 82. . No. 7 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for the year 1891..

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36 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII inscription, after which we have another row of figures, viz. a woman seated with folded hands and having big ear-lobes, a man seated with folded hands and wearing necklaces, and again a female figure seated with folded hands and having big ear-lobes. Then the inscription continues. I am unable to offer any explanation of these sculptures, and I do not even venture to decide whether they have any special reference to the events and persons spoken of in the inscription or not. The alphabet of the inscription is Kanarese. The average height of the letters is ", but the last four lines have been added in characters of about half that size. The writing is beautifully executed. Occasionally the letters are drawn out into more or less ornamental flourishes; compare sr in 11. 1 and 3, ja in 1. 21, jai in 1. 36. To avoid a blank at the end of 1. 31, the sign for anusvara, usually a small circle above the line, is enlarged to the size of a full letter. As partly already in inscriptions of the twelfth century A.D., medial e is expressed in two ways, either by a sickle-shaped sign with its end slightly curved inward as in de in 1. 3, or by a sign consisting of two arches with their openings turned downward as in dhe in 1. 4. The same two signs appear as parts of the signs for medial ai and o. The two forms are used quite promiscuously. Te, e.g., shows the first form in 11. 23, 49, 74, 75, 89, the second in II. 7, 34, 77, 96, 111; ne the first in 11. 8, 40, 42, 58, 60, 61, 62, the second in 11. 58, 59; re the first in 11. 36, 39, 57, 61, 63, the second in 11. 101, 110; bai the first in 1. 3, the second in 1. 8; vai the first in 11. 6, 33, 89, the second in 1. 71; mo the first in 1. 1, the second in 11. 44, 80, 100; yo the first in 11. 10, 14, 23, 32, 47, 66, 69, the second in 11. 31, 109, 110; etc.-The language is Sanskrit, and with the exception of some propitious words in the last line, the whole text is in verse. Rare words are janghalaka, 'swift-footed,' in 1. 17, prakopa, 'incensed with passion,' in 1. 33, dhat, 'to charge,' apparently meant as the root of the noun dhati, in 1. 34, prollasat, shining,' which owes its origin merely to the metre, in 1. 39, saustava, praise,' in l. 63, vaikhari, 'speech,' in 1. 80.- As regards orthography, it may be mentioned that final t is changed into d before j in jagad-jayamtah (1.9) and -bhavad-jagati (1. 15), but the correct sandhi is found in atanoj-jaina- (1. 20). The dental nasal is written instead of the lingual in varnam (1. 44), akarnnaneshu (1. 59), karnnair (1.66), akirnnair (1.68) and -arnnava- (1. 94). Initial i appears as yi in Yirugapa- (11. 12, 61, 105) and initial e as ye in supatra yeva (1. 57). The y after j is dropped in jayan (1. 24). S is written instead of in asrayas (1. 16). The spelling sallaps (1. 86) instead of samlapt is according to Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary a Kanarese peculiarity. Occasionally the groups chchh, ddh, bbh are spelt chhohh, dhdh, bhbh, as usual in inscriptions of this class. After an invocation of the Jaina religion (v. 1), the inscription gives in the next 18 verses an account of a certain Irugapa. Bukkaraya, who must be identical with Bukka I. of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara, had a minister Baicha (v. 2) or Baichapa (I.) (v. 3), who had three sons (v. 4)- Mange pa, Irugapa (I.) and Bukkana (v. 5). Mangapa, the ellest of them, who was a follower of the Jaina religion (v. 6), was married to Janaki (v. 7). They had two sons, Baichapa (II.) (v. 8) and Irugapa (II.) (v. 9), who in vv. 12, 13, 14 is called also Irugesvara and Irugendra. As appears from vv. 8 and 16, the two brothers were Jainas like their father. With the exception of Bukkana, all the members of this family are called generala (dandesvara, dandanetri, dandanatha, dandapati, dandapa, dandadhipati, dandadhisvara, dhvajinipati), and most of the verses devoted to the praise of Irugapa II. (9-19) refer in general terms to his military achievements. Twice (vv. 10, 11) Irugapa II. is given also the title of prince (kshmapa), and twice (vv. 13, 14), with a strange blending of his two titles, he is even called dandanripati.l The family of Irugapa II. is partly already known to us from other records. An inscription at Vijayanagara, dated in Saka 1307 A.D. 1385, mentions, according to Prof. Hultzsch, a certain Chaicha or Chaichapa, the hereditary minister and general of Harihara II., and his 1 Compare above, Vol. VII. p. 116. "South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. No. 152.

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No. 4.] SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA. 17 son, the general or prince Iruga or Iragapa, who adhered to the doctrine of the Jainas; but as the letters cha and ba closely resemble each other in the Telugu alphabet, I have no doubt that Chaicha and Chaichapa are merely misread for B-icha and Baichapa. Two other inscriptions in the Jaina temple at Tirupparuttikugra near Conjeeveram, dated in A.D. 1382 and 1387-88 respectively, record some donations by the general or minister Irugappa, the son of the general Vaichayad and a follower of the Jaina religion. The two persons referred to in these three inscriptions have already been identified by Prof. Hultzsch with Baichapa I. and Irugapa I. of the present record. If in the Vijayanagara inscription Baichapa is called the minister of Harihara II., the successor of Bukka I., this proves only that he remained in office after the death of his first master. Verses 20 and 21 are in praise of a Jaina ascetic (yati, yamin) called Panditarya. In the two following verses (22, 23) a Jaina ascetic of the name of Srutamuni is praised in very similar terms. There is nothing to show in what relation this Srutamuni stood to Panditarya. The second group of verses is added to the first quite abruptly, not even one of the common particles being used to mark the transition. Under these circumstances I think it most likely that Panditarya and Srutamuni are merely different names for the same person, a fact which will not be surprising, if we remember that Jaina monks were in the habit of bearing a surname generally referring to their literary accomplishments. The Sravana-Begola epitaph of Mallisheqa,for instance, furnishes the following parallels: Sripaladeva-Traividya, Hemasena-Vidyadhanamjaya, Ajitasena-Vadibhasimba-Vadibbakanthirava, Santinatha-Kavitakanta-Kantasanti, Padmanabha-Vadikolahala, Mallisbena-Maladharin. The object of the grant is stated in verses 24-26. They record that at Belugula, in the presence of srutamuni, the general Irugapa gave away, for the eternal enjoyment of the holy Gummatesvara, the village or tirtha of Belugula, supplied with a grove and a new tank built by Irugapa himself. The donation took place while the year Subhaksit was flourishing, in the month of Karttika, on the tithi of the slayer of Mura, when the moon had attained increase,' or, in plain language, on Vishnu's, i.e. the eleventh or twelfth, tithi in the bright half of Karttika in the cyclic year Subhaksit. According to Mr. Rice, the Subhaksit year corresponds to A.D. 1362; but from the dates for Irugapa I. quoted above it appears that this is too early, and Prof. Hultzsch has already noticed that the true European equivalent of the year is A.D. 1422. The rest of the date does not admit of verification. The inscription concludes with two of the ordinary benedictive and imprecatory verges. It is hardly necessary to state that Belugula is Sravana-Belgola itself, and that the holy Gummatesvara is the Jains saint whose colossal image rises on the top of the Vindhyagiri to the south of the village. TEXT.7 South Face 1 TH ECHTHTRIETETHEME [1] - 2 Tage tha f HT [*] 3 zrIbukkarAyasya babhUva maMtrI zrIbaivadaMDekha4 TATT: 1 Afarciete fafcufwier fa: 1 The same mistake was made by Mr. Rice in editing the present inscription. * Above, Vol. VII. p. 115 f. This Tamil form proves that Prof. Luders' reading Baicha is correct, for v can only correspond to b, and not to ch.-E. H.] * Above, Vol. III. p. 180 ff. Above, Vol. VII. p. 115, note 2. See ibid. p. 108 and Plate. 1 Prom inked estampages supplied by Prof. Hultzsch.

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18 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. 6 zeSayAmAsa vipakSalokaM // [2] dAnaM cetkathayAmi lu6 dhapadavIM gAheta saMtAnako vaidagdhoM yadi sA bRhaspati7 kathA kutrApi saMlIyate / kSAMtiM caidanapAyinI jaDa. 8 tayA spazyeta sarvasahA stotraM baicapadaMDanatarava9 nau zakyaM kavInAM kathaM // [3*] tasmAdajAyaMta jagadajayaMta:' pu. 10 bAstrayo bhUSitacAruzIlA: / vaibhaSito.' 11 jAyata madhyaloko rabaistribhirjena vApava12 : // [4*] 'yirugapadaMDanAthamatha bukkaNamapyanu13 jau svamahimasaMpadA viracayan sutarAM prathi14 tau / pratibhaTakAminIpRthupayodharahAraharo 15 mahitaguNobhavadujagati' maMgapadaMDapatiH // [5] dA[f]kSa16 NyaprathamAspadaM sucaritasyaikAmayasmatyavA17 gAdhAramamatataM vadAnyapadavIsaMcArajaMghAla18 kaH [*] dharmopannataruH mAkulagrahaM saujanya saMke19 tabhUH kIrti maMgapadaMDapoyamatano20 jainAgamAnuvrataH // [6*] jAnakItyabhavadasya gahinI 21 cAruzIlaguNabhUSaNojvalA' / jA22 nakIva tanuvRttamadhyamA rAghavasya ramaNI23 yatejasaH // [7*] AstAM tayorastamitArivagrau pu24 sau pavitrIkatadharmAmAgau / jAyAnabhUttatra 25 jagavijetA bhavyAgraNIbacapadaMDanAthaH // [*] i. 26 rugapadaMDAdhipatistasyAvarajassamasta27 guNazAlI / yasya yazazcaMdrikayA molaMti di28 vApyarAtimukhapadmAH // [*] vR|| brahman bhALali. 29 piM pramAjaya na caihmavahAnirbhavadanyA' 30 kalpaya kAla rAjanagarI taripR. 31 thvIbhRtAM / vaitAlavraja "vardhvayodaratati 32 pAnAya navyAsRjA "yudhyAyodhyatayAtra33 vairirugapakSmApaH prakopIbhavat // [10] yAtrA. 1 Read jagajjayaMta:* Read bhavajagati. 1 Read degNIjvalA. 10 Read aat. * Read yambhUSito. * Read degkAzraya * Read nyAyAma. 1 Read yuddhAyobata. * Read khamapa'. * Read dhamAkukha'. * Read nimbhade.

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No. 4.] SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA. 34 yAM dhajinIpaterirugapamApasya dhATIdha35 TahoTIghorakhuraprahAratatibhiH pro36 'dhUtadhUlivajaiH [*] rudhye bhAnukaregama East Face. 37 DripukarAMbhojaM ca saMkocanaM prApatkIrtikumuhatI 38 vikasanaM dIptaH pratApanalaH // [11] yAtrAyAbhi39 rugakhareNa sahasA zUnyArisaudhAMgaNapro. 40 lAsahidhukAMtakAMtazakalegacchadanebhAdhipa: [*] 41 hatvA svapratimA pratihipamiti kibaikadaMta42 stadA trAhi trAhi gajAnaneti bahudhA vaitA. 43 kavdai[:] stutaH // [12] ko dhAtrA likhitaM lalATapha. 44 lake vana pramASTuM kSamo vArtA dhUrttavaco45 mayImiti vayaM vArtAva manyAmahe / 46 'yadhyAcyAmirugeMdradaMDanRpato saMjA47 tamAtre priyo ni[:*] zrIrapyadhikazriyAgha. 48 Ti ripusmazrIrapatrIkRtaH // [13] yahAhAviru49 geMdradaMDanRpate bibhratyanaMtAdhuraM zeSA dhIzaphaNAgaNe niyamita sa khAMganAyA51 smadA / gADhAliMganasAMdrasaMbhavasukhaproga52 taromAvaliH sAhasrI rasanAmadhAttava gu53 NAn stotuM katA*]tyaH phaNI // [14] pAhArasaMpadabhayA. 54 MNamauSadhaM ca zAstraM ca tasya samajAyata 55 nityadAnaM / hiMsAnRtAnyavanitAvyasanaM sa56 caurya mUrchA ca dezavazatosya babhU57 va dUre // [15] dAnaM cAsya supAtra yeva' karuNA 58 doneSu dRSTirjine bhaktiharmapathe jineMdraya59 zasAmAkarbaneSu" zruto / jihvA taguNakIta60 neSu vapuSaH saukhyaM ca taiMdane ghrANaM tacca61 raNAmasaurabhabhare sarva ca tatsevane // [16] yi-12 1 Read jUta. * Read china ka. 7 Read TEET " Read bhaktiI. . Read T. * Read varNa. * Read nRpate vidhaya. 1 Read 'kaparNa neSu. * Read dIptiM pratApAnala:* Read yadyAcA * Read eva. 13 Rend .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. VIII. 62 rugapadaMDanAthayazasA dhavale bhuvane 63 malinimasaustava: paramadhIradazA cikure [1"] 64 vahati ca tasya bAhuparighe dharaNIvala63 yaM 'paramitaritarAkramakathApi ca / 66 tatkucayoH // [17] 'kavismRtakuMDalai67 ratilakAsaMgailaMlA68 TasthalairAkI.rala69 kaiH payodharataTaira70 spRSTamuktAguNaiH / biMbo71 Thairapi vairirAjasadRzastAMbU-' 72 larAgojitaiya'sya sphArataraM tu.. 73 tApamasakkayAkurbale' sarvata: // [18] West Face. 74 yatkIrtibhiH suradhunIparilaMghinIbhi dhaute' ci75 rAya nijabiMbagate kaLaMke / khacchAtmakastuhina78 dIdhitiraMganAnAmavyAjamAnanaruciM kabalI. 77 karoti // [18] yatpAdAmarajaHkaNI prasuvate 78 bhattyAnatAnAM bhuvaM yatkAruNyakaTA79 kSakAMtilaharI pracAlayatyAzayaM / / 80 mohAhaMkaraNaM kSiNoti vimalA yaI81 kharImaukharI vaMdyaH kasya na mAnanIyama82 homA zrIpaMDitAryo yatiH // [20] maMdA83 radrumamaMjarImadhujharImaMjusphuranmA-10 84 dhuroprauDhAhaMtatirUDhipATavaparopA85 TIkakATobhaTa: / "nRtyadRdrakapaIgata86 viluThatvokakallolinIsallApo" khalu paM87 DitAryayamino vyAkhyAnakokA 1 Read degmitaratarA. + Read karaNa di. - Read 'rAkIpAra'. * Read jasadazaH. * Read pra. * Read 'kurvate. - Read nIbhiA~te. * Read 'kathA: * Read mahimA. 10 At first yurd was engraved, but the has been cancelled by placing a dot in it, and a small vi has been written above it. " Read nRtsTra . - Read "saMlApI.

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No. 4.] SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA. 21 88 haLa: // [21] kAruNyaprathamAvatArasa89 raNizAMtarvizAMtaM sthiraM vaiduSyasya tapaHpha90 laM sujanatAsaubhAgyabhAgyodayaH / 91 kaMdapahiradeMdrapaMcavadanaH kAvyAsa92 tAnAM khanIjanAdhvAMbarabhAskaraH zruta 93 manirjAgatiM namAttijit // [22] yu94 tayAgamAvavilolanamaMdarAdiH' zabdAga95 mAMburuhakAnanabAlasUryaH / zu96 dhyAzayaH pratidinaM paramAgamena saMvaIte 97 'zrutamunI>tisAbabhaumaH // [23] tatsaMnidhau 98 beluguLe jagadagyatIrthe zrImAnasAvi99 rugapAhayadaMDanAyaH [*] zrIguMmaTekhara100 sanAtanabhogahetogAmottamaM begu101 kAkhyamadatta dhIraH // [24] zubhavati vatsare ja. 102 yati kArtikamAsi tithau suramatha103 nasya puSTisupajagmuSi zItarucau / sadupa104 vanaM svanirmitanavInataTAkayutaM saciva105 kulAgraNIradita tItyavaraM muditaH // [25] yi106 rugapadaMDAdhIkharavimalayaza:kalama107 vanakSetraM / prAcaMdratArakamidaM be108 guLatIya prakAzatAmatulaM // [2] // 109 dAnapAlanayormadhye dAnAt zreyonupAlana | dAnAt svargama110 vApnoti pAlanAdacyutaM padaM // [27] khadattA paradattA vA yo hareca 111 saMdharA / SaSTivarSasahakhANi viSTAyA jAyate krimiH // [28] 7 // 112 magala' mahAzrI zrI zrI zrI zrI [*] TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) May the glorious religion of Jina be victorious, the religion of the lord of the three worlds, the unfailing criterion of which is the most profound doctrine of possibility! 1 Read of * Read "munirya. 1 Read SaSTiM varSa. "Band maMgalaM. Read mArava. Read * Read viSThAyA. - Read DAmaya:* Read dAnAyo '. * Read kami:

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, (VOL. VIII. (V. 2.) There was a minister of the illustrious Bukkaraya, known as the illustrious general Baicha, whose policy, which was to be approved by every body, completely destroyed the maltitude of his enemies. (V. 3.) If I want to speak of his liberality, the Santanaka (tree) enters the way of the greedy; if of his intelligence, that talk of Btihaspati bides somewhere; if of his invariable patience, the earth is affected by insensibility. How on earth is it possible for poets to praise the general Baichapa ?1 (V. 4.) From him were born three sons, conquerors of the world, who had good morals for their ornament, adorned by whom the middle world became similar to the final bliss of the Jainas (which is adorned) by the three jewels.' (V. 5.) Praised in the world were the virtues of the general Mangapa, who took away the necklaces from the broad breasts of the wives of his adversaries, (and) who made his younger brothers, the general Irugapa and Bukkana, still more famous by the abundance of his own glory. (V. 6.) Being the chief seat of kindness, the only shelter of morality, the abode of veracity, always swift-footed in running on the track of the munificent, the supporting tree of religion, the noble residence of forbearance, the meeting place of goodness, this general Mangapa, who was attached to the doctrine of the Jainas, spread his fame. (V. 7.) His wife was Janaki, shining by the ornament of her excellent moral qualities, as the daughter of Janaka with her slender round waist (was the wife) of the descendant of Raghu, possessed of agreeable splendour. (V. 8.) They had two sons, through whom the hosts of the enemies perished, (and) who cleansed the path of religion. The elder of them was the general Baichapa, & conqueror of the world, the foremost among the pious. (V. 9.) His younger brother was the general Irugapa, possessod of all virtues, through the moonshine of whose fame the lotuses of the faces of his enemies close even in daytime. Metre (vritta).- (V. 10.) Brahman, wipe off the writing on the forehead! Otherwise thy reputation as Brahman will suffer damage.6 Build another capital, Death, for the kings hostile to him! Thou host of Vetalas, widen the extent of your bellies to drink the fresh blood ! Prince Irugapa was incensed with passion to fight with the haughty enemies. (V. 11.) When on the march of the ganeral prince Iruga pa the gun was obscured by the clouds of dust whirled up by the continual violent blows of the hoofs of his mares charging by assault, the day-lotuses of the hands of his enemies closed, the night-lotus of his glory opened, and the fire of his majesty became bright. The author wants to say that it is impossible to describe the virtues of Baicha, because they are not to be equalled. His liberality and his cleverness are so great that, compared to him, the tree of desires appears to be covetous and Brihaspati a mere nothing, and as for his patience, even the earth is not a fit object for comparison, because it is jada, which may mean inanimate or dull. The three jewels (triratna), which according to the doctrine of the Jainas are indispensable for Sramana who wants to attain eternal beatitude, are jridna or knowledge of things as revealed in the dgamas, darfana or faith in wbat is taught there, and chdritra or dharma, moral discipline see Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on Skt. MSS., 1883-84, p. 100. The attributes of Rama and Sita are applicable to Mangapa and Janaki also, and vice verad. * Bhavya must be understood here as in other Jains inscriptions as referring to the Jaina community. Generally the padma has its flowers opened by daylight. 6 Brahman's predictions of a happy lot to the hostile kings will prove false, because they will be slain by Iragaps. His enemics clenched their fists in rage.

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No. 4.] SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA. (V. 12.) (Once), a huge wild elephant was reflected by a beautiful fragment of glimmering moon-stone in the court of an enemy's palace, which had been deserted in a hurry through (fear of) the lord Iruga (who was) on the march. Thinking that it was a hostile elephant, he struck his image (and) broke one of his tasks, (and) was therefore) afterwards often invoked by the hosts of Votalas (with the words) : 'Have meroy, have mercy, Gajanana !! (V. 13.) Who is able to wipe off a letter written by the Creator on the surface of the forehead ?' In this saying we do not believe, (considering it to be) a saying made up of a liar's words, because as soon as the general Irugendra was born on earth, his friends, even if they had been without wealth, were supplied with abundant wealth, and his wealthy enemies were deprived of their wealth. (V. 14.) While thy arm, O general Irugendra, was carrying the burden of the earth (originally) laid on the group of the hoods of the lord Sasha, that serpent, contented, the lines of his hair always bristling with joy on account of the frequent opportunities for closely embracing his wife, used his thousandfold tongue in praising thy virtues ! (V. 15.) Plenty of food, protection from dangers, medicine and instruction became his continual gift. Acts of violence, falsehood, passion for the wives of others, theft, and infatuation kept away on account of his ruling the country. (V. 16.) His liberality (was directed) only towards worthy persong, his pity towards the poor, his looks towards the Jina, his love towards the path of religion, his two ears towards listening to the fame of the lord of the Jinas, his tongue towards praising his virtues, the health of his body towards worshipping him, his nose towards the excessive fragrance of the lotuses of his feet, and all that was his towards serving him. (V. 17.) While the world was made white by the fame of the general Irugapa, blackness Was praised only in connection with the hair of (women) with rolling eyes, and while his barlike arm was wearing the bracelet of the earth, mutual oppression also was spoken of only in (connection with their breasts. (V. 18.) By their ears with their ear-rings forgotten, by the surfaces of their foreheads with no marks fixed to them, by their dishevelled curls, by their swelling breasts untouched by strings of pearls, and by their bimba-like lips deprived of the redness (caused by the betel, even the fair. eyed (wives) of the kings hostile (to him) repeatedly (and) thoroughly betray his excessive power. (V. 19.) Since his fame, surpassing the river of the gods, has washed off, at last, the spot in her disk, the moon, being (now) perfectly clear, really swallows the beauty of the faces of the women. (V. 20.) Who would not do homage to the ascetic (yati), the venerable Panditarya, whose greatness is to be honoured; the grains of dust of whose foot-lotus produce a world for those who bow (to him) in devotion ;' the wave of loveliness of whose compassionate side-glances purifies the heart; the faultless fluency of whose speech destroys delusion and self-conceit. (V. 21.) The roar of the discourse of the ascetic (yamin) Panditarya, which is a warrior (in cutting) the neck of the succession of great self-conceit, fame and skill of the pleasant and distinguished sweetness of the streams of honey of the flowers of the mandara tree, verily resembles the river of the celestial world, winding through the hollows of the braids of the dancing Rudra. 11.o. Ganesa, who has the head of an elephant, but only one tuak. I.. the Ganga. * The dust of the lotus-like foot of Panditarya is compared to the pollen of the lotus of Brahman which produces the world. * I.e. the Ganga.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. (V. 22.) Srutamuni, the main-road for the descent of compassion, the lasting dawn of calmness, the fruit of the austerities of learning, the mourtain from which benevolence and prosperity and happiness rise, a lion to the mighty elephant of passion, a mine of the nectar of poetry, the sun in the sky of the Jaina sect, is watchful, removing the distress of the humble. (V. 23.) The pure-minded Srutamuni, an emperor among the ascetics (yati), the Mandara mountain for the stirring of the ocean of the science of reasoning, the rising sun to the lotusgrove of grammar, is daily increasing (in prosperity) through the most excellent (Jaina) doctrine. (V. 24.) In his presence, at Belugula, the most sacred place of the world, that glorions brave general, called Irugapa, gave away the most excellent village called Belugula for the eternal enjoyment of the holy Gummatesvara. (V. 25.) While the year subhaksit was flourishing, in the month of Karttika, on the tithi of (Vishnu) the slayer of Mura, when the moon had attained increase, the chief of the family of ministers gladly presented the excellent sacred place, possessing a beautiful grove (and) supplied with a new tank built by himself. (V. 26.) May this matchless holy place Belugula, a field for growing the rice of the general Irugapa's white fame, shine as long as the moon and stars! [Verses 27 and 28 contain the usual imprecations.] No. 5.- TALAGUNDA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN. BY PROFESSOR F. KIEL HORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. This inscription was discovered in 1894 by Mr. B. Lewis Rice, Director of Archaeological Researches in Mysore. From a photograph and a transcript furnished by him, a preliminary notice of it was published by the late Prof. Buhler in September 1895, in the Academy ;' and about the same time a summary of its contente was given by Dr. Fleet, in his Dynasties, p. 286 f., from an ink-impression lent by Mr. Rice. The inscription has now been edited by its discoverer, with a photo-lithograph and translation, in Ep. Oarn. Vol. VII. p. 200 ff. I re-edit it from ink-impressions supplied by Prof. Hultzech.3 According to Mr. Rice, the inscription is engraved on a pillar of very hard grey granite, which stands in front of the ruined Pranavesvarat temple at Talagunda, in the Shikarpar taluka of the Shimoga district of the Mysore State. The pedestal of the pillar "is 5 feet 4 inches high and 1 foot 4 inches square at the top, a little more at the base. The shaft is octagonal, 6 feet 4 inches high, each face being 7 inches wide, but tapering slightly towards the top." Seven faces of the shaft contain each two vertical lines of writing which commences at the bottom, while on the 8th face there is only one short line (line 15 of the text), written in the same way. "The invocation at the beginning of the inscription (i.e. the words Siddham [ll] Namas-Sivaya II of line 1) "is on the pedestal, and runs ap connecting with the first line." In the impressions the length of lines 1-14, disregarding the words Siddham [ll] Namas-Sivaya !! I See Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introduction, p. 1 f. * Prof. Buhler's article is reprinted in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 27 f. In October 1898 Dr. Fleet kindly gave me his own transcript of the text and the photograph which had been sent to Prof. Buhler by Mr. Rice, and my translation was prepared in the summer of 1899, at the time when I published a note on the principal metre of the inscription. So the name is given in Ep. Carn. Vol. VII. p. 200. On pp. 4 and 47 of the Introduction of the same volume we find, instead of it, Pranamosvara. Praqavalinga is the name furnished to me with the ink-impressions. Judging by the length of the lines, the shaft must roully be slightly higher.

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No. 5.1 TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN. of line 1, varies between 5' 11" (in line 10) and 6'5" (in lines 1 and 2); that of line 15 is only 2' 5'. The size of such aksharas as ja, ma, ya, va is between 1 and 3", while the average height of aksharas like a, ka, ra, pra, uya, jja, mu, mi is between 2 and 2". The inscription is most carefully written and engraved, and is generally in so perfect a state of preservation that nearly every syllable of it may be read with certainty. The characters are of the "box-headed' type of the southern alphabet. Among Kadamba inscriptions, they seem to resemble most those of the Devageri plates of the 4th year and the Hitpahebbagilu plates of Mrig@savarman, but, as is elsewhere the case with stone-inscriptions, they exhibit a more regular and artistic style of writing than is found in the copper-plates. Of initial vowels the text contains a, a, i (e.g. in itys, 1. 10), (in udvavarha, 1. 5), and & (e.g. in evams, 1.3); and of the consonants, all excepting jh, th, ph, and ?, but chh occurs only as subscript letter (6.g. in chchhaya-, 1. 11). Attention may perhaps be drawn here to the signs for kh (e.g. in -sekharah, 1. 8), n (e.g. in bhangur., 1. 7), (e.g. in jayati, 1.1), fi (e.g. in yajnadeg, 1.2, and panchabhira, 1. 13), 4 (in - midita-, 111, -chudamanayah, 1. 13, and tadukams, 1. 14), dh (in -sanrudha., 1. 3), th and dh (e.g. in vividha-yajna. vabhritha., 1. 2), b (e.g. in brahma-, 1.4), and I (e.g. in -kulam, 1.2, and Pallavendra., 1. 4); and to the peculiar form of the subscript n in-apararnnav., 1. 7. As regards medial vowels, it may suffice to point out the two forms of the akshara na, employed e.g. in guruni and farmmand, both at the commencement of line 4, and the manner in which & is written in the akshara 8 % (of -jata., l. 1). The alphabet includes the signs of the jihramiliya and upadhmaniya (e.g, in -nipunah-kavih and -kucalahpraja-, both at the end of line 9); those of final m (e.g. in siddham, 1. 1, and mandalam, 1. 2), final t (6.g. in bhayat, l. 1, and tat, 1. 3), and final >> (in yo=rin, 1. 9); and the sign of punctuation consisting of two vertical lines.-- The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the introductory Siddham [11] Namas-Sivaya ll and the words in line 15, the whole is in verge. The orthography suggests the following remarks. Within a half-verse and in the words Namas-Sivaya of line 1, the final visarga of a word before one of the three sibilants is always (altogether 19 times) assimilated to the sibilant. Before & surd guttural ( k or kh) it is nine times changed to the jihvamuliya and left unchanged twice, both times at the end of a Pada (in-lilah Kakustha, 1. 10, and -sthah Kubjas-, l. 14). The jihramiliya is also employed in dukham, 1. 4. Before p-ph does not occur - visarga is changed to the upadhminiya five times and left unchanged seven times (once, in putrah prathita-, 1. 9, at the end of a Pada). Before the conjuncts on and st (but not before su and fr) visarga is dropped, in brahmanai snatakai stuyamane, 1. 13. In the words say=iha (for the ordinary sa cha) of line 13 the final visarga of sah has by Paoini, VIII. 3, 17 (or 18) been changed to the ordinary or the laghuprayatnatara) y. The final m of a word remains anchanged, and is denoted by the sign of final m, in the word siddham in line 1 and always at the end of a half-verse; exceptionally (and wrongly) also at the end of the odd Padas of verse 28. Otherwise final m before a consonant is changed to anusvara except in apadantandharayam-asa (for apadan tam dhao), 1. 6, yan-daiva- (for yam daiva-), 1. 13, yam-mitrams, 1. 7, prithivim-prasahya, 1. 9, tam=bhap&k=, 1. 11, -sambhrama, 1. 12, and tadakam=mahat, 1. 14. In 1 See Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37, Plates, and Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. p. 136, Plates; compare also Prof. Buhler's Ind. Paleographie, Plate VII. Col. xiii. . In the Gos plates of Satykiraya Dhruvaraja Indravarman (Jour. Bo. 4. Soc. Vol. X. p. 865), the Satara plates of Vishnuvardhana I. (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 309), and elsewhere, the subscript of runa is denoted by the sign of the dental. The subscript of the present inscription has a somewhat similar form. In the collotype facsimile the upward stroke, rising from the end of the top-line of the sign for l, by which d is denoted, is not clearly visible. The same sign for ta is quite clear e.g. in the word ghata in line 10 of the Aihole inscription, above, Vol. VI. p. 6. * Hemachandrs gives as an example kayoiha, for the ordinary ka iha. With this we may compare kay-ina for ka iva in line 25 of the Kanthem plates of Vikramaditya V., Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 22. In line 11 of the Badami (Mahikata) pillar inscription of Mangalesa (ibid. Vol. XIX. p. 17) I would similarly suggest say-utta for sag-ulta.

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26 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. the interior of a simple word a nasal before a consonant of its own class is always denoted by its own sign, nowhere by the sign of anusvara. After T, & congonant (other than a sibilant or h) is generally, about five times out of six, doubled. Before r, t is doubled in mattra, 1. 6, faktittray, 1. 13, and pafta-ttrays, 1. 14, while it remains single in twelve similar cases; and k is doubled in vikkeramaia, 1. 7, parakkramatas, 1. 9, and - Akkoranta, l. 11. Before y, dh is changed to ddh in addhyeya-, 1. 2, araddhya, 11. 4 and 7, addhyuvasa, 1. 5, and asdddhyds-, 1. 13; but not in anudhyaya, 1. 8. The number of clerical errors is very small; I need only point out here Sthanur= (for Sthanur=) in line 1, and utkrishta (for utkrishta) in line 8. In respect of grammar generally and lexicography the text calls for few remarks. The use of the gerunds araddhya and adhitya in verse 12 does not accord with the role of the grammarians, but may be defended by the less strict practice of even classical writers. Similarly, the employment of thojya (instead of bhogya) in prithivim .. .svavansa-Dhojyam of verse 25 is contrary to Panini, VII. 3, 69, but the word is often used in the same way elsewhere, especially in epic poetry. Like other inscriptions, this one also contains some words which are not found in the published dictionaries. Of these, antaralaya (formed like antaragara, antargriha, antarbhavana) in verse 6, sanamya (an abstract noun derived from the adjective sandman,'having the same name') in verse 8, brahmasiddhi in verse 12 and samutthapana in verse 16 can offer no difficulty. The word asvasamstha in verse 11 I take to be synonymous with afvardha, 'a horseman,' and I would compare with it such words as gajastha, rathastha, syandanastha, as well as turagadhirudha and turangasidin (e.g. in Ragh. VII. 34 and Sis. XVIII. 2). On the word ghafiki in verse 10 I havo published a special note in Nachrichten der K. Ges. der Wiss. su Gottingen, 1900, p. 345 ff., where I have tried to prove that a ghafika was an establishment (probably founded in most cases by a king) for holy and learned men, such as is often mentioned in other inscriptions under the name brahmapuri. In the note referred to I have shown that ghatiku is used in this sense e.g. in the Kasakudi plates of the Pallava Nandivarman Pallavamalla (South Ind. Insor. Vol. II. p. 349, lines 56 and 59) and in the Chikkulla plates of Vikramendravarman II. (above, Vol. IV. p. 196, line 14). The last remark which I would offer on the wording of the present inscription is, that the author in verse 29 uses iva . . . tadvat, instead of yadvat (or yatha) . . . tadvat. This, so far as I know, is foreign to the usage of classical writers, from whose works I am unable to quote quite analogous instances. The inscription contains 34 verses. The metres of nine of them (verses 25-32 and 34) are the ordinary ones : Pushpitagra, Indravajra, Vasantatilake, MandAkranta and Gardulavikridita. The metre of the long verse 33, with which the poem proper here presented to us fitly closes,& is a species of Dandaka, called by the general name Prachita. It consists of four Padas, each of which contains six short syllables and eight amphimacers (- -) Most interesting from a metrical point of view are the verses 1-24, composed in a metre which is found rarely elsewhere Since writing my paper on ghatikd, I have come across the word ghafikasahasa, which in line 41 of the Hallegere plates of the w. Ganga Sivamara I. (Ep. Carn. Vol. III. p. 108, where it is wrongly transcribed by ghatika-rahasra) occurs as an epithet of a Brahman. I have little doubt that this word is identical with the words Jahivasdhasa, ghaisdsa, mentioned above, Vol. VI. p. 241, note 2. In Hemachandra's Daind ma mdla, 11. 105, to which Prof. Pischel has drawn my attention, we find ghadiaghada (e. ghafikaghata or ghatikaghatd), paraphrased by goshthe. In the Ramayana, ina . . . tatha is used like yatd. . . tathd, bat passager like VII, 7, 18 11., where this is the case, are somowhat different from the one in our text. Exactly like the ide .. tadeat of the text I find iva (ar na) . . cpam used in the Pali Gatbas compare e.g. J4. Val. IV. p. 172, 1. 11 : Gavan oa singino singan caddhamdnasta vaddhati epas mandassa posa854 44 lana epijanato basyyo taghd pipdsd cha vaddhamanassa vaddhati, 'as the horn grow, so thirst grows.' Verse 34 gives the name of the author, who also wrote the inscription on the stone. For a much longer species of Prachita (in which each Pada contains six short ayllables and 10 amphimacers) see Mdlatimddhave, Dr. Bhandarkar's ed., p. 181. I have published a shart paper on this metre in Nachrichten der K. Gas. der Wirt In Gottingen, 2899, p. 182 ff. As that paper is in German, I repeat here what has been stated in it.

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No. 5.] TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN. and has not, so far as I know, been described in any treatise on progody. This metre may be described as a species of matrasamaka, the name of which as yet is unknown. Each verse contains four Padas, the general scheme of which is : PAdas 1 and 3: vyu-u-u-V (15 Matras); Padas 2 and 4: vy- V - v (15 Matras). In Padas 2 and 4 this scheme is uniformly adhered to. But in Padas 1 and 3 we find it strictly observed only in 30 cases out of the 48. In 14 others of the odd Padas a long syllable takes the place of the 6th Matra of the general scheme, followed in 41 out of these 14 Padas by two short syllables instead of a long one. And in the four remaining odd Padas a trochee (-u) occurs instead of the 6th Matra of the above scheme. This gives us, as subsidiary schemes for Padas 1 and 3 : wu wyvyyy (16 Matras); and vyu -u-u-vy (17 Matras).' Examples of Padas showing these subsidiary schemes are: V. 2, Pada 3 : yat-pras&das-trayate nityam ; V. 4, Pada 1: atha babhuva dvija-kulam premea; V. 5, Pada 1: vividha-yajn-avabhsitha-pang-ambu-; and V. 11, P&da 3: Kali-yage=sminn-aho bata kshatrat; V. 21, Pada 3: Prehar-&ntam=ananyasamcharana. I may state here that the same metre occurs in lines 1 and 2 - hitherto regarded as proseof the Tusam rock inscription (Gupta Inscr. p. 270), which, on palaeographical grounds, has been allotted by Dr. Fleet to the end of the fourth, or the beginning of the fifth, century A.D. The verge is: Jitam-abhikshnam-da Jambavati- vadanaravind-orjjit-alina danayangana-mukh&mbhoja- lakshmi-tusharepa Vishnuna () The metre is also found in lines 5-8 of the Ajanta Vakataka inscription, published in Archaeol. Survey of West. India, Vol. IV. p. 125; and from the only complete verse preserved there it appears that for the second long syllable (M&tras 3 and 4) of the even Padas two short syllables may be substituted. The verse is : [Ari]narendra-manli-vinyasta- mani-kirana-liuha-'kramambujab [1] Pravarasenas-tasya putro=bhud v ikasannavendivar-eksbana[h 10 Lastly, I find the same metre on page 4 of the Bower Mansoript, in a passage which by Dr. Hoernle at first was regarded as prose, but has afterwards been printed by him as a single verse (verse 36) the metre of which is stated to be irregular. Really the passage contains the following two verses which are regular in every respect : Iti sur-eyam pamcha-panch-Ahad- rasa-varnna-gandhaih samanvita [1] bhavati tailan namatas-ch=edan= undiramatyarthakarmu kam [11] Tailam-dtad-yah suram=api va purashah prayumjita yatnatah [1] pariharamti tam gad-anikany- &jau ksit-astransiv-etare [11] From all this it may be inferred that from about the fifth to the seventh century A.D. the metre above described was well known in different parts of India. That it should now i Dir in V. 4, Pads 1 ; V. 5, Pads 1 ; V. 10, Pads 3; and v. 12, Pada * Viz. in V. 11, Pada 3; V. 17, Pada 3; V. 21, Pada 8; and V. 24, Pada 8. * According to Mr. Rice a long syllable occurs in place of the second - Mr. Rice means the third-Mitri in the third Padas of verses 19 and 21; but this remark is due to wrong remlings. This, not alldhas, was the reading of Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji, which is shown to be correct by the metre. . The metre shows that this may not be altered to udiryam. 32

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28 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. have been rescued from oblivion is due to, and is a point of special interest in, the present inscription. In the 7th of the introductory verses of the Harshacharita Bana says: "In the North plays on words are mainly admired, in the West it is only the sense ; in the South it is poetical fancy; in Gauda pomp of syllables." Judging hereby the present little poem, which the author himself in verse 34 calls a Kavya, I would say that, taken as a whole, it would certainly be assigned to the West of India. There is in it no pomp of syllables, and little of poetical fancy (utpreksha) or any of those other ornaments which lend their charm to the classical Kavyas. But the author presents to us a vivid picture of the persons and events dealt with, and does so in plain, but vigorous language. This, at any rate, is the case with the verses 4-24. The verses 25-32 are in a different style, approaching somewhat to that of a real Kavya ; but they mainly contain such conventional phrases as are met with in any ordinary prasasti." The inscription was composed and written on the stone by Kubja, under the orders of the king Santivarman. And its immediate object is, to record that Santivarman's father Kakusthavarman constructed a great tank near & Siva temple at which Satakarni and other kings bad formerly worshipped (at Sthanakundura, the modern Talaganda where the inscription is still preserved). The occasion is taken by the poet to celebrate the origin and advancement of the Kadamba family to which Kakasthavarman belonged, and to give the names of bis ancestors. The Kadambas were a Brahman family, devoted to the study of the Vedas and the performance of sacrificial rites; their name, the poet says, they had received from the fact that they carefully tended a kadamba tree which grew near their home. Now once upon a time a member of this family, named Mayurasarman, went with his guru to (Kanchipura,) the city of the Pallavas, to study fully the sacred writings. The poet tells how he became exasperated there with the Kshatriya Pallavas and, abandoning his priestly vocation, took up the sword, ' eager to conquer the earth.' Mayurasarman defeated the frontier-guards of the Pallavas and occupied the forest stretching to the gates of Sriparvata. He levied tribute from the Great Banas and other kings, and caused much trouble by his raids. The Pallava kings of Kanchi, finding it impossible to subdue him even when they had taken the field with a large army, and recognizing his valour and ability, then made a compact with him by which he entered their service and eventually received a territory of his own, bounded on the west by the sea and on the east (?) by the (?) Prehara(P), of which he was anointed chief or king. His son was Kangavarman, and 1 I quote from the English translation. It will be seen from the above that in my opinion this poem, however interesting, is not written in the highest Kavya style. So far as I can see, its author was better acquainted with the Mahabharata than with the Kavyas which may have existed in his time. * For the details, see the translation, below. + Sriparvata, which we also find in line 1 of the Chikkulla plates of Vikramendravarman II. (above, Vol. IV. p. 195), I here as there take to be the sacred Srisails in the Karnul district. It is the modern Srisailam, situated on The west of the Eastern Ghats, between them and the river Kistna; see Constable's Hand Atlas of India, Plate 34, D . According to Prof. Hultzsch (South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 89) the capital of the Bana dynasty appears to have been Tiruvallam, as one of its names was Vanapuram, and as it belonged to the district of Perumba apphai' i... the country of the Great Bina. Tiruvallam is only about 40 miles west by north of Conjeeverim (Kanchipura). It may be noted that the Brihad-Bana of our text exactly corresponds to the Tamil Perumdya ; brihat apparently forms an essential part of the name, and is not a mere epitheton ornans. 6 It is significant that, while the name of the founder of the family, Mayralarman, ends with karman, the names of nearly all his descendants (Kangavarman, Kekuathavarman, Santivarman, Mrig@savarman, Mandhatri. varman, etc.) end with varman. The former is the characteristic ending of a Br&hman's name, the latter that of Kshatriya's. In the inscriptions of the later Kadambas Mayurasarman's name, too, appears as Mayuravarman; gee my Southern List, No. 210,

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No. 5.] TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN. his son was Bhagiratha. Bhagiratha's sons, again, were Raghu and Kakustha (KAkusthavarman). Nothing of note is recorded of these later chiefs, excepting that Kakusthavarman is intimated to have married his daughters to the Gupta and other kings. When in the course of the above story Kubja, in verse 20, tells us that Mayurasarman, after entering the service of the Pallavas, pleased them by his acts of bravery in battles, I understand him to mean that at first Mayhragarman became a dandandyaka or general of theirs; and I believe this view to be supported by the fact that in verse 3 the poet describes the Kadamba family generally as the great lineage of the Kadamba leaders of armies (senani), as well as by the circumstance that according to verse 22 Mayurasarman was anointed by Shadapana (the siz-faced god of war) after meditating on Senapati, i.e. the general of the gods (Karttikeya). With regard to the territory afterwards given to him, there is the difficulty that the word Prehara or Prehara, which indicates its boundary on apparently the east, is entirely unknown to us. The present inscription is at Talagunda, and one of the chief places of the Kadambas mentioned in their copper-plates is Vaijayanti, i.e. Banavasi, which is not far from the former. Assuming that the eastern boundary of their territory was about as distant from Talaganda and Banavasi as the sea is from them on the west, that boundary would probably have been formed by the river Tungabhadra; but I cannot in any way connect the word Prehara or Prehard with this river, and am in fact unable to suggest any explanation of it. The word Gupta in verse 31, which implies that Kakusthavarman gave his daughters in marriage to the Gupta and other kings, has been understood' to refer in all probability to the Maharajadhiraja Samudragupta who ruled in the second half of the fourth century A.D. But beyond the fact that Samudragupta conquered many kings of Southern India, nothing has been adduced to prove this. Granted that Kubja's account cannot be due solely to poetical exaggeration, the Gupta king or kings mentioned by him might, irrespectively of other considerations, be any of the Gupta rulers down to the seventh century A.D., and the reference to them cannot in my opinion be used to establish the time of Kakusthavarman with any degree of accuracy. When the poet Bana: tells us that the lotus-feet of his great-grandfather Kuvera were adored by many Guptas, we may infer that these Guptas were kings who ruled about the beginning of the sixth century, because we know Bana himself to have lived at the beginning of the seventh. But if nothing were known regarding Bana's own time, the statement would not help us in the least to fix in any definite way the time of his great-grandfather. Another royal family of importance is referred to in verse 33 of the inscription, where we are told that the Siva shrine near which Kakusthavarman constructed his tank had been worshipped by Satakarni (or the Satakarnis) and other pious kings. I need hardly say that Satakarni is a well-known name or surname of several kings of the Andhrabhsitya or Satavahana dynasty who ruled over part of Southern India during the first centuries of the Christian era. An inscription of a Satakarpi has years ago been found, not far from Talagunda, at Banayasi which has already been mentioned. And Mr. Rice has been fortunate enough to discover, and has published, another inscription of apparently the same Satakarni at Malavalli, in the Talagunda subdivision of the Shikarpur taluka. The existence of these inscriptions shows that, what Kubja tells us, is not at all improbable, and that the poet really knew something of the history of his country. Kakusthavarman is the earliest king known to us from the published copper-plates of the Kadambas. The present inscription carries the family back by three more generations ; from it There is of course no a priori reason why the word should denote a river more than anything else. * See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 27. See the 10th of the introductory verses of his Kadambari andka-Gupt-archita-pddapankaja) Knudrawamd. The published commentary explains the word gupta in this passage to mean "Vaisyas and Sadras.' * See Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 338, and Plate. " See Ep. Carn. Vol. VII. p. 251, No. 263, and Plate.

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIIT. and the plates! I have compiled the following genealogical Table, which will be found to differ considerably from the one published by Mr. Rice in Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Introduction, p. 4. Genealogical Tablo. Mayurasarman. Kangavarman. Bhagiratha. Raghu. Kakusthavarman. Santivarman. Kfishnavarman 1. Mrigosavarman. ? Mandhatsivarman. Vishnuvarmen. an. Devavarman. Ravivarman. Bhanuvarman. Sivaratha. Simhavarman. Harivarman. Krishnavarman II. I ought to state that the correctness of this Table greatly depends on the reliabilityassumed here of the Birar plates, published by Mr. Rice in Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. p. 91, No. 162. These plates record a grant by the Kadamba Dharmamaharaja Vishnuvarman, the eldest son of the afvamedha-ydjin, the Dharmamaharaja Krishnavarman. By stating that Vishpavarman was making the grant with the permission of his jyesktha-patri (i.e. his father's eldest brother) Santivaravarman (Santivarman), they enable us to combine, as shown in the Table, the information given by the Bannahalli plates of Koishnavarman II. (above, Vol. VI. p. 17) with that furnished by various plates from Halsi and Devageri (Nos. 604, 606, 608, 610-612 of my Southern List). What I am not sure about in the Table is, whether I have correctly placed Mandhatrivarman and Devavarman. Mrigesavarman was an eldest son, and Mandhatfivarman For the fifteen Kadambs copper-plate inscriptions known to us see below, p. 84, note 2. I have some doubts about the genuineness of the Birur plates, but seo no reason to question what is stated in them regarding the degree of relationship between Vishnuvarman and Santivarman. The word jy&shtha-pitri is synonymous with jyesktha-tata which in the Vaijayant is explained by pitriSydahtha, 's father's eldest brother, and it is actually used in this sense in the Miraj plates of Jayasinha II. Jagade kamalla, Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 17a, 1. 4. I may note besides that in Rom. VII. 25, 23, Malyavat, the eldest brother of Sumali, is called the pita jy data of Sumali's daughter Ksiksai, ie. the eldest brother of the father of Kaikasi. (Ibid. Verse 24 Malyavst's granddaughter Kumbbinast is called the sister of Sumali's grandson Ravans, and in verse 47 Ravang is called 'the brother of the same Kumbhinast. This shows how vaguely words denoting relationship were used already in early times in India.)

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No. 5.] TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN. may have been his younger brother, but there is nothing to prove this with certainty, Davavarman, described as the son of a Krishpavarman, in my opinion more probably was a son of Krishnavarman I. (and younger brother of Vishiuvarman who was an eldest son) than of Krishnavarman II. ;' but of this, again, we have no definite proof. It is also not certain that Sivaratha was a younger brother of Bhapuvarman. Of the three brothers, Bhandvarman is described as the younger brother of Ravivarman, Sivaratha as the paternal uncle of Harivarman. It will be seen that according to the Table the number of yenerations is eight, not eleven, as found by Mr. Rice. There remains the question as to the age of this inscription. The inscription itself is not dated in any way. Of the fifteen Kadamba copper-plate inscriptions, four are not dated at all; ten are dated in regnal years, varying between 2 and 11; and the plates of the Yuvaraja Kakusthavarman are dated in the 80th year, which, as intimated already by Dr. Fleet, in all probability was reckoned from the commencement of Mayurasarman's reign. Neither in the present inscription nor in the plates is there any reference to a king whose time can be determined with any certainty; and the inscriptions of other dynasties do not mention any specifio Kadamba king. That our inscription belongs to comparatively early times, there can be no doubt. I have shown that the rare metre, chiefly employed in it, is elsewhere found in records from about the fifth to the seventh century A.D.; and much the same period is indicated by Kakusthavarman's connection with some Gupta king or kings. Of the copper-plates which are later than this inscription, two-instead of quoting the ordinary lunar months which are quoted in seven others - quote fortnights of the rains and winter (varsha and henanta). This also would suggest a considerable antiquity, although we must not forget that we have a similar season-date in the Dudia plates of Pravarasena II. (above, Vol. III. p. 260), which have been assigned to about the beginning of the 8th century A.D. To what particular portion of the time from the 5th to the 7th century A.D. our inscription should be referred, seems to me extremely difficult to say. I have carefully studied all Kadamba inscriptions from a palaeographical point of view, and have eompared them with other inscriptions from the South, without being able to arrive at any certain and definite conclusion. My general impression is that the present inscription may be assigned to about the first half of the 6th century A.D. TEXT. 1 Siddham? [ll] Namas=sivaya || Jayati visvad@[va]-sa[n]ghata-nichit-aikamurttis sanktanah Sthanu(pu)r-indu-rasmi-vichchhurita.10dyutimaj-jatabhara-mandangh || [10] Tam=anu bhusura dvija-pravar&s=sama-rg-yajur-vveda-vadinah yat-prasadas-trayate nityam bhuvana-trayam papmane bhayat || [2] Annpadam Sarendra-talya[va]puh-Kakusthavarmma vis&la-dhih bhupatih-Kadamba-senani-brihad-llanvaya vy[8]ma-chandramsh 2 1 137 Atha babhuva dvija-kulam pragu vicharad-gunandvamsu-mandalam tryarshavartma-Haritiputramqishimukhya-Manavya-gotra-jam || [4] Vividha-yajnAvabbritha-pang-ambu-niyat-abhishek-ardra-mtirddhajam pravachan-&vagaha-nishnatam, 1 See above, Vol. VI. p. 13. * See ibid. p. 7, Two dates, with reference to the motion of Jupiter, qualify the regral years by the statements that they were Vaisakha and Pausha years respectively; compare Ind. 4nt. Vol. XXII. p. 83 f. * Compare above, Vol. IV. p. 195, note 4. See also Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, p. 291. ** From impressions supplied by Prof. Hultzsch. 7 This word stands in front of, and between, line 1 and 2 . For the metre of verses 1-24 see the introduction. * The abshara in bracketa might perluapa be read #8: da (or rather da), bat the preopding abshara is clearly dd, not rd. 10 The reading vichchhurita is certain. 11 The akahara bri of bridad- has no superscript r.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. vidhivat=samiddh-agni ma-pam || [5] Pranavapurvva-shadvidhaddhyeya-1 nanardyaman-antaralayam akrisa-chaturmmasya-hom-eshti-pasu-parvvana-braddha paushtikam [li* 6*] 3 Atithi-nityasamsrit-evasatham savanatray-agvandhya-naityakam griha-samipa-dese samrudha-vikasat-kadamb-sika-padapam || [78] Tad-upacharavat=tad=asys taroga sanamya-sadharmyam=asya tat pravavsite satirtthya-vipranam prachuryyatas-tadvisshanam || [8] Evamagate Kadamba-kule griman=babhava dvij-ottamah namato Mayurasarmm-eti frata-sila-sauch-ady-alamkritah [11] [9"] 4 Yah prayaya Pallavendra-purim guruna samam Virasarm mana adhijigamenh pravachanam nnikhilam ghatikam viveg=&gu tarkkukah 11 (10") Tatra Pallav-agvasamsthena kalabena tivrena roshitah Kali-yuge-sminn-aho bata kshatrat=paripelava viprata yatah [lle 11deg) Guru-kulani samyag-&raddhya sakhameadhity=&pi yatnatah brahma-siddhir-yyadi nrip-adhina kimatahparam duhkham=ity-atah [11] [12] 5 Kuga-bamid-drishat-srug-jya-charu-grahan-di-dakshona paning udvavarha diptimach= chhastra vijigishamano vasundharam || [13] Yo=ntapalanPallavendranam sahasa vinirjjitya samyug addhyuvasa durggamam=atavin Sriparvvata-dvarasamsritam || [14*] Adade karan=Btihad-Bana-pramukhad-bahun-raja-mandalat evam-bhih-Pallavendranam bhoikuti-samutpatti-keranaih || [15] 6 Svapratijna-paran-etthana-laghubhik-ksit-artthais-cha cheshtitaih bhushanair-iv-&babhau balavad-yatra-samutthapanena cha || [168] Abhiyuyukshay-agateshu bhrisam Kanchi-narendreshv=aratishu vishama-[d]esa-prayana-samvesa-rajanishyaavaskandabhumishu 11 [17] Prapya sena-sagaram teshar praban=bali yenavat-tada apadan=tan=odharayam-sa bhujakhadgamattra-[vya]pasraya) || [18*] Pallavendra yasya Baktim imam labdhya prat&p-&nvayav=api n=&sya hanig ereyag=ity=uktva yam-mitram=ev=&su vavrire || [19] Samsritas-tada mahip&lan= Araddhya yuddheshu vikkramaih prapa pattabandha-sampujam kara-pallavaih= Pallavair-ddhfitam || [20*) Bhangur-ormmi-valgitair=npityad-apararnnav-lambhahkrit-Avadhim 10 Prehar-antam=&panyasamcharana-samaya-sthitarn bhumim-eva cha || [21*] 8 Vibudha-samgha-manli-sammrishta-charanaravindash-Shadananah yam-abhishiktavan= anudhyaya Senapatin matribhis-saha 11 [22] Tasya patrak-Kangavarmm-grasamar-dah[u]ra-pra[m]eu-cheshtitah pranata-sarvva-mandal-otk[r]ishta-gita-chamaroddhrata-sekharah || [23] Tat-s[u]tah-Kadamba-bhu mivadhu-ruchit-aikanth Bhagirathah Sagara-mukhyas=s[v]ayam Kadamba-kulela prachschh]an[n]a-jan [m] jan-adhipa) [lle 24] 9 Athalnpipa-mahitasya tasya putrah prathita-ya & Raghu-partthivah prithu-sriu Prithur-iva prithivim prasahya yo-rin!aksita parakkramatas-svava[n]sa-bhojyam 11 [25] Pratibhaya-samareshv=arati-sastr-ollikhita-mukho=bhimukha-dvish&[m] 1 Originally adhydy anh seems to have been engraved; the akahara ddhyd is certain. * This sign of punctuation should be struck out. 1 Perhaps the original has savanattray* Read nikhilar; the sign of anus dra of lan is quite clear. So far as I can judge, this, and not tarkkakah, is the reading of the original. * Originally udvararhe seems to have been engraved. 7 Originally samordia- was engraved, but the lower of the akahara oud is clearly struck out. * Originally dpadanta indha seems to have been engraved. * This word is quite clear in the original. 10 The second akshara of this word is distinctly ha, and cannot possibly be read md. 11 Read-Otkrishta.. 1. This reading is certain. 11 Metre of verses 25 and 26: Pushpitagra. Read ariseakrita.

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No. 5.) TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN. 33 prahartta frutipatha-nipupah-kavih pradata vividha-kala-kusalab=praja-priyagacha | [26] 10 Bhrat-asya charu-vapur-abda-gabhira-nade moksha-trivargga-patar=anvaya-vatsalas= cha Bhagirathirunnara patir-msigaraja-lilah Kakustha ity=&vani-mandala-ghashtakirttih 11 [27"] 'Jyayobhis-saha vigraho=rtthisha daya samyak-praja-palanams din-abhyuddharapan pradhan-vasubhiramukhya-dvij-Abhyarhnpam 11 yasy-aitat-kula-bhusha pasya npipateh prajn-ottaram bhushanam* tam=bhupah-khalu menire sura-sakham Kakustham-atr=&gatam 1 [28*] Gharmm-akkranta iva mpiga-gana vriksha-r[a]jim pravisya chchhaya-seve-mpidita-manasd nirvritim prapnuvanti tadvaj-jyayd-vihata-gataye bandhayas=s-anubandhah prapus=sarmm avyathita-manasd yasya bhum[im] pravisya || [29] 12 Nanavidba-dravina-sara-samuchchayeshu matta-dvipendra-mada-vasita-gopureshu san gita-valgu-ninadeshu griheshu yagya Lakshmy-angana dhritimati suchiram cha reme || [30] Gupt-di-partthiva-kul-ambaruha-sthalani sneb-&dara-pranaya-sambhrama-kesarani s rimanty-aneka-npipa-shatpada-sevitani yo=bodbayad=duhitfi didhitibhir-npip-arkkah 11 (31deg) 13 Yan-daiva-lampannam-adina-cheshtam Sakti-ttray-opetam-ath=asana-stham seshair gunaih panchabhir-apy=asadd hyas=s&manta-ohQdamanayah pranemuh || [32*] "Say= iha bhagavato Bhavady=&di-devasya siddhy-alaye siddha-gA(ga)ndharvva-rakshoganaia-sevite vividha-niyama-homa-diksha-parair=brah[m]anai snatakai stuyamine sads mantra-vadais=subhaib 14 sukritibhir=&vanisvarair=atma-niseregusamn p repsubhis-S&takarny-adibhis=sraddhay abbyarchchitel idam=urn-salil-payog-asrayam bhupatih-karayam-asa Kakusthavarmma tadakamama(hat II] [33"] 12Tasy-aurasasya tanaya[8]ya visala-kirtteh (pa]tta-ttray-&rppana-vira (jita]-charu-murtteh fri-Santivarmma-nfipater=vvara-sasana sthah Kubjas-sya-kavyam-idam-asma-tal8 lilekha || [34] 15 Namo bhagavato Sthanakundura-vasine Mahadevaya [lo] Nandata saryva-samant agato=yam=ad bivsah [*] Svasti prajabhya iti [ll] TRANSLATION. (Be it) accomplished ! Obeisance to Siva! (Verse 1.) Victorious is the eternal Sthanu, whose one body is framed by the coalescence of all the gods; who is adorned with a mass of matted hair, lastrous because inlaid with the rays of the moon. (V. 2.) After bim, (victorious are) the gods on earth, the chief of the twice-born, who recite the Sama-, Rig- and Yajar-vedas; whose favour constantly guards the three worlds from the fear of evil. (V. 3.) And next, (victorious is) Kikusthavarman, whose form is like that of the lord of the gods (and) whose intelligence is vast; the king who is the moon in the firmament of the great linonge of the Kadamba leaders of armies. 1 Metre: Vasantatilaki. 9 Metre: Sardulavikridita. * Read -pdlanan. * Read bhushanan. Metre: Mandakrant. * The akahara di of this word is quite clear. 7 Metre of verses 80 and 31: Vasantatilska. Metre : Indravajra. Metre: A kind of Dandaks, either called by the general name Prachita or specifically Chandavegs or Arnavs; see Ind. Stud. Vol. VIII. p. 409. 10 Bead -dbhyarchchita. 11 The reading tadakamuma is certain. 13 Metre : Vasantatilska 4 With verses 1-3 compare the first three verses of the Aihole inscription of Pulakasin II., above, Vol. VI. p. 4 and p. 7, note 15. 14 L.. the god siva. I L.e. the Brahmans.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. (V. 4.) There was a high family of twice-born, the circle of whose virtues, resembling the moon's rays, was (ever) expanding; in which the sons of Hariti trod the path of the three Vedas, (and) which had sprung from the gotra of Manavya, the foremost of Rishis. (V.5.) Where the hair was wet from being constantly sprinkled with the holy water of the purificatory rites of manifold sacrifices; which well knew how to dive into the sacred lore, kindled the fire and drank the Soma according to precept. (V. 6.) Where the interiors of the houses loudly resounded with the sixfold subjects of study: preceded by the word om; which promoted the increase of ample chaturmasya sacrifices, burnt-offerings, oblations, animal sacrifices, new- and full-moon and traddha rites. (V. 7.) Where the dwellings were ever resorted to by guests (and) the regular rites not wanting in the three libations; (and) where on & spot near the house there grew one tres with blooming Kadamba flowers. (V. 8.) Then, as the family) tended this tree, so there came about that sameness of name with it of (these) Brahman fellow-students, currently (accepted) as distinguishing them.* (V. 9.) In the Kadamba family thus arisen there was an illustrious chief of the twiceborn named Mayurasarman, adorned with sacred knowledge, good disposition, purity and the rest. (V. 10.) With his preceptor Virasarman he went to the city of the Pallava lords, and, eager to study the whole sacred lore, quickly entered the ghatika as & mendicant. (Vv. ll and 12.) There, enraged by a fierce quarrel with a Pallava horseman (he reflected): Alas, that in this Kali-age the Brahmans should be so much feebler than the Kshatriyas ! For, if to one, who has duly served his preceptor's family and earnestly studied bis branch of the Veda, the perfection in holiness' depends on a king, what can there be more painful than this ?' And 80 (V. 13.) With the hand dexterous in grasping the kusa-grass, the fuel, the stones, the ladle, the melted butter and the oblation-vessel, he unsheathed a flaming sword, eager to conquer the earth. (V. 14.) Having swiftly defeated in battle the frontier-guards of the Pallava lords, he occupied the inaccessible forest stretching to the gates of Sriparvata. 1 Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 29, line 5 of the text : gwn-dubhir aydpya jagatasamastan. 9 In the fourteen Kadamba copper-plate inscriptions enumerated under Nos. 602-614 of my Southern List, to which may now be added the Beppur plates in Rp. Carn. Vol. V. Part I. p. 594, the two epithets Monaryasagotra and Heritl-putra are six times applied to the Kadambas generally, and four times to individual Kadamba kings; in one case (No. 618) Maradya-sa g6tra slone is applied to a king. The word trydrolavartman of the text, which with Haritt-putra forma a Bahu vrihi compound, I take to be practically equivalent to srddhyd ya. charcha para (-charchika, etc.) in the terms pratiksita-rpadkydya.charchd pdra, etc., of the plates; see above, Vol. VI. p. 15, note 3. None of the terms mentioned here occur in my No. 602, the only plates which are earlier than the present inscription. II.e. the sir Vedangas. * The simple meaning of the verse is that the members of the family, as they tended the Kadamba tree, came to be currently called by the specific name Kadamba.' I take the word sdnamya-sd dharmyam of the text to be a Karmadharaya, pot & Dvandva compound; it literally means & sameness of property which appears as sameness of name' (sdnamya-repan sddharyam). 1.. Kafi chipura. I.e. a particular establishment for holy and learned men, probably founded by a king; see my introductory remarks, above, p. 26. The word tarkuka is given in H&machandra's Abhidh dnachintamani, v. 888, A & synonym of ydchaka, etc., and is explained by yachaka in a gloss on Rejatara ngint, III. 254. * The attainment of holiness was obstructed by the rage caused by the Pallava king's horseman.

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No. 5.] TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN. 35 (Vv. 15 and 16.) He levied many taxes from the circle of kings headed by the Great Bana. So he shone, as with ornaments, by these exploits of his which made the Pallava lords knit their brows-exploits which were charming since his vow began to be fulfilled thereby and which secured his purpose- as well as by the starting of a powerful raid. (Vv. 17 and 18.) When the enemies, the kings of Kanchi, came in strength to fight him, he - in the nights when they were marching or resting in rough country, in places fit for assault - lighted upon the ocean of their army and struck it like a hawk, full of strength. (80) he bore that trouble, relying solely on the sword of his arm. (V. 19.) The Pallava lords, having found out this strength of his as well as his valour and lineage, said that to ruin him would be no advantage, and so they quickly chose him even for a friend. (V. 20.) Then entering the kings' service, he pleased them by his acts of bravery in battles and obtained the honour of being crowned with a fillet, offered by the Pallavas with the sprouts (pallava) of their hands. (V. 21.) And (he) also received) a territory, bordered by the water of the western sea which dances with the rising and falling of its curved waves, and bounded by the (?) Prehara, secured to him under the compact that others should not enter it. (Vv. 22 and 23.) Of him whom Shadanana, whose lotus-feet are polished by the crowns of the assembly of the gods, anointed, after meditating on Senapati with the Mothers -- the son Was Kangavarman, who performed lofty great exploits in terrible wars, (and) whose diadem was shaken by the white chowries of all the chiefs of districts who bowed down (before him). (V. 24.) His son was Bhagiratha, the one lord dear to the bride - the Kadamba country, Sagara's chief descendante in person, secretly born in the Kadamba family as king. (V. 25.) Now the son of him who was honoured by kings was the earth's highly prosperous ruler Raghu, of wide-spread fame; who, having subdued the enemies, by his valour, like Prithu, caused the earth to be enjoyed by his race.7 (V. 26.) Who in fearful battles, his face slashed by the swords of the enemy, struck down the adversaries facing him; who was well versed in the ways of sacred lore, a poet, a donor, skilled in manifold arts, and beloved of the people. (V. 27.) His brother was Bhagiratha's son Kakustha, of beautiful form, with a voice deep as the cloud's, clever in the pursuit of salvation and the three objects of life, and kind to his lineage; a lord of men with the lion's gait, whose fame was proclaimed on the orb of the earth. (V. 28.) Him, to whom war with the stronger, compassion for the needy, proper protection of the people, relief of the distressed, honour paid to the chief twice-born by the bestowal of) 1 Vix the attack made on him by the Pallavas. See the introductory remarks, above, p. 29. ! With the wording of the original text I would compare e.g. from the Virata parvan of the Maldbhdrata: ajutatdra-tamayath fshath parshan Trayodafam ; but there the meaning is the remaining 13th year, to which Ws attached the condition that they should dwell incognito. The sense of the p age in our inscription I take to be similar to that of e.g. anangaldeandm-urrim in Ragh. I. 90, the earth, not ruled by any other king.' * Shadinana and Senapati are really only two different names of one and the same divine being (Skanda, Karttikeys). Compare the epithet-of either the Kadambas generally or individual Kadamba kings- Sudmi. Mahdiena. mdtrigandnudhyat-Abhishikia in the copper-plates, e.g. above, Vol. VI. p. 14, line 2 of the text, and p. 18, line 8 of the text. See also above, p. 34, note 2. * See Sir M. Monier-Williams's Dictionary under Bhagiratha and Sagara. 1 With the wording of this verse we may compare Gupta Inaer. p. 63, lines 6 and 7 of the text. The story of the earth's conquest by the mythical Prithu is well known from the Vishnupurdna. # Pis dharma, artha and kama.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. pre-eminent wealth, were the rational ornament of a ruler (who wished to be) an ornament of his family, kings thonght to be indeed Kakustha, the friend of the gods, descended here. (V. 29.) As herds of deer, oppressed by the heat, when they enter a cluster of trees, have their minds delighted by the enjoyment of the shade and find comfort, so kinsmen with their belongings, who were waylaid by the stronger, had their minds relieved and found shelter, when they entered his territory. (V. 30.) And in his house which contained manifold collections of choice wealth, the gateways of which were perfumed with the rutting juice of lordly elephants in rut, (and) which gaily resounded with music, the lady Fortune delighted to stay steadfast, for very long. (V. 31.) This sun of a king by means of his reys - his daughters - caused to expand the splendid lotus-groups the royal families of the Guptas and others, the filaments of which were attachment, respect, love and reverence (for him), and which were cherished by many bees - the kings (who served them)." (V. 32.) Now to him, favoured by destiny, of no mean energy, endowed with the three powers, the crest-jewels of neighbouring princes bowed down (even) while he was sitting quiet -- they who could not be subdued by the other five measures of royal policy together. (V. 83.) Here, at the home of perfection of the holy primeval god Bhava, which is frequented by groups of Siddhas, Gandharvas and Rakshas, which is ever praised with auspicious recitations of sacred texts by Brahman students solely devoted to manifold vows, sacrifices and initiatory rites, (and) which was worshipped with faith by Satakarni and other pious kings seeking salvation for themselves, that king Kakusthavarman has caused to be made this great tank, a reservoir for the supply of abundant water. (V. 34.) Abiding by the excellent commands of that (king's) own son, the wide-famed glorious king Santivarman whose beautiful body is made radiant by the putting on of three fillets, Kubja has written this poem of his own on the surface of the stone. Obeisance to the holy Mahadeva who dwells at Sthanakundura! May joy attend this place, inhabited by men come from all the neighbourhood! Blessed be the people ! No. 6.-JUNAGADH ROCK INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN; THE YEAR 72. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. This inscription was first edited, with a translation and small lithograph, in April 1838, by Mr. James Prinsep, in Journal As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. VII. p. 338 ff. and Plate xv., from a facsimile which at the suggestion of the Rev. Dr. J. Wilson of Bombay had been prepared by The proper spelling of this word in literature is Kekutotha. The mythical being referred to probably is Rams. The general ides expressed in the above is very common; compare e.g., in a Kadamba inscription, Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37, line 13 of the text, suojana-kunudadana-prabodhana-faidikan, and in another inscription, above, Vol. VII. p. 297, line 4 of the text, kula-kumuda pona-lakamf-vibodhana fmchandrand iva. Whether our author has been very successful in elaborating that idea in detail, the reader may judge for himself; he may compare Ragh. XVII. 48, where the spies of a king are compared to the rays (ddhiti) of the sun; and, for the lotusgroups, filaments, bees, and the sun's rays, Kir. IV. 14. The word duhitri of the verse must of course denote the king's daughters; and what the poet wishes to say can only be that they were given in marriage to the Gupta and other kings. * Vir, the powers of mastery, good counsel, and energy ; see above, Vol. VI. p. 10, note 7. * For the six gundn, i.e. measures of royal policy, see e.g. Ram. II. 100. 69, Ragh. VIII. 21, Sir. II. 26, and Manu VII. 160 ff. One of them, dsana, sitting quiet, halting,' we have in the word daana-stham of our verse; the five others are alliance, war, marching, dividing the army, and seeking protection. . I.e. siva. * Compare also ibid. Plate xix.

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No. 6.] JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN. Captain Lang of the Kathiavad Political Agency? A critical essay on that edition was published in 1841 by Prof. Lassen in Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Vol. IV. p. 146 ff.; and Prinsep's translation was subsequently reprinted, with part of a revised translation by Prof. H. H. Wilson, in Mr. Thomas's edition of Prinsep's Essays on Indian Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 57 ff. A month after the appearance of Prinsep's edition fresh facsimiles of the original were taken by Lieut. Postans, but they reached Calcutta only when Prinsep, at whose instance they were made, had already left India ;) and in July 1842 another facsimile, the joint labour of Captain (afterwards General Sir George LeGrand Jacob, Mr. N. L. Westergaard and a young Brahman, was presented to the Bombay Asiatic Society, and a small lithograph of it published in the Society's Journal, Vol. I. p. 148. A great advance in the reading and interpretation of the inscription was made in 1862, when, in the same Journal, Vol. VII. p. 118 ff., Dr. Bhau Daji again published the text and a translation of it, with a large lithograph' reduced from facsimiles made by Bhagvanlal Indraji. Moreover, a revised version of Dr. Bhau Daji's work, by Prof. Eggeling, appeared in 1876, in Archaeol. Surv. of West. India, Vol. II. p. 128 ff., with a collotype from estampages by Dr. Burgess. Two years later Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji's own text and translation were published, under the editorship of Prof. Bubler, in Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 257 ff. And finally, in 1890, Prof. Buhler again gave the text and a translation of part of it, in his essay Die Indischen Inschriften und das Alter der Indischen Kunstpoesie, pp. 45 ff. and 86 ff.- Some four or five years ago Dr. Fleet most generously presented to me bis excellent paper impression of the inscription and requested me to re-edit this record. In now, at last, complying with his request, I would gratefully acknowledge my obligations to the labours of my predecessors. Though from the first I saw that I could add but little to the main results of their work, I have persevered in my task because I felt that, even in its more minute details, the text of this, our earliest Sanskrit inscription of importance, ought to be given in as reliable a form as possible. A careful study of the impression enables me to add that the accompanying photo-lithograph, made under Dr. Fleet's own supervision, apparently is the first facsimile of this inscription that has been prepared by purely mechanical processes. The inscription is on the western side, near the top, of the famous rock which also contains the Asoka edicts as well as a long inscription of the Gupta king Skandagupta, about a mile to the eastward of the town of Junagadh in Kathiavad, and at the commencement of the gorge that leads to the valley which lies round the mountain Girnar.7 It contains twenty lines of varying length of well-engraved writing which covers a space of about 11' 1' broad by 5' 5" high. Of these, only the four last lines (17-20) are fully preserved, while in each of the lines 1-16, as will be seen from the facsimile, & more or less extensive part of the writing is entirely gone, through wilful damage or the peeling off of the surface of the rock. Taking the total length of the twenty lines to be about 1900", the missing portion of the writing would be about 275", or approximately one-seventh of the whole inscription. Where the surface of the rock has 1 See Jour. Bo. 41. Soc. Vol. II. p. 27, and Vol. III. Part XIII. p. 27. Prof. Wilson's revised translation was based on Nagari transcript of the text, which Mr. Thomas had prepared with much care from the improved facsimile of Messrs. Westergaard and Jacob,' which will be mentioned below. . See Jour. 43. Soc. Bengal, Vol. VII. p. 865 ff. and p. 887. * Perhaps I should mention that the inscription has also been edited, with a facsiunile, in A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, published by the Bhavnagar Archaeol. Department, p. 18 ff. . Some letters of the 6th edict will be seeu in the upper left corner of the accompanying facsimile; compare the facsimile of that ediet opposite p. 454 of Ep. Ind. Vol. II., near the upper right corner of which the first word (siddhan) of the present inscription may be seen. * Edited in Gupta Inscr. p. 58. * See Jour. As. 800. Bengal, Vol. VII. pp. 337 and 871-73, and Gupta Inor. p. 57; and, for photograph of the rock, Archaeol. Sure of West. India, Vol. II. Plate is. The length of line 1 is about 6'8", of live 9 (the longest line) about 11' 1", of line 11 about 8", of live 17 about B'?, and of line 20 only 2' 5'.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. remained intact, the writing is generally well preserved and may be read with confidence nearly throughout. The average size of such letters as n, p, b, m is about ". The characters according to Dr. Fleet (Gupta Inscr. p. 57) present an earlier form of the decidedly southern alphabet in the inscription of Skandagupta on the same rock. And this agrees with the opinion of Prof. Buhler who, in his Ind. Palaeographie, p. 42, has described the alphabet here used as one of the precursors of the southern alphabets. Some of the more characteristic features in which this alphabet agrees with the later southern alphabets, according to Prof. Buhler, are the curves at the lower end of the vertical strokes of initial a and 4 and of the consonants k, n and r, the round form of d, the manner in which the upper part of the vertical line of 1 is turned towards the left, and the form of medial ri which sometimes it is difficult to distinguish from the subscript T. Of initial vowels the inscription contains only a, a, i, and a (e.g. in Abokasya, 1. 8, a garbhat, l. 9, idan, l. 1, and ekarnava-, l. 5); of the ordinary Sanskrit consonants all excepting and jh, but chh, n, th and ph occur only as subscript letters (e.g. in -ochchhraya., l. 1, rajno, 1. 3, saushthava-, 1. 13, and sphuta-, 1. 14). We have besides the so-called southern !, in-palikatvat=, 1. 1, ppranali-, 1. 2, prandlibhir, 1. 9 (but not in pranad yd in the same line), and vydla., 1. 10. The signs for d, 4 and dh are throughout clearly distinguished as may be seen from e.g. idan, tadakan and dridha-, in line 1. Of final consonants only t occurs, in rasit, 1. 7. Subscript consonants, including y, are written by the ordinary full forms of the letters, excepting perhaps the l of Pahlavena, 1. 19, which has a somewhat cursive form. The superscript stands well above the top-line of the consonants, and in syllables like rbha, rtti, rshe, etc., is the bearer of those vowelsigns which are ordinarily attached to the top of a letter. Medial d, e, as and o are mostly denoted by quite horizontal lines which are generally attached to the top of the consonant sign; (see e.g. tadakan, l. 1, parjjanyena, 1. 5, vyanjanair-, 1. 15, and ghora-, 1. 7; but compare also e.g. jd in tataffalak-, 1. 6, dhd in dharana-, l. 13, de in saranadena, l. 10, mo in -ayamochchhraya-, l. 1, and other instances in which the vowel-signs are not attached to the top). As regards a, the chief exceptions to this are formed by ja - compare e.g. [valjaten=, 1. 28, and by md where (except in Om=Anartta-, I. 18) d is denoted by a hook-shaped line at the right top of m (as in malya-, l. 15). For i, i and i compare e.g. nihsandhi- and -palikatvat-, l. 1, srishta-vrishfind, 1, 5, and -avishkrita-, l. 11. Except in ru, medial u is denoted by a subscript curved line which is turned to the right when the consonant sign (as in g, t, $) is open at the bottom or (as in k and d) ends in a single down-stroke, while otherwise it is turned to the left; compare e.g. gu in gulma-, l. 7, tu in setuo, l. 2, ku in Kukur., 1. 11, with su in Sudarsanan, l. 1, pu in putrasya, 1. 4, mul in Eabhimukh, 1. 10, etc. For the corresponding forms of a compare bhi in bhataydms, 1.5, da in oduraya, 1. 12, with sthu in sthala and da in vaidurya-, l. 14, etc. For ru and Tu see e.g. taru- and -anurupa-, 1. 6. As in the case of u and in there are three forms of medial au, one of which appears in the pau of pautra, 1. 4, and paura-, 11. 16 and 18, another in the yau of Yaudheyanar, 1. 12, and sau of saushthavas, 1. 13, and the third in the nau of dhanaughena, 1. 16, and the mau of Mauryasya, twice in line 8. The signs of the jihuamaliya and upadhmaniya do not occor; but the characters, in line 4, include numerical symbols for 70 and 2. A sign of punctuation, consisting in a single slanting line, is employed only at the end of the inscription. 1 In Table III. Col. vi. of Prof. Buhler's work, where the alphabet of cur inscription is given, the sign of da (No. 18) is imperfectly drawn; it resembles the da rather than the da of the inscription. The signs No. 16 (which also is mutilated) and No. 25 in the same coloma, which unaccountably are transcribed by ta and nu, are really 14 and nas, and Prof. Buhler's remarks on them, on p. 42 of his text, are therefore incorrect. * Compare, similarly, rajno in lines 3 and 4. * In the mu of samudyuktaira, 1, 17, the subscript sigo is exceptionally turned towards the right. * The aw of pau is not, as has been stated, like the aw of the pas given in Prof. Fuhler's Table II. Col. xviii. No. 28, but differs from it in this that the shorter horizontal line is placed below, not above, the longer one.

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No. 6.] JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and the whole is in prose. In respect of orthography, we may notice the use, already mentioned above, of the lingual in the words pali, l. 1, pranali, 11. 2 and 9 (but not in pranadya, 1. 9), and vyala, 1. 10; the exceptional doubling of p before in pada-ppratisparddhs- and supprativihita-ppranali., both in line 2, and of t and n before y in prabhritty=avihata-, 1. 9, and kannya-, l. 15, (but not e.g. in rupapratt, 1. 6, mahaty-upa', 1. 3, and parijanyena, 1. 5); the insertion (ocopsionally found in later inscriptions from the south) of an anusvara before no and my in marudhainva", 1. 8, and abhiganmya, 1. 9; and the use common enough everywhere) of tu instead of tto, in satuadibhih, . 14, and atimahatvada, 1. 17. There is, besides, a certain want of uniformity in the writing, shown by the facts that, after r, consonants (excepting sibilants) are doubled 38 times but left single 29 times; that, in the interior of simple words before ch, t, d, etc., the special nasal of a class is used 12 times and anusvara 8 times; and that at the end of a word, before following s, visarga is left unchanged 6 times and changed to s three times. With reference to the external sandhi it may also be noted that no less than 10 times the rules concerning the combination of final with following initial vowels have been disregarded, even where two words are closely connected in sense (as e.g. in parjjanyena ekarnava-bhutayam-, 1. 5, -dv[]duraya anutsadanat-, l. 12); that before an initial vowel anusvara is three times written instead of m (88 e.g. in nadinam atimatr., 1. 6); and that in rajnah Chandra', 1. 8, visarga has been left unchanged before ch. And as regards the internal sandhi, the dental has been wrongly used instead of the lingual in -anuragena, l. 13, and Surashfranain, 1. 18. These two last may of course be mere clerical errors; and so no doubt are -vogena for -vegena, in line 7, rakshanartha for rakshan-arthan, in line 9, nirvyajam=avajity-avajitya for nirvyajam-avajity-dvajitya in line 12, and very probably tasmit for tasmina, in line 9, and kofd for kosanu, in line 16. The i of vitad-uttarany= in line 7 may be ascribed to the influence of the Prakpit visa ; what the author intended was vintad-uttaranya, where vimsat would have been used for vinsari in accordance with the practice of literary works like the Ramayana. In -uv[c]daraya, 1. 12, for apparently -avidurataya, the syllable ta must have been left out by a mistake of the writer ; and similarly the syllable ksi may have been omitted in Mauryasya te, l. 8, for which I propose to read Mauryasya ksite.- Looking at the language in general, what strikes one at once is the extreme dearth of verbal forms. In the text as preserved there are only two finite verbs, vartate in line 3 and asit in line 7, and even in its complete state the inscription could not have contained more than four such verbs, vis., in addition to the two just mentioned, probably another asit in line 8, and perhaps one verb in line 9. This scarcity of verbs will cause no surprise to the reader of classical prose works. While the chapter on conjugation takes the comparatively largest share of a Sanskrit grammar and presents considerable difficulties to the student, prose writers often employ only a few of the most common verbs' and easiest verbal derivatives. On the other hand -- and here again our text agrees with some of the best prose 1 This word is ordinarily spelt pranadi or prandll. - Attention may perhaps be drawn also to the spelling of taddka, 1. 1, and vaiddrya, 1. 14. This last word, according to the Nagurf MSS. of Papini': Ashiddhydy and of the Mahabhdahya and the Karika-Vritti on P. IV. 3, 84, would have to be spelt vaidurya; but the Kasmir MSS. known to me derive it from vidura. Vaidurya also is the reading of the MSS. of Hemachandra's grammar which I have compared. In Pali the word is vefuriya. * This one of the axustara as well as the non-observance of the rules of sandhi may be due to the influence of the Prakrit. The statement that ch has been frequently omitted before chl in this inscription is incorrect; it has not been omitted once. See the note on the text. If the reading were really tasmist, the anurodra here too might be ascribed to the influence of the Prikrit (Pali). Compare, e.g., pimiad-bhuja, Ram. (Bombay ed.) III. 83, 8 (vitali-bhuja, but against the metre, III. 85, 9); dimiad-yojana, V, 1, 154; VI. 39, 20; pitial, VI. 67, 7 and 98; chaturvimist, IV. 42, 20.-Either einiat- or oblat. was apparently intended above, Vol. III. p. 321, 1. 16.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. works- we find in the inscription a decided predominance of compounds over simple words. On a rough calculation the text contains about 1,330 syllables; about 440 of them belong to 144 simple words, while the remaining 890 are taken up by 88 compound nouns, consisting variously of from two to as many as fifteen members. But throughout, these compounds are plain and easy to understand, so that there is nothing embarrassing about their prevalence. In respect of inflection and syntax, the language is generally correct. Of grammatically wrong forms there is only the instrumental patina (for patyd), in line 11; but this form is equally found in the Ramayana, Mahabharala and similar works, with which the writer seems to have been familiar. An unusual construction we have in anyatra saigrameshu, 'except in battles,' in line 10, for the customary anyatra samgramebhyah; & redundant word in a garbhat=prabhriti, 'from the womb,' in line 9, for either a garbhat or garbhat-prabhriti; and an apparently wrong addition of purva in anupassishtapurva, in line 10, used in the sense of simply anupassishta. Of words not found in dictionaries the text presents only upatalpa, in line 6, denoting in my opinion 'an upper story,' and Svabhra, in line 11, as the name of a particular country or people; but attention may also be drawn to the words midha, 1.3, rashtriya, 1. 8, and pranayakriya, 1. 16, the meanings of which will be considered below. The author's disposition of his subject matter is simple and lucid. His object being to record the restoration, by the Mahakshatrapa Budi ada man, of the lake Sudarsana near which the inscription was engraved, he treats of his theme in six sentences, five of which have for their subject the words this lake Sudarsana' with which the inscription opens. This lake is now in an excellent condition (lines 1-3). It was destroyed by a storm during the reign of Rudradaman (II. 3-7). All the water having escaped, the lake, from being sudarsana, became durdarsana (11. 7-8). The lake had been originally constructed during the reign of the Maurya Chandragupta, and was perfected under the Maurya Asoka (11. 8.9). It has now been restored and made more beautiful than ever (sudarsanatara) by Rudradaman (11. 9-16), under whom this work has been carried out by the provincial governor Suvisakha (11. 17-20).- From this it will be seen that the greater part of the text is devoted to the actual restoration of the lake, which naturally furnishes the occasion for a full eulogistic description, and a record of the exploits, of the Mahakshatrapa by whom it was accomplished (11. 9-15). The previous history of the lake is sketched in a short, though historically important,* sentence. On the other hand, a vivid and striking account is given of the storm by which the lake and the surrounding country were devastated, in 1 Thut the author has used what I may call the epic pinkat- the text actually has vilat--for vinbati, has been already stated. The phrase paura janapadam janan in line 16 is Pads of an ordinary sloks, and actually occurs in the Ramayana ; and we find in the text & number of words which seem peculiar to, or at any rate occur often in, epic poetry. * Anyatra sangrameshu has been said to be tho quite correct expression for except in battles ;' but whether correct or bo from a theoretical point of view, it is not the engtomary Sonakpit expression, as may be seen from the umerous quotations on ler anyatra in the St. Petersburg dictionary. In fact, the authors of that work quote only & single passage from the Mahabharata in which anyatra "quite exceptionally "is not construed with the ablative. The case, for all I know, may be different in Pali; but when in Afoka's edict VI. (Girnar, 1. 14, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 455) we rend dukaran tu idam anata agena pardkramena, but this is difficult to do except by the utmost ezertion, this in Sansksit would have to be expressed by dushkaran traidamuanyatradgrydt-pardkramat. And I could certainly quote many passages from the Jdtakas in which shiatra is construed with the ablativu, while theoretically another case might have been considered more appropriate. With the passage in nur inscription we may to a certain extent compare Ram. V. 68, 19 and 64, 32: driskta na chenyena Hasumata for driskta so CA=anyena Hanimatah. I must leave it to Pali scholars to decide whether the author could have been possibly misled by the PAli to employ anuparsishta purva for anuparsishta (or na kaddchid=upassishta). In Jdt. Vol. VI. p. 76, 1. 15 (tatra man amachchd puchoh hissanti : api nu kho te mahardja Himacante vasantena na kichi achchhariyan ditthapubbaw'ti) ditthapubbani undoubtedly is equivalent to simply diffhami * I refer to the fact that the Mauryas Chandragupts and (bis grandson) Asoks (under this arme) are mentioned in this sentence.

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No. 6.] JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN. a piece of writing which, mutilated as it is, shows the writer to have been endowed with no mean poetio power. Prof. Buhlerl has well shown that the author, trusting to the effect of a plain, yet forcible narrative and characterization of events and individuals, makes spare use of those, often merely conventional, ornaments which abound in later inscriptions. With the exception of a play on the word Sudariana, the name of the lake, and one or two cases of an upamd, the 80-called arthalankaras may be said to be absent from his text. On the other hand, he shows & decided predilection for that kind of sabdalankara which consists in the repetition of one and the same group of syllables in neighbouring words (as e.g. in praharana-vitarana, 1. 10, samagranain ... vishayanam vishayanan, 1. 11, avidheyanan Yaudheyanan, 1. 12, -namna .. -damnd . Rudradamna, 1. 15, saktena danten-achapalen=dvismiten=aryyen=charyyera, 1. 19, etc.), and he occasionally makes use of the ornament of alliteration (as 6.g. in akritrimona setubandhen=opapannan supprativihita-ppranali-parivaha-midhavidhanan, !. 2, etc.). The general purport of the inscription has been given above. It remains to point out briefly some details, the full discussion of which, after all that has already been written about them, would necessitato a careful examination of other records some of which are in course of being re-edited critically by another scholar, and lies beyond the scope of this paper. The principal figure in our inscription is (the Western Kshatrapa,) the king (and) Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman; the name of his father (the Kshatrapa Jayadaman) was given in line 4, but has disappeared; his father's father was the king (and) Mahakshatrapa, Lord Chashtana (1.4). From an epithet in line 15 we learn that Rudradaman himself acquired or assumed the title of Mahakshatrapa. Other epithets in lines 11 and 12 tell us that by his own valour he gained, and became the lord of, eastern and western Akaravanti, the Anupa country, Anarta, Surashtra, Svabhra, Maru, Kachchha, Sindhu-Sauvira, Kukura, Aparanta, Nishads and other territories; that he destroyed the Yaudh@yas; and that he twice dufeated Satakarni, the lord of Dakshin&paths, but on account of the nearness of their connection did not destroy him.-The storm by which the lake Sudargana was devastated is stated (in lines 4 and 5) to have taken place on the first of the dark half of Margasirsha in the 72nd year according to the actual wording of the text--of Rudrad&man himself; but the meaning clearly is that it took place during the reign of Rudradaman, on the given day in the 72nd year of the era used by Rudradaman (and the Western Kshatrapas generally). With other scholars I feel convinced that this is the Saka era, and taking the year in the ordinary way as an expired year, I find that the date would correspond to either the 18th October, or more probably the 16th November, A.D. 150. Accordingly, our inscription may be assumed to have been composed about A.D. 151 or 152. The minister Suvisakha, by whom the work of restoring the dam of the lake was carried ont, is called in line 19) a Pahlava and the son of Kulaipa, and is stated (in line 18) to have been appointed by the king (Rudradaman) to govern (the province of) Anarta and Surashtra. The officials who in earlier times had constructed and perfected the lake under Chandragupta and Agoka respectively were (line 8) the provincial governor, the Vaisya8 Pushyagupta, and the. Yavana king' Tushaspha, governing the province or district under Asoka). 1 Bee his Die Indischen Inschriften, p. 51 f. Yor quite similar instances compare eg. the first pages of the Daiakumdracharita. * Sreag. Prof. Bahler in Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 272 1. M. Senart, ibid. Vol. XXI. p. 394 f.; Dr. Bhandarkar's Early Hist. of the Dekkan, p. 28 f.; Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji in Jour. Roy, 4s. Soe. 1890, p. 646 1.; the Bomcay Gazetteor, Vol. I. Part I. p. 84 ff., eto. * Por some of these names so the Nasik inscription in Arohaol. Suro. of West India, Vol. IV. p. 108, line 2. I.e. one of the Andhrabhsitys kings, but there is a difference of opinion as to which of them is here intended. * Compare the similar dates of my Northern List, No. 439, etc., and of my Southern List, No. 602. See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 163. * The Vaily as according to Varahamihirs are people of the western division; see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 192.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. Proper names, other than those given in the preceding, that ooour in the inscription, are (besides the name Sudarsana of the lake itself) Girinagara in line 1, Orjayat, the name of a mountain, in line 5, and Suvarnasikata and Palasini, the names of two rivers, in lines 5 and 6. Of these, Girinagara, the hill-city,' as was recognized already by Prof. Lassen, is the earlier name of the town of Junagadh or its ancient representative, wbile Urjayat denotes the mountain now called Girnar. Of the two rivers the first, according to Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji, is a small perennial stream now called Sonarekha; the name of the other does not seem to survive. TEXT. 1 Siddham [1] Idam tadikam Sudarsanam Gir[i]nagaradesp[i] [a][?]ram= a[n]t[a] . . . . . . . .. .. . . (tt)iko-pala-vistar-ayam Ochohbraya-?nihsandhi-baddha-dridha-sarvva-pAlikatv&t=parvvata-pa2 da-ppratisparddhi-suslish[t]a-'[ba][ndha?] :... to . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [va]jaten-Akritrimepa setubandhen=opapannan supprativihita-pprana?i-pari[v]&hs-11 3 midhavidhanam! cha tri-skan[dha?] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . n-adibhir-anugrahair-mahaty upachaye varttate [lo] Tad=idam rajno mahakshatrapasya sugrihs4 ta-nampah Svami-Chashtanasya paatrals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . putrasys rajfio mahakshatrapasya gurabhir=abhyasta-namno Rudradamno varshe dvisaptatitam[e] 702 5 Marggasirsha-lbahula-prat[i] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ........!!? srishta-vrishtina parijanyena18 karpatabhutayam=iva pritbivyar kritayen girer-Orjayata) Suvarnastkata 1 The town Girinagara is mentioned in an inscription of A.D. 706, Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 78, line 19. ? See Gupta Inscr. p. 57. * From Dr. Fleet's impression. An asterisk after a letter or ayllable shows that such letter or sy 12blo is entirely broken away. In the following notes the letter B. denotes Prof. Buhler's text, the letter I that of Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji. B. has tatakars, but the second syllable is undoubtedly dd; compare ta in taf-attalak, 1. 6. The word is spelt tadaka nlso in the Junagadh rock inscription of Skandagupta, Gupta Inger. p. 61, 11. 21 and 23.-It may be noted that Prinsep's wrong reading tatakam is responsible for the word tafaka, shore,' of our dictionaries I. and B. have Girinagara dri-pada-rama], but in his notes on I. Prof. Bubler stated that the reading di is very improbalile. In the impression, the akshara which by Bhagvanlal Indraji was read dri seems unionbtedly to be only da; and the following akshara cannot be read pa, but is most probably pi. . The original apparently had msittik.. I. has 6chkraya. * B. omits dridha. . From here, commencing with the t of shta, the lower part of the aksharas is broken away. The word read bandham might equally well be baddhan. 10 Here there are remainders of three aksharas, the second of which seems to have contained the conjonet rk. 11 I. and B. have -parlehan. 12 The sign of anusuara over na looks somewhat like the superscriptr. 13 I. and B, have -skandhan. 14 The lacuna may be filled up thos: pautra(sya ndjiah kshatrapasya sugrillta-namnah SodmiJayaddmna]); but I should have expected five or six syllables more. 15 I. and B. have Margao. 16 B. haspa, but the akshara prs and the t of ti sre clear in the impression. The original most probably bad pratipadi. 17 I. and B. have susrishta-, but the sign of visarga before srishta is quite clear. What remains of the akshara preceding the visarga looks as if that akshara bad contained the letter kor or a subacript 1. Real nyenaaikd.

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No. 6.] JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN. 6 Palasini-prabhfitinam nadinaminatimatr-odvfittair=vvegai" setum=[a?] ... . . . . . . . . . . . . Cya]man-nurupa-pratikaram-api girisikhara-taru-tat-attalak-patalpa-dvara-saranochchhraya-*vidhvamsind yuganidhana Badri7 sa-paramaghora-vogena vayuna pramathita-salila-vikshipta-jarjjariksit-ava[di?] ... . . . . . . . [k]eb[i]pt-agma-vriksha-gulma-latapratanam a nadi.(ta)14[a]-ity=adghatitamaksit [1] Chatrari hasta-satani visad-uttarany=yatena etevamty='eva vistirnena 8 parcha-na ptatim10 hast&peavagadhona bhedena nisspita-sarv va-toyat marudhanvaka-11 Ipamratibhrisam dard[d]al? . .. .. .. ... [6]y=[&]rthe Mauryasyal rajnah Chamdrag[u][pta ][8][ys] [r]ashtriyena [V]aisyenal Pushyaguptona karitam Asokasya Mauryasya te? Yavanarajena Tush[@]sphen-18 adhishthaya 9 pranklibhir-ala[m]krita[m] tat-karitay& cha raj-Anurupa-krita-19 vidhanaye tasmilo bhede doishtay& prank dyAl vis[tri"]ta-set[u] . . PAR * garbhat=prabhsitty-avihata-samud[i][ta?]-3r[a]jalakshmi-dh[Ara]n&-gunatas-sarvvavarpair=abhigarmya rakshan-&rtha patitve vritena & pran-echchhvasat= purusha vadhanivsitti-krita10 satyapratijnena7 anya[t]ra samgrameshy=abhimukhagata-sadpisa-satro-praharanavitaranatv-ariguna-rispa ?] . : : : . . . ta-28karungena svayamabhigata-ojanapada-prasipati[t?]-[y][DP]sha-30garanadena d asyu-vyalampiga-rog-adibhir=an upassishtaparvva-nagara-nigama 1 Read nadindm. * I. has vegaih. " I. and B. have ryaman.. * I. has nochhraya. . Read -vegena, which is the reading of I. and B. * Readprald nama. * Read vinfad. (for vinsaty-). * Read on-aita. * I. has oranty-dva. 10 I. and B. have-saptati. 11 Read marudhanpao, which is the reading of I. and B. I.e., probably, durddarfanamadsit I, with two or three words introducing the following sentence. 11 I. and B. have Mauryyasya. 1. Read rdjias. * The initial consonant, the lower part of which is damaged, has been restored by Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji. 16 Read kdritama. 17 For td Dr. Bhau Daji proposed tena, and Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji tat. I would suggest kritt. " I and B. have Tushdspana, but the siga for ph is distinct in two impressions of this passage. Compare also Dr. Kleet in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 195. 19 B. omits krita, #0 Tbe origiual inay possibly have tasmist, as read by Prinsep. Read lasmina. 11 I. bas prandlyd, and B. Prandlyd ; but pranady is quite distinct. - This akshara has been hitberto read no, but the back of the impression clearly shows that nd was engraved; this must be the last syllable of a noun in the instrumental case. Read Bed garbhdt. The vowel i over d appears to be quite certain; of the akshara which follows upon di the upper part is gone, and what remains looks like the remnant of pa or tha rather than of ta. But I consider samudita to be certain; samudaya would be impossible. * Bead wabhigamya, which is the reading of I. and B. * Read -drthan, which is the reading of I. and B. * Read vrites=d. 97 Read jridx=dnyatra. # Iand B. have (dhru)ta. and drita., but the akshara preceding ta is quite illegible. >> Over the ta of gata is a mark which might be taken for the sign of anusudra. 10 I. and B. have pranipatti [wifeha, I with the sign of interrogation aftor vise. In my opinion, the akalara read tti by them is undoubtedly ti, with, below it, an accidental scratch (which, if it were really 1, would stand under the right, not the left, vertical line of the upper t). Again, what remains of the consonant of the akadara preceding sha, does not look at all like a remnant off, but seems to be an almost fully preserved y. 11 L and B. havessiahtdpirora, but two impressions of this page have clearly shta, not shtd. G 2

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$4 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 11 janapadanam svaviryy-Arjitanam=anurakta-Barvva-prakritinam parvv-par-Akardventy Anupanivrid-Anartta-Surashtra-sva[bh]ra-(Ma]ru-[Kachlohha-[8]1[n]dhu-8[au]v[i]ra-Kukur-Apardta-Nishad-Adina samagra ar tat-prabb&vad-[y]a . . . ... . [ttha)-"kama-vishayana[m] vishayapam patinas sarvva-kshatr Avishkpita12 virassabda-jatotsok-Avidheyana Yaudheyenan prasahy-otsadakona Dakshin&patha pates-Satakarner-dvir-api nirvyajam=svajity-avajityab sarnbardh-&v[i]duraya anatsadankt-prapta-yasasa ma[a?] . . . . . . [pta)-7 vijayona bhrashta raja-pratishthapakena yatharttha-hasto13 chchhray-10Arjit-orjita-dharm-Annragenall sabdarttba-gandbarvva-nyay-adyan vidyl nam mahatinam parana-dharana-vijnana-prayog-dvapta-vipala-kirttina turaga-gajarathacharyy-Asi-charma-'niyuddh-adya. . . . . . . . . . . . [ti]-para bala-laghava-saushthava-kriyenals shar-sharuddana-man-&ns14 Famana-silena sthulalaksheqa yathevat-praptair-bali-sulka-bh&gaih kanaka-15 rajatalvajia-vaid arya-ratn-opachaya-vishyandamana-kosena sphuta-laghu-madhurachitra-kanta-gabdasamayodar-alamkrita-gadya-padya . . . Da pramapa-man-Onmana-svara-gati-varopa-18g&ra-saty-10Adibhih 15 parama-laksbana vyamjanair-upeta-kanta-murttin* Svayamadhigata-mahAkshatrapa namna narendra-katnya-gvayamvar-aneka-malya-prapta-damn[4] mahakshatrapena Rudradamna varsha-sabasraya go-brah(mja . . . r[tthalin dharmma-kirtti- vriddhy-artham cha' apidayit[v]A kara-vishti16 pranayakriyabhih paura-janapadam janam svasmataek064* mahata dhan-aughena86 anatimahata cha kalena trig[u]na-dridhatars-vistar-ayamam setum vidha[ya] [sa P]r[v]va-tact ]486 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . []Q darsanataram karitam=i[t]i [1] [A?][s]minn-Tartth888 17 mahakshatrapa[8]ya matisachiva-karmasachivair=%amatyaga na-samudyuktair=apy= atimahatvad=30bhedasy=knutsaha-vimukha-matibhi[b] praty[&]khyat-arambham From bhra to Saxof the upper portion of the aksharas is broken away. The text has been restored by Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji to whom the word Sindhu wes suggested by Prof. Buhler. Of the first akahara of the word Marw enough remains to show that the akshara was not bha. II. omits this, and B. has rova; but the akshara is undoubtedly the same which we bave in r[ttha]th, I. 16, only without the ansodra.-B. proposed to all up the lacuna by reading ya thapsitdod pta-arvoa]kdma; I myself would read ya[thdratprdpla-dharm-drttha)-kama. The grammatically correct form would be patyd. * The t of the syllable to of this word looks as if th or th had been originally engraved. Read sireydjam-avajity.doajitya. * I. and B. have dradarasta lyd, but there are clear traces of the vowel i above the sign for . The top of the akshara d4 is slightly damaged. Read duiderasta"]yadnu. 7 1. and B. have [tta). . B. has bhrashtardiya., but the reading bhrashtardja- appears to me to be quite certain. . 1. has yathartha. 10 1. bas chhray.. 11 Bead-dwurdgara. 12 This akshara is rma, not rmma, but the top part of it looks as if some other akshara had been originally in ended to be engraved. Read kriyenadhar. 16 1. has addnan 15 Possibly lednaka. may have been actually engraved. 16 B. omits rajata. 11 I. and B. have raidurya,, but the sign for d is most distinct in the impression. Besides, the sign for the u of du differs, as has been shown above, from the sign for 4 which is here used; compare the di of.dt[]ddraya, above, 1. 12. 18 I. has -tarna.. 19 Read Jatto. 80 I. has mirtind. I and B. have anyd., but the akshara nnyd is quite clear in the impression. 12 I. haskirtin. 23 kcad ch-dpro. * Read mkodn. * Kead -aughenednatio >> L and B. have (saruralnaga[ra], but the akshara read na by them is clearly ta. ** The a of as minna is very doubtful, but I consider it more probable than the ta of tarmin in I. and B. >> I. has aarth. I. has -karmmao. 10 Read mahattudd,

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No. 6.] 18 panahsetubandha-nair[a]eyad-hahabhutasu prajasul ih-adhishthane paura-janapadajan-anugrah-artham parthivena kritsnanam-Anartta-Surashtranam3 palanartthan='Diyuktena JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN. 45 19 Pahlavena Kulaipa-putren amatyena Suvisakhena yathavad-artha-dharmavyavahara-darsanair-anuragam-abhivarddhayata saktena danten-achapalen-avismiten= kryp-haryya 20 svadhitishthata dharma-kirtti-yasamsi bhartur="abhivarddhayat-anushtthitam-iti 1(1) TRANSLATION, (Be it) accomplished! (Line 1.) This lake Sudarsana, from Girinagara [even a long distance?]. . of a structure so well joined as to rival the spur of a mountain, because all its embankments are strong, in breadth, length and height constructed without gaps as they are of stone, [clay], . . furnished with a naand with well turallo dam, [formed by ?] provided conduits, drains and means to guard against foul matter,11 .. by .. three sections. favours is (now) in an excellent condition.19 and other (L. 3.) This same (lake) 13 on the first of the dark half of Margasirsha in the seventy-second- 72nd-year of the king, the Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman whose name is repeated by the venerable, the son of 15 1 Read prajdavik. I. has drttham. Read "shtrandi, which is the reading of I. and B. I. and B. have Palhavena. I has -dharmmam. I. has -kirti-. I. has bhartturm. 11 The word midha of the original text has been translated only by Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji. Taking midhavidhanam as a separate epithet of the lake, he rendered it by 'the outline of which runs in curves like a stream of urine,' to which Prof. Buhler added the note that mstrarekhd is a common expression in Gujarati for "crooked. " Both scholars apparently took midha to be synonymous with gomitraka; but this could hardly be approved of. Besides, midha-vidhanam, as we now see, really forms part of the Bahuvrihi compound commencing with suprativihita, and therefore either midha by itself or midha-vidhana must denote something that was provided for the lake just as conduits and drains were provided for it. In my opinion midha is identical with the Pali milha (e.g. in milhena litta, Jataka, Vol. III. p. 244, 1. 18, milha-littam mahdpatham, ibid. p. 525, 1, 27, milhena tam vadhisedmi pati hannatu patind, Vol. II. p. 211, 1. 25, mittadduno milham adenti bald, Vol. VI. p. 112, 1. 2), meaning 'excrements' or dirt, foul matter' generally; according to the smaller St. Petersburg dictionary midha is used in this sense also in the Lalitavistara, e.g. in midha-giri, a danghill,' Calcutta ed. p. 240, 1. 4. Now since foul matter would not have been provided for the lake, that which was so provided must be denoted by midha-vidhana, and I feel no hesitation in explaining this word to mean arrangements made to guard against foul matter or impurities." By the context vidhana here as elsewhere becomes practically equivalent to parihdra or pratikriyd; on Ram. III. 24, 11 andgata-vidhanam is explained by ajigamishitasy-dwishfasya pratividhanam parihdrah, and on VII. 21, 5 vidhana is similarly paraphrased by pratikriyd. " 19 If it were possible to say so with reference to a lake, I should have translated: 'is (now) in a highly prosperous state." I. has drthan. 7 I. and B. have hdryena. 10 Literally non-artificial.' The sentence is continued below, in the words with stones, trees, bushes,' etc. 14 As has been pointed out by Prof. S. Levi (Jour. Asiatique, 1902, p. 100), the use of abhy-as and the statement that Rudradaman's name was repeated by gurus at once suggest the notion that for these reverend personages the name was like another Veda, demanding assiduous study and devout veneration, and yielding the most precious fruit. Gurubhir-abhyasta-naman seems a stronger expression than the ordinary sugrihita-ndman which will be mentioned presently. In gurubhiraabhyasta-ndman (for the more logical garvabhyasta-ndman) we have one of those constructions which Indian grammarians impeach by the statement sapeksham-asamartham 3havati, but after all justify by gamakatodt-samdsah; similar constructions occur elsewhere in the text. 15 I.e. the son of the king, the Kshatrapa Lord Jayadaman; see the note on the text. In inscriptions and on coins Jayadaman is called Kshatrapa, not Mahakshatrapa; compare Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 157; Archeol. Surv. of West. India, Vol. II. p. 140; Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 82; and Jour. Roy. As. Soc. 1890, p. 645.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. ........., (and) son's son of the king, the Mahakshatrapa Lord Chashtans the taking of whose name is auspicious, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . when by the clouds pouring with rain the earth had been converted as it were into one ocean, by the excessively swollen floods of the Suvarnasikata, Palasini and other streams of mount Orjayat the dam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ., though proper precautions were taken], the water-churned by a storm which, of a most tremendous fury befitting the end of a mundane period, tore down hill-tops, treea, banks, turrets, upper stories, gates and raised places of shelter scattered, broke to pieces, (tore apart] . . . . . . . . . .,- with stones, trees, bushes and creeping plants scattered about, was thus . laid open down to the bottom of the river : (L. 7.) By a breach four hundred and twenty cubits long, just as many broad, (and) seventy-five cubits deep, all the water escaped, so that the lake), almost like a sandy desert, [became] extremely ugly [to look at]. (L. 8.) 6 . . . for the sake of .. .. ordered to be made by the Vaisya Pushyagupta, the provincial governor 7 of the Maurya king Chandragupta, adorned with The exact meaning of sugrilta-naman is well indicated by a passage in the Harshacharita, Bombay ed. p. 210, 1.6, which shows the result of uttering a bad man's paine: namadpi grinato 'sya pd pakarinah papamaleng lipyata ina me jihra, as I take merely the name of this miscreant, my tongue seems soiled with a sinirch of sin.' Sugrihita naman itself often occurs in the Harshacharita, applied to rogal or noble persounges, both living and deceased; compare p. 30, 1.6; p. 85, 1. 13; p. 101, 1. 6; p. 179, 1. 8; p. 200, 1. 1; p. 246, 1. 20; p. 261, 1. 23; and p. 278, 1. 19. From inscriptions I can quote ouly sugrikita-ndmadheya wbich occurs in the Badami pillar inscription of Mangalesa, applied to Mangalesa's grandfather Rapariga, Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 16, 1. 3 of the text. For the Lotion of the earth's being converted into one ocean (ekarnara-bkutayasaiva) compare e.g. Ram. V. 49, 20 : ayan hyautsahatd kruddhah kartum-ekarnaran jagat. I may add that nouns ending in bhdla like ekarnava-bhita are most common in the Ramdyana ; I have noted dicharya-bhita, trina-bh., dahana-bh., nimitta. bh., nydsa-bh., ratna-on., Rama-bh., mrita-bhata iva (III. 86, 28), and others. My translation of wpatalpa and uchchhraya regnires some justification. Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji has trans. lated the former by '(pieces of the neighbouring ground,' Prof. Bubler by Tempelsionen' i.e. pinnaclts of tumples); and both scholars, I do not know on what authority, bave rendered uchchhraya by pillars of victory. To me it seems highly probable that the words atlak-&patalpa of our text are identical ia sense (as they are closely connected in form) with talp-atta in Ragh. XVI. 11, biblrna-talpadfta-hato wiodiah; there talpa is explained to mean's room on the top of a house' or 'upper story, and the same meaning I would claim for spatalpa. Uchchhraya in line 1 of this inscription is used in the sense of beight, and in line 13 in that of raising, lifting up, elevation. The word also (see e.g. the commentary on Ram. VII. 81, 10) means anything which rises,' elevation' in the sense of an elevated piece of ground,' etc.; and if in the present passage we take faranochchhraya as one word, there is no reason to go beyond that strictly etymological meaning. Saranachchhraya would be any raised place serving as shelter,' a meaning that seems perfectly appropriate. We may compare stambh6chchhraya in Gupta Inscr. p. 44, I. 13, used clearly in the sense of a raised pillar, a lofty pillar' (wehcharitan stambhah, as tbe expression is ibid. p. 9, 1. 80).- The reader will observe the contrast between wohchhraya and the immediately following vidhvansin, which two words remind one of wdaya-dhvansa and similar expressions found elsewhere. * Vis, in the manner described in the following paragraph of the inscription. . For the play on the words - the lake Sudarsana became durdariana- compare Gupta Inscr. p. 60, 1. 17. . This paragraph speaks of the original construction of the lake during the reign of the Maorge Chandragupts and of improvements made under (bis grandson) Asoka. The subject of the sentence undoubtedly again was the lake'; the lake (probally for the benefit of the people) had been ordered to be made . . .; it was adorned . . '). 7 The position held by Pashyagupta and Tusbaspha, who were immediately instrumental in the makiup and improving of the lake under Chandragupta and Asks, is indicated by the words rdshfriydina and adhishthaya respectively. Considering that adhi-shtha in line 20 of this inscription is used in the sense of 'to govern,' and that adhiah tidna in line 18 means' government,' it seems most natural to ascribe the same meaning also to adhishedya in the present passage, i.e. to translate it by after baving assumed the government' or 'while he was governing (this province).' And this again should lead us, I think, to escribe a similar meaning to rdshtriya. I accordingly take this word, in its etymological sense, to be equivalent to ndaltridhikrita, 'appointed to rule a province or district,' as the word is explained eg. in the commentaries on Amaraldia 1. 7, 14 (compare also Pa pini IV. 9, 93). The technical mosninga king's brother-in-laws' which the word has in the plays, would neem to be out of place here.

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No. 6.] JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN. conduits for 1 Asoka the Maurya by the Yavana king Tushaspha while governing; and by the conduit ordered to be made by him, constructed in a manner worthy of a king (and) seen in that breach, the extensive dam . . . . . (L. 9.) .....he who, because from the womb. he was distinguished by the possession of undisturbed consummate Royal Fortune, was resorted to by all castes and chosen their lord to protect them; who made, and is true to, the vow to the latest breath of his life to abstain from slaying men, except in battles ;8 who [showed] compassion . . . . . .. . .. . not failing to deal blows to equal antagonists meeting him face to face; who grants protection of life to people repairing to him of their own accord and those prostrating themselves before him ;" who is the lord of the whole of eastern and western Akaravanti, the AnOpa country, Anarta, Surashtra, Svabhra, Maru, Kachchha, Sindhu-Sauvira, Kukura, Aparanta, Nishada and other territories gained by his own valour, the towns, marts and rural parts of which are never troubled by robbers, snakes, wild beasts, diseases and the like, where all subjects are attached to him, (and) where through his might the objects of religion), wealth and pleasure [are duly attained] ; who by force destroyed the Yaudheyas who were loath to submit, rendered proud as they were by having manifested their title of heroes among all Kshatriyas ; who obtained good report because he, in spite of having twice in fair fight completely defeated? Betakarni, the lord of Dakshinapatha, on account of the nearness of their connection did not destroy him; who (obtained] victory .. . . .. . .; who reinstates deposed 1 The word kritd, of which for ' is the translation, is conjectoral. In the original text the subject of this long sentence agaia is idar taddkam, 'this lake,' the predicate is omdarbanataram kdritam in line 16; "thin Inke has now been caused to be made (oven) more beautiful by Rudradiman (1. 16) who, because he was distinguished . . . In the translation I have adopted the active construction. On the construction of the words anyatra sangrameshu of the original text see above, p. 40, note 2. Here I would add two minor remarks. In the first place, it appears strange that, whereas elsewhere the end of one epithet (oc phrase serving as an epithet) of Rudrada man is not joined by the rules of sandhi with the commencement of the following epithet-compare oritana d prdn-ochchhvasato in line 9, and -kriyene aharahara in line 13- bere the rules of sandhi have been observed between sangrameshu which belongs to the preceding, and abhimukhagata. with wbich & new epithet begins. The observance of the rules of euphony in this case is the more striking as those rules have not been observed between anyatra and the word preceding it with which anyatra sangrameshw is closely connected in sense. Secondly, the way in which the author has pat anyatra sangrameshu reminds me somewhat of the Sutra-style of literature; the words d pran-ochchhodedtopurushavadhanioritti-krita-satyapratijfidna contain a rale, anyatra sangramesh, the exception. Both togetber look much like, e.g., the two Sutras of the Vishw-spiti, III. 48 and 49, the former of which is na rajakulam-uchchhindgat, he should not extirpate a royal family,' while the latter adds anyatredkulina-najakulat, except an ignoble royal family. Looked at in this way the non-observance of the rules of euphony as between -satyapratijtena and anyatra may lose somewhat of ito strangeness; the observance of them as betwein sangrdmdshu and abhimukhdgata. I can only regard as accidental. . For the general meaning of this epithet we may compare, e.g., nrindi baranyah baran-dgatanam and baran. qishindi saranam in Gupta Inser. p. 59, 1. 10, and p. 165, 1. 7. The word dyusha of the text, translated by lite,' is more or less conjectural; it is used at the end of compounds for dyus (see the St. Petersburg dietionary under dyusha). In the original I should have expected pranipatita to stand before janapada ; as it is, I can only take sayamabligatajanapada-pranipatita as a Dvandva compound. For janapada itself compare Gupta Ingor. p. 82, 1. 14, baltasya yo janapadanya cha bandhursdalt. With nagara-nigama janapada compare e.g. grama-nagara-wigama in Harshacharita, p. 220, 1. 1. * There is no doubt about the reading of the word anupastiahtapdrua of the text. Ordinarily this word, not troubled before, would imply that the territories now were, or might possibly be, troubled for the first time By robbers, etc., but it has apparently been incorrectly) used by the writer simply in the sense of 'never troubled.' The territories are never troubled by robbers, etc., just because they are ruled by Rudradaman. He is the apdkarta prajbpaghdta-karidupaplarandm, as the Valabht plates express the same idea.- Compare above, p. 40, note 8. 1 For apanji, to defeat,' the St. Petersburg dictionary quotes only passages from the Mahdoldrata; it occurs in the same renge in the Nasik inscription in Archaol. Suro. of West. India, Vol. IV. p. 108, 1. 6, andka-samar-dpajitasatwaghasa.

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48 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. kings; who by the right raising of his hand has earned the strong attachment of Dharma; who has attained wide fame by studying and remembering, by the knowledge and practice of, grammar, music, logic and other great sciences; who . . the management of horses, elephants and chariots," (the use of) sword and shield, pugilistic combat and other . the acts of quickness and efficiency of opposing forces; who day by day is in the habit of bestowing presents and honours and eschewing disrespectful treatment; who is bounteous; whose treasury by the tribute, tolls and shares rightfully obtained overflows with an accumulation of gold, silver, diamonds, beryl stones and (other) precious things; who' 1 Compare Gupta Insor. p. 8, 1. 23, aneka-bhrashtardjyotsanna-rajavamia-pratishthapana. In this epithet Rudradaman has been understood to be eulogized for making religious gifts; but I have searched in vain for passages in which the raising of the hand' is laid stress on or even mentioned where donations are spoken of. Both in literature and in iuscriptions what characterizes the hand of a person engaged in mak ing any kind of gift, is that it is moistened by the water (poured into the hand of the donee); compare e.g. Kadambart, p. 5, 1. 12, anavaratapravritta-dan-ardrikrita-karah; the Nasik inscription in Archaeol. Surv. of West. India, Vol. IV. p. 108, 1. 4, abhayodakadana-kilina-nibhayakarasa; Gupta Insor. p. 175, 1. 29, pradanasalila-kshalit-dgrahastdravindah; Inscriptions sanscrites du Cambodge, p. 17, note 2, etc. Occasionally the person who makes a gift is described as taking or raising the pitcher from which the water is poured into the hand of the recipient; see e.g. Jat. Vol. VI. p. 344, 1. 10, rajd tussitod gandhodakapunnam suvanna-bhimkaram adaya... setthissa hatthe udakam patetod; and Kdm. 11. 118, 50, aham tatra Rdmaya pitra udyatd datumudyamya jalabhajanam-uttamam, there my father, having raised the excellent water-pitcher, proceeded to give me to Rama.' But that in the latter case the raising of the water-pitcher is quite an incidental matter we see from an analogous passage in Harshacharita, p. 156, Grahavarmand kanyam prarthayitum preshitasya purodgatasyaiva pradhana-dutapurushasya kare sarvarajakula-samaksham duhitridana-jalam-apatayat, translated by Prof. Cowell and Mr. Thomas: in the presence of the whole royal household, he poured the betrothal water upon the hand of an envoy extraordinary, who had arrived previously with instructions from Gralavarman to sue for the princess. Considering these and similar passages, I do not think that hastochchhraya by itself could convey the idea of donation. In my opinion the expression perhaps finds its explanation in the precept of Manu, VIII. 2, according to which a king, when investigating cases of law, should do so seated or standing, raising his right hand (panim-udyamya dakshinam), etc. This explanation, which would make the raising of the hand' during legal investigations equivalent to 'the dispensation of justice' itself, may seem far-fetched, but it would fit in well with the statement that by the right raising of his hand Rudradaman earned the strong attachment of Dharma, i.e. Law or Justice personified.. It may seem doubtful whether the compound sabdartha of the original, in connection with the following vidyanam, should be understood to denote two sciences, viz. fabda-vidyd or grammar, and artha-vidya in the sense of artha-sastra-nti-sastra- or only one, viz. the science of words and their meanings, ie. grammar (including lexicography). The manner in which fabdartha elsewhere is immediately connected with nudya (e.g. above, Vol. VI. p. 18, 1. 9, sabddrttha-nydya-vidushd, and Gupta Insor. p. 85, 1. 4 of the text, sabdirttha-nydya-lokajah-kavih) seems to render the adoption of the second alternative more natural. Sabdartha-nyaya in my opinion would convey to a Hindu at once the notion of 'grammar and logic,' because these two belong closely together and would hardly be separated by something so different from them as 'policy.' It may be added that fabdartha, on account of the irregular position of its two members, in grammar is a well-known compound in the sense of word and meaning' and frequently occurs in this sense in the titles of grammatical, lexicographical and other works. Compare the commentary on Vishnu-purana, III, 26: gandharva-vedo Bharatamuni-pranito nrityagitadi. vishayah. See also e.g. Ram. 11. 2, 35: gandharve cha bhuvi sreshtho babhuva Bharat-egrajah, where gandharve is explained by samgita-sdstre; Gupta Inser. p. 8, 1. 27, and p. 81, 1. 7. Compare Ram. I. 18, 27: gaja-skandhe 'sva-prishthe cha rathacharydsu samhmatah. I take the sense of the whole epithet to be that by his skill in the management of horses etc. he rendered futile the acts of quickness etc. of opponents. 7 Compare e.g. dana-man-arjava, above, Vol. III. p. 320, 1. 2. See Halayudha, II. 210: sthulalaksho bahuvays. After who we evidently have to supply something like 'is skilled in producing compositions in. On the epithet which begins here compare Prof. Buhler's Die Ind. Inschriften und das Alter der Ind. Kunstpoesie, p. 53 ff.., where Prof. Bubler has tried to show that the adjectives sphuta etc. of the text have reference to certain rules of the Alamkara-fostra. Agreeing with him in general, I take sphuta, madhura and kanta to indicate the qualities prasada, madhurya and kanti of Dandin's Kdvyddarta (I. 45, 51 and 85); sphuta, 'clear,' would thus be what is readily understood (prattti-subhaga); madhura, 'sweet,' that which pleases by its sound and (refined) diction; and kanta, 'beautiful,' that which is free from exaggeration, is not too far-fetched, etc. Sabdasamaya being almost synonymous with fabdanyaya in Kavyadarsa, I. 75, I incline to connect sabdasamay dddra with Candin's artha.

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No. 6.] JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN. 49 . prose and verse, which are clear, agreeable, sweet, charming, beautiful, excelling by the proper use of words and adorned; whose beautiful frame owns the most excellent marks and signs, such as (auspicious) length, dimension and height, voice, gait, colour, vigour and strength; who himself has acquired the name of Mahakshatrapa; who has been wreathed with many garlands at the svayamvaras of kings' daughters;- he, the Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman, in order to cows and Brahmans for a thousand of years, and to increase his religious merit and fame, without 'oppressing the inhabitants of the towns and countrys by taxes, forced labour and acts of affection- by (the expenditure of) a vast amount of money from his own treasury and in not too long a time made the dam three times as strong in breadth and length .... [on] all [banks] . . .. (and so) had (this lake) made (even) more beautiful to look at. (L. 16.) When in this matter the Mahakshatrapa's counsellors and executive officers, who though fully endowed with the qualifications of ministers, were averse to a task (regarded as) futile? on account of the enormous extent of the breach, opposed the commencement (of the work), (anu) when the people in their despair of having the dam rebuilt were loudly lamenting, (the work) was carried out by the minister Suvisakha, the son of Kulaipa, a Pahlava, who for the benefit of the inhabitants of the towns and country had been appointed by the king in this government to rule the whole of Anarta and Surashtra, (a minister) who by his proper dealings and views in things temporal and spiritual increased the attachment (of the people), who was able, patient, not wavering, not arrogant, upright (and) not to be bribed, (and) who by his good10 government increased the spiritual merit, fame and glory of his master. vyakti, which depends on an author's giving clear verbal expression to his thoughts instead of leaving them to be guessed. Laghu, 'agreeable' (ishta), and chitra, 'charming,' seem too vague expressions to connect them confidently with any particular qualities of the text-books; alamkrita, 'adorned,' requires no explanation. 1 Compare Ram. V. 33, 11, vyanjandni hi te yani lakshandni cha; and, for various auspicious marks and signs, ibid. I. 1, 9 ff., II. 48, 29 ff., V. 35, 8 ff., etc. 2 I.e., shortly, in order to benefit.' The original text may have contained something equivalent to go-brdhmana-hitarthaya desasya cha hitaya cha in Ram. I. 26, 5. The expression go-brahmana, cows and Brahmans,' is very common; see e.g. ibid. III. 23, 28; 24, 21; VI. 107, 49; 117, 20, etc.; Gupta Inser. p. 89, 1. 9, go-brahmana-purogabhyah sarvva-prajabhyah; and above, Vol. VI. p. 20, note 1. The words paura-jdnapadam janam of the text clearly are the second or fourth Pada of an ordinary Sloka; the same phrase we actually have e.g. in Ram. II. 111, 19 and 27, paura-janapado janah in II. 2, 51, paurajanapada jandh in VII. 43, 5, etc. Paurajanapada-jana occurs again in line 18 of the text. Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji suggested that pranaya-kriya may be 'a kind of tax like the modern pritidan.' I have not found the word elsewhere, used as a technical term, and can only suggest that it may denote offerings or contributions which nominally are voluntary, but which people feel constrained to make to please somebody or for other reasons. I.e., perhaps, 'planted trees on all banks." As above (see p. 46, note 5) there is here also a play on the words; the lake Sudarsana was made sudarfanatara. On the analogy of compounds like apratishedhah-anarthakah pratishedhah, avachanam anarthakam eachanam, which we find in grammatical works, I explain anutsdha by anarthaka utsaha, a fatile (or impossible) task. In connection with this explanation we may note that the two words pratyakhyata and arambha of the text are just such as a grammarian would be familiar with. Since I have translated somewhat freely, I would state that pratyakhyat-drambham, which has been objected to as grammatically wrong, in my opinion is correct. The word is the subject of anushthitam in line 20; 'that of which the commencement was opposed was carried out.' With punahsetubandha-nairdtydt compare karya-nairdsydt in Rdm. V. 35, 57; with hdhabhutasu prajasu, Gupta Inscr. p. 60, 1. 17, vishadya[manah khalu sarvato ja]ndh katham-katham karyam-iti pravddinah. Hdhdbhuta, 'exclaiming hd hd,' like hdhdkrita, is well known from the Mahabharata etc. 10 For the way in which su in seadhitishthatd is prefixed to a present participle we may compare Ram. II. 33, 4. sufakyante; VI. 40, 18, sucheratuh; VI. 110, 9, suparivartate; V. 62, 21, suparigrihya; VII. 30, 36, sunirbharteya; etc. H

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. No. 7.-CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III.; OF THE PERIOD A.D. 989-1005. BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (Retd.), PH.D., C.I.E. Chikmagalur, or more precisely Chikka-Magasur, is the head-quarters town of the Kadur district, and of the Chikmagalur taluks of that district, in Mysore. In the Indian Atlas sheet No. 43, N.E. (1892), it is shewn as Chikmagalur,' in lat. 13deg 19', long. 75deg 50'. In the present record, as in some others, it is mentioned as Kiriya-Muguli," the smaller or junior Muguli." The Piriya-Muguli, or "larger or senior Magali," of the record, is the modern Hiremagalur or Hire-Magalar, shewn in the Atlas sheet as simply Magalur,' about one mile east-by-south from Chikmagalur; in an inscription of A.D. 959 (P 958) at Uppahalli (Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI., Cm. 42; regarding the date, see note l on page 56 below), Piriya-Mugali seems to be referred to as simply Muguli. Local imagination, as reported by Mr. Rice in his Mysore, revised edition, Vol. II, pp. 879, 395, 396, would account for the names by alleging that one village was the dowry of the eldest daughter (hire-magalu, piriya-magal), and the other was the dowry of a younger daughter (chakka-magalu, kiriya-magal), of the epic king Rukmangada, whose capital is locally supposed to have been Sakardypatna or Sakkarepatna, a village about thirteen miles towards the north-east of Chikmagalur. But it is quite plain that that idea is based upon nothing but the modern corrupted form of the essential name of the two places, namely magalur for muguliyur. And, as has practically been already suggested by Mr. Rice (loc. cit. p. 379), the original name is no doubt to be attributed to a local abundance of the muguli-tree, Acacia suma. The insoription, which is on a stone standing on the north of the kalyani, apparently & square pond with steps on all sides, in the fort at Chikmagalur, has been published by Mr. Rice in his Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. (1901), Kadur district, Cm. 3, transliterated texts p. 95, translations p. 35, Kanarege texts p. 154. I now edit it, partly from the Kanarese text, and partly from a photograph which Mr. Rice kindly sent me in December, 1899. The photograph is not as distinct as an ink-impression or an estampage would be. But it shews quite clearly all the historically important part of the record, lines 1 to 7. And it soffices, with the help of the Kanarese text, to make the decipherment of the remainder satisfactory, except in respect of & very few doubtful syllables which I have placed in square brackets with queries attached to them. A coording to the entry above Mr. Rice's Kanarese text, the size of the stone is 2' 6" broad by 5'0' high. - The photograph shews, above the writing, an elephant, which must be about 1'3" high, standing to the right (proper left): its trunk hangs straight down, almost to the ground, with the tip tarned op inwards; and it seems to have & sarcingle, like the elephant above the Peggur inscription of A.D. 978, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 101, No. I, and Plate opposite Coorg Insors, p. 7.--The area covered by the writing must be about 3' 3" high. It is somewhat irregular in shape; and, if we understand that 2' 6" is its extreme breadth, then in line 1 it is about 1'9' broad, and the breadth gradually increases to the full measure of 2' 6' in line 11 or 12, and maintains that measure as far as the end. The writing seems sufficiently well preserved for a good ink-impression or estampage to make the whole of it quite legible without any doubt.- The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and evidently well executed. And they are of a type which is fairly referable to any time about A.D. 1000. Of the usual testletters, the kin is absent; then, which ooours four times, in lines 9, 10, 12, and 16, and the j, b, and 1, are all of the fully developed later type. The initial short i cours four times, in innugu for innuru, line 9, in inta, line 12, in i (for) kodanigeyan, line 12, and in indavurada, line 16; and in each case it is of the fully developed later type: the importance of this paleographic

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No. 7.] CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III. 31 detail, in guiding us to the real period and attribution of the record, will be made clear further on. The record further presents an initial o in line 10, and final forms of t in line 4. of r in line 12 (twice), and of ? in line 7. It does not seem to make any perceptible difference between the dental d and the lingual d.-The language is Kanarese, of the archaic type, in prose. And the vocabulary presents three words which call for comment. In line 9 we have a word which according to Mr. Rice's published texts is nir-panya, and which, in Mr. Rice's translation, has been rendered by 'wet land.' That rendering is based, I suppose, on an idea that nir may occur as another form of nir, niru, 'water.' But there is no justification for that in the late Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary. And from the photograph I read l, notr, and find the word nil, length. From the context, and the usual method of expression in the records, I should have been disposed to take the whole word nilpanya es denoting some partioular measure of land, of the same class with mattar, nivartana, etc. Bat Dr. Kittel's Dictionary gives panya, panneya, in the sense of a farm, a landed estate,' connected with pano, 4, ground that is worked, tillage, a quarry ;' and Mr. Ullal Narasinga Rao's Kisamwar Glossary, Mangalore, 1891, p. 95, gives panya in the sense of lands formerly held by the Rajas and now leased out on the condition of their being surrendered when government makes & demand; crown-lands.' I therefore take nilpanya as some particular kind of panya-lands, consisting of very long narrow strips such as may be often seen in various parts of the Kanarese country. And I consider that probably the word mattar should be supplied. In line 12, assuming that we have the lingual and not the dental d, we have kodangeyan, as the accusative of a word kodanige. This word has not been translated by Mr. Rice. I take it as the older form of the kodage, kodige, a gift, & grant, of Dr. Kittel's Dictionary, and of the later kodagi, which is given in the Kisamwar Glossary as meaning 's grant of land' (p. 144), and (a) 'lands having an invariably fixed rent, not liable to any change on account of the seasons, etc., and saleable,' and (b) lands granted for service in connection with the restoration or construction of tanks, or of their maintenance in good order' (p. 91). It seems sufficient to translate it here by allotment.' In line 12, again, we have a word balasidor which Mr. Rice, apparently taking it from balast, 1, 'to go in a circle or round; to circumambulate; to surround,' etc., has translated by "those (? who own the land) surrounding." I notice that the Kisamwar Glossary, p. 15, gives balasu in the sense of husbandry, cultivation;' and, even apart from that, I see no difficulty about taking balasu as a variant of belasu,' to cause to grow, to raise (s orop),' eto. : and I therefore translate the word by 'those who have cultivated;' finding in that meaning an equally good means of defining exactly the grant that was made. As a matter of fact, the photograph shews before the b & mark which might justify our actually reading b[@]?asidor. That, however, does not seem to be really necessary-In respect of orthography, the only points calling for notice are (1) the use of the guttural nasal min [gaunda]rige, line 8-9, narasingayyanum, line 10, kodangeyan, line 12, and mangala, line 16, as contrasted with the use of the amusara in koguni, line 1, rdchamallange, line 4. patfangattid, line 4-5, and rajyam-geyyuttams, line 7-8; and (2) the use of s for e in suddha, line 6. The inscription refers itself to the time of & prince Nitimarga-Rachamalla, plainly of the family of the Western Gangas of Talakad, in whom we have a third Rachamalla, not previously recognised. And it is dated, without a reference to any era, in the sixth year of his rule, on a day specified by certain details to which we shall advert farther on. It is & non-sectarian record, registering & grant of land by private persons to a private person. The following places are mentioned in the record, in addition to Kiriya-Maguli and PiriyaMagali : Palmedi. This is mentioned again in an inscription of A.D. 959 (P 958) at Uppahalli, Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI., Om. 42. I cannot find its representative in the mape. 1 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. Bennoyur. This is probably the Bennur at which there is an inscription of A.D. 1538, ibid., Cm. 127. I cannot find it in the maps. Maltavura. This is probably a village which is not shewn in the Atlas sheet, but is entered as Mattavara,' somewhere close on the south of Chikmagalur bat without an indication of its actual site, in the map of the Kadur district in Mysore, revised edition, Vol. II. p. 367. Urpavalli. This must be the Uppahalli at which there are inscriptions of A.D. 959 (2 958) and later dates, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Cm. 38 to 43. I cannot find it in maps. Regarding the proper attribution of one of these records, Cm. 42, and the question of its actual date in A.D. 959 or 958, see page 56 below, and note 1. According to the published reading, another of them, Om. 38, is dated (see the Kanarege text, p. 171) in the Paridhavin samvatsara coupled with Vikragdlan 1070, which (see the transliterated text, p. 103, the translation, 38, and Introd. p. 15) is supposed to mean Vikrama-kalan 1070, giving the Vikrama year 1070 (current), which was the Paridhavin samvatsara, = A.D. 1012-13. But anything of that kind would of course stamp the record as a spurious one. Indayurs. This must be the Indavara' of the Atlas sheet, two miles west-by-north from Chikmagalur, and, I suppose, the 'Ind&vara' at which there are inscriptions, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Cm. 30 to 86. Its name is given as Indavara above the Kanarese text of Om. 30; bat the record itself gives it as Indavara according to the transliterated text, and as Indapara according to the Kanarese text, line 10. The inscription Cm. 36, of A.D. 1292, gives it according to the transliterated text as Inda ura, but according to the Kanarege text as Indavura, in line 9, and according to both the texts as Indavura in line 10. The Uppahalli inscription Cm. 38, which purports or is supposed to be dated in A.D. 1012-13, appears to give the name as Indayura. The record is certainly & Western Ganga record. This is established partly by the locality to which it belongs ; partly by the emblem of the elephant at the top of the stone; and partly by the personal name Rachamalla, and the epithet Nitimarga, of the reigning prince, and by his titles, Konguoivarman, lord of Kuva!ala, and lord of Nandagiri. For the rest, the interest of it centres in the question of the period in which we are to place it. Mr. Rice originally, in 1884 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 188 b), brought this Chikmagalur inscription to notice as being "dated in the 6th year after Madhava Maharajadhiraja had enfeoffed Racha-Malla ;" which explanation of it would have the effect of placing it, according to the fictitions Western Ganga pedigree and chronology, before at any rate A.D. 466, and perhaps before A.D. 248 (see my Table in Vol. III. above, p. 161). Subsequently, however, in 1886 (Ooorg Inscrs. p. 5), having apparently recognised meanwhile that it does not really mention a Maharajadhiraja Madhava, he referred it to a Nitimarga-Rachamalla who, according to his views, was ruling from A.D. 902 to 909. And in his last treatment of it, in 1901 (Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI. Introd. p. 8), endorsing that view with only the alteration that the record should be placed in or aboat A.D. 899, he has grouped it along with the following other records : (1) An inscription at Ganjigere in the Kadar district, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Cm. 133. This record is dated, without any mention of the Saka year, in the first (year of the rule of a Nitimarga whose personal name is not mentioned in it. (2) An inscription at Hiro-Basur in the Kadur district, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Kd. 141. This record refers itself to the time of a Nitimarga whose personal name is not mentioned in it. It contained A-date in the month Chaitra of a Saka year which Mr. Rice has assumed to be the year 822 (current), with the result of A.D. 899 (loc. cit. Introd. p. 8, and translations, p. 26). But all that remains extant of the passage containing the date is ...... nura [rppatt

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CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III. No. 7.] eradaneya varisuda Chaitra-masa.., "[of] the month Chaitra of the year hundred and twenty-two," and there is nothing whatever to fix us to the year 822. 53 (3) An inscription at Hiremagalur in the Kadur district, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Cm. 8. This is a record of a Niti[marga], whose personal name is not mentioned in it, but who, we are supposed to learn from it (see the translation, p. 36), had the biruda Jayadutta [ramga]. It does not present any date at all. (4) An inscription at Anchavadi in the Mysore district, Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Ch. 134. This record is dated, without any mention of the Saka year, in the first year of the crowning of a Nitimarga whose personal name is not mentioned in it. (5) An inscription at Gattavadi in the Mysore district, Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 97. This record, however, is dated in the fifth year of the crowning, not of a Nitimarga, bat of a Satyavakya. And it does not include any mention either of a Nitimarga, or of a Rachamalla, or of the Saka year. (6) Another insoription at Gattavadi, on the back of the same stone, Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 98, which is dated, without any mention of the Saka year, in the fifth year of the crowning of a Nitimarga whose personal name is not mentioned in it. (7) An inscription at Kuligere in the Mysore district, Ep. Carn. Vol. III., MI. 30. This record refers itself to the time of a Nitimarga whose personal name is not mentioned in it. And it is dated in the Saka year 831 (expired), A.D. 909-910. (8) The inscription at Doddahundi in the Mysore district, Ep. Carn. Vol. III., TN. 91; edited by me in Vol. VI. above, p. 43. This record commemorates the death of a Nitimarga whose personal name is not mentioned in it, and speaks of his eldest son Satyavakya, whose personal name, also, is not mentioned. It does not present any date at all. And Mr. Rice has thus arrived at "P 899 A.D." as the date of this Chikmagalur record; Bee Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Classified List, p. 1, and translations, p. 35. Mr. Rice's arrangement, however, will not stand the test of examination. In the first place, from his incongruous grouping we have to dismiss the first Gattavadi inscription (5). As remarked above, it is a record, not of a Nitimarga at all, but of a Satyavakys. And it does not help in any way in connection with the Chikmagalur inscription. In the second place, we must dismiss the Doddahundi inscription (8). This record is shewn by a paleographic detail to be appreciably earlier than A.D. 899. And, as has been explained by me in Vol. VI. above, p. 43, it is to be placed roughly about A.D. 840, and the Nitimarga of it is Ranavikrama, son of Sripurusha-Muttarasa. And we must further dismiss the other inscription at Gattavadi (6). This can only be a record of Nitimarga-Ereyappa, to whom I have already referred it (Vol. VI. above, p. 70), falling probably in A.D. 912-13. We need not give any attention to the Ganjigere inscription (1) and the Anchavadi inscription (4). These records do not throw any light on the date of the Chikmagalur record. And there is nothing at present to identify the prince or princes mentioned as Nitimarga in them, or to enable us to refer them to any particular period; as in the case of many other records, nothing can be done with them until we have facsimiles or ink-impressions of them, unless perhaps an index, when we have one, of all the miscellaneous proper names mentioned in the records of the Western Ganga series, may furnish any clues. The Kuligere inscription (7) does certainly give a date for a Nitimarga in A.D. 909-910. But it does not contain anything tending to identify that Nitimarga with the Nitimarga

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. VIII Rachamalla of the Chikmaga!ar record. And, as has been shown by me in Vol. VI. above, p. 69, it is a record of Nitimarga-Ereyappa. And as regards the Hire-Basur inscription (2), in the first place, the extant remnant of its date may be understood to mean Saka-Samvat 922 (expired), in A.D. 1000, quite as well as S.-S. 822 (expired), in A.D. 900.And in the second place, its date cannot be A.D. 899 or 900); because there was then ruling, not a Nitimarga, but Satyavakya-Batuga I.: see my remarks in Vol. VI. above, p. 68 f., and my Table, ibid. p. 59. It is highly probable that the Hire-Basur inscription really is another record of the Nitimarga-Rachamalla of the Chikmagalur record ; but, if so, then its date is certainly S.-S. 922 expired, in A.D. 1000. There remains the Hiremaga!ur inscription (3), the published text of which gives a Nitimarga), with the biruda of Jayadutta(ramga]. It is quite possible that this is another record of the Nitimarga-R&chamalla of the Chikmaga!ur inscription. But that point depends a good deal upon whether the biruda which has been read in it as Jayadutta[ranga] should rather be read Jayadanka[kara), or whether a biruda in an inscription at Elkuru in the Mysore district (Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Ch. 10; and see note 4 on page 56 below), which has been presented to us as Jayadankakara, should rather be read Jayadattaranga. And, in any case, this Hiremagalur andated record does not help us to arrive at a date for the Chikmagalur record. In coming now to my own determination of the real period of this Chikmagalur inscription, I may premise that this is not the first occasion on which I have had the matter ander consideration. In August, 1899, Mr. Rice sent me the texts of the dates of this inscription, and of the spurious Javali copper-plate record (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Mg. 36) which purports to register a giant made by Sripurusha-(Muttarasa) in his twenty-fifth regnal year, on a specified Coasion in the month Vaisakha, Saka-Samvat 672 expired. I had not then received the photograph of the Chikmagalur inscription. All that I could say at that time, was, that the inscription might be a record of the Rachcha-Ganga who ruled between Batuga II. and Marasimha II.; that is to say, between A.D. 949-50 and 963-64 as matters then stood, but, as we know now (see Vol. VI. above, pp. 59, 71), between A.D. 953 and 963-64. Disregarding the nakshatra, and calculating for the full-moon, I found that the only possible result, for that period, is Monday, 5th November, A.D. 960, on which day the full-moon tithi, of the second Kerttika if we take Karttika itself as the intercalary month, or of the only Karttika if we take Bhadrapada as the intercalary month, began at about 4 hrs. 41 min. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain). This result was not altogether satisfactory, inasmuch as there was no apparent reason why the tithi should have been used with the day opon which it began. But I communicated the result, such as it was, to Mr. Rice, in September, 1899, and sent him at the same time the result for the Javali date, the details of which are quite correct for Monday, 20th April, A.D. 750. And this leads me into a short digression, for which I must be excused. Mr. Rice has not mentioned the suggestion that I then made about the Chikmagalur record; which, however, is not a matter of any importance. But he has quoted my result for the Javali date, in Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI. Introd. p. 7, and note l. It is not, however, to be thought, though it might easily be so imagined from the way in which the matter is there put, -that the opinion is mine, that the date of Sripurusha-Muttarasa is now fixed by this result of my own calculations (see loc. cit. p. 29, line 23 f.), or that "this confirmation of an exact date is important" (loc. cit. p. 7, line 5 f.). There are the facts, that, amidst all the mass of information about Mysore which we have now available in Vols. III. to VII. and XI. of Mr. Rice's Epigraphia Carnatica, and in his books entitled Mysore Insoriptions, Coorg Inscriptions, and Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, the earliest instance that is forthcoming, of the use of the Saka era in Western Ganga records the authenticity of which is or seems to be It could equally well menn Saks-Sarhvat 722 (expired), in A.D. 800, but for a point, stated by me on page 56 below, about the period of the adoption of the Saks era in the Western Gange records.

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No. 7.) CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III. anquestionable, is in the Husnkteru inscription, from the Mysore district, of Satyavakya-Rajamalla, grandson of Sripurusha-Muttarasa, which is dated in the Saka year 792 (expired),=A.D. 870-71 (Ep. Oarn. Vol. III., Nj. 75), and that the era was not used by any means freely in that series of records even after that time; which facts indicate pretty plainly that the Saka era was not adopted at all by the Western Gangas until long after the alleged date of the Javali plates, and probably was not even known at that alleged date in the southern parts of Mysore, and are sufficient in themselves, even apart from other considerations, to cause any thoughtful person to hesitate before accepting a Saka date of more than a century earlier, even though it does work out correctly. Further, we who are accustomed to handle Hinde dates, know quite well that the fact that a date has been recorded accurately does not prove the authenticity of a record, any more than an incorrect date proves that the record in which it is put forward is spurious, and it will be obvious, to anyone who reflects, that a Hinda, wishing to set up any particular date with acouracy, could, even in ancient times, by going to a proper person, get it correctly computed for him just as surely, though not so quickly, as we can now test it. And the case about the Javali date simply is that the accuracy of its details would be important, if the record were a genuine one, which it certainly is not. Beyond that, Mr. Rice took the opportunity to make certain obseryations in a foot-note (loc. cit. p. 7, note 2) and in a postscript (loc. cit. p. 29 f.), about which I cannot well avoid saying something, though it does not seem necessary that I should say much. As regards his foot-note, its tone speaks for itself; and I have only to add that the modifications and corrections which I could not make in Vol. V. above, pp. 151 to 180, but which I made in Vol. VI. above, p. 58 and p. 67 ff., were in respect of details in which I had been misled through relying on Mr. Rice himself, and notably in connection with the spurious Suradhenupara plates (see Vol. VI. p. 58). As regards his postscript, the same remark as to tone applies; and also, anyone who may care to take the trouble can see, by means of the extracts and references given by me in Vol. VI. above, p. 74 ff., and p. 80 ff., that Mr. Rice did attempt to make out a case, against my views on the subject of the invention of Purinic genealogies, by means of garbled extracts from my writings. It is a matter for regret, because of the complications to which it leads, that Mr. Rice, in spite of the exceptional opportunities available to him, is still bent on trying, and by methods which may be ingenious but are certainly not commendable from any other point of view, to bolster up the fictitious early history of Mysore which he has put together from a credulous acceptance of spurious records and imaginative legends and from a resulting failure to deal properly with even some of the genuine records, instead of joining in the much more profitable and really interesting task of working out the true early bistory and accounting for the existence of the sparious records. But unfortonately that is the case; and it furnishes the explanation of the differences between Mr. Rice and me. I would add, though it is hardly necessary, that, if anything should ever come to light to justify such a course, I should not hesitate for a moment about abandoning my present views in respect of the Western Gangas, and cancelling anything in my writings about them which would then be wrong. But nothing of that kind has happened yet. It is true that, - assuming the reliability of a record which I have no means of judging by either a facsimile or an ink-impression or a photograph,- an inscription at Agandi in the Kadur district (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Kd. 145) does shew that Sriparusha-Mattarasa really had a son named Vijayaditya. That fact, however, is scarcely sufficient to establish a whole series of other things which are impossible in themselves. We return to the subject of the Chikmagalur record. Such way my opinion in 1899 : that it might be placed between A.D. 949-50 and 963-64, and perhaps in A.D. 960. But now more light can be thrown upon the matter. In the first place, we must notice an inscription at Uppahalli in the Kad or district (Ep. Oam. Vol. VI., Om. 42), which refers itself to the time of a Satyavakya whose personal name is

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56 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. not mentioned in it, and is dated in A.D. 959, or possibly 958. Mr. Rice (ibid. Introd. p. 8 f.) has attributed this record either to the well known Ereyappa, or else to his immediate predecessor: which of the two he intends, is not clear; but the doubt is unimportant, because the record does not really belong to either of them. And, by the way, in connection with the mention of Ayyapadeva along with Ereyappa in the Begur inscription (see Vol. VI. above, p. 47), Mr. Rice has in the same place referred to the same period, and has proposed to date in A.D. 929, an inscription at Kuppehalu in the Kadur district (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Kd. 6) which registers & grant made by the order of a certain Ayyaparasaya. But there is here a very peculiar confusion. The declensional and conjugational forms in the Kuppehalu inscription mark that record, quite unmistakably, as at least several centuries later than A.D. 929. And Ereyappa, who was moreover a Nitimarga, not a Satyavakya, died before at any rate A.D. 940 (see Vol. VI. above, p. 70); and so the Uppahalli inscription Cm. 42, dated in A.D. 959 (P 958), cannot be attributed to him, and much less to his predecessor. That record can be properly ascribed only to Rachcha-Ganga, who ruled between A.D. 953 and 963-64. And it marks him as a Satyavakya, and shews that the Chikmagalur record, of a Nitimarga, is not one of his records. In the second place, the photograph of the Chikmagalur record, which reached me in January, 1900, shews that the record presents, and no less than four times, the later type, and that type only, of the initial short i. And this feature, in a Mysore record, is practically absolute proof that we must not place it before A.D. 982.3 On the other side, it must be placed before A.D. 1022 at the latest, if we put any reliance upon records published in Ep. Carn. Vol. V., Hassan district, which indicate that in A.D. 1022-23 (Mj. 43), A.D. 1026 (Ag. 76), and A.D. 1027 (Mj. 44), that part of Mysore, to which this record belongs, was in the hands either of Nripakama-Poysala, or of a RajendraChola who may be either the Chola king or a Kongalva prince. Further, an inscription at Elkuru in the Mysore district (Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Ch. 10),-- overlooked by me in 1899,- shews (see my Table in Vol. VI. above, p. 59, and remarks on p. 57), that Satyavakya-Rachamalla II., with a final date in A.D. 984-85 (see Vol. V. above, p. 173, note 6), was not the last Western Ganga prince; after him there came at any rate a Nitimarga, proper name not disclosed, with apparently the birudas Jayadankakara and Komaravedenga, for whom the Elkuru inscription gives the date A.D. 999-1000. 1 The actual details of the date given in this record are not satisfactory. Either the original presents an inaccurate date. Or there is some substantial mistake in the published reading. Both the transliterated text, p. 104, and the Kanarese text, p. 172, give us Ashadha bahula panchami Brihaspativara, and the Siddhartthin samvatsara. And in the 888 eradaneya of the Kanarese text we have, no doubt, a misprint for 882 as given in the trausliterated text. According to the so-called southern luni-solar system, Siddharthin was Saka-Samvat 882 current,-A.D. 959-60. And in that year the given tithi ended at about 3 hrs. 3 min. after mean sunrise on Tuesday, 28th June, A.D. 959, and did not touch a Thursday at all. According, however, to the so-called northern luni-solar system, Siddharthin was S.-S. 881 current, A.D. 958-59. And in this year the given tithi began at exactly 22 hrs. 28 min. after mean sunrise on Wednesday, 7th July, A.D. 958, and ended at exactly 20 minutes after mean sunrise on the Friday; and it was thus an adhikatithi covering the whole of the Thursday. This, therefore, may possibly be the real date of the record; namely, Thursday, 8th July, A.D. 958. The times given above are, as usual, for Ujjain. But they are practically just the same for Chikmagalur. In view of the time of the year, July, when the sun was rising just about 5-30 A.M., a determination of the tithi according to actual sunrise would not make any difference in the week-days. Even the other date suggested elsewhere, "? 1169 A.D.,"-see the translations, p. 2,- is far too early. On this point, see my remarks on the initial short i attached to my paper on an inscription at Devageri, in the Dharwar district, which will appear in a subsequent number of this Journal. The Kanarese text (p. 4) of the Elkuru inscription presents jayadamkatara-koviravedamgam. The transliterated text (p. 2) presents jayad-ankakdra komara-vedengam. Such discrepancies as these are not very assuring. And, if we take this record in connection with the Hiremagalur inscription, mentioned as (3) on pages 53, 54 above, it remains quite possible that the first biruda here ought to be read jayaduttaranga.

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No. 7.] CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III. 37 It seems reasonable, in these circumstances, to identify the Nitimarga-Rachamalla of this Chikmagalar inscription with the Nitimarga, personal name not disclosed, for whom the Elkuru inscription supplies the date of A.D. 299-1000, precisely in the period to which we are independently brought for the Chikmagalur record. And, if we assume that the rule of this Nitimarga only began in A.D. 1000, then the Chikmagalur record, dated in the month Karttika of the sixth regnal year, cannot be placed later than A.D. 1005. While, on the other side, with A.D. 984-985 as the final date of Satyavakya-Rachamalla II., it cannot be placed before A.D. 989. Thus, the extreme limits for this Chikmagalur inscription are A.D. 989 and 1005. And it gives us @ new Western Gangs name, that of Rachamalla III., with the appellation Nitimarga, whose sixth regnal year was current at some time during that interval. A precise result cannot be arrived at just now, simply because the details of the date of the record are erroneous in one respect or another. They couple the Mala nakshatra with the full-moon tithi of the month Karttika; whereas, though the moon is often according to the unequal-space systems of the nakshatras, but rarely if ever according to the equal-space or ordinary system, in Mala in the course of the new-moon tithi of Karttika, she cannot ever be anywhere near Mala on the full-moon tithi of that month. And, until we obtain some further guide, we cannot decide whether we should discard the nakshatra and accept the full-moon, or whether we should regard the mention of the full-moon as a mistake and should take the new-moon and the Mula nakshatra. The following results, however, which tend to reduce the above-mentioned period to A.D. 991 to 1004, may be stated, to be utilised and examined more closely hereafter when we obtain some further guids, in the shape either of a Saka date distinctly coupled with the name of Rachamalla III., or of another regnal date which will be free from ambiguity : (1) On the supposition that we must discard the nakshatra and calculate for the full-moon. With the tables in Sewell and Dikshit's Indian Calendar, I have the following results :(a) During the above-mentioned period, the full-moon was first connected with a Monday in A.D. 991, in which year the tithi ended at about 2 hrs. 20 min. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain) on Monday, 26th October. This result would place the commencement of the first year of Nitimarga-Rachamalla III. on some day from Karttika klishna 1 in A.D. 985 to the full-moon day of Karttika in A.D. 986; leaving a short but sufficient period, about eight to twenty months, for some Western Ganga prince, whose name would not be Rachamalla, standing between Rachamalla II. and Rachamalla III. (6) Other years in which the full-moon tithi ended on a Monday were A.D. 994, 997, 1001, and 1004. In A.D. 1003, it may have begun very shortly before the actual sunrise at the end of a Monday ; bat in that case, of course, it could not be con nected with the Monday for any practical purposes. (2) On the gupposition that we should regard punname as a mistake for amavase, and should calculate for the now-moon and the Mula nakshatra. Here, the results are as follows: (c) In this case, again, during the above-mentioned period, the new moon was first con nected with a Monday in A.D. 991, in which year the tithi ended at about 4 hrs. 58 min. on Monday, 9th November. The moon entered the Mula nakshatra according to the Brahmasiddhanta system at about 17 hrs. 7 min., and according to the Garga system at about 22 hrs. 6 min., on the Monday; but according to the ordinary system she did not come to that nakshatra until about 10 hrs. 18 min. on the Tuesday. This result, in A.D. 991, would place the commencement of the first

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. year of Nitimarga-Rachamalla III. on some day from Margadirsha sukla 1 in A.D. 985 to the new-moon day of Karttika in A.D. 986; leaving just about the same short but sufficient period indicated under 1, a, above, for some Western Ganga prince, whose name would not be R&chamalla, standing between Rachamalla II. and Rachamalla III. (d) Other years in which the new-moon tithi, ending or beginning, and with or without the Mala nakshatra, was connected with a Monday, were, A.D. 994, 998, and 1001. In view of these facts, this Chikmagalur record ought to be placed in A.D. 991, 994, 997, 998, 1001, or 1004, unless the details of the date given in it have been altogether inaccurately recorded. TEXT. Om Svasti Niti marggs-Komguni. varmma-dharmmamaharajadhirdja Kuvajala-paravar-e vara [Nanda)giri-natha Srimat Rachamallamge [pa]ttar-gattid-Araneya varshada Karttika-ma[sa]da suddha punnameyu[m] 8omavaramu[m] Mula-nakshatramum-age Pemmanadigal prithuvi-rajyam-ge. 8 yy[n]ttam-ire Kiriya-Muguliya Pemmadig(au ? ]. 9 [pda]iges kotta nilpanya inna (nnuru Pemmadiyu[m] Nilabe10 ya[m] Narasingayyanum Kesavayyanu[m] [Pa ?]nne-djaru[m] 11 [Ma ?]dhukammojarum Bennegesiyum Ereyamman(um] 12 int-ivar-ildu kottor i(i) kodangeyam balasidor 13 nalgimunda-Biyalanum Piriye-Muguliya [Koma 14 rayyanu[m] Palmadiya Mendammanu[m] Benneyura Deva15 [gapa ? ]nu[m] Mal[t]avurada Pemmadigamusdanu[m] Urppavalliya 16 Chamayyanun Indavurada Vi[ti P]yyanu[m] mangala Om TRANSLATION. Om! Hail! When it was the full-moon tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Karttika of the sixth year of the crowning of the Dharmamaharajadhiraja NitimargaKongunivarmsn, the lord of Kuvalla the best of towns, the lord of the mountain Nandagiri, the illustrious Bachamalla, and when it was Monday and the Mula nakshatra : (Line 7)-- While the Pemmanadi was ruling the earth, to Pemmadig[an]pda (P) of Kiriya-Muguli there were given two hundred- [supply probably mattars]- of nilpanya-land. 1 Partly from the photograpb, and partly from the previously published Kanarese text; see page 50 above. * Represented by a plain symbol ; 80 also at the end of line 16. The previously published Kanarese and transliterated texts both give konguwi, with the guttural A. But the photograph shows onmistakably kongumi. * The second akahara of this word, the ma, was at first omitted by the writer, and was then inserted by him below the line, under the small space between the 16 and the ed. It is rather faint in the photograpb. The previously published texts both give gondange ; and the translation presents the name as Pemmadi. Gauda. The period seems rather early for the form gaunda (Nee Vol. VII. above, p. 188); And we have the forin gdmunda in lines 18 and 16. I suspect that an estampage would show that the real reading here is gd[w]ndange with a damaged ww at the end of line 8. Mr. Rice's transliterated text gives bere the long *; for wbich of course, in such a construction ma that which we have here, the short in a mistake. His Kapsrese text gives quite properly the short 1, which is shewa by the photograph to be most distinctly the real reading. See note 5 above.

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS 59 Pemmadi, and Nilabe, and Narasingayya, and Kesavayya, and Panne-oja (?), and Madhukammoja (?), and Beppogosi, and Ereyamma, these persone, being convened), gavo (them). (Line 12)- Those who have cultivated this allotment (are) the Nalgamunda Biyala, and Komarayya () of Piriye-Muguli, and Mendamma of Palmadi, and Devagana (P) of Benneyur, and Pemmadigamanda of Maltavura, and Chamayya of Urpavalli, and Vitiyya () of Indavura. (May there be) felicity! Om ! No. 8. - THE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE CAVES AT NASIK. BY E. SENART ; Paris. For a description of the caves at Nasik, as well as for those at Karle, it will be enough to refer to Burgess and Fergusson's Rock-cut Temples and to the Reports of the Archeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV. p. 37 ff. As for the inscriptions which these caves contain, the first publication of them goes back to Vol. VII. p. 37 ff. of the Journal, Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, and the first interpretation to Bhandarkar's Notices, published in the Transactions of the London Congress, 1874, p. 306 ff. To Bhagwanlal Indraji we are indebted for the reproductions on which are based Buhler's translations, printed in the Archeological Survey of Western India (AS.), and for the commentary written by Bhagwanlal himself and embodied in the volume devoted to Nasik in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI. p. 544 ff. (G.). These two translations, being based on thoroughly reliable documents, are the real tests of our present knowledge on the subject, and I shall constantly refer to them in this article. As in the case of Karld, the epigraphs of Nasik have been distributed by AS. into two different series, vis. "Kshatrapa and Andhra inscriptions" (Ksh.) and "Nasik inscriptions of private individuals" (Pr.). The numbering adopted here is that which was used by Bhagwanlal in the Gazetteer. No. 1, Plate iii. (Ksh. 16). On the back wall of the veranda of Cave No. 2. TEXT. Sidha (1) rano Vasithiputasa (2) Siri-Pulumayisa samvachhare (3) chhathe gimhapakhe (4) pachame 5 divase (5) ..... REMARKS. (1) AS, sidhan.- (2) G. and AS. Vasathideg; but on the estampages the beginning of the i-curl is sufficiently discernible. -(3) G. and AS. savao. - (4) AS. gima', doubtless a simple typographical mistake.-(5) AS. divase 1. po. hs.ti.d. I can make nothing of the indistinct traces of letters which follow divase. TRANSLATION. * "Sucoess! On the .. .. . day of the fifth-5th-fortnight of summer in the sixth oth-year of king Biri-Pulumsyi, son of Vasithi . . . . ." The ilds of line 12 of this record is equivalent to the odanaild, being together, being in the company of each other, being convened, of various other recorda ; see a remark in Vol. VI. sbove, p. 68, note 6. * See above, Vol. VIL p. 47 t.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. No. 2, Plate i. (Ksh. 18). On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 3, above the entrance. TEXT. i Siddham (1) rano Vasitheputaso (2) Siri-Pulumayisa saviohhare (3) ekunsvige 19 gimhana (4) pakhe bitiye 2 divase terase 13 rajarano Gotamiputasa Himavata Meru2 Madara-pavatasamasarasa Asika-Asaka(5)-Mulaka-Suratha-Kukur-Aparanta(6) Anupa-Vidabha-Akaravati-rajasa Vijha-Chhavata-Parich&ta (7)-Sahya-Kaphagiri Macha-Siritana-Malaya-Mahida3 Setagiri-Chakora-pavatapatisa Bavarajaloka(8) madala (9) patigabitassanasa divasakarakara(10)vibodhitakamalavimalasa disavadanasa tisamudatoyapitavahanasa patipunachadamadalasasirika4 piyadasanaga varavaranavikamachardvikamasa bhujagapatibhogapinavata(11) vipuladighasada * bhajasa (12) abhayoda kadanakilinanibhayakarasa svipapamata sususakasa (13) suvibhatativagadesakalass 5 porajananivisesasamasuk haduk hasa khatiyadapamanamadanaga (14) Saka-Yavana Palhava-nisudadasa dhamopajitakaraviniyogakarasa kitaparadbe pi satajane apanahisaruchisa dija varakutubavivadha6 nasa Khakharatavasa (15) niravasesakarasa Satavahanakulayasapatithapana(16)karaga savamadala (17)bhivaditacha * nasa vinivatitachatuvanasa karasa anekasamaravaji tasatusaghasa aparajita vijayapatakasatujanadupad hasaniya(18) 7 puravarasa kulapurisaparaparagatavipularajasadasa agamana (19) nilayasa saparisanam agayasa Siriy, adhithanasa apacharana (20) pabhavasa ekakusaga ekadhanu dharasa ekasurana (21) ekabamhanasa Rama8 Kesav-Ajana-Bhimasena-talaparakamasa (22) chhapaghanusava(23) samajakarakasa Nabhaga(24)-Nahusa-Janainejaya-Sakara-Yayati-Ram- barisa-samatejaga aparimitam akhayam achitam abhuta (25) Pavana-Garala(26)-Sidha-Yakha-Rakhasa Vijadhara-Bhata-Gadhava-Chara a9 Chada-Divakara-Nakhata-Gaba-vichinasamarasirasi jitaripusaghasa naga(27)varakhadha gaganatalam abhivigadhasa kula vipulasirikarasa Siri-Satakanisa matuya mahadeviya (28) Gotamiya Balasiriya Bachavachanadanakhama (29)hisa(30) nirataya tapadamaniya10 mopavaeatapareya rajarisivadhusadam (31) akhilam anavidhiyamanaya karita deyadhams . . ... . (32) sikharasadise Tiranhupavatasik hare vim . (33)varanivisesamahidbika lena eta cha lena mahadevi maharajamata maharajap . tamahi (34) dadati nikayasa Bhadavaniyanam (35) bhikhusagbasa (36) 11 etasa cha longas chitananimita (37) mahadeviya ayakaya sevakAmo (38) piyakamo cha nat . .. .. . (39)pathesaro (40) pitupatiyo dhamasetusa dadati gama (41) Tiranhupavatasa aparadakhirapase Pisajipadakam (44) savajatabhoganirathi. REMARKS. (1) G. siddha ra.- (2) G. and AS. Osithipu'.-(3) G. savachhare ; AS. samvachhare; i seems clear, and it must be remembered that savinchhala = samvatsara is found in the Sahasrim edict. As to the change of a into i in Prakrit. comp. Pischel's Grammatik der PrakritSprachen, paragraphs 101-3. (4) G. and AS. gimhdna. -(5) G. Asika-Susaka". - (6) G. oparatao; ta is followed not only by such a blank as is frequent in this inscription, but by some traces which look like the rest of a letter. As, however, it cannot be a k, it is not easy to

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. imagine what it could have been, and it is most probable, as has been admitted by the former editors, that these traces are nothing but accidental deteriorations of the stone. - (7) AS. Parivata. -(8) The character lo is all but clear. - (9) AS. Omandala. -(10) The ka of the second kara, which falls into the flaw, is very indistinct. - (11) G. and AS. Opinavata. -(12) The ra restored by G. and AS. cannot be doubted, though injured by the flaw. - (13) G. susurdo.-(14) The top of the na of dana seems to bear a horizontal stroke, and I am inclined to think that madan18a was intended. -(15) AS. Ovamsao. -(16) AS. patithapao; th is at least more probable, besides being more correct. - (17) AS. "mandala. -(18) AS. Opadhasasaniyao (& mere printer's mistake). - (19) G. Omanan. - (20) G. Ochuranan.-(21) AS. omits ekasurasa in the transcript. -(22) AS. oparaka'. -(23) G. chhanayanusa. -(24) AS. Nabhaga. -(25) G. "bhutam. - (26) G. Garuda. -(27) G. pagao; AS. naga. -(28) AS. "deviya. -(29) d of "khamdseems to me at least doubtful. - (30) G. hims&o. - (31) AS. Cvadhusadam. - (32) AS. restores [Kelasa]pa[vata]". I feel no doubt at all about this restoration which is confirmed by the still visible e-stroke; but it must be understood that it is entirely conjectural. - (33) G. and AS. restore vima [na]', which is certainly right. - (34) G. Opatamao; AS. P[i]tamao; the beginning of the s-curl of pita is still visible. - (35) AS. niyao; G. and AS. yana bhio. - (36) G. Osa nghasa. - (37) AS. chitando. - (38) G. sevakamo. - (39) AS. nasta . .. . Dakhin ijo. Except the t which has left some traces, the passage in brackets is nothing but a conjecture, although a more than probable one. -- (40) AS. Opathisaro. -(41) AS. guman.-(42) AS. Pisdo hideg; the final anusvara is at least doubtful. TRANSLATION. "Success! In the nineteenth - 19th-year of king Siri-Pulumayi Vasithiputa, in the second-and-fortnight of summer, on the thirteenth - 13th day, the great queen Gotami Balasiri, delighting in truth, charity, patience and respect for life ; bent on penance, selfcontrol, restraint and abstinence; fully working out the type of a royal Rishi's wife; the mother of the king of kings, Siri-Satakani Gotamiputa, who was in strength equal to mount Himavat, mount Meru, mount Mandara; king of Asika, Asaka, Mulaka, Suratha, Kukura, Aparanta, Anupa, Vidabha, Akara vanti ; lord of the mountains Vindhya, Chhavata, Parichata, Sahya, Kanhagiri, Macha, Siritana, Malaya, Mahendra, Setagiri, Chakora; obeyed by the circle of all kings on earth ; wbose face was beautiful and pure like the lotus opened by the rays of the sun ; whose chargers had drunk the water of three oceans; whose face was lovely and radiant like the orb of the full moon; whose gait was beautiful like the gait of a choice elephant ; whose arms were as muscular and rounded, broad and long as the folds of the lord of serpents; whose fearless hand was wet by the water poured out to impart fearlessness ;' of unchecked obedience towards his mother; who properly devised time and place for the pursuit of the triple object of human activity); who sympathised fully with the weal and woe of the citizens; who crushed down the pride and conceit of the Kshatriyas ; who destroyed the sakas, Yavanas and Palhavas; who never levied nor employed taxes but in conformity to justice ; alien to hurting life even towards an offending enemy; the furtherer of the homesteads of the low as well as of the twice-born ; who rooted out the Khakharata race; who restored the glory of the Satavahana family; whose feet were saluted by all provinces; who stopped the contamination of the four varnas ; who conquered multitudes of enemies in many battles; whose victorious banner was unvanquished; whose capital was unassailable to his foes; who had inherited from a long line of ancestors the privilege of kingly music , the abode of traditional lore; the refuge of the virtuous; the asylum of Fortune ; the fountain of good manners; the unique controller; the unique archer; the unique bero; the unique Brahmana; in prowess equal to Rama, Kesava, Arjuna and Bhimasens ; liberal on festive days in unceasing festivities and assemblies; not inferior in lustre to Nabhaga, Nahusha, Janamejaya, Sagara, Yayati, Rama and Ambarisha ; who, vanquishing his enemies in a way as constant as inexhaustible, unthinkable and marvellous,

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62 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. in battles fought by the Wind, Garuda, the Siddhas, the Yakshas, the Rakshasas, the Vidyadharas, the Bhutas, the Gandharvas, the Charanas, the Moon, the Sun, the Asterisms and the Planets, (appeared to be himself) plunging into the sky from the shoulder of his choice elephant; (and) who (thus) raised his family to high fortune, caused, as a pious gift, on the top of the Tiranhu mountain similar to the top of the Kailasa, (this) cave to be made quite equal to the divine mansions (there). And that cave the great queen, mother of a Maharaja and grandmother of a Maharaja, gives to the Sangha of monks in the person of the fraternity of the Bhadavaniyas; and for the sake of the embellishment of that cave, with a view to honour and please the great queen his grandmother, her grandson lord of [Dakshina]patha, making over the merit of the gift to his father, grants to this meritorious donation (vis. the cave) the village Pisajipadaka on the south-west side of mount Tiranhu. Renunciation to the enjoyments of every kind." For all the proper names which are enumerated in line 2, I must refer the reader to the short geographical index given at the end of the Nasik chapter in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI. The names Surashtra, Anupa, Akaravanti, Kukura and Aparanta appear again in the Rudradaman inscription at Girnar. The observations to which they have given rise, will be found especially in Arch. Surv. West. India, Antiq. of Kathidwar and Kachchh, p. 128 ff., and Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 257 ff. This reference establishes the reading Akaravanti, and even in Sanskrit orthography the form Kukura. Of the other names, Asaka may be = Ashaka, or also Asvaka; but I am not prepared to admit for Asika the connection with the Arsacida which was proposed by Bhagwanlal. They are simply the Rishikas who are well known from the Epic, and for whom I may refer to the Zeitschr. fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Vol. II. p. 58 f. The verse from the Mahabharata (V. 81) which is noted there (Kamboja Rishika ye cha Paschimanupakascha ye) very conveniently brings them into contact with the Anupa country. Seeing them here immediately associated with the Asvakas, one is reminded of the legends which were current of their marvellous horses. The Mulakas remain shrouded in obscurity. Bhagwanlal adduced the dynasty of the Mundakas, known from the Vishnupurana; and the way in which they are there mentioned together with the Sakas and Tukharas is such as to commend the hint. But I am doubtful about the change of into nd.3 As to the names of mountains, I do not think there can be any hesitation in reading Parichata. It must therefore be admitted that the form Pariyatra need not necessarily be proscribed as was done by Buhler, who otherwise agreed with Bhagwanlal in the identification of that range. As to Macha (apparently Mancha), we have nothing to rely on but the conjecture of Bhagwanlal, too bold I fear to be really convincing. Cases like gahata = grihastha (K. 5) do not permit us to be quite as positive as Buhler regarding the impossibility of Siritana being Sristana. I am less inclined to consider seta = eveta in Setagiri. On the other hand, the name can hardly be connected, as Bhagwanlal wanted, with Sadagera, Sadakara, which in the Kuda inscriptions (1, 9) has no e in the first syllable, and which, as a family or tribal appellation, rather reminds of the name of Sata(or Sada) karni. The compound savaraja is slightly irregular; but in the somewhat loose style of Prakrit we often meet with forms like savalokarajamadala or savalokamadalaraja. The transposition of abhayodakadanakilina (= abhayadanodakakilina), proposed by Bhagwanlal and Bhandarkar (Or. Congr. 1874, p. 313), would give a decidedly better construction and bring out more clearly the antithesis between bhayadana and nirbhaya; but it has no bearing on the general meaning. The attribute dhamopajita is meant to imply that the king not only levied taxes in strict accordance with the law, but used them exclusively for just purposes. 1 Compare also Mr. V. Smith's note in the Zeitschr. D. Morg. Ges. Vol. LVI. p. 674 f. See p. 47 above. Mr. V. Smith (loc. cit.) refers doubtfully to the Malikas and Maulikas of the Erihatsamhite, XIV. 8 and 23.

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. To all appearance Bhagwanlal is right in supposing that after pataka the proximity of the initial sa in satu has caused the dropping of the genitive termination sa, which is required if the compound aparajitavijayapataka is taken as an independent epithet of the king. Otherwise it would have to be taken as qualifying puravara, which would be a far-fetched sort of interpretation and against the phraseology of our inscriptions. Buhler translated kulapurisao by 'who bore many royal titles descended to him from a (long) line of ancestors.' It seems to me certain that purusha implies descent by males. Besides, one cannot help comparing the second part of the expression vipularajasada with a compound frequently used in more modern inscriptions : samadhigatapanchamahasabda ; the only difference is that samadhigata is here replaced by the more emphatic parampardgata. Vipula is used instead of the synonymous mahd only in order to prevent the misunderstanding which the vicinity of raja could have produced; for the adjective must refer to fabda or rajasabda, not to raja, the title maharaja by itself being too modest. If the comparison be correct, and I hardly think it can be doubted, we have to interpret the phrase here in the same sense as the more modern formula. Dr. Fleet (Gupta Inscr. p. 296, note 9, corroborated by Ep Ind. Vol. IV. p. 296, note 3) has conclusively discarded the translation which considered it as summing up certain royal titles. This qualification is generally applied to feudatories in order to enhance their importance; but Dr. Fleet has already pointed out cases where it is applied to paramount sovereigns, as one of whom Satakarni certainly wanted to be considered. The transcription ekanikusasya, proposed by Bhagwanlal, is I think decidedly to be preferred to Bhandarkar's correction ekakusalasa. Perhaps the epithet contains an allusion to the title " Gajapati," which by tradition is conferred on the principal regent of Western India (compare Lassen's Ind. Alt, Vol. II. p. 27 f.), and which our Gautamiputra may have claimed. In spite of the form achitam instead of achi[in]tiyan, Buhler is certainly right in his explanation of those adverbs; but I think that they refer not only to jita", but to the following epithet, which is closely connected with them. Of nagararakhadha nothing satisfactory can be made; the reading nagao gives a better sense. On his battle elephant the king appears as if he would rise to heaven. This is not only a hyperbolical way of describing the height of the animal, but implies more. The king is jitaripusamgha - he is seen in the glory of his triumph; besides, as he is seconded in his fights by the divine powers, Pavana and others, he appears in some manner in the sky and among the gods. The two epithets Pavanao jitao and nagao 'vigadha complement each other conformably to the law which Benfey (Gasch, der Sprachwiss. p. 35) has rightly pointed out, and in virtue of which the more general term comes at the end, preceded by the determining word, - a rule which, to state it on passant, ought never to be lost sight of in the interpretation of inscriptions and may in more than one instance help to bring out the right shade of meaning in complicated constructions. One more point remains to be settled. Samarasirasi has been translated : ' in the foremost ranks in a battle ; ' and in fact this is the way in which, following some Hindu commentaries, it has been customary to interpret firas when compounded with some word meaning fight. But not one of the instances which are known to me necessarily requires this signification, and several would much rather, exclude it (e.g. Kathasaritsugara, 48, 138); on the other hand the idiom is used, as far as I know, only in the locative case, either simply Osirasi or, by way of a periphrase, siraso madhye (Mahabharata, IV. 1131; VI. 4041), which comes exactly to the same. I have elsewhere (Mahavastu, I. 624), in connection with another idiom, noted the inclination of the Praksits to form periphrastic cases, and have drawn attention to the Pali use, in this case, of pitthe (prishtha) and matthake (mastake). Such apr'ogies strongly support & similar interpretation of firasi. It would indeed be puzzling i instances were limited to the expression ranasirasi and its equivalents. But such is in no way the case, and to sarahsirasi, i.e. 'in, or on, the pond,' which the St. Pet. Dict. cites from the Naradapanchar. I. 3, 56, other cases will, I believe,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. now be added after attention has been invited to this point. Of course the unsatisfactory explanation of ranafirah = senagra, having once been suggested, may have contributed to enlarge the use of the word. Anyhow I consider that here samarasirasi means no more than samare or samareshu. Kelasapavatasikhara being perfectly certain, vimana ought not to be interpreted as an unspecified palace,' but as one of the heavenly mansions of the gods residing on Kailasa. The Prakrit Tiranhu must, notwithstanding its irregular form, be= Sanskrit Trirasmi. The meaning of rasand is partially identical with rasmi ; this circumstance may have favoured the transition, especially the substitution of n for m. Besides, local names are subject to dialectic accidents, of which it is often difficult to state the origin and fix the measure. Of Bhadavaniya the etymologically correct form is that which we shall find in the next epigraph, viz. Bhadayaniya "(-ka). Regarding that sect, a subdivision of the Sthaviras, comp. Rhys Davids in J. R. As. Soc., N. S., 1891, p. 411 ff., and 1892, pp. 5-7. As to the relation between the three genitives at the end of line 10 of the text, I may refer to my remarks on K. 13 above. Chitananimita is translated : 'to allow (this cave) to be taken care of' by Buhler, who reads chitand and takes it to mean chintana ; and : ' for painting the cave)' by Bhagvanlal, who reads chitana and derives the word from chitrayats. This etymology, which is recommended by the ~, seems to me to be the only acceptable one, although Bhagwanlal probably limits the meaning too closely. Chitray may as well be taken in the general sense of ornamentation, embellishment. Buhler seems to have been influenced by the comparison of lenasa patisatharane which, in the next inscription, sums up the object of the present donation. To be sure, the two expressions cannot contradict each other, but nothing requires a priori that they should be exactly synonymous. Chintana has the very definite and abstract meaning of thought;' it is not easy to introduce it here without some violence. We shall see on the other hand that the explanation for the repairs of the cave,' proposed for pafisantharane in N. 3, is far from being certain. The restoration mata , . .. Dakhina]pathisaro is as probable as the translation of pitupatiyo proposed by Buhler is inadmissible. Dharmasetu, in religious phraseology, especially that of inscriptions till a rather recent period (above, Vol. III. p. 343; Vol. IV. p. 207, etc.), denotes figuratively a foundation as a bridge, a dam of merit,' which enables its author to get over the ocean of samsara. The way in which the word is used in 11. 12-13 of the next inscription could lead us to fancy that it is here transformed into a proper name, attached to that cave which has been dug out by the king's grandmother. Such a name, however, would be very vague and little significant. I admit that dhamasetu must be taken in its ordinary meaning, as an apposition to lena either expressed or understood, to mean the pious foundation of the queen. I cannot account for the curious idea of Bhagwanlal, who sees in it the personal name of some manager of the cave.' As to pitupatiyo, he transcribes it by paitripitrikah. He evidently thought of the analogy of pitsipaitamaha; but the two are in no way identical. It might be admitted that they are equivalent, and that pitripitsi= father and father's) father. The insuperable difficulty lies in the reading. The stone does not bear pitupitiyo or pitupetiyo, but pitupatiyo. The i-vowel after the second p is decidedly excluded by the tail of the r in the preceding line, and no trace of an e-vowel can be discovered. It is pitupatiyo and nothing else that has to be explaived. Patti in the Buddhist Pali, i.e. prapti, is a technical term denoting the application to another of the merit acquired by good works, by a gift, by a foundation (Childers, .v.). It is probably through the intermediate meaning a part, participation,' that the word has come to be used in that way. Thus pitupattiyo or Ottiko means who is applying to his father the merit of his donations. The king speaks of his father only because his father alone is dead, and he begins by alluding to his mother, proclaiming his donation to be inspired by his veneration towards her and his wish to share in her views. It is therefore just as if he had said, with an idiom more familiar to the language of inscriptions, pitaram udditya. From this case I am inclined to conclude, without

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No. 8.1 NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. being able actually to verify the conjectura, that such an application of merit can be made only in favour of deceased persons. However that may be, it will now be seen by what very natural transition of thought the giver is led to use without any other preparation the name dhammasetu as given to the cave; he is inspired at this very moment by the line of religious thoughts which have suggested it and which explain it. Buhler seems to entertain no doubt as to the identity of the village named here with that mentioned at the beginning of the following inscription. It is certain that the date of the donation mentioned there is exactly the same as in the present epigraph, and that this donation is made in favour of the same sect of Bhadayaniyas. It is above all evident from the place it occupies, and from the fact that the following text has been compressed in order that it might be inscribed here, that that place has been chosen intentionally. It must, however, be stated that the village called here Pisajipadaka, i.e. I suppose Pisachipadraka, gets in the following epigraph the name of Sudisana, and that the description is not identical in both texts, Pisajipadaka being located at the S. W. of Tiraphupavata, and Sudisapa at the south of the Govadhanahara. The two may after all be the same; but the difference in the name and description deserves to be noted, especially because a perfect agreement would naturally be expected. Further N. 3 brings in the Sramanas from Dhanakata, who are not mentioned in connection with the donation which No. 2 records. It is therefore impossible to affirm that the beginning of N. 3 refers to the present donation; nor is it absolutely impossible that the king should have consented on the same day to a double donation, although it would, in that case, be difficult to understand why he should not have combined the mention of both. It may, however, be remarked that the gift of the village is here recorded in a somewhat unusual style and summed up in an abridged form (savajatabhoganirathi), which looks like a simple mention, so hasty that it was left without a grammatical construction and the detailed indications which generally authenticate the gifts. Perhaps we have here the trace of some peculiar and, to us, undetermined circumstances which, if known, would explain why a new deed was substituted three years later, as commemorated in the following document. No. 3, Plate ii. (Ksh. 10). Engraved in continuation of No. 2, from which it is separated mly by a Svastika followed by another symbol. TEXT. * 65 11 Siddha (1) Navanarasvami Vasithiputo Siri(2)-Pulumavi Anapayati Govadhane Amacha (3) 12 Sivakhadila ya amhehi (4) sava 19 gi pa 2 diva 13 Dhanakatasamanehi (5) ya etha pavate (6) Tira(7). na dhavasetusa (8) lepasa patisatharape (9) akhaya (10) hetu etha Govadhanahare dakhinamage gamo Sudisana (11) bhikhuhi devilenavasehi nikayena Bhadayaniyehi (12) patigaya (13) dato (14) etasa danagamasa Sudasanana parivatake etha Govadhanahare (15) puvamage (16) 13 gama (17) Samalipada dadama (18) etata mahaairakena (19) odena (20) dhamasetusa lepasa patisatharape (21) akhayanivihetu (22) gama Samalipada (23) bhi uhi devilepa yena (24) Bhadayanayehi (25) patigayha (26) oyapapehi (27) etasa cha gamasa Samalipadasa (28) bhikhuhalaparihara (29) 14 vitarama apalasa anomasa (30) alopakhadaka arathasavinavika savajatapariharika cha etehi na pariharehi (31) pariharehi (32) eta (33) cha gama Samalipada (34) panihare cha (35) etha (36) nibadhapehi (37) Bud na (38) gamasa cha Sudasanana vinibadhakarehi apata (39) mahksena patina (40) Medhunena. na (41) chhato batika kehi (42) hatha patika (44) sava 22 gi pakhe (45) diva 7 * * data to (43) takanina (46) kata K

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66 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. svami Govadhanavathavana (47) phass. yo (48) Vinhupalena (49) vananapata (50) nama (51) bhagatasapatipatapasa (52) Jinavarasa Budhasa. - - REMARKS. (1) AS. siddham. (2) G. Siri-Pudeg. (3) G. and AS. amacha; & seems clear, though faint. (4) G. lana sumepa sadeg; AS. degla ya amhepa sadeg. The reading amhehi is required by the context. We might at the utmost read amhepi if amhehi were not morally certain. (5) G.. Dhanamka. It will be seen that I incline to read Benakata. (6) G. restores pa[va]te. I think I can read the three characters. (7) G. and AS. restore Tira[nhum hi ..](8) G....na etasatasa ledeg; AS. dhavasetisa le. I have no doubt that the text really had dhama. (9) AS. notes no lacuna between me and adeg, and G. only points out an undetermined one. I admit not only that there remains room for one character, but that the back of the estampage seems to retain some traces of it, which might be mistaken for na. As, however, in the repetition which will follow, and the phraseology of which is the exact counterpart of this first formula, the reading tharane is certain and perfectly complete, it seems hardly possible that the text should have been different here. (10) G. and AS. restore [nivi]. (11) G. notes between mo and sudeg a lacuna which nothing compels us to admit, and reads Sudisana; AS. Sadasand. (12) AS. niyena; only a lapsus. - (13) G. patikhaya; AS. patikhaya. Here and in 1. 13 the letter looks like ga.. (14) AS. data. (15) AS. dhanahare.-(16) G. vasime.. (17) G. and AS. gamo. (18) G. and AS. dadima. (19) G. maha; G. and AS. "kana.(20) G. odana. The back of the estampage seems to warrant de. (21) G. samtha. (22) AS. heta.. (23) G. 1 padam. (24) G. bhikhuhi devilennava[sehi nika]yena; AS. ta [ .bhi khuhi lena[vasehi nika]y[e]na.(25) G. yaniyehi; AS. degyanayahi. (26) G. deggahya; AS. degtikhaya. (27) G. uyapa e; AS. uyapaya edeg. The transcription u for the first character and ya for the last would, a priori and for purely paleographical reasons, be inadmissible. Besides, in the strokes which Buhler interprets as paya, I read with some confidence pehi. But the reading oyapapehi is warranted by the Kondamudi plates and by Karle No. 19 (above, Vol. VI. p. 71, note 1). (28) AS. Sama. (29) G. haram. (30) G. anama.(31) AS. degrihare. - (32) AS. degharthi.- (33) G. datam cha. (34) G. padam; AS. malapada. (35) G. haranam; AS. hare na. Although cha is not clear, the parallel passage leaves no doubt as to the reading. (36) AS. etha. (37) AS. badha la .. mi. gadeg; G. bamdhapanam ga.(38) su and na appear to me certain, d[a] most probable. These elements lead almost irresistibly to the reading Sudasan [e] for the whole. It must be owned, however, that the third character does not give the impression of an s either on the front or on the back; but as it does not resemble any other known character, it must be admitted that its aspect has been altered by some damage of the stone. - (39) G. anato; AS. degnibakaredeg. The dha is not visible on the Plate, but at least very plausible on the back of the estampage, which at any rate warrants the presence of two letters between ba and re. I have no doubt that the direct examination of the stone has inspired Bhagwanlal correctly. (40) AS. senapa,- (41) G. degna [Satakani]nd. The visible traces make it a puzzle for me how Bhagwanlal could propose such a restoration. -(42) G. to Binikatavasakahi; AS. to patika vasakehi. The reading bi (G.) can hardly be seriously upheld; pa of AS. is not much more likely. As to the sa on which both agree, it seems less probable on the back than it looks on the front. (43) G. hathachhata; AS. hathichhat. I feel little doubt that the top-carl belongs to the d of the preceding line, and that the i ought to be struck off. - (44) AS. degta hina sa. (45) G. and AS. pa -(46) G. 7 Satakanina; AS. 7. Sa kanena. (47) AS. vathavana.- (48) G. phasukayam; AS. phesakaye. The top of the first letter seems to bear a horizontal stroke on both sides, which would give pho; but the two strokes do not exactly face one another, and the one on the right is more clearly and deeply cut. Pro - * - - [VOL. VIII. - * -

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No. 8.) NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. bably the stroke on the left is accidental, and we ought to read pha. -(49) AS. Vilnihu, which is a printer's mistake for Vinhuo; G. Venhu. - (50) G. samivanananata ; AS. samivanandnata. -(51) G. namo, which is perhaps right. - (52) G. bhaga[ua]tasao; AS. bhagatasao; G. opatipatipasa. TRANSLATION "Success! The lord of Navanara, Siri-Pulumavi Vasithiputa, commands Sivakhandila, the officer at Govadhana: The village of Sudisana here in the Govadhana district on the Southern road, which by us, in the loth year, on the 13th day of the 2nd fortnight of summer, ..... by the Samanas of Dhanamkata who [dwell] here on mount Tiranha ....., has been given to be owned by the Bhikshus of that fraternity, the Bhadayaniyas dwelling in the Queen's Cave, to produce a perpetual rent for the care of the cave meritoriously excavated, - in exchange for this gift, -- the village of Sudasana, - we give the village of Samalipada, here in the Govadhana district on the Eastern road; and this village of Samalipada, . . . . . by the Maha-Aryaka, you must deliver to be owned by the Bhikshus of the school of the Bhadayaniyas dwelling in the Queen's Cave, to produce a perpetual rent for the care of the cave meritoriously excavated ; and to this village of Samalipada we grant the immunity belonging to monk's land, (making it) not to be entered (by royal officers), not to be touched (by any of them), not to be dug for salt, not to be interfered with by the district police, (in short) to enjoy all kinds of immunities. With all these immunities you must invest it; and this donation of the village of Sa malipada and the immunities take care to have registered here at Sudasana. And by the officers) entrusted with the abrogation of the previous) donation of the Sudasana village it has been ordered. Written by the Mahasenupati Medhuna .... ., kept (P) by the . . . . .of deeds (?). The deed was delivered in the year 22, the 7th day of the . . fortnight of summer; executed by.. .. .(?). With A view for the well-being of the inhabitants of Govadhana, Vinhupala proclaims the praise of the Lord : Obeisance to the Being exalted in perfection and majesty, the excellent Jina, the Buddha." This inscription offers in its last part some difficulties which result from uncertain readings, and even more from lacuna. In order not to lengthen this commentary unnecessarily, I shall not dwell on differences of opinion in a few passages where former interpreters have decidedly gone astray. From the comparison of Benakatasvami in the next inscription, which offers many analogies to the present one, I infer that Dr. Bhandarkar was right in understanding Navanarasvamin =lord of Navanara, I suppose for Navanagara. Nothing in the other inscriptions entitles us to look in it for some hypothetical biruda. The sentence beginning with ya amhehi rests on two propositions which are exactly balanced and throw light upon one another. The general construction is clearly determined by the symmetry which obtains between the relative proposition : ya amhehi . . . . . Bhadayaniyehi patigaya dato on the one hand, and the principal one : eta cha.. . . . patigayha oyapapehi. They correspond link to link. The general similarity makes the more conspicuous the discrepancy which exists in respect of a single detail : instead of Dhanan kata samanehi y[e] etha pavate Tira . . . . . na, line 13 has mahaairakena odena. This disagreement is made worse by the lacuna and by the partial uncertainty of the reading odena. The obscurity of these two expressions is to my mind the only real difficulty in this part of the text. One useful result at least, although only a negative one, is gained from their comparison, namely, that the singular construction attempted by Buhler, who supposed samanchi and airakena to be governed by pafikhaya (as he read), must first of all be discarded. To connect, as he did, Dhanakatasamanehi and bhikhuhi which are separated from each other by a whole sentence, is too inadmissible to require a lengthy refutation. Either member includes two terms: first E 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII an instrumental, in one case osamanshi (followed by the relative proposition ya . . . which determines it more particularly, and the essentials of which have disappeared in the lacuna), on the other, airakena ; secondly another word which we read odena is the second case, and the last syllable of which, na, alone has been preserved in the first. Unfortunately both mahaairaka and odena are of doubtful meaning. One point is proved by the very difference between the two phrases : they must have referred respectively to each of the villages in question and must have contained some determination, whatever may have been its exact bearing, concerning not the nature or the application of the gift, but its object, which alone differs in the two, being in the first sentence the Sudisana village, and the village of Samalipada in the second. Buhler took odena to be an instrumental qualifying airakena. Besides the fact that this view has led him to a most unlikely translation, the circumstance of Code]na being in line 12 associated with samanehi seems to bear evidence to his error. To all appearance it is the instrumental, samanehi or airakona, which must be understood as dependent on odena orodana, whichever may be the true reading. As to this word - either & substantive or, more probably, a participle - it cannot well be anything but & nominative or accusative, agreeing with the preceding pronoun, ya or eta. The last inscription, which informs us of the original gift for which this one is substituted, makes no allusion to the monks of Dhanakata; as to the Mahaairaka, the part the monks are playing in the first sentence seems to point to the name being that of & religious personage. Even admitting that the title araka given to Yanasiri-Satakani by an inscription (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 96) be really dryaka, that would in no way prevent this epithet, which is commonly used with reference to Buddhist monks, being applied to some religious fanctionary. I am the more inclined to think so, because I find the similar title Chala-drya conferred on the Arya Buddharakshita, who is styled Arhat (Bargess' Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati, Plate lix. No. 39, p. 104). What in any case appears to me above all doubt is that, contrary to the conjecture of Buhler, the title cannot be Pulumayi's. I refer to the observations on the title Mahasvamika, which follow the next inscription. As to the letters which, besides ode, are comprised in the lacuna, no parallel passage helps us to fill them up with confidence. The writing is not regular enough to enable us to ascertain even the number of characters which have disappeared. Probably from seven to nine are missing. The two first, rhumhi, and the two last, ode, being known, it may at least be imagined that vasanti or pativasants would fill up the gap conveniently, and that the monks who dwell on moont Trirasmi' were meant here. On Dhapakata or Dhanamkata we have no other information than what has been collected by Dr. Bhandarkar (p. 349). Of course I cannot venture to hold my own against those who worked from the stone itself; I must own, however, that, considering the general similarity of b and dh, it seems very tempting to suppose that our Dhanakata is not different from the Bencikataka in the following epigraph. Of the two, the reading Bonukataka seems to me to be the better secured one. I should incline to introduce it here. In No. 10, 1.2, we shall find a river Karabena. Several Benas are known Benakataka is therefore quite satisfactory. As to the hypothetical Dhanakataka, it could in no case be identified (as postulated by Bhandarkar) with the proper name (equivalent to Dharanikot or not) which we find again at Amaravati, as it has there the form Dhamaakataka (Burgess' Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati, No. 53, p. 90). I think I can explain with certainty one word at least which has led astray my predecessorg. The comparison of the two passages establishes the form patigayha, i.e. pratigrihya, and the preceding instrumental, as it cannot be construed with dato, can only be governed by this word, which is therefore the future passive participle - here pratigrihyah, and below pratigrinyan. It will be observed that the word is intimately connected with the expression parigraha which I have explained in K. 19, and that it is in the same way applied to s property assigned to a spec alot. The close etymological relationship of the two terms

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. 69 justifies their parallelism naturally enough. I have therefore no doubt that pratigrihya must mean here to be received as property by ...' As I have stated above (in K. 13), the construction nikuyena Bhadayaniyehi seems to imply that even where the reading mikayasa Bhadayaniyanan would rather suggest an interdependence of the two genitives, it must be admitted that the two terms are, as is necessarily the case here, 00-ordinated, and that the second follows the first as a kind of apposition. Patisantharana is, as far as I know, an anak leyopevov. Its general meaning is evident. Bhagwanlal has aptly compared the Pali meaning of pafisanthara; but I fear he has from these exact premises elicited a conclusion which is inadmissible. Pafisanthara is by Childers translated friendly greeting, welcome, etc.' But the word, I think, points not so much to the feelings, as to the material care which is involved by the duty of hospitality. The etymological meaning must have started from the carpet which is spread out to socommodate the guests, and is in perfect agreement with the instances adduoed. If a term has been thus fixed in & certain sense, somewhat diverted from the literal bearing, it would evidently be imprudent to vindicate for secondary, simply analogous derivations an identical figurative meaning. Nothing authorises us to attribute to patisaitharana the precise sense of hospitality,' which would not suit either the construction of the sentence or the term chitana in the preceding inscription. Nor do I see on what ground could be maintained the too precise translation of repairs,' given by Buhler. It seems to me that the general meaning of care' is more conformable to what analogy requires. The reading eta cha for the apparent etata, judiciously advocated by Buhler, is above all doubt. As to oyapapehi, I have, in commenting on K. 19, only been able to stato in an additional note that this transcription seems now to be secured by the Kondamudi plates where Prof. Hultzsch has made it out. His etymology from avayava is extremely ingenious. But I do not think, and to this effect our epigraphs seem to me to supply decisive arguments, that we onght to insist on the etymological shade of meaning. I would prefer to distribute, to bestow,' i.e. in fact to realise the gift. This passage and the sequel agree with K. 19 and N. 4. It is enough here to refer to these two records. But in spite of the general symmetry, there are some divergencies for which we are left without the aid and control of direct analogies. First, if, after niba[n]dhapehi, we really mast, in spite of some difficulties, read Sudasana (and the characters Sud ..na at least appear extremely probable), the cha which follows after gamasa compels us to take gamasa with the sequel, and implies that Sudasana belongs to what precedes. Hence I am led to postulate the reading Sudasane, 'in the village of Sudasana;' but Sudasane for Sudasaneou, or rather for gume Sudasanesu, does not satisfy me entirely. The sequel corresponds exactly with our No. 4, in so far as five different acts connected with the donation are enumerated in both places. In the next epigraph they are expressed by the words anata, chhata, uparakhita, data patika and kata, of which the first, second, fourth and fifth are common to the present text as well. It is a priori probable that the third also is, if not identical in form, at least equivalent in bearing. The reading hathachhato gives no meaning which can be made to agree with uparukhita. Besides, chhato stands condemned by the fact that this word already figures in the same series. Although the transcription chh, especially if we judge from the back of the estampage, cannot be said to be impossible, the too angular tracing and the unusual place which would have to be assigned to the vertical stroke sur mounting the double ourl joins with the general aspect of the front to make it at least doubtful. The reading hatha (or hathe) guto, besides reminding of Rohanigutto which I have adduced in K. 19, would perhaps satisfy the desideratum of close agreement; but I must own that the actual traces of the estampage do not seem to favour it, and I put it here only as a provisional guess, to stand until a more acute reader or some evident analogy removes every uncertainty.

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70 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VII. The five different terms have been explained in K. 19. The same is not the case with the titles and names which are special to our text, and which the imperfect preservation of the latter renders more or less obscure. As for the first, as stated before, I join with some confidence in Bhagwanlal's reading vinibadhakarehi. He understood the word as 'document writer.' It is certain, on the testimony of the use of nibamdhapehi, that nibandha, as in N. 5, has to be taken here in some analogous sense. But how did Bhagwanlal dispose of the initial vi, which implies a meaning of suppression, or negation? We have seen besides (in K. 11) that nibandha more specially means 'investment.' The object of the deed is to unmake the gift of the Sudasana village by substituting the gift of another. I therefore explain vinibamdhakara by: who unmakes an investment,' and take it as an epithet applied to the officers entitled to register the withdrawal of the former donation, whichever may have been the proper qualification of these Dutakas. As to the Mahasenapati, the proper name alone seems obliterated or doubtful; but the lacuna may have contained something else than his name. Other inscriptions do not attribute to the Senapati the menial work of drafting, but perpetuate his name as that of a high officer entrusted with this charge at the end of the grant; see e.g. Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscr. Nos. 55 and 56. In a still higher degree the title of Mahasenapati, which comes near to that of Maharaja (ibid. p. 15, note), seems to place the person who is honoured with it above any such mean task. This is why I suspect that the obliterated letters, if exactly known, would let his part appear in a different light. There remains the third qualification, of which the greater part is erased, and which begins with batika. Although this reading seems more likely than patika, the two forms would be equivalent, and all I venture to say is that the first part of the title seems to refer to some function of an archivist, analogous to what is elsewhere expressed by akshapatalika and akshasalika. This meaning would suit the general bearing which, I think, points to the mention of such an officer. At the utmost I would note that the reading vasakehi, which G. and AS. have put in at the end of the word, reminds of samiyehi (= suamikehi) which, in N. 4, closes the title of the Mahasvamikas entrusted with an identical task. I must add that the visible traces do not favour the restoration of the reading samikehi. It is most improbable that we should have to read Satakanind, and it would indeed be extremely puzzling if this royal name were borne by a simple engraver. With kata the inscription proper comes to an end, as is indicated by the blank which is left after it. The difficulties in the following sentence are chiefly due to the uncertainty of several readings. It does not, however, seem to me impossible to do away with them. One point is certain, namely that the second part forms an adoration to the Buddha. The first ought to introduce and explain it. To this natural desideratum neither the translation of Bhagwanlal nor that of Buhler do justice. That of Buhler has the drawback of resting on the reading svamivachana, which is at variance with the original; it presupposes the name Vinhupdlana, which has to be explained as a mistake for Vinhupalita; lastly it has recourse, in explaining the supposed phesakaye, to comparisons and interpretations singularly open to controversy. The readings of Bhagwanlal are more plausible; but his translation: 'the description of the king has been given by Vishnupala for imparting pleasure to the inhabitants of Govardhana' is certainly odd, as no 'description of the king' is given here. In fact the translation requires only a few slight alterations to become quite satisfactory. Phasu, from which the abstract phasuka is derived, means, in Buddhist style, not exactly satisfaction,' but health,' and thence well-being.' The interpretation of svami involves a more essential modification. If we refer this title to the king, we are confronted with several difficulties. Could it not be a 1 [See my remarks on these two terms, above, Vol. VII, p. 107, note 4.-E. H.]

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. denomination of the Buddha himself ? It would be & somewhat unusual application of the werd; but perhaps it could, to some extent, be explained by the necessity of avoiding here the names of Bhagavat, Buddha and Jina which follow later on. I take vannand in the sense which is now commonly reserved to varna, 'enlogy, glorification. If taken thus, the sentence introduces the invocation quite naturally. Vinhupala, whatever may have been his position and the reason for his intervention (nothing enlightens us abont the matter; is the name perhaps only an equivalent of Vinhapalita in the following epigraph ?), proclaimed this praise of the Lord,' 1.6. adored the Buddha, 'in order to procure the well-being of the inhabitants of Govardhana.' The beginning of the invocation itself seems puzzling. Buhler read patipatapasa; but this does not help us. He translates (perhaps by some inadvertency ?) as if he had read patipatasa = praptipraptasya ; but even thus the compound would be an error for praptaprapteh. It seems little credible that prapts, which, as seen in N. 2, has acquired a different technical sense, should have been used here in a way which is at least anusual even in reli. gious literature. Buhler and Bhagwanlal seem to have fallen into a common error by considering it beyond all discussion that bhagatasa must be a fault for bhagavatasa. We ought to be careful not to charge the engraver too rashly. All difficulties vanish if we admit: first, that the words must be separated otherwise, and secondly that the bh bore the vowel u which has disappeared, the stone being here much defaced. Thus we get 'bhugatasapalipatapasa = abhyudgatasampraptipratapasya, an excellent epithet to Budhasa, as will be seen from my rendering. Sampatti is well known in Pali (see Childers) not only in the sense of prosperity,' but with the special and more technical meaning of religious attainment. Nothing in this sentence betrays a later origin. It may be supposed that Vishnupala, being concerned in some way with the execution of the inscription, was led by his zeal to crown it by that pious manifestation, No. 4, Plate ii. (Ksh. 13). On the east wall of the veranda in Cave No. 3, under the ceiling, TEXT. 1 Sidhar sendye Vojayamtiye (1) vijayakhadhavara Govadhanasa Benakatakasvami (2) Gotamiputo Siri-Sadakani (3) 2 anapayati Govadhane amacha Vinhupalita (4) game Aparakakhadiye ya (5) khetam Ajakalakiyam Usabhadatena (6) bhutam niyatana (7)3 satani be 200 eta ambakheta nivatanasatani (8) be 200 imesa pavajitana Tekirasina (9) vitarama etasa chasa khetasa paribara 4 vitarama apavesa (10) anomass (11) alonakhadaka arathasa vinayika savajatapariharika (12) cha etahi na pariharehi parihar hi (13) 5 ete (14) chasa khetaparihar. (15) cha etha nibadh apehi (16) aviyena (17) Inatam amachena Sivagutens chhato Mah&s&miyehi aparakhito (18) 6 data patika savachhare 18 (19) vasapakhe (20) 2 divase i T&pasena (21) kata. REMARKS. (1) AS.jayati.-(2) G. and AS. Otaka sva.-(3) G.'dakani.-(4) G. and AS. "litan.(5) G. odiyan yan kho"; AS.diya ya kheo. - (6) G. Ushabhadatena. -(7) AS. nivatane. - (8) AS. Csatanni.-(9) G. sina ; AS.sina. -(10) G. apaveo; AS.vesa. -(11) AS.masan.(12) G. tapari".-(13) G. riharahi; AS. Criharihi. -(14) AS, eta. -(15) G. and AS. "hare. - (16) G. and AS. nibadho lihi. The only point which in my reading seems subject to some material uncertainty is the vocal e of the syllable pe. - (17) G. suviy ena; AS. aviyena. (18)

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DPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. G. "Khitd. -(19) AS. 14; bat Buhler bas corrected this reading to 18 in Die Ind. Ingchriften und die Kunstpoesie, p. 58. -(20) G. vasapakhe ; AS. vasapa[khe]. -(21) G. opasana. TRANSLATION. "Success! From the camp of victory of the Vejayanti army, Siri-Sadakani Gotamiputa, lord of Ben&kataka of Govidhana, commands Vinhupalita, the officer at Govadhana: The Ajakalakiya field in the village of Western Kakhadi, previously enjoyed by Usabhadeta, - two hundred-200 - ivartanas, - that our field - two hundred - 200 - rivartanas - we oonfer on those Tekirasi ascetics; and to that fleld we grant immunity, (making it) not to be entered (by royal officers), not to be touched (by any of them), not to be dug for salt, not to be interfered with by the district police, and (in short) to enjoy all kinds of immunities; with those immunities invest it; and this field and these immunities take care to have registered here. Verbally ordered ; written down by the officer Sivaguta; kept by the Mahasamiyas. The deed was delivered in the 18th year, on the 1st day of the end fortnight of the rainy season ; executed by Tapasa." Vejayantiye onght to be taken as a local name and as alluding to the town of Vejayanti (K. 1). Vejayanti is not identical with vijayanti, the feminine of the participle vijayat, victorious.' The mention of the Vejayanti army' may have been promoted by the wish of recalling to mind the usual formula vijayaskandhavara in a way at once pleasant to the king and honourable for his troops, whose successes it commemorated. I cannot discover the d which AS. and G. attach to the second k of Bendkataka. This is not to be wondered at, because it seems impossible to interpret Benakatakasvami otherwise than as a compound of the same form as Navanarasvami in N. 3. When svamin is prefixed as a title, it is placed before the king's name (sami Siri-Polumayi, K. 14; N. 25; s&mi Siriyana-Satakapi, N. 24), and not, we would be the case here, if Buhler and Bhagwanlal were right, before his metronymic. As to the genitive Govadhanasa, it could certainly be explained as governed implicitly by Bendkafaka and pointing out the district where the place is situated. It seems however much more probable that it must be construed with skandhavarat. The sequence of words would then appear somewhat less regular; but the presence of another genitive, senaye Vejayantiye, may have caused Govadhanasa to be placed after khandhavara. As we know nothing about Ben&kataka (see the preceding inscription), its situation need not be considered here. But it is unlikely that the king, while dating his gift from his head-quarters, should not have stated the name, and, as the gift mentioned here was made by him verbally and personally, it is all but oertain that he was himself present at Govardhana. Buhler and Bhagwanlal understand ajakalakiyan = Sanskrit adyakalikam, an adjective qualifying khetan, and which, determining the following Usabhadatena bhdtam, would mean 'till to-day.' This meaning would be excellent; it would have the advantage of dating positively the Southern conquest of Gautamiputrs, which probably brought about the dispossession of the Kshaharata Rishabhadatta in favour of the invader. But from the grammatical point of view - without taking into account the singularity of the form adyakalakiya= adyakalika,it would really be an odd way of speaking. It is, besides, necessary that the object of the gift should be precisely stated, the more so because, if Rishabhadatta had laid hand on possession in these parta, it is hardly to be believed that it would not have extended over more than one field. I, therefore, am inclined to think that Ajakalakiya is the name of a place, whatever may be its exact etymology which I have no means to state for certain, I have no doubt that Tekirasina is the equivalent of Tiranhukanan and refers to the monks on mount Trirasmi. As to the phonetic change, I see nothing more convincing than the conjecture of Buhler, who corrects the word to Torasikanan = Trairqimikanari But it is really a desperate expedient 80 desperate that I may be allowed to ask a question.

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. 78 If really, as is supposed, the name Trirasmi, attached to the hill at Nasik, had been inspired by its triple top, would it be too bold to imagine that, under the influence of those Yavanas whose traces are rather common in these parts, a Greek equivalent Tpurepas could, by some accident, have obtained currency by the side of the native name? For what follows compare K. 19.- No more than former commentators have I any means of determining the exact bearing of the title Mahasvamika. I would only note that it reminds strongly of Mahaviharasvamin, & term known from other texts, and which Dr. Fleet (Gupta Insor. p. 272, note) considers to denote a dignity superior to that which is expressed by the simple Viharasvdmin. It would then point to a college of religious dignitaries. I feel tempted to compare with these the titles Mahd-dryaka and Chala-dryaka, which have been examined before. No. 5, Plate ii. (Ksh. 14.) Engraved in continuation of No. 4, from which it is separated only by a Svastika. TEXT. 6 Siddha (1) Govadhane amachasa Samakasa (2) deyo (3) rajanito (4) 7 rano Gotamiputasa Satakanisa (5) mahadeviya (6) cha jivasutays raja matuya Vachanena Govadhane (7) . .cho (8) Samako arogavatavo tato eva cha (9) 8 vatayo etha (10) amhehi pavate Tiranhumhi mhadhamadane lene pativasatanar (11) pavajitana bhikhuna game Kakhadisu pavakhetan data ta cha kheta 9 .. kasate (12) 0 cha gamo na vasati ovam (18) sati ya (14) danietha (15) nagarasime rajakan kheta (16) ambasata kam (17) tato etega (18) pavajitana bhikhunan Teranhukanam dadama 10 khetasa nivatapasatan 100 tasa cha khetasa parihara (19) vitarama apavesa anomasa alopakhadaka arathasavinayika bavajatapariharika cha (20) 11 etebi na pariharehi pariharetha (21) eta chasa khetaparihare (22) cha etha (23) nibadhapetha (24) avijena (25) amata patiharakhiya Lotaya chhato (26) lekho (27) Bavao hhare 24 12 vagana (28) pakhe 4 divase pachame (29) 5 Sujiving (30) kata nibadho (31) nibadho Bavachhare (32) 24 gimhana pakhe 2 divase 10. REMARKS. (1) AS, siddhan. - (2) G. and AS. Sama'.-(3) The initial de is probable, but not entirely certain. -- (4) G. rajanito; AS. rajans'. The syllable rd is very indistinct in the estampages. (5) G. Sata'. - (6) AS. "deviya. -(7) G. vadhana. -(8) G. restores very aptly [ama]cho. -- (9) G. and AS, do not mention this cha, which I believe to discover in the estampage. - (10) AS. etha. -(11) G. and AS. osatana. -(12) G. vakasate ; AS. va kansate. The first letter in the line is very indistinct in the estampage. The traces agree more with the reading na which the sense requires, than with va. -(13) AS. eva. - (14) G. and AS. yan. -(15) AS. etha. - (16) G. and AS. Ichetan. -- (17) AS. amao. - (18) G. etasa. -(19) G. Charan. - (20) AS. omits cha. -(21) G. Charatha; AS. 'heretha. -(22) G. parihara and AS. "hara. - (23) AS. etha. -(24) AS.dhd latha. -(25) G. swiye'. - (26) G. ldjaniyamata ; AS. Lofdya mata.- (27) G. and AS. lekhe. - (28) AS. [va)odo. - (29) G. pamcha'.-(30) G. pu[va]jitina; AS. Pujitind. - (31) G. 'badhd. - (32) AS, sanvachhare. TRANSLATION. "Success! Order of the king, to be made over to samaka, the officer at Govadhana. In the name of the king S&takani Gotamiputa and of the king's queen mother whose son is living,

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74 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. Samaka, the officer at Govadhana, shall be addressed with the usual civility and then shall be told thus: "We have here on mount Tiranbu formerly given to the mendicant ascetics dwelling in the cave which is a pious gift of ours, a field in the village of Kakhadi ; but this field is not tilled, nor is the village inhabited. Matters being so, that royal village of ours, which is now here on the limit of the town, from that field we give to the mendicant ascetics of Tiranhu one hundred - 100 - nivartanas of land, and to that field we grant immunity, (making it) not to be entered (by royal officers), not to be touched (by any of them), not to be dug for salt, not to be interfered with by the district police, and (in short) to enjoy all kinds of immunities; invest it with those immunities, and take care that the donation of the field and the immunities are duly registered." Verbally ordered; the deed written down by Lota, the door-keeper ; (the charter) executed by Sujivin in the year 24, in the 4th fortnight of the rainy season, on the Afth-5th-day. The donation had been made in the year 24, in the and fortnight of summer, on the 10th day." Rajanito is perplexing. Buhler's explanation does not convince me. The use of so deformed a word as niminta = niryata is quite improbable, and some parallel instances would be required to render the idiom admissible. Besides, I doubt very much that the gift could have been attributed in that way to Syamaka, even with the limitation which would be implied by rajanito, meaning as proposed : 'which proceeds from the king. The reading itself I do not consider as secured, at least to judge from the estampages. The genitive Samakasa would be used in the sense of a dative governed by deya : 'which ought to be bestowed on Samaka, and the last syllables of the line would contain the substantive expressing what ought to b bestowed. Now I propose to read rajanati, and before it, deyd instead of doyo, the final vowe of which is far from clear. In this way we obtain a docket of the whole grant : & com mand of the king, to be conveyed to Sy&maka.' The vocalisation is here so nacertain that my conjectures cannot be called risky. The somewhat exceptional beginning would at least have the advantage of harmonising perfeotly with some other equally exceptional peculiarities of the inscription. First, as is shown by the following sentence, we have here not & command directly delivered to Samaka, but conveyed to him by some intermediary: rano . . . mahadeviya cha vachanena. This circumstance is worth remembering all the more because the sequel (1. 11) states that the command was & verbal one issued by the king; in fact the plurals pariharetha and nibadhapetha are accounted for by the circumstance that the command was not intimated directly to Samaka (in which case precedente would let us expect the singular), but to the intermediaries, whoever they may have been, that were delegated by the king. Further, in the ordinary form of deeds the engraver is mentioned at the end. In this inscription, however, the date of the execution of the grant is followed by another date, on which the donation had been prononnoed - 3 date naturally anterior to the despatch of formalities. This date was probably added by Samaka because he wanted to state the interval which, owing to delays in transmission, intervened between the resolution of the two royal persons and the execution of their will. It is but natural to suppose that the field situated at Kakhadi, which had been bestowed before upon the monks, is the same as that mentioned in the preceding insoription. Our epigraph is, by the very place it occupies, brought into close connection with the preceding one. It must, however, be noted that the king's mother does not play any part in the preceding gift, which is oontrary to the wording of the present one, and that Apara-Kakhadi as the name of the village looks like an intentional differentiation from the simple Kakhadi which we have here. At least the anterior deed did not state that the grant should conoern exclusively, as it is said this time, the monks of the cave bestowed by the queen - the Dharmasetu. We must, however, remember the real nature of these epigraphs. They are not official documents, but, in some way, accidental commemorations of gifts, of which the records properly so called were kept among the charters of the monastery. So they may well abridge and sum them up;

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS in this way it is easy to understand why they do not note many details which could not fail to appear in the official deeds themselves. Though it is generally inadvisable to have recourse to the correction of supposed errors of the engraver, it is difficnlt not to agree with Buhler when he corrects patihararakhiya. For other details see K. 19 and N. 3. No. 6, Plate iii. (N. 8.) On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 6. TEXT. 1 Sidham Viragahapatisa nyegamamsa (1) lepam (2) 2 deyadhama katumbiniya (3) chasa Namdasiriya (4) ovara ko 3 ya chasa Purisadatava ovarako eva lenam chatugabbam 4 niyuta (5) bhikhusamghasa chatudisasa piyachitan. duhutu REMARKS. (1) AS. deggamasa; the antsvara, although faulty, seems perfectly clear. -(2) G. and A8. lena. -(3) G. 'biniya. - (4) AS. degdasaraya. The reading siri seems sure. - (5) G. niyuta. TRANSLATION "Success! This cave, a pious gift of the householder Vira, a merchant, a cell of his wife Nandasiri, and a cell of his daughter Purisadatta; the cave thus oompleted to four cells has been bequeathed to the universal Sangha." I do not think gahapati ought to be taken as a part of the proper name, any more than in Nandagahapatind at Sailarwadi (CTI. p. 38, text 1. 5). At Junnar (CTI. and AS. No. 4) we meet again with a donor Virasenakasa gahapatipamughasa dhanmaniga masa. In spite of the close resemblance of the epithets, the writing of the two documents does not seem - unless, what is very possible, the difference be more local than chronological, - to entitle us to identify both. Anyhow it follows from the comparison that gahapati, just as negama, is a title. Besides, it may perhaps be concluded from it that Vira is only an abridgment of the real name which has to be completed by a second member like sena. Negama need not be explained; but it may be remarked en passant that its use here favours the opinion I have formerly stated, and which I must maintain against the doubts that have been raised by & learned opponent (Fick, Sociale Gliederung au Buddha's Zoit, p. 164), vis. that glihapati is, in the Buddhist language, specially restricted to people of various castes, who are included in the large class of Vaisyas. The writing nyene is the more noteworthy because we find afterwards niydohvita= miyatita. It looks as if this engraver had felt some peopliar inclination towards the palatalizing of dentals. Niyuta was translated by Buhler in various ways: 'allotted, given,' and often, as now,' dedicated. The inscription No. 1 at Mabad reads. . . lena chetiyaghara ovaraka cha atha ti kaman niyutan . . and seems to settle the exact bearing of the word, vis. * executed, completed,' implying the notion of a plan, of an appropriation to some use or some object, which is conveyed by the verb niyuj. Niyuta is thereforo not ordinarily construed with a dative; it is generally followed by another participle, as here by niyatita, pointing to the donation which takes place after the work has been completed. It is needless to observe that when niyuta is accompanied by a dative (or a genitive fulfilling the functions thereof), as at: Junnar No. 15 (where we have to read niyutaka), this fact is no way irreconcilable with the translation I am advocating: made for the Sangha (residing) at Kapichita. L 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. No. 7, Plate iii. On the back wall of Cave No. 7, left of the doorway, TEXT. 1 Bhayatta-Savasanam amteva2 siniya pavayiteya T&pasi3 niya cha deyadhama [lena] 4 chatudisasa bhikhusaghasa datam. REMARKS. This epigraph is missing in AS. I give the reading of Bhagwanlal rather than a transcription of my own. The estampages appear to be even less legible than the photographs. The letters are not deeply cut, so that the back of the estampages shows almost nothing. The direct examination of the stone may have enabled Bhagwanlal to see more than I can discover on the facsimiles. I can only abandon to him the honour and responsibility of the reading. Our facsimile is besides probably too short. For in the first line, where the visible traces indeed seem to confirm his transcription, the final va which he has read is certainly wanting, and the following lines also, if compared with his readings, seem to be incomplete on the right. In the second line I am unable to make out pavayitdya, and even less Tapasio. The rest looks more probable. I must, however, except the last word. Besides the fact that no trace of data appears, it is not that participle, but nydtita, which is ordinarily used in that way. In l. 3 the cha must be wrong; to all appearance we have to do with a single gift. TRANSLATION. "This cave, a pious gift of Tapasint, a female ascetio, a disciple of the reverend Savasa, granted to the universal Sangha of ascetics." It is hardly credible that the name of the donor should be omitted, as the epigraph takes the trouble to commemorate the name of her religious teacher. So she must have been called T&pasini, admitting the reading to be correct. We have already met (in N. 4) with Tapasa as a man's name. As to that of the teacher, always supposing the reading to be correct, I do not see, among several possibilities, any Sanskrit transcription which can be safely admitted. The reading Sovasa is not impossible; it reminds of Sovasaka which in K. 20 seems to be an ethnic name, probably = Sanvarsha. Bhaja (AS. No. 4) supplies another instance of the pluralis majestatis : theranan bhaanta-Dhamagirinan. NO. 8, Plate viii. (N. 7.) On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 8, right of the doorway. TEXT. Dasakasa Mugadasasa (1) saparivarasa lepa (2) deyadhama (3). REMARKS. (1) AS. Mugudao. The is not quite distinct. The double stroke, however, accounts best for the crack, and besides the dis sure in the following number. -(2) G. lenan. Even the , much more the vh, is extremely indistinct. (8) G. odhanma.

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. TRANSLATION . "This cave, a pious gift of Mugudase, & fisherman, together with his next." It is, I think, too precise to translate saparivara by 'with his family. If such were his intention, the engraver would rather have used either special names of kinship or some generic word, as jati, which occurs elsewhere. Parivara may, together with the family or even excluding it, apply to companions of the donor, fellow-workers or caste-partners. Whatever may be the exact meaning of dasaka, which I do not hesitate to identify with dasaka, as suggested by Buhler, our Mugudas& cannot well be different from the one who is mentioned in the next inscription, also with his surroundings (saparivdra). It is strange that the gift of the cave should thus be commemorated twice in two epigraphs, each of which is located on one side of the same door. Generally our formulas distinguish the lena from the cells (ovaraka, gabha) which are excavated in them. Although lena is here used in both cases, I am inclined to think that the word in our No. 9 points no more to the veranda, but to the cell which the same donor Mugadasa must have added to his cave. This interpretation seems the more tempting as the second donation has for its object to supply with clothes the pavajita, i.e. the monk residing in the cell. However this may be, Mugadasa has a namesake at Kuda (AS. No. 23), a maldkara or florist, whom nothing at least in the writing forbids to consider bis contemporary. No. 9, Plate iii. (N. 6.) On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 8, left of the doorway. TEXT. 1 Chetika-apasakiyasa Mogudasasa (1) saparivkrasa lenam (2) deyadhama (3) tasa lenasa (4) BodhiguteZoupasakasa putena Dhamanamdine datam (5) khetam (6) apariliga Kanhahiniya eto cha khetato chivarikam (7) pavaitasa. REMARKS. (1) AS. Maga'.-(2) G. and AS. lena. - (3) Perhaps dhamo; but the vowel-mark would then, contrary to use, be attached to the top of them. - (4) AS. lenasa.-(5) G. and AS. data. -(6) G. and AS, kheta. -(7) G. and As. chivarika. TRANSLATION. << This cave, a pious gift of Mugudesa, of the lay oommunity of Chetikas, together with his next. To this cave has been given by Dhamanandin, son of the lay worshipper Bodhigute, a field in Western Kanhahini, and from this field (accrues) the providing of olothes for the ascetic (living here)." Compare the preceding inscription. The only difficulty peculiar to this epigraph is connected with the words aparitiya Kanhahiniya. I have followed the translation of Buhler and Bhagwanlal, but without feeling so certain about its correctness as they appear to do. It presupposes an adjective aparila, equivalent to apara, which is unusual, and which in any case does not conform to the precedent Apara-Kakhadiye in No. 4 above. The analogy of that passage would rather induce us to look in the word following khetan for the particular Dame of the field. Anyhow the long vowel of li, which is quite distinct, remains somewhat puzzling; it would make mo think of some passive participle of the future a-paritiya, if the use of li with the prefis pari were testified to by literature or gave some clear and satisfaotory meaning.

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78 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. . (VOL. VIII. No. 10, Plate iv. (Ksh. 5.) On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 10, under the ceiling. TEXT. Compare Dr. Hornle in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII. pp. 27 ff. and Dr. Bhandarkar, ibid. pp. 139 ff.] 1 Siddhan rajnah Kshaharatasya kshatra pasya Nahapanasya jamatra (1) Diniksputrena Ushavadatena trigobatasahasradens nadya Barnashyam suvarnadanatirthakarepa dovatabhyah brahmapebhyascha shodasagramadena anuvargham (2) brahmanasatas&haeribboj&payitra 2 Prabhdee panyatirthe brahmapebhyah ashtabharyapradena Bharukachhe Dasapure Govardhane Sorp&rage cha chatasalavasadhapratigrayapradena aramatadaga(3)udapanakarena Iba-Parada-Damana-Tapi-Karabend-Dahanukd-navapanyatarakarena et&sam cha nadinam ubhatotiram sabha3 prapakarena Pimtitakavade (4) Govardhane Suvarnamukhe Sorpirage cha Ramatirthe Charakaparsbabhyah grame (5) Nanamgole dvatrisatanaligeramulasahasrapradena (6) Govardhane Trirasmishu parvateshu dharmatmana idam lenam (7) karitam ima oha podhiyo (8) [IS] Bhataraka amnatiya (9) cha gato smim (10) Yarsharatum (11) Malayehi (12) rudham Utamabhadram (13) mochagitur 4 te cha MAlay& pranadeneva apay&ta Utamabhadrakanam (14) cha kshatriyanam sarve parigrah kita tato smim (15) gato Poksharani tatra cha maya abhiseko krito tripi (16) cha gosahasrani dateni gramo (17) cha [II] Data chanena (18) kshetram (19) brahmanasa Varahiputrasa Asvibhutisa hatho kipita molens (20) kahapanasahasrehi chatuhi 4000 ya sapitusataka nagarasimaya utara paraya disaya (21) eto mama lepo vasa5 tanar (22) chatudisasa (23) bhikhuseghasa mukhkharo bhavisati. REMARKS. (1) The reading tra is very distinct; the right side of the t however bears a slight trace of the vowel w, as if the form jdmatu had been present, along with the form jamatra, in the mind of the writer. - (2) AS. "varsha. - (3) AS. degtadaga.-(4) G. Pindi. - (5) AS. grama. - (6) AS. sahasradona. -(7) G. and AS. lena. - (8) AS. podhiyo. - (9) The syllable ani (for the anusvara is quite visible) has been added between ka and Aid, probably in order to point out that the initial a has been absorbed into the d of ka. The d of Ad is doubtful; the vowelmark is not ordinarily, as would here be the case, placed at the top of the vertical line. - (10) AS. omi. The antsvara is doubtful. If it exists, it is of course a mistake. -(11) The u is subscribed in two ways, the one very similar to T, as here and in putrasa in the next line, the other in the shape of a small horizontal stroke, as in mochayitum, pitu. (12) Between ye and hi there is a blank, which seems to have been filled up by two or three characters that would have been effaced. - (13) AS.bhadran. The a does not appear to be quite certain. -(14) AS."kanan. - (15) AS. krita tato smi. The antsvara, though faulty, seems to exist on the stone. - (16) AS. tini gosao. - (17) AS. gamo. -(18) G. cha nena. -(19) AS. kshetra. -(20) G. and AS. mule. - (21) G. disao. - (22) G. and AS. Ctana. -(23) G. Otudisao. TRANSLATION. "Success! UshavadAta, Dinika's sou, son-in-law of king Nahapana, the Kshaharata Kshatrapa, who has given three-hundred-thousand cows, who has made gifts of money and lirthas on the river Barnasa, who has given sisteen villages to the gods and Brahmanas, who

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. causes one-hundred-thousand Brahmanas to be fed the (whole) year round, who has given eight wives to Brahmanas at the religious tirtha of Prabhasa, who at Bharukachha, Dasapura, Govardhana and Sorpdraga has given the shelter of quadrangular rest-houses, who has made wells, tanks and gardens, who has out of charity established free ferries by boats on the Iba, Parada, Damana, Tapi, Karabend and Dahanuka, and erected on both banks of these rivers shelters for meeting and sach for gratuitous distribution of water, who has given thirty-twothousand stems of cocoa nut trees at the village Nanamgola to the congregation of Charakas at Pinditakavada, Govardhana, Suvarnamukha and the R&matirtha in Sorparaga, -inspired by (true) religion, in the Trirasmi hills at Govardhana, has caused this cave to be made and these cisterns. And by order of the lord I went to release the chief of the Uttamabhadras, who had been besieged for the rainy season by the Malayas, and those Malayas fled at the mere roar (of my approaching) as it were, and were all made prisoners of the Uttamabhadra warriors. Thence I went to the Pokshara tanks, and there I bathed and gave three-thousand cows and a village. A field has also been given by him, bought at the hands of the Brahmara Asvibhati, son of Varahi, for the price of four-thousand - 4,000 - kahd panas, which (field) belonged to his father, on the boundary of the town towards the north-western side. From it food will be procured for all monks, without distinction, dwelling in my cave." The beginning of the ingeription till ashtabharyapradona is, except one or two insignificant discrepancies, but the reproduction in Sanskfit orthography of the beginning of No. 13 at K&rld. It will suffice to refer to this fact. Dasapura is the only one among the four towns mentioned here which remains unidentified. I see no means of choosing between the Dasapara in Rajputana (Buhler), that in Malwa (Bhagwanlal), or others which might be added, as Mandasor, etc. In No. 26 we see that some Sakas dwelt in that place; this is at least a hint that it ought to be searched for towards the north, As for the river names, Buhler's and Bhagwanlal's views agree together. Dr. Bhandarkar proposed to restore opanyao and to separate ova-apanyatarao. Such a correction would be rash; but the general meaning would come to the same. Punyatara must be compared with punyatirtha which we have met before. As it characterises the Prabh&satirtha as a religious place, punya qualifies the ferries by boats established on those rivers as religious, charitable or meritorious ones, 1.6. as gratuitous. The phraseology whioh so constantly associates sabhd and prapa (compare Mahabharata, Anusasanikaparvan, vv. 1635, 1671 and 6685; Santiparvan, v. 1492, etc.) proves, contrary to Dr. Hoernle's ingenious, but too artificial conjecture, that the two words have to be taken as a dvandva. Pimditakavada and Suvarnamukha ere, as far as I know, unidentified. In Nanamgola it is at least tempting to see with Bhagwanlal Nargol near Sanjan. The communities of Charakas to whom the gift has been made seem to be identioal with the Charakas who are named in a stereotyped formula of Buddhist (e.g. Mahavastu, III. 412 : anyatarthikacharakapariprajaka) and Jaina texts, namely & certain special category of Brahmanical ascetice. To take charaka for 'Brahmapical students' would leave the gift too undetermined, and if the Charaka-sakha of the Yajurveda were meant, the expression would have been made more definite. The real stumbling-block here is the compound dvdtritata. All interpreters understand by it a gift of a thousand coins) representing the value of thirty-two cocoanut trees. Bhagwanlal alone has translated 'who has bestowed as a gift thirty-two-thousand cocoanut trees.' This text cannot be considered independently from another, perfectly parallel one in N. 12, where we read : game Ohikhalapadre datani naligerana mulasahasrani atha 8000. The same difference exists there between Buhler's and Bhagwanlal's translations. First of all it must be owned that the gift of a capital amounting to the value of thirty-two cocoanut trees, to be distributed among at least four religious fraternities, would be, especially from so mighty and liberal a donor, extremely

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. improbable. Secondly, what could be the use of specifying so accurately, as is done in the two cases, the village in which those trees would have been alienated, if the donees were only concerned with the proceeds of the sale ? The fact itself, that the king's son-in-law should have sold a few cocoanut trees in order to provide himself with funds for his private charities, is the more unlikely as gifts in kind are the more usual ones; or, if money is intended, it is a consolidated investment (see N. 12), a foundation of a perpetual rent. We see below that the same donor buys a field in order to secure food for the monks, but not the reverse. If we follow Buhler, we must admit, in spite of the general parallelism of the two phrases, that the number of trees would have been noted in our case, while in N. 12 the sum of money alone would be stated, as representing the coooanut trees (ndligerana), the number of which would be undefined. In N. 12, If only we read malan for mula, we may well construe the word in apposition to sahasans. Such an expedient is here out of the question, and this is a very strong reason for taking in N. 12 mulasahasani as a compound. This must be the spontaneous impression of every unprejudiced reader; even here, where the compound is certain, its resolution into a first member ending with mula and being in apposition to sahasra (which would be excluded by the compound mulasahasani in N. 12) is, although possible, certainly too remote to appear probable at first sight. Lastly, in N. 12, if a gift of 8,000 karshapanas were really intended, it is not easy to see why it should have been consigned to the third place, without any details regarding the mode of foundation, while the inferior gift of 3,000 karshapanas, previously mentioned, is treated quite differently. From all these facts I conclude that Bhagwanlal is certainly right, and that we have here to do with a gift of 32,000 Cocoanut trees, and in N. 12 with one of 8,000, the first at the village of Nanamgola, and the second at the village of Chikhalapadra. The only difficulty lies in the use of mula, which seems to imply roots of cocoanut trees' instead of simply "cocoanut trees.' Such an idiom is surely not more pazzling than if, in French, we reckon trees by "pieds' and say 32,000 pieds de cocotiers.' The locatives Govardhane Trirasmishu parvateshu have been generally construed in immediate connection with karitan and dharmatmand, which was considered as an independent epithet, meaning religious, charitable,' and would have been introduced here into the midst of the sentence without any special signification. The general plan of the construction does not seem to favour such an interpretation. The words beginning with Govardhane and ending with dharmatmand are exactly symmetrical with the analogous groups which precede this one. These groups make up the bulk of our epigraph and end uniformly with a laudatory epithet, preceded by such determinatives as it requires. It seems difficult to admit that the analogy created by guch a concatenation of instances should be disturbed in this only case, and that the strict correspondence which is warranted by the whole structure should here be fallacious. Besides it would be the only case where to the mention of the mountains in which the cave was excavated would be added the name of the neighbouring town of Govardhana, which is perfectly superfluous in this place, the only one too where, in order to commemorate, on the site itself, the name of the hill in which it has been dug, the plural would be used. These two particularities rather suggest the idea of some fact which is more general, less strictly localised, and concerning not the cave itself, but the region as a whole. I must add that all the donations previously mentioned are bestowed without any exception on Brahmans or Brahman institutions, while the gift which our epigraph records, and which this part of the sentence introduces, is, on the contrary, made in favour of Buddhist monks. I have previously, in connection with the term dhanma. Yavana in K. 10, expressed the idea that dhamma has to be taken in the sense of Buddhist religion, and the same is, I believe, the case here as well. This is why I understand the passage to mean imbued at Govardhana in the Trirasmi hills with (true) religion. I dare not decide if this phrase implies an express conversion to Buddhism, or only puts a first gift in favour of Buddhism in contrast with the previous grants which were inspired by Brahmanical feelings. I do not think the wording allows us to settle this shade of meaning. On the strength of this

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No. 8.] explanation I propose in N. 18 to take dhammatmand in a similar way. I believe the reading 'tmana, not otmano, is certain, and the manner in which the construction is interrupted after the preceding genitives confirms the impression that dharmatmand is intentionally put forward, in order to dwell on the fact of a change having taken place in the religious belief or inclination of the donor Indragnidatta. NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. I consider varsharatum intimately connected with rudham. Besides the fact that the accusative commonly denotes duration, I beg to insist once more upon that rule of Sanskrit construction which requires the determinant to precede the determined, and to which it is so important to pay attention in the, so to say, amorphous style of inscriptions. I have unfortunately nothing to add to the explanations, though little conclusive, which have been given by others respecting some other topics in this first postscript. Of the Uttamabhadras we know nothing, and as to the Malayas, though it seems natural to look for them in the inhabitants of the Malaya or southern hills, it must be owned that if, as seems possible, they were on the way or at least in the direction towards Pokhara, i.e. Ajmer, the equation Malaya Malava, proposed by Bhagwanlal, would be well worthy of consideration. Of course 'mountaineers' of the same region may also be meant. = 81 In the second additional paragraph, the principal difficulty lies in yasapitusataka. Bhagwanlal divides: yasa pitu sataka, 'belonging to whose (Asvibhuti's) father.' Buhler transcribes ya sa(sva)pitusa (m) taka and translates 'which belongs to my (Asvibhuti's) father; and he is of course obliged to connect the epithet sapitusataka with nagarasimdya. It is evident to my mind that Buhler was mistaken, and that the adjective, which, if applied to nagarasimaya, would be meaningless, must be referred to the field. As to the grammatical analysis, the matter is different. The relative ya is construed less naturally with Advibhutisa which is far off, than with kshetram, the idea of which pervades the whole sentence. I, therefore, divide ya sapitusataka svapi, sva being applied to Asvibhuti's father. It is just because the field does not belong to this Brahman himself, and because he plays in this transaction the part of a representative only of his father, that the epigraph uses the expression Asvibhutisa hathe instead of the ablative case: at the hand of Asvibhuti,'- a shade of meaning which ought not to have passed unnoticed. On account of the proximity of mama lene vasatanam and chatudisasa samghasa, this inscription is one of those where the exact meaning of chatudisa samgha is most clearly brought out, as I have tried to show in K. 13. No. 11, Plate vii. (Ksh, 10.) In the veranda of Cave No. 10, over the doorway of the left cell. TEXT. 1 Sidham (1) ramao (2) Kshaharatasa kshatrapasa Nahapanasa dihi2 tu Dinikaputrasa Ushavadatasa kudumbiniya Dakhamitraya (3) deyadhammam (4) ovarako. REMARKS. (1) G. and AS. sidham.-(2) G. rano; AS. rano.-(3) AS. mitaya.- (4) G. dhammam. This epigraph is repeated twice, with, as it seems, only slight graphical differences; compare N. 13 below. Although AS. refers to the facsimile on Plate lii., the way in which the lines are cut proves that the transcription was made, not from the estampage which corresponds with our N. 13, but from that which we transcribe here, and which figures on the accompanying Plate vii. M

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. TRANSLATION "Success! This cell, the gift of Dakhamitra, wife of Ushavadata, son of Dinika, and daughter of king Nahapana, the Kshaharata Kshatrapa." No. 12, Plate v. (Ksh. 9.) Immediately below the preceding inscription. TEXT. 1 Sidhar Vase 42 Vesakhamase rano (1) Kshaharatase kshatrapasa Nahapanasa jamatara Dinikapatrena Ushavad&tena samghasa chatudisasa imam lenam (2) nig&titat data chenena (3) akshayanivi kahapanasahasra2 ni trini 3000 samghasa chatudisasa je imasmim lene vasarntanam (4) bhavisati chivarika kasapamule (5) cha ete cha kah&pana prayuts Govadhanavathavasu srepisu (6) kolikanikaye (7) 2000 vridhi (8) padikasata aparakolikanika8 yo (9) 1000 vadhi payunapadikasata (10) etecha kab&papa apadidatava vadhibhoja eto chivarikasa hasrani (11) be 2000 ye padike sate eto mama lene Vasava thana bhikhunam visaya ekikasa chivarika barasaka ya (12) Bahasra prayutam rayonapadike (13) fate ato kusada 4 mula (14) Kapurdharo cha game Chikhalapadre datani naligerana mulasahasrani atha 8000 eta cha sarva (15) sravita (16) nigamasabhaya nibadba (17) cha phalakavdre charitratoti bhayo nena datar vase 41 Katika udhe Panaraca (18) puvaka vase 45 5 panarasa niyutara (19) bhagavatain devanarh brahmananamh cha karahapanasa hasrapi (20) satari 70000 pachatrisaka (21) suvarpa (22) krita dina suvarpasahasranam (23) mulyar (24) 6 phalakavare charitratoti. REMARKS. (1) AS. rafo.-(2) G. and AS. ima lena.- (3) G. data nona ; AS, data chanena.(4) G. and AS. vasatana.-(5) G. kusanamula.- (6) AS. sronisu. - (7) AS. kolika (8) AS. vadhi.- (9) AS. (r)kolikao - (10) G. and AS. payana,- (11) G. Osrani.- (12) G. and AS. ya. (13) G. and As. payuna, - (14) G.Omula.-(15) G. sarvan.-(16) G. savita.- (17) G. nibadha.- (18) G. Orase.-(19) G. Oyuta.-(20) G. ordni. -(21) G. trimsaka. (22) G. suvarnan.- (23) G. Osrana; AS. Osranam.- (24) G, mulyan ; AS. omala. TRANSLATION. " Success! In the year 42, in the month Vesakha, Ushavadata, son of Dinika, son-inlaw of king Nahapana, the Kshaharata Kshatrapa, has bestowed this cave on the Sangha generally; he has also given a perpetual endowment, three thousand - 3000-kahapanas, which, for the members of the Sangha of any sect and any origin dwelling in this cave, will serve as cloth money and money for outside life (kusana); and those kahapanas have been invested in guilds dwelling at Govadhana,- 2000 in a weavers' guild, interest one pratika (monthly) for the hundred, (and) 1000 in another weavers' guild, interest three quarters of a padika (monthly) for the hundred ; and those kahapanas are not to be repaid, their interest only to be enjoyed. Out of them, the two thousand-2000-at one pratika per cent. are the cloth money out of them to every one of the twenty monks who keep the vassa in my cave, a cloth money of twelve (kdhapanas). As to the thousand which has been invested at an interest of three quarters of a pratika per cent., out of them the money for kusana. And at the village of Chikhalapadra in the

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No. 8.) NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. K&pura district have been given eight thousand - 8000 - stems of cocoanut trees; and all this has been proclaimed (and) registered at the town's hall, at the record office, according to custom." "Again the donation previously made by the same in the year 41, on the fifteenth of the bright half of Karttika, has in the year 46, on the fifteenth the fifteenth . . . . . . been settled on the venerable gods and Brahmanas, vit. seventy thousand- 70000-karshapanas, each thirtyfive making a suvarna, a capital (therefore) of two thousand suvarnas. (This is registered) at the record office according to custom." Here the difficulties begin with the word kusana. Bhagwanlal's vague attempts at explaining it cannot well be considered anything but a failure, and the comparison with the Vedio krisana does not help us any more. Literary works do not seem to have supplied to this day any instance of the word. It is but to be wondered at that the use itself to which it refers is not only foreign, but contrary to the laws of discipline as they are laid down in the Scriptures. In fact I do not think any doubt can be entertained as to the custom to which the word kubana alludes. Several inscriptions at Kapheri (Arch. Surv. Vol. V.) commemorate various endowments with a double object : chivarska solasaka paliko cha mise utukale (No, 15); chivarika barasaka gimhdsu padiko mase (No. 18); chivarika solasaka padiko mi se cha utukdle (No. 21); chivarika ... solasaka utukale cha (padiko mase] (No. 28). This series corresponds with our own epigraph in the first member; it is extremely probable that both correspond in the second as well, and that consequently kusana means a monthly stipend, assigned to every monk during & certain period of the year, and probably to be applied for his food. Such a proceeding of course is, from the point of view of principle, most incorrect, the monks being expected to live on alms and being precluded from even touching any money. The general interpretation seems nevertheless certain. The case is different as regards the precise meaning and etymology of the word. I know of no really probable conjecture I could suggest. Although rather numerous, the passages at Kanheri do not even state distinctly during which period of the year the supply was conceded. Most of them are content to speak of the situkala. As, however, the distribution of the kusanamala appears to have been strictly parallel with that of the chivarika or money for clothes reserved for the varsha time (vasavuthanaris bhikhunan), this season' kar' Eoxhy must be the varsha. If No. 18 expressly mentions the bot season (githesu), this is due, I suppose, to the circumstance that at that time and in that place the annual retreat began already in Ash&dha, 2.e. still in summer. The words vridhi padikasata and vadhi payunapadikafata look perfectly clear, and they have in fact been translated quite naturally : the interest amounts to one hundred' and 'to seventyfive pratikas.' The matter is, however, not quite so simple. Those expressions cannot be considered separately from others which do not admit of such an interpretation; I mean in this inscription sahasrani be ye padike sate and ya sahasraprayutan payunapadike sate, and at Kanheri, No. 15, kahapanani satani be saghasa yeva hathe palike sate. It is clear from the first that & capital of 200 karshapanas cannot possibly bring in the same interest as a capital of 2000. On the other hand, the final e of padike and sate being secured by the threefold repetition, we must find an explanation for the double locative which the ordinary translations in no way account for. As to usidhi padikafata, the translation 'interest a hundred padikas' is excluded by the consequences it would involve. Buhler was led by reasons which on the whole are, if not cogent, at least very plausible, to consider pratika as an equivalent of karshapana. Of course he was obliged to acknowledge that those hundred pratikas were not sufficient to supply the expenses for the clothes of twenty monks, at twelve karshapanas each, because they would in that case require 240 karshapanas in all. He was obliged to assume that barasaka (Sanskrit duadataka) refers to some coins different from the karshapana. But Kapheri No. 16, where the fee of sixteen keirshapamas' for cloth money is expressly mentioned, loaves no room for doubt;karshapapas are M2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. certainly meant. It follows therefore that the translation put forward for vridhi padikafata cannot be upheld. The only safe way is to start from the locatives padike fate. In Kanheri No. 15, Buhler translated : 'two hundred bearing (a monthly interest of) one karshapana.' Hence he seems to have taken sate as a dual. Such an interpretation is out of the question ; it is discountenanced not only by the grammatical inadmissibility, but also by the repetition of the formula in our own text, where the numbers in each case are quite different. Nevertheless, I think that Buhler was perfectly right as to the general meaning. In fact, if wo take, and we cannot well help doing so, tate as a locative, we are easily led by the two locatives to the translation : at one pratika per cent.' In India the rate of interest is generally stated monthly (compare Mami, viii. v. 141, etc.). So it would imply a yearly income of 12 per cent. which, conformably to the ideas of the country, is far from excessive. We shall actually find in N. 17 a capital of 100 karshapanas bringing in annually the ccst of a chivarika of 12 karshapanas. At this rate of interest the two-thousand karshapanas bear exactly the two-hundred-and-forty karshapanas required yearly to provide the twenty monks with robes at 12 pieces each. It is true that the 75 pratikas produced on the same terms by the other investment of 1000 karshapanas are not quite sufficient to secure to the twenty monks as kufanamala one karshapana monthly during four months, which would amount to eighty pieces. But this fact does not entail any real contradiction. If the kusanamula at Kanheri amounted to one pratika monthly, it does not follow that it must have been of exactly the same value at Nasik ; nor is it sure even that the varsha, which we know to have differed in length according to time and place should have here lasted four months, rather than three. The only remaining difficulty is purely grammatical. I dare not decide if we ought to correct padika- (and payunapadika-) tate, or to admit some irregular formation such as the familiar or technical language is apt to produce. Anyhow the meaning remains clear: 'interest at the rate of one (and three quarters of one) pratika monthly.' The ye which follows the number 2000 of course refers to chivarikasahasrani be; it stands for the neuter yani, exactly as in l. 2 the ye following chatudisasa. The sequel shows that we have to supply prayutani or payutani. As to dhara = district, compare Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscr. p. 173, note. I have explainpd before (N. 10) why I understand mula not as = 'value, capital,' bat as meaning 'stem.' The phraseology used here and the way in which the words are separated seem to supply another decisive argument in favour of that interpretation. In phalakavara I prefer taking vara, not, like Buhler, as = 'number, multitude,' but as denoting the enclosure, the premises where the official documents are kept on boards (phalaka). There are no instances from literature, by which the real meaning can be tested. Anyhow archives seem to be understood. This inscription suggests a double formality : first the notification (fravita) of the gift, and secondly its registration (nibadha). As nigamasabhd seems to mean the public ball, the town's hall,' it has been generally admitted that the first locative, migamasabhaya, refers to the place where the proclamation had to be made, the second, phalakavare, to the embodiment into the archives. But the sequel shows that phalakavdre charitrato forms a sentence complete in itself. On the other hand, I have repeatedly insisted upon the necessity of taking into consideration the law wbich in Sanskrit puts the determinative term before the determined one. For this reason I have translated the sentence as above. The last words, phalakavdre, etc., are only a compendious attestation of the fact that the whole endowment was recorded in the archives conformably to rule. The same formula is repeated at the end of the final clause which follows, and which is fraught with such difficulties that Buhler did not attempt even a conjectural translation. Bhagwanlal has been bolder ; I believe that, except in some grammatical details, be bas on the whole been successful. We have before us a double date, 41 and 45, for the endowment,

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. 85 Two different stages of the same proceeding must accordingly be recorded here : the first characterised by datta, the second by niyukta, viz. first the donation, and afterwards its dedication to a special category of donees. Was Bhagwanlal justified in stating that the first word amounts to the same as sankalpita and means only the resolution to give ? Or most we believe that at the second date, the donor was led by some undetermined reason to modify in favour of new donees the original object of his investment? I dare not decide this point, as both conjectures have their own difficulties. In any case we are concerned here with a donation or the project of a donation-which goes back to a previous time (puvakan), and which led to a final dedication in the year 45. In this second part of the sentence panarasa is most perplexing. If it is the same ordinal panchadasa as in the preceding line, we are obliged to admit either that the engraver bas omitted the name of the month and of the fortnight, or that he has erroneously repeated the foregoing panarasa. Though slightly facilitated by the fact that panarasa stands at the beginning of a new line, this conjecture is too easy to be confidently relied upon. Another expedient could also be attempted, vis, considering panarasa = punarasa, punar asya, and taking the genitive to be used in the function of the instrumental, which does not seem hard in this style. The translation would then be : the donation previously made in the year 41 has been again settled by him in the year 45, etc. But the proximity of the first panarasa makes this hypothesis extremely doubtful. The only remaining difficulty concerns the words panchatrimsaka, etc. It is only formal. It is indeed perfectly clear that the text wants to state how the 70,000 karshapanas given are equal in value to 2,000 suvarnas, the suvarna being worth 35 karshapanas. But Bhagwanlal understands krita = ksitva, which I consider hardly admissible. The vocalisation is here very uncertain. I prefer to take krita as equal to ksita or ksitan, and panchatrintakan suvarnam kritar as a separate proposition, which comes very near to our own idiom : thirty-five (karshapanas) make one suvarna.' No. 13, Plate viii. (Ksh. 10.) In the veranda in Cave No. 10, over the doorway of the right cell. TEXT. [Compare No. 11.) 1 Sidhar rano Kshahardtass kshatrapasa Nahapana2 88 dihitu (1) Dinikaputrasa Ushavadatasa 3 kudumbiniya (2) Dakhamitraya deyadhanman (3) ovarako. REMARK. (1) G. dihitu. -(2) G. kufun-(3) G. odhaman. TRANSLATION. << Success! This cell, a gift of Dakhamitra, wife of Ushavad&ta, son of Dinika, daughter of king Nahapana, the Kshaharata Kshatrapa." No. 14a, Plate vi. (Ksh. 7.) On the right wall of the court in Onve No. 10. TEXT. 1 . . kshatra pasa Nahapanasa jama2 . . . . . . . . Bakase UshavadAtasn netyskesu 3 . . . . . . . P Chechimie (1) Dahanukanagara (2) Kekapure

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 4 .... ... Po (3) Anugimimhi Ujeniya Sakhaya 5 . . . . . . . . to brahmana bhujate (4) Batasaha6 . . . . . vata (5) brahmananam gavam satasa . . . bhagavata (6) devana brahmapanamh cha data 8 .. .. .. .. Chetrasudhe panarasa (7) Kshahar & ? . . . . . . . . . .gavam Ptasahasradena (8) Usha10 . . . . . . . . . . . (9) nadiye Bandsaya (10) da11 . . . . . . . . . . svana tithe (11) che nayate (12) tasa 12 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (13) REMARKS. (1) AS. [ . . . . . Sorpara]ge Vechinne. The reading ve seems possible; but not, I think, the reading ge.- (2) G. and AS. Ogare.- (3) G. and AS, [ . . . Bharuka]chhe anu'. I cannot make out the chh.-(4) G. bhunjate.- (5) G. [ . . . . bhagavatam] brao ; AS. (ri . . . ] brao. The characters vatan seem to be still discernible on the estampage. (6) G. and AS. [hasra . . . . . . . bhagava]ta.-- (7) G. Crase.-(8) G. and AS. gavarn data'. The f is very doubtful; we could as well read 8. Before ga I think I can make out an n, probably the ending of 'dena.- (9) G. (vadatena]. .. . . brahma...nao-(10) AS. odiya Bandsaya ; G. Anasaya.-(11) AS vanati-(12) G. cha fayate. This reading, especially cha, is quite possibie. (13) G.. . . . . . . . . . chati. I can see nothing of these characters. TRANSLATION. " [Success!) By permanent charities of Ushavadata, the Saka, (son of Dinika), son-inlaw of king Nahapana, the (Kshahara]ta Kshatrapa, one hundred-thousand holy Brahmana, dine (the whole year round] at . . . . . . . . Chechinna, at the town of Dahanuka, at Kekapura, .....at Anugami, at Ujeni, at sakh. (By the same, three)hundred-thousand cows have been given to holy Brahmanas, (and sixteen villages] have been given to the holy gods and Brahmayas. [In the year. . . . . ], in the bright half of Chaitra, on the fifteenth day . .... by Usha vadata] money and a tirtha have been bestowed in the Barnasa river . . . . . " The lost characters in the beginning of several lines can be easily and safely filled in from K. 13 and N. 10. The first line, the restoration of which is certain, proves that every line has lost about eight letters. 1 [Sidhan rano Kshahara] 2 (ta Dinikaputasa] 5 [anuvasam bhagavam] 6 [si . ... bhaga] 7 [hasani tini datani] 8 (solasa gama vase . . ]. Unfortunately this restoration supplies nothing but known elements and is consequently of little interest. We can restore neither the date nor the local names in 11. 3, 4, nor can we say definitely what is missing at the beginning of l. 11. I am equally unable to state how and under what circumstances the word Kshaharata was introduced in line 8, because other epigraphs mention that name only among the titles of Nahapana. The 10th line began of course with the letters vadatena, completing Usha in the preceding one, and they were probably followed by some epithet. The word tigosatasahara dena of N. 10 would fit as to length; but this gift has already been mentioned in the foregoing lines, independently of the gift of one-hundred-thousand cows, he mention of which immediately precedes. It seems indeed certain that the donations end

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No. 8.) NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. 87 merated in 11. 3-5, 6-7,7-8 correspond to the first three commemorated in N. 10, while, on the other hand, 11. 10 - 11 allude to the gifts made on the Barnasa river (1. 1 in N. 10). It may be remarked, en passant, that the three words suvara titha cha in l. 12 prove that the interpretation I have advocated for the compound in K. 13 is correct. I do not believe that notyaka, Sanskrit naityaka, must be understood, as taken by Buhler, in the sense of daily rites. No daily rites performed by Ushavadata, on the occasion of which the Brahmaps would have been fed, oan be intended here, as those distributions are extended to a number of different localities. Regular continuous works and gifts are meant here in opposition to special and exceptional foundations. One doubt only remains : are we to trang. late among the regular liberalities,' or is the locative used for the instrumental :by (in virtue of) regular liberalities?' The vague character of the syntax in this style (many analogous cases may be found in my commentary on the Mahava stu) does not exclude the second interpretation, which in itself seems to be the more satisfactory of the two. Buhler gave up the interpretation of the last words : chefayate tasa; and Bhagwanlal's translation of Adyate by 'is known' does not convey any real meaning. The vowel signs are rather uncertain in this part of the inscription. I feel little hesitation in reading cha. As to what follows, a double hypothesis offers itself to my mind : either to read hay[u]te (tam) tasa. . . . . or ayat[]ta sa . . . . . ; in either case we have to admit an irregular transcription of niya or niyuo by faydo or fayto. It would be exactly the same graphical peculiarity as is found already at Girnar in the eighth of Piyadasi's edicts, which reads (1.1) flaydsu = niyydsu. In N. 6 we have already met with an irregular palatalisation of t to ch in the same word, which is there written niyachita instead of mydlita. To tell the truth, it is towards the restoration of flaydtita rather than rayuta that I should incline. Ushavadata seems to use the word with some predilection (as in N. 12), and it fits in better with the first at least - suvandni- of the two substantives on which it would bear. Anyhow, and in spite of the uncertainty resulting from the sudden interruption of the text, the general meaning seems clear. No. 146, Plate vi. (Ksh. 8.) Immediately below the preceding inscription. TEXT. 1 . . . . . . . gavata brabmaps 2 . . . . . . . . . ?pi pamchagam .000 (1) 3 . . . . . . masaya tirthe (2) 4 . . . . . . deya da japa (3). REMARKS. : (1) G. (sahajarani panchasa 50000 ; AS. do sahasa 2000.AS. does not succeed any more than I in making out the traces that G. interpreta as srd, which is graphically very unlikely. AS. interprets as do the character which G. reads ni, and this reading seems at least probable. In the following letters the position of G. appears to me much stronger than that of AS. But the joined to ta is at least as probable as that which seems to be appended to pa. As to the number, the thousand is clearly visible, and also a bracket on the right which has caused the whole to be interpreted as 2000. But the do sahasa cannot be upheld, and pathchasa is at least likely ; on the other hand, it seems indeed as if the sign for thousand 'were followed by some exponent, too much erased to be confidently made out, which probably expressed the number of thousands. If Bhagwanlal took it for 50, I must own that the visible traces do not seem to favour this reading. But it is commended by his reading of the foregoing word. (2) AS. mdsiyasi tithe. Tirthe seems certain, especially on the back of the estampage.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIIL. - (3) G. oyanajapa; AS. Che [?] yana ja. . The differences in reading show how doubtful all these letters are, except perhaps the na. It results from the information supplied by Bhagwanlal (G. p. 576) that it cannot even be decided if these fragments are connected with the preceding epigraph or independent from it. In such a condition of things, I wish to express only one conjecture, vis., that in l. 3 we ought to read nasaya, and that consequently this postscript, which certainly commemorated both a gift of money to Brahmans and the creation of a tirtha, may have contained some details about the donation on the Barnasa river,' of wbich it was the principal object of the preceding inscription to state the exact date. No. 15, Plate vii. (Ksh. 12.) On the left wall of the court in Cave No. 19. TEXT. 1 Sidhan rajoab Madhariputrasya (1) Sivadatt-Abhiraputrasya 2 Abhirasy-Esvarasenasys samvatsare (2) Davama. (3) 3 mhapakhe chothe 4 divasa trayodasa 18 (4). . 4 ya puvaya (5) Sak-Agnivarmmana) duhita (6) gapapaka. (7) 5 Rebhilasya bharyaya (8) gapapakagya (9) Visvavarmasya. 6 tra Sakanikaya (10) upasikaya Vishnudataya (11) sarvasatvahi7 tasuk hartham (12) Trirasmiparvataviharavasta vyasya chaturdisa (13) 8 bhikshusamghasya (14) gilanabheshajartham (15) akshayanivi prayukta . . . . vasta (16) - 9 vyagu agatanagatasu (17) frenishu (18) yatah kularikagrepy& haste karshapana10 sahagra 1000 odayamtrikasrenya (19) sahasrani dve (20) . . . . 1 Dyab (21) Satani pamcha 500 tilapishakagren . . . (22) 12 ete cha karshapana chatalep& . . (23). REMARKS. (1) AS. leaves a blank for the two first characters of Madhari, which are certainly not quite clear, but on the estampage sufficient traces of both are still discernible, especially of dha. I may mention that, as appears from the comparison of the two facsimiles, this epigraph seems to have suffered very much since the time when it was examined by Bhagwanlal. In addition to the cases which I shall expressly mention, many readings would be risky if they could not be ascertained from the context.- (2) AS. savao; G. Otsara.- (3) AS. navame [9]; G. navama[gi]. In reality the last character is indistinct. AS. has [gi] at the beginning of 1. 3.-(4) Of the fa and of the number I cannot make out anything.- (5) AS. yd puvaya.- (6) AS. duhitra.-(7) AS. ganapao - (8) G. and AS. bharyaya.-- (9) AS. gandpao.- (10) AS. . . gasakanika. - (11) G.odattaya.-(12) G. 'sattvao; AS. Osukhartha.- (13) AS. chatudisa[ya]. The end is much damaged. - (14) AS. bhikhusaghasya.-(15) AS. gilina'.- (16) AS. Okta .va .na .. The reading vasta is little more than a conjecture. It seems indeed that traces of va and na are visible.-(17) G. dgatasna]gatasu ; AS. Sugatagat asu.-(18) AS. srenishu.-(19) G. odayantrikafrenyah sao ; AS. douyatrikafrenya[ro] sao. I dare not decide absolutely if da or da must be read. Both letters are too similar to be distinguished with certainty in so defaced an inscription. At least I can discover no reason for excluding the reading da. (20) G. dve 2 . . . . .[re]. The figure is entirely illegible.-(21) AS. nya[m].-- (22) G. Srenya sata . . . . ; AS. "srenya[mm] sata . . It will be seen from the comparison of Plate vu, that in this line and the next one some haracters that are still visible have not been included in the estampage I have before me.-(23) AS. [chata]lopa. The two first letters, especially the first one, are certainly most doubtful

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Nasik Inscriptions. - Plate VII. OLL hatuu LUGLANZ DELEATHE SCALE 1 SCALE 12 16 SCALE 1 a + b yn E. HULTZSCH. Collotype by Rommler & Jonas, Dresden.

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. G. and AS. add fragments of one more line: sya ma (AS. masa sarva[i]) rakshati (AS. rakshati) vidya (AS. Vishn[udata]) can discern nothing on the estampages. 89 TRANSLATION. "Success! In the ninth year of king favarasena, the Abhira, son of Sivadatta, the Abhira, son of Madhari, on the thirteenth-13th-day of the fourth-4th-fortnight of summer on the above, by the lay devotee Vishnudatta, the Sakani, mother of the Ganapaka Visvavarma, wife of the Ganapaka Rebhila, daughter of Agnivarman, the Saka, for the well-being and happiness of all beings, in order to provide medicines for the sick of the Samgha of monks of whatever sect and origin dwelling in this monastery on mount Trirasmi, a perpetual endowment has been invested for all time to come with the guilds dwelling [at Govardhana], vis. in the hands of the guild of Kularikas, one-thousand- 1000-karshapanas, of the guild of Odayantrikas, two-thousand, of the guild of.... . five-hundred-500-, of the guild of ... and those karshapanas. oil-millers sarva (AS. Of all this I Buhler asserts that "gandpaka means 'protector or leader of a gana,' which consists of three gulmas or battalions, and may be taken as an equivalent of colonel." According to Bhagwanlal "it appears to be a professional name or a surname .... ganapaka means the head of a group." Neither of them gives references for this word which I do not find in the lexicons, and the analysis of which, as proposed by them, seems in no way self-convincing. What is most certain is the statement of Bhagwanlal that its meaning in this passage is not clear. It is no use comparing such ecclesiastical titles as ganacharya, for example in Junnar No. 22. The only correct derivation of the word seems to be from ganipayati, a normal equivalent of ganayati, so that ganapaka would be an equivalent of ganaka, meaning 'accountant' or 'astrologer;' compare for instance the ganakas who are mentioned as important functionaries in the Mahavastu, III. 42, 9; 44, 5. It need hardly be added that this meaning is very hypothetical, because we have here a title, i.e. a consecrated form which does not well admit of variations. The word vihara occurs in 1. 7, and this inscription is found in the court of a real vihara which contains not less than sixteen separate cells. The restoration Govadhanavastavyasu is hardly conjectural. As to the word which AS. writes Sugatagatasu, the stone certainly leaves sufficient space for one letter between td and ga, and it seems even that traces of it are visible on the accompanying Plate; I therefore consider the transcription agatanagatasu as certain, Bhagwanlal appears to have made out the meaning correctly, and I do not see why the expression seems to have puzzled him. A perpetual rent is intended, which will have to be paid by the guilds mentioned indefinitely, such as they actually are in virtue of their past constitution, and such as they will be under the modifications which may be brought about in future. Unfortunately the names of these guilds are not so clear as we should wish. For kularika at least I see nothing better than Buhler's conjecture, taking it to be kulala, a potter.' The same is not the case with odayamtrika, which I take to be a derivative audayantrika, from udayantra (compare jalayantra, variyantra, toyayantra, etc.), workers fabricating hydraulic engines, water-clocks or others.' No. 16, Plate vii. (N. 5). On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 11, right of the doorway. TEXT. After chatale (1. 12) the traces of the inscription are too scarce to allow of any solid hypothesis. The part of a protector,' which the text, as proposed by AS. for 1. 13, would attribute to Vishnudatta, is in any case very unlikely. 1 Sidham Sivamitalekhakaputass ? Ramampakasa lepam deyadhammam (1).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. REMARK. (1) G. dhamam. TRANSLATION << Success! This cave, a pious gift of Ramanaka, son of the writer Sivamita." No. 17, Plate viii. (N. 4). On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 12. TEXT. 1 Velidatapatasa (1) nekamasa Ramanakasa 2 Chhakalopakiyase lenam deyadhamman chatudi(2)3 sasa bhikhusamghasa niyatitan data cha 4 nens akhayanivi kahapanasata 100 5 samghasa hathe eto Vasavathasa pavaitasa chivari6 kam d&tavam barasakan. REMARKS. (1) G. datao; AS. Velidata, (2) . and AS. chatudio. TRANSLATION. "Success! This cave, a pious gift of the merchant Ramanaka, son of Velidata, from Chhakalepa, bestowed on the universal Sangha of monks generally; and by the same have been given as a perpetual endowment one-hundred-100- kahapanas in the hands of the Sangha, Out of this a cloth money of twelve kahdpanas is to be given to the ascetic who keeps the vasen (here)." Chh&kalepa or Chhagalepa, a village or a town, & region or & clan, has not yet been identified ; on chivarika and the sum of twelve karshapanas, either as interest for an investment of one-hundred karshapanas, or as the amount of the chivarika, compare above, No. 12. No. 18, Plate V. (N. 3). On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 17. TEXT. i Sidham otarahasa Datamitiyakasa (1) Yonakasa Dhammadovaputasa fdragnidatase (2) dhammatman (3) 2 imam (4) lenam pavate Tiramnhumhi khanitam abhamtaram cha lenasa chetiyagharo podhiyo (5) cha matapi3 taro udisa ima lena (6) karitan sava-Budha-pujaya chatudisasa bhikhusamghasa (7) niyatita sa4 hs patena Dhammarakhitona. REMARKS. (1) G. and AS. Dantami,- (2) G. Indragnio; AS. Iado; but the Sanskrit ris per fectly clear.-(3) The stroke which, rising perpendicularly, makes the a look somewhat like, is thinner and certainly accidental.-(4) G. and AS, ima te -(5) G. rodinyo ; AS pondhiyo. (6) AS. lenan.-(7) G. bhikhuo.

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Nasik Inscriptions. - Plate VIII. SCALE 1 SCALE 13 SCALE 12 26 SCALE 1 E. HULTZSCH. Collotype by Rommler & Jonas, Dresden.

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No. 8.) NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. TRANSLATION. Success! (The gift) of Indragnidatta, son of Dhammadova, the Yavana, a northerner from Dattamitri. By him, inspired by true religion, this cave has been caused to be excavated in mount Tiranhu, and inside the cave a Chaityagriha and cisterns. This cave made for the sako of his father and mother has been, in order to honour all Buddhas, bestowed on the universal Sangha of monks, together with his son Dhammarakhita." It is very fortunate indeed that a varttika on Panini (IV. 7, 104) has preserved the tradition of a word auttaraha, for which the etymology from uttara seems to indicate the meaning northern.' The derivation of the word would, otherwise, have been the more puzzling because, as far as I know, analogous formations are wanting. Buhler (AS. p. 38) and before him Bhandarkar have already conjectured that Dattamitri would be an Indian adaptation of the Arachosian Demetrias, a name mentioned by Isidore of Kharax. The reading dharmatmand is sure. It may be an error of the engraver for mano; but I cannot find this very admissible in an inscription so carefully written. On the other hand, it would be surprising if the participle khanitan had to be construed with a genitive in the place of an instrumental. I prefer to take the first words as far as Idragnidatasa as a complete clause, meaning a gift' or 'a cave of Indragnidatta ... A new sentence would begin with dhanmatmana, and, as has been intimated before (N. 10), this construction would imply that the donor had undertaken the work and made that grant under the impression of his recent conversion to Buddhism. Chaityagriha means an oratory at the end of which a stupa is erected as the object or the centre of cult. Compare for instance the Kuda inscriptions 13 and 20. No. 19, Plate iii. (Ksh. 4). In Cave No. 18, on the fifth and sixth pillars of the right-hand row. TEXT. 1 Rarimacha-Arahalayasa Chalisilanakasa (1) duhutuya Mahahakusi2 r.. ya Bhatapalikaya (2) rayamachasa Agiyatanakasabhamdakarika3 yasa bhariyaya (3) Kapananakamatuya chetiyagharam pavato 4 Tiranhuni nithapapita. REMARKS. (1) G.cha Lisila", but the comparison of the li of palikedya in the following line seems to prove that we have to read li; AS. olisdlana'.- (2) Gorirayabha; AS. ori[y]yaya Bha', adding a note: the first letter may also be read ri; the second which looks like ra is certainly mutilated." It seems indeed impossible to doubt that the first traces visible on the left express an r. The vowel is entirely uncertain, but what precedes necessitates the reading ri or ri. Between r and ya I can discern nothing; at the utmost would the back of the estampage point to the vowel i before the y, the consonant remaining undetermined. However this may be, the space between the initial r and the ya seems too large to be conveniently filled up only by Bhagwanlal's ra. (3) G. oya Satariyao. TRANSLATION. "By Bhatapalika, [grand-daughter] of Mahhakusiri and daughter of the royal officer Arahalaya from Chalisilana, wife of the royal officer Agiyatanaka, of the treasure office, mother of Kapananaka, this Chaityagriha has been caused to be perfected on this mount Tiranhu." To judge from many analogous cases, it does not seem that Chalisilanaka can be anything but an adjeotive pointing to the origin or residence of Arahalaya. I have no means of N 2

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92 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. identifying that village or clan. Bhagwanlal and Bubler are certainly wrong in admitting, after the initial rd or ri of 1.2, the loss of one character only. That ri (the foregoing si does not allow any other reading) was undoubtedly separated by two letters from the ya which formed the end of the word. This being admitted, and no real and significant traces of the letters being preserved, we are left to fill up the lacuna entirely by conjecture. The direction in which we have to look, however, is quite clear. It is sure that Bhatapalike is the name of the donor. The reading of Bhagwanlal, who sought for it in the beginning of l. 3, cannot be accounted for. The qualifications which the donor receives are therefore distributed into two groups: the second relates to her husband and her son, and the first must concern her descent. As the first link mentions her father's name, the second cannot well have pointed to anything but a brother or grandfather. There is no room for ri[bhagini]ya; I am therefore inclined to think that, when uninjured, the stone bore ri[nati]ya, from naptri. If this Mah&hakusiri is really the same as the Kumara Hakasiri at Nanaghat, two generations would not be too much to explain the difference in the forms of the letters which exists between our epigraph and the Nanaghat inscription. Of course local peculiarities may have played their part too. In whichever way bhandakarikayasa be taken, either as a proper name as Buhler has done, or as the name of a function with Bhagwanlal, a regular form can only be obtained by reading karikiyasa. Bhagwanlal escaped all difficulties by dividing the compound after ya and applying the epithet to the donor. But the word bhariyaya which follows does not suit such an explanation. He is however certainly right in looking here for the name of some appointment, and I take bhandakarikiya as a derivative of thandagarika, pointing to a charge in the king's treasury. Nishthapeti evidently conveys, as in Pali, the idea of finishing, bringing to perfection. It suits the fact that the inscription N. 20, which is engraved over the door and relates to its ornamentation, is cut in letters more archaic than this one. It is therefore certain that the cave had been begun and excavated to some extent before the present donor put the last hand to it. No. 20, Plate vi. (Ksh. 8). Under the arch over the doorway of Cave No. 18. TEXT. Dhambhikag&masa danam. N &sikakanam TRANSLATION << The gift of the village of Dhambhika of the Nasik people." Bhagwanlal understood : " gift of the village of Dhambhiks by the inhabitants of Nasik," and wondered, quite naturally, how such a community could have made the gift. Nothing of the kind is meant. It is clear that the gift consists of the ornated arcade which rises above the door, and at the base of which the inscription is engraved. This can be seen even from the care with which the architectural line is adhered to. I cannot make out how Buhler understood the inscription. His rendering : "the gift of Dhambhikagema, of the inhabitants of Nasika," seems somewhat ambiguous. I do not think however that any doubt can really be entertained. We have met with more than one instance of a genitive joined to the name of a donor, to indicate the community, district or clan to which he happened to belong. I suppose the case is the same here, and the Dhambhika village, which had contrived at the common expense (nothing is more frequent than the paying of such religious expenses from the resources of the community) to decorate the entrance to the cave, must have belonged to the general population or to the town ship of Nasik.

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. No. 21, Plate iii. (Ksh. 3). Above the image of a Yaksha in Cave No. 18. TEXT. bena cha (1). ni cha veika (4) yakho cha karita (5). be made." * REMARKS. (1) The traces preceding be make one think of a f. Is it the rest of kutumbena? Above the traces of this hypothetical t, the rest of sidham, which began the epigraph, are still discernible in the preceding line.- (2) AS. degni. e .. ya; G. yacha.- (3) G. Nadasideg.- (4) G. veyika. (5) G. karito. yava (2) Nadasiriyava (3) TRANSLATION. and by Nadasir! the rail pattern and the Yaksha have been caused to No. 22, Plate vi. (Ksh. 1). On the upper sill of the right window in Cave No. 19. TEXT. 1 Sadavahanakule (1) Kanhe rajini Nasikakena 2 Samanena mahamatena lepa karita (2). REMARKS. (1) AS. kula. (2) G. karitam. TRANSLATION. "Under king Krishna of the Satavahana family this cave has been caused to be made by the officer in charge of the Sramanas at Nasik." 93 I can hardly believe that the apparent readings kakena, mapena, tena can all be - correct. Samana as a proper noun seems little likely, the more so as in our epigraphs the adjective expressing the origin or the town of the donor is generally placed after his name. I consider it easier to admit that, for instance, samanena ought really to be read samananam, and that the functionary here meant conformably to the precedent of Asoka, of which Bhagwanlal reminds us in connection with this very text, was entrusted with the inspection of the monks in the Nasik district. Hence my proposed translation, which is of course hypothetical. No. 23, Plate v. (N. 9). Over the doorway of the last cell in Cave No. 20. TEXT. 1 Deyadharmmo yam upasi2 kaya Mammaya layanam. TRANSLATION. "This gift, a cave, of the lay devotee Mamma." No. 24, Plate i. (Ksh. 22). On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 20.

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94 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. TEXT. 1 Sidham rano Gotamiputasa sami-Siriyana-Satakanisa samvachhare (1) satame 7 hematana pakhe tatiye 3 [VOL. VIII. 2 divase pathame (2) Kosikasa mahasenapatisa Bhavagopasa bharijaya mahasenapatiniya (3) Vasuya lepa 3 Bopakiyatisujamana apayavasitasamane (4) bahukani varisani ukute payavasana (5) nito (6) chatudi 4 sasa cha bhikhusaghasa Avaso dato ti. REMARKS. (1) G. and AS. savachha. (2) G. padhame; AS. pathame. The central dot of tha seems certain on the back.--(3) AS. sendpatiniya.- (4) G. and AS. manasa padeg; AS. yavesita (5) G. and AS. payavasine.-(6) G. niite. O TRANSLATION. "Success! On the first day of the third-3rd- fortnight of winter, in the seventh7th-year of the king, the lord Sriyana-Satakani, son of Gotami, the Mahusenapatni Vasu, wife of the Mahasenapati Bhavagopa, of the Kausika family, has completed and given, as an abode to the universal Samgha of monks, this cave which had been excavated for many years, but, after having been created by the ascetic Bopaki, had remained uncompleted." Buhler gave up the interpretation of the third line, and Bhagwanlal's tentative translation was only arrived at by unaccountable devices. I think it absolutely necessary to co-ordinate the different links sujamane, samane, ukute, nito, the combination of neuters (eam) and masculines (supposing the readings to be certain) being here in no way surprising. The different epithets express with precision and in the most satisfactory manner the succession of events which concern the cave. The initial date cannot refer to anything but the finishing and consecration of the cave; it follows that the whole epigraph must be construed as a single sentence, which ends with the present donation after having enumerated the successive circumstances which explain it. The reading apaya instead of sapaya is important for understanding the passage. It is well known how similar the initial a and the s are in this script. We have here one more instance in the fact that Buhler wavers so much between the transcriptions tisuja and tiaja. The necessary antithesis between payavasana nito and apayavasita seems to place my correction above all doubt. The reading jamane also appears to be better supported by the traces visible on the estampage. It is after all of little importance, as the function and meaning of the word would in either case be just the same. The function is stated by what has been said above. As to the meaning, the matter seems more perplexing; but it is clear in a general way. The work must have been begun by the yati Vopaki (compare Vopadeva). But srijati means to create, to produce' only in a half philosophical acceptation, and, it must be owned, such a use of the word here does not look very likely. As for ukute, I take it not utkrita which gives no good meaning, but utkritta, cut, hewn,' i.e. 'excavated.' = No. 25, Plate vi. (Ksh. 15). On the front wall of an unfinished cave beyond Cave No. 23. TEXT. 1 Sidham rano Vasithiputasa sami-Siri-Pulu 2 maisa sanivachhare 2 hemamta pakhe 4 divase ? (1) 3 etiya puvaya kutumbikena Dhanamena ipa 4 karitah saha m.. pituhi saha . (2).

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No. 8.] NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. REMARKS. (1) G. 6; AS. divase 8.- (2) After saha I think I can discern some traces of the syllables bhagine, TRANSLATION. "Suocess ! On the eth (or 8th) day of the 4th fortnight of winter, in the year 2 of the king, the lord Siri-Pulumai, son of Vasithi, on the above, the husbandman Dhanams has caused this to be made, together with his father and mother, with . . . . .." Ina = idan, as advocated by Bhagwanlal on the testimony of grammarians, is, as far as I remember, a lonely instance in the language of the caves. But the restoration lena seems to be out of the question. No.26, Plate viii. (N. 1). On the ruined back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 24. TEXT. 1 Sidhan Sakasa Damachikasa (1) lekha kasa Vudhikasa 2 Vishnudatapatasa (2) Dasapuravatbavasa lepa po3 dhiyo cha do (3) 2 ato eka podhi ya aparadha sa (4) me mata 4 taro udisa. REMARKS. (1) G. Dama'.- (2) G. putrasa.-(3) G. de.- (4) G. apara esa ; As. apara[dha] sa. The dh at least seems rather distinct. TRANSLATION. 4 Success! (The gift) of the Saka Damachika Vudhika, a writer, son of Vishnudata, an inhabitant of Dasapura, the cave and the two-2-cisterns. Out of them the one cistern which has a small opening is on behalf of my father and mother.' The bearing of Damachika, a clan or district, is entirely unsettled. Bhagwanlal asks if that Saka could not be a Greek from Damascus. This idea is more ingenious than probable. What seems likely is that Vudhika is the personal name of the donor. In spite of its correct look it does not, as a professional name, answer to any known handicraft. I do not think that the man's name, supposing Damachika to express it, could have been separated by professional names from the epithets which relate to his descent : Vishnudataputasa, eto. The reading aparadha or aparadha being most probable, Bhagwanlal's tentative translation, based on another reading and by itself little satisfactory, must be given ap. As to Buhler's interpretation, who takes aparadha adverbially : 'on the west,' such a way of distinguishing two small cisterns excavated near one another seems in itself very unlikely; and to Buhler himself this use of aparadhd appeared rather puzzling as he proposed the reading aparato. The idea which the final dha suggests is rather that of some adjective or participle connected with yd. We obtain it by reading aparandha (which is hardly & conjecture; for the anusvara may be actually expressed by one of the dots which appear above the head of the r) and explaining the word by alparandhrd, ' with small opening or cavity.' Unfortunately the original state of things has been so altered that any actual verification of the fact is impossible, and we are unable to ascertain which of the two cisterng-the one which bears a special epigraph (N. 27) or the other, which has none, was really characterised by more reduced dimensions. No. 27, Plate vi. (N. 2). On one of the two cisterns to the right of Cave No. 24.

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96 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. TEXT. 1 Sidhar Sakasa Damachikasa (1) 2 leghakas Vudhikasa podhi (2). REMARKS. (1) G. Dama . - (2). G, pogth, As. podkj. TRANSLATION. "Srocess! A cistern, (the gift) of the Saka Damachika, the writer Vudhika." No. 9.-DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN : PARIJATAMANJARI-NATIKA BY MADANA. BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCE, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). This inscription was discovered recently at Dhor (west of Mhow), the ancient capital of the Paramara kings of Malava and the present chief town of a State in Central India. The news of the discovery reached me through Mr. K. K. Lele, Superintendent of Education, Dhar, who was good enough to send me a copy of his well written Summary of the dramatio inscription found at the Bhoja Shala (Kamal Maula Mosque), Dhar, O. I., in November 1903.' According to Mr. Lele," the slab of black stone (5 feet 8 inches by 5 feet) upon which this interesting Sanskrit inscription is engraved, was attached to the northern wall of the principal mihrdb in the mosque, with the writing turned inside." -"The slab was taken out in November 1903, and is kept framed at the mosque." Oo receipt of Mr. Lele's 'Summary,' I requested Mr. Marshall to send me mechanical copies of the inscription. In compliance with this request, Mr. Marshall kindly instructed Dr. Vogel to forward me an inked estampage. Subsequently Mr. Cousens sent me two excellent inked estampages, one of which is reproduced on the three accompanying Plates. The insoription consists of 82 lines. On the whole it is well preserved; but the end of lines 70-80, the first few letters of 11. 63-68, and the first letter of some other lines are broken away. The alphabet is an early variety of Nagari and exhibits several peculiarities. In the old Brahmi alphabet the initial i consisted of three points. In the subjoined inscription the two apper points are represented by circles, and the lowermost one by a symbol which consists of & vertical line and of a flourish (see e.g. iva in l. 2); but in five instances (kahai, 1. 56, indranila, 1. 62, mandabhainin, 1. 64, si, 1. 66, and mandabhainie, 1. 80) there are two distinot flourishes instead of one, and in a single case (itthiu, I. 22) one of the two oiroles is omitted. Tho initial i occurs once in vanassainan, 1. 40). The initial whas two different shapes: The loop attached to it is turned either downwards or upwards; both forme may be seen together, e.g. in 1. 22, where chautthie shows the second and itthiu the first form. The initial ooours foar times in riu, 1. 19, namiona, 1. 81, nihariuna, 1. 85, and kalauda, 1. 51), and the initial ri three 1 The stone seems to have suffered additional damage since the first estampage had been prepared. The first letter of some lines is still partially visible in the latter, while it is missing in the two fresh estampage. As the three photographs overlap one another, line 28 appears both at the bottom of Plate L and at the top of Plate II, and likewise 1. 54 both on Plates II, and III. Through the carelessness of the Hallo printer (not of Gebr. Plettner, who prepared only the collotypes), the figures on the left of the second and tbird Plates have been placed near the top of the corresponding lines, while they ought to stand opposite the centre of overy sooond line.

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 97 times (in rishabha, 1. 22, and riju, 11. 34 and 81). The initial e resembles the letter pa ; compare e.g. mae, 1.4, with prapa in the same line. The initial o ends with the same flourish as i and the first form of << (see e.g. loo, 1. 6); it bears a little hook at the right top, which is omitted, perhaps accidentally, in two cases (chdo, 1. 44, and osaht, l. 63). The initial au occurs once in autsukyam, 1. 57). Among the consonants, jha closely resembles the initial ri. It occurs seven times singly and four times in combination with ; (e.g. in majjhanna-samjha, 1. 30). The consonant tha either has its usual shape, or its vertical portion is crossed by a thin carved line (e.g. in kanthirava, 1. 7). The primary form of na consists of a horizontal line to which three vertical lines are attached, the middle one being slightly shorter ; but the secondary form of na resembles that of la. The doubling of na is marked by a horizontal cross-line in four cases (nishanna, 1. 26, sunnan, 1. 52, kanndharana, 11. 52 and 75); the primary and the secondary forms are combined in one instance (ayannehi, 1. 21); and, if my reading is correct, the secondary form is improperly used twice in another (thenna, 1. 75). The last mode is generally adopted if the doubling takes place after r (e.g. in 'vatirnnasya, 1. 1); but the cross-line is then used in five cases (6.g. nirvaranayami, 1. 62), and the primary combined with the secondary form once (in akarnnanta, 1. 1). The usual form of tha is not very different from nua (see e.g. kathamchid, 1. 1). The same form is employed four times after t (e.g. in hatthe, 1. 17); but in the majority of cases the secondary form of tha is identical with that of chha ; compare e.g. ittha and sthane, 1. 6, with uchchhavammi, 1. 16. If my readings are correct, there are three instances (thakka-thakkida, 1. 5, and thenna, 1. 75) where even for the primary tha the same symbol is used as for the primary chha (seo chhachcharana, 11. 5 and 75, and lanchhanan, 1. 16). The group kkha is written in two Ways: In viyakkhana, 1. 45, the kha is regularly attached to the k; but in pariklchalanta, l. 42, the kha seems to be ingerted between the two loops of the k. The group ddha looks like dva in most cases (e.g. yuddha, 1. 17); but in two places (=Ddhard-, 1. 32, and muddhdo, l. 47) its dha is distinguished from va by an additional horizontal line. Similarly, ndh looks like nu in tandhun, 1. 14, but not in samvandh-ochita, 1. 32. The virama is employed below l (11. 10 and 61), t (e.g. 1. 9) and (e.g. 1. 20). The avagraha occurs five times- twice after 8 and three times after a (11. 1, 2, 3). If at the end of a line there was no space left for the next akshara, the engraver filled up the line by a symbol which looks either somewhat like a reversed Nagari ta, or like & narrow U;' in the transcript these signs are denoted by vertical line in round brackets. Finally it has to be noted that the apper portions of a few letters of the first line are ornamented with scrolls or flowers. The engraver has done his work with considerable care and has committed comparatively few real mistakes, part of which he has corrected himself on second thoughts. As regards orthography, it must be stated that b is nowhere distinguished from v. The dental is used instead of the palatal sibilant in Sarada, 1. 3, Hiranyakasipu, 1.7, kdemira, 1. 20, amsa, 1. 21, and spasena, 1. 33 f.; the visarga instead of the lingual sibilant in chatuhpatha, 1.3, nihkramati, 1. 58, and nihkrarta, 11. 15, 28, 31, 39, 58, 81 and 82; and t instead of d in atbhuta, 1. 49. The spelling of ujvala, 1. 13, datva, ll. 13 and 21, and patra, 11. 25 and 61, is not correct, but frequent in inscriptions and manuscripts. The languages of the inscription are Sanskrit and Prakpit. There are 76 Terses ; the remainder is in prose. * In four cases (og. martharan, 1.4) the top-line of this form of tha is indistinct. The kkof pachchakkho, 1. 64, reems to be a modification of the same type. * The second variety occurs only in 11. 22 and 42. * I have added a Sanskrit translatiou of the Prakrit panager at the end of the toxt on p. 117 ff.

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98 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. The inscription contains the two first acts of a hitherto unknown natika, i.e. a drama of four acts, entitled Parijatamanjari or Vijayasri (1. 4). This drama had been composed by the king's preceptor (rajaguru) Madana, whose family hailed from Gauda (Bengal), and who was a descendant of Gangadhara (1. 3 f.). It was acted for the first time at the spring-festival in the city of Dhara (1. 3)-- the modern Dhar. The opening verse (1) contains the following statement : "On this pair of blank slabs is being written with difficulty the power to be absorbed by the ear- of the virtues of Bhoja himself, who has become incarnate in the form of Arjuna." Of the two slabs here mentioned, only the first is now available. The second must have borne the two remaining acts of the nafika. The last verse (76) on the preserved slab runs thus: "This panegyric (prasasti) was engraved by the artist (tilpin) Ramadova, the son of the excellent sculptor (rupakara) Sihaka." Here the inscription is called a panegyric. Hence it is very probable that it was composed and engraved in the lifetime of the prince whom it celebrates. This was Arjuna (v.1) or Arjunavarman (1.7 and v. 19), king of Dhara (1. 9 and v. 6). He belonged to the Paramara family (1. 13) and was a descendant of the emperor (sarvabhauma) Bhojadeva (1.7). The poet represents him as the equal of his ancestor Bhojadeva (v. 6), and even as an incarnation of Bhoja (v.1). In verse 3, Bhojadeva himself is compared to the god Krishna and to the epic hero Arjuna : << Victorious is Krishna ; like Krishna, Arjana; (and) like Arjuna, the glorious king Bhojadeva, who was able to defeat (his enemies) by leaping arrows;' who afforded protection to the whole earth ; who assumed the radh&6 which distressed his enemies) by wounds from roaring, terrible arrows;S (and who) had his desires speedily fulfilled for a long time at the festive defeat of Gang@ya." The last few words of this verse imply that king Bhojadeva defeated a prince named Gangeya, just as the epic hero Arjuna killed Bhishma, whose metronymio was Gangeya. As the well-known Paramara king Bhojadeva of Dhara was reigning in the first half of the eleventh century, his enemy Gangeya must be identical with the Kalachuri king Gangeya of Tripuri, whose reign fell into the same period. Arjunavarman, the hero of the drama, is in one place (v. 10) styled the son of king Subhata.' This enables us to identify him with the Paramara king Arjunavarman, who was the son of Subhatavarman, and whose copper-plate grants are dated in A.D. 1211, 1213 and 1215. The same three grants prove that the new drama was composed in the reign of this * See the definitions in the Dakardpakam, III. Verse 40, and in the Sahityadarpana, Nirnaya-Sagara Press edition, p. 345, where the Ratnaralt und Viddhaldlabhanjikd are quoted as examples. Others are the Priyadarfikd, Karnasundarf, Kamalinikalahansa and Vrishabhanuja. The prototype of all of them is Kalidasa's Malavikdge nimitran, which has however fire scts and is therefore styled andakam. * On the formation of Gangddhardyani (without oriddhi of the first rowel) see Paqini, IV. 1,160. * Vasantotsava, v. 8 and 1. 27. As this festival takes place on the first tithi of the dark fortnight of the pernimanta Chaitra (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 187), it is also called Chaitrotsava (v. 9), Madhitaava (l. 15) and Chaitraparsan (1. 3). * The word bdna, an arrow,' may refer also to the Bina king. "A particular attitude in shooting (standing with the feet a span apart)."- Monier-Williams. * In the case of Ktishna we have to translate :-"who was able to defeat the leaping (deanon) Bans; who afforded protection to all the cows (by lifting up the mountain Govardhana); who made Radha distressed by being smitten with manifest love." In the case of Arjuus, Radha is the foster-mother of his opponent Karna. 1 Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 232 f. Ibid. Vol. II. p. 302. Prof. Kielhorn's Northern List, Nos. 106, 197 and 198,

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. Arjunavarman; for they were composed (rachita) by the same rajaguru Madana,' who was the author of the drama (1.4). Arjunavarman's grants report that he defeated Jayasimha. The same enemy is referred to in the drama (1. 7), with the additional information that he was a king of Gurjara (1. 7, vv. 10 and 18) and belonged to the Chaulukya family (v. 7). Hence he seems to be identical with the Chaulukya king Bhimadeva II. of Anahilapstaka, whose grants are dated between A.D. 1199 and 1238. Although these grants do not apply to Bhimadeva II, the name Jayasimha, they call him the new Siddharaja,' and Siddharaja' had been the surname of his ancestor Jayasinha. Hence I believe that Bhimadeva II. is meant both in the drama and in the grants of Arjunavarman. It is, however, not absolutely impossible that the Jayasimha whom Arjunavarman defeated was the temporary asurper Jayantasimha Abhinava-Siddharaja, who ruled in the place of Bhimadeva II. in A.D. 1223. At any rate, as noted by Buhler, Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani places both the conquest of Gujarat by Arjunadeva of Malava and an attempted invasion? by his father Subhata in the lifetime of Bhimadeva II. himself. The drama locates the decisive battle between Arjunavarman and Jayasimha on the borders of the land at the foot of a mountain called Parvaparvata (1.7). The name of Arjunavarman's minister is stated to have been Narayana (v. 8). To Arjunavarman himself the drama applies the surname Trividhavirachudamani (1. 7 and v. 9). Even this detail is corroborated from two different sides. The same surname occars as Trivid havira in the grants, and as Virachudamani in the colophon of the Rasikasanjivini, a commentary on the Amaru atakam. This commentary is attributed to king Arjunavarman, who at the beginning of it calls himself the son of king Subhatavarman' and 'the light of Bhoja's family, '10 In his commentary on the first verso of the Amarusatakam (p. 2) Arjuna varman quotes a Sarda lavikridita verse of the preceptor (upadhyaya) Madana whose other name was Balasarasvati.'ll The same person seems to be racant by the upadhyaya' who is quoted as the author of an Arya (p. 15) and of two Anushtabh verses (pp. 16 and 44). The upadhyaya Madana is of course identical with the rajaguru Madana, the author of the Parijatamanjari and of Arjunavarman's grants. The quotations in the Rasikasanjivini show that he produced other poetical works besides these," and it is not unreasonable to suppose that he aided his royal pupil very materially in the compilation of the commentary on the Amarusatakam. Finally the drama mentions a few localities within and near the city of Dhara. According to the prologue, the first performance of the drama took place in a temple of the goddess Sarasvati. The scene of the first act is the top of the royal palace (v. 8), and that of the Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. V. p. 379; Journ. Am. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. pp. 29 and 33. * Ibid. p. 26, verse 17. This was already suggested by Dr. Hall, ibid. p. 39 f. * Prof. Kiel horn's Northern List, Nos. 188 and 216. Ibid. No. 205. * Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 187. * This invasion is alluded to in the grants of Arjayavarman; Jour. 4m. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 26, Verse 14 * Loc. cit. verse 19. Kavyanala edition, p. 69. 10 Ibid. p. 1, verse 5. On p. 28 Arjunavarman quotes a verse of our ancestor Muijadora whose other han was Vak patiraja. Compare Zeitschr. D. M. G. Vol. XLVII. p. 98. Viorel op 11 Balasarasvati-Madana was taught poetry by the Jains Afadhara, a contemporary of the MAlava king Arjuna and of his two successors Dovapala and Jaitugideva (Jayasimba). See Dr. Bhandarkar's Report for 1888-84, p. 104 2.; Buhler in Zeitschr. D. M. G. Vol. XLVII. p. 94 ; and Prof. Kielhorn, abovey Vol. App. p. 82, note 8. 11 See the two first lines of this page. 11 Prof. Oppert's Lists of Sanskrit Manuscripts mention three MSS. of the Balasarasvatkyam, a kdoyan by BAlasarasvati, which Prof. Aufrecbt (Catalogus Catalogorun, Vol. I. p. 426) signs to the upddhydya Madina. 1. Saradadevi, 1. 3, or Bharati, 1. 6. 02

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. second act a pleasure-garden (lilody anam or pramadody anam) on the Dharegiri, a hill near the city (11. 6, 12, 31, v. 80, U. 36 and 75). The dramatis persons are: The stage-manager (sutradhara); the actress (nat); king Arjunavarman; the jester Vidagdha; queen Sarvakald; her maid Kanakalekha; the royal gardener Kusumakara; his wife Vasanta!fle; and the heroine Parijatamanjari or Vijayasri. The king and Kusumakara speak Sanskrit, the remaining persons Prakpit-Sauraseni in the prose passages, and Mah&r&shtri in the verses. The pretty verses of the bards, which are recited behind the stage, are also in Prakrit. In the prologue (amukham, 1. 15) the stage-manager informs the actress that, when the army of Jayasimha took to flight and the victorious Arjunavarman was still seated on his war'. elephant, a cluster of blossoms of a celestial tree (parijata-mafjari) fell on his breast and, on touching it, was transformed into a beautiful maiden, while a voice from heaven spoke thus : "Enjoying this lovely, auspicious Vijayasri, thou, O lord of Dhard, shalt become equal to Bhojadeva" (v. 6). The stage-manager further explains this miracle in a somewhat complicated verse (1), which has probably to be translated as follows: "The Chaulukya king's daughter, (who was an incarnation of) the goddess Jayasri (i.e. the goddess of victory) herself, (and) who, having found her death in the defeat, caused to be irrigated the young forest of tamala-trees, which was the grief of (her) father, through the waves of the tears of the harem,- she (is) this cluster of blossoms of the celestial tree (svardrumamafijari), which, after being hidden in a bud, developed into a lady." To shelter her from the public gaze, the king placed her under the care of his chamberlain Kusumakara, who was in charge of the royal gardens, and whose wife Vasantalila waited on her in an emerald pavilion on the Dhara giri hill. The first act bears the title the spring-festival' (vasantotsava, 1. 81). It describes the king viewing bis sporting subjects from the top of his palace in the company of the jester, the queen and her maid. In the introductory scene (vishkambhaka, 1. 39) of the second act, Kusumakara and Vasantalila compare notes on the mutual passion of the heroine and the king. The title of the second act is 'the reflecting ear-ring' (tada nika-darpana, 1. 82). The king, accompanied by the jester, repairs to the pleasure-garden, in order to witness a ceremony performed by the queen: the marriage of a mango-tree to a spring-creeper. Vasantalild and the heroine watch the proceedings from behind a tree. Bending aside the branches, the former reveals to the king the image of his beloved, reflected in the queen's ear-ring. The king's delight and confusion arouse the suspicions of the queen, who leaves abruptly together with her maid. The heroine and Vasantalila also withdraw. At the advice of the jester, who reminds the king of the proverb that killed and eaten comes to the same' (1. 59), both follow them to the emerald pavilion. The king's tete-a-tete is interrupted by the appearance of Kanakalekha, who is the bearer of the ear jewel and of an ironical message from the queen. The king tries in vain to hide Parijatamanjari behind his back. At the end he leaves her in order to pacify his jealous queen. The heroine also departs, threatening to commit suicide, and Vasantallla follows her. The foregoing summary of the two preserved acts will remind the reader of another, well-known drama--the Ratnavali. The poet Madana, no doubt, derived the plot of his work from this or similar natikas. But, as the hero of the new drama was a living and reigning king, it is unlikely that the chief persons who appear on the stage together with him were pure inventions 1 Vv. 17-19 and 28 ; but vv. 72-74 are in Sanskrit.

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No. 9.] DEAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 101 of the poet. It would have been a poor panegyrio that made Arjunavarman move among fictitious characters. Hence I believe that, as stated in the drama, his chief queen was actually named Sarvakalal and was the daughter of the king of Kuntala (v. 11),-who is perhapa identical with the then reigning Hoysala king Vira-Ball&la II., and that Parijatamanjaris or Vijayasri. happened to be Arjunavarman's favourite at the time when the drama was oomposed. Her miraculous appearance and her fanoiful connection with the vanquished king of Gujarat may have been suggested to the poet by her real name. They could not fail to please the king, and his mistress, and could perhaps be risked all the more easily because the lady wag not of royal blood, but owed her elevation only to her personal charms. Another instance in which the wedding of the favourite queen of a reigning sovereign forms the subject of a romantic story is that of Chandaladevi in the Vikramarkadevacharitam. In this case, contemporary inscriptions and Kalhapa's Rajatarangini prove that the heroine's name was not invented by the poet Bilhapa, but that she was actually one of the wives of Vikramaditya VI. Vidyanatha's Prataparudriyam deserves to be mentioned in the same connection, as it includes a drama that resembles the Pdrijatamanjari in being the panegyrio of a reigning king.7 TEXT.8 1 bhoM: // oM sarasvatyai namaH // atra kathaMcidalikhite atilecaM likhyate zilAyugale / bhojasyaiva guNorjitamarjanamUrtyA 'vatINNasya // 1 // tattAdRksumanomanIharatanurvAmAMgazRgAriNI muSTisvIkaraNIyamadhyamadhurAvaSTabhanamAvatiH / mAkAntanaTakhaTAkSavizikhavyApAradhanyA jayatyanyA cApala teva caMdrasudI 2 devasya kAntA ratiH // 2 // api ca / valAhANajayakSamo vijayate ni:zeSagotrANavatkRSNaH kRSNa ivArjuno 'rjuna iva zrIbhojadevo nRpaH / visphUrjaviSameSuvedhavidhurI rAdhAM vidhatte ma yastUraNa pUrNamanorathazciramabhUhAMgeyabhaMgotsave // 3 // nAMdyate sUtradhAraH / pAyeM / itastAvat / pravizya naTI / pANavedu" bhanI / sUtra / priye / pA3 diSTo 'si tatrabhavatyA pariSadA () yathA 'dya tvayA sibeva caica parvaNi [caturazIticataHpatha"surasadanapradhAne dhArApurIyuvatizRMgAramuktAsrajo jagajjaDatAMdhakAramAtanazaracaMdrikAyAH "sAradAdevyAH samani sakala digaMtarIpAgatAnekapaividyasahadayakalAkovidarasikasukavisaMkule gauDAnvayagaMgApulinarA. Iv. 11,37,56,62 and 1781 Samastakala in v. 30. See the Table of the Hoysalas in Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, p. 493. *LL.28,29,83,85,38,48,44,48,59,64.78,801 Kusumairt ial. 13,and Kusumamatijart in1.76. Vv.6,15,65 and 1.89% BJayasri inv.70. Buhler's edition, p. 88 11. of the Introduction. * Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, p. 449 and note 4. 1Compare Ind.ant. Vol.xXI.p.1982. *From three inted estampages. Canoel the visarga, the syllablo oth is expressed by a symbol resembling the ne employed at the beginning of the Bhopal plates of Udayavarman, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 264, Plato. ___WRend varUpahAca. Bee p. 117 below A. ____Rand 'catupa'. " Read zAradA'.

Page #117
102 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. VIII. 4 [jahaMsasya [gaMgAdharAyaNe maMdanasya rAjaguroH kRtirabhinavA samastasAmAjika madhuvratAnaMdamakaraMdaprapA pArijAtamaMjarItyaparAkhyA vijayazrI ma nATikA nATayitavyA / tadAvirbhAvyatAM raMgamaMgalasaMpadA saMpradAyaH / naTI [*] saharSa / je bhajjo pANavedi / kiM ca mae vi suNidaM (0) adhA malayAnilamaMdamaMdaMdolaNamahamahaMta6 mAyaMdamaulamayaraMda[piMDida[parAyapuMjapiM] jarijjatamaMjarIkavalaparapparoppaNakalipajjA ulakalayaMThamihuNamadhurakalayalahelAvaha sthidavihatyamANaMsiNImANaM pi (1) parimalataraMgacaMgacaMpayacasayamahu[ya] ka[] vidachaccaraNacAraNaraNajhaNakAramuhalaM pi (6) jaMtakaMjarakarasIyarAsArasayasarasavisaM6 [ta] vivihaviDavakuDaMgavaiMdhayAraM pi (1) dhArAgirilolojANaM parihariya kohalapaMphulaloyaNo bhArahIbhavaNahuttaM sahasa tti parAvaDido jneva logo tti / tA kahi kerisaM itya kadhAsaMvihANayaM / sUtra / bhAkArI / kimAcakSate bhavaMtaH / sthAne sumanasAM strItvaM mRddInAmatisaMdaraM / yAzcaitraM kAMtamAsAdya vibhati smitamA7 dhurI / [4 // *] tahoH sAdhatAM / nahIM prati ca / Arye [*] zrutaM tvayA / sumanasA strItvamiti / naTI / adhii| sUtra / priye [*] zRNu tarhi / trividhavIracUDAmaNe: sArvabhaumazrIbhojadevAnvayamUInyasya rAjaH zrImadarjunavarmadevasya gUrjarapatinA jayasiMhena saha parva parvatopatyakAparisareNa hiraNyakasipukadanakupitavaikuMThakaThIravakaMTha8 nAdacakitadigvAraNedramuktA vizvaMbharAnipatanoddelasaptANavalaharisaMpheTatulyatumulakolA. hala: kalaho babhUva // naTI / praja' [*] jahiM cauraMgavalajualadhUlIkaDappehiM kavalidammi maJcaMDamaMDale sayaMvarakoduhalahallupphalamilaMtasurasuMdarI muhayaMdacaMdAyaveNa niyaparavihAmo saMjAdI suNIyadi / 9 sUca / Arye [*] evamevaitat / naTI / tado 2 [*] sUtra / tatazca prativale palAyamAne jayasiMdhuraskaMdhAdhirUDhasya dhanuSbhato dhArApatestatkAlopasaMhRtanArAcadurdinasya puraMdarapurahArakavATa vikaTe vakSasi lokottaraparimalAmIdavAsitadigaMtarA vismarabaMdArakahaMdakusumahaSTimadhyAdekA pArijAtamaMjarI papAta // See p. 117 below, B. * Read 'paphula. * The engraver has lefta blank space between the two akshara Tand rA. The pisarga bad been omitted by the engraver and was inserted by him on revision. See p. 117 below, C. * Read kazipu. 1 See p. 117 below, D. * Read 'maMda (9). *see p.117 below, E.

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 10 naTI / sakautuka / tado' 2 [*] sUtra 1 tatakha / anyonyaM galaistanopanatayordvaddena baccojayoH karNollaMghanajAMghikena nayanadvaMdvena hevAkinI 1 vakta vizvavilocanotpalavanIcaMdrodayaM vizvatI sAbhUddAlyajigISuyauvanasurAmAdyattanuH kAminI // [5 // *] tadaiva cAkAzavAk prAdurAsIt / manojJAM nirvizatretAM kalyA [ 6 // * ] 11 NIM vijayazriyaM / sadRzo bhojadevena dhArAdhipa bhaviSyasi // naTI / anna' [*] tA kiM divyamANusIe sA kadhA / sUtra / priye / na vevaM 1 kiM tu / yA caulukAmahImaheMdraduhitA devI jayazrIH svayaM bhaMge mRtyumavApya 'vASyasalileraMta:' purasyorbhilaiH / vasuH zokatamAlavAlavipinaM cakre nadImADhakaM (1)' seyaM svardumamaMjarI ki- (1) 1 12 salaye saMkramya jAtAMganA // [ 7 // *] naTI / sakaruNAcarya / tado' 2 sUtra / tatazca (1) devena jayakuMjarakaM bhasthalAdAkRSya tasyAH kucasthale dRSTiM saMcAritavatA mahAjana lajjayA sA kusumazrI[:*] kaMcukina: kusumAkaranAmadheyasyodyAnAdhikAriNaH samarpitA / tena cAnIya dhArAgirigarbhamarakatamaMDape vasaMtalIlAM khagTahi 13 NIM yogakSemakAriNIM datvA' sthApitA / nepathye 1 ita ito deva: / sUtra / tatrAvalokitakena / priye [ 1 *] pazya / nArAyaNemAtyazacI nivezya saurAjyabhAraM svayamAruroha / devo vasaMtotsavakautukena navIna - ratnojvala'hamyaMmRgaM // [ 8 // *] aho rAmaNIyakaM paramAramUrddhanyasya / hayAnanataraMgitatrividhavIracUDAmaNi 14 pragItarasaraMjitAM ratimavekSya mohAyite / yadIyavirudaM smaraH parapuraMdhivandhuM jagau sa eSa nRpasuMdarI jayati jaitracotrotsave // [ e // *] savismayaM / aMtaHpuravanitAzca ddiradaghaTAvA gUrjareMdrasya / zrRMkhalitA yadanIkaiH sa eSa subhaTakSitIMdrasutaH // [10 // *] naTI / pAse " uNa aMteuriyA viya kAvi esA / sUtra / samuccayena yA 15 sRSTA kalAnAM parameSThinA / kuMtaleMdrasutA seyaM rAjJaH sarvakalA priyA // [11 // *] tadanayA sahito mAnayatu madhUtsavaM devaH / bhAvAmapyanaMtara 1 See p. 117 below, F. The risarga was inserted by the engraver on revision. This mark of punctuation seems to have been cancelled by the engraver himself. 1 Read davA. 10 See p. 117 below, I. See p. 117 below, H. * Read carcacIsa. See p. 117 below, G. Read: bAgha' * Read 'rabovala'. 103

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104 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vot. VIII. karaNIyAya sajIbhavAva[: / "] iti ni:krAMtAvAmuSa // tataH pravizati vidUSakeNa saha vasaMtaveSaramaNIyo rAjA (1) sAkhyA' saha rAnI ca / rAjI / sahakAramaMjarI darzayitvA ( salIlakhitaM / majjau16 ta [*] nohaliyaM gegaha edaM / koilasaravAhulleNa maNaharA paDhama maMjarI esA / tujha ucchavambhi hu mae viNiuttA gAyaNI jahA // [12 // *] rAjA / saharSAdaraM (0) hastayana rahIvA / devi / tvayopanIyamAnIyaM sahakArAMkuro mayA / pAttaH puSpAyudhasyeSurAjAsvIkA ralAMchanaM // [13 // "] api kusume nava phalikAvyapadeza: pezalAMgi yuktaste 17 / phalameva kusumamapi me prasabayA yaccayA dattaM / [14 // *] vidUSakaH / sAkUtaM / maho' pracariyaM [*] bhAyadheeNa vayasmasma kusumamaMjarI phalattaNeNa hatthe caDidA / rAjA / sItkaMThamAlagataM / yA manmathasma jayinobhinavAstradevI mUrtI papAta hRdaye mama yuddhabhUmau / bhaMgyA manoharatanuM vijayazciyaM tAM prANezvarImayamudAharate vaya18 syaH // [15 // *] kiM ca / yA zAradI zazikaleva kalavaraM meM saMgrAma DAmarasamunasitapratApaM / lAvaNyakAMtisudhayA sapayAMcakAra sA me hadi sUkhalati manmathavihvalAMgI // [15 // *] nepathye vaitAlikAH / supahAyasirIsahido sUro vi tuDucchaveNa kIlatI / vAlAyavasiMdUraM diyaMgaNANaM muha khivara // [17 // ] jaM sImaMtAhiMtI hiyaM tae gujjariMdara19 maNINaM / mabe siMdUraNaM teNa ciya ramada tuha lobho // [18 // *] vANehiM ahanArI visamasaraNAvi niyariGa rahI / ajjuNavamma tae uNa avala ciya viramA riuNo // [1 ] * // vidU // kalakalamAkaraW (0) nepathya[*]valokitakena / vayasma [*] peccha 2 pahari sakIlidaM nAyarajasma / rAjA / sahakAramaMjarI vidUSakasyArpa- (0) 20 yitvA (0) sakautukaM pazyan / sakhe [*] kimucyate / rAtrI prati ca / daivi [0] pa[ya] 2 [*] siMdara kvacidahAsaninadairuiMDamuNDIyate kasturInikaraH kvacitvacidapi zrIkhaMDaraNakaraH / kAsmIradravazIkarairdatimukhonmuktIrativyAkula: pauraiH khairamanekadhAyamadhunArabdhI madhorutsavaH // [20 // ] api ca / pauSyairAbharaNaimanojatanavaH 21 khairaM dadhatvodhunA seMdUrImaruNIkatAlakalatAM lekhAM lalATItaTe / nRtyaM tyo madavitalaM layavisaMvAdeSu paurAMganAH krIDAmaurajikakhakAMtavadanAnyAIRead nikrAMtI / cAmukha. * Rend sakhyA . .see p. 117 below, J. *see p. 117 below, K. - Read manmayakha. * Kend saMgrAma Reep.116 below,A. *see p.118 below, B. * Read kAmaura'.

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 105 lokati smitAH // [21 // *] rAjI [1] karNa datvA (0) solAsaM / ajjautta' / edaM pi bhAyaNNehi (1) samayasuhAvayaM hiMdIlayaM / rAjA / priye [*] kimucyate / sanyAsagrahakatapada tA- () 22 DitaM maMdrabhUmau SaDvaM tanvan RSabharahita dhaivatenApi hInaM / hiMdI lAkhyaH sukhayati dadhanmadhyamaM tAradeze kaMpaM vidhakimapi rucira SaDuke paMcame ca // [22 // *] vidU / vayasma [*] jANidaM mae vi / eso so hiMdolamo () jahiM hiMdolayacautthIe ityou kIlaMti / rAjA / smitamabhinIya () sopahAsaM / nUnamabhinno bhavAn grAma- (1) 23 rAgeSu / vida / sadarpa / kadha' geyaM na jANAmi / jadA me vaMbhaNI bahuviyaDa[8]tasuMdaraM muhaM pasAriya maMgalA gAedi tadA # gorigayagahilI hariNI va pANe dAumicchAmi // iti vidUSakaM vihAya sarve hasati / rAjA / smitvA [*] sakhe / etAvatA gIte samyagabhinno bhavAn / kanakalekhA' aMcalapihitAM siMdUramuSTiM rAnI24 hasteyati / rAnI grahItvA smitamabhinIya ca () rAjo masta kamulayituM muSTimutkSipati / rAjA / ziro namayan sasmitaM / siMdarIhalanAyaiSa mUrdA namIkvatI mayA / eSa evaM praNAmaJca taviSedhAya darzitaH // [23 // "] rAtrI (1) salIlammitaM () sakhyAH siMdUramarpayati / kanakalekhAvidUSako parasparaM siMdUrIjUlanaM nATa yataH / vidU // 25 kastUrIkSodamarpayan / vayasma [*] tumaM pi deviM bharahi / [rA]jI (1) vizRMkhalacaraNAraviMdamapasarati / rAjA / devi tvamakhamunnasatparimalaM smerA[2] viMdabhramAu~gANAsupaseduSAM pratimayA snigdhedranIlatviSAM / saMjAte maganAbhipatra"makarIzrRMgAralIlAyite cetIhAri karoti kaH punaridaM kastUrikApaMkilaM // [24 // 1] upasatya (1) lalA26 [2 ] khedamutyuMsayan / pataM saMbhramaNa [*] apanIyatAM zramaH / idAnIM hi / "saMbhogotkalikAmilamahacarIzRMgAvamazaMdravatkastUrImagamIlitekSaNa Bead dattvA. See p. 118 below, C. * Corrected by the engraver from yol. . See p. 118 below, D. See p. 118 below, E. * Read 'lekhAMcasa. 1080 p. 118 below, P. deglikA looks almost like liMbA. . Read mo. * Read tanvannRSabha. Read gIvI. " Read degpa .

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106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. VIII. - jharattISAzrumizrohamaH / gItakAtaniSasakinaravadhUkaMdarpakelikamasvedaccheda- . vicakSaNI vicarati zrIkhaMDazailAnila: / [25 // *] vidU / vayasma / jadi tuma edAe dAsIdhUpAe ka27 [Na*][ya]lehAe saha mama pANimAhaNaM karAvesi (1) tadA ahaM pi tamaM va nAyariyanArIsahidI vasaMttasarva mANami / rAjA (0) rAjI ca mayate / kanaka / sanAsAsaMkocaM vicikitsate / rAjI [1] smRtimabhinIya / pajjautta' [*] pANiggahaNavayaNeNa saMbharAvida hi / mae mAhavIladAe sahayArasma pANiggahI kAridavI [*] tumhe vi tahiM (0) 28 [Ni*]maMtidA ciTThadha / tA dANi uvasaMbhArasaMpAdaNakabjeNa ujANaM gamimaM / rAjA / yadabhirucitaM devyai / iti sakhyA saha rAjI ni:krAMtA' / rAjA / sakhe / kva sA navaphalikA pArijAtamaMjarI / na na [] vismRtaM [1] sahakAramaMjarI / vidU / sasmitaM [*] vayasma / Na khu edaM viMbharaNaM / saMbharaNaM jeva edaM / iti sahakAramaMjarI samarpayati / rA29 [jA*] / gRhItvA (1) sakaraNamAtmagataM / parivAvAmimAM dRSTvA nUtanA catamaMjarIM / smarAmi virahalAMtAmaMta: prANezvarI navA // [21] iti tAdAtmyamabhinIya zUnyamavalokate / vidU / vayasma'. / mabe pAriAyamaMjarIsaNAhaM pi de suna hiyayaM / rAjA / sakhe [] kimucyate / rAga sAMdhyamivAda hatyaviralaM zUnyakhamAseduSi pronmIlanavavi prayo- () 80 ga*][tamasi vyomnIva sA me hRdi / vAlA cAMdramasI kaleva vasati stotavyanavyodayA paMceSorjayinaH pratApamasamaM sAkSAvidhattepi ca // [27 // nepathye / sahayAriNI bhodu majhavasaMjhA devasma / tisiyANa kANaNasaM tuha riu[2]maNINa vivaNaniheNa / vayaNAeM hAramuttAsu salilakajjeNa va visaMti / [28. // *] vidU' / vayasma" [1] deveNAhavanijjidANa 31 sahasA vaMdIkadaMteuraM diteNaM samidA vizroyaSiyaNA jANaM vasaMtumAme / ede te NamiUNa pAyajuvalaM daMDappaNAmaNa de patticchattabharaNa bhUmivaiNo vaccaMti vAsAlayaM / [28 // *] tA kiM dadha videNa / ehi [1]

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No. s.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 107 dhArAgirilIlIjANaM jaiva gacchAmI / rAjA / sapratyAzaM sotkaMThaM ca / yadabhirucitaM vayasyAyeti ni:krAMtI / vasaMtotsavI nAma 82 pravamokaH // * // zrI[:*] // pravizya kusumAkaraH / devyA samastakalayA malayAnilena cUtAtimuktAkalatAmithunotsavena / vArAMganAmamRNamaMgalagItaraMgArAgiriH kamapi sampadamAtanoti // [30 // *] adyaiva ca / mattAnAM malayAnilaviTapinAM yUnAM smitazrImatAM saMvandhocitanarmaNAmiya valAdAkaSTakezAMzukAn / bhUbhaMgena vi. 33 [tya] pallavakarAn romAMcitAn korakaraspaMtyA kulapANikaMkaNajhaNakAreNa vArAMganAH // [31 // *] kevalaM vatmA pArijAtamaMjarI rAjadarzanotkalikAparaMparAbhiruttAmyaMtI marmaNi vyathayati / sA hi // sAyaM kokaviyogadarzanadalamarmekSaNA. pakSiNa: kiM noDDIya milatyamI drutamiti lAMtA muhuH pRcchati // sItArAmakathAsu kaMpitakucA khA. 34 []na zUnyohama huMkAraM dadatI karoti karuNAvimAritArthI sakhIM // [32 // *] kiM vahunA / tanvI tApAtirakeNa dhatte yasmAdihastatAM / pravAlahastai []dhanti tasyeMdorAtapaM latAH // [33 // ] nepathyAvalokitakena / kathaM priyA me vasaMtalIlA // sapraNayAdaraM / priye [*] ayamahamita ito bhavatI / nirvayaM / nUnamiyamidAnIM / Rjumlathabhu jenAdhohastenAkAzale35 [khinI / natAnanA maMdagatistazciMtAmeva gAhate // [34 // *] tataH pravi zati yathAnirdiSTA vasaMtalIlA / kusumAkaraH / upasRtya / priye [[*] kathamAste vatmA pArijAtamaMjarI / vasaMta / uttaMga thaNamaMDalassa sihare pohappavAlappahApuMjaM kaMjaragAmiNI vahadi sA ciMtAnamaMtA NaNA / aMto nIharijaNa sAsalaharIsatyeNa pajjU sunaM dUrArohanihAli36 [*][ppiyayama rattaM va cittaM niyaM // [35 // *] kusumA / sakaruNaciMtA vAtsalpa' / priye [*] takimarthamAgatAsi tAmekAkinI vAlA vihAya / vasaMta / rAyAgamaNapauti uvalaMbhidaM / kusumA / priye [*] . sAdhUtAM / kathitaM hi me rAjJo narmasuhRdA vidagdhena yavAdya mAdhavIsahakAravivAhAraMbhadarzanApadezena devo dhArAgirilIlodyAnamAgatya - yuddhAMtazuddhAMtakSa-10 ! Read vayasthAya / iti nikrAMtI. * Corrected by the engraver from bhAva. .See p. 119 below, A, Read yathAdya. . Read prathamoDa * Read rathaM tyA * Read zvAsena. - Read degvAtsalya. * See p. 119 below, B. 10 pAMva was corrected by the engraver from iMta. P2

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108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Voz. VIII. 37 [*]sahacAriNI prANezvarImavazyamekAMte saMbhAvayithatIti / vasaMta / pAca siti / kusumA / priye / evaM ca kathitaM / devaH parijanasyotIrajAtArthopi ciMtayA / prabhyupaiti kAMtAya zUnyaM kaMpitamastakaH // [26 // *] kiM tu / nI saMbhAvayati prasAdavibhava tyAMcakorAvijAnu jAsaM nidadhAti no kuSalaye no vAhinIbhartari / rAjA sarvakalA38 [zritopi divasamAye viyoge priyAM tAmeva kSaNadAmabhIpsati navAmApAMDi. mAnaM gataH // [37 // *] tadamunA saMvidhAnakena tvayA savizeSamAvAsya paritoSaNIyA vatmA pArijAtamaMjarI / yataH / virahe nUnamekasya duHkhena labhate sukhaM / sukhena cetaro duHkhaM premNo hi kuTilA gatiH // [38 // *] vasaMta / jaM' pANavadi pipayamI / kusumA / paha mapi etatkA39 ryAnurUpakhAbhiprAyajJApanAya vidagdhahitIyasya rAjaH sakAzameva gacchAmIti - ni:krAMtI / viSkaMbhakaH // tataH pravizati rAjA vidUSakazca / rAjA / samaMtAdudyAnamAlokya / sakhe / tasyA eva mukhena nirmalanijajyotsnAbhirApyAdhitAH aMkamI taravI manojamaraNacchAyAbhirAyAminaH / saurabhyaM kusumotkaraNa dadhatastasyaiva saM- (1) 40 [skArajaM jhapAlaMpaTa'mAjayaMti madhuliTasaMtAnamuccastarAM / [38 // *] vidU / vayasma [*] zuttamakhumANaM te / jado vaNamaINaM caMdo rAyA / rAjA (1) dakSiNAkSispaMdanaM sUcayitvA (1) sapratyAzamutkaMThate / nepathye (1) maMgaladhvaniH / [rAjA / AkaSirNatakena / sakhe / madhyAdugatya tAraM spRzadalaghukucAkaMpakaSTena yAsAM khAsainaivAvarUDhaM vrajati yatividA saptakaM 41 [me]va / tAbhiryAmyopi gItadhvanirayamadhunA mAdhavImaMgalArtha vArastrIbhiH prayuktI gamayati gamakai garatvaM manoH // [4. // "] tadehi [*] devIM pratyupasarpAva[: / *] iti parikrAmataH / vidU / vayama' / jadhA esa samakAlukaMThidakelidIhiyAkalahaMsakUdakaraMvidI 'asamaMjabhamaM. jIrakalayalo jadhA ya thoumhAyamANakapyUraparimalummIsido kilaM. 42 [takusumAmoo paJcAsabo havadi tadhA (thaNama) paDhamiyAmilaMtIhiM viyaDaniyaMvIrabharaparikvalaMtacalaNAraviMdAhiM dAhiNAnilaMdIliravasaMtamAlA- Read abhyupaiti. See p. 119 below, C. ___ I Read ahamapyeta. Read gacchAmi / iti nikrAMtI. *Corrected by the engraver from degsaMpATa. *gee p. 119 below, D. 1 See p. 119 below, E. * Read asamaMjasa These three akaharas are due to a mistake of the engraver; they occur again in their proper place is part of the compound thoratha pAmaMDadeg in the same line.

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 109 maNaharAhiM thorathaNamaMDalubvahaNaparisma[masa]sidamaMdapaJcAyamANatammIlarasArSi vAravilAsiNIhiM sevijaMtI abhuDidA devI / rAjA / nirvarNya / sakhe [*] kimucyate / vArAMganAmukha- (1) 48 [jyo]lAlaMghanotkaMdharadyutiH / devI dugdhAraNave lakSmIpalasaMtova lakSyate // [41 // "] tataH pravizati yathAnirdiSTA rAjI / vidU / vayama' [1] idI vi peccha [*] jadhA esa kusumAyarI mama sammuI sarca karadi tadhA a[saMsayaM] pAriAyamaMjariM vasaMtalIlAe saha radha jeva saMcAraismAdi / rAjA / nirvarNya (1) kiMcidAzvasya ca / klAtI virahadAvena tAmeva prati44 [dhAvati / aMtaHkaraNapakSI me lAvaNyAmRtavAhinIM / [42 // *] tataH pravizati viTapAMtaritA pArijAtamaMjarI vasaMtalIlA ca / rAjI' upasRtya (1) rAjAnamavalokya smitena saMbhAvayati / vidU [1] sasaMbhramaM / aho' parihamarihuM / cUcI caMpayakusumehiM caMpanI paaddlaapsuunnhiN| vaulo sirIsaupphehiM viyasiyo haMta paJcariyaM // [43 // "] rAjA / sasmitaM / dhimUrkha [*] nedamariSTaM kiM tu devyAyamasmAka46 [mAcAryakaNa citraprayogo nAma vRkSAyurvedabhedaH pradarzitaH / kanakalekhA / vihasya [*] bhaTTA' [*] Na khu eso viyakvaNataNeNa viyaDI kiM tu viseseNa daTTA' tti / iti sarve hasati / nAyikA / rAjAnaM saspRhamavalokya (0) apavAritakena [*] abje' [*] abapAyave pabakusumehiM viyasAvid asthi me koduhalaM / vasaMta / vacche [1] eso jeva rAyA tuha uvAmI havismadi / nAyikA // 46 []SNaM nizvasya (1) savitarkamAtmagataM / kattI pramhANaM tArisA bhAyadhayA / rAjI / pannautta / edaM taM mAhavIsahayAramihuNaM / [rAjA / devi [*] sAdhu darzitaM / pUrvAmukhAlakatayormAdhavIsahakArayoH / kApi vaivAhikI lakSmIriyamAbAdatetarAM / [44 // *] kiM ca / dhanyIya sahakArasuMdarayuvA caitrAnilAMdolanarudyuktaH pariripsate priyatamA vAmAMgavicaMbhiNI / "eSAppAIsuvAsinI navasatA 18eep.119 below, F. * See p. 119 below, H. Tsoe p. 119 below, I. "See p. 119 below, L. 'Read rAjyapI. 'Read daDI. *Beep. 119 below, J. 1 Rond eSAmyaI. See p. 119 below, G. * Read lokyApI. *see p. 119 below,r.

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110 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. 47 [nanIbhavaMtI bhRzaM nirvadhana 'parAmukhI na sahate vaiyAtyavArtAmapi / [45 // *] vasaMta / nAyikA prati / avvo' [*] evaM jeva tumhArisIpI muddhAmI dUra gADhukkaMThirIo piyasayAse paraMmuhImI havaMti / nAyikA / kiMcidihasya () sAsUyamiva / panne [*] taM ana jeva kiMpi jaMpantI ciTThasi / ahaM uNa ettigaM jeva bhaNAmi jaM anapAyave annakusumahiM viyasAvidaM pathi me koduhanaM / vasaMta / svagataM / devI' 48 [jA]va uttarAmuhaDidA mAhavIsahayAramihuNaM aNurAyabhiMbhalA bhattuNo pacchi mAsuhaDidasma daMsayaMtI ciTThadi (1) tA muhuttaM pArijAyamaMjariM pAyarDa karami (1) jadhA devIe kahiMpi AharaNa paDiviMvidaM pacchadi NaM rAyA / iti viTapapallavAnapasArya nAyikA prakaTIkaroti / rAjA / rAjItADake prativiMvitAM nAyikAmavalokya (1) saharSAvahisthamAtmagataM / aye jitaM manorathaiH / / 49 [ya]diyaM valadhUlidhorAMdhakAraduHsaMcarasamarasaMketanavAbhisArikA meM prANakharI prathamaprANakharItADaMkadarpaNe locanagocaraM gatA / savitarkAtbhutaM ca / nUnamiyamasmAn pazcimena viTapAMtare vasaMtalIlayA kenacidullekhalaMpAkena vacasA narmamarmaNi spRSTA sasmitamasUyate / sadyaH "sAvvasadhUsareNa vika sabailakSyalakSmIspRzA karatAlasadRSTinAdharapuTovismi50 [ta] zrImatA / []kSaNeAbhinaya kuMsabhRkuTIsaubhAgyazRMgAriNA tanvIyaM vada. naMdunA mama dRzordatte sudhAcarvaNAM // [46 // *] sakaruNAnurAgaM ca / prativimiSAdeSA [va]yaM dautymupaagtaa| atyaMtadurvalairaMgai--te virahadurdazA / [47 // *] iti komalAMguligraheNa karaNaM kRtvA "sAvilAsamavalokayati / rAjI (1) saromAMcamavanatamukhI sparzasukhAnubhavaM nATayati / vasaMta / tADaMke nAyi61 [kA pratikviM nirvaNNyaM rAjJazceSTayA cittopalakSitakena (1) apavArya sAkRtaM / vacche [*] peccha devIe tADaMkasma rAmaNijjayaM (1) jaM rAyA sAvahitthamekkadihIe pacchaMto ciTThadi / nAyikA / rAjJItADake svaprativivaM rAjAnaM ca nirvarNya (1) savitarkapratyAzamAtmagataM / amma0 [*] kiM eso rAyA mai paDivivaM pacchadi (0) pAdu devIe tADaMka jaiva / tApa dAva amayakAlaUDANa aMta 1 The two white lines across the are dae ton fault in the inked estampage from which the Plates were prepared, and are absent in the two other copies of the inscription. See p. 119 below, M. ISee p.120 below, A: * See p. 120 below, B. * Read degvaDataM. * Read sAdhvasa. - Read savi. B Read degkaimApa. * See p. 120 below, C. 10 800 p. 120 below, D. 11 Corrected by the engraver from T.

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 111 62 [rAle dolAida mhi / iti ciMtAM nATayati / vasaMta / nAyikA yAzcittamupalakSya / vacche [*] mA annahA mavehi / devIe tADake kamAharaNAhidevayaM va tumaM / saMkANurAyanihuzrI pacchadra paDiviSiyaM rAyA // [48 // *] jar3a uNa na pattiyasi tA khaNaddhaM tumaM panavaMtaridaM karemi (1) jadhA paDiviMvasumaM tADaMka pecchaMtasma kerisI dihI bhattuNo bhodi tti jANAsi / iti nAyikA punaH pallavAMta53 [ritAM karoti / rAjA (1) sakhedAvahityaM zanyadaSTirAlokate / vasaMta / . vacche [*] peccha 2 / tADaMke tuha paDimaM aNiyaMtI jhatti bhattuNo dihI / vimbhariyanihANahANa va subapajjAulA jAyA // [48 // *] rAjA (0 sAvegaM pRSThatovalokate / sAhvAdamAtmagataM / yenAyodhanadarzano. tsavajuSAM vaimAnikInAM 'sukhAnyajAnIva nizAkaraNa gagane nItAni vicchAyatAM / bhUyo dRSTaH / 64 [mi*][8] tadeva sutanoH smeraM kimapyAnanaM vicchedAtapalIDhalocanasudhA niSpaMdicaMdrAtapaM // [50 // *] nAyikA (1) sasAdhvasaM rAjAnamapAMganAvalokya (0) lajjayApasatamicchaMtI parikrAmati / vasaMta / tAM ruNaddhi / rAjA / nirvayaM saspRhamAtmagataM / ucchAsi stanayoIyaM tadapi yatsImAvivAdolvaNaM lIlolekhi gataM tadapyanupa[maM] zrINiciyA maMtharaM / dIrgha dRgyugalaM tada55 [ pyanugataM lAsyena kiMcidabhavoretasyAstana madhyamaM vijayate saubhAgyavIja vayaH // [51 // *] sakhIvidUSako viditarAjanAyikAvRttAMto parasparaM sAkUtamavalokayataH / rAjA smRtimabhinIya (2) sAtaMka (1) punastathaiva tADaMkamavalokayati / savimarzapakSapAtama[1] / ajJAtadoSA tADaka 'madRSTvAliMgitaM priyA / dhatte nizcalamA[dyApi' prItyA madanuvRttaye // [52 // "] rAnI (1) da. 56 [kSiNAkSispaMditakena (0) adhRtimabhinIya sogamumukhI sakhImukhamIkSate / tacceSTA parikalayya () sAsUyavitarkamAtmagataM / athI' [*] kudI uNa se padAsAe pana viyadRsaMsuhI saviyArA dihI / savimarzamAtmagataM / paDihAI" bhannautto sa[vbhA] vasiNehasuMdarasahAvo / amuhaM pi va kh| puNo dAhiNanayaNaM phurataM me // [53 // *] kanaka / rAjI savi-1 (1) 18ee p. 120 below, E. ISee p. 120 below, F. * Corrected by the engraver from sucanya. * Read mahacyA - Read madyApi. *see p.120 below,Gread pavI. See p. 120 below, H. Against the metre. * Read 'pAtam / pahA. * Read 'kanAdhuti. 11 Read ?

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112 [VoL. VIII. 67 [la]cyasmitamIkSate / rAjJI / bhautsukyamabhinIya (1) sAkUtaM / [sa]hi' [*] kiM tae hasidaM / kanaka / savilacyaM' joSamAste / rAjA / vidUSakaM prati apavAritakena / sakhe / nUnamanayA dAsIpucyA dAnasaMmAnapUrNa ciranivAritayAppA' sarva prakAziSyate / vidU / apavArya / adha hUM / rAjA (1) dRSTisaMjJayA kanakalekhAM prasAdayati / rAnI (1) rAjaceSTAM parikalayya taM bhrUbhaMgena ta 58 [je]yaMtI kanakalekha [ i ] ho' dhRtvA sAvahelaM parikramya ni:krAmati' / nAyikA / sarveSAM ceSTA: parikalavya sadainyamAtmagataM (1) rAjAnaM prati / caMdama va tuha mehaMtarammi khaNadaMsaNeNa jA sasiyA / sIyAmi sA cori vva puNavi taha aMtarijjate // [ 54 // *] prakAzaM / panne' [it] nUrNa deviM pasAdidaM gamissadi rAyA / tA ehi [1*] gacchamha [*] iti niHkrAMta" / rAjA / sapratyAzaM pRSThatovalokya 59 [nA* ]yikAmadRSTvA vidUSakaM prati savailacyaM [*] sakhe [1"] dRSTaM tvayA yanmamApatitaM / api sarvakalA devI yadarthebhUtparAGmukhI / sApi jAtA dRzordUra" vijayazrI priyA mama // [ 55 // *"] tatkimatra karttavyaM / vidU / va[ya]sma" [1] mAridA bhuMjidas ya ekkaM jeva NAmaM / thobho vaha vA ava [ rA ] ho avarAho jjeva / tA saMbhAvehi mahAbhAiNiM pAricAyamaMjariM / rAjA / sotkaMThaM / sakhe [*] evaM karomi / - 60 [] parikrAmataH / vidU / vayasma " [ 1 *] peccha [1"] edaM taM ravirahaturaMgamakaMtisacchAyaM maragaya maMDavaM / rAjA / dakSiNabhujaspaMdanaM sUcayitvA (1) sapratyArthaM / sakhe [*] sAdhu darzitaM I etacceto harati purataH pArvatIkAMtakaMThacchAyA kAMtaM marakatazilAmaMDapaM zlakSNamacNoH I yenoSAMH tairdyutikisalayairnihutAnAmalInAM" mAlAtmAnaM khalu vivRNute maMjunA guMjitena // [56 // *] iti parikrAmataH " 61 [rA]jA / tasyA loladRzaH stanau sahRdayo samyak pramANocatAvu nijadoSamapratihatAvAkrAMtakakSAMtarI 1 saMradhvau" navapatrabhaMgiracanAraMmeNa EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. * Read savailakSyaM. See p. 120 below, J. " Bead niSkrAmati. Bee p. 120 below, I. * Read 'yApyadya. * Read nAhI. See p. 120 below, K.; the is is quite clear and regular in the two other copies. spoiled in the inked estampage from which the Plates were prepared, but 10 Read fta. * Read pratyapa'. * See p. 120 below, L.. 11 Corrected by the engraver from dazerdUre. 18 See p. 121 below, B. 14 The engraver has erased an anusvdra above the mA of tAnA'. 11 See p. 121 below, A. 1 Read saMrabdhI navapatra :

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 113 pAdasthale [mAdhyasthyepi yayorvalitrayamadhastasthau tanuprAtibhaM // [57 // *] iti parikramyopasatya nAyikAM pazyan saharSAsaM dhRtinikhAsaM vimucya / upadhAya vayasthA[vaM snAnata]lyotpalAMkurA / viyogayoganidrAyAmiyamAste 62 [pri*][yA] mama // [58 // *] tadbhavatu [*] nirvayAmi tAvat / tataH pravizati yathAnirdiSTA nAyikA sakhI ca / rAjA [*] svagataM / ahaha / mukhajyotsnAMkurairasyA: pIte tamasi mAMsale / iMdranIlAMza[va]: zeSAH parabhAgaM dadhatyamI // [58 // *] sakaraNaca[matkAraM / marakatamayamedinyAM bhAti] prativivitA vAMgIyaM / aMtarjalazayanIyaM tApena niSevamANeva / [10 // *] vasaMta / sakaruNamAkAze // cha (1) . [vA] valabhAI va mayaraDaya jayasi samhamajjhAe / taM ciya haMta kuNaMto NijnIvaM hohisi kahaM va // [11 // *] nAyikA / va[saMtalIlAM vASyAmavalokya (1) sagaha[8] / pajje / tasmiM sahAva su]hae sabakalAsaMgayammi diThe vi / dhipremi posahI viya so dUraM dulaho rAyA / [12 // "] rAjA (1) kusumAnyavacitya (1) cchavaM 'chanamupasatya sairnAyikAmekaikena praharati / nAyikA / sa- () 64 . . . viga (1) rAjAnamavalokya / hadI / esa NihamI paJcakaDo neva kusumAuho maM mandabhAiNiM paharedi / tA parittAyadu 2 majA [*] iti vasaMtalIlAmAliMgitumicchaMtI mUrcchati / rAjA [*] sahasopa[sa]tya / hA priye pArijAtamaMjari [*] dehi me prativacanaM [11] iti sakaraNaM nAyikAhadayasparza nATayati / vasaMta / rAjA namavalokya (0) nAyikA vIjayaMtI sAkhAsaM 65 [sakara*][f] ca / vacche' [*] samasmasa 2 [*] Na khu eso kusu mAuho [*] tuha hiyayavasaho khu bhaTTA' eso / nAyikA (1) saMjJA labhate / rAjA / sAkhAsa nirvayaM / yatsadyaH puTabhedasAlasalasatpamAcale cakSuSI sokaMpastanayA prasIdati dhutikhAsazriyA yanmukhaM / yaccAyaM pulakaH purA paricitasparthopalaMbhAttanau teneyaM sutanuvabhUva vidhare jIvAgalA me idi // [13 // "] nAyikA (1) rAjA66 [namupalabhya () sasAdhvasamutthAyAtmAnaM paryavasthApayati / tini:khAsa . sutsRjya (1) vasaMtalIlA pratyapavA[ritakena / paje [1] para bala Bend' . * Read jachi. fe n. 121 below, F. See p. 121 below,c. * Read chatra Corrected by the engraver from WTET. *Bee p.121 below, D.: * See p. 121 below, E. *see p.121 below,G.

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114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vot, VIII. 68 vi parabbase jaNe keriso vAraM vAramaNuvaMdhanibaMdhI / tA ehi [1] gacchamha / iti rAjAnaM salajjAbhimAnamapAMgenAvalokya parAkhI parikramitumicchati / rAjA / . sautsukyaM (1) vAhI kRtvA nAyikA . nirNayan svagataM / utthAnaM ka67 [thamapya*]jAyata gatistaMbhastu mAmIhate vailacyAidaneMdunaiva valitaM dRSTistu sArdA mayi / aMgAnyeva parAnakhAni pulako matyakSapAtI 'punarmAnaprAthamakalpikI sugadRzazceSTaiva citrIyate // [64 // *] api ca // talyeMdIvaramudrAbhiraMkitAni mRgIdRzaH / surabhisvedaviMdUni madayaMtyaMgakAni mAM // [65 // *] saspRhAtirekaM / utthAnaM jaghanena vinitamabhUdasyA: ka [ka]rI nIvorakSaNasauvidalapadavIM vAmaH prakAmaM gataH / nIraMgIsicayAMcalaM kucataTe vadhnAti vAmetarastanvaMgyAstrapayAvagaMThitamidaM lIlAyitaM jubhate // [66 // *] prakAzaM / ayi zazimukhi' mAnaM muMca dRSTiprasAdairupajanaya subhivaM meranIlotpalAnAM / api bhavatu bhavatyAH komalAlApabhaMgyA jhagiti galitago vallakInAM ninAdaH / [17 // "] iti pra- (1) 69 [Namati] / nAyikA (1) hastAbhyAM rAjAnaM kirITena prerayaMtI sasmitama pasarati / vidU / mA kahavi kovi iha devIe paricaNI saMcaradi / tA AsAsahi kaMThagahaNa turiyaM jeva mahAbhAyaM vijayasiriM / rAjA [*] AliMgya (1) muharttamivAnaMdamudrAM nATayitvA (1) svagataM / zIghramaMtarmukhairbhUtvA vilInaM navanItavat / karaNaiH sparzalAbhAnbhe mukhAIte manaH sthitaM / [68 // "] 70 []pi ca / umIlatpulakAMkurastanataTaskhe'dAvujavAlitazrIkhaMDaprabhaviSNusaurabhaguNa grAhI haThAliMgane / pAnaMdAzrutaraMgasaMgamacamatkArathiyA zItalI vicchedajvaramAvayoItibhava:: khAsAnilaH pItavAn // [18 // *] tataH pravizati tADaMkahastA kanakalekhA // kanaka / saciMtAsaMbhramaM / mae' mahArA yasma . . . . . . . . . . 71 [la']hA Na uNa ithi tti ajja jASa bhaTTiNI vippalar3A / ajja uNa devIe sayaM jeva ulihiya savvaM uvalaI / ahaM NimittamataM jAda mhi / avvo sAmiNimIma avassaMkaraNijjadA [*] jeNa jjeva deviM Corrected by the engraver from y969. Corrected by the engraver from 0. See p. 121 below, H, * Corrected by the engraver trom khai. The engraver has struck out a secondery i before the w, and another before the , of deg*(r). * Beo p. 121 below, I.

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No. 9.] . DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. vaMcidaM cambhavidA taM jeva mahArAyaM devIe nidhoraNa uThiyAM purovalokya / edaM taM maragayamaMDavaM / [] 72 rAjAnamavalokya khagataM / ammA?' [1] kattI AsAso bhaTTiNIe (1) jIe vallaho anaMgaNANavaraMgasiNehavAurANivaDidahitrayahariNo evaM hiMDadi / upasRtya (1) belacAM' nATayaMtI prakAyaM / jayadu 2 bhaTTA / sarve zaMkate / rAjA | nAyikAM pRSThataH kRtvA (1) kanakalekhAhaste tADaMkama [va] lo [] (() khagataM / a[the] . 1 See p. 121 below, J. See p. 121 below, L. Read saMpratyubhaya. * * 73 . tyA devyA doSohaTTanena nipuNamuluMThitAH smaH | prakAzaM / bhadre / zradya khalvakAraNakupitApi devI prasAdanIyeti tvAmeva pratipAlayatAmasmAkamatra dinamatikrAMtaM / vasAhAyakamApekSA" hotatkArya I kanaka 1 sanasa smitaM / bhaTTAdeg [i*] jA esA amhANaM dudIyA bhaTTiNI tara pi divega romAvidA cidi (1) 74 [rAjA khitvA / kanakarI tatkiM praSTavyaM bhavatyA / kanaka svagataM / kalaMkaraNaM devyA tADaMka: pratibhAti me // [ 70 kapreSaNe 1 kanaka 1 edaM 115 [1] ubhayamapyetatkArya tvayyevAyatate 1 | tADaMkamarpayati / rAjA / gRhIlA vivasthAnaM jayaciyaH / saMpratyubhayathApyeSa // * ] prakAzaM / kiM punaH kAraNaM tADaMkAraNaM / esa tADaMko ajja ga[ru ] 73[] kathAharaNaM devIe dhAridaM / paNa su vasaMtalolA viSaDagoDImahumatasavaNajuala[ssa] ahiNava[so ] hagga[suM] deramaNaharakusumamaMjarIrasammi [gheNNa] - chaJcaraNaca [ri]dasta bhattuNo dhArAgiripamadujjANe jeva savvo diyo adihaMto rayaNI uNa mae viNA kathaM gamissadi ti vira[ha] See p. 121 below, K. * Rend sApecaM. 9 See p. 121 below, N. 76 [pe ]sido 1 vasaMtalIlAvidagdhau (i) sabhayamanyonyaM pazyataH 1 rAjA 1 svagataM / paye vakroktiparipATIpATavajJApanaM 1 yadi vA (1) devIM sarvakalAmadhikRtya stokametat / kiM tu [*] devI prasAdanIyetyenAM muMcAmi kAtarAM virahe / vahradayamayoti jAto va tu sukoma hRdayAt // [71 // * ] nepathye ! [ a ] * Read vailakSyaM. See P. 121 below, M. Q 2

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116 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vor. VIII. = ___77 . Ni prAcI kokilama cakena tamasA mAlinyamAlaMvate / yA prAta: pariraMbha nirbharaka[2] doSApalApakSama. lagdhvA rAgiNameva vakSyati mukhaM saraM prasAdazriyA // [72 // *] api ca / vispharjatkaradIpikAMkuramAAMdhAvataM jagaDANaprANamapalamaM vidadhata: karpUrabhaMgAnilaiH / siMhahAri ni[vA] 78 . [tavaMdipAThatumulaM tAmyati zRMgAriNa: // [73 // *] kiM ca / nAsIracaMdrAtapa dIpikAbhiH pUrvAcalenAMtaritInumeyaH / apIduruttAmyati rAjabhAvAmailAkhaMDala sevituM tvAM // [74 // *] nAyikA / vasaMtalIlA, prati sakaruNaM / tae' vi devIe bhaeNa maMdabhANI pAripAyamaMjarI parihari davvA / pado jne va] . . . . . . . . . . 79 . [ja*Ne keriso vAraM] vAramaNuvaMdhaNivvaMdhI' / vasaMtalIlA nAyikA [mA]. samAliMgati / rAjA / apavAritakena nAyikA civuke spRSTvA / priye [*] alamanyathA saMbhAvanayA / muhartamAsthAnamadhiSThAya pratinivRtta evA.. smi / vasaMtalIlA prati / pArye / bhavatyAmahRdayaM gatayA lAlanIyeyaM tAvada[sma] . . . . . . . . . . 80 . [vidUSakakanakalekhAbhyAM saha parikrAmati / sakaruNaM pRSThatovalokya (0) svagataM / AH priye pArijAtamaMjari / udbhidyamAnacaMdrAMzadaMSTrAkarAle nizAcarImukhe mucyamAnAsi / nAyikA / sAkhaM / mahAbhAya [*] ittigaM dihI si mae maMdabhAiNIe / rAjA / savyathamAtmagataM / kimapi mama . . . . . . . . . . 81 . hRdayazilAyAM vikhazRMgArazilpI / tava RjuguNasUtranyAsarekhAMkitA likhati vizikhaTaMkaiH puSpaketuH prazastiM // [75 // *] iti ni:krAMtaH / nAyikA / sAnutApamuhIvikAvalokitakena / kadha' loyaNapahaM adikkato paravyaso jaNo / svagataM / tA' dANi jaM devIe kAridavvaM tama sayaM va [karamaM maM]da[bhAraNI / 82 []ti sohegamudbhAMtahRdayA parikrAmati / vasaMta / sautsukyaM / nUName dAe' kiMpi pramaMgalamajavasidaM / tA savvadhA dhArahasma // iti ni:krAMtAH sarve [*] tADaMkadarpaNo nAma dvitIyoGkaH // zrI: // * // ICorrected by the engraver from degyAM meva. ..See p. 122 below, A. * The same passage has occurred before in line 66. * See p. 122 below, B. Read nikrAMta:. See p.122 below, C. See p. 122 below, D. .see p. 122 below, E. * Read nitAMtA:. 10 The visarga was inserted by the engraver on revision.

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. rUpakAraprakAMDasya sIhAkasyAMgajanmanA / prazastiriyamutkIrNa rAmadevena zilpinA // [76 // "] * // SANSKRIT TRANSLATION OF THE PRAKRIT PASSAGES. A.-Text, line 2.-prAjJApayatvAryaH / ___B-Text, 1. 4.-yadArya pAjAyayati / kiM ca mayApi zrutaM yathA malayAnilamandamandAndolanaprasaragandhamAkandamakulamakarandapiNDitaparAgapuJjapicaryamANamaJjarIkavalaparasparArpaNa keliparyAkulakalakaNThamithunamadhurakalakalahalApahastitAvihastamAnavatI'mAnamapi parimalataraMgacAra campakacaSakamadhvavasara vilambita SaTkaraNacAraNaraNajhaNatkAramukharamapi yantrakuJjarakarazIkarAsArase kasarasavikasavividhaviTapakuDAbahAndhakAramapi dhArAgirilIlodyAnaM parihatya kautUhala praphullalocano bhAratI bhvnaabhimukhN|| sahasati parApatita eva loka iti / tatkathaya kIdRza"matra kathAsaMvidhAnakam / c.-Text, 1. 7.-atha kim / D.-Text, 1. 8.-pArya / yatra caturaGgabalayugaladhUlInikaraiH kavalite mArtaNDamaDale svayaMvarakautUhalAkulatva"milatsurasundarImukhamandacandrAtapena nijaparavibhAgaH saMjAtaH zrUyate / E-Text, 1.9.-tatastataH / F.-Text, 1. 10.-tatastataH / G.-Text, I. 11.-Arya / tatkiM divyamAnuSyAH sA kathA / ma.-Text, 1. 12.-tatastataH / 1.-Text, 1. 14.-pAce punarantaHpurikeva kApyeSA / J.-Text, 1. 18.-Aryaputra / navaphalikAM rahANetAm / kokilakharabAhulyena manoharA prathamamacaryeSA / tavotsave khalu mayA viniyuktA gAyanyA yathA // 12 // K-Text, 1.17.-maho pAzcaryam / bhAgadheyena vayasyasya kusumamaJjarI phalatvena haste caTitA / 1 The following abbreviations are used in the footnotes :-D H emachandra's Dilludmamald, ed. by Prof. Pischel-HANS- Hala's Saptalatakam, ed. by Prvt. Weber.:-Hem-Hemachandra's Prakrit Grammar, ed by * Prof. Plechel.-Jacobi - Prof. Jacobi's Ausgenodilte Erzahlungen in Maharashtrl.-Pd. Dhanapala's Pdiyalach. GAM Namamala, ed. by Prot. Bahler.-Pinebel-Prof. Pischel's Prakrit Grammar Hom. IV.78. . Hem. I. 63. * Rap. 631,.... avakatthia. For mdnansinf=mdnavat' see ibid. p. 99. Der. III. 1. 1 DAf. V.24. Hem. IV. 259. * Rem. I. 117. and II.99. 10Gaidaraho, verse 107 HEI. VIII. 70. M Pischel, $ 121. " Des. II. 18. "With hallupphala compare hallapphalia, Da. VIII. 59; halla phala, Halr, p. 27 f.; and hallonata, Jacobi, p. 156.

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118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. VIII. A.-Text, 1. 18. suprabhAtazrIsahitaH sUryopi tavotsavena krIDan / bAlAtapasindUraM digaGganAnAM mukhe kSipati // 10 // yatsImantAtaM tvayA gUrjarendraramaNInAm / manye sindUraNaM tenaiva ramate tava lokaH // 18 // bANairardhanArI viSamazareNApi nijaripU racitaH / arjunavarmastvayA punarabalA eva viracitA ripavaH // 18 // B.-Text, 1. 19.-vayasya / prekSasva prekSastra praharSakrIDitaM nAgarajanasya / C.-Text, 1.21.-Aryaputra / etamapyAkarNaya samayamukhAparka' hindIlakama / D.-Text, 1. 22.-vayasya / jJAtaM mayApi / eSa sa hindolako yatra hindolakacaturthI striyaH krIDanti / ___E-Text, 1. 23.-kathaM gaiyaM na jAnAmi / yadA me brAhmaNI bahuvikaTadantasundaraM sukhaM prasArya maGgalAni gAyati tadAhaM gopIgeyagrahilo hariNa iva praannaandaatumicchaami| ___F.-Toxt, 1. 25.-vayasya / tvamapi devIM pUraya / _G.-Text, 1. 26.-vayasya / yadi tvametayA dAsIduhitrA kanakalekhayA saha mama pANigrahaNaM kArayasi tadAhamapi tvamiva nAgarikanArIsahito vasantotsavaM mAnayAmi / ___H.-Text, 1. 27.-Aryaputra / pANigrahaNavacanena smAritAsmi / mayA mAdhavIlatayA sahakArasya pANigrahaH kArayitavyaH / yuvAmapi tatra nimantritau tiSThathaH / tadidAnImupasaMbhArasaMpAdanakAryeNodyAnaM gamiSyAmi / I.-Text, 1. 28.-vayasya / na khalvetahismaraNam / smaraNamevaitat / J.-Text, 1. 29.-vayasya / manye pArijAtamaJjarosanAthamapi te zUnyaM hRdayama / K-Text, 1. 30.-sukhakAriNI bhavatu madhyAha'saMdhyA devasya / baSitAnAM kAnaneSu tava ripuramaNInAM bimbananibhena / vadanAni hAramuktAsu salilakAryeNeva vizanti // 28 // L.-Text, 1. 30.-vayasya / devenAivanirjitAnAM sahasA bandIkatAntaHpuraM dadatA zamitA viyogavedanA' yeSAM vasantome / Compare sundvei-sukhayati in Hala and in the Galldavaho. * With gahilla for grahila compare gamthilla for granthila; Pischel, $ 595. Compare bharei in the Gaud avaho, verse 291, and Jacobi, p. 133, 8. t. bharidna. * Pischel, 313, end. Hem. II. 84. . For dinta = dadat see Jacobi, p. 117, 8. o. dei. Pa. p.96.

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 119 ete te natvA pAdayugalaM daNDapraNAmena te pAnIchacabharaNa bhUmipatayo vrajanti' vAsAlayam // 28 // tasvimiha sthitena / ehi / dhArAgirilolodyAnameva gacchAvaH / A.-Text, 1. 35. uttuGge stanamaNDalasya zikhara poSThapravAlaprabhA. putraM kuJjaragAminI vahati sA cintAnamadAnanA / antarnirdRtya zvAsalaharIsArthena paryutsukaM dUrArohanibhAlita priyatamaM raktamiva cittaM nijam / 35 // B.-Text, 1. 36.-rAjAgamanapravRttimupalabdhum / c.-Text, 1. 38.-yadAnApayati priyatamaH / D.-Text, 1. 40.-vayasya / yuktamaMnumAnaM te / yato vanaspatInAM candro rAjA / E-Text, 1. 41.-vayasya / yatheSa samakAlotkaNThitakelidIrghikAkalahaMsakUjitakarambito samayasamajIrakalakalo yathA ca stokobhAyamANakarparaparimalomizthitaH kAntakusumAmodaH pratyAsatro bhavati tathAhaMprathamikAmilantIbhirvikaTanitamborubharaparikhalaccaraNAravindAbhirdakSiNAnilAndolanazIla vasantamAlAmanoharAbhiH sthUla stanamaNDalobahanaparizramazvasitamandapratyAyyamAnatAmbalArasAbhiravilAsinIbhiH sevyamAnAbhyusthitA devI / F.-Text, 1. 48.-vayasya / topi prekSakha / yathaiSa kusumAkaro mama saMmukhaM saMjJA karoti tathAsaMzayaM pArijAtamaMjarI vasantalIlayA sahehaiva saMcArayiSyati / G.-Text, 1. 44.-aho ariSTamariSTam / cUtazcampakakusumaizcampakaH pATalAprasUnaiH / bakulaH zirISapuSpairvikasito hantAzcaryam // 45 // H. Text, 1. 45.-bhartaH / na khalveSa vicakSaNatvena vidagdhaH kiM ta vizaSeNa dagdha iti / I-Text, 1. 45.-Arya / anyapAdapAnanya kusumavikAsayitumasti me kautUhalam / J.-rext, 1. 45.-vatse / eSa eva rAjA tavopAdhyAyo bhaviSyati / K.-Text, 1. 46.-kuto 'smAkaM tAdarza bhAgadheyam / / L-Text, 1. 46.-pAryaputra / etattanmAdhavIsahakAramithunam / M.--Text, 1. 47.-avyo / evameva yubhAdRzyo mugdhA dUre gADhotkaNThAzIlAH priyasakArI parAkhyo bhavanti / * Hem. II. 45. . 1 Hem. IV:226. Pa. p.79. *Pischel,8596. *Hem. I. 124 and 255. * Witb tammola compare tambola, Hem. I. 124. * Hem. II. 40. * Pinchel, 5197. Jacobi, p. 149. 10 Hein. II. 204

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120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. A.-Text, 1. 47.-Arye / tvamanyadeva kimapi jalpantI' tiSThasi / mahaM punare tAvadeva bhaNAmi yadanyapAdapAnanyakusamairvikAsayitumasti mai kautUhalam / B-Text, 1. 47.-devI yAvaduttarAmukhasvitA mAdhavIsahakAramithunamanurAgavilA' bhataH pazcimAmukhasthitasya darzayantI tiSThati 'tAvanmuharta pArijAtamajjarI prakA' karomi yathA devyAH kutrApyAbharaNe pratibimbitAM prekSata enAM rAjA / . ___-Text, 1. 51.-vatse / prekSasva devyAstADaGgasya rAmaNIyakaM vadrAjA sAvahi. tyamekadRSTyA prekSamANastiSThati / D.-Text, 1. 51-ammahi / kimeSa rAjA me pratibimba prekSate 'tha vA' devyAstADAmeva / sattAvadamatakAlakUTayorantarAle dolAyitAsmi / E-Text, 1. 52.-vatse / mAnyathA manyatra / devyAstADa karNAbharaNAdhidevatAmiva tvAm / zahAnurAganibhRtaH precate pratibimbitAM rAjA // 4 // yadi punarna pratyeSi tatkSaNArdha tvAM pallavAntaritAM karomi yathA pratibi. mbazUnyaM tADacha prekSamANasya kIdRzI dRSTirbhavatIti jAnAsi / F.-Text, 1. 53.-vatse / prekSasva prekSakha / tADale tava pratimAmapazyantI jhaditi" bharturdaSTiH / vismRtanidhAnasthAnava zUnyaparyAkulA jAtA // 48 // G.-Text, 1. 36.-pavyo / kutaH punarasthA hatAzAyA padya visaMvAda"saMmukhI savikArA dRSTiH / ma.-Text, 1.56. pratibhAtyAryaputraH sadbhAvasnehasundarasvabhAvaH / asukhamapIva kathayati" punardakSiNanayanaM sphuranme / 53 // I.-Text, 1. 57.-sakhi / kiM tvayA hasitam / J.-Text, 1. 37.-patha kim / K.-Text, 1. 58. candrasyeva tava meghAntara kSaNadarzanena yA sasmitA / sIdAmi sA cakorIva punarapi tvayyantayati // 54 // L.-Text, 1. 58.-bhArye / nUnaM devI prasAdayituM gamiSyati rAjA / tadehi / gacchAvaH / IPiachel,296. * Hem. I. 271. Pischel,5:56. Hem. IV.181.. Rem. II. 157. 'Rem. I.44 Hem. I. 131. 1 Rem.L42. * Piachel,5209. * Hem. IV. 284 * Pischel,8281. MP4. Verse 248 "T-TV9

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No. 9.] DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN. 121 = A-Text, 1. 59.-vayasya / mAritasya bhuktAsya caikameva nAma / stoko bahurvAparAdhI uparAdha eva / tasaMbhAvaya mahAbhAginI pArijAtamacarIma / B. Text, 1. 60.-vayasya / prekSakha / etattadravirathaturaMgamakAntisacchAyaM marakata. maNDapam / C.-Text, I. 63. . . . . valayAnIva makaradhvaja jayasi sakSaNa'madhyayA / tAmeva hanta kurvanirjIvAM bhaviSyasi kathamiva // 1 // D.-Text, 1. 63.-Arye / yasminvabhAvasukhade sarvakalAsaMgate dRSTepi / dIpya' poSadhiriva sa dUraM durlabhI rAjA // 12 // E-Text, 1. 64.-hA dhik / eSa nirdayaH pratyakSa eva kusumAyudho mAM mandabhAginIM praharati / tatparitrAyatA paritrAyatAmAryA / ___F.-Text, 1. 65.-vatse / samAzvasihi samAzvasihi / na khalveSa kusumAyudhaH / tava hRdayavasabhaH khalu bharteSaH / G. Text, 1. 66.-pArye / payi vajhamepi paravarI jane kIdRzo vAra vAramanubandhanirbandhaH / tadehi / gacchAvaH / H. Text, 1. 69.-mA kathamapi kopIha devyAH parijanaH saMcarat / tadAbAsaya kaNThagrahaNa tvarita meva mahAbhAgAM vijayazriyam / ____I-Text, 1. 70.-mayA mahArAjasya . . . . . . . . . . labbA na punaH strItyadya yAvahinI vipralabbA / padya punardevyA khayamevomikhya sarvamupalabdham / pahaM nimittamAtra' jAtAsi / pabbo khAminiyogasyAvazyaMkaraNIyatA / yeneva devoM vaJcayitumabhyarthitA tameva mahArAja devyA niyogenoNDiyAmi / J.-Text, 1.71.-etattammarakatamaNDapam / K-Tort, 1.72.-pampahe / kuta pAvAsI bhahinyA yasthA vanabho nyAnAnavasehavAgurAnipatitahadayahariNa evaM hiNDate / L.-Text, 1. 72.-jayatu jayatu bhartA / M. Text, 1. 73.-bhataH / yaiSAmAkaM hitIyA' bhaTinI tvayA pRSThaM dadatA roSitA tiSThati * * * * * * * * * * N.-Text, 1. 74-etatkAraNam / eSa tADo 'dya . . . . . . . . . karNAbharaNaM devyA dhAritam / padya khalu vasantalIlAvidagdhagoSThImadhumattatravaNayuga 1 For sanha (which is here written with the dental :) soe Pischel, $ 815. Hem. I.223. Hem. II. 192. *Pischel,196. *Hem. I. 29. Hem. IV.172. Hem.L81. * Hem. L.94 *Hem.I.35and 129.

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122 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIJI. lasyAbhinavasaubhAgyasaundarya'mamoharakusumamalarIrase sainyaSaharaNacaritasya bhatardhArAgiripramadodyAna eva sarva 'dinamatikrAntam / rajanI punarmayA vinA kathaM gamithafar far .......... Afaa: 1 A.-Text, 1. 78.--calfa 99 Hifat uifTeta ufiyaa 0 ..........ga cuit and arthgaafu dat: B.Text, 1. 80.- ETHIT | Saragetfr HUT RHTRT C.-Text, 1. 81.- 1979apa: ait 07: D. --Text, 1. 81.-afferit a una ac frufa mandabhAginI / E.-Test, 1. 82.-47Aur PHRAF wafeah I treat araferet i No. 10.-KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.; SAKA-SAMVAT 1508. BY H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A. The village of Karkala, which is mentioned as Karakala in this inscription (text line 14) and other connected ones, is 18 miles east-south-east of Udipi, the head-quarters of the talaka in which it is situated, and 10 miles north of Mudabidure. It is the largest Jaina settlement in the South Canara district of the Madras presidency and contains, besides the colossal image of Gummata, a number of Jaing temples which are ruined and out of repair with the single exception of the Chaturmukhabasti. This temple is situated opposite to the Jaina matha at Karkala, on a hillock? half as high as the hill on which the colossus stande. Hiriyangadi, i.e. the big bdsar, which is now a few furlonga distant from Karkala, but appears, from its very name, to have once formed the commercial quarter of the town, contains, besides some bastis, a beautifully 1 Pischel, 176. Compare Pischel, 357. Hem. II. 156. * A photograph of this colossus is given above, Vol. VII. Plate facing p. 112. . For a detailed description of this temple by Mr. Walhouse sce Ind. Ant. Vol. V, p. 39 f.; Mr. Sturrock's South Canara Mandal, Vol. I. p. 89 f. and the Government Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1900-01, paragraph 6. The Jains matha at Karkala is presided over by a pontiff, just as the mafhas at Yudabidure, Sravana. Belgola and Humcha. He bears the title Lalitakirti and is reported to be the trustea of the Jaina temples at Karkala and in its neighbourhood. In the inscriptions at Hiriyangudi near KArkas, the teachers to whose pontifi. cate Karks!s and the surrounding country belonged are generally called Lalitakirti-bhattarskadeva, with the word Maladhari prefixed to it in two of them, viz. Nos. 68 and 70 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1991. No. 67 of the same collection makes Lalitakirti the vichdrakarted or supervisor of the charity recorded therein; and No. 70 says that these teachers belonged to the Kundakunda division, were lords of the lineage of Panasok and members of the Kajagragans. In v. 4 of the subjoined inscription, which does not mention their division (anvaya), it is stated that the Lalitakirtis belonged to the Desigans. Perhaps Ka!ogragans was a Local branch of the Desigana. Panasoka has been identified with Hanasoge in the Mysore State ; see above, Vol. VII. p. 110, note 1. The inscription gives this hill the name of Chikkabetta (i... the small hill') in order to distinguish it from the higher hill on which the colossus is set up. * See Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 40.

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No. 10] KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II. preserved Jaina pillar (manastambha). A lithograph of a similar pillar at Venur is given in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. Plate facing p. 39. Prof. Hultzsch, who has published three of the inscriptions at Karkala, asked me to edit the subjoined record. The black granite slab on which it is engraved is set up on the proper right of the western entrance into the sanctum sanctorum of the Chaturmukhabasti. At the top of the slab are, in relief, the following sculptures. In the centre, within a mandapa surmounted by a triple umbrella, is a Jaina figure squatting on a raised seat; the mandapa is flanked on both sides by a lampstand, and beyond the lampstand is the disk of the sun on one side and the crescent of the moon on the other; below the moon is the figure of a cow suckling its calf. The inscribed surface of the slab, including the erased lines at the end measures roughly 4' 4" by 3' 2". 123 The record is written in Kanarese characters of the period to which the inscription belongs, between two margins which are marked out on both sides of the slab by two double lines with a space of " between them. These double lines are entered on either margin up to 1. 42 where the main portion of the inscription ends. It contains eight Sanskrit verses (11. 1 to 8, 1. 15 f. and 1. 49 f.) and four short sentences (11. 1, 3 and 8) in the same language. The remainder of the inscription is in Kanarese prose. At the end is a diagram, consisting of a square bounded by a double line. Within this is another square, similarly bounded by a double line and sub-divided into 25 minor squares with single letters written in each. The diagram is inserted between 11. 42 and 49 just in the centre of the slab, thereby dividing 11. 43 to 48 into two equal halves. About a dozen syllables in 1. 42, the second halves of 11. 43 to 46, the diagram itself and the remainder of the inscription are faintly engraved. A few lines at the end of the inscription are completely erased. Although comparatively modern, the Kanarese characters in which the inscription is written differ in many points from those of the present day. Aspirates are not generally distinguished by a vertical stroke added at the bottom of the letter, except in pha of phala (1. 38); da is distinguished from dha, as in old Kanarese. by a small opening at the right side of the letter; in bha the aspiration is marked by the talekattu and a small projecting stroke at the bottom of the left side, which seems to be the origin of the vertical stroke of the modern bha; kha, gha, and tha are distinguished, by their very form, from the corresponding unaspirates. Chha, dha and tha do not occur in their primary form as independent letters, but only in their subscript secondary forms. Cha is differentiated from ba sometimes by the talekattu alone (e.g. cha of aicharu in 1. 40), and in other cases by the talekattu and a slight indenture at the middle of the left side (e.g. cha of chandra, 1. 13); in modern Kanarese this indenture is projected out into a horizontal stroke. In cases, however, where the i-curl is added to cha, this horizontal stroke is necessarily introduced. The same remarks hold good as regards the indenture in the middle of ka. The loop on the left side of da is not fully developed. Ta and fa still preserve their older forms. Sha is, as in old Kanarese, written like pa, with a small slanting stroke cutting its left side in the middle. Ra, which is now altogether replaced by the common ra, occurs in 11. 12 (twice), 17, 25, 27, 28, 1 South Canara Manual, Vol. I. p. 19. See above, Vol. V. p. 171, note 5. The manastambhas, which are generally graceful, high and imposing, have to be distinguished from other Jaina pillars neither so tall as the former nor bearing any mandapas ou their tops. These latter are called Brahmadeva pillars and appear to be usually set up in front of colossal statues. The Tyagada-Brahmadeva Pillar (figured on Plate facing p. 33 of the Introduction to Mr. Rice's Sravana-Belgola Inscriptions) is set up opposite to the colossal statue on the Doddabetta hill at Sravana-Belgola; the Kuge Brahmadeva pillar at the entrance into the bastis on the Chikkabetta bill of the same village, indicates perhaps the existence of the unfinished colossus on that hill (ibid. p. 29, note 1); and the colossi at Karkala and Venur have similar pillars in front of them, bearing an image of Brahmadeva on their tops (Government Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1900-01, paragraphs 6 and 7). Above, Vol. VII. p. 109 ff. A tentative transcript and translation of it was published by Mr. Walhouse in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. pp. 40 R 2

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124 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. 30, 32, 34, 37, and 43; la is written in its proper form but looks like a hook with the talekattu attached to it. Among vowels, initial u and a which occur in 11. 37 and 9, respectively, are written exactly as in modern Telugu. The vowel-signs i and are not always distinguished; and where they are, is represented by a loop at the end of the i-curl; e resembles in almost every respect, except that, before being added, it makes a small angle with the letter, which the i-curl does not. The angle perhaps is meant for the talekattu which represents the a-sign, and this with the i-curl attached to it gives the compound e-sign. O and o (the latter being occasionally distinguished from the former by a loop at the end of the o-curl) are expressed, as in Telagu, by attaching to the top-stroke of the letter two small semi-circular curves, the second of which is bent down a little lower than the first. Exception is, however, made in the case of ma, ya and certain conjunct consonants where, as in modern Kanarese, o is denoted by +u. Many of these remarks are found, on comparison, to be applicable also to the Harihar stone inscription of Achyutaraya of Saka-Samvat 1460 (=A.D. 1538-39) which is photo-lithographed in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. Plate facing p. 362. It may be remarked that to this day the Jainas use an older Kanarese script than other Kanarese people, and that their way of writing bha, la and ka and of affixing i, e and o-curls to consonants is not very different from what we find in this inscription. As regards orthography: The nasals preceding other letters of their class are invariably changed into an anusvara; of double nasals of the same class, the first always becomes an anusvara, provided it does not come after an r, the only exception being nni of panni (1. 7); and the doubling of the consonant after an r is common. A hiatus between two vowels, which is not allowed by the rules of samdhi, occurs in trau for trava (1. 9), degranes for raney (1. 18), and sthat for sthay (1.26). Sal- for sal- (1. 19) and sita for sita (1. 41), double dental n for the double lingual n, the aspirate for the unaspirated letter and vice versa are purely graphical errors. Among words deserving particular mention are certain special phrases of Jaina ritual (haladhare, ashidhnika, siddhachakra, etc.), some fiscal terms peculiar to the South Canara district (mude, hane, kudute, hada, bettu, balu, etc.), and some expressions which are not intelligible to me (e.g. adipina-muliti, bajakala, kambula, etc.). The use of the Kanarese word agara instead of the Sanskrit agara in v. 7 is a mistake. The construction of the Kanarese passages is often complicated. The inscription opens with an invocation of Vitaraga and the verse frimat-paramagambhira, etc., with which almost all Jaina inscriptions begin. It then invokes (verses 2 and 3) the blessings of the Tirthakaras (Jina, Jinapa, Jinendra or Tirtha), of Dorbali, and of the goddess Padmavati of Pombuchcha on the donor Bhairava or Bhairavendra, called also BhairarasaVodeya and Immadi-Bhairarasa-Vodeya in the Kanarese passages (11. 48 f. and 13 f.). We may at once call this chief Bhairava II.1 in order to distinguish him from his maternal uncle and namesake Bhairava I. referred to in the inscription as Bhairavaraja (1. 6) and BhairarasaVodeya (1. 12). The record goes on to state that, at the advice of the Jaina teacher Lalitakirti of the lineage of Panasoge and of the Desigana (v. 4), Bhairava II. built (1. 19) the temple of the three jewels' (11. 7, 8 and 17), by which evidently the Chaturmukhabasti is meant. Verse 6 and the Kanarese prose passage which follows it give the date of the foundation and consecration of the temple, viz. the Sali-(or Salivahana-) Saka year 1508, the Vyaya-samvatsara, the sixth tithi of the bright half of Chaitra, a Wednesday, when the nakshatra was Mrigasirsha or Mrigasira (11. 8 and 9) and the lagna Vrisha or Vrishabha (loc. cit.). This date has been calculated by Prof. Kielhorn and is found to be correct in all details for Wednesday, 16th March A.D. 1588. The Kanarese passages in 11. 10 to 14 and 17 to 18 contain a string of 1 The distinction applies only to this paper, because there have been in this family many chiefs bearing the same name prior to the donor of our inscription. The Jaina chiefs belonging to other families on the western coast also frequently called themselves Bhairava. Writers on the history of the northern portion of South Canara invariably refer to the Karkala chiefs as "Byrasu Wodears." List of Southern Inser. No. 993.

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The Chaturmukha - Basti at Karkala. LU E. Hultzsch, photo. Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle.

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No. 10.) KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II. 125 birudas of Bhairava II, and furnish the name Tribhuvanatilaka-Jina-Chaityalayal (1.17) for the temple, which is described as being auspicious on every side (sarvatabhadra) and as having four symmetrical faoes (chaturmukha). It was built on the Chikkabetta bill in the vicinity of the blessed Gummatesvara at Pandyanagari in Karakala (1. 14 f.). Pand yanagari, just like the modern Hiriyangali, was apparently another suburb of Karkala and comprise within itself the Chikkabetta hill, on which the Chaturmukhabasti is built, the colossal statue, and the long narrow street that runs between them, containing a few Jaina houses and the matha. It probably received its name from Pandyaraya or Vira-Pandye, who set up the famous colossus. In 11. 19 ff. we are told that Bhairava II. set up the images of the three Tirthakaras Ara, Malli and Munisuvrata on each of the four faces of the temple and consecrated at the same time the images of the 24 Tirthakaras and those of the Jinas together with Brahma and Padmavati. Ll. 22 to 42 record the grant of the village of Tejara, which yielded a revenue of 700 made of rice. Besides this, 238 pagodas (gadyana or varaha, I. 28) from the siddhaya (i.e. the established revenue) of the villages Ranjala and Nalluru were also granted. The income was to be utilised for the requirements of worship in the four symmetrical central shrines of the temple and in the subordinate shrines, by fourteen families of Sthanikas appointed for that purpose. Provision was also made for temple servants and musicians. The four groups (tanda) of Jaina mendicants who had quarters in the temple were supplied annually with 8 blankets, to protect themselves from cold, and with 1 blanket to receive the daily doles of rice which they collected from door to door. They were also given the necessary requirements for oil. baths, vid. oil, soap-nut and fuel. Ll. 43 to 47 record two additional grants, perhaps by the same chief, for the daily offerings (1) to Chandranatha in the basti situated within the quadrangle of the hiriya aramane (i.e. the big palace),' and (2) to Parsvanatha in the basti on the Govardhanagiri hill.10 The inscription ends with a puzzle (v. 8), wbich was composed by the author of the inscription in order to celebrate the power of the five syllables Srivitaraga (i.e. Jina), which the donor Bhairava II. is said to have affixed to the inscription with his own hand in token of his approval of the charities recorded therein. The four erased lines at the end of the inscription may have contained the clue for the right interpretation of the puzzle. Perhaps so named in imitation of the HoBabasti at Mudabidure, which according to the inscriptions of that temple was called Tribhuvanachudimani-Chaityklaya and was built in Baka-Samvat 1951, i.e. 157 years prior to the construction of the Chaturmukhabasti. This attribute given to the temple appears to have suggested the insertion of the puzzle in the sarvatobhadra vorte at the end of the inscription. + Chaturmukhabasti, the present popular name of the temple, is derived from the fact that the temple w constructed with four symmetrical faces (chaturmukha). Above, Vol. VII. p. 109 f. "Same as Suvrata mentioned in v. 3. * These two deities are different from the Brahmapical gods of the same name. Brahms and Padmavati in Jaina mythology are two demigods (yaksha and yakshin) who attend invariably upon the Tirtha karas. 1 The allotments made for the worship at each gate' are very carefully recorded, and from these it appears mit the western gate, which enjoyed the largest share of the gift in money, was the primary one, while the three other symmetrical gates were only of secondary importance. This is also proved by the fact that at this particular gate slone the images of the 24 Tirtha karas were consecrated (11. 20 and 89). + The Jains priests are now generally known by the name Indra (Government Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1900-01, paragraph 6). The name Sindulka given to them in the inscription appears to be used in imitation of the name given to a section of Brahmanas in South Canars, whose sole profession is temple service. See Mr. Sturrock's South Canara Manual, Vol. I. p. 164. This might be the name of one of the palaces of Bhairava II. himself, which was probably situated either at Pandyanagari or Hiriyangadi, both of which are still covered with ruins of buildings. 10 This is perhaps one of the many small hills that surround Karkale. I was informed wbile there, that one of these bears at its top Jaina basti even now. It will be too fanciful to connect the name with Govardhanagiri in the Shimoga district, which is said to have been fortified by Jipadatta' (the mythical founder of a Jaina line of Ming's in the south), (Myrore Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 45).

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126 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. The donor Bhairava II. belonged to the lunar race (v.e5 and 1. 11), to the Kagyapagotra (1.11) and to the family of Jinadatta or Jinadattaraya (ll. 6 and 12) and was the son of Gummatamba (11. 6 and 13) and of Vira-Narasimha-Vanganarendra (1. 13). Gummatamba was the sister of Bhairava I. (v. 5), the son of Honnanambika (1.12). Some of the titles of Bhairava II. were: (1) ariraya-gandara-davani, (2) the lord of Patti. Pombuchcha the best of cities,' and (3) he who has obtained excellent boons from the goddess) Padmavati of Pombuchcha.' The second and third of these, coupled with his professed descent from Jinadatta, connect Blairava II. with the Santars chiefs of Pombuchcha, who also traced their ancestry to Jinadatta and were worshippers of the goddess Padmavati of Pombuchcha. Mr. Rice in the Introduction to Vols. VI. and VII. of bis Epigraphia Carnatica mentions a number of records which he assigns to the early members of the Santara family, most of whom, as stated therein, were feudatories of the Rashtrakutas and were ruling the Santalige country. Pombuchcha, the capital of the Santaras, is spelt in early records as Pombulcha or Patti-Pombushchapura and is identical with the modern #umcha or Hombucha in the Nagar taluka of the Shimoga district; it is mentioned in connection with the Sintaras even in their earliest records. The alleged descent of the Santaras from Jinadattaraya, the mythical founder of the line of Jaina kings in the south, is not warranted by any of these carlier inscriptions. A long account of the Santaras which connects them with Jinadatta, brst appears in a record of A.D. 1077 at Humcha itself. The Baligami record of A.D. 11496 makes no reference whatever to the mythical Santaras ; the stone inscription from Panedaha!li7 dated in A.D. 1287, connects Jinadatta with the Chalukya family. In any case the In No. 993 of Professor Kielhorn's List of Southern Inser., which deals with the date of this record, Changannrondra has to be corrected into Vangunarendra, and the title supreme lord of Patti-Pombuchchapara'there applied to Bhairava I. should, according to the present interpretation of the passage, be transferred to his son Bhairava II. ? See below, note 5. The Santaras of Pombuchcha and the Kadambas of the western coast appear from these records to have been related to exch other in some unex: ined way. This fact is cleared up in one of the later Santara inscriptions at Bulagimi, which states that the santara chief Jogaddeva, who was a feudatory of the Western Chalukya Jagadekamalla II., and the Kadamba chief Jayakesin, who was the son of Vijayadityadeva, were sons of two uterine sisters (Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 458 and note 2). The Alupas of the western coast, some of whose early inscriptions are found at Udiyavara near Udipi, may have had some connection with Pombulcha, since in two unpublished inscriptions from that village (Nos. 97 and 98 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901) Pombucha and Udayapura (i.. Udiyavara) are mentioned together with reference to certain tolls and wakaras (trading classes ?) of the two pla es; another (No. 108 of the same collection states that Svetavahana. who was the loril of Patti (Pafti odeyon=), (i.e. fatti-rajya, the province of which Humche was the capital). fell in battle while entering (e. capturing) Udavapurs; and Mr. Rice's Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Kp. 37 refers to the reign of Chitravabana, evidently an Aluva king, over Ponbuchcha. The exact position of this territorial division is not fixed. Dr. Flect places it somewhere west of the Mysore State (Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 306), and Mr. Rice states that it corresponds with the present Tirthahalli tluka of the Shimoga district (Ep. Carn. Vol. VII. Introduction, p. 17). As however Humcha in the Nagar taluka was the capital of the Sintara chiefs who were ruling over the Santalige one-thousand country, as the earlier Santara records found in the Shikarpur taluks of the Shimoga district mention certain villages of this taluka as belonging to the Santalige country, #alas Secuvinabidu or setu, the capital of the Santara chief Jagaddeva in A.D. 1149, would be located by Mr. Rice somewhere in Canara' (Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 458, note 1), it may be assumed that Santalige included the western portion of the Shimoga district, i.e. the Shikarpur, Nagar and Tirthahalli talnkas, and probably also a portion of the South Canara district. Ep. Carn. Vol VIII. Np. 35. This record makes Jinadatta a member of the family of Ugra-vanka and the hereditary lord of Uttara-Madura. It gives also the story of the goddess Padmavati, who, being plenged with Jinndatta's prowess, built for him the city of Pomburchs or Kanakapura. One of his descendants, VikramaSantara, is stated to have fixed the boundaries of the Santalige thousand province (J. R. A. $. for April 1905, pp. 295 and 298). 6 No. 32 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1892. 7 Ep. Carn. Vol. VII, Sk. 312.

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No. 10.] claim which Bhairava II. puts forth to belong to the family of Jinadatta implies nothing more than his connection with the Santaras and the Jaina creed which he followed. KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II. 127 Vol. VI. of the Epigraphia Carnatica contains also a number of inscriptions of a family called by Mr. Rice Kalasa-Karkala. He gives an account these chiefs in his Introduction to the same volume, pp. 19 to 21. The texts published by him show that they had no connection whatever with the Santaras of Humcha, and that of the records prior to the time of the Vijayanagara king Devaraya II. only a single one may be assigned to the family, viz. Mg. 65 dated in A.D. 1209, where the chief Vira-Balludeva receives the title mandalika-gandara davani, which in the slightly altered form ariraya-gandara-davani was assumed by almost all the subsequent members of the family. From the time of Devaraya II. downwards the records are more definite and furnish a connected account of the chiefs, a list of whom is given by Mr. Rice on p. 20 of the Introduction. The donor of the subjoined grant figures as the last person in that list. We gather also from these records that the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs followed the aliya-santano law of inheritance and were Jainas in religion, though most of their inscriptions found at Kalasa and Koppa record grants to Siva temples. As a rule they seem to have acknowledged the Vijayanagara kings as their overlords. But in Mg. 48, dated in Saka-Samvat 1424 (= A.D. 1501-2), which was about the period of the overthrow of the Saluva usurpers at Vijayanagara and of the acknowledgment of the Tuluva Narasa-Nayaka as sovereign, the Kalasa chiefl Vira-Bhairarsa-Odeya seems to have been semi-independent, as no mention is made of any overlord in the inscription. The memorable battle of Talikota dealt the death-blow to the Vijayanagara empire, and the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs were not slow to take advantage of the opportunity to openly assert their independence. Accordingly, in a Koppa inscription (Kp. 57), dated in Saka-Samvat 1510 (= A.D. 1588-89), Bhayirarasa-Vodeya, son of Vira-Gummatadevi, who is no doubt identical with the donor of the subjoined inscription, is represented as ruling his kingdom undisturbed (sthira-samrajya). The subjoined Chaturmukhabasti inscription of this chief, which is dated two years earlier, contains a long string of high-sounding birudas, and this fact may be taken to show that Bhairava II. had then already declared his independence. But this state of things did not continue long; for in Saka 1531 (= A.D. 1609-10), Bhayirarasa-Vodeya, the son of ViraBhayirarasa-Vodeya, was ruling the Kalasa-Karakala-rajya as a fendatory of the Vijayanagara king Venkata I. (Mg. 63). From the above records we further learn that the country over which these chiefs originally ruled was called the Kalasa-rajya, which included one thousand villages (see e.g. Mg. 88), and the chief town of which was evidently Kalasa above the ghauts. But in Baka-Samvat 1438 (A.D. 1516-17), Karkala seems to have been. added to it; for Yimmadi-Bhairarsa-Odeya, who in Mg. 39 is stated to have been ruling over Kalasa-rajya in the dvitiya-Sravana of Saka-Samvat 1438, was, according to Mg. 41, ruling over the Kalasa-Karakala-rajya in the (nija)-Sravana of the same year, and in Saka-Samvat 1 I bave intentionally used the term 'Kalasa chief; for, as will be seen in the sequel, the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs became rulers of both Kalasa and Karkala only in A.D. 1516-17. Prior to this their dominion was limited to the Kalasa country; and the name Kalasa-Karkala applied to their family prior to A.D. 1516-17 is to be understood as being used only for the sake of uniformity. This inscription supplies the interesting information that, during the reign of the great Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara, Bhujabala-Maharaya led a campaign against the Tulu-rajya and was encamped at the bhuvana-idle in Mangaluru. On this occasion the Kalasa-Karkala chief Yimmadi-Bhairarsa-Odeya, being dispossessed of (or not being sure of the stability of) his territory, prayed to the god at Kalasa that the invading forces might leave the Tulu country and that he might be undisturbed in his kingdom. This desire being fulfilled, he made certain gifts to that god in his capacity as the ruler of the Kalasa-Karakala-rajya. Bhujabala-Maharaya, who led the campaign, must be identical with Krishnaraya's elder brother Busbalrao,' mentioned on p. 110 of Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire. The facts recorded in the inscription show that the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs, who, as already noted, were trying to get independent of the Vijayanagara kings, and had, perhaps, also an ides of extending their dominious below the ghauts, were now threatened to be dispossessed, but, perhaps, on promise of submission were left leunmolested.

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128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. VIII. 1446 (A.D. 1524-25) the same chief was ruling the kingdom below and above the ghants' (Mg. 62). With the extension of the kingdom the capital also seems to have been removed to Karkala from Kalasa; for in an inscription of Saka-Samvat 1452 (= A.D. 1530-31) Vira-Bairarasa-Vodoya is said to have been ruling from his throne at Karakala (Kp. 47). It will be scen in the next paragraph how the Kalasa chiefs managed to add to their dominions the Karkala country below the ghauts; but for the present it may be enough to conclude from the Koppa and Madgere inscriptions published in Mr. Rioe's Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. that Bhairava II, of the subjoined inscription was a direct descendant of the Kalasa family, and that his hereditary ancestral dominion was the Kalasa country. His name, his title ariraya-gandaradavani and the existence of an inscription of his in the Koppa taluka (Kp. 57) all point to the same conclusion. Turning now to the inscriptions at Karkala itself, from which further information may be expected about the ancestors of Bhairava II., we find that the colossus there was set up by ViraPandya or Pand yaraya, the son of Bhairavendra of the lunar race in Saka 1353, and that in Saka 1358 the same chief, who is here said to have been the son of Bhairava of the family of Jinadatta, set up the Brahma pillar in front of that colossus. An unpublished inscription at Hiriyangadi near Karkals, dated in Saka-Samvat 1379 (= A.D. 1457.58), records a grant to the temple of Neminathasvamin, while the arirtya-gandara-davani, the lord of Patti-Pombuchchapura, who had obtained excellent gifts from the goddess) Padmavatidevi, and who was the uplifter of the ocean which was the family of Jinadattaraya- AbhinavaPandyadeva-Odoya, was ruling over Patti-rajya. A second inscriptions in the same village, dated in Saka-Samvat 1514 (= A.D. 1593-94), records grants to Chandranathasvamin, while ariraya-gandara-davani Pandyappa-Vodeya, the son of Vira-Bhairarasa-Vodoya, was ruling his country undisturbed (sthira-rajya). This chief is no doubt a son of Bhairaya II. and apparently enjoyed the independence which his father also possessed. The earliest of the Karkala inscriptions, which is dated in Saka-Samvat 1256 (=A.D. 1334-35), belongs to the time of Lokanatharasa, who, though only a mahamandalesvara' who had acquired the five grent sounds,' bears the royal titles samastabhuvanasraya, prithvivallabha and maharajadhiraja. He also calls himself 'the lord of Uttara-Madhura,''the jewel of the great Ugra-vamsa,' the lord of Patti-Pombuchchapura,' the worshipper of the goddess) Padmavatidevi' and the pupil of (the Jaina teacher) Charukirti-Panditadova. These titles make Lokanatharasa dacidedly a San tara chief. The existence of this record at Hiriyangadi makes it certain that the descendants of Jinadatta ' removed the capital first to Sisila or Sisukali and then to Karkala, both in S. Kanara' (Mr. Rice's Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 456). It will now be easy to see how the Kalasa chiefs, of whom Bhairaya II. was one, came to be connected with the Santaras, traced their ancestry to Jinadatta, became more zealous Jainas than their ancestors at Kalasa, and eventually stepped into the place of the Santaras in the Karkala country. From the fact that the hereditary titlo ariraya-gandara-davani of the Kalasa chiefs and the prominent Santara titles of Lokanatharasa are found combined in the inscription of the chief Abhinava-Pandyadeva-Odeya as early as Saka 1379, I conclude that the Kalasa chiefs must have entered into close relationship of intermarriage with the descendants of the Santara Lokanatharasa, about Saka-Samvat 1379 (= A.D. 1457-58), if not a little earlier. Further it may reasonably be assumed that it was by virtue of this viationship with the local Santaras that the Kalasa chief Yimmadi-Bhairarsa-Odega, mentioned in the previous paragraph, extended his rule to the territory below the ghauts in A.D. 1516-17. As regards the territory ruled over by Bhairava II, and his anoestors, a rough idea of its extent may be formed from the name given to it- Kalasa-Karakala-rajya. To ascertain its exact Above, Vol. VII. p. 109 #f. No. 70 of the Goveroment Epigraphist's collection for 1901. No. 68 of the same collection. No. 71 of the same collcetion See above p. 120 note 5

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No. 10.] boundaries, further places below the ghauts and in the neighbourhood of Karkala will have to be examined. But an inscription in the Koppa talaka (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Kp. 47), dated in Saka-Samvat 1452 (=A.D. 1530-31), states that, while Vira-Bairarasa-Vodeys was ruling on the throne at Karakala, his younger sister Kalaladevi was in charge of (the district) Bagufiji-sime. Mg. 40, dated in Saka-Samvat 1474 (= A.D. 1552-53), records that PandyaVodeya was on the throne at Keravase while a certain Bhayirarsannaji was in charge of Kalasa. The same fact is mentioned also in Mg. 60, dated four years later. The district Bagunji-sime apparently derived its name from the modern village of Bagganji in the Bale-Honnar taluka, about 8 miles north-east of Sringeri ; and Keravase is identical with Keravase, 8 miles east of Karkala (Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 232). Mudabidure and Venur, two other important centres of Jaina religion in the South Canara district which are not very far from Karkala, do not appear to have been included in the Kalasa-Karakala-rajya. The former of these two villages was in the possession of a family of local chiefs called Chautar, who were under the direct control of the Vijayanagara viceroys at Mangalore, while the second belonged to another petty Jaina principality, known as Punjali- or Punjalike-rajya, and was ruled over by the Ajilar. Besides, the villages Madabidure and Venur were included within the religious. sphere of the Jaina teacher Charukirti, while Karkala and its chiefs were subordinate to Lalitakirti. It may, therefore, be provisionally assumed that the territory of the KalasaKarkala chiefs extended from Baggunji above the ghauts to Karkala below the ghauts, including between them the towns of Keravase and Kalasa. This comprises almost the whole of the present Bale-Honnur taluka3 of the Kadur district in the Mysore State and the south-eastern portion of the Udipi taluka in the South Canara district. KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II. 129 The village of Telara, which was granted to the Chaturmukhabasti, is situated about 3 miles north-east of Karkala and is marked on the Madras Survey Map of the South Canara district as Tellar. The two other villages, Ranjala and Nalluru, which together contributed a sum of 238 varaha, are situated quite close to each other at a distance of about 4 miles due east of Karkala and are marked on the same map as Nallur and Renjala. Several nameless streams are marked on the map round Tellar, and these may have to be identified with the four boundary streams mentioned in 1. 24. Two other proper names which occur in 11. 43 and 47, vis. Aruru and Kelavase, are identical with Arur' and 'Keravase' (Keravase) on the same map, in the Udipi taluka. The requirements for the daily and annual worship in the temple, for which provision is made, call for a few remarks. The complicated calculations are very carefully worked out, and we are enabled to infer that, in measuring rice, 1 mude was 50 hane, and 1 hane 74 kudute, and that, in counting money, 1 ga was 10 m. Twelve hada of oil cost 8 ga 4 m, and 1 hada cost 7 m. See the Government Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1900-01, paragraph 5, and above, Vol. VII. p. 114 and note 1. It may here be noted that in an unpublished inscription at Karkala (No. 69 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901), dated in the cyclic year Vilambin, a certain Bhairarasa-Vodeya, son of Vira-Bhairarasa-Vodeya of the Kalasa-Karkala family, presided over the settlement of a dispute, in which the Chautaru, Ajilaru, Desingarasaru and Sifiladarasara (6.e. the chief of Sisila) acted as arbitrators (madhyastha). From the earliest inscription at Karkala referred to above, it appears as if the Jainas at that place were, about Saka 1256, the lay-disciples of Kumudachandra-Bhattarakadeva, a pupil of Bhanukirti-Maladharideva of the Kandrgans and the Malasangha, while the ruling chief Lokanatharass himself was the adherent of Charukirtipanditadeva. Perhaps the Lalitakirtis of Hanasoge replaced the Bhanukirtis at Karkala subsequent to Saka 1256. The inscriptions of the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs found in the Koppa and Mudgere talukas are chiefly confined to three villages: Kalasa, Baggufiji and Narve. The first two villages are now included in the newly formed BaleHonnur taluka, and the third is on its borders, but included in the Koppa taluka. In the inscriptions at Venur we find a milde 50 bala (No. 75 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901) or sometimes 40 bala (No. 84 of the same collection). Compare the Sanskrit grain measure ddhaka which is equal to 4 prastha or 16 kuduva; and also the Tamil adam which is even now used in measuring oil and ghee in the Southern districts.

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. According to the Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. II. p. 508, 1 made of corn in South Canara varies between 56, 50, 48, 45, 40 and 35 seers in different localities. The hane, which at Karkala and in the surrounding country was equal to th of a mude, may therefore be taken to be almost equal to our modern seer (i.e. 80 tolas). Kudute (coodtay), according to the same authority (loc. cit.), is used only for measuring liquids and is equal to 12 rupees' weight. The late Dr. Kittel in his Kannada-English Dictionary explains kudute as the palm of the hand hollowed or held as a cup.' This may have been the unit which the South Canara people used for measuring both liquids and grain in the latter half of the sixteenth century; for, 1 kudute in liquid measure being equal to 12 rupees' weight, and 73 kudute in grain measure being equal to 1 hane (.e. 80 tolas, as already pointed out); the above supposition will give us 1 hane = 7 kudute = = nearly 86 tolas, which is not a serious difference. The abbreviated form ga used in the money calculations denotes a varaha, as stated in text line 28; and Mr. Brown in his Telugu-English Dictionary says that in arithmetic it stands for gamdu, i.e. a pagoda; ' and under gandu he says that among tradesmen it is a cant word for varaha. In the Kanarese inscriptions at Karkala it is used as an abbreviation of gadyana1 and its variants varahagadyana or gadyanaka, which are all synonymous with varaha, 'a pagoda equal to Rupees 3.' In Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Mg. 48, ga is used to denote a honnu, which according to Dr. Kittel is a gold coin, the half of a varaha.' The next coin of lower denomination is always written in the inscription after ga, with a final m preceding it, but there is no indication anywhere as to what this m stands for. The expression ga 765 (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Mg. 48) is explained in words as 7 honnu and 5 hana, the symbol being evidently introduced to separate the two denominations honnu and hana. This symbol (6) is used even now by village accountants and merchants of the Kanarese and Maratha countries in their business books to separate the money columns in calculation, even annas from rupees. Mr. Walhouse in his transcript of this inscription has throughout taken m for this symbol. But I do not know whether the symbol 6, which is now used to separate different denominations of Indian and English money, and which was used in Saka 1424 to separate honnu from hana, is also meant by the letter m inserted between the varaha (ga) and the tenths of ga. I have therefore retained the final m and not transcribed it by the symbol 6. The fraction is represented in the inscription by the symbol which, in older inscriptions, is used for 9.' The modern method of expressing the fraction one-half is by two vertical strokes (II), each of which represents. One-eighth is represented by a horizontal stroke (-). In current hand, however, the two vertical strokes that represent are often merged into one. Consequently the symbol for used in the inscription must be a completely reversed variant of the modern form. In 11. 39, 40 and 42 the symbol is used only as a mark of punctuation, and not as explained above to represent two-eighths, which would in this case be expressed by one vertical stroke, and not by two horizontal ones. The puzzle contained in the Sarvatobhadra verse in the Indra vajra metre at the end of the inscription calls for a short remark. Sisupalavadha, XIX. v. 27 is a verse of the same kind, but it is written in the Anushtubh metre. Mallinatha's commentary on the verse explains how the letters which form such verses are to be arranged so that, read from any direction in a given order, they may constitute the same verse. I have not found any other Sarvatobhadra verse in the Indravajra metre. 1 The Madabidure inscriptions mention three different types of gadydpas, viz. the Barakandra-gadyana, the Mangalura-gadyana and the Kathari-ankusa-gadyana (Nos. 52 and 55 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901). It is not impossible that the symbol 6 has been derived from the final m; for in old Kanarese inscriptions the formation of this letter is not far different from the symbol in question; compare above, Vol. III. 1. 15 on the Plate facing p. 194.

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No. 10.] 1 Sri-Vitarigaya lamchhanam KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II. TEXT.1 namah || | jiyat-[t]railokyanathasya easanam Srimat-parama-gah[bh]Ira-aya[dvad]-3amogha 131 2 Jina-easanam [1] A-chamdr-ark[k]am sthiram bhayad-Ayuh-sri-jaya-sampa dah (da) Bhairavemdra-mahi-kamta[b] sri-Jinemdra-prasadatah [1][2] 3 Avighnam-asta || Bhadram=astu Tirt[th]-aughab [8]ukham-akshayam cha kurutach-chhri-Parsvanatho balam kirttim Nemi-Jinah Suvira-Jinapa 4 6-ch-ayub sriyam Dorbbalih kalyanany-Ara-Malli-Suvrata-Jina [b] PombuchchaPadmavati cha-chamdr-arkkam-abhishta-da-stu suchiram eri-Bhairava-kshma5 pateh 1 [3] Srimad-Desi-gane khyate Panasog-aval-isvarah | | yo=bhl= Lalitakirtty-Akhyas-tan-man-imdr-opadesatah [4] Srimat-Soma-kul-ampit-ambudhi vidhuh 6 ri-Jainadatt-Anvayah erimad-Bhairavaraja-tumga-bhagini-sri-Gum [ma]tamba-sutah srimad-bhogi-Suremdra-Chakri-mahima-sri-Bhairavemdra-prabhuh sri7 ratna-traya-bhadra-dhama-Jinapan-nirmmapya samsi [d]dhibhak || [5] Srimach-ChhaliSak-abdake cha galite nag-abhra-ban-emdubbis-ch-abde sad-Vyaya-namni Chaitrasita-shash [th]y& 8 m Saumya-vare Vrishe I lagne san-"Mrigasirsha-bhe chirataram Bhairavemdrena te eri-ratna-traya-bhadra-[dh]ama-Jinapa bhamtu pratish[th]apitab [6] Jinaya namah [*] 9 Svasti sri [1] Salivahana-Saka-varsha (1)7 1508neya Vyaya-samvatsarada Chaitra[6]uddha-shashthiyu Budhavara Mrigasira-nakshatrau (va) [Vrishabhalagnadalla Kaliyug-abhinava odaka-pa vitrikrit-ottamamga aruvattaru-mamdalikara-gamda sri 10 Bharatesvara-chakravartti Gutti-hamnibbara-gamda [Pa]tti-Pombuchcha-puravaradi(dhi) svara mare-hokkara-kava Mar-amta-vairi mamna (ne)ya-raya-mastakasu(su)la shad-darsana-s[th]a 11 pan-acharyya Soma-vamsa-sikhamani Kasyapa-gotra-pavitrikarana-daksha PombuchchaPadmavati-labdha-vara-prasada samyaktv-ady-aneka-guna-gan-alamkrita Jina-gamdh 12 Hom[na]mambika-priyakumara Bhairarasa-Vodeyar-aliyar-enipa erimaj-Jinadattaraya-vam sa-sudha13 mbudhi-purnna(rnpa)chamadra Srimad-Vira-Narasimha-Vam[ga]naremdra-sri Gummatamba-kula-dipaka-priyasunu ariraya-gamdara-davapi srimadh(d)-Immadi Bhairarasa 14 Vodeyaru tamage abhya[d]aya-ni[h]ereyasa-lakshmi-sukha-sampra [p]ti-nimittav-agi Karakalada Pamdyanagariyalli sri-Gummateevarana samnidhanadalli Kailasagiri-sa 1 From two inked estampages prepared in 1901. The 4 of syd has an indenture at the top, which makes it look like the 6-sign attached to 16 of trailekya in the same line. The whole of this line is engraved so close to the projecting top section of the slab as to make the letters on the estampage look faint and broken; but every syllable can be made out from the back of the impression. The syllable 8, here and in the sequel, is written in a peculiar way. The w-sign is first affixed to a and the e-curl then attached to the former. The ri of mri is represented by a and ri. The five syllables Jindya namah are reversed and written from right to left. 7 Here and in what follows the enclosure of superfluous vertical strokes in round brackets does not, as elsewhere, represent a correction, but indicates that they have to be omitted. Thee of re is formed in the same way as in ne, note 4 above. The syllables ttdru are corrected from ttandiku, the subscript t, a portion of n and the subscript & being still visible. A similar biruda, held by certain Chola chiefs of the Anantapur district, has aruvattunalku, perhaps correctly; see below, p. 135, note 8. s 2

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132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 15 mnibha-Chikkabettadallu || Sri-kamta-kulavesma kim vara-yadah-kamta-pramodh(d)Agaram bha-kamta-rati-sadma saj-jaya-vadha-krid-Aspadam kim punah sya16 tkar-ojva (jjva)la-sam-naya-dvayamayi sri-Bharati-ramga-bhub sva[b]-sri-mukti-Ramasvayamvara-griham eri-Jaina-geham vrishe II [7] Imt-appa sakala-jan-anamda-mam 17 dirav-ada sarvvatobhadra-chaturmmukha-ratna-tray. -rapa-Tribhuvanatilaka-JinaChaityalayavanu Ro[dda]da-gova nikalamka-malla bamtara-bhava para-narisahodara 18 nudidu-bhashege-tappava-rayara-gamda su[va]rana (rppa)-kalada-sthapan-"a[ch]aryyar= nija-papy-innbadi (dhi)-panyada adakarapa dharmma-samrajya-nayakar-agi prispel(i) 19 da tamaga taj-Jina-bhavana-prekshakar-ada sakala-gila-gupa-sampahnar-aha chatus-samghakku sakshat-svar-mmoksha-lakshmi-svayamvara-sa (64) l-opamav-agi nirmmapisi anamta-su 20 khada samprapti-nimittav-agi (1) & nalku-dikkinalla Ara-Malli-MunisuvrataTirtthakara-pratimegalant s[th]&pisi | & paschima-digbhagadalli chaturvvimsatiTirtthakara-pratimega 21 Jan & bahir-vvalayada gumdamgal-olage Jina-bimbamgalanu yeda-baladalli Brahma-Padmavati-sahitav-agi samsthapisi [1] sa-vidhanadim pratishthapisi || 22 & nalku-dikkinalla hadinalku vokkalu sthanikaru nadasuva abhisheka-puje. mumtadavakku (1) mele nadava amga-ramga-vaibhav-Adikamgaliga & Bhairarasa23 Vodeyaru nija-samtoshadim [da] rajyavan-aluv-aga A TribhuvanatilakaJinachaityalayadalli & pratishtha-samayada punya-kaladalli tamage punyartthav-agi ma 24 da Mukkadapina-hole temka Yempeya-hole" paduva Pollakaliyada-hole | badaga Balimeya-hole i nalku-holegalanu merey-ag-ulla | nidi(dhi) nikshops | akshini aga 25 mya jala pashapa | siddha sadhyamgal-emba (1) ashta-bhogamgalig-olagada Telara-gramavanu | adar-olage akki made 700a | Ramjaja-Nallura siddhayadalla ga 238 26 nu dhara-parvvakav-agi A-chamdr-Arkka-sthai(yi)y-appamte devargge ma[d]i-kotta dharmma-kahetradha (da) vivara A kshetrada chatub()-may-olag-ula Haravar-i()-mumtadavara 27 lli sa[1]luva geni-siddhaya baddiya-bhatta huraliya-akki jolakke-kattidaakki homna-baddiy-akki saha sa[1]luva akki hane 50ga lekkada made 700kkam Nallu 28 ru-Ramjaladalli vokkalu-tarkkaney-agi bitta siddhaya ga 238 varahakku sahav-agi nadava dharmma | Paduvana-bagilalli vokkalu 2kke magu-hotti 29 na devapujege charu hane 9 melu-charu hane 3 akshate-akki ha[n]e 1 toye payass tuppa kalasumelogara talila mumtada parcha-bhakshakke akki hane 2 30 kudute 2 amtu akki hane 15 kudute 2ra lekkadalli varsha (1) 1kke akki made 110 [1] udayada pamchamritad-abhishekakke ga 7 m 2 pamchakhajjayakke ga 7 siddha. 31 chakrada Aradhanege ga 12 pa (pha)la-vastuvige ga 1 m 2 baigina haladharege ga m 4 gamdha-dhupakke gam 3 yempe hada 12kke ga 8 m 4 ashtahnika 3kke ga 3 32 varsh-Abhisheka 1kke ga 6 amtu ga 47 || || Badagana-bagila vokkalu 2kke maru-hottina devapujege dina lkke charavige akki hane (1) 9 melu-[cha]ruvig[e] 33 akki hane 3 akshatege akki hane 1 toye payasa tuppa kalasumelogara talila murtada pamoha-bhakshakke akki hane 2 kudute 2 amtu akki 1 In ro, as in re of 1. 10, the w-sign is first affixed to r. and the o-curl is then attached to the former. The d of stha looks like 6 on account of an indenture in Fe middle.

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No. 10.] KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II. 84 dina lkke hane 15 kudate 2ra lekkadalli varsha (1) 1kke mude 110 [1] udayada baigina haladharege ga 1 m 3 pamchakhajjayakke ga 7 pa(pha)la-vastu 35 vige ga 1 m 2 gamdha-dhupakke m 8 yempe hada 12kke ga 8 m 4 ashtahnika 3kke ga 3 varsh-Abhishekakke ga 6 amtu ga 28 m 7 || 1 lekkadalli mada-bagila vokka 133 36 lu 2kke akki mude 110 ga 28 m 7 || & temka-bagila vokkalu 2kke akki(kki) mude 110 ga [2]8 m 7 || amtu bagilu 4kke vokkalu 8kke varsha (1) Ikke akki made 440 ga 133 37 m 1 ||| Paduva-bagila yeda-balada gumda 2kke vokkalu Ikke charuvige akki hane 5ga lekkadalli mude 36 akshatego akki made 4 ubhayam made 40 hala 38 dhare 4kke ga 3 m 1 phala-vastuvige ga 1 m 2 gamdha-dhupakke m 3 yempe hada 5kke ga 3 ashtahnika 3kke m 5 varsh-Abhishekakke ga 1 amtu ga 10 m 1 [1] i lekkadalli 39 badaga (1) mada temkana gumdamgaliga padavana Tirtthakaru BrahmaPadmavatigaligu saha vokkalu 5kke akki mude 200 ga 50 m 71 ubhayam vokkalu 40 6kke akki made 240 ga 60 m 9 [1] Brahma-Padmavatiya aicharavige akki mude 4 amtu vokkalu 14kke akki mude 684 ga 194 ||| Dola-nagasara-kombinavara jana 41 6kke ga 36 adipina mulitiyara jana 2kke akki mude 16 bastiy all-iha tapasvigala tamda 4kke si(si) ta-nivaraneya-hachchada 8kkam kaiyy-akkiya tumbava susuva ha42 chohada lkkam saha hachchada 9kke ga 5 m 2 mamdeya tola-vare yemneya hada 2kke ga 2 adagabbu sigege saha m 8 amtu ga 8 = amatu akki mude 700 ga 238 [*] 43 Hiriya-aramaneya nalku-chau(vu)kada volagana bastiya Chamdranathasvamiya amritapadige Arur-All[ana]bajakaladalli Biliyara 44 sara gutta Jimnappanimda akki made 20 Bagilarasara guttu Mamdarppa[di]yinda akki made 10 abhayam mude 30 Nallura 45 46 Parsvanadha (tha) svamiya amritapadige Mallilada-kambaladalli akkiya made 30 & melapa daddi-marugalalli made 4 [Nallu]ra Nam [bi]betti-Narananalli 47 a[kki] made 6 am[tu] ma[de] 40 [Kellavaseya seti-bettina hittila [pha]ladalli [ga] 8 m 2 [11] [I]du pamcha-samsara-kal-oraga-dashta-gadha-marchchhi[ta-na]na-samsari. jiva-prabodhanaka Bikkirupamdiya-balinalli ga 7 Jattikotiya-balinalli ga 3 Pam[ja]ladalli kambuvabalinalli ga 7 amtu ga 18 | Govarddhanagiriya-bastiya 48 ra-pamoha-maha-kalyana-[bi]j-opama[v-ada] Jina-mamtra-pat-atmana | Srivitaraga | yemba pamchakshariyann pamchavimeati-mala-vidara-parama-sa[mya]g-drishtigal=adakarana & Bhairara 49 sa-Vodeyare sva-hastadimda vo [ppa kottu]dadakke Imdravajra-[vritta]dimda [chatarvithsaty-akabarn-likhita-padhch-Akshara-rupa-Sarvvatobhadra-chitra-prabadhdhadith [da] rachisida chi[t]ra-sloka || Sri-vita-vir-a]gata-viga-vitam eri-raga-vitam ga 50 ta-raga-ragam sri-[ga]m tatam ragatar-amga-ra[mgam] sri-Vitaragam tata-vi[ra]-gam tam 1111* [8*] 1 The two horizontal strokes here and in 11. 40 and 42 denote punctuations. The impression has clear but faint traces of the syllables chatur-. The verse contains 44 syllabies, while the diagram inserted in the inscription has only 25. I am not sure if chaturviniaty has to be corrected into chatufchatvarimiaty or panchavimfaty=. The reading ra is pretty certain; but as this curious verse is purely made up of the five syllables contained in the word frivitardga by permutation or combination, I think the author has evidently committed a mistake in inserting the short ra (not found in irteltaraga) here; ta or ga might take the place of ra if either of them would give a better sense. I cannot trace on my copy of the inscription the syllables fri frt given at the end of Mr. Walhouse's transcript (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 42), but find that the continuation of this line and the four following lines are completely erased, and that traces of the beginnings and ends of these lines are still visible on the estampage.

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134 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. TRANSLATION (Line 1.) Obeisance to the blessed Vitaraga. (Verse 1.) [For the translation of this verse see above, Vol. VII. p. 113.) (V. 2.) May king Bhairavendra live permanently as long as the moon and the sun (exist), (blessed) with abundance of age, prosperity and victory, by the grace of the blessed Jinendras ! (L. 3.) May there be no obstacles ! May there be happiness! (V. 3.) May all Tirthas (i.e. Tirthakaras) grant for a very long time endless happiness to the glorious king Bhairava: (vis.) the blessed Paravanatha, strength; the Jina Nemi, fame : the Jinapa Suvira, long life; Dorbali, prosperity ; (and) the Jinas Ara, Malli and Suvrata, fortune! And may (the goddess) Padmavati of Pombuchcha grant (his) desires as long as the moon and the sun (last)! (V. 4.) [For the translation of this verse see above, Vol. VII. p. 110.] (V. 5.) The moon in the ocean of nectar of the glorious Face of the Moon, the glorious chief Bhaira vendra, (who belonged to the prosperous family of Jinadatta, (who was) the son of the glorious Gummatamba, the renowned sister of the illustrious Bhairavarija, (and) whose greatness was equal to that of) the blessed and happy lord of gods (i.e. Indra) and Chakrin (Vishnu), having set up the Jinapas in the blessed abode of the three renowned jewels,' fulfilled (his) object (in life). (V. 6.) May those Jinapas of the blessed abode of the three renowned jewels, set up by the glorious Bhairavendra while the prosperous year of the Sali-Saka (counted) by the elephants (8), the sky (0), the arrows (5) and the moon (1)-(i.e. 1508) had dropped (i.e. passed away), and in the excellent year named Vyaya, on the sixth tithi of the bright half of Chaitra, on Wednesday, in the Vpisha-lagna, (while) the nakshatra (was) the auspicious Mrigasirsha,- shine for a long time! (L. 8.) Obeisance to Jina. (L. 9 f.) Hail! Prosperity! In the Salivahana-Saka year 1508 which corresponded to the Vyaya-samvatsara, on the sixth tithi of the bright half of Chaitra, on Wednesday, (the day of) the nakshatra Mrigasira, the lagna (being) Vsishabha,- the full-moon in the nectar-ocean of the prosperous family of Jinadattaraya, the dear son who illuminates (both) the families of the famous GummatambA and of the glorious Vira-Narasimha-Vanganarendra, the tyingrope of cattle (viz.) heroical hostile kings (ariraya-gandara-davani), the glorious ImmadiBhairarasa-Vodeya, (who is) known as the nephew of Bhairarasa-Vodeya the dear son of Honnamambika, (who is) the fresh Bharatesvara-chakravartin of the Kali age, the chastiser of the twelve (chiefs) of Gutti, the lord of Patti-Pombuchcha the best of cities, the protector 1 Vitaraga is synonymous with Jinepdrs which occurs in v. 2 ; see also above, Vol. VI. p. 165, note 4. [Parsvanatha, Nemi (Arishtanemi) and Suvira (Mahavira) are the 23rd, 22nd and 24th Tirthakaras. Dorbali (Bahubalin, Bhujabalin) is the same as Gummata; see above, Vol. VII. p. 108. Ara, Malli and Suvrsta (Munisuvrata) are the 18th, 19th and 20th Tirthakaras; see e.g. Bhadraba hu's Kalpasitra, translated by Prof. Jacobi, p. 280.-E. H.] The three jewels (ratna-traya) of the Jainas are: samyag-dariana, samyag-jdna and samyak.charitra; see above, Vol. III. p. 184, note 3, and p. 207, note 3. The 'abode of the three renowned jewels' is the Chaturmukhabasti itself, which in l. 17 of the text is described us being the embodiment of the three jewels;' the Jinapas herein consecrated are Ara, Malli and Munisuvrata mentioned in 1. 20. + I have taken this to be the name of Bhairava's father ; but it may as well be a biruda of Bhairava himself. . This is the mythical emperor who, according to Jsing mythology, was the brother of the saint Bahubalin, Bhujabalin or Gummata; see Mr. Rice's Snapana-Belgola Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 25. It is impossible that either Bhairava Il. or his ancestors could have had anything to do with the well known Gutti in the Anantapur district. The reference is perhaps to the Gutti thirty-four kampana, the Gore-Getti kingdom or the Gove-Chandragutti kingdom' mentioned by Mr. Rice ou p. 89 f. of the Introductiou to Ep. Cars. Vol. VII. Chandragutti is a hill fortress in the Sorab taluks of the Shimoga district.

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No. 10.] KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II. of those who seek refuge (with him), the deadly enemy of Mara (Cupid ?), a spear on the heads of respectable kings, the teacher (acharya) who has established the six darsanas,1 the head-jewel of the race of the Moon, the powerful purifier of the Kasyapa gotra, (he) who has obtained excellent boons from (the goddess) Padmavati of Pombuchcha, who is adorned by numberless and various (good) qualities, samyaktva, etc., whose head is purified by the sweet-scented water (which has been used for washing the image) of Jina,3 (and who is) the lord of sixty-six mandalikas, in order to obtain for himself prosperity, final emancipation, richesland happiness,*at Pandyanagari (a suburb) of Karakala, in the presences of the blessed Gummatesvara, and on the Chikkabetta (hill) resembling the Kailasa mountain - 135 (V. 7.) Is this the noble abode of the lady Sri (Lakshmi) ? (Is this) the excellent pleasurehouses of the lady Fame? (Is this) the house of amorous enjoyment of the lady Earth? (Or) again, is this the sporting-place of the virtuous woman Victory ? (This) prosperous Jaina abode (is indeed) the stage consisting of the two excellent doctrines resplendent with the word syat, (whereupon) the glorious (goddess) Bharati (Sarasvati) (dances), (and is) the house where (the ladies) Heavenly bliss, Salvation and Prosperity choose their husbands. .7 (L. 14 f.) (This Bhairarasa) Boddada-gova, Nikalanka-malla, the soul of warriors, the brother of the wives of others (and) the chastiser of kings who do not act up to the words which they utter, because he was the foremost in setting up golden pinnacles (on temples), became (as it were) the ruler of the empire of charity, (and) actuated by merit (which was) the outcome of his good deeds (in previous births), caused to be made for (the use of) himself and the (members of the) four sanghas who possessed all noble qualities and were (habitual) visitors of that abode of Jina, the Tribhuvanatilaka-Jina-Chaityalaya (temple), which is thus10 a mansion giving pleasure to all people (who look at it), (which is) auspicious on every side (sarvatobhadra), has four faces (chaturmukha) (and) is the embodime it of the three jewels, 19 1 I cannot understand how a Jaina chief like Bhairava II. could claim to have established the six systems of philosophy, all foreign to his own. Perhaps he tolerated the study of these systems in his petty dominions. Samyaktva may refer to the possession of the three qualities (ratna-traya) referred to on p. 134, note 3, each of which begins with the word samyak. The same epithet is applied to the Dandandyaka Baladeva in Nos. 52 and 53 of Mr. Rice's Sravana-Belgola Inscriptions. The predicate of this sentence is the past participle nirmmdpisi which occurs in 1. 19. The Chaturmukhabasti, though at a considerable distance from the colossus of Gummatesvars, is here represented as being in its presence; for the latter was perhaps considered to be the presiding deity of Karkala and its suburbs. Besides, as the Chikkabetta hill is just opposite to the hill on which the colossus stands, it is literally true that the temple "stands in the gaze of the colossus;" Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 89. Agara seems to be used here, as in Kanarese, for the Sanskrit dgdra, which would not suit the metre. A derivative from 4+ grt is agara which means hallosing. This does not suit the sense of the verse. 7 I do not understand the meaning and the construction of the word rrish at the end of the verse. Some word like nanam or dhruvam, which characterises an utprekahdlamkdra, is required. Or can it only be a mistake for erisham excellent ?-[Perhaps the word Vrishe is repeated by mistake from verse 6.-E. H.] Mr. Rice (Ep. Cars. Vol. VII. Introduction, p. 39) translates this epithet by 'guardian of Rodda' or Gova of Rodda' (ibid. Vol. XII. Translation, p. 91). Elsewhere (ibid. Vol. III. Introduction, p. 16) he mentions Rodda among the conquests of the Hoysala king Vishnuvardhana and identifies it with Rodda on the northern Pennar in the Anantapur district, west of Penukonda.' If this is the correct explanation of the epithet Boddadagova, Bhairava II., whose territory was far away from Penugonda, could only have borrowed the title from some other family. A local line of Chola chiefs "in the country round Hemavati and Nidugal" (in the Anantapur district) is described on p. 7 of the Introduction to Ep. Carn. Vol. XII. These chiefs flourished about the 12th century A.D. and invariably bore the titles Roddada-gova, niga fankamalla, aruvattundlku-mandallkara-talegonda-ganda, bantara-bdea and marevoge-kava, which are almost the same as those assumed by Bhairava II. Pesides, the Chola chiefs of the Anantapur district belonged to the same Kasyapa gotra as Bhairava. 10 I.e. as described in v. 7. I.e. Nishkalanka-malla, 'the spotless wrestler.' n The temple has four doors, each of which opens on three identical stone images of the Tirthakaras Ara, Malli and Munisu vrata. 13 See above, p. 134, note 3.

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. jast as if it verily were a hall wherein the glorions (goddess of) Heavenly emancipation was to choose her husband. (L. 19 f.) And in order to acquire endless happiness, (he) set up on the four sides of that (temple) the images of the Tirthakaras Ara, Malli and Munisuvrata; on the western side of that (temple) (he set up the images of the twenty-four Tirthakaras; and in the niches (gunda 1) (at each entrance of the outer enclosure of that (temple) (he) set up images of the Jinas together with Brahma and Padmavati to the left and Mght (respectively); (and) conse crated (them all) according to rule. (L. 22 f.) (And) for the bathing, worship, etc. (of the images) performed by fourteen families of Sthanikas (living) in the four directions of that (temple), and for the anga-rangavaibhava, etc. which follow after (worship), that Bhairaraga-Vodeya, while ruling (his) kingdom with true delight, on the auspicious occasion of the consecration in that TribhuvanatilakaJina-Chaityklaya (temple), conferred on (that) god for bis own merit, so as to last as long as the moon and the sun (exist), with libations of water, 238 gad from the established revenue of Ratijala and Nalluru, also the village of Tears subject to the eight enjoyments known as deposits, hidden treasures, permanent profit, futare profit, water, stone, established income and feasible income, (and) having for its) boundaries four streams, viz. Mukkadapinghole to the east, Yompeya-hole to the south, Pollakaliyada-hole to the west (and) Balimeyahole to the north, and 700 made of rice in that (village). The following are the details of the land (thus) granted. (L. 26 f.) From the 700 mude of rice caloulated at 50 hane (for each made), accruing from the tribute on contracta due from the Haravars and such others that live within the four boundaries of that village, paddy (in payment of) interest, rice (in lieu of) gram, rice commuted from millet, and rice (in lieu of the interest (payable) in money; and from the ga 238 varaha of established income granted subject to the personal observation of the tenants of Nalloru (and) Rafjala together, the following) charities are to be managed. (L. 28 f.) To the 2 families who have to worship three times (each day) at the western gate, (the following allotment has been made): 7 9 hane (for) the rice offering ; 3 hane (for) the superior rice offering ; 1 hane (for) consecrated rice; 2 hane (and) 2 kudute of rice for toye, pdyasa, io ghee, kalasumelogara," tatila and others (together with) the five kinds of cake; thus, at the rate of 15 hane (and) 2 kudute of rice (altogether for one day), the rice (required) for 11.e. all kinds of enjoyments ; see South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 70, note 5. This word is here used in the collective sense for the three gods Ara, Malli and Munisuvrata. * This is an abbreviation of gady dna. * The details herefter specified are not those of the 'land granted, but of the 700 mide of rice which was the revenue in grain realized from Telara, and of ga 288 which was the income in coin from Rajals and Nalluru. On this ethnic name, which is perhaps the same as Parava, see Mr. Sturrock's South Canara Manual, Vol. I. p. 179. * According to Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, tarkano means personal observation. The sense appear to be that the tenants of the two villages were beld directly responsible for the regular payment of ga 288 msigned to the temple by the king from the revenue of those villages. "The grain allotments of this paragraph are to be taken we made at daily rates. This specification, which is omitted here, is inserted in its proper place in the next paragraph. . Charw means an oblation of rice, barley and palae) boiled with butter and milk for presentation to the gode or manes ;' see Mouier-Williama' Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.r. * A dish prepared of boiled split pulse.' 16 . A dish (or oblation) of milk, rice and sugar, eto. 11 A mixture of boiled vegetables to wbieb pepper, salt, etc. are added.' * This is perhaps the Jains spelling of tafada or tdsida, which means "boiled and seasoned vegetables.'

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No. 10.) KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II. 137 1 year (is) 110 mude. For bathing (the images) with panchampital in the mornings, ga 7 m2; for the five pleasant articles of food (panchakhajjaya), ga 7; for the worship of the Siddhachakra," ga 12; for fruits (and other similar) articles, ga l m 2; for the evening hdladhare, ga m 4; for sandal (and) incense, gam 3; for 12 hada of oil, ga 8 m 4; for 3 ashtdhnikas, ga 3; for 1 annual bathing, ga 6; total (for one year) ga 47. L. 32 t.) To the 2 families who have to worship three times (each day) at the northern gate, (the following allotment has been made): for 1 day 9 hane of rice for the rice offering; 8 hane of rice for the superior rice offering; 1 hane of rice for consecrated rice; 2 hdne (and) 2 kudute of rice for toye, payasa, ghee, kalasumelogara, talila and others (together with the five kinds of cake; thus, at the rate of 15 hane (and) 2 kudute per 1 day, the rice (required) for 1 year (is) 110 mude. For the morning and the evening haladhare, ga 1m 3; for the five pleasant articles of food (pafchakhajjaya), ga 7%; for fruits (and other similar) things, ga 1 m 2; for sandal (and) incense, m 8; for 12 hada of oil, ga 8 m 4; for 3 ashfahnikas, ga 3; (and) for the annual bathing, ga 6; total (for one year) ga 28 m 7. (L. 35 f.) At this rate, 110 mude of rice (and) ga 28 m 7 for the 2 families at the eastern gate; (and) 110 made of rice (and) ga 28 m 7 for the 2 families at the southern gate. Thus (altogether), for the 8 families at the 4 gates for 1 year, 440 made of rice (and) ga 133 m l. (L. 37 f.) For 1 family (worshipping) at the 2 niches to the left and right of the western gate (the allotment is as follows): at the rate of 5 hane of rice (per day) for the rice offering, 36 mide (for one year); 4 mude of rice for consecrated rice; the two together (amount to) 40 mude. For 4 haladhdres, ga 3 ml; for fruits (and other similar) articles, ga 1 m2; for sandal (and) incense, m 3; for 5 hada of oil, ga 31; for 3 ashtahnikas, m 51; (and) for the annual bathing, ga l; in all, ga 10 m 11 (for one year). (L. 38 f.) At this rate, for the 5 families in all,- (viz. those who worship) at the niches in the northern, eastern and southern (gates), (those who worship the images of) the Tirthakaras of that western (gate), and those who worship the images of) Brahma and Padmavati,- (the allotment comes to) 200 made of rice (and) ga 50 m 7. (Thus) for the 6 families altogether (the total is) 240 made of rice (and) ga 60 m 9.4 mude of rice (have been also allotted) for the five rice offerings to Brahma and Padmavati. Altogether, for the 14 families, 684 mudel of rice (and) ga 194. (L. 40 f.) For 6 persons who have to beat the drum (and to blow the pipe (and) the horn, ga 36 (have been allotted for one year); (and) for the 2 malits-women of the adipu,8 16 1 The five nectarious substances : 'milk, curde, ghee, honey and sugar.' ? Here and in the subsequent money calculations of this paragrapb, the allotments appear to have been made for the whole year, though the daily rate is not specified. * This word is more commonly spelt with the una pirated k; it means the five pleasant articles of food (mixed together),' vie avalakki (flattened rice), gingelly seeds, kadle (Bengal gram fried and aplit), dried keruel of cocoanat, and jaggery. * Siddhachakra, hdladhdre and ashtahnika Are apparently technical terms of Jning worship, wbich are unknown to me. Asktdhnika may perhaps correspond to ashtabidh-drehans, which occurs frequently in Mr. Rice's SraranaBelgola Inscription, c.g. in Nos. 80, 81, 86, 87. It is strange that two Adladh dres both in the mornings and evenings are provided for at the nortbern, southern and eastern gates, wbile st the western gate, which was the most iinportant one and received the largest allotment of money, provision was made for only one adladhdre. This number includes the 8 families at the four main gutes and the 6 families mentioned in this parsgraph; The total 684 is arrived at by adding together 440 mide allotted for the 4 gates ; 240 made allotted for the niches, Tirthakaras, and Brahms and Padmavati; and 4 mide specially allotted for the five rice offerings to the two last-mentioned images. . I do not understand the meaning of adipina mdlitiyars. This may perhaps refer to certain maid-servants of the temple, such as cooks, ofc.

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138 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. . (Vol. VIII. mude of rice. For the 4 groups of aceties who dwell in the basts, 8 blankets to ward off cold and 1 blanket for receiving (and) spreading (e. drying P) hand-ricel altogether, for 9 blankets, ga 5 m 2 , for 2 hada of oil for the head and arms (of the ascetics), ga ; and for fuel (and) soap-nut (for the same), m 8; altogether, ga 8. In all (the allotments come to) 700 mude of rice (and) ga 288. (L. 43 f.) For the rice offering of Chandranathasvamin of the basti within the four squares (ie. the quadrangle) of the big palace :- in the Allaqabajakala (field P) at Aruru, 20 mide of rioe from Jianappa, the lesseed (P) of Biliyarasa, (and) 10 mude of rice from M&ndarpadi, the lesseed of Bagilarasa; both (together), 80 made. From the land held (balu)" by Bikkirupandiya (i.e. Vikramapandya) of Nalluru, ga 7, from the land held by Jattikoti, ga 3, (and) from the land held by Kambura at Panjala, ga 7: altogether, ga 18. (L. 45 f.) For the rice offering of Pargvangthasvamin of the basti (on) the Govardhanagiri (h:71), from the Kambala (field P) at Mallila, 30 mude of rice, from the enclosing hills beyond, 4 made, from Nambibetci-Narana of Nallaru, 6 made of rice; altogether, 40 mude. From the produce of the backyard of Seti-bettu at Kelavase, ga 8 m 2. (L. 47 f.) Inagmach as that Bhairarasa-Vodoya, possessed as he was of that excellent right perception wbich keeps aloof from the twenty-five imparities, himself with his own hand aflixed in token of approval (of the grant) the five syllables (pafichakshari), vis. Srivitardga of Him wbone soul is purified by the recitation of) the Jina-mantra- which may be compared to a seed (that can produce) the five great virtues and can awaken the soul, (passing through) varied transmigration and heavily stupefied by the bite of the black viper, (vis.) the fivefold samsdra, this wonderful (chitra) verse (was) composed in the style of the Sarvatobhadra puzzle (chitraprabandha), consisting of five letters combined as twenty-four (different) syllables, in the Indravajra metre. [Verse 8 contains the puzzle alluded to above and is not quite clear to me.] No. 11.-NAGPUR MUSEUM PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTA I. JANAMEJAYA. BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Mr. Venkayya sent me one set of ink-impressions of this unpablished inscription, with the following remarks : "The Curator of the Nagpur Museum says, the locality from which the plates containing this inscription came is unknown. There are three copper-plates, of which only the second bears writing on both sides. The plates are broader in the middle than at the top or at the bottom. This probably refers to the rice collected by the Jaina mendicants in begging from door to door. It is customary even now in India to give haadful of rice' to beggars that call at the door. This seems to be the reason why such rice is called kaiy-akki. . Amrita padi in the sense of rice offering is tot given in Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary. It corresponds to the anadupadi of Tamil inscriptions. 1 Guttu appears to be used bere in the sense of gettigeddra, a lesgee. Or, the meaning might be that Biliynrara's losse, (vir.) 20 mide of rice, was to be collected from his tenant) Jinnappa. Compare Dr. Fleet's remarks on balasidor on p. 51 above. * Seti-beltw, or more correctly otti-bettw, means the bettu of the merchant. According to Mr. Sturrock's South Canara Manual, Vol. I. p. 86, bet ineins: '& walled enclosure with colossal statue.' The word here cannot be meant for the fiecal term belf l and capable of producing one crop of rich annually-(ibid. p. 122); for, in this case the backyard (Miltilo) mentioned in connection with it would not be intelligible.

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No. 11.] NAGPUR MUSEUM PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTA I. 139 At the broadest part they measure nearly 9 inches. Their height varies from 5%" to 51". They are held together by a ring, which has been cat by me with the permission of the Curator. The ring, which is not quite circular, measures about 3' in diameter. Its ends are secured in the base of a circular seal measuring 11 in diameter. The seal bears, in relief on & connterspnk surface, an image of Lakshmi, seated apparently on a lotus and flanked by two lampstands, of which the one on the left is not quite distinct. The lotus extends on both sides to the height of the shoulders of the goddess and is surmounted on each side by an elephant with uplifted trunk. This is the usual representation of the goddess Gajalakshmi. The base of the seal is slightly damaged, and a nail seems to have been driven in to fix the seal to the ring." The inscription records a grant of land, made by king Mahabhavagupta (I.) surnamed Janamejaya in the eighth year of his reiga. The alphabet resembles that of the grants of the same prince which have been published by Dr. Fleet. Initial o and au occur in Odra (1. 16), ojjha (1. 44) and Autathya (1. 15), and the rare letter jh occurs in ojjha (1. 44). The letter of patu (1. 5) differs in shape from that of kutumvi (1. 10), etc. The group ta is throughout written as ta, except in asphottayanti (1. 28), where it is wrongly employed. A final form of t is used in samvat (l. 41), and the virama in dadyat (1. 27), vrahmanin (1.9), etan and parthivendran (1. 35); elsewhere the virama is omitted. The decimal figures 1, 2 and 8 ocour in l. 41. The language is Sanskrit. There is one verse in 11. 3-6, and 11 of the customary verses occur in 11. 23-38; the remainder of the record is in prose. The visarga is omitted in several cases. The rules of Saudhi are neglected in sriman (1. 4), ochchhinnah and Agirasa (1. 15), odhyayine (1. 16), dadyat (1. 27) and ashtame (1. 40). The orthography is defective in many respects. The vowel i is mixed up with i, and u with i. In nopura (I. 1) for napura and dyotaka (1. 41 f.) for dutaka, 8 is used instead of a. The vowel ri and the syllable ri are mixed up in samdhatri (for Chartri') and sannidhatri (1. 11), tridata (1. 4) and Trikalinga (11. 8 and 39). In krichhna (1. 5) and samvachchhare (1. 40), ts is represented by chh. The dental n takes the place of the lingual n in punya (11. 19 and 30), hiranya (1. 20), grihnati (1. 29 f.) and Sangramona (1. 44). Of sibilants, . is used for sh in nisiddha (1. 14), and 6 for s in salila, purastara, sama (1. 18) and vafeta (for vaset, 1. 26). Ay is inserted in fakhya (1. 16) for sakha, and dydtakr (1. 41 f.) for dataka. The consonant b is always represented by v, which must have been pronounced as b just as in Bengali. This may be concluded from the spellings samura (1. 14) for sdmra, tamura (1. 19) for tamra, "dattam=vd (1. 32), samvachchhare (1. 40) and samvat (1. 41). Other irregularities are vuvdha (1. 38) for buddhud, triyarishaya (1. 15) for tryarsheya, Kaivildsa and utkirita (1. 44) for Kailasa and utkirna. The inscription opens with the words: "Oh. Hail! From the prosperous Murasiman, where flights of merry pigeons rise up at the sound of the anklets of many beautiful maidens, (and) whose fame is spread by bards coming from all quarters." Another grant of Mahabhavagupta I. is dated from the same Murasiman, which is there spelt with a long 4 in the first syllable,- apparently by mistake, as Mura is a well known word, and as d is used erroneously for u in many other instances. The next word of the same grant, -samdvasita, may be meant for-samdvasitah. As, however, it would be difficult to imagine that the king resided at one place and issued bis grant from another, I prefer to correct -samdvasitat and to take the following word kataka to mean a camp,' and not the city of Cuttack. Thus the inscription of the sixth year is dated" from the prosperous camp of victory, pitched at Marasiman." With the Above, Vol. III. p. 341. * Professor Kielhorn kindly refers me to three very similar instances in inscriptions from Northern India : 1.- Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 360, text lide 8 f irmad-Viskupur-dodrita-fri-vijaya-katakd. 2.-Ibid. Vol. IV. p. 131, text line 28,fri Padariha-grdna.sandudsita-vijaya katakd. 8.-10id. Vol. II. p. 309, text line 83, and Vol V. App. p. 58, note 4,-Praydga-samdvdsita.friniad. vijaya-kalakat.

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. same alteration, the three inscriptions of the 31st year are dated" from the prosperous camp of victory, pitched at the prosperous Arama." Lines 3-6 contain a verse which celebrates the king under his surname Janamejaya- ontracted into Janmejaya' for the sake of the metre- and states that he claimed descent from the race of the Moon (80m 1-vanta). The same verae occurs in the grant of the sixth year, where it is placed at the end of the whole document (11. 43-45). Then follows the preamble of the grant itself (1. 6 ff.) : "This Paramabhaffaraka Mahardjadhiraja Paramedvara, the ornament of the race of the Moon (8oma-kula-tilaka), the lord of Trikalinga, the glorious Mahabhavaguptarajadeva,who meditates at the feet of the P. M. P., the glorious Mahasivaguptarjadava, being in good health, having worshipped the Brahmanas in the village of Satallama attached to the KasalodA district (vishaya), commands the ryots residing in that (village), the inhabitants of that district at the time, (and) all servants of the king, (via.) collectors, attendants, irregular and regular soldiers, spies, staff-bearers, eunachs, favourites of the king, etc." The king then states that he granted this village (viz. Satallama, l. 9) by a copper-plate edict (tamra-doana, 1. 19) "to the Bhattaputra Santhakara, son of Dhritikara (1. 17 f.), who belonged to the Gautama gotra, who had the three pravaras of Gautama, Angirasa and Autathya, who studied the Vajasaneyi-Madhyandina fakhd, who had immigrated from the village of Purushamandapa in the Oara country (deta), (and) who resided in the village of Murujunga." Of the proper names mentioned in this passage I can identify none besides Odra, which is the Sanskrit form of Odda, i.e. Orissa. 11 verses from the Dharmasastra are quoted in Il. 23-38. Then follows the date of the grant:-"In the victorious reiga of the P. M. P., the ornament of the race of the Moon, the lord of Trikalinga, the glorious Janamejayadeva,- in the eighth year, in the second half of the month of Karttika, on the twelfth tithi and in figares : San vat 8, Karttiks sudi 12." The Dataka was tho Mahdm ahattama Bhafta Sadh&rans, son of Sobhana (1. 41 f.). This person must be the same as the donee of three other grants of Mahabhavagupta I., where he is called the Bhafta Mahattam. Sadharana, son of Bhafta Sobhana, and he seems to have been the prime-minister of the king. According to II. 42-44, "this edict was written by the Kdyastha Allava, son of Kailasa, who was attached to the Mahasandhivigrahi Ranaka Malladatta, son of Dharadatta." The same minister is referred to in the remaining published insoriptions of Mahabhavagapta I. In the three grants of the 31st year he is called Malladatta, while the grant of the sixth year has Malladhdradattasuta," which, as the new grant suggests, is meant for Malla[datta], son of Dharadatta. The inscription ends with the statement that it was engraved by Sargrama, son of Rayanaojjha. 1 Above, Vol. III. p. 847, text line 1. * The other grants of Mahabhavagapta I. omit the word mand before Sivagupta's name, * Odra-daba is mentioned aloo in an inscription of Mabasivaga pts II. ; above, Vol. III. p. 353, text line 33. * Ibid. p. 348, text line 19 1. Ibid. pp. 846 and 850. * Ibid. p. 850. Ibid. p. 844, text line 42. . Compare ibid. p. 818, note 2. According to Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, 6ja (or edja) means (1) s teacher,' and () an artifloor.' In Tamil we have the forms spachoha and Gehehasee South Ind. Insor. Vol. II, p. 299, note 2. The word is evidently a tadblada of wpddhydyo ; compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 393, note 23. A similar honorific term, also applied to artisans in Southern India, is doldrya; mo above, Vol. VII. p. 168, note 8.

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8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 sbnne knn belaa senaa ek penaa b klaa klaar klej mte saanir jiinte saamle gA CgAna : (baa graandhn H saanaa ( ... kaH / (bya Nagpur Museum plates of Mahabhavagupta I. Janamejaya. SUT (laash phl chil k ii a. trish ( hl maa graamer maalaa naam hle laakh sI UAna 4 ( jsAna sAyaMgrAma savidhiHsAyavitaH sarve nAyavivarjitaH sAdA yasakA 17. : mne myaeya vAyavAlayamA kama mAusa grAma laa kon sne yini smtaar E. HULTZSCH. mhaaraajaa siyAsameM jo nAya yaha nalavAyA tathA kuza tUca akida khA~dA jamina jAdi kiyA yakhAya yA zubha SCALE -7 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. 2 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22

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24 khun hb| hyec saabrnn( phaakaa klstghrbnngy'aalle er pry'otm| nbnurer 20 laahphilbkskhaantaaj tthnjer baaes jaanaate / thle strr urnriih haaotHsnemaa bttble bnlk ( bsukenir' yur`jelkelis ( saaH ksh (jniijuHsh sblphsthiti bjlj jetthr jl phelejaare@boy'aali | jaalaaottho C(slo aikhtaajg(imn g)je (bsudeb naath hrliy' 2 hyaattriks jny muphaatojn: 4* 5(sbn (br grjn dun saajesuttol 24 36 34 liy'ney'oai: baaNlHtre e tekhekaaehle strii kngglbl(sbtrbhul| 40 l ehsaantmbh j krus lj hn| miDiya viparakAyA (dalA mAyA mdaa| yQb blekhepesenyj ( laal ht| 40 ijlesbhaakses bjlse| sh-astnebtaatrNbel ? jb)? 42 | jaamaal njnggl saadhttho(ksu loN tbk| praakaar (eejr'(lkpllaah yubdl, yubk 4/ ** ebel(saaH3@ Ghlaar'nn(3iin

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No. 11.] NAGPUR MUSEUM PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTA I. 141 TEXT. First Plate. 1 mo khasyanekavaravilAsinIcaraNanopUraravoddhAntamattapArAvata' 1 kulAta sakaladigantarAgatavandijanavistAritakIrtaH zrImato murasimbaH [*] 3 pasti kSoNIkharANAmamalamaNirucAmanvayAta kaustubhAbhaH zauryatyAgA4. 'myurAzi]viracitavidhivadAna(1)zambhIkatAmaH [*] 'zrImAnjanmejayAkhyastudaza-' 6 patisama[:"] kA bhoktakAmaH prakhyAtaheSivaMzapravidalanapaTurbhupati" so6 mavaMze [*] soyaM "paramabhaTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrImahA-3 7 zivaguptarAjadevapAdAnudhyAtparamabhaTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparame-" 8 varasomakulatilakatukaliGgAdhipatizrImahAbhavaguptarAjadevaH ku9 alI "kapaloDAviSayaprativadasatasamAgrAme "brAhmaNAn sampujya ta10 pratinivAsikuTumvijanapadAna tahiSayIyayathAkAlAdhyAsina[:*] samA11 cisavidhAvicATabhaTapizunavetrikAvarodhajanarAjavallabhAdIna sa Second Plate; First Side. 12 na rAjapAdopajivina samAjJApayati [*] viditamastu bhavata[1] yathA18 bhAbhirayaM grAma[:"] sanidhiH sopanidhi: "sarvavAdhAvivarjita: sarvoparikara14 karAdAnasahita: "sAmbamadhuka[:] sagartoSaraH pratinisiddhacATabhaTapraveza16 catuHsImAvacchina: gautamagotrAya gautamAGgirasamautathyaciyAriSayapra-20 16 varAya vAjasaneyemAdhyandinazAkhyAdhyAyine proDradeze puruSamaNDapagrAma17 "vinIgaMtAya surajuMgagrAmavAstavyAya bhaTaputrazrIsAnyakaranAne ti18 karasutAya "maliladhArApurammaramAcandratArakArkacitisamakAlApa-38 I Prom aret of ink-impressions supplied by Mr. Venkayys. Expressed by a plain symbol. * Bad bhUpura. * Read degkukhAt. - Read degsaukha:* Read yAt 1 Read burAzi. * Read zrImAna * Read degkhidaza. - Read katlagAM bhI n Read bhUpati:n The Rof bhaTAraka in corrected by the engraver from ka; read bhaTTAraka. . The of para wa inserted subsequently. " Read pAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTAraka. " Read "pikalilA. Read pratibaddha. Read brAdha. 18 Rand sampUjya. " Read 'kuTubijanapadAn. * Read isannidhAta Ther of 'varodha is written on an erasure ; read 'daun. " Read - Rand pajIvina:__ Read degbAdhA. 2s Read sAba. *Read "nidhi M Read pravezacatuH WRead cikanI. Bead Ca ; compare above, Vol. III. p. 45, note 4. WRead vAjasaneya. NRead zAkhAdhyAyina. Read vinirga. * Read bhaTTapuSa. * Read afur"; the use of oyrere is written as ta. * Read 'civisamakAkhIpa'.

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142 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VoL. VIII. 19 bhogArtha mAtApicorAtmanazca 'punyayazobhidhaye 'tAmvazAsanenAkarikatya' 20 pratipAdita ityavagatya 'samucitabhogabhAgakarahiranyAdikamupanaya-5 21 jibhavadbhiH sukhena prativastavyamiti [*] bhAvibhizca bhUpatibhirdattiriyamasma22 diyA' dharmagauravAdasmadanurodhAcca vadatirivAnupAlanIyA [*] tathA coktaM dha23 mazAstre] [*] 'bahubhirvasudhA dattA rAjabhismagarAdibhiyasya yasya yadA bhumi Second Plate ; Second Side. 24 stasya tasya tadA phalaM [*] mA bhudaphalaMzaGkA vaH paradatteti pArthivAH [*] | 25 svadAnAtphalamatyantaM paradAnAnupAlane [ // *] SaSTiM varSasahasrANi svarga 26 modati bhumida:13 [*] pAkSeptA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake varIta" [*] agnerapa[nyaM] pra27 thamaM svavarNa bhuvaiSNavI "suryasutAca gAva: [*] yaH kAJcanaM gAM ca mahIM ca dadyAt" 28 dattAstrayastena bhavanti lAkA: [*] prAsphohayanti pitaraH pravalA (ya)nti pitAma29 hAH [*] bhumidAttA kule jAta: sa nastrAtA bhaviSyati [*] bhumi yaH pratigrahA30 ti yazca bhumi prayacchati [*] ubhau tau "punyakarmANI niyataM svargagAmi. 31 nau // *] taDAgAnAM sahasrANi vAjapeyazatAni ca [*] gavAM koTipra dAnena bhUmihartA 32 na zudhyati [*] khadattAM paradattAmvA" yo harevasundharA [*] sa viSThAyAM kRmi tvA pa33 yate pitubhiH saha [*] Adityo varuNo viSNubrahmA somo hutAzanaH [*] zulapA34 Nistu bhagavAnabhinandanti bhUmidaM [*] sAmAnyIyaM dharmaseturnRpANAM kAla 1 Read puNya. . Read tAma. * The 7 of was inserted subsequently. * Read degrbhivamiH 7 Read dauyA. * Read bahubhi. 10 Read "bhi: / yasya. 10 Read bhUdaphalazaGkA. " Read bhUmida:. - Read suvarNa bhUba 10 Read sUrya 18 Read lokAH . - Read AsphoTayanti. 21 Read bhUmi. - Read gahAti. * Read puNya. * Read sahaseya. 1 Read degdattA vA. s Read harata basa. * Read zUla. - Read degNi. I Read karokavya. * Read deghiraNyA. * Read khati . II Read bhUmi. " Read vaset. 11 Rend dadyAda. * Read bhUmidAtA. Read bhUmi. 6 Read zatena. " Read vidyAbrahmA. Read kAle.

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No. 12.] BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF CHARUDEVI. 143 Third Plate. 35 kAle pAlaniyo' bhavadbhiH [*] sarvAnetAn bhAvinaH pArthivendrAna 38 bhUyo bhayo yAcate rAmacandra[H // ] iti kamaladalAmkhuvindalo37 [vaM] zrIyamanucitya manuSyajIvitaMJca [*] sakalamidasudAha[taMJca 38 vudhA na hi puruSaiH parakIrtayo vilopyAH [ // *] paramabhaTarakamahA89 rAjAdhirAjaparamezvarasomakula[tilakatukaliGgAdhipati40 zrIjanamejayadevasya vijayarAjye sambacchare aSTama kArtikamA41 sadvitIyapakSa tithau hAdazyAM yatrAitopi samvat" 8 kArtika zudi 12 [*] dyo42 takaca mahAmahattamabhaTarIsAdhAraNa[:*] zobhanasuta: [*] likhitamidaM zAsana 43 mahAsAndhivipahirANakatrImallAdattadhAradattasutaprativaddena kA[ya] sthA . 44 lavena kai(vi)lAsa sutenaH utkiritA saMgrAmena" (1) rayaNAomAsutena:' No. 12.- BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF CHARUDEVI. BY PROFESSOR E. HULTzsoH, Pa.D.; HALLE (SAALE). This inscription was first edited 25 years ago by Dr. Fleet in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. IX. p. 100 ff. On account of its archaic alphabet and of its language, which is not only Sanskrit verse (plate iii. lines 12-15), but chiefly Prakrit prose, it has attracted much attention. Buhler succeeded in deciphering some additional portions of it, and a few corrections were suggested by M. Senart and myself.20 At my request, Dr. Fleet was good enough to send me a set of ink-impressions of the plates, with the help of which it has been possible to make ont with some probability those portions of lines 3 to 7 which Buhler considered utterly unintel. ligible.' The only item which appears to be irretrievably lost is the figure of the regnal year at the end of the first line. The original copper-plates, which were secured by Sir Walter Elliot, are now in the British Museum. For their finding-place and for a detailed description of them see the prefatory 1 Read pAlanIthI. * Read 'dalAmbubindu - Read deglo zriya. * The two akshara, fara are engraved over an erasure. * Cancel the anusrdra. * Read buDA. - Read bhaTTAraka. * Read cikaliGgA * Read saMvatsare 'STame. 10 Read degpace. " Read saMvat " Read dutakara M Read bhaE. * Read pratibaddhena. * 16 The visarga is meant for siga of punctuation compare South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 111, note 1, and above, Vol. VII. p.198, notes. " Read utkI - Read "meNa. 18 See note 15 above. "Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p., note 2. 30 Above, Vol. VI. p. 88, note 10, Vol. VII. pp.87 and 69.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. remarks of Dr. Fleet's article, which was accompanied by photo-lithographs of the inscription (on the back of the Plate) and of the seal (on the front of the Plate). The present facsimile of the inscription has been prepared, under Dr. Fleet's superintendence, from fresh ink-impressions made for him, in 1903, in the British Museum. The seal has been reproduced from a plaster cast taken by Mr. Griggs from a sealing-wax impression which was made at the same time in the British Museum. The sealing-wax impression shows, in the centre of the seal, a standing animal which faces the proper right and looks like a deer, but must be meant for a bull,1 the crest of the Pallavas, and over the back of the bull, a few indistinct symbols which may be taken for the sun, a crescent, and perhaps one or more stars. 144 The characters of the inscription resemble those of the Hirahadagalli plates of SivaSkandavarman, but are less ornamental and more irregular. This seems to be due to the fact that the engraver mechanically copied a draft which had been written in a pronounced running hand. Instances are the va in line 14 and the vam of gavam (1. 15), the subscribed of savva (1. 11) and the subscribed ch of bahubhisch [a]deg (1: 12), the vowel i of gameyika (1. 10) and of pibati (1. 15). The group tta, while in most cases resembling nna, has two other shapes: in uttare (1. 6) the upper t has a fully developed loop, as in Tamil, and in chhettam (1.7) and datta (112) the lower t is fashioned in the same manner. The initial a of ayu (1. 8) differs from that of Atukassa (1. 6), ayutta (1. 10) and anatti (1. 16). In the nd of nivattand (1. 9) the n is placed in a slanting position, and the a fills up the right upper corner. Another peculiar letter is the tha of pariharatha and pariharape[tha] (1. 11). A rude final form of m occurs at the end of 11. 13, 14, 15. Marks of punctuation are used after siddha on the left margin of plate i. and at the end of the inscription. In 11. 12-15 every odd pada of the two slokas is divided from the next by a blank space. Plates ii. a and ii. b are marked like the pages of a book by the numerical symbols 2' and '3' on the left margin, and the numerical symbol '4' occurs in 1. 9. While in the Andhra inscriptions every double consonant is expressed by a single letter, the orthography of Charudevi's grant is in accordance with that of the literary Prakrit. In the word samvvachchhara (1. 1), v is doubled after anustura. As to the language of the inscription, noteworthy words are Bharaddaya (1. 2) for Bharadvaja, talaka, het [th]a, paniya (1. 5) and chhetta (1.7).7 Instances of the nom. plur. neutr. are the three words nivattana chattari sampadatta (1. 9 f.). The abl. sing. [ku]pat (1. 5 f.) is due to a relapse into Sanskrit. Pronominal forms are amham (1. 8) and amhehim (1. 9), the genitive and instrumental of asmad, and tam (1. 10), the acc. sing. neutr. of tad. Verbal forms are the gerunds katuna (1. 9) and natuna (1. 10) and the imperatives pariharatha pariharupe[tha] (1. 11). The inscription is dated in some year of the reign of the Maharaja Vijaya-Skandavarman, the figure or figures of the date being illegible. It contains an order by the queen of the heirapparent (Yuvamaharaja) Vijaya-Buddhavarman, who was one of the Pallavas and, as such, a Bharadvaja or member of the Bharadvaja gotra. I read the queen's name as Charudevi, and that of the prince whose mother she claims to have been as [Bu]ddhi[yam]kura or, in Sanskrit, Buddhyankura. In favour of my restoration of this damaged word it may be stated that ankura, a sprout,' is synonymous with pallava, and that other Pallavas bore the similar surnames 1 Compare Dr. Fleet's Dyr. Kan. Distr. p. 319, note 5. 2 Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 2 ff. These two words were already noted by Buhler, ibid. p. 2, note 2. Compare e.g. nivattana (1. 9) with bhagavannd" (1. 8). In this respect the two grants of Siva-Skandavarman (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 4, and Vol. VI. p. 86) occupy an intermediate position. The same form occurs in the two grants of Siva-Skandavarman. On the four last words see Prof. Pischel's edition of Hemachandra's Prakrit grammar, I. 202; II. 141; I. 101; II. 17.

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Plates of Vijaya-Skandavarman and Vijaya- Buddhavarman. WATa , ilaa gaak tnu ARTIES ARE sta. J. F. FLEET. FULL-SIZE. W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH, FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS MADE BY MR. HENRY OLDLAND.

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Gaba urezata C 10 E 290? for USA to efla 11 di gua PB EODGE

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No. 12.] BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF CHARUDEVI. 145 Nayankurs, Tarunankura and Lalitankura. Thus the first plate of the inscription supplies the following short Pallava genealogy : Maharaja Vijaya-Skandavarman. Yuvamaharaja Vijaya-Buddhavarman, married Charudevi. Baddhyankura. The syllables which follow the word Charudevi at the end of the first plate can be read and restored with the help of the corresponding portions of four cognate inscriptions. Nasik, No. 3, 1. 11 (p. 65 above), and No. 4, 1. 2 (p. 71 above) - Anapayati Govadhane amacha[r]. Mayidavolu plates, 1. 3 f. (above, Vol. VI. p. 86)- Dhannakade vapatan anapayati. Kondamudi plates, 1. 6 f. (ibid. p. 316 f.)- Anapayati Kadure vapatan. On the strength of these analogous cases I propose to read at the end of line 4- Ka[dake] viya., to correct the second word to viya . ., and to restore viyapatan, which is another possible Prakrit form of vapatan in the Mayidavolu and Kondamadi plates. It is true that the verb anapayati is missing in our inscription; but the same is the case in the first sentence of the Hirahadagalli plates. As in that document, we seem to have here & sort of official preamble, corresponding to the address of a modern letter Charudevi to the official at Ka[daka].' As regards this Prakrit word, its Sanskrit equivalent is Kataka, but the name cannot refer to the town of Cattack in Orissa, which is far to the north of the Pallava territory. Besides, it must be borne in mind that the second and third syllables of Kaldake) are injured, and that the true reading of the word may after all be a different one. The remainder of the inscription refers to a gift of land made by Charudevi. This land must have been situated in Ka[taka), to the officer in charge of which place the order was addressed. The grant consisted of a field near the King's Tank. The recipient was a temple of Narayana (Vishan) at Dalura (1. 7), a place which I am unable to trace. The Ajnapti (or Dataka) was Rohinigupta (1. 16). TEXT. First Plate. Siddha || 1 Siri-Vijaya-Khandava[m]ma-maharajassa samyvachchhar[a] .. [1"] 2 yuvamaharajassa Bharaddayassa Pal[ljavd3 path si[r]i-Vijaya-Buddhavammassa devi [Bujddhi. 4 kura-janavjo Charudevi Ka[dako] viya . .? [1"] Second Plate ; First Side. 5 Rajatalaka-het[th]e paniya. 8 8 pad-uttare pase Atukassa kasita." 7 chhetta Dalure Kali-Mahataraka-devakula[48] South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. pp. 3 and 5; Vol. II. p. 341; above, Vol. VI. p. 320. Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 5, text lines 1-6. From ink-impressions received from Dr. Fleet. * On the left margin of the plate. The subscribed 1 of the second syllable of Pallavd- in line has obliged the engraver to place the syllable ddli too low, the top of the i being on a level with the top of the broken syllable bu.- Rostore Buddhiyamkura.. Read janani. 7 Read viydputar. Restore paniya-kupad-, * Restore kasitartan. Read Mahataraka-; Mahdnaraka, which is another possible reading, would be a very unusual name for a temple.

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. Second Plate; Second Side. 8 bhagavan-Narayanassa amham Aya-bala-vaddhani9 yam katuna bhumi-nivattana chattari 4 amhehim 10 sampadatta [1] tam natuna gameyi(ya) kA Ayutta 11 savva-pariharehi pariharatha pariharape[tha] [1] Third Plate. 12 Bahubhir-yva[6]udha datta bahubhis-ch=[8]napalita [1] 13 yasya yasya yada bhumihi tasya tasya tada phalam [llo] 14 SPA-dattar Para-datter va ye* haratta vs8n[n]dharam [1] 15 gavam sata-sahasrasya hantuh pibati dushkpitam (11"] 16 Anatti Rohan[i]gustt]&-ttis 11 TRANSLATION. Success! (Line 1.) The years .. (of the reign) of the glorious Maharaja VijayaSkandavarman. (L. 2.) Charudevi, the queen of the Yuvamaharaja, the Bharadv&ja, the glorions VijayaBuddhavarman of the family) of the Pallavas, (and) mother of (Buddhyan]kura, (addresses the following order) [to the official at] Ka[taka] : (L. 5.) "The field to be ploughed by Ataka on the northern side of the drinking-well below the King's Tank (Rajatadaka), (containing) four-4-nivartanas of land, has been given by Us, making (it) a means for increasing Our length of life and power, to the god Narayana of the Kali-Mahat[&]raka temple at Dalura. (L. 10.) "Knowing this, ye, the villagers (and) officials, exempt (this field) with all immunities, (and) cause (it) to be exempted!"? [Lines 12-15 contain two of the customary verses.] (L. 16.) "The Ajnapti8 (is) Robinigupta." No. 13.-NILAMBUR PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN. BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A. (MADRAS), AND G. VENKOBA RAO (OOTACAMUND). This set of copper-plates was discovered by a Kurumban, while he was washing for gold, on the banks of the Chaliyar stream adjacent to Nilambur.10 The exact spot where they were The anusedra is distinctly visible after the af at the end of the preceding line. * Read Osimisatasya. Read -dattan. * Read yo hardta. . Read guttontti-Thef of Rohani has an unusual shape; perhaps the sra of sahasrasya in the preceding line interfered with ita proper execution. The ttd of guila - looks almost like oud. * The Sanskrit equivalent of the words amhanh dyw-bala-vaddhantyan occurs in the Uruvupalli grant Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 52, text line 27 f. Instead of raddhanfyan, the corresponding portions of the Hirahadagalli, Mayidavala and Kondamudi plates have nadhanike. 1 The corresponding Sanskrit phrase sarova-pariharaih pariharata pariharayata cha occurs in the Mingalur grant; Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 156, text line 30. . On dsatti see above, Vol. VII. p. 185 and notes 4 and 5. In Rohanigutta, Rohani is a vulgar form of Rbhipt, which occurs above, Vol. IV. p. 295, text line 6; the usual form in Tamil inscriptions is Urofani. 10 This picturesque place belongs to the Ernad (Eranada) taluks of the Malabar district and is situated at the foot of the Karkar Ghat on the road from Ootacamund to Calicut. Near it are the tenk plantations started by Mr. Conolly, Collector of Malabar, in 1840 ; see Mr. Logan's Malabar, Vol. II. p. 308 1.-2. H.]

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No. 13.] NILAMBUR PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN. 147 found is popularly known as " Gramam Kadava." The plates were made over by the discoverer to the Raja of Nilambur, Mr. Tachcharakkavil Manavikraman Tirumalpad, who very kindly presented them to us for publication, The plates are three in number; the first and last of them are engraved on one side only. The average length and breadth of the plates are 7" and 28" respectively, and each plate is about t" thick. The edges of the plates are neither thickened nor raised into rims. The weight of these three plates is nearly 10% oz., including the ring, which alone weighs 1 oz. The oval ring is about it thick, with 2" and 14" for diameters. When the plates were discovered by the Kurumban, the ring bore & seal with distinct writing on it. He broke it open in the hope of finding gold encased in it, but threw it away in disgust when finding none. Thas the seal hae been lost. Though the letters are cut deeply and very distinctly, they do not show through on the back of the plates. The water of the stream, in which the plates had lain apparently for a long time, has corroded them on the margin and caused the loss of several inscribed portions, which are now broken away. The characters are similar to those of the Kadgere plates of Vijaya-Siva-Mandhatfivarman (above, Vol. VI. p. 12), of the plates of Vijaya-SivaMrigosa varman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37), and also to those of the Halsi plates belonging to the reigns of Ravivarman and Harivarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. (pp. 25-32). On the first side of the second plate, between lines 7 and 8, there is an addition in somewhat more modern characters, which reads: paschimatas-cha Na[nda]ra[sa]. Probably this clause was added at a later period, when the existing specification was found insufficient for describing the spot ; compare the pa, ma, na of this addition with the corresponding letters in the body of the inscription. As regards individual letters in the record itself, attention may be drawn to the Dravidian r and l. The former occurs once, in the word Kirupasani (1. 6), and the latter twise, in the words Multagi (1. 7) and Malkavu (1. 8). As noticed by Prof. Kielhorn (above, Vol. VI. p. 13), the subscript t of the conjuncts kta, tta occurring in the words uktan-cha (1. 14) and Karttika (1. 6) has the common curvilinear form, whereas in nta and stya of the words Kuldbhyantarao and svasty=astu (11. 11 and 16 respectively) it is represented by a looped sign. The language of the record, excepting one benedictory verse in l. 14 f., is Sanskrit prose. The inscription belongs to the Afth year of the reign of the Dharmamaharaja Ravivarman of the Kadamba family. While at Vaijayanti (i.e. Banavasi), the king made a grant, on the full-moon tiths of the month of Karttika, of two hamlets (palli) named Multagi and Malkavu to a Brahmana named Govindasvamin of the Kasyapa gotra, who had mastered the Yajurveda. The two hamlets were situated on the east of the village named Kirupasani in the Mogalur district (vishaya). As regards the places mentioned in the inscription, it may be noticed that Multagi is represented in the Merkara plates of Kongati-mahdhirajal ag forming the eastern boundary of the village Badaneguppe, granted to the Sri-vijaya-Jinalaya of Talavananagara. Talavana. nagara is the modern Talakad on the Keveri, and Bada veguppe is 5 or 6 miles south of Talakad on the other side of the river. Mogalur is perhaps identical with either Mugur or Mullur, also near Talakad. TEXT. First Plato. 1 [fet factuasteraut HATETE]TTATGTUIGW[at]. 2 bhiSiktAnAmmAnavyasagotrANAM hAritIputrANAM pratikkatakhA See Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, p. 293. From the original copper-plates. U2

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148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 3 dhyAyacarcApArANAmakhamedhAvabhUthanAnapavitrIkatA4 [na]ghAnAmAzritajanAMbAnAM kadaMbAnAM zrIravivarmAdharmamahA Second Plate; First Side. / [rAja[:] pAtmanaH pravardhamAnavijayasaMvatsare paMcame 6 kArtikapaurNamAsyAM mogalUviSaye kilapAsANinAma7 dheyagrAmasya pUrvadigvibhAge muginAmadheyapa8 [sI]mmAsahitAM kAzyapasagotrAya yajurveda[pA] Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 [ragAya govindavAmine svapuNyAbhivaSaye sahiraNyaM] 10 [sa]pAnIyapAtaM sarvaparihataparihAraM saMpradatta]11 [vAn] [*] tadavadhAyaM yaH kadaMbakulAbhyantaragatonyo vA [rAga]12 [deSa]lobhAdibhirabhibhUto hara[ta sa paJcamahApAtaka] Third Plate. 18 [saM]yu[ko] bhavati [*] yobhirakSetma satpuNyaphalabhAgbha[vati] [*] 14 uktaJca // bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhimagarAdibhi[:] [1] 16 [yasya yasya yadA bhUmiH tasya tasya tadA phalamiti [*] 16 [va] tyastu gobrAhmaNebhyaH prajA[bhyo maGgalaM] [*] TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Hail! Tho glorions Ravivarmen, the virtuous (and) mighty king of the Kadambas,- who were anointed after meditating on the lord Mah&gena and the group of the Mothers, who belonged to the lineage of the Manavyas, who were the sons of Hariti, who were well versed in repeating the sacred writings one by one, who were sinless (on account of being purified by the bath after (the ceremony of) the horse-sacrifice, and who were (like tunto) mothers to people (who were) dependent (on them),-at the prosperous (and) victorious (city of) Vaijayanti, on the full-moon tithi of the month of) Karttika in the increasingly victorious Afth year of his (reign), gave to Govindasvamin, belonging to the lineage of Kalyapa (und) well versed in the Yajurveda, the hamlet named Multagi along with Malkavu, (situated) on the eastern side of the village named Kirupasani in the Mogalur district, with all exemptions, with the pouring of water, (and) with (a present of gold, towards the increase of his own merit. 1 Cancel the visarga. - Read bhUmistastha. This epithet, met with in almost all the Kadamba grants, has been adopted by all the kings of this dynasty from Mayurasarman (i... Maydravarman), the founder of the dynasty. Compare above, p. 82, v. 22 - Shaddnanan yanmabhishiktardswanadhydya sendpati mdtridhisagaha. * This passage has been translated in various ways. Prof. Kielhorn (above, Vol. VI. p. 15) tranalates it by studying the requital (of good or evil) as their sacred text. As the passage might as well apply to any student of the sacred writings, it is taken in its general sense thus :-prati pratysk as krita anushthitd yd opddhydyasya. chared sktya santaram uktin tdi paraganti iti.

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FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. T. A. GOPINATHA RAO. ita. Rajya aid edgy as 1 Tra Yuan mtutuvaalustpripuucltraikll didi Jag god Q Teguar EXpaaraaM duu khMpaan \3d0g 20 THJUNIYENNY Lu ! ar gfsofre E. HULTZSCH. TTLAUSDROTBIFE OF Zhi TRYHOTEL SORRE th FULL-SIZE. JJJJ W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. Nilambur plates of Ravivarman.

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33 Pillor el premio OBJU 53 . of Prof FERESPUPUTE FIER IROBIPPER grazio Etiba P3 fullsets TOPPE Po= TO -911

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No. 14.] . FIVE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA. 149 (L. 11.) He who, whether he be a member of the Kadamba family or an alien, knowing this, influenced by passion, hatred, greed, etc., takes away (this grant), is saddled with the guilt of having committed) the five great sing. He who protects (it), shares the reward of its merit. (L. 14.) And it has been said :- "The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; to whomsover, at any time, the earth belonge, to him for the time being belongs the reward (of the grant)." May blessings rest upon cows and Brahmanas! (And let) prosperity (rest) upon the subjects ! No. 14,-FIVE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF KANAUJ. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. At Professor Hultzsch's request I shall give an account here of five morel copper-plate inscriptions of the GAhadavala king Govindachandradeva of Kanauj, the originals of which are now in the Provincial Museum of Lucknow, and of which ink-impressions were supplied by the Government Epigraphist. Before doing so, I take the opportunity of submitting a few general remarks. While only three stone-inscriptions, of very small importance, have been hitherto discovered of the Gahadavala kings of Kananj, the number of their known copper-plates amounts to no less than fifty-five. The details are as follows: One plate of the Maharajadhiraja Madanapala, recording a grant that was made by his father, the Maharajadhiraja Chandradeva. One plate of Madanapala and his queen Prithvi rika(P). Three plates of Govindachandra, of the reign of his father Madanapala. Twenty-six plates of the Maharajadhiraja Govindachandra. Two plates of Govindachandra and his mother Ralhana (Ralba)-devi. One plate of Govindachandra and his queen Nayanakolidevi. One plate of Govindachandra and his queen Gosaladevi. One plate of Govindachandra and his son, the Yuvardja Asphotachandra (below, C.). Two plates of Govindachandra and his son Rajyapala (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 21, and below, D.). One plate of the reign of Govindachandra, recording a grant made by the Singara prince Vatsaraja. Two plates of the Maharajadhiraja Vijayachandra and his son, the Yuvardja Jayachobandra. Fourteen plates of the Maharojadhiraja Jayachchandra, 1 Bee above, Vol. IV. p. 97 tf.; Vol. V. p. 112 ff.; and Vol. VII. p. 98 ff. * The plates were found by contractor at Benares near the Bhadaini temple at a depth of about 5 feet from the surface in the course of excavations for the water-works conducted ou the spot in April 1899." See Mr. Venkuyya's Annual Report for the year ending with May 1905, p. 6. * There can hardly be any doubt that of a royal family of which we possess 56 copper-plates, there must bave existed also considerable number of stone-inscriptions. The stones on which these inscriptions were engraved have been probably used for building purposes or lie buried in the ground. The same may be said regarding the records of e.g. the Maitrakas of Valabhi, of whom we have 40 plates and only & single, most insignificant stone-inscription; and of the E. Chalaksu of Vengt, of whom 29 copper-plate inscriptions have been published, and not # single stone-inscription.

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. All these plates were issued during the ninety years from A.D. 1097 to A.D. 1187. Excepting the genealogy of the family and dates for each king from Chandradeva to Jayachohandra, there is in them no historical information of any particular value. But the plates are of great interest on account of the very large number of districts and villages mentioned in thom. Nearly all these localities remain to be identified; and it is with the view of perhaps inducing others, especially residents of the United Provinces, to help in the work of identifcation, that I give here an alphabetical list of all names of districts that ooour in the plates. So far as I can judge, most of these districts would have boen called after larger villages or towns, some of which undoubtedly are still in existence. List of districts mentioned in the plates. Amyu(mbu) All-pattala; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 188, line 20. (The insoription grants the village of Deupalt on the banks of the D[ai]vah. DaivahA apparently is the modern Dooha' which according to Thornton's Gazetteer, p. 333, is another name of the river Gogra.) Antarala-pattald; Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XXXI. p. 123. Asuresa-pattala; Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 11, line 20. Bhailavata-pattala(); Jour. Roy. As. Soo. 1896, p. 787. Bhimamayatasn . -pattald; above, Vol. V. p. 117, line 13. Dayad&mi-pattald; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 140, line 18. Devashali-pattals; ibid. Vol. XV. p. 7, line 14. Dhan@saramaus-pattala; ibid. Vol. XVIII. p. 11, line 8. Goyars-pattala (in Opavala-pathaka); above, Vol. V. p. 114, line 15. (Goyara perhaps is the Gowra' in Indian Atlas, sheet No. 102, long. 83deg 20', lat. 26deg 47'.) Haladoya-pattald ; above, Vol. IV. p. 101, line 14; and Jour. As. Soo. Beng. Vol. XXVII. p. 243. [HAP]thanna-pattalA; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. D. 21. JAra[ttha)-pattala; ibid. p. 141, line 18; and p. 142, line 16. JiAvai-pattall; above, Vol. IV. p. 119, line 14; or, which is the same.Jiavati-pattale (in Panchala-desa); Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 103, line 10; and Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 360, line 8. Kachchhoha-pattala; above, Vol. IV. p. 116, line 12; and p. 129, line 19. Kangali-pattala; ibid. p. 127, line 17. Kati-pattala ; ibid. p. 102, line 13. [Kesaure ?1-pattala; bid. p. 105, line 12. Kosamya(mba)-pattala; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 137, line 18. K[tho]takotiavarahotta[ra]; above, Vol. IV. p. 108, line 11. Mahash-pattala; ibid. p. 122, line 18; or, which is the same, Mahasoya-pattala; above, Vol. V. p. 115, line 12. MA[na]ra-pattalA; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 131, line 20. Nandini-pattal&; below, p. 155, line 13. Nandivara-pattala; below, p. 154, line 12 Navagama-pattalA; Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. LVI. P. I. p. 109, line 14; and above, Vol. IV. p. 113, line 13. Ndulasat&visika; above, Vol. IV. p. 110, line 9. 1 The plates generally state that Yasovigrahs, the reputed founder of the GAhadavala family, caine when the lines of the protectors of the earth born in the solar race had gone to heaven.' The kings thus referred to are the Pratiheras of Kansuj who, we now know, derived their descent from the San. The Gahadevils king who first took possession of KanaDj was Yafovigraha's grandson Chandradera, for whom we have a date in A.D. 1097. 1 The data visild of this name is derived from the Prikrit sattdelaan's or Sanskrit naplavishlati, twenty. seven.'-Compare, in other plates, names of districts like Nakohisapura-chaturafitika, eto.

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No. 14.] FIVE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA. 151 Pandala-pattala (in Govisklaka that belonged to Dudhali in Saruvara); above, Vol. VIL p. 99, line 15. Pakchimachchhapana-pattala (in Antarveda): Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 135. line 20. Pardha-pattald; Jour. As. Soc. Bong, Vol. LVI. P. I. p. 120, line 11. Sa Pool, oh [R&na P]-pattala; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 362, line 13. Radamauavayalisi-pattala ; above, Vol. IV. p. 112, line 12. Sigarddha-pattalA; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIIL p. 16, line 12 Sirasi-pattala (in Omavala-pathaka in Saru vara); above, Vol. V. p. 114, noto 4; and Vol VII. p. 99. (Siraal probably is the Sirai' in Indian Atlas, sheet No. 87, S. E.long. 89deg 9', lat. 26deg 32'.) Temishapachottara-pattala; above, Vol. IV. p. 115, line 14. Ughapaterahottara-pattale;: ibid. p. 106, line 12. Unva(mba rala-pattala; below, p. 159, line 11. Ungvisa-pattala; above, Vol. IV. p. 124, line 20. Vajaimbachchh&sathi-pattal&; * ibid. p. 125, line 17. Valaura-pattala; below, p. 157, line 13. Vri(bri)hadgrihkamisars-pattalA; above, Vol. IV. p. 121, line 19. Vri(bri)hagrihe[ye P]varatha-pattald; ibid. p. 104, line 13. [Y& P]vaala-pattala; Jour. As. 800. Beng. Vol. LVI. P. I. p. 115, line 13. I may add that, besides the villages granted and the districts in which they were situated, the plates also mention a fair number of places where the donations recorded in the plates were made. In no less than 33 instances this was done after bathing in the Ganges at Benares. Other places on the Ganges, mentioned in a similar way, are : Isapratishthana (P); Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XXVII. p. 243. Khayar&; above, Vol. IV. p. 108, line 16. Madaprotihara (P); sbid. p. 101, line 18. Mudgagiri (i.e. Monghyr on the southern bank of the Ganges); above, Vol. VII. p. 99, line 21. Rajyapalapura; below, p. 158, line 18. Rapdavai; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIIL p. 140, line 22; p. 141, line 22; and p. 143, line 20. Vishnupura; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 860, line 6. Two donations were made after bathing in the Yamuna at Agstika (or AsatikA); Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 103, line 9; and ibid. Vol. XVIII. p. 16. line 17 (where the king is stated to have bathed at the Maraitba(?)-ghatta); and one was made after bathing in the Veni (ie, at the confluence of the rivers) at Prayaga (i.e. Allahabad); above, Vol. IV. p. 122, line 22. Other places where donations were made, not connected with any rivers, are : Deyasthans (); above, Vol. IV. p. 105, line 15; and Vadaviha; ibid. p. 121, line 23. And of rivers, in addition to those already given, in which the king had bathed when making a donation, the plates mention the Sati (with the Svapnedyara-ghatta); above, Vol. V, p. 114, line 23. Of Benares the following specific localities are referred to in the plates The Adikkavarghatta, Tour. Roy. As. Soc. 1896, p. 787; and Jour. As, 800. Bong. Vol. LVI. P. 1. p. 109, line 19; and (the) Adidava (temple); Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 232; above, Vol. IV. p. 119, line 18, and p. 124, line 24. ** Chha pana in this name probably to the Prakpit chiappannan or Sanskrit antpachd sat, flity-six.' * Vayalist would be the Prakrit Ddydliath of Sanskrit dudohatodrivat, forty-two. * Toraha in this name probably is the Prikrit terata or Sanskrit trayodafon, thirteon. * Chadiathi apparently is the Sanskrit safhash, sixty-wix. - Prof. Haltzsch suggests that the varala of KA[th]takociavaralotta(31. may be the Prakrit odraha or Sanskrit duddaton, 'twelve'; and pacha of Temishapachottara- the Sanskrit panchan, Ave.

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152 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. The Kapalamochana-ghatta ; above, Vol. IV. p. 110, line 13. The Trilochana-ghatta; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 11, line 12 The Vedddvara-ghatta; above, Vol. IV. p. 114, L. The Avimukta-kshetra; ibid. p. 114, L., and p. 113, line 18. The Koti-tirtha; below, p. 159, line 15. (The temples of) Aghoresvara, Indramadhava, Landesvara and Panchomkara (below, p. 153, lines 18 and 19), Ksittivisas (above, Vol. IV. p. 126, line 22), and Lolarka (above, Vol. V. p. 118, line 18). Of Prayaga (the temple of) Gangaditya is mentioned, above, Vol. IV. p. 122, line 22. Of the new inscriptions the most interesting is O., because it records & grant by Goyindachandra's son, the Yuvaraja Asphotachandra, who was unknown to us before. And the inscription A. is peculiar in recording the gift of a house at Benares, not the grant of a village. The three grants recorded in C., D. and E. were made in favour of one and the same Brahman, & sun-worshipper and student of the Jyotihsastra. The taxes specified are the bhagabhogakara (mentioned in 50 plates of this family), the pravanikara (mentioned in 44 plates), the turushkadanda (mentioned in 23 plates, but not in any of the plates of Jayachchandra), the kumaragadianaka (mentioned in 10 plates), the hiranya (mentioned in 9 plates), and the jalakara and gokara (mentioned together in 4 plates only). A.-PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF [VIKRAMA-) SAMVAT 1171. This is a single plate, which meas res about 1'3" broad by 1' 1' high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about " in diameter; and to the plate belongs & circular seal, about 2" in diameter, which bears in high relief, across the centre, the legend Srimad-Gavindacha[m] draddva[*), in Nagari letters about "high; above the legend, the figure of a Garuda, squatting down and facing to the proper right; and below the legend, a conch-shell. The plate contains 21 lines of generally well preserved writing. The size of the letters is between and". The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v; the dental sibilant is often employed for the palatal, and the palatal occasionally (as in rafika, 1. 3) for the dental; and the worda vana and tamraka are written vansa and tanuraka, 11. 2 and 21. I may also point out that the sign of avagraha is used in and tud semabhir, 1. 18. The inscription is one of the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramedvara Ghovindachandradeva, who records that, on Monday, the full-moon tithi of Magha of the year 1171 (given both in words and in figures), after bathing in the Ganges at Benares, he granted a dwelling-place (avasa') to the Mahattaka Dayimsarman, son of the Thakkura Mahakara and son's son of the Thakkura Kaka, [a Brahman] of the Bharadvaja gotra, whose three pravaras were Bharadvaja, Angirasa and Barhaspatya. The dwelling-place so granted was at Benares itself, and lay to the east of (the) Aghoresvara and Panchomkara, and to the west of (the) Indramadhava and Laudesvara (temples).- The grant (tamraka) was written by the Karanika Jalhana. It contains no imprecatory verses. 1 The original has ardsa and treate this word as a neuter noun, Compare adganikd for dedsa nikd, frequently used in the Siyadoni inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 168. * Compare the name Ddyr (Dayika), above, Vol. IV. p. 171. The same Jalhana wrote the grant of [Vikrama-samvat 1172, published above, Vol. IV. p. 105, where he is described utrl-Vditanyakul-6dbdta-kayastha-thakkura. The term karapik-odgata of the present grant describes bim literally as descended from a Karanika,'Chitragupta, with whom he is compared, is one of Yama's sitendants (recorder of every man's good and evil deeda).'

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No. 14.] FIVE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA. 153 The date appears to be slightly irregular. In Vikrama-samvat 1171 current the fullmoon tithi of Magha ended on Thursday, the 22nd January A.D. 1114; and in Vikramasamvat 1171 expired the same tithi commenced 10 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 11th January A.D. 1115. This Monday most probably is the day intended by the grant, but I should have expected it to be connected with the 14th tithi of the bright half, not with the fall-moon tiths. EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT. 14 . . . . . 1-srimad-Govindachandradevo vijayi 119 Srimad-Varanesyam nivasi15 no nikhila-(janapa]dan-upagatan=api cha raja-rajni-yuvarkja-mantri-purohita pratibara-senapati-bhapdagarik-ekshapatalika-bhisha16 g-naimittisk-]ntahpurika-data-karituragapattanakarasthanagokuladhikari-purushan-ajna payati vo(b)dhayaty=&disati cha yatha 17 viditam-asta bhavatam=@kasaptatyadhik-aikadasa-samvatsare Maghe masi sukla-pakshe paurnnamisyam-amke=pi samvat 1171 Magha-su18 di 15 8ome | Sri-Varanasyam Gangayam snatva smabhir-gokarupa-kusalata puta-karatal-Odaka-purvvam sri-Varanasyam-dv-Aghoresva19 ra-Panchomkarayoh purvve I tath-Endramadhava-Laudesvarayoh pabchime avasam-idam. Bharadvaja-sagotraya Bharadvaj-Amgirasa-Va(ba)20 rhaspatya-trih pravaraya tha Sri-Kaku-pautrayal ta(tha) | Sri-Mahakara-putraya mahattaka-srf-Dayimsa (sa)rmane pradattam? matva sa[r]vvair=821 pi parip&layitavyam-iti I Karanik-odgato v idvarg-Chitragupt-opamo gupaih yabast Jalhapa[bo] frim&n=aliskha*]t=t&mvrakam mud[A] || B.-PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF VIKRAMA-JSAAVAT 1187. This also is a single plate, which measures about 1' 67" broad by I'l" high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about 16" in diameter ; and to the plate belongs a circular seal which is similar to that of the inscription A. The plate contains 24 lines of generally well preserved writing. The size of the letters is between and 7" The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the letter bis throughout denoted by the sign for v, and the dental sibilant is frequently employed instead of the palatal. This is another inscription of the Paramabhaftaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramedvara Govindachandradeva, who records that, on Sunday, the Agrahayani or full-moon tithi of MArgasira of the year 1187 (given in figures only), after bathing in the Ganges at Benares, he granted the village of Palasaundi in the Nandivara pattald to the Prandcharya Bhafta Pandita Khonagarman, son of the P. Bh. P. Ravidhara, son's son of the P. Bh. P. Gohada and son of the son's son of the P. Bh. P. Mangala, a Brahman of the Paravasalo gotra whose Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandra, publisheri above, Vol. IV. p. 100 f. The main differences are that the present plate adds the words sa cha before the word paramabhattaraka- of line 11, and omits the passage afdapati.. . . . .. Vdchaspati in linea 13 and 14 of the Kamauli plate. * This sign of punctuation and all the others in lines 15-20 are superfluous. . Read -aikadafafata.. * Read pafchima dodsam=idath (or, correctly, pafchima dodsdayan). The constructiou of mirol and paschimd with the genitive case is contrary to the rules of grammar. * Read -tripratardya. . I.e. thakkura. 7 Read pradattamaiti (or, correctly, pradatta itt). * Metre: slka (Anushtubh), the first Pada is faulty. . Read t&mrakan. 10 So the name is given in the plate, but I am not sure that it is correct.

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154 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIIT three pravaras were Kankayana, Kaubika and Dhaumya, and student of the Sankhayana-1 Bahyficha sakha. The taxes specified (in line 20) are the bhagabhogakara, hiranya, pravanikara and turushkadanda. The writer's name is not given. The title prandcharya which, with bhatta and pandita, is prefixed to the names of the donee and his ancestors, I have not met elsewhere, and I cannot give its exact meaning. The date, for Vikrama-samvat 1187 expired, corresponds to Sunday, the 18th November A.D. 1130, when the full-moon tithi of Margasira commended 3 h, l1 m. after mean sunrise.3 The localities I am unable to identify. EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT: 12 . . . . . . 4-srimad-Govindachandradevo vijayi 116 Nandivara-pattaliyah 15 Palasaumdi-grama-nivagind nikhila-janapadan=u pagatan=a[pi) (cha) raja-rajni-yava. 13 [ra]ja-mantri-purohita-pratibara-senapati-bhamd&garik-akshapatalika-bhishaka(g)-na imi. ttik-Antabpurika-duta-karituragapattanakarasth&na[g]okaladhikari-puru14 [shajn samajnapayati vO(bo)dhayaty-&disa (sa)tiva(cha) yatha viditam=astu bhavatam yath=oparilikhita-gramah sa-jala-sthalah sa-10ha-lavan akarah sa-matay Skarah 98-gartt-osharah sa-ma15 [dha]ka-chuta-vana-vatika-vitapa-tripa-pa (ya)ti-gochara-paryantas=vatcha)turaghata-visu (su)ddhah s[v]a-sima-paryanta) S-orddhv]-adhab samvat 1187 Merggasi(si)ra-ma[se] Agrahani-purnnima16 [sy]am Ravi-dine srimad-Varanasyim Gangapi(yan) endtva vidhivan marntra-deva-muni-manuja-bhata-pitri-gapams-tarpayitva timira-patala-patana pa[t]u-mahasam-Ushnardahisham=upastha17 y-Aushadhipati-sa(sa)kala-se(48)kharam samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-tratar Vasudevasya pujam=vidbaya? prachura-payasena havisha hayirbhujam butve matapitror-&tmanas-cha punya-yasd(68)18 [bhi]vriddhaye Paravasa-gotraya 19 Kakayana-10Kansilsi) Ma-Dhaumya-tripravaraya | Sikhyayana vashthacha-sakhinoil pran&ch&rya-bhatta-pathuita-Srt-Mangalaprapautraya Ipranach&19 rya-bhatta-pamtita-eri-Ghada-pautraya 1 pra acharya-bhatta-pamita-sri-Ravidhara putrayal prip&charya-bhatta-pamaita-sri-Khonasa (ta)rin mape vrl(bra)hmanay asmabhih gokarona-kusala20 ta-puta-karatal-odaka-puryvam-&-chandr-erkkar yavat' Baganikritys pradattahl 1 iti matva yathadiyamana-bhagabhogakara-biraaya-pravapitara-turushkadanda. prabhsiti-samast-a The plate has Sikhyayana-, apparently for Sankhydyana. which occor (for sanblagaha-) Also in Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 17, line 19. 2 I.e. of the Rigveda. Compare the date of Raiwan plate of Govindachandra (in Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 872, No. 193), which apparently corresponds to Monday, the 17th November A.D. 1130, when the full-moon tithi of Margasira ended 1 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise. Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandrs, published above, Vol. IV. p. 100 f. In verse B, sijayatd has been erroneously engraved between vijayate and sijas, in verse 8 we have -paddh. instead of -gandhand in the prose passage that follows the verses, sa cha was engraved before the first paramabhattaraka, but seems to have been struck out again. These signs of punctuation are superfluous. Read-ndoa Agrahdyani-paurnamdaydrh. Bead puja vidhaya. # The reading is certain, but I am not sure that it is correct. * The signs of punctuation in lines 18-20 are superfluous. This name is quite clear in the impression. 11 Read Sankhyana-baloricha-fokhind. 12 Read hirm, Rend ydeachechkasa Read dafta iti,

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No, 14] FIVE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA. 155 21 day&n=&jikvidheyibhuya dasyath=oti 11 | Bhayanti ch=&tra slo(418)kah 11 0.- PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA AND THE YUVARAJA MAHARAJAPUTRA ASPHOTACHANDRA OF VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1190. This algo is a single plate, which measures about l' 31" broad by 1' 11" high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about $" in diameter; and to the plate belongs a circular seal, about 24" in diameter, which bears in high relief, across the centre, in two lines, the legend maharajaputra-frima d-Asph [6]tacha[]drad[6]va) || in Nagari letters between and t" high; above the legend, a conch-shell, and below the legend, a spear or tow pointed towards the proper right. The plate contains 28 lines of well preserved writing. The size of the letters is about t". The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regarde orthography, the letter bis denoted by the sign for v, except in the word babhramurs; and occasionally the deptal sibilant is employed for the palatal, and the palatal for the dental. The inscription is of the reign of the Paramabhaffaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramedvara Govindachandradeva. With his consent, the Maharajaputra (or son of the Mahiraja) Asphotechandradeva, endowed with all royal prerogatives and anointed as Yuraraja (or heirapparent), records that, on Friday, the third tithi, the Akshaya-tfitiya and Yugadi, of the bright half of Vaisakha of the year 1180 (given both in words and in figures), after bathing in the Ganges at Benares, he granted the village of Kanduta in the Nandini pattala to the Pandita Damodarasarman--son of the Pandita Madanapala, son's son of Lokapala and son of the son's son of Gunapalara Brahman of the Kasyapa gotra, whose three pravaras were Kasyapa, Avatsara and Naidhrava, who was a student of the V&jasaneya sakhe (of the Yajurveda) and a sun-worshipper (saura), and who knew the five siddhantas of the Jyotihftstra.The taxes specified (in line 22) are the bhagabhogakara, pravanikara, turushkadanda and kumara. gadianaka. The grant was written by the Thakkura Gageka. The date, for the Karttikadi Vikrama-sativat 1190 expired, corresponds to Friday, the 30th March A.D. 1184, which was the proper day of the Akshaya-tfitiya and the (Treta-) yugadi, because the third tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha ended on it 13 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise. The localities I am unable to identify. EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT. 12 . . . . . . . -Srimad-Govinda13 chandradevo vijayi | Tad-etat-sammatga samastarajaprakriyopeta-yauvarajya bhishikta-maharajaputra-srimad-Asphtachandradevo vijayi || Namdini-pattala14 y Kopauta-grama-nivasino nikhila-janapadan=apagatan=api cha raja-rajmi. 09[n]tri-purdhita-pratihara-sengpati-bhandagArik-Akshapatalika. Here follow the six verses commencing B mish yah pratigrihnali, Sankharh badr-daanan, Sarvdelana bhdpisah, Bahubir-parudha, Suvarnamakath, and Tadd gandit sahasrana. . Gagoks most probably is identical with the Gaguka who wrote the grants F., G. and H., treated of a beve, Vol. IV. p. 107 tt The proper time for the Akshaya-tritty and the Tretayugadi is the forenoon; soe Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. * Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandra, published above, Vol. IV. p. 100 f. This sign of punctuation is su perfluous. p. 179.

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156 [VOL. VIII. 15 bhishan-naimittik-antahpurika-duta-karituragapattanakarasthanagokuladhikari-puru s h a n samajnapayati vo(bo)dhayaty-adisati cha [ Viditam=astu bhavata [m] Jath-6 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 16 parilikhita-gramah sa-jala-sthalah sa-loha-lavan-akarah sa-parpp-akarah sa-garttosharah sa-madhuka-chata-vana-vitapa-vatika-tripa-yati-gochara-paryantah s-orddhv-a17 dhas-[cha]turaghata-visuddhah sva-sima-paryantah navatyadhik-aikadasasatasamvatsareshu Vaisakhe masi sukla-pakshe akshaya-tritlyayam yugadau Sukra-dine 18 ankato-pi samvat 1190 Vaisakha-sudi 3 Sukre erimad-Varanasyam Gamgayam snatva timira-patala-patana-patu-mahasam-Ushparochisham=upasthay= [Au]shadhi 19 pati-sakala-sekharam samabhyarchchyn tribhuvana-tratur-V vasudevasya vidhaya prachura-payasena havisha havirbhujam hutva matapitror-atmanas= cha punya-yaso(so) gokarppa]-kusalata-puta-karakamal-odaka-purvvam-asmAbhih 20 dhi(bhi)vriddhay 21 ne Kidyapa-girlys Kadyap-Avatar-Ne(nai)dhruva-tripravarkys Vajaanlyn-k()khiGuyspala-prapastriya Lokapala-pautraya pandita-tri(il)-Madanapala-putriya pandita-sri-Damodarasarmmane saura-vra (bra)hmapaya jyotib[sa]stra-siddhanta pamchaka-vide (da) pradatto matva yathadiyamana 22 A-chamdr-arkkam yavach-chhasa (sa)nikritya bhagabhogakara-pravnikars-turushkadadida-kumaragadi&paka-prabhgiti-mama-dyn ajnavidhe 23 yibbuya dasyatha || Bhavanti ch=atra paurapikah slokah || 28 Gageken-eti Subham || pujam | [i]ti || Tri(eri) [||] Likhitam thakkura-tri (eri) D. PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA AND THE MAHARAJAPUTRA RAJYAPALA OF [VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1203. This also is a single plate, which measures about 1' 2" broad by 11" high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about in diameter; and to the plate belongs a circular seal, about 2" in diameter, which bears in high relief, across the centre, in two lines, the legend madarijap[n]tra-drimad-Rajyapaladiva[4] in Nagari letters about high; above the legend, a conch-shell; and below the legend, a spear or arrow pointed towards the proper right, with below it some device that looks like another conch-shell. The plate contains 30 lines of generally well preserved writing. The size of the letters is between and " The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v, and the dental sibilant is occasionally employed for the palatal. Besides it may be noted that the words prakshalita, sekhara, punya and tamra are spelt prakhyalita, 1. 6, seshara, 1. 19, punya, 11. 20 and 23, and tamora, 1. 30, respectively. These signs of punctuation are superfluous; read -paryanto nava". 2 Read -paksha-kahaya.. Read -dine-kato. Here follow the seven verses commencing BAdmin yah pratigrihudti, Sankham bhadr-deanam, SartanRead -pradatta iti matrd. etan-bhavinah, Bahubhir-vasudhd, Gamaekam, Sva-dattam para-dattam vd, and Fat-abhra-vibhramam. Between nd and ti there is a letter which has apparently been erased by the engraver.

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No. 14.] FIVE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA. 157 This inscription also is of the reign of the Paramabhaftaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Govindachandradeva. With his consent, the Maharajaputra (or son of the Maharaja) Rajyapaladeva, endowed with all royal prerogatives, records that, on Wednesday, the 5th of the dark half of Magha of the year 1203 (given in words and figures), after bathing in the Ganges at Rajyapalapura, he granted the village of Chamaravami- with Harichandapalt and two or three other patakas the names of which are doubtful- in the Valaura paltala, to the Pandita Damodarasarman who has been already mentioned as donee of the grant C.- The taxes specified (in line 22) are the bhagabhogakara, pravanikara, jalakara, gokara and turushkadanda. The grant (tamra-pattaka) was written by the Karanika, the Thakkura Vivika. The date, for Vikrama-samvat 1203 expired and the purnimanta Magba, corresponds to Wednesday, the 25th December A.D. 1146, when the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 8 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise. On the same day the Uttarayana-samkranti took place 2 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise, and the donation andoubtedly was made on account of that Sankranti, even though this is not actually stated in the grant. The localities I am unable to identify. EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT. 12 . . . . . . . . . . -grimad-Govindachandradeva-padapadma-sarmatya 88mastarajaprakri13 yopeta-maharajaputra-grimad-Rajyapaladevo vijayi 15. Valaura-pattalayarn 1 Khasi Pjla[pindi PJnaya[napali P] Cha[dhuha P]pall Harichandapall eshu patakoshu saba? Chamaravami-gra14 ma-nivAsino skhila-janapadan-apagatan=api cha raja-rajni-yuvaraja-mantri-purdhita pratihara-se[napati-bhandjagarik-Akshapatalika-bhishag-naimittik-&ntahpu15 rika-data-karituragapattanakarasthanago kuladhikari-parushanaji & payati v0(b) dhayaty=&disati cha yatha viditam=astu bhavatam yath=oparili[khi"]ta gramah sa-[ja]16 la-sthals[bo] sa-loha-lavap-Akara[h] Sa-matsy-8 kara[ho]" bha(sa)-gartt-8shara[ho] 8&-madhuka-chata-vana-vitapa-vatika-trina-yhti-gochara-pa[ro]yantah -orddhy. Adhas=chaturagheta-vi[6]uddbah sva-(sima)17 paryantah varshatrayadhika-dvadesasata-samvatsare Maghemasi kfishna pakshe pamchamyam titho(thau) Vu(bu)dha-dine yatr-enke-pi samvata(t) 1208 M&gha-vedi 5 Vu(bu)dh[@] 10 a[dy=ha fri]. Above, Vol. IV. p. 120, 1. 22, I have wrongly altered jalakara to jdtakara. Jalakara is the proper reading also in the GagahA plates, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 20, and most probably ibid. Vol. XV. p. 8, 1. 22. ne grant of Vikrams-samvat 1199, recorded in the Gagah plates, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 20. He is possibly identical also with the Akshapatalika shakkura Viviks who wrote the grants of (Vikrams-]sam vat 1281 and 1282, treated of above, Vol. IV. Pp. 124 and 126 ff. * Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandra, published above, Vol. IV. p. 100f., the main differences being that in the present plate the words sa cha have been inserted before the word paramabhattdraka- of line 11 of the Kamauli plate, and that the phrase sijabhujopdrjita of the same line has by mistake been omitted here. * The 8-stroke of desa is corrected from a which originally had been engraved after chandra.- As regards the construction, one would have expected something like - Gopindachandraddod vijay ! Tad-dat-pdda padma. sarmatyd, as in the plate C., above, p. 155. - This and the other signs of punctuation in this line are superfluous. * The reading is very doubtful; possibly two names (Ehdilapat and Nayanapali P) may be intended, * Read &bih patakaih saha. * The sign of anusodra has been engraved over the akahara toyd, over the rite of the following -garttouhara["], and over the kd of the following -odfika.. . This and the other signs of punctuation in this line are superfluous road paryants. 10 Read Budhd-dy-dha.

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158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 18 mad-Rajyapalapure Gamgayam snatva vidhivan-mantra-deva-muni-manuja-bhutapitri-gapams-tarppayitva timira-patala-patana-patu-mahasa [m=U]shparochisha[m= a]pastha 19 y-Aushadhipati-sakala-sesha (kha) ram samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-tratur-Vvasudevasya pujam vidhaya prachura-payasena havisha havirbhujam hutva matapi[tr]or= atmanas-cha [VOL, VIII. 20 punya (pya)-yaso-bhivriddhaye Kasyapa-sagotraya | Kasyap-Avatsara-Naidhruvatripravaraya I Vajasaneya-sakhine pamdita-sri-Gupapala-p[r]apautraya | pa[m]dita-sri-Lokapala-[pautraya | pamdita-sri] 21 Madanapala-putraya | pamdita-6ri-Damodarasa [r] mmane vra (bra)hmanay=asmabhir= ggokarppa-kusalata-puta-karatal-odva (da)ka-purnpa(rvva)m = &- cha mdr-arkkam yavach-chhiaalkritys prada[t] [matv] 22 yathadiyamana-bhagabhogakara-pravanika[ra]-jalakara-gokara-turushkadamda-prabhritidasyarth-8ti || Bhavanti ch=atra dharmm sa[m]ast-adayan-ajnavidheyibhuya anu[sam (sa)]sinah 23 slokah 116 30 Likhitam ch-edam tamyra-pattakam karapika-thakkura sri-Viviken-eti ||||| E. PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF [VIKRAMA-JSAMVAT 1207. This also is a single plate, which measures about 1' 5" broad by 1' 11" high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about " in diameter; and to the plate belongs a circular seal which is similar to that of the inscription A. The plate contains 26 lines of generally well preserved writing. The size of the letters is between and ". The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the letter b is denoted by the sign for v, except in the word babhramur=; occasionally the dental sibilant is employed for the palatal, and the palatal for the dental (as in sahasra, twice); and the word hamso is written hanso, in line 25. This is another inscription of the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Govindachandradeva, who records that, on Monday, the 5th of the bright half of Pausha of the year 1207 (given in words and figures), on the occasion of the Uttarayana-samkranti, after bathing at the Koti-tirtha at Benares, he granted the village of Lolirupada,7 together with Tivayi-kshetra, in the Umbarala pattala, to the Pandita Damodarasarman, known to us already as the donee of the grants C. and D.- The taxes specified (in lines 17) are the bhagabhogakara, pravanikara and turushkadanda. The grant (tamra) was written by Vidyadhara, the son of (the Karanika) Dhandhuka. The date, for Vikrama-samvat 1207 expired, corresponds to Monday, the 25th December A.D. 1150, when the 5th tithi of the bright half commenced 3 h. 33 m., and the Uttarayanasamkranti took place 3 h. 48 m., after mean sunrise. The localities I am unable to identify. 1 This and the other signs of punctuation in lines 20 and 21 are superfluous. 2 The akshara vra is engraved over fri which had been originally engraved. Read pradatta iti matva. Read dasyathmeti. Here follow the eleven verses commencing Bidim yah pratigrihnati, Sankham bhadr-dsanam, Bahubhir rasudha, Sarvdn-etan-bhavinah, Shashtim varsha-sahasrani, Gam-ekam, Taddgdnam sahasrena, Sva-dattam para-dattdim vd, Vari-hineshewaranyeshu, Yan-tha datidni and Vat-abhra-vibhramam. 7 Or, perhaps, Lolikapada; see the note on the text. Read tamra.. This was perhaps a potaka of Lolirupada. Dhandhaka wro e the grant of Vikrama-samvat 1201, treated of above, Vol. V. p. 115, and is most probably identical with the Thakkura Dhadhuka who wrote the grant of Vikrama-samvat 1197, noticed above, Vol. VI. p. 114.

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No. 15.] PIKIRA GRANT OF SIMHAVARMAN. 159 11 . . . EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT. grimad-Govindachandradevo vijayi 119 Umvarala-pattalaya 1 Tivayi-kshetrena saha SLoli[ru]paa-grama-nivasino nikhila-janapada n-apagatan= spi cha raja-rajni-yuvara12 ja-mantri-purdhita-pratibara-senapati-bhandagarik-Akshapatalika-bhishag-naimittik-antah parika-data-karitrragapattanakara[sth]anagokuladhikari-puruya(sha)n = a ju& pa yati | vo(bo). 13 dhayaty-disati cha yath viditam=astu bhavatam yathparilikhita-gramab sa-jala sthalah sa-loha-lavana karah sa-matsy-akarab sa-gartt-osharah sa-madhuk-amra-vana. vatika-vitapa-tri14 pa-(yu]ti-gochara-paryantah s-orddhv-adbag-chataraghata-visuddhah sva-sima-paryantah samvatsaranam saptadhika-dvadasasateshu Paushe masi sukla-pakshe pamohamyam ti[th]au Soma-dine snke-pi samvata(t) 1207 15 Pausha-sudi 5 Some(ma) uttarayana-samkrant&v=ady-eha Srimad-Varanasyam Koti-ti[rthe sn]atva matapitror=&tmanag=cha pu[oyal-yaso-bhivriddhaye-smabhir gga(ggo)karnya-kusalata-pata-karatal-odala-pu-6 16 ryvar Kagya(Gya)pa-gotraya Kasya(6ya)p-Avatsara-Naidhti(dhru)va-tribpravaraya? Vajasan@ya-sa[kh]ine paudita-sri-Lokapala-pautraya 1 pamaita-bri-Madana pa la patraya | pandita-sri-Damodarafarmma17 ne vra (bra)(hmalnky-[AR]-chandr-arkkamyavach-chhasa niksitya pradatta matva yathadiyamana-bhagabhogakara-pravanikara-turush kadasda-prabhfiti-sarvv- & da ya no A[jo]avidheyibhuya dasyath=eti || chha || Bhavanti ch=&tra 13 slokah 11deg . . :. Il chha | 10 Bhu-bharttur-asya karane 25 sarassiva hans811 Dhandhuka ity-aritamisra-divakard-bhut tasy-atmajona gupin=edam - alakhi tam ram Vidyadharena dharanitala-bhashayena || Yavad-giran Dhanapater vvasati Smararir-yavan-nis&pati. 26 r=amushya lalata-patto krode kuranga-sisur-asya cha yavad=etat-tavat-sthiribhavata $asanam-asta-vighnam 11 11 No. 15.-PIKIRA GRANT OF SIMHAVARMAN. BY PROFESSOR E. HOLTZSCH, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Two sets of ink-impressions of this copper-plate grant were sent to me by Mr. Venkayya, who had received the original on loan from the Superintendent, Government Central Museum, Madras, to whom it had been despatched by the Collector of Nellore. It was "originally sent by Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandra, published above, Vol. IV. p. 100 f. 1 Theme two signs of panctuation are superfluous; read vijayy=Umbardla. * This name may Osvibly have to be read Lolika pddd.. * These two signs of punctuation are superfluous. Read -odaka pa. ..The signs of punctuation in this line are snperflsous. 7 Read Pripravurdya. Rend pradatta iti natud * Here follow the twolvo verses commencing Blimin yas pratigrindaiSanthash bhadr.deanam, Sards dlan=bMdina). Bahubhir-rasudhd, Odmakedoh, Taddgdud sahasrana, Sua-datta da para dat din vd, Shashtin varshasahasrdni, Vari-Sindakowaranyesku, Na vishar, Yanalha daftani and Val-dbhra-vibhramam. 10 Metre here and below : Vasantatilska. " Read hathao.

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160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. the village Munsiff of Nelatur, Ongole taluka, now part of the Guntur district, to the Deputy Tahsildar of Addanki and formed part of the unclaimed property of a dend Bairagi." Mr. Venkayya furnished me with the following description :--" There are five copperplates on a ring, weighing together 70 tolas. The outer sides of the first and the last plates, which bear no letters, as well as the edges of the plates, are smooth. The plates measure almost 7' in length and 19" in height. Plates ii. to iv. are a little thicker than i. and v. Part of the writing on plate i. shows through on the blank side of it. The ring was cut by me and rivetted subsequently. The diameter of the ring is 23" and its thickness" on the average. The ends of the ring are secured in the base of an almost circular seal, which measures 13" in diameter. The seal is very much worn, but bears, in relief on a countersunk surface, an animal with mouth open and facing the proper left. It is represented sitting on a horizontal line which is in relief, and it resembles very closely the animal represented on the seal of the Uruvapalli grant (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 50). The tail of the animal is not seen, neither are its forelegs." The engraving of the inscription is on the whole carefully done and well preserved. The language is Sanskrit prose, and three Sanskrit verses of the Rishi (Vyasa) are quoted at the end of the inscription. The alphabet closely resembles that of the Uruvapalli and Mangalur grants. But there is one point in which the three grants differ. In the Uruvupalli grant ta has a loop on the left, as in Tamil, and na has none. In the Manga!ur grant both the form with the loop and the one without it are used in the case of ta, while na has no loop except in kratunam (1. 16). In the new inscription the forms with and without loop are used for both tu and na, though in the majority of cases ta has a loop and na has none. A final form of m occurs five times (Il. 13, 18, 23, and twice in l. 24). Plates i., ii.b and iv. b are marked on the left margin with the numerical symbols 1, 2 and 4, while plates iii. 6 and v. are not numbered. The inscription opens with the same invocation of Bhagavat (Vishan) as the Uravapalli and Mangalor grants. It records the grant of the village of Pikira in the district named Munda-rashtra (1. 14) in the fifth year of the reign (1. 18) of the Pallava Maharaja Simhavarman (1. 14), who was the son of the Yuvamahardja Vishnugopa (1. 9 f.), the grandson of the Maharaja Skandavarman (II.) (1.7), and the great-grandson of the Maharaja Viravarman (1.3). To the name of each of these four princes are prefixed a number of laudatory epithets which resemble those used in the Uravupalli grant, where, however, they are differently arranged and applied to the Pallava Yuvamaharaja Vishougopavarman, his father Maharaja Skandavarman (II.), his grandfather Maharaja Viravarman, and his great-grandfather Maharaja Skandavarman (I.). In the Mangalur grant the epithets differ, but the kings are, as in the Pikira grant, the Pallava Maharaja Simhavarman, his father Yuvaraja Vishougopa, his grandfather Maharaja Skandavarman (II.), and his great-grandfather Maharaja Viravarman. The date of the Pikira grant is the fifth year, and that of the Mangalur grant the eighth year, of Simhavarman's reign. The Uruvapalli grant was made by the Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopavarman, but is dated in the eleventh year of the Maharaja Simhavarman, whose relation to the donor is not stated. Dr. Fleet concluded from this that the Sinhavarman of the Uravupalli plates was an otherwise unknown elder brother of Vishuugopa. I would propose another solution of the difficulty. The term Yuvaraja or Yuvamaharaja, which is prefixed to Vishnugopa not only in his Uruvupalli grant, but in the two grants of his son Simhavarman, suggests that he never ascended the throne, but that the succession passed from his father Skandavarman II. to his son Simhavarman. The reason of this need not have been premature deuth. If it is Edited with photo-lithographs by Dr. Fleet in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 50 ff. and p. 154 8.

Page #184
Pikira grant of Simhavarman, gn 308 anumaant // ne 20 l v kh ):5 // : lii utee hoo ? 83 jhaakaa: 1 4 tee 539 tH neya-3083g. 36 37 3,47v4 2014 nuuNu) 629773 : 2) pl naan4kbr 833 2038 hii krnaa | 2 eeaf 8 - naa ku | viih sbuut hn mn daa Rr is nuuN 33 v5ge 8 daa kaarn hai, kaakaa .. . 10 E. HULTZSCH. FULL-SIZE W. GRIGGS. PHOTO-LITH FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED CYMRV VENKAYYA

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14 16 18 iiib. 20 22 ciircucttpuuvliyil maal k UG81F0R08 atirF08314 121:271090 avri 897119ng kuclaaraiy 8 08 iva 24 fga}AMmkiyaaclaikknnnvkvc TC vrttaavaam vlngkaiy cevtugzrr+ptu RM JYz ib. 98nnnvi caarikll ckllng tngkrngku vrukatutyvtiruvuuraattu P1:78432 34vi:rikc}"18zAN81332J; V. kirrvnnnaakit*ai aangki Dtti caavvlvum cirruaayvivairrukku.mmitt luttumviriy cntittkvlllkkll aacaiykl cmn vaatittu ool 16 18 20 22 24

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No. 15.] varman, to whose eleventh year I would assign-laghavat as an Indian philosopher would saythe Uruvupalli grant. PIKIRA GRANT OF SIMHAVARMAN. The Pikira grant was issued from the camp at Men matura (1. 1), the Mangalur grant from Dasanapura,1 and the Uravupalli grant from the residence (sthana) Palakkada. I am unable to identify Menmatura. As regards the two other names, I have shown that Dr. Burnell's identification of Palakkada with the modern Palicat is untenable." Dr. Burnell was further inclined to consider Palakkada the Telugu equivalent of the Sanskrit name Dasanapura. As stated by Dr. Fleet, this derivation is equally unsound. For the Telugu word for 'a tooth' is not pala, but pallu (genitive panti), and kada does not mean 'a town,' but a place, a side.' Nor is it safe to connect Dasanapura with its synonym Dantapura which, according to the Jataka and the Dathavamsa, was the capital of Kalinga and may be meant for Kalinganagara, the modern Mukhalingam in the Ganjam district,?- far to the north of the Pallava territory. Thus the three ancient local names Menmatura; Dasanapura and Palakkada are still awaiting identification. In his Annual Report for 1904-05, p. 47, Mr. Venkayya has shown that they may have to be looked for in the present Nellore district. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om [1] Jitam-bhagavata [1] Svasti [1] Sri-vijaya-skandhavaran Menmatur-Avisa kat-parama-brahmanya 2 sya sva-bahn-bal-arjjit-orjita-kshatra-tapo-nidh[*]r=vvidhi-vihita-sarvva maryyadasya 3 sthiti-ethitasy-m[i]mand maharajasya prithivi-tal-aika-virasya ariViravarmmanah prapautro= Second Plate; First Side. pravri 4 bhyuchchita-akti-siddhi-sampannasys bhagavad-bhakti-sadbha 5 va-sambhavita-sarvva-kalyapasy-Aneka-go-hirapya-bhamy-Adi-pradanaih 6 ddha-dharma-alchayneys praja-palana-dakshasya lokapalanda palichamaya pratap-panata-raja-maudalasya Second Plate; Second Side. 7 16kapalasya mahatmano maharaja-er[i]-Skandavarmmanah pautro deva-dvija8 guru-vriddh-apachayino vivriddha-vinayasy-anaka-samgrama-sahas-ava 9 mardd-opalabdha-vijaya-yasah-prakasasya satyatmand yuvamaharaja. 1 In the Darsi fragment, Dasanapura is called a residence (adhishthdna); Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 398. * Loc. cit. note 4. South-Ind. Pal. sec. ed. p. 36, note. Vol. VII. p. 66, s. v. Dantapura. Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 318, note 12. Edited by Prof. Bhys Davids (Journal of the Pali Teat Society, 1884), II. 57, 98, 100; III. 2. 7 Above, Vol. IV. p. 187 ff. 161 From ink-impressions supplied by Mr. Venkayys. Expressed by the same symbol as in the Mangalur grant. 10 The photo-lithograph of the Uruvupalli grant (1. 4) reads prapantrasyadohchita, which may be meant for =ochchita-. 11 Corrected by the engraver from-deanata.. 12 Read-6pachdyino, as in 1. 6 of the Uruvapalli grant. 13 A superfluous hook is attached to the right of the ma and of the rdd6.

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Third Plate; First Side. 10 fr[i]-Vishnugopasya putrah kaliyuga-dosh-avasanna-dharmm-8ddharana[i]tya-annadhasya 11 prihaplya-parkramb rajarshi-guna-sarvva-sandoha-vijigishur-ddharmma vijiglahub 12 bhagavat-pad-anuddhyato bappa-bhattaraka-pada-bhaktab parama bhagavato Bharadvajah Third Plate; Second Side. 13 sva-vikram-Akrant-anya-nripa-dri-nilayanam yathavad-Ahrit-anek-aevamedhanam 14 Pallavanan-dharmmamaharaja-sri-Simhavarmma Munda-rashtre Pikire 15 meyakan-atr-adhikrit&n=sarvvadhyaksha-vallava-sasanasancharipas-ch =aj na grame gra payaty-Ayam gramah yam Fourth Plate; First Side. Vilasasarmmape deva 16 Kasyapaya Taittiriyaya 17 bhoga-hala-varjjam-asmad-ayur-bala-vijay-abhivriddhaye 18 vijaya-rajya-panchama-sa[m*]vatsar-Asvayuja-sukla-paksha-tri tiya samedhamana 22 vidyate [1] yah sarvva-parihar-opeto Fourth Plate; Second Side. 19 brahmadeyi-k[ri]ty- [A] smabhis-samprattas Tatas-sarvva-pariharair= a[ ya] m gramah parihartta 20 vya[b] par[i]barayitavya-cha [1] Yas-ch-odam-'asmach-chhasanam= atikramet sa papas-sa 21 riran-dandam-arhaty="Api ch=[*]tr=arshab sloka bhavanti || Bhumidana-saman=danam=[i]ha loien xa [VOL. VIII. Fifth Plate. prayachchhati bhumith sah [11] Bahubhir-vvasudh[a] datta 23 bahu[bh]is-ch-[A]nupalita [1] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya [tada] phalam [11] 24 Sva-dattam para-datta [m] va y[8] hare [ta] hi sarvva-kaman-dadati g[avi][m] [sata]-sahasrasya hamtuh pibati kilbisham [11] 1 Read gishur. Read -vallabha-, as in 1. 18 of the Mangalur grant. Here follows a symbol which I cannot make out. vacant space at the end of the line. vasundharam [*] ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om. Victory has been achieved by Bhagavat? (Vishnu). Hail! From the prosperous camp of victory pitched at Menmatura, (L. 3.) the great-grandson of the glorious Maharaja Viravarman, the only, hero on the surface of the earth, (L. 7.) the grandson of the glorious Mahdraja Skandavarman (II.), (L. 9.) the son of the glorious Yuvamahdraja Vishnugopa, Read -bhattaraka-. Perhaps it is a flourish which serves to fill up the * Read edam, Corrected by the engraver from marhati. 7 On the expression jitam bhagavata see Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inser. p. 25, note 4.

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No. 16.] UNDIKAVATIKA GRANT OF ABHIMANYU. 163 (L. 12.) he who meditates at the feet of Bhagavat (Vishpa), who is devoted to the feet of the lord (his) father, the fervent Bhagavata, the Bharadvaja, the glorious Simhavarman, the rightful Mahardja (of the family) of the Pallaves, who are the abodes of the fortanes of other kings overcome by their own valour, (and) who according to rule have performed many horse-sacrifices, addresses (the following) order to the villagers in the village (named) Pikira in Munda-rashtra and to the general overseers (sarvadhyaksha), the favourites (vallabha) and the official messengers ($dsanasamoharin)* who are appointed to this (distriot). (L. 15.) This village has been given by Us, having made (it) & Brahmaddya, to Vildsalarman of the Kafyapa (gotra) (and) of the Taittiriya (sakha), accompanied by all immunities, with the exception of the cultivated land enjoyed by temples (devabhoga-kala), for the increase of Our length of life, power and victory, on the third (tithi) of the bright fortnight of Agvayuja in the fifth year of (Our) reign of growing victory. L. 19.) "Therefore this village must be exempted and caused to be exempted with all immunities. And that wicked man who will transgress against this Our edict, is liable to corporal punishment. And with reference to this there are also the following) verses of the Rishi (vis. Vy&sa)." [LI. 21-24 contain three of the customary verses.] No. 16.-UNDIKAVATIKA GRANT OF ABHIMANYU. BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). These copper-plates formed part of the collection of Dr. Bhau Daji; but there is no information as to where they came from. The inscription on them was already published by the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Journ. Bombay Branch, R. As. Soc., Vol. XVI. p. 88 ff., and was oritically examined by Dr. Fleet in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XXX. p. 509 ff. At his desire I here re-edit the text, to accompany the Plate now published, from excellent ink-impressions supplied by him. Dr. Fleet contributes the following remarks : "The present facsimile of the plates has been prepared, under my superintendence, from ink-impressions made by me in 1886, when I obtained the original plates on loan, for that purpose, through Major F. H. Jackson, Baroda. The goal has been done from a photograph of it which was made on the same occasion. "The copper-platos are three in number, each measuring about 6" by 21". They are quite smooth, without any rims either fashioned or raised. They are fairly thick; and consequently the letters, though fairly deep, do not show through on the reverse sides at all. The engraving is good; except in a few letters, where the strokes were not firm and deep enough to finish them off properly. The interiors of some of the letters shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. At several places on plates ii.b and iii. the surface has split and broken away, so that the writing is damaged there; the remainder of the record is in good order. 1 On dappa-bhattdraka-pada-bhakta see above, Vol. IV. p. 143 and noto 7. ? Compare above, Vol. VI. p. 88 and note 8. * The synonymous torm djidaanchdrin occurs in Gupta Inor. p. 287, text line 21; p. 246, text line 24; and above, Vol. III. p. 261, text line 18. I supply this word from the Uruvupalli grant which reads (1.28 f.) - farminwpishayd sar podyuktakda sarovanaiyy6k4 (!) rajasallabhd) sacharantakaiacha. In both case the district of Mupd-rashtra is meant. . Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 167, note 1, and above, Vol. VII. p. 66.

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164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. "The ring is oval, about thick and l" to 1" in diameter. It had been cut before the time when it came into my hands. The seal is not of the customary kind. It was formed by Alattening out part of the ring to a thickness of only about }"; thus producing a six-sided surface, about 1" by 1}", carved like the opposite part of the ring. The emblem on it - which I take to be & sinha, couchant to the left (proper right), with jaws open and tongue protruding between them,- W&B done in outline, rather roughly, in that surface. The weight of the three plates is 101 OL.; and of the ring and seal, 1 oz. : total, 11 or." Dr. Fleet assigns the inscription, on palaeographical grounds, to approximately the seventh centary A.D. The upadhmaniya occurs thrice (11. 5, 7 and 13). A horizontal dash is used as a mark of panctuation in four cases. The language is Sanskrit. The genealogical portion contains 2 verses, and two other verses are quoted at the end. The remainder of the inscription is in prose. The Sandhi rules are neglected before u in 11. 15 and 16. The vowel ri and the syllable ri are mixed up in drishta (1. 6) and tripargga (1. 8). Other irregularities are varita for varsa (1.5), punya for punya (1.7), and Jayasingha for Jayasinha (1. 18). The inscription is of historical importance because it contains the earliest mention of Rashtrakata kings. These princes seem to have belonged to a branch distinct from that of the Malkhoy family, whose crest was the Garuda, while the seal of this grant bears a lion. The genealogical portion opens with the statement that "there was a king named Mananka, who W&the ornament of the Rashtrakutas, whose glory is adorned with a multitude of many virtues." His son was Devaraja (1. 3 f.). He had three sons (v.2), - among them Bhavishya, whose son was Abhimanyu (1. 11). While the latter resided at Manapuram (1. 12 f.), he granted a small village (gramaka) named Undikavetika (1. 15). If we look for the name of the donee, we are confronted by two genitives : Dakshina-Sivasya (1. 14 f.) and Jafabhara-praprajitarya (1. 15 f.). Dr. Fleet connected the first with the following word Undskavafokd and translated the second by" (the god) who has left his home (at the place belonging to him as Dakshina-Siva) and has gone abroad to (and settled at) Jatabhara," which he identified with a temple called 'Jutta Shankar,' s.c. Jata-Samkara. To this may be objected that the time-hallowed technical meaning of pravrajita is one who has left home to become a religious mendicant,' and that this word would hardly be used with reference to an idol instead of the ordinary pratishthapita. The two genitives can be explained by taking the first as the name of the donee and the second, as was done by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji,as the name of a Pabupata ascetio in charge of the temple, to whom the grant was made over on behalf of the temple by pouring water into his band. Hence I would translate 1. 12 ff. as follows: "He who was adorning Manapuram by residing at (it), gave, in order to increase the religious merit of (his) mother and father, the small village named Undikavatika to (the temple of) Dakshina-Siva belonging to [Petha)-Pangaraka, by pouring water into the hands) of the ascetic JatabhAra. Towards this (grant) nobody should practise deceit." According to 1. 18 the grant was made" in the presence of Jayasinha, the commanders (of the fort) of HarivatBakotta." The inscription ends with two of the customary verses. As regards the localities mentioned in this record, the 'Dakshina-Siva (temple) belonging to [Petha)-Pangaraka' had been identified in the Bombay Gazetteer with the Mahadeva temple Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 886. * Atter patdkd, 1. 6, praoridd dd, 1.7, badmindthd4, 1. 9, and at the end of 1. 19. ... 1. Val YYY n. 810. 611. 818.

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Untikavatika grant of Abhimanyu. 3. kltaam - 3 - utttu). AT AT int paarti R373 nkttttil vaitttu - laal arrup AND IRS P J. F. FLEET. w. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. FULL-SIZE.

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1b. dwr@ : 82 3 rm 1 n 1 l t ) wlty l sl m l . qym 85 Tnz G `ly l qlt lyk n w hm mjbwr dr yrn m 1 2 8 = r ly khth lt mkhn w fkh * 3 *

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No. 16.) UNDIKAVATIKA GRANT OF ABHIMANYU. 168 near Pagara, which is about four miles north of Pachmarhi. In endorsing this identification, Dr. Fleet suggested that Undikavatika, the village granted, may be one of two villages named Oontiya' in the same neighbourhood. He was inclined to identify Manapuram with Manpur near Bandhogarh ' in Rewa, provided that the Manapuram of the inscription was to be understood as the capital of Abhimanya, not as a temporary camp of his. That the former alternative is correct, may perhaps be concluded from the name Manapuram itself, which seems to be derived from Mananka, the name of Abhimanya's great-grandfather, and to mean the town or capital of Mans or Mananka.' TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om svagti [II] Aneka-guna-gan-Alankita-yasaskih 2 Rashtrakatana[m] [t]ilaka-bhato Mananka iti r&ja 3 babhava [1] tasya vigrahavan-iva Dovaraja(jo) Deva4 raj-eti Bunuh [io] Yasy-"Anya-bha mipatibhir vvijit-A[bh]i5 manair-uchchhrdyi-vangs-nihit&s=8VA-yasab-pe Second Plate; First Side." 6 taka | dri(dpi)shta chirar pratidinah nanu drisyatd cha 7 Gang-dva punya (nya)-Balila puratah-pravri(djdhAh? (II) [10] Tagy-atma8 ja jita-ripor=vvijita-tri(tri)vargga jAtag=trayas-sakala 9 rajaka-bhuminathAh! yais-sangardshu samapatta-ma30 dA[n ]sapatna[-*]jitva hfita Baha bhava vipula npipa-brish || 2*] 11 Tashan Bhavishyasya guto-Bhimanyuh Second Plate; Second Side. 12 sauryy-8[r*]ja-ra pais=sadfig-Bhimanyo [io] Tons Mana13 puram-adhyasanen-Alankorvvata matapitrohepu14 nya-nimitt-abhivriddhaya (Petha)-10Pangarakiya-Dakshina15 Siva[s]ya [O]pdikavatika nama gramako Jatabhara16 pravra [ji]tasya adaka-purvyako dattah [1] (a)tra na k[e]n17 chikils vydjah karttavyah [l*) Third Plate. 18 Harivatsakocta-nigraha-Jayasinghe-lamaksham [1] 19 anyach-cha (1"] Ba[h]ubhir-yvasudh bhukta rajabhih [8a]gar-&[a]ibhih 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXX. p. 611 and note 16. * Ibid. p. 514. - From Dr. Fleet's ink-impressions. * Expressed by a symbol. Metre of verses 1 and 8: Vaantatilaka. Reed -asha-rihitd roa. Cancel the pisarga. * The second half of this Indravajra verse is missing. . As pointed out by Dr. Meet (Ind. Ant. VoL XXX. p. 609, note 1), the correct expression would be puny-dbhiosiddhi-nimittad. 1. This word is much damaged. 11 Dr. Fleet (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXX. p. 509, note 2) read. Dotikandfibd, but the subscript d of the second syllable of Updio differs in shape from the ot drishfa (1.6), kofta (1. 18) and shashfi (1. 201.). 19 Bead chit or, more correctly, olid, Read -Jayaridha..

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166 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. 20 yasya yasya yada bh[m]is-tasya tasya tad& phalaria (11"] She21 shti-varsha-sahasrani vargge modati bhQmi-dah [1] 22 Achchhetts ch=Anumanta cha tany-dva narake vase[t] [ll] No. 17.-EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH. BY J. Pa. VOGEL, LIT.D.; LAHORE. In the course of excavations carried on by Mr. F. O. Oertel in the winter of 1904-05 at 8&rnath near Benares, & considerable number of epigraphs, besides a wealth of other archeological materials, have come to light. Mr. Oertel intends giving a full account of his explorations in the Annual Report of the Archeologioal Survey for that year. But as it will be some time before this is published, it seems desirable to render the most important of his epigraphical discoveries at once available to European scholars. It is hoped that this early publication of the inscriptions will not only be welcome, but that it may attract a discussion of the new finds among experts and thus lead to a solution of the various problems which will be indicated in the course of the following pages. I.-INSCRIPTIONS ON THE ASOKA PILLAR, a, b, c, d, -Inscription of Asoka. Earliest in date is an inscription in Brahmi of the Maurya period, cut on the shaft of a monolith of highly polished and fine-grained limestone. Its appearance agrees well with that of the pillar "bright as jade" which, according to Hiuen Tsiang, marked the spot where Sakyamuni began to "turn the wheel of the Law." Unfortunately only the lower portion of the shaft was found in situ. Evidently the pillar had been wilfully thrown down and mati. lated, probably in that same "great final oatastrophe," of which Major Kittoe received so vivid an impression in the course of his Sarnath excavations. Besides large portions of the upper part of the shaft, a Persepolitan capital of excellent workmanship was unearthed. It bears four sitting lions, carrying a wheel, another indication of the pillar being identical with that described by Hiuen Tsiang. That its height cannot have reached the 70 feet of Hiuen Triang's pillar does not seem a serious objection, as the figure is only approximate, and it must be remembered that there is always a tendency to overestimate the height of monuments. What is more inexplicable is that Hinen Tsiang neither connects its origin with Asoka nor mentions the fact of its being inscribed. As to the latter point, I agree with Mr. Oertel's explanation that at the time of Hinen Tsiang's visit most of the inscribed part of the shaft must have been under ground. This was certainly the case at the moment of its destruction. For, in order to lay bare the inscription, Mr. Oertel had to cut through several concrete floors, superimposed one above the other, as the ground gradually rose above the original level. It is due, indeed, to this circumstance that most of the inscription has been preserved. Mr. Oertel succeeded in recovering three inscribed fragments, from which it may be inferred that the destroyed portion consisted only of the first three lines of the epigraph. It will be seen that of the uppermost line of the main portion still in situ (i.a on the Plate), several of the letters are injured and the concluding part is broken off. This missing part of twelve aksharas is supplied by one of those three fragments (i.d), which also contains the end of the preceding 1 Si-yu-ki (Beal), Vol. II. p. 46. 4. 8. R. Vol. I. p 126.

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No. 17.] EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH. 167 line, consisting of two fragmentary and nine entire aksharas. Of the former we find the minging upper portions on another small fragment (i.c), which contains one entire akshara besides, and thus adds three to the nine aksharas mentioned. It will, moreoyer, be noticed that between the two lines of fragment i.d there runs a dark line, which indicates where the uppermost floor met the shaft and left its mark upon it. There can be no doubt as to the original position of these two fragments, which fit exactly to the lower part of the shaft preserved in situ. This is not the case with the third fragment (1.b), which has the first two syllables of three lines. But below its third line we find the same traces of the floor as are found on frag ment i.d. This shows that in this third line wo have the two initial syllables of the same line, the end of which is preserved on fragments i.c and i.d. Above the first line of i.a enough open space remains to make it unlikely that there was another line above it. We see, moreover, that the two syllables preserved read devd, which, if continued -nam-piye Piyadasi lujd, would form the well-known opening formula of several of the Asoka edicts. We may, therefore, assume that fragment i.b contains the beginning of the first three lines of the original epigraph. It follows from this that the appermost line in situ is the fourth line of the whole inscription which, consequently, consisted of eleven lines. Their average length is 60 cm., but the last line measures only 21.5 om. The size of the letters varies from 13 to 2.8 om. They are cut very clearly, and are legible throughout, except in portions of the third and fourth lines. It is a question of primary importance whether we are justified in attributing the inscription to Asoka. That the Dharmaraja would erect a memorial pillar on the spot where the Master preached his first sermon-as, indeed, we know he did on the place of his birth and on that of his parinirvana- seems a priori most plausible. The fine monolith with its splendid capital and well-engraved inscription in the Maurya character would seem to point to no lesser founder than the great Buddhist emperor. But the epigraph itself affords a moro positive proof. I need not quote as evidence my explanation of the first two aksharas of i.l, which, though plausible, is hypothetical itself. The same remark applies to a conjectural restoration of pilgu in the third line of the same fragment to Pufalipute the only word of the Asoka inscriptions beginning with those syllables. The following two points seem to me to be decisive. In the sixth line we read : Hevan-devananpiye-cha- "Thus speaks His sacred Majesty." And in the eighth line mention is made of the Mahumatas, evidently no others than the Dhammamahumatas or superintendents of the sacred Law' whom, according to the fifth rock edict, Asoka had appointed thirteen years after his anointment. In the seventh pillar edict it is, moreover, stated that these officials would be occupied with the affairs of the Sangha also, and it is clear that to these the Sarnath inscription refers. We read in the fifth line: hevan-iyan-sdsane bhikhra-8amghasi-cha bhikhuni-sainghasicha vinna payitaviye- "Let thus this order be brought to notice in the congregation of the monks and in the congregation of the nuns." And the monks themselves are evidently addressed in the following pagsage (1. 6 f.): "Not only has such an edict been laid down for you. But you must also lay down exactly such an edict for the lay-members." It would follow from the above that the Sarnath pillar was erected after the institution of the Mahamatas, i.e. not before the fourteenth year of Asoka's abhish&ka (about B.C. 255). It seems not unlikely that its erection took place on the occasion of Asoka's pilgrimage to the holy places of Buddhism in 249 B.C. It may at first seem surprising that the epigraph- at least 1 It is, of course, also possible that the Instrumental case was used, w in the Rummindel (or Padariya) and Nigliva pillar inscriptions : Devdnan-piyena Piyadasina ldjina ; se above, Vol. V. p. 1 ff. 1 Rock edict V. 7. The word is only found in the Girnar inscription, while the other versions substitute ia, hidat, hidd, here;' se Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 453. * Ibid. pp. 458 and 467. * Ibid. p. 289 ft. * V. A. Smith, The Early History of India (Oxford 1904), p. 189.

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1 68 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. its preserved portion does not contain any reference to the event which, in all probability, it was meant to commemorate. But at the time of its erection such a reference must have appeared superfluous. It is noteworthy that, though the Rummindet inscription twiee refers to the Baddha's birth, the reference is, in reality, incidental. The pillar was erected, not to commemorate this fact, but to record Agoka's visit and his liberality on that occasion. The language of the Sarnath insoription presents the same characteristios, peculiar to the MAgadut dialect, as are found in the rock ediots of Kalei, Dhauli and Jangada, the pillar edicts of Radia, Mathia and Ramparva, the Rapnath, Bairat and Sahasram odiots, and in the Barabar cave inscriptions. These characteristios are the Nominative Singular Masculine ending in e, the substitution of 1 for r and of n for the exclusive use of the dental sibilant, and of forms like hevan for fuam and hedise for idrida: It will be seen that our epigraph contains several words not met with in any of the other A80ka inscriptions & point which, though adding to its interest, increases the difficulty of its interpretation. On the other hand, the fact that in the beginning we find a passage correspond. ing to the fragmentary Kosambi-Sanchi edict, and at the end one which recurs in the Rapnath ediot, is important for the interpretation not only of the Sarnath inscription, but also of the parallel passages quoted. In publishing my version of the inscription I wish to acknowledge thankfully the great benefit derived from a number of explanatory notes which I owe to the kindness of Prof. Kern, who has authorised me to give them publicity here. Dr. T. Bloch has also favoured me with some valuable remarks to be noticed in the sequel. In my transcript I have followed Dr. Buhler's system of joining by a hyphen such words as are written continuously in the original. TEXT. 1 Deva[nath-piye Piyadasi 1Aja*) 2 e [la'] . . 3 Pata[lipute]. . . . . . .ye-kena-pi samghe-bhetave-e-chur-kho 4 [bhikh-vs-bhikhani-va] sathgham-bh[i]khati se-odatani-dus[2]ni samnandha payiy&-Andvasasi 5 Avasayiye [1] Hevam.iyath-sdsane bhikha-samghasi-cha bhikhuni-samghasi-cha vinnapayitaviye [1*] 6 Hevan-devanan-piyo-aha [l*) Hedisi-cha-ika-lipf tuphakartika-huva-ti samsala nasi-nikhita [1] 7 Ikan-cha-lipim-hedisam-eva apasakanantikan-nikhipatha [lo] Te-pi-cha-upasak & Anuposathan-gava 8 etam-eva-sasanam visvamsayitave (1) Anuposatham-cha-dhuvaye ikike-'mahamate posathaye 9 yati etam=eva-skaanam vispatsayitave Ajanitare-cha [lo] Avatake-cha taphAkan-ahale 10 avata-vivasayatha-tophe etena-viyamjanena [*] Hem-eva-savesu-kota-visavesu etena 11 viyamjanena vivas&payatha [ll"] The meaning of this letter is doubtful. It resembles most the sign for I, but the stroke to the proper right is slanting downward, and not horizontal w in saralanari (1. 6). It will be noticed that initial ( is exprewed here in another way than in iyan (1. 6), ika (16) and ikan (1.7). In the latter two dota are beroath and the third above; in ikike (for (kaika) we have just the reverse. It is posible that in the second came bus to be read. We find post-consonantic in lip (1.6).

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No. 17.] EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH. 169 TRANSLATION. (Line 1.)-[His sacred Majesty king Piyadasi] .... (1.3) at Pataliputta.... Whatsoever (1. 4) monk or nun begs his food(?), let him be provided with clean (or white) cloths and reside in another residence (or monastery). (L. 5.) Thus should this order be made known in the congregation of the monks and in the congregation of the nuns. (L. 6.) Thus speaks His sacred Majesty. Not only has such an edict been laid down (by me) for you so that you should remember "So be it!" (L. 7.) Bat you must also lay down exactly such an edict for the lay-members. Let the lay-members also go on each sabbath (1. 8) in order to familiarize themselves with this order. Also on each sabbath regularly will each superintendent go to the sabbath (service) (1.9) in order to familiarize himself with this order and to understand it. And as far as your district (reaches), (1. 10) walk ye everywhere according to this proclamation. In like manner cause (others) in all towns and provinces (1.11) to walk according to this proclamation. REMARKS. Line 3. bhetave.- Dr. Bloch remarks: "I felt inclined at first to explain this word as bhettavyah or bhettum from bhinatti, and I supposed that the order (Adsanam) in the beginning contained injunctions against quarrelsome monks or nuns, who tried to cause schisms in the Sangha (Pali: sanghan bhinditui). I tried to get out of bh[i]khati some similar word of the same meaning, and to translate the sentence: "A monk or nun who cause schisms in the Sangha, let them put on white cloths (instead of the ordinary yellow robe) and take their living in some other place" (anuvasasi=any dvase). This would enable us to translate the end of the edict, from Avatake-cha-tuphakan-dhale (1. 9) thus: "As far as your district (? ahale) goes, everywhere turn ye ont (vinasayatha) [a monk or nun creating disturbances] with this mark (etena viyamjanena, viz. white cloths)." But I confess that I cannot see how bhikhati, or whatever the reading may be, can be made to convey a similar meaning."-Chuth-kho, as Dr. Bloch notes, "stands for chu-kkho (Skr. tu khalu), the group ikh baving taken the place of kkh (Prkt. kkho), as we have nna for nna in viina payitaviye (1. 5)." L. 4, bhikhati.- The vowel-stroke of the first syllable is broken, but from the little that remains I feel inclined to read rather i than o. On the Allahabad pillar the akshara is missing, but was restored by Buhler as bho on the strength of the SAnchi inscription. But in the latter also, judging from the facsimile, the vowel-stroke is far from certain and can as well be read bhi. Another difficulty is presented by the word sanghan, which Buhler took to be a Nominative used as an apposition with bhikhd-va-bhikhuni-vd," the community, both monk and nun." In the light of the Sarnath inscription this interpretation can hardly be maintained. It should be noticed that the word saghan is connected with the following bhikhati, and not with the preceding bhikhu-va-bhikhuni-va. Dusdni is the Plural of dusan, Pali dussa, Skr. dushya. Samnandhapayiya (for which Kosambi and Sanohi have sannandhapayitu) belongs, according to Prof. Kern, to the causative of sannandhati=Skr. samnahyati. Compare Pali pilandhati=Skr. pinahyati, originally pinadhyati, from the root nadh (past participle naddha, and Latin nodus from noddhus*); cansative pilandhapeti. "The difference in meaning," Prof. Kern remarks," between pilandhapeti and sannandhapeti cannot be great. We may, therefore, ronder it by to provide with' (cloths in the Accusative case)." L. 5, vinnapayitaviye (Skr. vijnapayitavyam), from vinnapeti, Pali viftfiapeti (Skr. vijnapayati), the causative of Sanskrit-Pali vijanati. It should be noticed that Asoka, in making his wishes known to the Sangha, uses the respectful term vinnapeti, and not dnapets (compare anapitani in pillar edict VII.). For the transition of vijna to oinna- compare chhandannani in pillar edict IV. for Skr. chhandojniani.

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170 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. L. 6, tuphakantikam, and updsakana intikam (1. 7) contain the Genitive Plural of tuphe (Nom. Plur.) and updsaka combined with the postposition antikarh (see Childers, s. v.), 'penes tos' and penes laicos.' Prof. Kern adds that we might assame an etymological spelling tuphakamanitikan in which the anusvara became elided." For such an elision of anusvara between two vowels is found in the Vedic metrical system, in the metrical portions of the Pali texts, and in the Sanskritized Buddhist gathas, just as 6.g. in Latin templum Apollinis becomes templapollinis. Roth has rightly remarked (s. v. samana) that samanova (Rigu. VI. 75, 4 and elsewhere) represents samanam iva. In the same way we have devamaneva chitram (Rigv. X. 107, 10) for davamanam iva chitram, and not for devamand iva chitram as explained in the Padapatha." Another interesting instance is pointed out by Prof. Kern in Rigu. VIII. 59, 2. "The traditional reading indran tam fumbha puruhanmann avuse is metrically impossible, as the last four syllables must be u-u Now what has happened? The words of the poet were manavase, which stands for manam avase. The diaskeuasts took puruhanmano for a Vocative, and as they did not understand the a in 'avase, they shortened it. In applying the Sandhi rule of Sanskpit grammar, they changed man into mann and omitted the accent of puruhanmanam which they took for a Vocative, but which in reality is an epithet of indram, meaning who has slain many.' In this manner they gave birth to the Rishi Puruhanman!" Huva Prof. Kern derives from the Skr. Conj. Aor. bhuvat, the a being lengthened on account of the following ti.- Sansalanasi is the Locative of samsalanan, which both Prof. Kern and Dr. Bloch explain as the equivalent of Skr. samsmarana, remembrance. The expression samsalanasi nikhita (Skr. samsmarane nikshipta) would, therefore, mean -pat to memory.'In l. 7 yavu is the 3rd Pers. Plur. Opt. of yati. L. 8, visvamsayitave.- From the manner in which the words are connected it is evident that visvansayitave (again in 1. 9) is to be regarded as one word, and not as the adjective visvan (Skr. vifuam) + a verb savitave. Prof. Kern and Dr. Bloch agree in interpreting visvamsayitave as corresponding with Skr. visvasayitum, to be taken in a reflexive sense, "to make oneself familiar with. As instances of a similar use of a causative verb Prof. Kern quotes darsayitum, which sometimes has the meaning to show oneself.' For aso instead of uso he compares the Jaina Prakrit niyansei and niyamsavei=Skr. nivasayati, whereas we have the reverse in visa=Skr. vimsa', tisa=Skr. trimsat, chattalisa=Skr. chatvarimbat. Anuposatham-cha-dhuvaye occurs also in pillar edict V.: dhuraye-cha-anuposathan, constantly on each fast-day,' where Buhler (Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 264) explains dhuvdye=Skr. dhruvaya. Compare also Kalsi rock edict I. : no-dhuve, 'not regularly' (in the Shahbazgarhi version no dhruram). L. 9, dhale.- Prof. Kern is of opinion that dhale cannot correspond here with Skr. ahara. * Childers," he says, "has ahdro='food, nourishment; cause' (more correctly : 'ground, basis '). But there are in reality two different words which have coincided in form, namely, dharo, 'food' (=Skr. dhara), and aharo, 'ground' (=Skr. adhara). It seems to mean 'territory' in the compound sahara (Mahavagga, VI. 30, 4), ' with all the territory. In any case dhale here equals adhara, and its meaning must be territory, field of business,'" In his rendering of the Rupnath edict M. Senart has adopted the meaning food' for dhale ; but the concluding sentence of the Sarnath inscription leaves little doubt about the correctness of Prof. Kern's interpretation. It will be seen from the above that Dr. Bloch has arrived independently at the same conclusion. I may add that in later inscriptions also the word has the meaning of *& territorial division.' Compare Burgess, Buddhist Cave Temples (London 1883), p. 113, fontnote 4, L. 10, cavata. Compare rock edict II, (KAlbi): savata vijitasi, everywhere in the empire.'-Viyanjana (Skr. vyafljana) must here (and in l. 11) have a different meaning from that

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No. 17.] EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH. 171 assigned to it by Buhler in the expression hetuvatd-chd viya mjanate-cha (rock edict III.), both according to the letter and according to the spirit. The sense attached to it by M. Senart in the Rupnath edict is evidently the one to be applied bere also. The Sarnath inscription, more. over, places it beyond doubt that M. Senart's reading of the corresponding passage in that edict is correct. The original meaning of vyanjana is manifestation, from which that of a royal proclamation can be easily derived. In connection with the Rupnath legend this interpretation seems to me preferable to that suggested above by Dr. Bloch. Vivasayitha is the 2nd Plur. Imper, of vivaseti. Compare vivasetavaya in the Rupn&th edict, which M. Senarto translates : il vous faut partir en mission. But as in the Sarnath inscription apparently no reference is made to missionary duties, I feel inclined to assign to it a more general meaning, either to go about for inspecting purposes' as suggested by Prof. Kern, or 'to conduct oneself,' a meaning which could be derived from that of' to spend one's time'attached to Skr. vivasati. That, in any case, vivasayatha, though a causative in form, can hardly have a causative meaning, appears from the following vivasapayatha (1. 11), the 2nd Pers. Plur. Imper. of a verb vivasapeti which can be nothing but a causative of vivaseti. This prevents me from accopting the interpretation suggested by Dr. Bloch. L. 11, kota-visavesu.-Prof. Kern agrees with me in explaining visavest as the equivalent of Skr. vishayeshu and quotes the following parallel cases : ussava avasyaya; pavachchhati, v. l. pavechchhati= prayachchhati; tavatinsa =trayastrimea ; kuldvaka=kuldyaka ; kedsdva=kashaya. In the Asoka inscriptions we bave avuti (pillar edict IV.)=Skr. dyukti, and the terminations of the 3rd Pers. Sing and Plar. Opt. ova (Skr. oyat) and ovu (Skr. 'yur), e.g. pdpova (pillar edict IV.)=Skr. prapnwyat. It is more difficult to explain kota. Prof. Kern proposes to render the compound either by 'territory belonging to the resort of a capital' or by rural district,' as in Tamil kottam has the meaning of an agrionltural town or village. I have translated it as & dvandua compound. That kota, 'a fort, can be used to designate a fortified city, is evident from placenames like Nagar-kot (i.e. Kangra city) and Pathan-kot (for Pratishthana-kota). 0,1.- Additional inscriptions on the Agoka pillar. Besides the Agoka ediot, the Sarnath pillar contains two records of a later date, each consisting of only one line. The older of the two (i.e) is incised partly beneath the Asoka inscription, continuing, as it were, its last short line. Though the engraving of the letters, which measure from 1 to 7 cm., is inferior to that of the principal record, there can be little doubt about the reading, with the exception of the first word which is partly destroyed. The length of the line, as far as preserved, is exactly 1 m. I read it as follows :3 ....rparigeyhe rajna Asvaghoshasya chatarise savachhare hematapakhe prathame divase dasame. "[In the fortunate reign] of Rajan Asvaghosha, in the fortieth year, in the first fortnight of winter, on the tenth day." It will be seen that the sign for anusvara is omitted throughout (read: chatarimse, samyachhare, hemantapakhe), and that the long d of rajfia and chatari[mn]de is not indicated, unless the very slight extension to the proper left of the top of rand 1 is meant to serve that purpose. It is probable that at the beginning there was some expression equivalent to the vardhamana-kalyana-vijaya-rdjye of later inscriptions. 1 See Senart, Les Inscriptions de Piyadasi (Paris, 1886), Vol. II. pp. 169ff, and 103 f. Ibid. p. 182 ff. * The beginning of this inscription is shown on the Piste containing the Aboks adint, and the continuation of i on the second Plate of Sarnath inscriptions. The first letter of Alvaghoshasya appears on both Plates.-E..] * For geyha see Prof. Pischel's Grammatik der Prdlerit-Sprachen, 572. z 2

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172 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. VIJI. The title rajan added to the name Asvaghosha forbids us from identifying him with the eighth Buddhist patriarch and author of the Buddhacharita. It is true that in later India worldly titles are not uncommonly applied to spiritual worthies. Thus the term sarighardja is the modern title of the principal ecclesiastical functionary in Burma. But it is doubtful whether that onstom can be referred to the period to which our inscription belongs. Nor does it seem over to have been the custom to date documents after the pontifical reign of the head of the church. It is more likely that the date refers to the era of Kanishka, and that the name of the local ruler of the time was added to the Genitive according to the established custom. The characters well agree with this supposition. The angular ga and fa approach the forms of the Maurya Brahml. But on the whole the script resembles most closely that of the Kushana period. Compare e.g. the akshara sya with that of the Kanishka inscription beneath. Some of the letters, like re, pa and sa, show a somewhat later type. Thug the epigraph may be assigned to the reign of Huvishka. The language, a mixture of Prakrit and Sanskrit, points to the same conclusion. Another inscription (i.f.) of a still later date is engraved to the proper left of the Asoka inscription and above that of Asvaghosha's reign. It consists of one line, 52 cm. long. The size of the letters varies from 1 to 5 cm. It is evidently not the work of a professional stonecutter. Some of the characters are moreover injured, which makes their reading somewhat doubtful. My reading is as follows : A[cha]ryyana Sa[mmi]tiyanam parigraha Vatsiputrikanan. " Homage of the masters of the Sammitiya (?) sect (and) of the Vatsiputrika school." On account of its characters, which resemble those of the early Gupta records, this epigraph may be attributed to the fourth century A.D. The language, it will be noticed, is more Sanskritic than that of the previous inscription. But the long 8 is not everywhere indicated (read: acharyyanam Sammitiyana). In parigraha the last syllable ought to be ho. Unfortunately the second syllable of the second word is uncertain. If the proposed reading be correct, it would afford an interesting proof of the correctness of a Tibetan tradition, according to which the Vatsiputriyas were & subdivision of the Sammitiys sect. As stated by Hiuen Tsiang, the large convent which once stood at Sarnath accommodated fifteen hundred monks of this sect. Vatsiputra was one of the fathers of the Buddhist church, who, according to a Tibetan source, collected the words of the Lord two hundred years after his parinirvana. II.-FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF ASVAGHOSHA'S REIGN. It is curious that the name of Rajan Asvaghosha occurs again on the fragment of a stone slab (height 16.5 cm.), which Mr. Oertel discovered, almost at the surface, some 70 feet to the north-east by east of the vihara which formed the centre of his explorations. It contains the first portions of two lines of a well engraved inscription, which I read : 1 RAno Asvaghosha[sya) . . . . . 2 Upala he[ma][mtapakhe P] . . . . "[In the reign) of Rajan Asvaghosha, [Upala ((r)), [in the fortnight of winter PJ T'he characters are the same as those of Asvaghosha's inscription on the Asoka pillar. * See Childers, Dictionary of the Pali Language, .. . sangho. See Senart, Journal Asiatique, serie 8, Vol. XV. (1890), p. 127 f. * See Prof. Ken's Gorchiedenis, Vol. II. PP. 854 and 443 .

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No. 17.] EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH. 173 M.-INSCRIPTIONS OF THE THIRD YEAR OF KANISHKA. These inscriptions are incised on a colossal standing Bodhisattva statue, and on an octagonal stone shaft which once carried an ambrella placed over the image. That the two objects belong together is evident from their epigraphs, both of which record the donation of a Bodhisattva and of an umbrella with a shaft (chhatra-yash(t) on the same date and by the samo donors. The inscriptions are dated in the third year of Maharaja Kanishka (spelled Mahuraja Kanishka), the third month of winter, the twenty-second day, and thus are the earliest records in which the name of the great Kushana ruler occurs. They supply, however, no absolute proof that at that time Kanishka's rule extended as far as Benares, as there is no evidence that the donors were inhabitants of Kast. On the contrary, it will be seen in the sequel that the latter came more probably from Mathura and erected the image on the occasion of a pilgrimage to the sacred sites of Buddhism. What adds considerably to the interest of these inscriptions is the fact that the chief donor, Frier Bala, a master of the Tripitaka and fellow of Friar Pushyavuddhi, must be identical with the donor of the sravasti image in the Calcutta Museum, to which Dr. Bloch devoted an excellent article in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengul. If the identity of the names alone (that of the monk Pushyavnddhi is partly missing in the Sravasti inscription) were not considered sufficient proof, the striking similarity of the two inpages in style and workmanship and of their inscriptions in language and script canuot leave any doubt as to the correctness of my conclusion. It is not a little curious that we meet the name of Friar Bala for the third time on an inscribed Bodhisattva image from Mathura, preserved in the Lucknow Museum, as the spiritual preceptor of the nun Buddhamitra whose name is also found among the donors of the Sarnath image. The Mathura image is dated in the reign of Maharaja Huvishka in the year 33, which makes it exactly thirty ycars posterior to the Sarnath one. Two names found in the Sarnath inscriptions, to wbich a considerable amount of interest attaches, are Kharapallans and Vanaspara (or Vanashpara). On the umbrella shaft they are mentioned among the persons who took part in the donation, Vanasparn being mentioned first and bearing the title of Kshatrapa. But on the image it is distinctly stated that Kharapallana, here called Mahakshatrapa, erected the Bodhisattva together with the Kshatrapa Vanashpara. As, however, Friar Bala's name is connected with the image in a manner which wonld indicate him as the donor, it is not altogether patent wbat part the two satraps took in the donation. The question has been raised how mendicants, who have to beg for their food and are not allowed worldly possessions, could make donations which would necessarily involve a considerable expenditure. Perhaps the Sarnath inscriptions afford an explanation. We may suppose that the two satraps supplied the necessary funds, but that the work was carried out under the supervision of Friar Bala, who thus was fully justified in calling the gift his own. Such guidance on the part of one well versed in the holy scriptures would be needed, to make sure that the works were completely orthodox. We need not go far afield to find parallels, or quote the case of Fra Angelico, who adorned San Marco at Florence with his famous frescoes. On the very 1 The earliest inscription of Kanishka's reign hitherto found is that of his fifth year; Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 881, No. 1. 1 Vol. LXVII. Part I. (1898), p. 274. Compare Anderson's Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 194. * Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 2 and Plate; and Luders, ibid. VOL XXXIIL. P. 39, No. 9. The exact And-spot is stated to be the Chaubara mound. The word ddnath, though not used in the Sarnath inscriptions, is found on the Srivasti image. Kern, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 40. That the former practice was not strictly adhered to, kas toen pointed out by M. Foucher, L'art Greco-bouddhique du Gandhdra, Vol. I. (Paris, 1905), p. 169; but the ralo forbidding monks to touch money is still observed, at least in Burma.

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174 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. borders of India the quaint paintings which cover the walls of the dgon-pas are executed up to the present day so I was told in Lahul- by those of the lamas who possess the most accurate knowledge of their stupendous pantheon. This much, at any rate, is certain, that the Sarnath and the Sravasti image were made by the same master, if not by the same workmen. The style is that of the Mathura school; the material is the red sandstone of the Agra quarries. All this points to the conclusion, already referred to above, that the donors of these images had their home at Mathura where, as early as the reign of the satraps Rajula (or Ranjubula) and Sodasa, a school of sculpture flourished, which was strongly influenced by the Graeco-Buddhist art of Gandhara. Seemingly this Mathura school created a Bodhisattva type, specimens of which found their way to other famous centres of Buddhism. And all evidence now available points to the fact that these were the very first images of the kind set up at those places. For where else but at these sacred spots, hallowed by the presence of the Buddha himself, should we expect to find such images? And yet not a fragment of anything earlier than these has been found there. On the other hand, would Friar Bala and his companions have carried those gigantic statues from Mathura to Sravasti and far-off Benares, if there had been local artists capable of converting a block of stone into a sacred image? Would he have thought it necessary to mention expressly that the image represented a Bodhisattva, if such images had been familiar to the pious? Let us bear in mind the numberless images of Medieval India, all evidently made locally, those of Sarnath in Chunar sandstone, those of Gaya in basalt,- among which we hardly ever find one marked with the name of the deity which it represents. Among the numerous inscribed Buddhist images of the early Gupta period Dr. Bloch can quote only three examples in which the subject is mentioned. Then, if Friar Bala was a monk of Mathura, who were his patrons, the great satrap Kharapallana and the satrap Vanaspara? That they were Buddhists is evident; and it may be inferred from their titles that the former was the latter's father, and from their names that they were of foreign extraction. As to the latter point, it is impossible at present to arrive at a definite conclusion. For though these two names have a distinct Iranian sound, I need only refer to the instance of the Mughal rulers of later days, to demonstrate the unsoundness of inferring anything therefrom as to their ethnographic origin. Perhaps from their connection with Friar Bala we may hazard the conjecture that their seat of government was at Mathura, where a line of foreign rulers is known to have existed only about a century before. It is true that on the Kshatrapa coins found in and round that city the names of Kharapallana and Vanaspara do not occur. But this fact can easily be accounted for on the assumption that Kharapallana, though possibly a descendant of the independent satraps of the 1st century B.C., now owed allegiance to Maharaja Kanishka, in whose reign the inscriptions are dated, and consequently used the Kushana coinage. May we go a step further and assume that his son Vanaspara, who in the umbrella inscription is mentioned before Kharapallana, resided at Benares and ruled the eastern portion of the province governed by his father? The Sarnath inscriptions partly confirm and partly modify Dr. Bloch's conclusions regarding the Sravasti epigraph. They show that he is undoubtedly correct in his interpretation of 1 That statues already existed in India at an earlier period is proved by the Parkham image (4. S. R. Vol. XX. p. 40 and Plate vi.) with its inscription in Maurya Brahmi. But apparently it has no connection with Buddhism. 2 A. Foucher, Etude sur l'Iconographie Ronddhique de l'Inde (Paris, 1900), pp. 4 ff. and 7 ff. Regarding the Mathura sculptures the author remarks: "Elles sont tout de suite reconnaissables a la belle couleur rouge tachetee de jaune du gres des Vindhyas." The ending dna is also found in Hagana (Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India, p. 87) and in Nahapana (4. S. R. Western India, Vol. IV. p. 99). For the first member of the name Kharapallana we may compare Kharamosta and Kharaosta (Buhler, J. R. A. S. for 1894, p. 532, and Rapson, Indian Coins, p. 9).

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No. 17.) EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH. 175 chhatram dandas-cha as meaning an umbrella and a stick.' It is curious that these objects were not recovered with the Sravasti image, which Cunningham found standing in a small temple, and not in the open. The name of Friar Bala's spiritual preceptor, which in the Sravasti inscription was only partly legible and had been restored by Dr. Bloch as Pushyamitra, appears from the epigraph on the umbrella post to be Pushyavuddhi, corresponding to Sanskrit Pushyavriddhi. Finally, the Sarnath inscriptions establish beyond doubt that the Sravasti image belongs to the early Kushapa period. Conversely the Sravasti inscription helps to elucidate some doubtfal points in the Sarnath legends. Thus we may safely assume that the chhatra-yushti of the Sarnath inscriptions, which corresponds with the chhatram dandas-cha of the Sravasti epigraph, is to be taken as a dvandva and not as a tatpurusha compound, and to be rendered by an umbrella with a staff' and not by an umbrella staff.' Again we should be doubtful how to explain the connection between the Genitive bhikshusya Balasya trepitakasya and the following Nominative, if the Sravasti record did not give us the clue that the word danam is to be supplied. Dr. Bloch's remarks regarding the characteristic features of language and script of the Sravasti inscription apply equally to those of the Sarnath ones. But in view of the date of the latter falling in Kanishka's reign, it is impossible to maintain for the peculiar script which both exhibit the designation of " Northern Kshatrapa" in contradistinction with the so-called Kushana script of a later period. Its more correct name would be "early Kushana," and it shows indeed & transition between the script of Sodasa's epigraphs and those of the later Kushanas. The formerl is marked by more archaic forms and stands nearer to the Maurya type. In it we find post-consonantic a, e and o commonly expressed by horizontal, and not by slanting strokes as are found in the Kushana inscriptions. The ya is still semi-circular at the bottom, and its middle vertical stroke sometimes exceeds the side ones in length. On the other hand, the similarity between the script of the Mathura satraps and that of the early years of Kanishka is so striking, that the two can be hardly separated by more than one century. If the former are to be placed in the first century B.C., palaeographical evidence would point to the conclusion that the commencement of Kanishka's reign has been rightly supposed to fall in the first century A.D. It is only natural that the later Kushana inscriptions, e.g. that on the Mathura Bodhisattva image of the year 33, above referred to, and still more that on the Kaman Buddha image dated in the year 74,9 should exhibit a further development in respect alike of script and of language. Here we find the ya in kya and sya regularly expressed by a loop, and not by its full sign. Thus it approaches visibly the form peculiar to the early Gupta period. The language of the later inscriptions, though not yet pure Sanskrit, is decidedly more Sanskritic than that of the early Kushana records. Compare, for instance, matapitanaria (Kiman) with sahi matapitihi (SarnathMathura), and parigrahe (Kaman) with parigahe (Sravasti). On the other hand, we find pratishthapita already in the Sarnath inscription, whereas at an earlier period pratithapita is used. The inscription is ont on three sides of the octagonal umbrella post, and consists of ten lines of 33 cm. in length, except the last line, which measures only 9 cm. The size of the aksharas varies from 1 to 6 cm. The letters are regular and clearly out, but the disintegration of the surface of the stone has caused their shape to become indistinct in places, more especially towards the junction of the faces of the shaft. On the whole, however, the inscription is very well preserved, and wherever the reading appears at all doubtful, a comparison with contemporaneous epigraphs has enabled me to arrive at results which may be considered final. 1 See Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199, No. II. * Bubler, ibid. p. 212, Plate, No. xlii. The image must belong to the reign of Vasudeva. Compare Y. A. Smith, J. R. 4. S. for 1903, p. 12. The looped ya is found already in the Inscription of Kanishka's 5th year, referred to above.

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176 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, [VOL. VIII. TEXT OF iii. a. 1 MahArajasya Kanishkasya sam 9 he 3 di 29 2 etaye purvaye bhikshusya Pushyavuddhisys saddhyeyi. 3 harisya bhiksbusya Balasya trepitakasya 4 Bodhisatvo chhatrayashti cha pratishthapito 5 Barinasiye Bhagavato charkame saha mat[A]6 pitihi saha upaddhyayacherehi saddhyevihari7 hi antev&sikehicha saha Buddhamitraye trepitika8 ye saha kshatrapena Vanasparena Kharapalla9 nens cha sahi cha[tn]hi parishahi sarvasatvanan 10 hitasukharttham. REMARKS. Line 1.- It is doubtful whether the depression at the top of the ra represents an a-stroke or not. The form maharajasya, however, is quite distinot in the Bodhisattva inscription. The spelling Kanishkasya with lingual has already been noticed above. L. 2 f.- There can be no doubt as to the reading saddhyevihari, with e in the second syllable, here and also in line 6. At first I felt inclined to read sarddhyavihari, which would yield an etymologically more intelligible form; but pre-consonantic r is expressed by a perpendicular and not by & slanting stroke. See e.g. purvaye (1.2) and sarvasatvanan (1. 9). In the Sravasti image inscription also I should prefer to read saddhyeviharisya. L. 3.- The third akshara of trepitakasya resembles tha, which is evidently due to the stone being worn. Compare trepifikaye (1.7 f.). L. 4.- The vowel-stroke of the last syllable of pratishthapito is indistinct. In one of the Bodhisattva inscriptions we have clearly .to. L. 5.- The first letter of Baranasiye is open at the top and would, therefore, represent pa. But there can be little doubt that this is due either to the disintegration of the surface or to a clerical error. The vowel-stroke also cannot be said to be absolutely certain. For the ending compare Savastiye in the Sravasti inscription. It is doubtful whether the inscription has chankrame or chankame. I have chosen the Prakrit form which is found in the Sravasti inscription. L. 6.- For the reading wpaddhyaydcherehi I am indebted to Prof. Kern, who remarks that the form achera for Skr. acharya occurs also in the Jataka (ed. by Fausboll), Vol. IV. p. 248, 1. 9, in a verse, i.e. in a dialect different from Pali. L. 8.-Is perhaps Vanaspharena to be read? The Bodhisattva inscription has clearly Vanashparena. L. 9.- The letter (or letters P) following the second cha is indistinct. At first I felt inclined to read saha cha sardhi parishdhi, but finally chose the expression sah& chatuhi parishahi, which occurs also in the Mathura inscription of Dhanabhuti. Compare Cunningham, A. S. R. Vol. III. p. 36, No. 21, Plate xvi., and Senart, Journal Asiatique, serie 8, Vol. XV. p. 119. TRANSLATION In the 3rd year of Maharaja Kanishka, the 3rd (month) of winter, the 22nd day, on this date specified as) above, was (this gift) of Friar Bala, a master of the Tripitakal and 1 The Mathura inscriptions afford many variants of this expression such as etasya perorayam, atyda por vvaya and the like. See Buhler, Kp. Ind. Vol. I. p. 37 ff. and Vol. II. p. 195. * On the term trepitaka (Skr. traipitaka), Fem, trepitiked, compare Bloch, l. c. p. 280.

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No. 17.] EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH. 177 fellowl of Friar Pushyavuddhi, (namely an image of) the Bodhisattva and an umbrella with a post, erected at Benares, at the place where the Lord' used to walk,- together with (his) parents, with (his) masters and teachers, (his) fellows and pupils, and with (the nan) Buddhamitra versed in the Tripitaka, together with the satrap Vanaspara and Kharapallana, and together with the four classes, for the welfare and happiness of all creatures. The image referred to in the inscription is 10' high and 3' wide across the shoulders. It was found in three pieces, the head and feet being broken off. The right arm is lost; presumably it was raised in the attitude of protection (abhaya-mudra). The left hand rests on the hip and holds the upper garment, which leaves the right shoulder bare. A double flat girdle fastened round the loins keeps in the plain lower garment, which reaches beneath the knees. The head, which measures 3' in circumference, is unfortunately much mutilated. The top is broken, so that it is impossible to decide whether it had the protuberance of the skull (ushnisha). Nor is there any trace of the mark between the brows (urna), another characteristic of the Buddha. We can, however, be certain that the hair was neither arranged in the wavy locks peculiar to the Graeco-Buddhist school of Gandhara, nor in the schematic carls of medieval images. It is treated in such a way as to present the aspect of a plain, close-fitting cap, which was probably meant to render the shaven head of the Buddhist monk. It is interesting to note that this treatment of the bair is very common in the Mathara images which can be assigned to the Kushana period. Another point of similarity is the treatment of the halo. In the case of the Sarnath image only the lower part of it remains on the back of the torso. Along its border runs a repeat of semicircles. In Gandhara the haloes are plain, except in a few instances where we find a border showing & conventional development of the radiate nimbus. Of this the Mathura halo seems to be a later development, which thus forms a transition from the plain Gandhara one to the highly ornamental halo of the Gupta period, of which Mr. Oertel's excavations have revealed some very fine specimens.? Between the feet of the Sarnath image is a figure in relief of a lion facing, and on the side of the left foot a naturalistic representation of leaves, buds, flowers and fruits in bas-relief. Whether these are merely decorative or have some symbolical meaning, I cannot decide.8 un later Buddhist art the lion, if meant as vahana and not merely as an indication of the simhasana, is peculiar to the Bodhisattvas Manjasri and Simhanada-Lokesvara. But it is questionable, whether at the period to which the Sarnath image belongs it can bave borne that signification. More probably it indicates that the statue represents sakyasimha, the lion among the Sakyan.' 1 On the meaning of saddhyevihari see Kern, Manual, p. 84; Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 379; Bloch, l. c. p. 279; I-tsing (Takakusu), p. 116, and Childers, Pali Dictionary, #. 0. saddhivihdri. . On the use and meaning of Bhagavat see Kern, Manual, p. 63. * The word ante udsin occurs also in the 2nd Siddapura edict (Buhler, above, Vol. III. p. 138): Hemeva antedsind dchariye apacha[yiltaviye ("moreover the pupil should honour his teacher"), and in a Mathura inscription, 2nd series, No. I. (Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 198). The feminine form antecasint occurs in the Mathurs Bodhisattva inscription (p. 182 below), where the bhikshuni Buddhamitrd is called the antevasint of Friar Bala. In another Mathura inscription, 2nd series, No. XXI. (Buhler, l. c. p. 205), we find the form antevasikini. The four parishade are bhikshus, bhikshunle, wpasakas and updsikas. Sometimes five or eight parishads are spoken of. Compare I-tsing (Takakusu) and Childers, Pali Dictionary, s.c. parisa. . The same expression is also found in the Anyor Buddha inscription ; Cunningham, 4. S. R. Vol. XX. p. 49 and Plate V. No. 5. * Compare Grunwodel-Burgess, Buddhist Art, fig. 143. "That these are to be assigned to the Gupta period, may be inferred from the inscribed Buddha image in the Mathuri Municipal Museum. Compare Growse, Mathura, a District Memoir, p. 115. * Mr. Griessen, Superintendent of the Taj Garden at Agra, to whom I sent photograph of the sculpture, is of opinion that the bas-relief possibly represents the flower, bud, leaves and seed-pods of "Rhododendron arboreum" (Flora Br. Ind. Vol. III. p. 485), A plant that is used in Nepal as an offering at Buddhist temples. * Foucher, Iconographie Bouddhique (Paris, 1900), p. 116, and Vol. II. (Paris, 1905), p. 81. 2 A

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. I may add that in Mathura we often find a cluster of lotus flowers between the feet of the image. Dr. Bloch noticed between the feet of the Sravasti image" a peculiar object of uncertain meaning." It has already been noted that the image is curved on the back. Unlike medieval images it is in the round and not in relief. This circumstance makes it probable that it never stood in a temple, but was placed in the open, sheltered only by its umbrella, a probability that is strength. ened by the discovery of all the fragments of the image and of the umbrella in the open space between the Asoka pillar and the vihara excavated by Mr. Oertel. The Sarnath image, though an important addition to our materials, only complicates one of the problems of Buddhist iconography. Had it not been inscribed, no one would have hesitated to call it a Buddha image. Both the royal dress and ornaments which were hitherto thonght to characterise the Bodhisattva are absent, and the figure wears only the plain attire of a Buddhist monk, such as is invariably associated with statues of the Buddha. But the inscriptions alike on the umbrella post and, as will be seen presently, on the image itself, are quite explicit in designating it a Bodhisattva. What then are the distinguishing features of the Bodhisattva ? Can it be, as Dr. Bloch holds, the bare right shoulder ? Such a theory seems hardly tenable. For there are numerous bareshouldered images which represent Sakyamuni at the moment of the Bodhi, and we find among Gandhara sculptures the uncovered right shoulder regularly combined with that position of the hands which expresses the turning of the wheel of the Law' (dharmachakra-mudra), and which can only indicate an omniscient Buddha. To decide on this point, it would be necessary first of all to compare the two images of Anyor and Kaman, which belong to the same period and are designated by their inscriptions as Buddha images. That of Kaman (Bharatpur Stato, Rajputana), as noted above, must be 71 years posterior to the Sarnath statue, assuming that the date is expressed in Kanishka's era, which in the light of its palaeographical evidence seems most plausible. The Anyor Buddha image must be nearly contemporaneous with the Bodhisattvas of Sarnath and Sravasti. This is evident from the similarity both in the script and language and in the wording of their inscriptions. Unfortunately no photographs of either of these two statues are at present available. Of the Kaman image I only find the statement that it represents Buddha seated. Anyhow, these four are among the earliest Buddhist images hitherto found in India proper; or more correctly I should say that no image has been found, which on epigraphical evidence can be assigned to an earlier period. The fact that it was thought necessary to indicate the subject in the inscription makes it indeed highly probable, that at the beginning of Kanishka's reign statues of Sakyamuni- either as Buddba or Bodhisattva- were a novelty, at least in Gangetic India. We noticed, however, in describing the Sarnath Bodhisattva certain fostures which seem to be borrowed from the Graeco-Buddhist school of Gandhara. This fact not only confirms the theory that the practice of making Buddha images originated from the north-west, but also indicates that the flourishing period of the Gandhara school must be anterior to Kanishka's reign. Thas we should be led to the conclusion that the Graeco-Buddhist school of Gandhara flourished, not under the Kushana kings, but under the earlier Yavana and Saka rulers. This conclusion, 1 This practice was also known in Gandhara. Compare Foucher, L'art Greco-bouddhique, Vol. I. p. 191:"1 faut dire cependant, pour etre tout-a-fait exact, que quelques-unes d'entre elles se contentaient, comme abri, d'un parasol." 2 Grunwedel-Burgess, Buddhist Art, p. 182: "The Bodhisattva representation of later art is that of a royally attired young man . . . . . Thus we may claim these youthful figures in rich attire, so frequent among Gandhars sculptures, 48 Bodhisattvas." * Compare 4. S. R. for 1902-03, p. 171. * To the same period belongs the Sanchi image of the year 70 in the reign of Vasushka, but from its inscrip tion it is not evident what it represents.

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No. 18.] TWO INSCRIPTIONS ON BUDDHIST IMAGES. 179 in my opinion, would well agree with the evidence of the coins which, starting from purely Hellenistic types, manifest a constant deterioration ending in the barbarous issues of the Kushanas. And in like manner the sculptures which owed their origin to the same Hellenistic influence must have had a parallel history of gradual Indianisation. The Sarnath image has two inscriptions: one, as in Gupta sculptures, carved on the front of the plain pedestal, the other on the back of the image between the feet. The former (ii, b, c) is divided into two halves by a vertical, semi-circular groove. It consists of two lines, each half being nearly 24 cm. in length. The size of the letters varies between 1 and 5 cm. In the second half of the first line the sixth akshara is slightly damaged, and at the end one or two aksharas are lost. I read it : 1 Bhikshusya Balasya trepitakasya Bodhisatvo prat[i]shthapito . . . 2 mahakshatrapena Kharapallanens saha kshatrapena Vanashparena. "(This gift) of Friar Bala, a master of the Tripitaka, (namely an image of) the Bodhisattva, has been erected by the great satrap Kharapallana together with the satrap Vanashpara." The inscription on the back of the image (iii. d) consists of three lines. The proper left side of the inscribed surface, which measures 40 by 17 cm., is defaced, and at the bottom a piece is broken, causing the loss of the concluding word. On an impression taken immediately after the discovery of the image, the upper parts of the aksharas of this word were plainly visible. But it seems that in removing it a piece of the stone has chipped off. The missing portion of the inscription can thus be restored with certainty. The size of the letters is 1 to 4-5 cm. The following is my reading : 1 Maharajasya Kani[shkasya] sam 8 he 3 di 2[2] 2 etaye purvaye bhikshasya Balasya trepita[kasya] 3 Bodhisatvo chhatrayashti cha (pratishthapito). "In the 3rd year of Maharaja Kanishka, the 3rd (month) of winter, the 22nd day, on this date specified as) above has (this gift) of Friar Bala, a master of the Tripitaka, (namely an image of the Bodhisattva and an umbrella with a post, been erected." No. 18.-TWO INSCRIPTIONS ON BUDDHIST IMAGES. BY T. BLOCH, PA.D. The first of these two inscriptions comes from Srivasti and has already been edited by me in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVIII., 1898, Part I. pp. 274 to 290. I re-edit it here partly in order to publish a facsimile of it, and partly to correct the statement made by me (loo. cit. p. 278) in regard to its date. The second inscription comes from Mathura and has recently been edited by Prof. Luders (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 39, No. 9) from the imperfect facsimile pablished by Growse (ibid. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 2 and Plate). If I edit it here again, it is because, having read the inscription from the original during a visit to Lucknow in October, 1904, and with the help of two paper impressions kindly supplied to me by Dr. Vogel, I have been able to supply the three proper names mentioned in the inscription, which in Prof. Luders' transcript remained doubtful. The first of these is the most important one. It is clearly Balasya trepifakasya, not [Maha]sya as Prof. Luders proposed to read. This person cannot be separated from the trepitaka Bala of the Sravasti inscription, and of the recently discovered Sarnath inscriptions of the third year of Kanishka, of which Dr. Vogel has just 1 Two of them have also been read by Dr. Vogel in his article on discoveries at Skruath, p. 173 above. 2 A 2

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180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII published an edition. It thus appears that the date assigned to the Sravasti inscription in my previous paper was wrong, and that the missing name of the king should be restored either as Kanishka or as Huvishka, most probably the former one. A.- SET-MAHET IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KANISHKA OR HUVISHKA. This inscription is on the pedestal of a colossal standing figure of a Buddha or Bodhisattva, which was found by General Cunningham inside & small masonry building at Set-Mahet. It has since been removed to the Indian Museum, Calcutta. The pedestal measures 3 feet in length and 6 inches in height. Its right corner is broken, and about two-thirds of the first line of the inscription have become illegible. The size of the letters varies between 1 and 14 inches. The writing is archaic and resembles more the type used in the Kshatrapa inscriptions than the Kasbana type. The letter ya as part of a compound (samyuktakshara) is expressed by its full form, and only once, in Pushyao (1.1), by a cursive form. The upper cross-bar of sha fills only the right half of the letter and does not reach to the left vertical line. Further details of palaeography will be found in my previous paper (p. 277) and need not be repeated here. The language is a mixed form of Sansktit and Prakrit of the same type as that employed in other Kushapa inscriptions. Here again no details are required, as my previons paper contains a full statement of facts (p. 279). The inscription records that the statue, on the pedestal of which it has been engraved, and which it describes as a Bodhisattva, together with an umbrella and a stick (1. 2: bodhisatvo chhatran dundas-cha) was put up at Sravasti, at the place where the Lord used to walk (1. 2: Bhagavato chankame), inside the Kosambakuti (1. 3), as the gift of the monk Bala, who know the Tripitaka and was a companion (saddhy[e]viharisya, 1. 2) of the monk Pushya[vuddhi), and that it was the property of some teachers of the Sarvastivadin school of Buddhists. As I have shown in my previous article (p. 286), the Kosambakutt was a building inside the Jetavana park near Sravasti. The term Bhagavato cha nkame may either have been used as another name of the Jetavana, or more probably it may have denoted a separate place within the park, where Buddha used to take exercise, and which was kept up as such by tradition, like the Buddha's walk' north of the great temple of Budh-Gaya. It is, however, likely that the place where Cunningham found the statue does not mark its original site, and that the ancient city of Sravasti lay further to the north, near the borders of Nepal. The date of the inscription is illegible, with the exception of the numerical figures 10 and 9, meaning the 19th day. As the missing space is too long for a mere enumeration of the numbers of the year and season, the date must have been determined by the name of the ruling king. From the second inscription and the Sarnath inscriptions published by Dr. Vogel, which mention also a trepitaka Bala, who must have been identical with the person of the same name and title referred to in this inscription, we may confidently restore the beginning of the first line as : [Maharajasya deva putrasya Kanishkasya (or Huvishkasya ?) sam . . . . d1) 10 9, and it is beyond doubt that the inscription belongs to the time of the Kushana kings, either of Kanishka or Huvishka, not of the Kshatrapas Ranjubula or Sodasa, as I suggested in my previous article for paleographical reasons. As will be shown later on, the reign of Kanishka is more likely to be the true date of the inscription than the time of his successor Huvishka. 1 That is Pushyadriddhi. Sarnath No. III.a shows that the name should be restored thus, not u Prahya. mitra m I proposed originally. See Dr. Vogel's article, p. 176 above, * See Cunningham's Mahabodhi, p. 8 fr. See Vincent A. Smith, J. E. 4. 8. 1898, p. 620, snd 1900, p.1.

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From photographs. Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale. Inscribed Buddhist image from Set-Mahet.

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No. 18.] TWO INSCRIPTIONS ON BUDDHIST IMAGES. 181 The statue to which the inscription belongs is shown on the accompanying Plate. It is called a Bodbisattva. Unfortunately the head is broken, and it is impossible to say whether it wore some sort of a diadem, as the so-called 'Bodhisattva' figures in the contemporaneous art of Gandhara. There are, however, no necklace or other ornaments of the body, and the feet are naked. The left hand rests on the hip, and the broken right hand probably was uplifted in the Act of granting protection (abhaya-mudra). The right shoulder is bare, and between the feet stands some indistinct round object, which I am unable to explain. The girdle around the waist is the only mark of difference between this state and the ordinary type of a Buddha image. The term Bodbisattva is likewise applied to the Mathura image to which the second inscription belongs, and which was a seated figare. Unfortunately it is broken, and not much can be said in regard to its general appearance. From Dr. Vogel's account it appears that the recently excavated Sarnath image is very similar to that from Sravasti. He also suggests that all these three images were made at Mathura. The Srevasti image is 11 feet 8 inches high. Its material is the red sandstone from the quarries near Fathpur-Sikri. TEXT. 1 [Maharajasya devaputrasya Kanishkasya (or Huvishkasya) sam . . . . .di] 10 etaye purvaye bhikshusya Pushya[vu). 2 [ddhis]ya! Saddhy[e]viharisya bhikshusya Balasya trepitakasya danam B[o]dhisatvo chhatram d&p das-cha Savastiye Bhagavato chamkame 3 Kosambakutiye acharyyaram Sarvastivadinam parigahe. TRANSLATION. (In the ...th year of the Mahar&ja, the Devaputra Kanishka (or Huvishka P), in the . ..th month of . . . . . ., on the] 19th [day], on the date specified above, a Bodhisattva, an umbrella and a stick, the gift of the monk Bala, who knows the Tripitaka, a companion (saddhy[e]viharin) of the monk Pushya[vriddhi], (have been set up) at Sravasti, at the place where the Lord (i.e. Buddha) used to walk, in the Kosambakuti, as the property of the teachers of the school of Sarvastivadins. B. - MATHURA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 33 OF HUVISHKA. This inscription is on the broken pedestal of a seated Buddha image from the Chaubara mound near Mathura. It is now in the Lucknow Provincial Museum. It measures 3 feet by 2 inches. The size of the letters varies between and 14 inches. The end of the second line is damaged and cannot be restored completely. The writing is of a later type than the Set-Mahet image inscription. The ya in the compound letter sya is expressed by the cursive form in deva putrasya, Huvishkasya and trepitakasya (1.1), and by the full form of the letter in bhikshusya Balasya (1.1), while an intermediate form, with a loop attached to the left-hand side of the central line, is found in maharajasya (1.1). The old form of sha with a small apper cross-bar occurs only once, in bhikshusya (1. l), if the impression can be trusted. The later sa with a loop in the left-hand lower corner is found in maharajasya, devaputrasya, sarh (1. 1), as has been pointed out already by Prof. Luders (loc. cit. p. 40). The language is the ordinary mixed dialect of Sanskrit and Prakfit employed in the See above, p. 180, note 1. * So with Sarnath No. III. a, lines 2 and 6. The surface of the stone above ddhy is damaged. The one is added in small letters at the top of the line.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. Kushana period and calls for no particular remarks. But it may be noted that in bhikhuniye (1. 2) we have the Prakrit form instead of the usual bhikshuni, and that the gen. sing. of feminine nonns ending in i retains the long i in bhikshuniye (1. 1), bhagineyiye, bhikhuniye, Dhanavatiye (1.2); the corresponding vowel of antevusin[i]ye (1.1) is doubtful. The later Prakrit form pratithavito (1.2) seems certain. The inscription records that a Bodhisattva was set up by the nun Dhanavati, the sister's daughter of the nun Buddhamitra, who knew the Tripitaka, a female disciple (antevasini) of the monk Bala, who knew the Tripitaka. There can be no doubt as to the identity of this monk with the monk Bala mentioned in the Set-Ma het and Sarnath inscriptions, and the three inscriptions thus cannot be far removed from each other in date. The Mathura inscription refers itself to the reign of Huvishka, the year 33, the 8th day of the 1st month of summer. However, the Set-Mahet inscription, like that from Sarnatb, probably belongs to the reign of Kanishka and is somewhat earlier than the Mathura inscription, which records a gift by the sister's daughter of the nan Buddhamitra, whose name occurs already in the third year of Kanishka in connection with the name of Bala, the donor of the Sarnath statue. The Mathura statue, like those from Sarnath and Set-Mahet, is called a Bodhisattva. Unfortunately nothing but its lower part, showing the crossed legs of a seated figure, is preserved (see the accompanying Plate). The place where the statue was set up seems to have been [M&jdh[u]ravanaka, the first part of which may have been derived from Madhura or Mathura, the name of the town where the statue actually has been found. TEXT. 1 Maharajasya devaputrasya Huv[i]shkasya sam 30 3 gril di 8 bhikshusya Balasya trepitakasya antev[&]s[i]n[i]ye bhikshuniye trepitikalye Buddhamitryo 2 bhagineyiye bhikhuniye Dhanavatiye Bodhisatvo pratithavito [Ma]dh[u]ravanake saha matapitihi . . . . . . . . . . TRANSLATION. In the year 33 of the Maharaja, the Devaputra Huvishka, on the 8th day of the Ist summer (month), a Bodhisattvs was set up at (M&jdh[u]ravanaka by the nun Dhanavati, the sister's daughter of the nun Buddhamitra, who knows the Tripitaka, a female pupil of the monk Bala, who knows the Tripitaka, together with her mother and father . . . . : No. 19.- DHULIA PLATES OF KARKARAJA; SAKA-SAMVAT 701. BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A. The plates which bear the subjoined grant were found deposited in the record room of the Collector's kacheri at Dhulia, Khandesh District, Bombay Presidency. They were sent for inspection to Mr. H. Cousens, who has kindly asked me to publish a paper on the inscription. A summary of it has already appeared in the Progress Report of the Archeological Survey of Western India for the year ending 30th June 1904, p. 60. She occurs again in Sarnath No. III. a, 1. 7. From the original stone and from paper-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. Vogel. The quantity of the last i is uucertain.

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Inscribed pedestal of Buddhist image from Mathura. From a photograph supplied by Mr. G. D. Ganguli. als marina E. Hultzsch. Scale one-fourth. Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale. From a rubbing supplied by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel.

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No. 19.] DHULIA PLATES OF KARKARAJA. 183 These are three copper-plates, the first and third of which bear writing on one side only, and the second on both sides. They measure each l' 2" long by 7" broad. Their edges are slightly raised into rims for the protection of the inscription. On the left side of each plate there is a ring-hole, but the ring and the seal which must have accompanied the plates are both lost. A portion of the right side of the second, and of the lower corners of the first and third, plates have been broken off. The letters bear the usual marks of the working of the engraver's tool, throughout. Their size is about $" -The language is Sanskrit throughout. Excepting ll. 24-26, the inscription is in verse up to line 28; and the rest is in prose, excluding ll. 33-4 and the benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end (11. 42-8). All the verses of the genealogical part of this grant excepting five (vv. 6, 7, 9, 17 and 18) occur in other Rashtrakuta records. The characters belong to the southern variety of alphabets. For some of the forms of individual letters, attention may be drawn to the two forms of kh, one in khadga (1. 4) and the other in fikharani (1.9); to the two forms of g, one in mandalagro (1.2) or Oganaih (1. 13), and the other in or=Ggovindarajao (1. 3) or kar-agrao (1.5); to i in Subhatungao (1. 20); to j in otmajo jao (1.6) and dvijanan (1. 8); to t in kant-enduo (1.1); to n in vaitanao and Onichayai) (1. 8); to bh in bhogikao (1. 29); to m in m=abhimukhin (1.3); to the two forms of initial a or d, one in asio (1.2) or asvamedha' (1. 44), and the other in anken=api (1. 31); to the secondary i in malinya" (1. 14) and rirddalitao (1.25); to the subscript i in odhumao (1.8); to the two forms of the subscript si, one in kritam (1.1), and the other in oksit-anukritih (1.7); and to the visarga expressed by three dots in vishay-antarggatah (1. 38), and by one dot and one short stroke in gramah (1.40).-As regards orthography, the sign for v throughout serves for both v and b. The consonants following r are, as a rale, doubled, though indifference in this respect is in some cases observable; thus m is doubled in onirmmathao (1. 22), but not in osunur=mahipatih (1. 18). Cha is used instead of h in rajasigha (1.3); final n before a consonant is no less than five times wrongly changed to an anusvara, e.g. in yan-nabhi-kanaalam (1.1) and yasmin prasasati (1. 8); t is doubled before r, e.g. in gottrao (1. 7); and anusuara is changed once to the dental jasal before s in likhit-ansa-pithah (1. 11). The rules of Sandhi have been frequently disregarded, and in many a place aksharas have been omitted by the writer. The inscription records a grant by the Rashtrakuts chieftain Karkara ja or, as he is described in lines 28-29, " Suvarnavarsha Pratapasilal bri-Karkaraja who has obtained the five great sounds." Karkaraja is spoken of as a son of sri-Dhruvardja, younger brother of Govinda (II.) or, as he is described in lines 25-6," Prithvivallabha Maharajadhiraja Paramosvara friPrabhutavarsha." The inscription refers itself to the prosperous reign (pravarddhamana-rajya) of Govinda (II.) and is dated in the year 701 (in words and figures, 1. 31 f.), expired, of the Saka era, on the tenth tithi of the bright half of Pushya. The charter was issued by Karkaraja while staying at Sindinagara, on the occasion of a sankranti, to a Brahmana whose name is lost, son of Bhatta Chandraditya, of the Kausika gotra, and student of the Katha school. The grantee appears to have been a man of deep erudition ; for he is represented to have mastered the Veda, Veduriga, Itihasa, Purana, Vyakarana, Mimiinsa, Tarka, Nirukta and Yajflavidyd. The village granted to him was Rakkhulla-grams situated in the province (vishaya) of Nasikka. The boundaries specified are to the E. Chebhatika, to the s. the Godavari, to the w. Vatamukha, and to the N. Vatapura. All the localities mentioned in this grant are to be found in the Nasik district. That Nasikka is Nasik goes without saying. Sindinagara, where the royal grantor resided at the time of making the grant, is known to us from the records of the earlier Yadavas, and has been identified with Sinnar, the principal town of the taluka of the same name. Rakkhulla-grame, the village granted, is Lakhalgamy to the north of the 1 [The same surname occurs in l. 48.-E. H.] Prof. Kielhorn kindly informs me that "the date of this inscription, for Saka-samvat 701 expired, regularly corresponds to the 22nd December A.D. 779. On this day the Makara. or Uttarayana-sankranti took place 4 b. 80 m., and the 10th tithi of the bright half of Pausha commenced 6 h. 44 m.after mean sunriso."-E.H.]

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184 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. Godavari, Chebhatika Chodl, and Vatamukha probably Odhem. Chehdi is in the Niphad, and the rest in the Nasik, tdluka of the Nasik district. As the inscription expressly refers itself to the reign of the Rashtrakata sovereign Govinda II., no doubt can now be reasonably entertained as to his having sat on the throne. I have elsewhere! adduced reasons why we should consider Govinda II. to have actually reigned. Dr. Fleet based his different opinion on the words jyeshth-ollarghana of a verse occurring in the Wani and Radhanpur grants. But these words, as Professor Kielhorn has remarked, by no means necessitate the conclusion that Dhruva immediately succeeded Krishna I. to the exclusion of his eldest brother Govinda II. from the succession. The new grant places it beyond all doubt that Govinda II. did succeed Krishna I. and did reign. Consequently Dr. Fleet's view has no grounds to stand upon, unless it can be conclusively shown that this grant is a forgery. Although many Rashtrakata records have so far been published, they have supplied us with but few dates prior to the time of Govinda III. We have Saka 675 for Dantidurga, the founder of the dynasty, furnished by his Samangad plates. The Alas copper-plate charter, issued by Govinda II. when Yuvaraja or prince-regent, gives the date saka 892 for his father Krishna I. And our plates give a third date, viz. Saka 701, for Govinda II. himself. A fourth date is supplied by the Jaina Farivansa, which was completed in Saka 705 when Srivallabha, son of Krishna, was ruling over the South. There can be no doubt that this Krishna is Krishna I. of the Rashtrakuta family. But it is by no means easy to decide whether by Srivallabha is meant Govinda II. or his brother Dhruva, as both had this epithet and were sons of Krishna I. TEXT.8 First Plate. 1 to [1] # TUTTTH 10arti i Tele ata acum Fheie [*] 2 ret[feaf]fach Awant safei Baiafaret () : wafa[y]far 3 afe[1] [attaffanston fa try trofea [2] Cena mabhimukhIM subhaTAhA[sAmubAmi]4 "mitaM sa[padi yena] raNeSu nitvaM / daSTAdhareNa dadhatA bhRkuTi lalATe khaGgaM To tu [ fa] 1 Journ. Bo. Br. R. 4.. Soc. Vol. XX. pp. 133-4. Dynasties of the Kanarest Districts, p. 393; above, Vol. VI. pp. 171 and 172. # Above, Vol. VI. pp. 240-1. * Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 108 f. . Above, Vol. VI. p. 208 ff. * Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 142. 1 Early History of the Dekkan, p. 197; above, Vol. VI. p. 197. & From the original copper-plates.- A few emendations in the text and in the notes are due to Mr. H. Krishna Sustri, B.A., who read the first proof-sheets. Verse 17 remains unintelligible.-E.H.] * Expressed by a symbol. 10 Read af 11 Read mu. 12 Read refu. 1 Read Tufo 14 Read 'fo:. 15 This fe is superfluous.

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No. 19.] DHULIA PLATES OF KARKARAJA. 185 5 jaM ca sa[tvaM] [ 1.] khaGgaM karAyAnmukhataca zobhA mAno 'manastama. mameva yasya [*] mahAhave [nAma ni]. 6 mAmya' sadyaH vayaM ripUNAM vigalatyaka[*]NDe // [4] tasyAtmajo jagati vizrutadIrghakAtirAtatihA7 rira[vivi] kramadhAmadhArI / bhUpaMstuviSTapakvatAnukcatiH katannaH zrIkakarAja iti gocama8 NivvabhUva // [5] yasmi' prazAsati mahAnarape hijAnAM vaitAnadhUmani cayaiH parikavurANi / saMdhyAsa sau9 dhazikharANi vilokya kekA[:*] kUjati vezmabhikhinI jaladAgamIkA: [ // *] yasya hinajanAkrAntazAMti10 vAcanavAriNA [*] pratyahaM gulphadadhena ya[*]carati maMdire [ *] tasya prabhibakaraTacyutadAnadaMti[da]. 11 saprahArarucirolikhitAnsapITha: [*] mApaH kSitau kSapitazatrurabhUttanUjaH sadrASTrakUTakanakA12 di" ivendrarAja: [n c"] sevAsamAyAtavRhabarendravRndAbhivanyAghayugasya tasya / abbA . Second Plate; First Side. 13 navakvArthigaNaiH pravINaiH [saM]sevyate zrI[:] khajanarajana // [*] tasyopA jiMtata . . . . . 14 tadadhivalayamAlinyA: [*] bhotA bhuvaH zatakratusadazaH zrIdaMtidurgarAjo. bhUt [ // 1.*] pa . . . .. . 15 mahItanizAtazastramantrAtamapraNihitArthamapataya [1] yo vanabha sapadi da. ... 16 vA rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratAmavApa [11] kAJcIyaralanarAdhipacIlapAMca zrIrSa] . . . 17 vibhedavidhAnadakSaM [*] karNATaka "valamacityamajeyamanyebhRtye kiyanirapi yaH 18 jigAya / / 12] tasmi divaM prayAta vanamarAje sati" [1] zrIka-rAjasUnu mahIpatiH chaSNa IRead satvaM. * Rend kIrtirASi Read yacimpa "Read 'rodhicitAsa. - Read 'basaM. "Boad vacindivaM. * Read manatajhama. - Read degzasya sadyastraba. * Read bhUpatriviSya * Read degzirmabhUba * Read 'karvarASi. * Read 'kAnI // Read 'dvirive. - Readqr anddegvandyAMdhi " Read khamaciMya. WRead "macaitvaiH. 17 A few letters have been inadvertently omitted after af

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186 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. 19 rAjIbhUt / / 13] yasya khabhujaparAkramani:zeSImAditAridizakaM / kSaNa syaivA' caritaM 20 zrIkRSNarAjasya / / 14*] zubhatuGgatuMgaturagapravRcareNUruharavikiraNaM [1] grISmapi [na]21 bhomaNDala' prAvRTvAlAyate spaSTaM / / 15"] dInAnAthapraNayiSu yatheSTaceSTamajalaM' [*] tatkSaNama22 kAlavarSoM varSati sarvAtinirmathavaH [ // 15*] yena nijarAjyamUjitamazeSa. bhUpAlapAlita23 manantaM [*] zrIrASTrakUTavizrutacaritaM kaSNarAjasya // [17] tasya suta[:] sakalamahImaNDalapa. 24 ripAlanakSama[:*] zUra:"] [*] jitavIravairivargo nAnA govindarAjIbhUta // [18] yasya pravalapra-6 Second Plate ; Second Side. 25 'valapradyotitAzAmukhaniIlitavIravairivargasya pRthvIvallabhamahArAjAdhirAjapara. 26 mezvarazrIprabhUtavarSasya sakalamahImaNDalaikatilakasya pravaImAnarAjye [1] tasyAnujaH 27 zrIdhruvarAjanAnA mahAnubhAvo vihitapratApa[*] [*] prasAdhitAzeSanarendra cakra[:*] cUDAma28 Ni' vAlArkavapurvabhUva / / 18*] tasya suta: samadhigatapaMcamahAzabdasuvaraNa varSapratApazI-1 29 lazrIkarkarAjastadAnjayA sarvAnava rAjasAmantabhogikaviSa[ya*]patirASTragrAmamaha30 tarAdhikArikA samAjJApayatyastu vaH saMviditaM mAtApico: puNyayazobhi81 vRdhyarthamArmanazca zakanRpakAlAtItasaMvatsaragateSu saptakottareSu aMkenApi 32 saMvatsarazata 701 puSyamAse zuklapakSe dazamyAM saMkrAntau sindImagarAvasthitena 38 karkarAjena [*] tenedamadhruvamasAkhatamapratiSTha" svapnendrajAlajalavIcicalakhabhA 34 vaM [1] matvA jagattaravi pakSavatoyatucchaM saMsArasAgarasukhAttaraNa vicintya [ // 20] zrIna * * 1 Read cakhevAva. * Read cana:7 Read cala. " Rend bAlA' and degbabhUva, "Read qArthamAtmanaH "Read sukhIta. I Read nabhI nikhilaM. Read er * Read 'nAmA. n Bend zabda MRoad "mazAzvata * Read 'caSTaM samaudisamavasaM * Read prabala. * For cUDAmavi read krameya " Read 'kArikAn. " Baad lagattadapi.

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No. 19.] DHULIA PLATES OF KARKARAJA. 187 35 tavAstavyasyAnakazAstrAvagAdhasaMzucavuciprabhAvAbhibhUtAkhilavi' 36 daM vedavedAMgetihAsapurANavyAkaraNamImAMsAtarkanirutAya[] vidyA . Third Plate. 37 pAragAya tacaividyasAmAnyakauzikasagocakaThasavrahmacAriNa- bhaja 38 bhaTTacandrAdityasutAya // nAsikkaviSayAntargataH rakkhulanAmnA' prAma[*] prati] pAdi . . 39 dakapurasmaraM dttH| yasya pUrvatI cebhttikaanaamgraamsiimaa| dakSiNato godAva[rI] . 40 zcimato baTamukhaM nAma grAma[:*] / uttaratI vaTapuraM nAma grAma[:] // evaM caturAghATavi[za] . . 41 TraM[ga]: saparikaraH acATabhaTapraveza bhUmicchidranyAyena dattaH / tathA ca va . . . 42 noktaM // sva' dAtuM sumahasakyaM duHkhamanyasya pAlanaM [*] dAnaM vA pAlana vetti dAnAcchu / 43 napAlana] [ / 21*] svadattAM paradatto vA yo hareta vasundharAM / SaSThi' varSasahasrANi viSTA(?) . 44 jAyate kamiH // [22] [taDAgA]nAM sahasreNa prakhamedhazatena ca / gavAM koTi pradAnena bhUmi] . . 45 na zudhyati // [23] SaSThiM varSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH [*] AcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva nara . . . . [ // 24.] 46 [dattAni] yAnIha purA narendra: dAnAni dharmArthayazaskarANi / nirmAlya vAMta (:) prati[mA] . . 47 [ni] ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta // [25] vahubhi: vasudhA bhuttA" rAjabhi[:*] sagarAdi[bhi]: *] . . 48 yasya yadA bhUmi: tasya tasya tadA phalaM // [26*] likhitaM ca mayA zrIpa tApazIlAna[yA] . . 49 na duggddisutenovlshaasnmaalilkh"| - Read gADha' and 'buDi. * Read "pravezyI. Read SaSTi. * Read bahubhirva " Read zrIpratApa. * Read . - Read 'nAmA. * Read svaM. * Read icaya. *Read SaSTi' * Read degndrerdA. Read bhuktA. Read bhUmistasya. " Read bhojavalazAsanam and omit the letters following. -22

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. No. 20.-TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II. BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZ8CH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). These two sets of copper-plates belong to the Ratlam Darbar and were lent to Messrs. Marshall and Cousens in December 1902 by the Dewan of the Rutlam State in Central India. Mr. Marshall has communicated to me a letter of the Dewan of Ratlam, from which it appears that the plates had been found in 1891 at Nogawa, a village 10 miles north of Rutlam, while a well near a Brahman's house was being repaired. Each set consists of two copper-plates. To both sote is affixed a single seal, whose ring was found broken or cut, and of which it cannot be said to which set it belonged originally. The goal is elliptical, measures about 21" by 2" in diameter, and bears, on a countersunk surface, in relief, a bull couchant which faces the proper right, and below the bull, the legend Sri-Bhatakkah. In the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for 1902-03, p. 232 ff., I have already published the second of the two grants (B.), with facsimile. In now editing the first (A.), I reprint the text of the second as well, because the grant portions of both are closely connected and throw light on each other. A.-NOGAWA PLATES OF (GUPTA-]SAMVAT 320. This inscription is edited from two sets of ink-impressions prepared by Mr. Cousens in 1903, and from rubbings supplied by Mr. Marshall in the same year. It is engraved on two copper-plates which bear writing only on their inner side. There are two ring holes at the bottom of the inscribed side of the first plate, and two corresponding ones at the top of that of the second plato. To judge from the impressions, each of the two plates measures about 9 inches in height and about 11 in breadth. The alphabet resembles that of other Maitraka insoriptions of the same period. The jihramuliya occurs once (1. 37), and the upadhmaniya also once (1. 38). The numerical symbols for 300, 20 and 5 are used in the date portion (1. 52). The secondary form of a is very often omitted. The anusuara is represented by guttural before and h* (11. 3, 5, 22, 45, 48), and by dental n before in three cases (11, 14, 28, 32), while the anusvara is employed in three others (sar sakta, ll. 1, 5, and sarokara, 1. 34). The language is Sanskrit. Almost the whole of the inscription is in prose; but three of the customery verses are quoted in 11. 49-51. The rules of Sandhi are often disregarded - even in compound words. The inscription records & grant of land to two Brahmanas by the Maitraks king Dhruvaseng (II.), who issued this edict from (his capital) Valabbi (1.1). His genealogy is described in the same words as in his grant of San vat 310* and has been translated by me elsewhere. The grant portion runs as follows: (L. 36.) The fervent worshipper of Mahdsvara (siva), the glorious Dhruvasena (II.) whose second name was Bal&ditys, being in good health, issues (the following) command to all according as they are concerned :' (L. 37.) "Be it known to you that, for the increase of the spiritual merit of (My) mother and father, I have given in Malavaka, in the said distriot (bhukti), at the eastern boundary of Dr. Fleet kindly informs me that this village is entered Naugama' on the Indian Atlas sheet No. 36, N. E. (1895) * In cashbatd, 1. 12, the ha is corrected from tha. * See niedai-sohyandna, 1, 38 f. and 1. 40, and ord maya-4gninndwind, 1. 89 f. * Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 18 f. Bp. Ind. Vol. I. p. 89.

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No. 20.] TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II. the village Navagramaka, one hundred bhaktis (of land) to the Brahmana Agnisvamin, who has come from [U]dumbaragahvara, resides at Agastikagrahara, belongs to the Chaturvedins of the said (place), to the gotra of the Parasaras and to the school of the Vajasaneyas, (and is) the son of the Brahmana Kumarasvamin, and to the Brahmana Sangaravi, who has come from Jambusara, resides at Ayanakagrahara, belongs to the Chaturvedins of the said (place)," to the gotra of the Kausikas and to the school of the Vajasaneyas, (and is) the son of the Brahmana Maheevara. (L. 42.) "The boundaries of this (land are):-to the east, the boundary of the village Varahotaka; to the south, a river; to the west, La[k]shmana's pattika; (and) to the north, the boundary of the village Pulindanaka. 189 (L. 43.) "(I have given), as a meritorious gift, with libations of water, these one hundred bhaktis, thus defined by (their) four boundaries, with the udrasiga, uparikara (and) bhutavatapratyaya, with the income in grain and in gold, with the dasaparddha, with (the right to) eventual forced labour, not to be meddled with by any royal officers, excluding gifts previously made to temples and to Brahmanas and the twentieth (share due) to Brahmanas, according to the maxim of bhumichchhidra, to last as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean, the earth, the rivers and the mountains, (and) to be enjoyed by the sons, grandsons and (further) descendants (of the two donees)." Ll. 46-51 contain the usual admonitions and imprecations. (L. 51.) "The messenger (dutaka) for this (grant is) the Rajaputra eri-Kharagraha. This (edict) has been written by the chief secretary (divirapati) Skandabhats, the son of the chief secretary Vatrabhatt[i], who is charged with peace and war. The year 300 (and) 20; (the month) Bhadrapada; the dark (fortnight); the 5th (tithi). (This is) My own signature." The two donees resided at Agastikagrahara and Ayanakagrahara and had emigrated from Udumbaragahvara (1. 38) and Jambusara (1. 40). Udumbaragahvara occurs also in B. (1. 41) and in a grant of Dharasena IV. Jambusara is the modern Jambusar between Kaira and Broach. The expression in Malavaka, in the said district' (Malavake uchyamana-bhuktau, 1. 41 f., and Malavake uchyamdna-vishaye in B., 1. 44) is a little puzzling. When publishing B. alone, I suggested that the word uchyamana may refer to Dasapura, which occurs three lines earlier in the description of the donees. This idea has to be given up because A. does not mention Dasapura at all. In the description of the donees the word uchyamana is used twice with reference to the immediately preceding village names Agastikagrahara (1. 38) and Ayanakagrahara (1. 40). Consequently the word uchy amana before bhuktau and vishaye can only refer to the preceding locative Malavake, and Malavake uchyamana-bhuktau or -vishaye comes to the same as Malavaka-bhuktau or -vishaye. At any rate the two grants prove that Dhruvasena II. was in possession of Malwa, or at least of a portion of it. To this province belonged the land granted in Navagramaka, which was bounded in the east by Varahotaka, in the south by a river, and in the north by Pulindanaka. In his letter to Mr. Marshall, the Dewan of Rutlam identified Navagramaka with the modern Nogawa where the two grants were discovered, Varahotaka with Bharoda in the east, and Pulindanaka ith Palduna in the north. On a map of the Rutlam State which he annexed to his letter, a small river is also marked on the south-east of Nogawa, as required by the description in the grant. 1 I.e. of Agastikagra hars. Compare Buhler's remark in Ind, Aut. Vol. XV. p. 337. Ind. Ant. F. I.e. of Ayanakagrahara. See page 195 below. * Compare ibid. Vol. VII. p. 241.

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190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vou. VIII. The Dataka of this grant, prince (raja putra) Kharagraha (1.51) is perhaps the same person who later on ascended the throne as Kharagraha II. The writer of the inscription, the Divira pati Skandabhata, occurs again in other grants of Dhruvasena II. and Dharasepa IV.; his father Vatrabhatti in grants of Siladitya I. and Dhravasona II.;" and his son Anahila in grante of Dhruvasena III., Kharagraha II. and SilAditya II.' The year of this inscription, [Gupta-]Samvat 320 (s.e. A.D. 630-40), is the same as that of the Bhaunagar plates published by Mr. Jackson. TEXT.7 First Plate. - 1 bhI svasti [*] valabhitaH prasabhapraNatAmitra[*]NAM maitrakANa matulabala sampabramaNDalAbhogasaMsaktaprahA[ra]2 zatalabdhapratApAtpratApopanatadAnama[]nAjayopArjitAnurAgAdanuraktamaulabhRtazreNIbalA vAptarAjya3 zriyaH paramamAhezvara(:) zrIbhaTArkAdavyavacchibarAjavaGgAnmAtApicaraNAravindapraNati pravidhautAzeSakalmaSa[:] 4 zaizavAprabhRti khagadvitIyabAhureva samadaparagajaghaTAsphoTanaprakAzitasatvanikaSa: tatprabhAvapraNatArAticUDAra(naprabhAsaMsaktapAdanakharazmisaiti: sakalasmRtipraNItamArgasamyakSari pAlanaprajAhRdayara-1 6 janAnvartharAjazabdo rUparAntisthairyagAmbhiyyabuddhisampadbhiH smarazazAGkAdirAjodadhi tridazagurUdhane zAnati-15 7 zayAna :] zaraNAgatAbhayapradAnaparataya[*] tRNavadapAsta[*] zeSasvaka[*]ryaphala prasya'nAdhikArya (1) pradAnAnandita8 viddatsuhRtpraNayihRdayaH pAdacArIva sakalabhuvanamaNDalAbhogapramodaH paramamAhezvaraH zrIguhasana9 stasya sutastatpAdanakhamayUkhasanta *]na vimatajAvI]jalaughaprakSa [*]litAzeSa kalmaSa: praNayizatasahasropajIvya The same prince is mentioned in B. below, 1. 63 f, and in Journ. Bombay Br. R. A. S. Vol. XX. p. 9, text line 21. B. below, 1, 51, and Journ. Bombay Br. R. 4. S. Vol. XX. p. 9, text line 22. Ind. Anti Vol. VII. p.75, and Vol. XV. p. 340. * Tbid. Vol. VI. p. 16, Vol. Ix. p. 239, and Vol. XIV. p. 328. Ibid. Vol. VII. p. 79, and Vol. XI. P. 309; Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 85, and Vol. IV. p. 75. * Journ. Bombay Br. R.4. S. Vol. xx. p.9. 1 Prom ink-impressions and rubbings. * Expressed by a symbol. * Read degvaMzA: 10 Read degsattva. 1 Read 'saMhatiH . * Read degsamyakapari', WRead rUpakAnti 1. Read "gAmbhIya * Read deg guru.

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No. 20.] TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II. 191 10 mAnasampadrUpalobhAdivAzritaH sarabhasama[r*] bhigAmikairguNaitmahajazaktizikSiA] vizeSa_ vismApitAkhiladhanu-1 11 IraH pratha()manarapatisamatisRSTa[*]nAmanupa[*] layitA dhammadAyAnAmapAkartA prajopaghAtakAri12 Namupaplava[*]nAM dazayitA' zrIsarasvatyorekAdhipAsasya saMhatArAtipakSa lakSmIparibhogadakSavikramI vikramopasaM.. 13 prAptavimalapArthivazrI: paramamAhezvaraH zrIdharasenastasya sutastatpAdAnudhya[*]ta: sakalaja[gadAnandana[*]tyadbhuta (1)14 guNasamudayasthagitasamagradinmaNDala[:] samarazatavijaya[zobhAsana[*]thamaNDalAgra dyutibhAsurataganmapIThodUDha16 'gurUmanorathamahAbha[*]ra: sarvavidyAparAvaravibhAgAdhigamavimalamatirapi sarva tasmubha[*]SitalavenApi sakhopapA16 danIyaparitoSa: samagralokAgAdhagAmbhIryahRdayopi sucaritAtizayasuvyaktaparama kalyA*]NasvabhAva: khilI17 bhUtakRtayuganRpatipathavizodhanAdhigatIdayakI[ttiddhamAnu parodhojjvalata rikRta *] NsukhasampadupasevAnirU18 DhadharmAdityahitIyanAmA paramamAhezvaraH zrIzIlAdityastasyAnujastatpa[*]da [*] nudhya[*]ta: svayamupendraguruNeva guruNa[]19 tyAdaravatA samabhilaSaNIyAmapi rAjalakSmi skandha[*][][*] paramabhadra iva dhuryAstadAna[*]sampa[*]danaka[2]satayevohaha20 "navedasakharari[bhya] [*]mana[*]ya[*]sitasatvasampattiH prabhAvasampadazIkata nRpati zataziroratnacchAyopagUDhapAdapIThopi 21 parAvajJAbhima[*]narasAnAliGgitamanovRtti: praNatimekA parityajya prakhyAta pauruSAbhimAnairapyarAtibhiranAsAdita22 pratikriyopAyaH katanikhilabhuvana[*]modavimalaguNasaGkAtiprasabhavighaTitasakalakali. vila[sitagatirvIcajanA-13 23 dhirohibhirazeSerdoSairana[*]muSTAtyavratavadayaH prakhyAtapau[ka]SAstrakauzalAtizayagaNatitha. vipakSakSitiSatilakSmI mara + Red mahaja . Read dharma * Read degdhivAsasya ; the ka of saMhatA is corrected from aha. * Read rAMsa'. 1 Read deg guru. , ReddeglamoM. 10 Read 'ratibhyA. 11 Read 'mekA. #Rend saMhatiH I Read darzayitA. * Read dimaNDala:. * Rend kIrtiImro sud 'tarIkatA. 1 Read sattva. " Real 'titipati.

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. VIII. 24. 'khayagrahapraka[*]zitapravIrapuruSaprathamasaMkhyAdhigama[:] paramama[[*] hekharaH zrIkhara grahastasya tamaya25 'tatyAdA[nudhya][*]taH sakalavidya][*]dhigamavihitanikhilavidvajjanamanaHpari toSAtizayaH satvatAmpada[*] tva[*]gaudA[yeM]26 sa ca viga[][r"] nu[sandhAna[*][za]ma[hitA[*]tipakSamanorathAkSabhataH samya gupalacita[]nekayAstrakalAlokacarita Second Plate. 27 gAvibhAgopi praramabhadraprakatirakvatrimapramayavinayazobhAvibhUSaNa: samarazatajaya patAkAha28 raNapratyalodaprabAhudahavidhvansitanikhilapatipakSadaryodayaH [kha]dhanu[:"]prabhAvapari. bhutAstrako[zakhAbhimA29 [na]sakanRpatimaNDalAmina[ndi]tazAsanA' paramama[7]hezvaraH zrIdharasenastatyA. nujastatpAda[*]nuSya[*]ta: saccaritAtizayita30 sa[ka]lapUrvanarapatiratidumAdhAnAmapi prasAdhayitA vipayANAM' mUrtimA[ni]va puSi]kAra: "parivRhaMguNAnurAga31 [nirmaracittattibhiryanuriva khayamabhyupapanaH pracatibhiradhigatakalAkalApaH kA'][ntimA[vi] tiheturakarA: 32 [kumudanAthaH mAnyapratApakhagitadiga[nta] rAkhapradhvandhitadhvA[ntarAthimatatodita savitA" pratibhyaH paraM pratyayama38 "khavanta]matibahutiyaprayojanAnubandha[*]gamaparipUrNa vidadhAnaH "vandhivigraha samAsaniSayanipuNa: [va]ninu-" 34 "rupamAdeyaM dadAvadhividhAnajanitasaMskArama[*]dhUnA" rAjyasAkhAturIya[tantra yorubhayorapa nizAta 35 prabaSTavikamopi "virAsadudayaH zrutavAnapyagarvitaH kAntopi prazamI khirasoDadakhopi nirasitA do. 36 SavatAsudayasamayasamupajanitajanatAnurAgaparipihitabhuvanasamarthitaprathitabAlAdityahi I Rend'khaca *Bad'pratraya TRadmAsamaH RadparAiba " Rand pUrNa * Rand . Read IV. Read 'satpA . *Read 'visiva *Read 'vasthA HBad prapaMsiva "Bend sandhi - Read pUnA * Read sakhasaNyadA. * Read paribhUtA. * Read viSayAcA - Read'baMda. "Read sthAne 18 Read merg and ef.

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10zarama pATha 28 J Thakura A2018 Payej4 mAgha uTha bolanAta hara taraha/2018zavAha HUjg.DAdaramA parasarAma rAhaFA IsrapjayachamAha dusarAya OM ajw: NITY.66 sAgarAincha sUmadhAma mArutI HogavrasunasarIna Hosa280TejamA kADyu

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No. 20.] TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II. 295 37 tIyanAmA paramamAhezvaraH zrIdhruvasenaGkazalI sarvAneva yathAsambadhyamAnakAnma ma[*] jJApayetyastu' va38 saMviditaM yathA mayA mAtApitrI puNyApya[]yanAyaH dumbaragahara[vinigga tAgastikAgra ()hAra()[nivAsiu[cya]39 mAnacAtubidyasAmAnyapArAzarasa govAjasaneyasabrahmacAribrAhmaNakumArasva[7] mi putrabrAhmaNa40 agnisvAmine tathA jambUsaraviniggatAyAnakAgra()hAranivAsi[u]cyamAna[cA]tu bidyasAmAnya kauzikasa41 gotravAjasaneyasabrahmacAribrAhmaNamahezvaraputrabrAhmaNasaMgaravaye mAlava uccamA. nabhu42 to navagrAmakagrAmapUrva[dI] ni' bhaktiI]zataM yasyAghATanAni pUrvataH varAho TakagrAmakaTa: dakSiNato 43 nadI aparata: 'lamaNapaTTikA uttarata: pulindAnakagrAmakakaTaH [evametaccatu rAghATanavizuddha bhaktIzataM 44 sodraGga soparikaraM sabhUtavAtapratyAyaM sadhAnyahiraNyAdeya sadaza[*]parAdhaM sotpadyamAnaviSTika sarvarAja45 kIyAnAmahastaprakSapaNIyaM pUvaM prattadeva brahmadeyabra[*]hmaNaviGgatirahitaM bhUmicchidra nya[*] yena[*]candra[*]nirNa[vakSi]46 tisaritparbatasamaka[*]lInaM putrapotrAnvayabhogya" u[da] kAtisagargeNa dharmAdAyo nisRSTaH yatonayo(ca) rucitayA 47 brahmadeyasthityA guJjato: vaSatoH kaphayatoH pradizatorvA na kaizcivAra[*]sedha vartitavyamAgAmibhadranapa48 tibhirayyasmahaGgAjairaNyeA anitya [*]nyaizvaryANyasthiraM ma[*]nuSya sa[*]. ma[*] nyaJca bhUmidAnaphalamavagacchadbhira[ya]49 masmaha[*]yonumantavyaH paripa[*] layitavyazcetyutaJca // bahubhirvasudha[r*] bhu ta[*] rAjabhismagara[*]dibhiH [*] yasya yasya yada[*] bhUmasta [sya]" 1 Read "payatyastu. Read degyanAyodambaradeg and compare B., text line 41. The name of the donee is spaced out. It may have been filled in subsequently, or substituted for an eraseri longer name. * Read pUrvasaukhi. * Read lAya. * Read sIdrA * Resdu. *Read degviSTikaM. * Read prakSepaNIya parva'. 10 Read degviMzavi. Read pauvAnvayabhIgyaM. 1 Read bhukhato. " Read karSayatI.. - Read rapyamahaMzajaranyA . 1s Read mAnuSyaM. 1 Read degyuktaca. Read bhUmistasya. 20

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194 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 50 e 22[*] [1] []tute (1*]fig [TR][-] af [TR]ga tera[1*]fa [18] [1*] fan[t]fa afr*7 ITA * g[a]51 Tuleta afga [d]e [t*][fr] arif farefa yht: [i*] - a[1*]? [T*]7A[][T*](r) a[1*][a]' T a []f&fa ga ayritetas[:*] 52 fafcaf 09fafque[ro]ycafefatafira Tagufefata fere HE II # Roo PO [T*]zuca R H B.-NOGAWA PLATES OF (GUPTA-]SAMVAT 321. The text of this inscription, which is here printed for the second time, is based on two sets of ink-impressions and one set of estampages, prepared by Mr. Cousens. The estampages are very excellent and show many letters wbich, owing to the corroded condition of the original, appear only imperfectly in the ink-impressions. The copper-plates are two in number and bear writing only on their inner side. There are two ring holes at the bottom of the inscribed side of the first plate, and two corresponding ones at the top of that of the second plate. To judge from the impressions, each of the two plates moasures about 9' in height and 11}" in breadth. The jihvamuliya occurs twice (11. 34 and 40), and the upadhmaniya once (1. 53). The date portion contains the numerical symbols for 300, 20, 1 and 3 (1. 54). As in A., the anusvara is represented by guttural i before & and h (11. 3, 5, 12, 23, 48, 50), and by dental na before s in three cases (11. 15, 29, 34), while in three others (11. 2, 5, 36 f.) the anusvara is employed. The language is Sanskrit. Almost the whole of the inscription is in prose; but, as in A., three of the customary verses are quoted in ll. 51-53. The language of 11. 41-43 is incorrect. The name of the first donee, Dattasvumi (1. 42), although it has no case-ending, is joined by the particle tatha to the following Kumarasvami (1. 43), to which the dual case-ending bly am is affixed. The text of the grant B. is practically identical with that of A., excepting the place of issue, the names and the description of the two donees, the description of the granted land, and the date. The grant was issued from the victorious camp pitched at Va[n]ditapalli" (1.1), which I am unable to identify. The two donees were "the Brahmana Dattasvamin, who hos come from Udumbaragahvara, resides at Ay[a]nakagrahara, belongs to the Trivedins of Dasapura, to the gotra of the Paragaras and to the school of the Madhyandina-Vajasaneyas, (and is the son of the Brahmana Budhasvamin, and the Brahmana Kumarasvamin, who resides at Agastikagrabara, belongs to the Chaturvedins of the said (place), to the gotra of the Parasaras and to the school of the V&jasan yas, and is) the son of the Brahmana - Read phalaM. * Read ery:. 7 Read TT. 10 Read fana " See page 188 above. Read dAridrA * Read reta. . Read oH*. 11 Read #feo and see B., text line 54. 13 I.e. of Agastikagrahara. Read af. Beod farfa #f:. . Read are

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No. 20.] Budhasvamin" (11. 41-43). The grant consisted of "a field measuring one hundred bhaktis at the southern boundary of the village Chandraputraka in Malavaka, in the said district (vishaya). The boundaries of this (field are):-to the east, the boundary of the village Dhammanahaddika; to the south, the boundary of the village Devakulapataka; to the west, the boundary of the field of the Mahattara Viratara-mandalin; at the north-western corner, the small tank (called) Nirgandi; (and) to the north, (the field of) Viratara-mandalin" (11. 44-46). The date of the grant was "the year 300 (and) 20 (and) 1; (the month) Chaitra ; the dark (fortnight); the 3rd (tithi)" (1. 54). 4 TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II. Each of the two donees is called a son of Budhasvamin, a student of the Vajasaneya sakha, and a member of the Paraeara gotra. This suggests that they were sons of the same father, and that the epithet 'who has come from Udumbaragahvara,' which is applied to the first donee (1. 41), holds good for the second as well. The first donee is stated to have resided at Ayanakagrahara and to have belonged to the Trivedins of Dasapura. From this I conclude that Ayanakagrahara was a quarter or suburb of Dagapura. The second donee, who was probably the brother of the first, resided at, and belonged to the Chaturvedins of, Agastikagrahara, which may have been, another hamlet of Dasapura. This town is the modern Dasor or Mandasor, the chief town of a district of the Scindia's dominions, about 52 miles north of Rutlam. As in the inscription A., the land granted belonged to the province of Malavaka. It consisted of a field in the south of Chandraputraka and was bounded in the east by Dhammanahaddika and in the south by Devakulapataka. In his letter to Mr. Marshall, the Dewan of Rutlam thought of identifying these places, successively, with Chandodia, Dhamnod and Divel Khedi three villages in the south-west of Nogawa where the two grants were discovered. But the phonetical correspondence of each of the three pairs of names is only superficial; besides, Dhamnod is not in the east, but in the south-west, and Divel Khedi not in the south, but in the north-west, of Chandodia. Hence the Dewan's identification must be rejected. Dr. Fleet has very kindly searched the maps with the following result: C 195 "Eleven miles south-south-east from Mandasor, there is a large village which is shewn as Dhamnar' in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 35, S.E. (1891), and as Dhamnar' in the Bhopal and Malwa Topographical Survey sheet No. 38 (1882). I suspect that this is the Dhammanahaddika of the record. But neither of the maps shews anything answering to any of the other names; unless Devakulapataka may be found in the Dilauda' of the maps, four miles west-south-west from 'Dhamnar,' and in quite the right position to be on the south of Chandraputraka, Dhamnar' being taken to be the village on its east. And, of course, a possible identification of only one place is not sufficient to conclusively locate the record." The date of this inscription, [Gupta-]Samvat 321 (i.e. A.D. 640-41), falls between that of the first Nogawa grant- Samvat 320-and the earliest date of Dharasena IV.- Samvat 3266 and thus extends the known period of the reign of Dhruvasena II. by one year. 1 See the remarks on page 189 above. 2 See above, p. 189 and note 5. See Dr. Fleet's Gupta Insoriptions, p. 79 f., and above, Vol. V. p. 88 f. Dr. Fleet informs me that these villages are given on the Indian Atlas sheet No. 36, N. E. (189b), as Chandoria, Dhamnod, Dibal and Kheri. "There is also another 'Dilauda,' which gives its name to a station on the Holkar and Neemuch State Railway, three and a half miles north-north-east from this one, and two and a half miles north-west-by-west from Dhamnar."" See Prof. Kielhora's Northern List, No. 481. 202

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. TEXT. First Plate. 1 auM skhasti [*] vijayaskandhAvArAhandi] tapallIvAsakAnasabhapraNatAmitrANAM maitrakANAmatulabalasampatramaNDalAbhoga2 saMsaktamahAramatalabdhapratApAtpratApopanatadAnamAnArjavopArjitAnurAgAdanuraktamaulabhRta zreNI3 balAvAptarAjyazriyaH paramamAhezvarazrIbhaTArkAdavyavacchinnarAjavaGgAmAtApitRcaraNA ravindapraNati4 pravidhautAzeSakalmaSaH zaizavAtprabhRti khaGgadvitIyabAhureva samadaparagajaghaTa[1] sphoTanapra[kA]zi[ta]5 'satvanikaSaH tatprabhAvapraNatArAticUDAratnaprabhAsaMsaktapAdanakharazmisaGgatiH saka[la]- smRtipraNI6 tamArgasamyakparipAlanaprajAhRdayaraJjanAnvartharAjazabdo rUpakAntisthairyagAmbhIryyabuddhi sampani[:*] smaraza7 zAhyAdvirAjodadhicidazagurudhanezAnatizayAnaH zaraNAgatAbhayapradAnaparatayA tuNavada pAstAzeSasvakArya8 phalaprArthanAdhikArthapradAnAnanditavihatmahatpraNayihRdayaH pAdacArIva sakalabhuvana maNDalA[bhogapramodaH 9 paramamAhezvaraH zrIguhasenastasya sutastatpAdanakhamayUkhasantAnavisRtajAhnavIjalogha prakSAli[tA zeSa-' 10 kalmaSaH praNayizatasahasropajIvyamAnasampadrUpalobhAdivAzritaH sarabhasamAbhigAmi kairguNai:*] [sa]hanall zaktizikSAvizeSavimmApitAkhiladhanuIraH prathamanarapatisamatisRSTAnAmanupAlayitA dharmadA[yAnA]12 mapAkartA prajopaghAtakAriNamupalavAnA darzayitA zrIsarasvatyorekAdhivAsasya "satArAtipakSala[sI]13 paribhogadapavikramI vikramopasapraptavi[ma]lapArthivazrI: paramamAhezvaraH zrIdhara senastasya sutastatyAdAnu T and th of From two ink-impressions and an estampage. An indistinct symbol is engraved above the line between - Read degvaMzA. * Read degsattva - Read alIdha. * Read'pradhAnA.. * Read 'saMprApta. * Expressed by a symbol. arteko * Read degsaMhatiH. * Read saMhatA.

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No. 20.] TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II. 197 14 dhyAtaH 'sakalajagadAnandanAtyabhutaguNasamudayasthagitasamagradimaNDalaH samarasata vijayazobhAsa15 nAthamaNDalAgradyutibhAsuratarAnsapITho[Dha]gu[ka]manorathamahAbhA[2]: sarva vidyA] parAvara[vibhAgAdhiga16 mavimalamatirapi sarvatasmubhASitalavenApi mukhopapA[da]nIyapari[to]Sa: samagra lokAgAdhagAmbhI17 ryahRdayopi sucaritAtizayasuvyaktaparamakalyANakha[bhAva: khilIbhUtakRtayuganRpati patha[vi]zodha18 nAdhigatodagrakIrtiInuiparodhIjvala[tarIkatArthasukhasampadupasevAnirUDhadharmAdi] tyahitI[ya]nAmA para19 mamAhekharaH zrIzIlAdityastasyAnujastatpAdAnudhyAta: [kha]yamupandraguruNava guru NAtyAdaravata[7] samabhila- . 20 SaNIyAmapi rAjalakSmI' skandhAsatAM paramabhadra iva dhuryyastadAjJAsampAdanaka ___ rasata[ye vohahammedasukharatibhyA21 manAyAsitasatvasapattiH prabhAvasampadazIkatanRpatizataziroratracchAyopagUDhapAdapIThopi parAvajJAbhi22 mAnarasAnA[thaGgita]manovRttiH praNatimekA' parityajya prakhyAtapauruSAbhimAnairapya rAtibhiranAsAditaprati] kriyo]23 pAyaH katanikhilabhuvanAmodavimalaguNasaGkatiprasabhavighaTitasakalakalivilasitagati bI[cajanAdhi24 rohibhirazeSaharinAmuSTAtyubatahadayaH prakhyAtapauruSAstrakauzalAtizayagaNasitha prakhyAtapauruSAstrakAzalAtizaya vidaca[kSi]tipAti25 lakSmIskhayaMgrahaprakAzitapravirapuruSaprathamasemyAdhigamaH paramamAhezvaraH zrIkharagraha- stasya tanayastatpAdA26 nudhyAtaH sa[ka] lavidyAdhigamavihitanikhilavihannanamanaHparitoSAtizayaH "satva sampadA tyAgaudAryeNa ca 27 vigatAnusandhAna[*]zamAhitArAtipakSamanorayAcabhaH samyagupalacitANakathA[kha]-2 28 kalAthokacaritagaharavibhAgopi paramabhadraprakRti[]kaSimapraca[yavinaya] I Read "vaData. * Read da.. - Read mekAM. 10 Read 'pravauraparuSaprathamasaMkhyAdhigamaH * Read 'kabAlIka. * Rand 'rAma. * Read 'sattvasaMpattiH . * Raad 'saMhati. // Bend sattva'. * Rad 'lI. * Read mAsivitA * Read 'vipacitipati. WRend tAneka.

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198 36 vidadhAnaH 29 zobhA vibhUSaNa: 30 nikhilapratipakSadapadayaH 31 NDalAbhinanditazAsanaH paramamAhezvaraH zrIdharasena [: * ] tasyAnujastatpAdAnudhya [T*] ta[: *] saccaritAtizayitasa vidhAnajanitasaM EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 32 kalapUrvvanarapatiratidussAdhAnAmapi prasAdhayitA viSayANAM mUrtimAniva puruSakAraH parivRddhagu 33 NAnurAganirbharacittavRttibhirmanuriva svayamabhyupapannaH prakRtibhiradhigatakalA kalApaH kAntimA 34 nirvRtiheturakalaGkaGkumudanAthaH prAjyapratApasya [gi] tadigantarAlapradhvansitadhvAntarAzi: satato 35 ditassavitA prakRtibhyaH paraM pratyayamartyavantamatibahutitha prayojanAnubandhamAgama paripUrNa sandhivigraha samAsa nizcayanipuNaH sthAnenurUpa [mAde]zaM dadahuNhaDi 'rAjyasAlAturiyatantrayorubhayorapi niSNAtaH prakRSTavikramopi karuNAmRduhRda 38 yaH zrutavAnapyagarvvitaH kAntopi prazamI sthirasauhRdayyopi nirasitA doSavatAmudaryasamayasamupa-' 37 skArasAdhUnAM Second Plate. samarazatajayapatAkAharaNa pratyalodagrabAhu daNDavidhvanmita ' svadhanuHprabhAvaparibhUtAstra kauzalAbhimAna sakalanRpatima [Vol. VIII. Read vidhvaMsita". 39 janitajanatAnurAgaparipihitabhuvanasamartyataprathitabA [lA] dityadditIya nAmA' parama yathAsambadhyamAnakAnsamAjJApayatyastu vastaMviditaM yathA mAhezvaraH zrI 40 dhruvasenaGkuzalI sarvvAneva mayA mAtApitroH 41 puNyApyAyanAya 'udumbaragahvaravinirgatAya [T *]nakAya (1) hAranivAsidazapura caividya sAmAnyapArAzarasa 42 gotramAdhyandinavAjasaneyasabrahmacAribrAhmaNabudhasvAmiputra brAhmaNadattakhAmi tathAgasti kAgrahAranivAsi 48 [] cyamAna cAturvvidyasAmAnyapArAzara sagotravAjasaneyasa brahmacAribrAhmaNabudhasvAmaputrabrAhmaNakumArakhAmibhyA' 2 Read pradhvaMsita. * Read 'samathiMga, Read zAlAturIya * Read mudaya'. * "tAyAnakA deg is the reading of A text line 40. 7 Read budhakhAmiputra'. The syllable yA is entered on the margin of the plate; read "bhyAM.

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No. 20.] TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II. 199 44 mAlavake ucyamAnaviSa[ye] candraputrakagrAme dakSiNasIni bhaktIzatapramANakSetra yasyAgha[*]TanAni pUrbata: dhammaNaha45 DiDakAgrAmakasTa: dakSiNato devakulapATa[ka] grAmakaGkaTa: aparata: vIrataramaNDali mahattarakSetramAdA uttarapazci46 makoNa nirgaNDIsaDAkikA uttarata: vIrataramaNDalI evametaccatugaghATanavizuddhaM bhaktIzatapramANakSetraM zo-1 47 draGga soparikara sabhUtavAtapratyAyaM sadhAnya hiraNyA deyaM sapazaparAdha sotpadyamAna viSTikaM sarbarAjakIyAnAmaha48 staprakSepaNIya pUrvaprattadevabrahmadeyabrAhmaNaviGgatirahita bhamicchidranyAyanAcandrArkA eNavakSitisaritpardha49 tasamakAlAnaM putrapautrAnvayabhogyaM udakAtisargeNa dharmadAyo nisRSTa[:*] yato nayocitayA brahmadeyasthityA bhuJjata' 50 kaSataH karSayataH pradizatoLa na kaizvidyAsadhe vartitavyamAgAmibhadranRpati bhiraNyasmahaGgajairanyairvA anityAnya[va]UNya51 sthiraM mAnuSyaM sAmAnyaJca bhUmidAnaphalamavagacchanirayamammahAyonumantavyaH pari pAlayitavyacetyuktaJca // bahubhirvasudhA bhu52 tA rAjabhismagarAdibhiH [*] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM [*] yAnIha dAridryabhayAvarendra InAni dharmAyatanIkatAni [] "nibhuktamAlyaprati53 mAni tAni ko nAma sAdhu punarAdadIta // SaSTivarSasahasra[*]Ni svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH / *] mAcchetA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vase diti / dUtakotra rAja54 putrazrIkharagraha[*] likhitamidaM sandhivigrahAdhivata divirapativacabhaDiputradivira patiskandabhaTena // saM 3.0 2.1 caitra ba 3 vahasto mama // dAta | Read sI. * Read 'pauyaM. Read at:. M Read pAtA . . Read degkara, * Read 'vipati - Read degzI * Resd sadabhAparAbha. * Read 'kAlIna * Read nirbhuta

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200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII No. 21.-JAINA INSCRIPTIONS AT THE TEMPLE OF NEMINATHA ON MOUNT ABU. BY PROFESSOR H. LUDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK. Inked estampages of the numerous inscriptions in the various temples on Mount Abu were prepared by Mr. H. Cousens, Superintendent of the Archaological Survey of the Bombay Presidency, in 1902, and sent by Professor Hultzsch to Professor Kielhorn, who made them over to me for publication. The 32 inscriptions edited below are from the temple of Neminatha and refer to the erection and endowment of that building by Tejahpala, the minister of the Chaulukya king Viradhavala. At present this sanctuary seems to be known by the name of the temple of Vastupala and Tejahpala ;' but as the inscriptions clearly show that appellation to be erroneons, the foundation being ascribed to 'i'ejahpala alone, I should prefer either to call it after the saint to whom it was dedicated, or to use the original name which, as again shown by the inscriptions, was Lupasimhavasahika or Lupavasahika. No. I. is engraved on a black slab built into a niche in the corridor of the temple. A translation of it was published as early as 1828 by H. H. Wilson in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI. p. 302 ff. The text, together with a translation, was first edited in 1883 by Professor Abaji Vishnu Kathavate in his edition of Somesvaradeva's Kirtikatumadi, Appendix A. And a second edition, again accompanied by a translation, appeared in the Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions published by the Bhavnagar Archaeological Department, p. 174 ff. The writing covers a space of about 3' 11" broad by 2 71" high. It is beautifully engraved and generally in an excellent state of preservation. The size of the letters is". The characters are Jaina Nagari. As ba is distinguished from va only by a very minute dot in the centre, which easily disappears in the impression, it is in some cases almost impossible to decide which character was meant. The language is Sanskrit, and apart from the introductory syllable om, a few connecting phrases in ll. 17, 26 and 30, and the concluding remarks in 1l. 46 and 47, the whole inscription is in verse. The text was composed by Somesvaradeva, the wellknown purdhita of the Chaulukya kings and author of the Kirtikaumudi; but although some of the verses undoubtedly vie in elegance with those of the larger work of the poet, it cannot be denied that the poem as a whole is disfigured by rather tedious repetitions, and sometimes by a certain want of connection between single stanzas. As regards lexicography, attention may be drawn to the architectural terms balanaka in 1. 37 and khattaka in 1. 40. The former apparently is identical with Marathi balani, which according to the Dictionary of Molesworth and Candy means * a raised seat along the walls of the gabhara or sabhamandapa of a temple. The word khattaka I cannot trace in any dictionary accessible to me; judging from the context, it seems to have the meaning of pedestal' or 'throne. Proper names frequently appear in their Praksit form. Under the influence of the metre even the vulgar form Tejapala, instead of Tejahpala, is used in verse 56. After an invocation of Sarasvati (v. 1) and Ganesa (v. 2), the inscription gives first an account of the family of Tejahpala. Their native town was Anahilapura, the residence of the Chulukya kings (v. 3). The ancestor of the family was Chandapa (v. 4). His son was Chandaprasada (v.5), who again had a son named Soma (v. 6). Soma's son was Asvaraja, whose wife was Kumaradevi (v.7). They had eleven children (vv. 8-24)-four sons: Lupiga, 1 [On parahi, Jaina temple, which is to be derived from * casathi, another form of the Sanskrit vasali, see Prof. Pischel's Grammatik der Prakrit. Sprachen, $ 207. The Kannada equivalent basadi or basli is a tadbhava of rasati itself-E. H.!

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 201 who died when he was still a youth (v. 8), Malladeve, Vastupala and Tejahpala, and seven daughters : Jlhu, Mad, Sad, Dhanadevi, Sobaga, Vayajuka and Padamaladevi. The family professed the Jaina faith (vv. 7; 10) and belonged to the lineage of the Pragvatas (v. 4). The four brothers are all called ministers (mantrin, sachiva), and of Vastapala it is expressly stated that he was in the service of the Chulukyas (v. 14). Special praise is bestowed on Vastupala and Tejabpala, who seem to have been connected by the ties of sincere brotherly affection (vv. 19. 24); but these verses contain no historical allusions. The text then turns from the ministers to their lords, the Chaulukyas as they are called here (vv. 25; 28). Only the members of the so-called Vaghela line are mentioned here, vis. Arnoraja (v.25), his successor Lavanaprasada (v. 26), and the son of the latter, Viradhavala (v. 27). Two verses (vv. 28; 29) are added in praise of the services rendered to Viradhavala by the brothers Vastupala and Tejahpala, and of the implicit confidence by which the king rewarded their attachment to his person. Abruptly a description of the Arbuda mountain, the modern Mount Abu, is introduced (vv. 30; 31), after which follows, equally abruptly, a genealogy of the Paramaras of Chandravati (vv. 32-42). That these verses are inserted here because Tejabpala built a temple on Mount A bu and this mountain was situated in the province governed by the Parameras, can be gathered only from the contents of the last section of the inscription. The account of the Paramaras begins with the legend of their origin. Their ancestor, from whom they took their name, is said to have sprung from the altar of the sacrificial fire of Vasishtha and to have received the appellation of Paramira from that sage on account of the delight he took in killing his enemies (para-marana) (v. 32). In that family there arose first Dhumaraja (v. 33), who was followed by Dhandhuka, Dhruvabhata and others up to Ramadeve (v. 34). With Ramadeva begins a coherent pedigreu which may be tabulated as follows: Ramadeva. Yasodhavala. Dharavarsha, Prahladada Somasimhadeva. Ktishoarajadeva. Besides the genealogy the inscription furnishes several items of historical value. Yasodhavala is said to have quickly killed Ballkla, the lord of Malava, when he had learned that he had become hostile to the Chaulukya king Kumarapala (v. 35). From the wording of the verse we may conclude that Yasodha vala was a fendatory of Kumarapala when he waged war against Ballala, just as Yasodhavala's son Dharavarsha appears as a feudatory of Kumarapala's grandnephew Bhimadova II. in a Mount Abu inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 1265. It is no wonder, therefore, that elsewhere we find the destruction of Ballala attributed to Kumarapala himself. In Somesvaradeva's Kirtikaumudt (II. 48) Kumara pala is said to have seized in battle, out of passion, the heads of the kings Ballala and Mallikarjuna like the breasts of the goddess of victory. And in the Somnath pattan inscription of Bhava Btihaspati, dated in Valabbi. Samvat 850 (A.D. 1169)," he is called a lion to jump on the heads of those) elephants-Ballala, king of Dhara, and the illustrious ruler of Jangala. The latest epigraphical date for Kumarapala's predecessor Jayasim hadeva is Vikrama-Samvat 1196. The earliest inscription of the reign of 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 221. ? Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. III. p. 8. * Ind, Ant. Vol. X. p. 159 ff. 2 D .

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202 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Kumarapala himself is dated in Vikrama-Samvat 1202. According to Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani Jayasimhadeva reigned until Vikrama-Samvat 1199, and in the same author's Vicharaerent the date of his death is given as the third day of the bright half of Karttika of Vikrama-Samvat 1199, and that of his successor's coronation as the fourth day of the bright half of Margasira of the same year. Ballala, therefore, must have found his death between A.D. 1142 and 1169, the date of the Somnathpattan inscription. No king of that name, however, is found among the Paramara rulers of Malava of this or, in fact, of any other period, and it is altogether improbable that Ballala belonged to this dynasty. The question who he was and how he came to acquire the kingdom of Malava cannot be answered at present, but I wish to draw attention to the fact discussed at length by Professor Kielhorn that after the death of Yasovarman, which must have occurred between A.D. 1135 and 1144, the Malava kingdom was for some time in a troubled state apt to rouse the ambitions of a conqueror or usurper. [VOL. VIII. Dharavarsha, who seems to have been extraordinarily fond of hunting expeditions (v. 37), was an enemy of the lord of Kaunkana or Konkan (v. 36), but no particulars are added. I have quoted already above the Mount Abu inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 1265 (A.D. 1209), where Dharavarsha, the lord of Chandravati, the Sambhu to the Asuras-the provincial chiefs (mendalika),' is mentioned as the feudatory of Bhimadeva II. Bhirnagar Inser, p. 155 ff. 1 See the end of sarga III. His younger brother Prahladana is called he' whose sword was dexterous in defending the illustrious Gurjara king, when his power had been broken on the battle-field by Samantasimha' (v. 38). The Gurjara king who was saved by Prahladana from Samantasimha, of course, was Bhimadeva II., but it is difficult to say who that Samantasimha was. No further details being given and the name being not uncommon in this period, it is hardly possible to identify that prince with certainty. The person who in my opinion has the best right of being considered the Samantasimha of the inscription is the Guhila chief of that name mentioned in two inscriptions on Mount Abu and at Sadadi. In the former inscriptions he takes the fifth place after Vijayasimha, who must have flourished about A.D. 1125,9 and the fifth place before Tejahsimha, whose Chitorgadh inscription is dated in Vikrama-Samvat 1324 A.D. 1257.10 He thus appears to have reigned about A.D. 1200, which would well accord with the fact that his adversary Prahladana was yuvaraja in A.D. 1209.11 Also from a geographical point of view there is no objection to my identification, as Medarata, the country of the Guhilas, bordered the district ruled by the Paramaras of Chandravati. It would be quite natural therefore to find Prahladans defending his suzerain against the attack of a Guhila chief. That the relations between the Chaulukyas and the Guhilas were not always of a friendly nature is proved by a grant of Visaladeva, the son of Viradhavala, where the king is given the epithet Medapat akadesakalusha-rajya-ralli-kand-ochchhedana-kuddula-kalpa, 'he who resembled a hoe for rooting out the bulb of (that) creeper-the turbulent government of the Medapataka country.' 12 Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 162. Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 348. The latest inscription of Yasovarman is the Ujjain plate of Vikrama-Samvat 1192, and the earliest in-cription of his son Lakshmivarman is the Ujjain plate of Vikrama-Samvat 1200. See Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 349 and n. 352 f. 6 Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 347 f. 1 Bharnagar Inser, p. 114 ff. The Sadadi inscription, which is considerably later, slightly differs in its list of rames. Vijayasimha's daughter was the Kalachuri queen Alhanadevi, whose Blera-Ghat inscription is dated in the year 907 of the Kalachuri-Chedi era A.D. 1155; see Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 7 ff. 10 Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LV. Part I. p. 46 f. 11 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 222. sa Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 210.

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No. 21.] Besides his military achievements Prahladana's learning is repeatedly alluded to (vv. 39; 40). This praise appears to be not unfounded. There has come down to us a vydyoga, called Parthaparakrama, written by him when he was yuvaraja, and several single verses of his are found in the Sarngadharapaddhati. MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 203 As regards Somasimhadeva, it is perhaps worth mentioning that he is stated to have remitted the taxes of Brahmans (v. 41). After the genealogy of the Paramaras the text returns again to the family of Tejahpala. Vv. 43-46 are devoted to Tejahpala's brother Vastupala, his wife Lalitadevi and, particularly. their son Jayantasimha or Jaitrasimha. Vv. 47-49 are in praise of Tojahpala himself, after which follows a description of the paternal lineage of Anupamadevi, the wife of Tejahpala (vv. 50-54). The account begins with Gaga, who belonged to the Pragvata family and was an inhabitant of Chandravati (v. 50). His son was Dharaniga (v. 51), who was married to Tribhuvanadevi (v. 52). Their daughter was Anupamadevi (vv. 53; 5). The son of Tejabpala and Anupamadevi was Lavanyasimha or Lupasimha (vv. 55-57). V. 58 contains a short note on the family of Tejahpala's elder brother Malladeva: Malladeva and his wife Liluka had a son Parpasimha, who was married to Allapadevi and had a son of the name of Pethada. Vv. 59 and 60 record that Tejahpala built on the mountain Arbuda this temple of Neminatha for the religions merit of his wife Anupama and his son Lavanyasimha, and the following verses (61-64) give some particulars about the edifice. The temple, built of white marble, was provided with a lofty mandapa in the front, with fifty-two shrines for the Jinas on the sides of it and a balanaka or stone seat in front of it (v. 61). There were besides ton statues representing Chandapa, Chandaprasada, Soma, Asvaraja, Lupiga, Malladeva, Vastupala, Tejabpala, Jaitrasimha and Lavanyasimha, mounted on female elephants (vv. 62; 63). Behind these statues the images of those ten persons were placed once more, together with their wives, on khattakas of white marble (v. 64). The description concludes with some verses in honour of Vastupala and Tejah pala, extolling especially their numerous charitable institutions (vv. 65-68). This is followed immediately by an account of the lineage of the priests of Vastupala's and Tejabpala's family (vv. 69-72). They belonged to the Nagendra gachchha, and their names, in chronological order, were: Mahendrasuri, santisuri, Anandasuri and Amarasuri, Haribhadrasuri, Vijayasenasuri, Udayaprabhasuri. The last, as shown by v. 71, was renowned for his poetry, specimens of which are preserved in some Girnar inscriptions. The last verses of the inscription (72-74) contain some benedictions and the statement that Somesvaradeva, whose feet are honoured by the Chulukya king, composed this eulogy of the temple. The name of the engraver of the inscription, Chandesvara, the son of Dhandhala, the son of Kelhana, and the date of the consecration of the temple by Vijayasenasuri, the Jaina priest mentioned above, are added in prose (11. 46, 47). The consecration took place on Sunday, the third day of the dark half of Phalguna, in the year 1287 of the glorious Vikrama. It is true the first two syllables of the name of the month are effaced, and it would be possible, therefore, a priori to restore the name of the month to Sravana, as done e.g. by Professor Kathavate; but as the date is repeated in the inscription No. II., the reading Phalguna is beyond 1 Report on Sanskrit MSS. 1872-73, p. 4. Kielhorn, Report on the search for Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1880-81, p. 84. 2 Nos. 748, 765, 1058 and 1071; compare Aufrecht's collection, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XXVII. p. 49. In the inscription No. II. Amarasuri is called Amarachandrasuri. Kielhorn, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 31, note 1. Udayaprabhasari was also the author of an astrological treatise called Arambhasiddhi; see Weber, Verzeichniss der Sanskrit-und Prakrit-Handschrif ten der Kgl. Bibliothek in Berlin, No. 1741. 2 D 2

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204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. all doubt. The date corresponds, as shown by Professor Kielhorn, to Sunday, 3rd March A.D. 1230. Of the inscription No. II. only a short account was published by H. H. Wilson in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI. p. 309 f. It was edited in full by Professor Abaji Vishnu Kathavate as Appendix B. to his edition of the Kirtikaumudi. It is engraved on a white slab built into a uiche in the corridor of the temple. The writing covers a space of about 2' 11" broad by 1' 10" high. The size of the letters is ". Near the beginning and at the end of 11. 1 and 2 and at the end of 11. 3 and 4 the text is mutilated, portions of the slab being either cut off or broken off. The characters are of the same type as in No. I. The initial & in om (1. 1) differs from the corresponding sign in Oisavala (11. 15, 17, 24) and Orasa (1. 27) by the addition of a cross-bar. The letter ba is expressed by the sign for va everywhere, except in Srimatamahabu in 1. 27 and Arbudas in the last but one line. The writing of the last two lines, however, shows also some other peculiarities. The characters are partly larger, and generally executed with far less care, than those in the preceding portion of the inscription. As regards single letters, the divergences are especially prominent in the signs for ra and sa and medial e and o, the latter being expressed by means of a stroke above the line six times, in bhejate, bhavane, pamthe, surer, tayoh and rilokyamane, whereas only three instances of this mode of writing are found in the preceding 31 lines, in varske (1. 1), -devena (1. 26) and Gosala (1. 13). There can be little doubt, therefore, that those two lines are a later addition, and this, as will appear later on, is fully borne out by their contents. The inscription is in the Sanskrit language and, with the exception of one verse in 1. 30, in prose. As usual in records of this period and of this part of the country, the language is largely influenced by the vernacular idiom. Proper names generally appear in their Prakrit form, and even instead of Skt. putra we find here the abbreviation udeg, which stands for Prakrit utta or, perhaps, a half-Sanskritized utra2 (11. 10-25). Also the form kumara instead of kumara in 1. 26 is due to Prakrit influence. The single members of Dvandva compounds are frequently joined by tatha (11. 8, 9, 12, 19, 27). As regards lexicography, the following words may be mentioned: apabhara, m., 'a burden' (1. 29); ashtahika, f., a single day of a festival lasting eight days' (11. 12, 14, 16, etc.); kalyanika, n., 'name of a certain feast' (1. 26); tathajnatiya, 'belonging to the tribe mentioned before' (11. 10 ff.); mahajana, m., a merchant, banker' (1. 10); rathiya, m., which seems to denote a certain class of officials (1. 28); varshagranthi, m., 'an anniversary' (1. 12); satka, 'belonging to' (11. 3, 7, 10); sara, f., 'care, supervision' (1. 9). In line 6 pratishthita is used in the sense of pratishthapita. The inscription contains the official record of the erection of the temple of Neminatha, and regulations for the festivals connected with it and for the protection and maintenance of the building. In lines 1-5 it is stated that 'to-day on Sunday, the third day of the dark half of the common Phalguna, in the [Vikrama] year 1287, while in prosperous Anahilapataka the maharajadhiraja Bh[imadeva], the royal swan on the lotus of the Chaulukya family, who is adorned by a complete line of kings, is reigning victoriously, . . . . . while the mahamandalesvara rajakula, the illustrious Somasimhadeva, born in the family of the illustrious 1 List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 30. This form is actually found in a Chauluk ya grant of A.D. 1207, plate i. 11. 14, 15; pl. ii. ll. 4, 5, 6. See Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 338. See below, p. 206. Compare Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 279, note 46. The word occurs in this sense in the Chaulukyn grant of A.D. 1207, mentioned in note 2 above, plate ii. 1. 10. In 1. 14 of the present grant the abbreviation mahdjani" is found. Compare Marathi varshagdmtha, the anniversary of a birth-day.' See below, p. 205, note 2.

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 205 Dhumarajadeva who had sprung from the sacrificial fire of the altar of the holy Valishtha, is reigning victoriouely,' Tejahpala caused to be made in the village of Doulavade on the top of the holy mountain Arbuda the temple of the holy Neminatha, called Lupasimhavasahika, adorned by all shrines (devakulika) and embellished by a large elephant-hall (hastisala), for the increase of the glory and merit of his wife Anupamadevi and his son Lunasimha. The inscription gives the same pedigree of Tejab pala as No. I., and he is besides described here as conducting the whole seal business of the mahamandalesvara ranaka, the illustrious Viradhavaladeva, the son of the mahamandalesvara ranaka, the illustrious Lavanaprasadadeva, born in the family of the illustrious Chaulukyas, in the province (mandala) of .... ratra, [obtained] by the favour of the aforesaid maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Bhimadeva.' This passage is of special interest as revealing the nature of the relations between Bhimadeva II. and the members of the Vaghel& dynasty, which in Somesvaradeva's account remains rather obscure. The inscription leaves no doubt that Bhimadeva II. was considered lord paramount, while Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala contented themselves with the rank of a mahumandalesvara and the title of ranaka. Unfortunately the name of the province governed by Viradhavala is lost with the exception of the last two syllables, .... rutre, which I am unable to restore. As regards the Paramaras of Chandravati, the inscription shows that in A.D. 1230 the reigning prince was Somasimha, and not Kfishoaraja as might easily be supposed from the text of No. I. I would also point out that the legend told in No. I. of Paramara is here ascribed to Dhumaraja. The date corresponds, as mentioned already above, to Sunday, 3rd March A.D. 1230. The shrines and the elephant-hall mentioned in the description of the temple are identical, of course, with the fifty-two shrines for the Jinas and the hall for the statues of the members of Tejahpala's family spoken of in vv. 61-64 of the inscription No. I. The record of the erection of the building is followed by that of its consecration by Vijayasenasuri (1.6). The pedigree of the latter perfectly agrees with that given in the former inscription. Haribhadrasuri is here called the lord of the frontlet decoration (pattalankaranaprabhu) by the illustrious Anandasuri and the illustrious Amarachandrasuri,' which apparently means that he had received his patabhisheka from the hands of those two suris. The purport of the next section (11. 6-9) is indicated already by the heading: "And the names of the fravaka trustees appointed for this temple (are) as follows.' Here it is set down that all bathing, worshipping, supervising, etc., in this temple is to be done and carried on for ever by the brothers Malladeva, Vasta pala and Tejahpala and their descendants, as well as by all the male members of the family of Lupasimha's mother Anupamadevi and their descendants. On this occasion & pedigree of Anupamadevi's family, which resided at Chandravati and belonged to the Pragvata jnati, is inserted. The following section (11. 9-25) consists of rules for the festival to be celebrated on the anniversaries of the consecration of the temple. It was to begin on the third day of the dark half of the month Chaitra, holy to the god, and to last for eight days. During this festival the ceremonies of bathing, worshipping, etc., were to be performed by the laymen (Sravaka) of 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 190, Dr. Buhler bas endeavoured to define the boundaries of the territory raled by the Vag held braneh. ? The word aard occurs again in the Chaulukys grant of A.D. 1207 in the phrane: asya dharmastha naaya ... Mair=ashtablir-goshthikai rdula-Uchchadeva-sabitair-a-chandr-arkas rard karanfyd; Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 838, plate ii. 11. 3.6. It has possibly a more special meaning than supervision. * This seems to be the meaning of dipaklya.

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206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. the country of Chandravati, each day being assigned to a certain local community. The inscription enumerates many of these laymen by name, adding in each case the name of the father and the nati. About half of them belonged to the Pragratas; the rest was divided between the Uesavalas or Oisavalas, the Srimalas and the not very numerous Dharkatas. The places inhabited by them were the villages of Umbaraaiki, Sarauli and Kasahrada, Brahmana, the village of Dhauli, the great tirtha Mundasthala, the villages of Philini, Handgudra and Davani, Gadahada, Sahilavada. In a subsequent clause (1l. 25, 26) it is stipulated that the five kalyiinikas of Nominathaders, i.e. the feasts on the anniversaries of the conception, birth, initiation, enlightenment and final deliverance of the suint, are to be celebrated annually on the fixed days by all the laymen (Grivaka) iesiding at Deulavada on the holy mountain Arbuda. The names of the persons to whom the care of the temple was entrusted are recorded in the next section, which runs as follows (11. 26-30): Thus is this agreement: The lord of the prosperons Chandravati, the illustrious rijalula Somasimbadeva; again his son, the illustrious rija[kula] Kaphadadeva, and the other princes, all royal persons; again the sthanapatis thaffarakas, etc., of the prosperous Chandra vati, kavilasa: again the Guguli Brahmans, all the trustees (who belong to the case of the) merchants; again all persons, (viz.) sthunapatis, ascetics, Guguli Brahmana, rathiyas and others, residing at the temples of) the holy Achalesvara (and) the holy Vagishtha on the mountain Arbu da anl in the neighbouring villages, (viz.) the village of Deulavada, the prosperous village of Srimatamababu, the village of Abuya, the village of Orase, the village of Utarachha, the village of Sibara, the village of sala, the village of Hethaunji, the village of Akhi, Kotadi belonging to the holy Dhandhalesvaradeva, and others-twelve villages (in all); again all the rajaput ras belonging to the race of the illustrious Pratihares, residing in the villages of Bbalibhada, etc., baving sat down one by one in the holl of the temple of) the holy Neminathndeva, took upon themselves, each according to his own wish (and) for his own delight, from the mahan[ta, the illustrious Tejabpala, the whole burden of the care of this temple called the holy Lunasihavasahika. Therefore, acting up to this promise of their own, all of them, as well as their descendants, have to take care of this temple as long as the sun and the moon (endure). For What need is there of alms-bowl, water-jar, clothes of bark, white (or) red garments (and) tufts of twisted hair, (since) this splendid vow is performed by the noble-minded ?' Prince Kanhadadiva mentioned in line 26 is identical, of course, with the Paramara Krishnarajadeva spoken of in the former inscription. The last line (31) records that the mahurijakula, the illustrious Somasim hadeva, in this holy Lanasi havasahika, presented by an edict the village of Davani in Vahirahadi to the holy Neminathadeva, for his worship and personal allowance, and the inscription concludes with Samasiin haueva entreating the future kings of the Pramara race to protect his gift as long as the sun and the moon will last. 1 I take the term the body of the bracakas, namely, all the merebants, all the trustees of Jina temples, ete. belonging to Chandravati' as the collective designation of tie es in ennmented in detail later on. ? [Accrding to Forbes, Ros Mali, p. 66, Kasahrala is the pre-ent Kasindra-Paladi near Ahmadabad; sec Buhler, E). Iud. Vol. I. p. 229. It is mentioned in two Rashtrakuta grants, ibid. p. 57 (Kasadrala), aud Zud. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 202 (K &inhrnda).-E. H.] Perhaps kavildsa is a proper name; at any rate, I do not know its meaning.-(Can it be meant for Kailasa - E. H.) The Gugulis, or Guglis as they are enlled now, are a class of Brahmans wlie At present are found chiefly in Dvorka. They are Vaishnavas y religiou and mostly m aris or priests in the temples of Krislins; compare Gazetteer of the Bowbay Presidency, Vol. VIII. p. 146, aud Vol. IX. l'art I. p. 9 f., where also an account of the legende relating to their origiu is giveu.

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No. 21.] Of the localities mentioned in the inscription I have been able to identify the following ones The village of Deulavada on the mountain Arbuda is the Dilwara of the Indian Atlas, situated lat. 24deg 36' N.; long. 72deg 43' E. The village of Umbaranik! is the Umarni of the map, 7 miles south-south-east of Dilwara. The village of Dhauli is Dhauli, 8 miles west-south-west of Dilwara. The great tirtha of Mundasthala is perhaps identical with the Murthala of the map, 8 miles south-east of Dilwara. The village of Gadahada may be identified with the Gadara of the map, 11 miles south-south-west of Dilwara, supposing Gadara to stand for Gadara (Gadada). Sahilavada is Selwara, 8 miles west-north-west of Dilwara. Among the villages expressly stated to be in the vicinity of the mountain Arbuda, Abuya is the Abu of the map, 1 miles south-west of Dilwara. Utarachha is Utraj, 5 miles north-east of Dilwara. Sihara is Ser, 8 miles north-east of Dilwara. Hethaunji is Hetamji, 2 miles south of Dilwara. Kotadl may be the Kotra of the map, 7 miles east of Dilwara. Sala possibly is identical with Salgaon, 1 mile east-south-east of Dilwara. Orasa bears a certain resemblance to Oria, the name of a village 3 miles north-east of Dilwara, although an identification of the two would be possible only by assuming the form of the name, as given in the map, to be incorrect. MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 207 The last two lines of the inscription, which, as stated above, are a later addition, contain two Sanskrit verses in praise of Mount Abu by Nayachandrasuri, a descendant of the holy rishi Krishna, and a short notice in the vernacular, recording the fact that some pilgrim visited the sanctuary to worship there.1 The shorter inscriptions Nos. III.-XXXII., all of which are edited now for the first time, are written in Nagari characters of the Jaina type and composed in the Sanskrit language, although proper names mostly appear in their Prakrit form. Once, in Chamdapa in No. IV. 1. 1, da shows the peculiar shape given in Buhler's Indische Palaeographie in Plate V. col. XVI. 1. 22, from an inscription of Bhimadeva I. 4 No. III., which is engraved on the lintel of the doorway to the main shrine, records that Tejapala caused to be made the great shrine (mahatirtha) of the holy Nemiuatha in this Lupavasa hika for the religious merit of his son Lunasiha on Monday, the third day of the bright half of Phaguna (Phalguna) in the year 1287 of king Vikrama. According to Professor Kielhorn, who kindly calculated this and the following dates for me, the date is incorrect for both V. 1287 expired and V. 1287 current. It would correspond, for V. 1287 expired, to Friday, 7th February A.D. 1231, and for V. 1287 current, to Sunday, 17th February A.D. 1230. The inscriptions Nos. IV.-XXXII. prove that Tejahpala in the following years also did not cease to enlarge and embellish the sanctuary which he had crented. They are engraved on the lintels of several cell shrines in the corridor of the temple and record the erection of those shrines, or of images of Jinas and tirthakaras, by Tejahpala for the religious merit of various members of his family. Of general interest are the titles occurring in these inscriptions. The one most frequently used is maham, the abbreviated form of mahanta. It is borne by Tejahpala and most of the members of his family, both men and women. But in the pedigrees contained in Nos. XXIV. and XXVI.-XXXI. Tejahpala's ancestors Chandapa and Chandaprasada, his father Asvaraja or Asaraja, and his mother Kumaradevi are given the title of tha, which stands for thakkura, whereas Soma, the son of Chandaprasada and father of Asvaraja, is constantly styled maham.3 This clearly shows that there must have been some distinction between the two titles, though the difference cannot have been very great, as Chandapa and Asvaraja are called also maham' in 1 I do not fully understand this sentence. Records like this are not infrequent on Mount Abu. Wilson has noticed them only in a general way in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI. p. 310, No. XX. The pedigree in No. II. 1. 3 f. shows the same distinction.

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208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. Nos. III.-VIII., X.-XVIII., XXI.-XXIII. and XXXII. In No. XXXII. we find thakurajni as the title of Samtosha, the mother of Tejahpala's second wife Suhadadevi, whose maternal grandfather and great-grandfather are called thao. As shown by Nos. XXVI., XXVII. and XXX., Vastupala, the elder brother of Teja >>pala, bore the title of sanghapati.2 From the ninth sarga of the Kirtikaumudi it appears that he had earned this title by organising and conducting a great pilgrimage to the tirthas of Satrumjaya, Raivataka and Prabhaga. The title itself is alluded to in sarga IX. verse 12, where it is said: 'He dined when all (others) had dined; he went to sleep when all the other) pilgrims had fallen into slumber; he was the first to awake. In this manner he performed the vow of being a sanghaprabhu.' Seven times female relatives of Tejab pala are given the title of bai (Nos. IV., XI., XXVI., XXVII., XXIX-XXXI.) No. XXXII. mentions the Modha jiti in Pattana as the tribe to which the family of Suhadadovi, the second wife of Tejabpala, belonged. The saints whose images were set up are the Jina Saparsva (No. XII.), Mani Suvrata (No. XXI.), Varisena (No. XXIV.), Chandranana (No. XXV.), the eternal Jina Rishabba (No. Xxx.), the eternal Jina Vardhamana (No. XXXI.), and the tirthakaras Simamdharasva. min (No. XXVI.), the Jina Yugamdharasvamin (No. XX VII.), the Jina Bahu (No. XXVIII.), and Subabu (No. XXIX.). Nos. IV. XVIII. are dated in the Vikrama year 1988; Nos. XIX.-XXIII. in the Vikrama year 1290; Nos. XXIV. and XXV. on the seventh day of the dark half of Chaitra in the Vikrama year 1993; Nos. XXVI.-XXXI.? on Friday, the eighth day of the dark half of Chaitra in the Vikrama year 1293, whicb, for the Karttikadi V. 1293 expired and the purnimanta Chaitra, regularly corresponds to Friday, 20th February A.D. 1237; No. XXXII. is dated on Thursday, the fourteenth day of the dark half of Vaisakha in the Vikrama year 1297, which, for the Karttikadi V. 1297 expired and the purnimanta Vaisakba, regularly corresponds to Thursday, 11th April A.D. 1241. NO. 1.8 TEXT. 1 oM // vaMde sarakhatIM devIM yAti yA vimAnasaM / nI[yamAnA [f a]a (UTWAT] [a]tfa[T 1] | 3: []ifaat[1071[T: prakopa zAMtopi dIpta]: smaranigrahAya / nimIlitAkSo[pi samagradarzI sa va: zivAyAstu zi. 1 Similarly in the pedigree of Tejubpalu's wife Anupainadevi in No. II. 1. 7f. four persons are called mahan, while the rest is styled thao. ? The same title is applied to Vastupala in No. II. 1. 4. * The title of sanghapati occurs also in the Satrunjayamahalmya. According to XIV. 84 ff. it was c-nferred by PArsva op his relative Hastin, who afterwards undertook a pilgrimage to various holy places. * The correct Sanskrit forin would be Varishdna. * The four tirthakaras are distinguished by the epithet viharamana, the exect meaning of which is unknown to me. The Jins Simard barasvainin is koowa from Hemachandra's Sthavira ralicharita, IX. 95 fr. and the Satrumjayamahatmya, I. 163. 1 Of No. XXVIII, the first line (containing the date) is lost, but it is almost certain that the inscription was dated in the same year. . On a black slab built into a niche in the corridor. No. 1740 of Mr. Cousens's list. * Expressed by a symbol.

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 209 2 [vAtanUjaH // 2 aNahilapuramasti khastipA prajA[nAma]jarajira[ghatulyai]: pA[lyamAnaM cu[lukyaiH] / [cirama tiramaNInAM ya[tra va du[maMdIkata iva [si]tapakSaprakSayeyaMdhakAraH // 3 tatra prAgvATAnvayamukuTaM kuTajaprasUna. 3 vizadayazA: / dAnavinirjitakalpadrumaSaMDacaMDapaH samabhUt // 4 caMDapra[sAda. saM[]: svakula[prAsAdahamadaMDo 'sya / prasara[tkIrtipatAka: puNyavi. pAkena sUnarabhUt // 5 AtmaguNaiH kiraNairiva somI romohama satAM ku4 ban / udagAdagAdhamadhyAhagdhIdadhibAMdhavAttasmAt // 6 etasmAdajani jinAdhi[nAthabhaktiM bibhrANa: svamanasi zakhadakharA[ja]: / tasyAsIhayitatamA kumAradevI devIva tripuraripoH kumAramAtA // 7 tayoH prathamapu- // 5 po 'bhUnmaMtrI lUNigasaMnayA / devAdavApa bAlo. 'pi sAlokyaM [va]r savena [sa]: // 8 pUrvameva saciva: sa kovidairgaNyate sma guNavatsu lUNigaH / yasya nistaSamatermanISayA dhikkateva dhiSaNasya dhIrapi // 8 zrImanadevaH zri6 tamaNidevastasyAnajI maMtrimatallikA'bhUt / babhUva yasyAnyadhanAMganAsu lubdhA na buddhiH zamalabdhabuddhaH // 10 dharmavidhAne bhuvanacchidrapidhAne vibhinnasaMdhAne / sRSTikatA na hi sRSTaH pratimallo malladeva- // nIlanIradakadambakamuktakhetaketukiraNoDaraNena / maladevayazasA galahastI hastimalladazanAMzuSu dattaH // 12 tasyAnujI vijayate vijiteMdriyasya sArasvatAmRtakatAataharSavarSaH / zrIvastu8 [pAla iti bhAlatalasthitAni dausthyAkSarANi suktI kRtinAM vilupan / 13 viracayati vastupAlacalukyasaciveSu kaviSu ca pravaraH / na kadAci. darthaharaNaM zrIkaraNe kAvyakaraNe vA // 14 teja:pAlaH pAlitasvA9 miteja:paMjaH soyaM rAjate maMtrirAjaH / duvaMttAnAM zaMkanIya: kanIyAnasya bhrAtA vizvavidhAMtakIrtiH // 15 tejaHpAlasya viSNoca kaH svarUpaM nirUpayet / sthitaM jagatrayIsUtraM yadIyodarakaMdare // 16 jAlhUmAUsAU10 dhanadevIsohagAvayajukAkhyAH / padamaladevI caiSAM kramAdimAH sapta sIdaryaH // 17 ete 'kharAjaputrA dazarathaputrAsta eva catvAraH / prAptAH kila punaravanAvekodaravAsalomena // 18 anajanmanA sametastejapA:- / These strokes well as those at the end of 11.4,6, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17,20,21,20,31, 33,30, 30,41, 427 merely intendod for filling up the line. 28

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[VOL. VIII. 11 lena vastupAlo 'yaM / madayati kasya na hRdayaM madhumAso mAdhaveneva // 18 paMthAnameko na kadApi gacchediti smRtiproktamiva smaraMtau / sahodarau duIramohacaure saMbhUya dhamAdhvani tau pravRttau // 20 idaM sadA so12 darayorudetu yugaM yugavyAyanadoryugazri / yuge caturthepyanaghena yena kRtaM kRtasyAgamanaM yugasya // 21 muktAmayaM zarIraM sodarayoH sucirametayorastu / muktAmayaM kila mahIvalayamidaM bhAti yatkIryA // 22e / 13 kotpattinimittau yadyapi pANI tayostathApyekaH / vAmo 'bhUdanayorna tu sodarayoH kopi dakSiNayoH // 23 dharmasthAnAMkitAmukhI sarvvataH kurvvatAsunA / dattaH pAdo balAddadhuyugalena kalergale // 24 itacaulukyavIrA / 14 NAM vaMze zAkhAvizeSakaH / arAja iti khyAto jAtastejomayaH pumAn // 25 tasmAdanaMtara manaMtaritapratApaH prApa citiM kSataripurlavaNaprasAdaH / svargApagAjalavalakSitazaMkhazubhrA babhrAma yasya lavaNAbdhimatItya kIttiH 15 // 26 sutastasmAdAsIddazaratha kakustha pratikkRte:' pratimApAlAnAM kabalitabalo vIradhavalaH / yazaH pUre yasya prasarati ratiklAMtamanasAmasAdhvInAM bhagnA'bhisaraNa - kalAyAM kuzalatA // 27 caulukyaH sukRtI sa vIradhavalaH ka- / 16 seMjapAnAM japaM yaH karNepi cakAra na pralapatAmuddizya yau maMtriNau / AbhyAmabhyudayAtireka ruciraM rAjyaM svabhartuH kRtaM vAhAnAM nivahA ghaTAH karaTinAM bahAva saudhAMgaNe tena maMtriddayenAyaM jAne jAnUpavarttinA / vi. // 28 17 bhurbhujaddayeneva sukhamAzliSyati zriyaM // 28 itazca // gaurIvarazvazurabhUdharasaMbhavo 'yamastyarbudaH kakudamadrikadaMbakasya / maMdAkinIM ghanajaTe dadhaduttamAM [ge] yaH zyAlakaH zazibhRto 'bhinayaM karoti // 30 kacidiha viharaMtI- / kSamANasya rAmAH prasarati ratiraMtarmokSamAkAMkSato 'pi / vacana munibhirarthyA pazyatastIrthavIthIM bhavati bhavaviraktA dhIradhIrAtmano 'pi // 31 zreyaH zreSThavaziSThahoma hutabhukkuMDAnmRtaMDAtmaja pradyotAdhikadehadIdhitibha 19 raH kopyAvirAsInnaraH / taM matvA paramAraNaikarasikaM sa vyAjahAra zruterAdhAra: paramAra ityajani tannAmA'tha tasthAnvayaH // 32 zrIdhUmarAjaH prathamaM babhUva bhUvAsavastatra nareMdravaMze / bhUmIbhRto yaH kRtavAnabhijJAn pacaddayoccheripuddipaghaTAjito 'bhavan / 20 danavedanAsu // 33 dhaMdhukaghuvabhaTAdayastataste yatkule 'jani pumAnmanoramo rAmadeva iti kAmadevajit // 34 rodaHkaMdaravarttikIrttilaharIliptAmRtAMzadyuterapradyumnavazI yazodhavala i- / 10 kakustha would be more correctly written kakutstha 210 18 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 211 21 tyAsIttanUjastataH / yacaulukyakumArapAlapatipratyarthitAmAgataM matvA sattarameva mAlavapatiM 'ballAlamAlabdhavAn // 35 zatruzreNIgalavidalanobidranistaMzadhAroM dhArAvarSaH samajani sutastasya vizvaprazasyaH / krodhAkrAMtapra- / 22 dhanavasudhAnizcale yatra jAtAsyotavetrotpalajalakaNAH kauMkaNAdhIzapatnyaH // 36 soyaM punardAzarathiH pRthivyAmavyAhatIjAH sphuTamunnagAma / mArIcavairAdiva yo dhunApi [mRgavyamavyagramatiH karoti // 37 sAma23 tasiMhasamitikSitivikSatIjAzrIgujjarakSitiparakSaNadakSiNAsiH / prasAdanastadanajo danujottamAricAritramatra punarujvalayAMcakAra // 38 devI sarIjAsanasaMbhavA kiM kAmapradA kiM sarasaurabhayo / prajJAdanAkAradharA 24 dharAyAmAyAtavatyeSa na nizcayo me // 38 dhArAvarSasuto 'yaM jayati zrIsomasiMhadevo yaH / pitRtaH zaurya vidyAM pitavyakAhAnamubhayato jagahe // 4. muktA viprakarAnarAtinikarAvijitya tatkiMcana prApatsaMprati soma. 25 siMhanRpatiH somaprakAzaM yazaH / yenorvItalamujvalaM' racayatApyuttAmyatAmI ya'yA sarveSAmiha vihiSAM na hi mukhAmAlinyamunmUlitaM // 41 vasude. vasyeva sutaH zrIkRSNaH kRSNarAjadevo 'sya / mAtrAdhikapratApo yazoda26 yAsaMzrito jayati // 42 itaca // anvayena vinayena vidyayA vikramaNa sukkatakrameNa ca / kvApi kopi na pumAnupaiti me vastupAlasada zo dazoH pathi // 43 dayitA lalitAdevI tanayamavItanayamApa saciveMdrAt / nAnA jayaMta- / 27 siMha jayaMtamiMdrAtpulomaputrIva // 44 yaH zaizave vinayavairiNi bodhavaMdhye dhatte nayaM ca vinayaM ca guNodayaM ca / soyaM manobhavaparAbhavajAgarUkarUpI na kaM manasi cuMbati jaitrasiMhaH // 45 zrIvastupAlaputraH kalpAyurayaM jayaM28 tasiMho 'stu / kAmAdadhikaM rUpaM nirUpyate yasya dAnaM ca // 46 sa zrItejaHpAla: sacivacirakAlamastu tejasvI / yena janA nizciMtAzciMtAmaNineva naMdati // 47 yaccANakyAmaragurumarayAdhizakrAdikAnAM prAgutpAdaM vyadhita bhuvane 29 maMtriNAM bunidhAnAM / cake 'bhyAsaH sa khalu vidhinA nUnamenaM vidhAtuM teja:pAlaH kathamitarathAdhikyamApaiSa teSu // 48 pasti svastiniketanaM tanabhutA zrIvastupAlAnujastejaHpAla iti sthiti balikatAsIMtale pAla yan / AtmIyaM baIPossibly the reading is valAlam. Read 'mistriMza. Read punarujavalI. - Read 'lamuLvalaM. 202

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212 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. ca kAmaMdakicANakyapi camatkaroti na 30 hu manyate na hi guNagrAmaM hRdi prekSAspadaM precya yaM // 48 // mahaM zrItejaHpAlasya patnyAH zrIanupamadevyAH pitRvaMzavarNanaM // prAgvATAnvayamaMDanekamukuTaM zrIsAMdracaMdrAvatIvAstavyaH sta31 vanIyakIrttilahariprakSAlitakSmAtalaH / zrIgAgAbhidhayA sudhIrajani yadvRttAnurAgAdabhUtko nAptapramado na dolitazirA nohUtaromA pumAn // 50 anusRtasajjanasaraNirdharaNiganAmA babhUva tattanayaH / khaprabhuhRdaye / 32 guNinA hAreNeva sthitaM yena // 51 tribhuvanadevI tasya tribhuvanavikhyAtazIlasaMpadmA 1 dayitA'bhUdanayoH punaraMgaM ddedhA manastvekaM // 52 anupamadevI devI sAcAddAkSAyaNIva zIlena / tadduhitA sahitA zrIteja: pAlena 33 patyA'bhUt // 53 iyamanupamadevI divyavRtta prasUnavratatirajani tejaHpAlamaMtrI. patnI | nayavinayavive kaucityadAkSiNyadAnapramukhaguNagaNeM dudyotitAzeSagotrA // 54 lAvaNyasiMhastanayastayorayaM rayaM jayaniM / 34 [dra] yaduSTavAjinAM / labdhApi mInadhvajamaMgalaM vayaH prayAti dhammaikavidhAyinA'dhvanA // 55 zrItejapAlatanayasya guNAna muSya zrIlUNasiMhakkRtinaH kati na stuvaMti / zrIbaMdhanohuratarairapi yaiH samaMtAduddAmatA trijagati kri35 yate sma kIrttaH // 56 guNadhananidhAnakalaza: prakaTo 'yamaveSTitaca khalasaH / upacayamayate satataM sujanairupajIvyamAno 'pi // 57 manadevasacivasya naMdanaH pUrNasiMha iti lIlukAsutaH / tasya naMdati sutoyamaGkaNA 36 deSibhUH sukRtavezma pethaDa: // 58 abhUdanupamA patnI teja:pAlasya maMtriNaH / lAvaNyasiMhanAmAyamAyuSmAnetayoH sutaH // 58 tejaH pAlena puNyArtha tayoH putrakalatrayoH / hamrmya zrIneminAthasya tene tenedamarbude / 37 // 60 teja:pAla iti kSitIMdusacivaH zaMkhojvalAbhiH ' zilAzreNIbhiH sphuradiMdukuMdaruciraM nemiprabhormadiraM / ucairmaDapamagrato jina [varA] vAsaddipaMcAzataM tatpArzvaSu balAnaka ca purato niSpAdayAmAsivAn // 61 zrImacaMDa38 [pa] saMbhava: [sama ] bhavazcaMDa prasAdastataH somastaprabhavo 'varAja iti tatputrAH pavitrAzayAH / zrImaNigamalla devasaciva zrIvastupAlAhvayAstejaH pAlasamanvitA jinamatArAmonramavIradAH // 62 zrImaMtrIzvaravastupAlatanayaH zrIje 39 siMhAya stejaH pAlaMstaca vizrutamatirjJAvaNyasiMhAbhidhaH / eteSAM daza mUrttayaH karivadhaskaMdhAdhirUDhAzciraM rAjate jinadarzanArthamayatAM dignAyakAnAmiva //

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No. 21.] / MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 213 40 lAzmakhattakagatA: kAMtAsametA daza / caulukyakSitipAlavIradhavalasyAitabaMdhu: sudhIsteja:pAla iti vyadhApayadayaM zrIvastupAlAnujaH // 64 teja:pAlaH saka lamajopajIvyasya vastupAlasya / savidhe vibhAti saphala: 41 sarovarasyeva sahakAraH // 65 tena bhrAtRyugena yA pratipuragrAmAdhvazailasthala vApIkUpanipAnakAnanasara:prAsAdasatrAdikA / dharmasthAnaparaMparA navatarA cakre 'tha jIyoDatA tatsaMkhyApi na budhyate yadi paraM taddedi- / 42 nI medinI // 66 zaMbhoH zvAsagatAgatAni gaNayadyaH sanmatiryo 'tha vA netronmIlanamIlanAni kalayenmArkaDanAmnI muneH / saMkhyAtuM sacivahayovi. racitAmetAmapetAparavyApAra: sukkatAnukIrtanatatiM sopyujjihIte yadi / 43 // 67 sarvatra vartatAM kIrtirazvarAjasya zAzvatI / sukartumupakartu ca jAnIte yasya saMtati: // 68 AsIcaMDapamaMDitAnvayaguru geMdragacchazriyathUDA ratnamayanasiddhamahimA sUrirmaheMdrAbhidhaH / tasmAhismayanoyacArucaritaH zrIzAMti44 [sUrista]topyAnaMdAmarasUriyugmamudayacandrAdIpradyati // 68 zrIjainazAsanavanInava nIravAhaH zrImAMstato 'pyaghaharo haribhadrasUriH / vidyAmadonmadagadeSvanava dyavaidyaH khyAtastato vijayasanamunIzvaro 'yaM // 7. gurI[sta] 45 syA i[za]SAM pAtraM sUrirastyudayaprabhaH / mauktikAnIva sUktAni bhAMti yatpratibhAMbudhaH // 71 etadhammasthAnaM dharmasthAnasya cAsya yaH karttA / tAvaDyamida mudiyAdudayatyayamabaMdo yAvat // 72 zrIsomezvaradevathulukyanaradevasevitAMhi. 46 yugaH / racayAMcakAra rucirAM dharmasthAna prazastimimAM // 73 zrInamarambikA yAca prasAdAdarbudAcale / vastupAlAnvayasthAstu prazastiH svastizAlinI // 74 sUtra kelhaNasutadhAMdhalaputreNa caMDezvareNa prazastiriyamutkIrmA [1] 47 zrIvikrama saMvat 1287 varSe [phAlguNavadi 3 ravI zrI[nAgeMdraga]cche [zrI vijaya senasUribhiH pratiSThA katA // TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) Om. I worship the goddess Sarasvati who enters the mind of the poets, being carried (thither), as it were, by her own swan (which serves her as) a vehicle. (V.2.) May the son of Sivas grant you welfare,-he who, though patient, is red in anger; who, though calm, is burning to restrain love ; (and) who, though his eyes are closed, sees everything (V. 3.) There is the oity of) Anahilapura, a place of happiness to the people, protected by the Chulukyas equal to Aja, Raji and Raghu, where even at the close of the bright half of the - Read macAdikA. In order to understand the full meaning of the verse, it is necessary to observe that the word used for mind is manara, which is also the name of the well known lake haunted by the swans in the breeding season. *IO.Grapesa. *Aja was the grandfather, and Raghu the great-grandfather, of Rama. Raji was the grandson of Purdravan.

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214 [VOL. VIII. month darkness is delayed, as it were, for a long time by the moonlike faces of the exceedingly beautiful women. (V. 4.) In that (town) there was Chandapa, the crown of the family of the Pragvatas, whose fame was as white as kutaja flowers, (and) who surpassed in liberality the group of the wishing-trees. (V. 5.) In consequence of the maturing of his good actions there was (born) to him a son named Chandaprasada, a golden staff on the palace of his family. provided with a streaming banner, his fame. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (V. 6.) From him, who was not shallow-hearted,' (and) who resembled the ocean of milk, sprang Soma, who by his own virtues caused thrills (of joy) to the good, as (the moon causing thrills) by her beams (sprang from the ocean of milk which is deep in the centre). (V. 7.) From him was born Asvaraja, who constantly bore in his heart devotion to the lord of the Jinas. His beloved wife was Kumaradevi, as Devi, the mother of Kumara, (was the wife) of the destroyer of Tripura.? (V. 8.) Their first son was the minister called Lupiga. By fate he obtained, though being (still) a youth, a residence in the same world as Vasava.3 (V. 9.) That pure-minded minister Luniga, whose intelligence despised, as it were, even the wisdom of Dhishapa, was ranked foremost among eminent persons by men of judgment. (V. 10.) His younger brother was the illustrious Malladeva, the paragon of a minister, who had taken refuge with Mallideva, who had attained wisdom by subduing his passions, (and) whose mind did not covet either the money or the wives of others. (V. 11.) As to performing religious duties, as to clothing the bareness of people, (and) as to repairing what has been broken," the Creator did not create a rival of Malladeva. (V. 12.) The fame of Malladeva, surpassing the beams of the moon freed from the masses of dark clouds, has seized by the throat the rays of the teeth of Hastimalla.7 (V. 13.) Long live the younger brother of him who had conquered his senses, called the illustrious Vastupala, who caused marvellous showers of delight by the nectar of his poetry, (and) who, in practising liberality, effaced the letters of misery found on the foreheads of the learned! (V. 14.) Vastupala, the foremost among the ministers of the Chulukyas and among poets. never commits a fraud of money in his secretaryship or a plagiarism in composing poems. (V. 15.) Brilliant is that chief among ministers, his younger brother Tejahpala, who watches over the abundant splendour of his master; who is to be dreaded by the wicked; (and) whose fame spreads in all directions. (V. 16.) Who can fathom the natures of Tejahpala and Vishnu, as the rules (of conduct) for the three worlds are in the deep interior (of the first) and the string of the three worlds in the cavity of the belly (of the second)? (V. 17.) These (brothers) had the following seven sisters, called, in due order, Jalhu, Mau. Sau, Dhanadevi, Sohaga, Vayajuka, and Padamaladevi. 1 The word madhya appears to be used here as a synonym of antara which, according to Amara III. 3, 186 has also the meaning of antaratman. 2 I.e. Siva. Le. in common parlance, he died. I.e. Brihaspati. 5 Mallideva is the name of the nineteenth Jina of the present Avasarpini. I believe that the terms bhurana-chchhidra-pidhana and ribhinna-samdhana refer to MalladAva's works of charity, but they may be rendered also by veiling the weak points of people and reconciling those who have fallen out with one another.' 7 Ie. Indra's elephant. The poet seems to conceive the three worlds as pearls strung together.

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No. 21.1 MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 215 (V. 18.) Surely, these sons of Asvaraja are the four sons of Dasaratha who have returned to the earth out of a desire to live in one and the same womb. (V. 19.) Does not this Vastupala accompanied by his younger brother Tejahpala delight everybody's heart like the first month of spring followed by the second ? (V. 20.) Remembering, as it were, the precept of the law-books that one should never go alone on a road, the two brothers have set out together on the path of virtue infested by the robber of infatuation. (V. 21.) May it constantly rise, this blameless pair of brothers, the magnificent pairs of whose arms are as long as yokes, (and) who made the Krita age appear even in the fourth age! (V. 22.) May the body of these two brothers, by whose fame this circle of the earth looks as if it consisted of pearls, be free from disease for a very long time! (V. 23.) Although the two hands (of a man) are due to springing from one (body), yet one of them is left (or bad); but of these two brothers neither (was so, although they had sprung from one father), as both were honest (or right). (V. 24.) By marking the earth everywhere with religious establishments, that pair of brothers forcibly put their foot on the throat of the Kali (age). (V. 25.) Now, there was born in the race of the Chaulukya heroes a powerful man, the front-ornament of his branch, called Arnoraja. (V. 26.) After him Lavanaprasada obtained the earth, whose splendour was not concealed, who destroyed his enemies, (and) whose fame, as white as shells polished by the waters of the celestial river, roamed beyond the salt sea. (V. 27.) The son of this (king), who was the image of Dasaratha and Kakutstha, was Viradhavala, who swallowed the troops of hostile kings. When the flood of his fame was spreading, the skill in the art of amorous visits on the part of unfaithful women, whose minds were tormented by love, was foiled. (V. 28.) The wise Chaulukya Viradhavala did not even lend his ear to the whispers of the slanderers when they were talking about those two ministers, (and) they made the rule of their master brilliant by a profusion of prosperity (and) tied up herds of horses and troops of elephants in the court of his palace. (V. 29.) By this pair of ministers approaching his knees the prince, I am sure, easily embraces the goddess of fortune, as by a pair of arms reaching to the knees. Again (V. 30.) There is this (mountain) Arbuda, the peak of a range of mountains, the son of the mountain that is the father-in-law of the husband of Gauri, who, carrying the Mandakini on his top plaited round with clouds, personates the moon-bearer (whose) brother-in-law (he is), (as the latter carries the Ganga on his head covered with thick braids). (V. 31.) In one place on this (mountain) love enters even him who strives after deliverance, when he beholds the lovely women enjoying themselves; in another even the mind of a frivolous man becomes indifferent to the world, when he sees the line of sanctuaries to be visited by ascetics. (V. 32.) From the altar of the sacrificial fire of Vasishtha distinguished by virtuousness5 there arose a certain man who possessed a splendour of body surpassing the radiance of the son II... the Ganga. 2 Compare Ram. I. 1, 10. Z.e. the Himalaya, the father-in-law of Siva. Le. Siva. I take freyah-ereshtha- to stand for ereyasi freshtha- and freyas to be a synonym of dharma, as taught by Amara I. 4, 24, Halayudha I. 125, and Hemachandra, Anekarthas. II. 580, and Abhidhanach. 1372.

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216 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. of Mpitanda. Knowing that he would take delight only in killing his enemics, that receptacle of sacred knowledge named him Parsmara. From that time his family received that name. (V. 33.) In that linenge of kings there was first the illustrious Dhumaraja, an Indra on carth, who made the kings acquainted with grief at the destruction of both flanks (of their armies, as Indra made the mountains feel the pangs of having their wings cut of). (V. 34.) Then there were Dhandhuka, Dhruvabhata and others, who defeated the hosts of hostile elephants. In their lineage there was born a beautiful man, surpassing the god of love, Ramadeva by name. (V. 35.) From this (king), who bathed the light of the moon in the waves of his fame abiding in the cavity between heaven and earth, sprang a son called Yasodhavala, who was not subject to the god of love, (and) who quickly killed Ballkla, the lord of Malava, when he had learned that he had become hostile to the Chaulukya king Kumarapala. (V. 36.) To him was born a son to be praised by all men, Dhardvarsha, the edge of whose sword was indefatigable in cutting the necks of the hosts of his enemies. When he, inflamed with anger, held his ground on the battle-field, the wives of the lord of Kaunkans shed drops of tears from their lotus-like eyes. (V. 37) Evidently it is the son of Dasaraths that has been born again on earth as this (prince) of unchecked strength, (and) out of hatred, as it were, against Maricha' even at the present time eagerly devotes himself to hunting. (V. 38.) His younger brother Prahladans, whose sword was dexterous in defending the illustrious Gurjara king when his power had been broken on the battle-field by Samantasimha, again displayed on earth the behaviour of the greatest enemy of the descendants of Dann. (V. 89.) I am not certain whether it is the goddess sprung from the lotus-seated (Brahman)' or the celestial cow granting (every) wish that has come to the earth in the form of Prahladana. (V. 40.) Long live this son of Dharavarsha, the illustrious Somasimhadeva, who inherited bravery from his father, learning from his paternal uncle, and liberality from both of them! (V. 41.) Having remitted the taxes of Brahmans and having vanquished the hosts of his foes, king Somasimha Hoon obtained that fame the splendour of which in a certain way resembled that of the moon, as, though it brightened the surface of the earth, it did not remove the gloom (or the spottiness) from the face of all his enemies here who were fainting with envy. (V. 42.) Long live his son Krishnarajadeva, whose splendour is beyond all measure, who is endowed with fame and compassion, (and) who (therefore) resembles the glorious Krishna, the Hon of Vasudeva, who is united with Yasoda, (and) whose splendour is augmented by his mother! Again (V. 43.) No man equalling Vastupala in family, in manners, in learning, in valour, and in the constant practice of charity comes anywhere within the range of my eyes. (V. 44.) From the excellent minister Lalitadevi, his beloved wife, obtained a son by name Jayantasimhs, who was not wanting in prudent conduct, as the daughter of Paloman (obtained) Jayanta from Indra. (V. 45.) Who ig not touched in his heart by this Jaitrasimha, whose beauty is eager to defeat the god of love, (and) who even) in childhood, which is averse to good manners and destitute of wisdom, shows prudence and politeness and the display of virtues ?

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 217 (V. 46.) May he live for & Kalpa age, this Jayantasimha, the son of the illustrious Vastapala, whose beauty shows itself superior to the god of love, and whose liberality is seen to exceed the wish (of the suppliants)! (V. 47.) May he enjoy his power for a long time--that minister, the illustrious Tejahpala, who resembles the gem of desires, as people rejoice, being freed by him from cares ! (V. 48.) Sarely, it was done for practice by the Creator in order to create him, that he formerly made appear in the world ministers who were the abode of wisdom, such as Chanakya, the preceptor of the gods, Marudvyadhi, Sukra, and others. Otherwise, how should this Tejabpila have obtained his superiority over them? (V. 49.) There is the younger brother of the illustrious Vastupala, called Tejahpala, an abode of prosperity to (all) living beings, who maintains the order established by Bali on the surface of the earth; seeing whom, abounding in sagacity, Kamandaki does not think much of his own numerous accomplishments and Chanakya also ceases to wonder at (his own) intellect. Again, an account of the paternal lineage of the illustrions Anupamadevi, the wife of the illustrious Maham Tejahpala (V. 50.) There was born a wise man, called the illustrious Gaga, the only diadem adorning the Pragvata family, an inhabitant of Chandravati fall of wealth, who cleansed the surface of the earth by the waves of his praiseworthy fame. Which man has not experienced pleasure (or) nodded his head (or) felt the thrill of his bair out of delight in his conduct ? (V. 51.) His son was Dharaniga by name, who followed the path of the virtuous, (and) who, being endowed with virtues, dwelled in the heart of his master, as a necklace (strung on a thread, rests on the heart of its owner). (V. 52.) His beloved wife was Tribhuvanadevi, gifted with virtues renowned in the three worlds. The body of these two was twofold, but their mind was (but) one. (V. 53.) Their daughter Anupamadevi, who on account of her virtues resembled Devi, the daughter of Daksha, in person, was united with the illustrious Tejahpala as husband. (V. 54.) This Anupamadevi, a creeper bearing the heavenly flower of good conduct, who illumined her whole family by the moon-like group of such qualities as prudence, modesty, judgment, deportment, kindness, liberality and others, became the wife of the excellent minister Tejahpala. (V. 55.) Their son, this Levanyasimha, restraining the impetuosity of the vicious horses of the senses, walks on the path that produces only religious merit, although he has attained the age the auspicious sign of which is the fish-bannered (god of love). (V. 56.) Who does not praise the virtues of that pious man, the illustrious L arasimha, the son of the illustrious Tejahpala, which, though being very eager to fetter the goddess of fortune, made his fame perfectly unbounded in the three worlds (V. 57.) This vessel (filled with a money-hoard of virtues, which is not concealed and not surrounded by the serpents of wicked men, is continually increasing although good people subsist on it. (V. 58.) The son of the minister Malladeva, begotten on Liluka, was called Purnasimha. Flourishing is his son, begotten on Ahlapadevi, this Pethada, an abode of virtues. (V. 59.) Anupama was the wife of the minister Tejahpala. Their son was this long-lived (youth) called Lavanyasimha. 1.e. Brihaspati. [1.6. Pavanavy Adhi or Uddhava, the counsellor of Krishna.-E. H.] * Sukra was the teacher of the Asuras. * The belief that treasures hidden underground are guarded by serpents is alluded to also in the Kirlikannudh II. 13. 2

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218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. (V. 60.) For the religions merit of that son and that wife the said Tejahpala built this temple of the holy Nominaths on the mountain) Arbuda. (V. 61.) The minister Tejahpala, a moon on earth, erected the temple of the lord Nemi, which shines by lines of stones as white as conch-shells (and) is resplendent like the moon and jasmine flowers, & lofty hall (mandapa) in front (of it), fifty-two shrines for the best of the Jinas on the sides of it, and a seat (balanaka) in the front. (V. 62.) The son of the illustrious Chapdapa was Chandaprasada; from him (was born) Soma; his son was Asvaraja by name; his sons, gifted with pare hearts, who are rising clouds to the garden of the doctrine of Jina, are the men called the illustrious Lupiga, the minister Malladhva and the illustrious Vastupala, together with TojabpAla. (V. 63.) The son of the illustrious excellent minister Vastapala is he named the illustrious Jaitrasimha, and Tejahpala's son, whose intelligence is renowned, is Lava yasimha by name. The statues of these ten (men), mounted on the shoulders of female elephants, will for a long time shine like those of the guardians of the quarters approaching to see the Jina. (V. 64.) Behind the statues placed on the backs of female elephants, this wise man called Tejahpala, the matchless friend of the Chaulukya king Viradhavala, the younger brother of the illustrious Vastupala, caused to be made here ten images of those persons mentioned above) together with the wives on khattakas of spotless stone. (V. 65.) By the side of Vastupala, on whom all people subsist, the successful Tdjahp&la appears as a mango tree laden with fruit by the side of a lake affording a livelihood to all creatures. (V. 66.) Of the uninterrupted series of religious establishments, such as tanks, wells, fountains, groves, ponds, temples, alms-houses, and so on, which were either newly constructed or repaired by that pair of brothers in every town and village, on every road and mountain-top, one does not even know the number; it is at best but the earth that knows it. (V. 67) The sage that would be able to count the expirations and inspirations of Sambhu or to calculate the openings and closings of the eyes of the saint called Markanda, might also set himself to reokon up this multitude of records of benefactions' drawn up by the two ministers, provided he abandon other ocoupations. (V. 68.) May the fame of Asvaraja, whose descendants understand how to do good and to help, perpetually spread in all directions ! (V. 69.) There was a sage (suri) called Mahendra, the preceptor of the family adorned by Chandapa, the crest-jewel of the fortune of the Nagendra gachchha, who had acquired his greatness without effort. After him (came) the illustrious Santisuri, of admirable good conduct. After bim (there was) a pair, Ananda(suri) and Amarasuri, whose splendour was as bright as that of the rising moon and the rising) sun. (V. 70. After them there was the illustrious Haribhadrasuri, the purifier from sin, who was a new cloud to the park of the holy Jaina doctrine. After him there was this famous excellent sage Vijayasena, an irreproachable physician for the diseases of those who are intoxicated with the liquor of learning. (V. 21.) The receptacle of the benedictions of that teacher is the sage (odri) Udayaprabha. His beautiful verses are brilliant like pearls from the ocean of his intelligence. (V. 72.) This religious building and the founder of this religious building-may these two rise as long as this (mountain) Arbuda rises ! 1(1.. Markandeys, who according to the Mahabharata (VII. 183, 43) was many thousand years old, though he looked only twenty-five.-E. H.] The term sukrit-dwukirtana seems to have about the same meaning - dharmaathana-prafasti occurring in . 73.

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 219 (V. 78.) The illustrious somesvaradeva, whose feet are honoured by the chulukya king, composed this charming eulogy of the religious building. (V. 74.) By the grace of the holy Nemi and Ambika on the mountain Arbuda may the eulogy afford abundant happiness to the family of Vastupala ! (Line 46.) This eulogy has been engraved by the mason Chandesvara, the son of Dhandhala, the son of Kelhana. (L. 47.) On Sunday, the third day of the dark half of Phalguna, in the year 1287 of the glorious Vikrama, the consecration was performed by the illustrious Vijayasenasuri of the illustrious Nagendra gachchha. No. II.1. 1 oM // oM namaH ..........[saMvat 1287 varSe laukikaphAlgunavadi 3 ravau adyeha zrImadaNahilapATake caulukyakulakamalarAjahaMsasamastarAjA valIsamalaMkatamahArAjAdhirAjazrIbha .... 2 vijayirAjye ta . . . . . . . . . . . . . zrIvaziSTa kaMDayajanAnalor3atazrImamarAja devakulotpannamahAmaMDalezvararAjakulazrIsomasiMhadevavijayirAjye tasyaiva mahArAjA dhirAjazrIbhImadevasya prasAda] ..... 3 rAtrAmaMDale zrIcaulukyakulotpavamahAmaMDalezvararANakathIlavaNaprasAdadevasutamahAmaMDa lezvararANakazrIvIradhavaladevasatkasamastamudrAvyApAriNA zrImadaNahilapuravAstavyazrI prAgvATajAtIyaTha zrIcaMDa[pa] ...... 4 caMDaprasAdAtmajamahaM zrIsomatanujaThadeg zrIAsarAjabhAryATha zrIkumAradevyIH putra mahaM zrImalladevasaMghapatimahaM zrIvastupAlayoranujasahodarabhrAtRmahaM zrItaja: pAlena svakIyabhAryAma zrIanupamadevyAstatkuci[saM] .... 5 vitraputramahaM zrIlUNasiMhasya ca puNyayazobhivRdaye zrImadarvadAcalopari' deulavADA. grAme samastadevakulikAlaMkRtaM vizAlahastizAlopazobhitaM zrIlaNasiMha. vasahikAbhidhAnazrIneminAthadevacaityamidaM kAritaM // cha [1] 6 pratiSTitaM zrInAgeMdragacche zrImaheMdrasUrisaMtAne zrIzAMtisUriziSyatrIpANaMdasUrizrI amaracaMdrasUripaTTAlaMkaraNaprabhutrIharibhadrasUriziSyaiH zrIvijayasenasUribhiH // cha / patra ca dharmasthAne kRtazrAvakagoSThikAnAM nAmA7 ni yathA // mahaM zrImannadevamaha zrIvastupAlamaI zrItejaHpAlaprabhRtimAtRtraya saMtAnaparaMparayA tathA mahadeg zrIlUNasiMhasakamAtakulapakSe zrIcaMdrAvatIvAstavyaprAgvATajAtIyaTha zrIsAvadevasutaTha zrImAligatanujaTha / zrI. 1 On a white slab built into a niche in the corridor. No. 1741 of Mr. Cousens's list. * Expressed by a symbol. * Restore 'zrImImadeva.. Read degvaziSTha'. * Restore zrIcaMDapasata * Restore saMbhUtapaP Read zrImadaryudA. * Road pratiSThitaM. The of q@ seems to have been corrected out of c. 213

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[VOL. VIII. 8 zrI sAgaratanayaThadeg zrIgAgAputraTha zrIdharaNigabhrAtRmahaM zrIrANigamaha zrIlIlA tathA Thadeg zrIdharaNigabhAryATha zrItiDuNadevikukSisaMbhUtamahaM zrIanupama devisahodarabhrAtRTha' zrIkhImvAsIharu zrIzrAmbasIhaTha' zrIUdala' tathA mahaMdeg zrIlIlAsutamahaM zrIlUsIha tathA bhrAtRTha jagasIhaTha ranasiMhAnAM samasta kuTumbena' etadIyasaMtAnaparaMparayA ca etasmin dhasthAne sakalamapi srapanapUjAsArAdikaM sadaiva karaNIyaM nirvAhaNIyaM ca // tathA / satkasamasta mahAjanasakalajina caityagoSTikaprabhRtizrAvaka samudAyaH // tathA 'uMvaraNIkIsaraulIgrAmIyaprAgvATajJA' zre' rAsaleTa' Asadhara tathAjA' mANibhadraDa the AlhaNa tathAjJA zre delhaNaDa khombasI - " 10 zrIcaMdrAvatyA: 12 lhA 11 dharkajJAtIyazre nehAu sAlhA tathAjJA dhaDaligaDa AsacaMdra tathAjJA' zre vahudeva soma prAgvATajJA zre sAvaDaDa' zrIpAla tathAjJA zre jIMdAu pAlhaNa dharkaTanA zre pADa' sAdA prAgvATajJAtIyapUnADa' sAtathA zrImAlajJA' pUnAu' sAlhAprabhRtigoSTikA" / amIbhiH zrIneminAthadevapratiSTAvarSagraMthiyAcASTAhikAyAM devakIyacaitravadi 3 tRtIyAdine svapanapUjAdyutsavaH kAryaH // tathA kAsa dagrAmIya UesavAlajJA18 toyave' sohiu pAlhaNa tathAjJA' zre salakhaNDa vAlaNa prAgvATamA zre sAMtuyaDa delhUya tathAjJA zre gosalaDa AlhA tathAjJA zre kolADa AmbA' tathAjJA pAsacaMdra pUnacaMdra tathAjJA 220 9 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. jasavIraDa' ja 14 gA tathAjJA " brahmadeva rAlhA zrImAlanA' kaDuyarAu kuladharaprabhRtigoSTikA : " / amIbhistathA 4 caturthIdine zrIneminAthadevasya dvitIyATAhikAmahotsavaH kAryaH // tathA "brahmANavAstavyaprAgvATa jJAtIyamahAjani 15 amigaDa' pUnaDa UesavAlajJA mahA dhAMdhAu sAgara tathAjJA mahA sATAu varadeva prAgvATajJA mahA' pAlhaNau udayapAla osavAlajJA mahA Avodhanau' jagasIha zrImAlA mahA vIsalau pAsadeva prA-3 16 gvATa mahA' vIradeva arasIha tathAjJA zre dhaNacaMdra rAmacaMdraprabhRtigoSTikA : " / amIbhistathA 5 paMcamIdine zrIneminAthadevasya tatIyATAfearmahotsavaH kAryaH // tathA dhaDalIgrAmIyaprAgvATa jJAtIya sA 1 Read zrIkhomba mohaTadeg zrobhAmbasauhadeg. The line is filled up by a sign resembling a book. 2 Read kuTumbena * This stroke as well as the stroke at the end of 1. 29 is merely intended to fill up the line. * Read saMgaraNIko. * Read bombasI * Read 'pratiSThA'. 10 [Read brahmadeva. 11 Read 'goSThikA: 13 The line is filled up by the sign used at the end of 1. 8. * Read goSThika. Read 'goSThikAH. zre * Road bhAmbA. 12 Read brahmANa 14 Boad "goSThikA..

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 221 17 jaNau pAsavIra tathAjJA' the vIDiudeg pUnA tathAjJA zre jasaDuya jegaNa tthaajaatiiy| sAjanau bholA tathAjJApAsilaudeg pUnuya tathAjJA / rAjuyau sAvadeva tathAnA dUgasaraNau sAhaNIya porasavAla-1 18 jA the salakhaNau maha jogA tathAjJA' [*] devakuyArau bhAsadeva prakRtigoSTikAH / amIbhistathA SaSTIdine zrIneminAthadevasya catuA TAhikAmahotsavaH kArya: // tathA muMDasthalamahAtIrthavAstavyaprAgvATajAtIya19 ye saMdhoraNaudeg guNacaMdrapAlhA tathA ve sohiyau pAkhesara tathA zre jejAu khAMkhaNa tathA phIliNigrAmavAstavyatrImAlajJA vApalagAjaNapramukhagoSTikAH amIbhistathA 7 saptamIdine zrIneminAthadevasya paMcamASTAhikAma20 hotsavaH kAryaH // tathA iMDAudrAgrAmaDavANIgrAmavAstavyazrImAlajJAtIyatre pAmbu yau jasarA tathAnA [*] lakhamaNau AsU tathAjJA zre bhAsalau' jagadeva tathAjJA zredeg sUmiga dhaNadeva tathAjJA the jiNadeva jAlA 21 prAgvATajJA Asalau sAdA zrImAlanA zredeg dedAu vIsala tathAjJA zre' pAsadharaudeg bhAsala tathAnA' the thiradevau vIraya tathAjJA zre guNacaMdra devadhara tathAcA the hariyAu hemA prAgvATanA zredeg lakhamaNa22 u kaDyAprabhRtigoSTikAH / amIbhistathA 8 aSTamIdine zrIneminAtha devasya SaSTASTAhikAmahotsavaH kArya: // tathA [ga]DAhaDavAstavyaprAgvATajAtIya desalau brahmasaraNa tathAnA jasakarau | dhaNiyA tathAjJA[*] zre 23 delhaNa AlhA tathAjJA zre' vAlAudeg padmasIha tathAnA zredeg degmAMvayau vohaDi tathAjJA zre vosariu pUnadeva tathAjJA[*] zredeg vIrayau sAjaNa" tathAnA / pAhuyAM jiNadevaprabhRtigoSTikA: / amobhistathA / navamIdine 24 zrIneminAthadevasya saptamASTAhikAmahotsavaH kAryaH / tathA sAhilavADAvAstavya moisvaaljaatiiy| delhA pAlhaNa / nAgadeva "Amvadeva zre' kAlhaNau' bhAsala ye vohithaGa lAkhaNa zre' jasadevau vAhaDa ve 25 sIlaNaDa' delhaNa ve vahudA mahagharAu dhaNapAla meM pUnigau' vAghA / gosalau vahaDAprabhRtigoSTikA: / pamIbhistathA 10 dazamIdine * Read deggoSThikAH 1 The line is filled up by the sign used at the end of 1. 8. - Read SaSThIdine. * Read goSThikA:Read pAmbudhaH. * Read goSThikA.. *Beed brama * Read bAbu 11 Read 'gISThikAH . WRend pAmba | Read SaSThATA. 10 Read sAjaNa (2). M Read gISThikA:

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222 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. zrIneminAthadevasya paSTamASTAhikAmahotsavaH kAryaH // tathA 'zrIarbudo. pari deulavA26 DAvAstavyasamastavAvakaiH / zrIneminAthadevasya paMcApi kalyANikAni yathA dinaM prativarSa krtvyaani| evamiyaM vyavasthA zrIcaMdrAvatIpatirAjakulazrI. somasiMhadevena tathA tatputrarAja zrIkAnhaDadevapramukhakumaraiH samastarAjalo kaista27 thA zrIcaMdrAvatIyasthAnapatibhaTTArakaprabhRtikavilAsa tathA 'gUgulIvrAhmaNasamasta mahAjanagoSTikaizca tathA prarvadAcalopari zrIacalezvarazrIvaziSTha tathA saMni hita / grAmadeulavADAgrAmazrIzrImAtAmahabugrAmaAvuyagrAmorAsAgrAmaU-' 28 tarachagrAmasiharanAmasAlagrAmahaThauMjIgrAmAkhIgrAmazrIdhAMdhalezvaradevIyakoTaDIprabhRti hAdazagrAmeSu saMtiSTamAnasthAnapatitapodhanagUgulIvrAhmaNarAThiyaprabhRtisamastalokai. stathA bhAlibhADAprabhRtigrAmeSu saMtiSThamAnazrIpratIhA29 ravaMzIyasavarAjaputraca AtmIyAtmIyakhecchayA zrIneminAthadevasya maMDape samupa vizyopavizya mahaM zrItejaHpAlapArthAt svIyasvIyapramodapUrvakaM zrIlaNasIha vasahikAbhidhAnasyAsya dharmasthAnasya sopi rakSApabhAra: svIkRtaH / tadetadA30 mIyavacanaM pramANIkurvabhiretaiH sarvairapi tathA etadIyasaMtAnaparaMparayA ca dharma sthAnamidamAcaMdrArka yAvat parirakSaNIyaM // ytH|| kimiha kapAlakamaMDaluvalkala sitrtpttjttaapttlaiH| vratamidamujvalamuvratamanasAM pratipabanirbahaNaM // cha / 31 tathA mahArAjakulabIsImasiMhadevena asyAM zrIlaNasiMhavasahikAyAM zrInemi nAthadevAya pUjAMgabhogArtha vAhirahadyAM DavANIgrAma: zAsanema prdttH|| saca zrIsomasiMhadevAbhyarthanayA pramArAnvayibhirAcaMdrArka yAvat pratipAlyaH / 32 // siddhikSetramiti prasiddhamahimA zrIpaMDarIko giriH zrImAn raivatakopi vizvaviditaH kSetra vimukteriti / nUnaM kSetramidaM iyorapi tayoH zrIarbudastaprabhU bhejAte kathamanyathA samamimaM zrIAdinemI svayaM // 1 saMsArasarva khami haiva muktisa33 // bakhamapyatra jineza dRssttN| vilokyamAne bhavane tavAsmin pUrva paraM ca tvayi dRSTipAMthe // 2 zrIkRSNarSIyazrInayacaMdrasUrerime // saMdeg saravaNaputrasaMdeg siMha. rAjasAdhU sAjaNasaMsahasAsAideputrI sunadhava praNamati // zubhaM / I Read cabuMdI. * This sign of punctuation is superfluous. * Read 'brAhmaNa. * Read goSThikaca. * Read arbudA'. 6 This sign of punctuation is out of place; read fufcere. I Read bAbu * Read saMtiSThamAna' and 'brAdhA kurvanirataH. 10 At the end of the line there is a symbol. 11 At the end of the line there is the same symbol as in 1. 81,

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. No. III. 1 1 au' // nRpavikramasaMvat 1287 varSe phAguNasudi 3 some adyeha zrIdAcale zrImadaNahilapu 2 rAsta prAgvATajJAtIyazrIcaMDa pazrIcaMDaprasAdamahaM zrIsomAnvaye mahaMdeg zrIAsarAsutamahaM mAlade - 3 vama zrIvastupAlayoranujabhvAmahaM zrItejapAlena svakIyabhAryAma zrIcatu pamadevikuci 4 saMbhUtasRtama bIlUsIpuNyArtha asyAM bolUNavasacikAyAM zrIneminAtha mahAtIrtha kAritaM // da // cha // No. IV. 1 ' // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe 'prAgvATajAtIyazrIcaMDapazrI caMDaprasAda mahaM zrIsomama" zrIpAsarAnvaye ma zrImAladevasutAbAI zrIsadamalazreyo 2 mahaM zrItejapAlena devakulikA kAritA kU // No. V. 7 1 ' // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe prAgvATajJAtIya zrIcaMDapa zrIcaMDa prasAda mahaM zrIsomamahaM zrIcAmarAnvaye maI zrImAladevasutama zrIpuMnasIDIyabhAmaha zrItejapAlena devakulikA kAri 2 ryAmahaM zrIAlhaNadevi zreyo'rtha tA 11 cha // 2 kA kAritA [["] 223 No. VI.9 1 au" // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe" prAgvATajJAtIyazrI caMDapazrIcaMDa prasAdazrIzrAsarAsutamahaM zrImAladevIyabhAryAmahaM [*] maha maha" zrI somAmvaye " zrIpAtheyo'rtha maha zrI tejapAlena devakuli No. VII. 13 1 " zrInRpavikramasaMvat" 1288 varSe prAbATajAtIyayIcaMDapa zrIcaMDaprasAda 1 On the lintel of the entrance of the main shrine. No. 1742 of Mr. Cousens's list. 2 Expressed by a symbol. * Read arbudA * Ou the lintel of cell shrine 1 in the corridor. No. 1666 of Mr. Cousens's list. Expressed by a symbol. * The Da of caMDapa' has an abnormal forns. 7 On the lintel of cell shrine 2 in the corridor. No. 1667 of Mr. Cousens's list. Expressed by a symbol. * On the lintel of cell shrine 3 in the corridor. No. 1668 of Mr. Cousens's list. 10 Expressed by a symbol. 1 Read varSe. 1 On the lintel of cell shrine 4 in the corridor. No. 1669 of Mr. Cousens's list. 14 Expressed by a symbol. 15 Read vikama 12 Real sImAnvaye.

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224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. VIII. zrImAladevIyabhAryAma mahaM zrIsomAnvaye mahaM zrIpAsarAsutamahaM zrIlIlUzreyo'rtha maI zrI2 tejapAlena devakulikA kAritA [*] cha // NO. VIII. 1 auM // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe prAgvATavaMzIyazrIcaMDapazrIcaMDaprasAdamahaM zrIsomamahaM zrIpAsarAmahaM zrImAladevAnvaye mahaM zrIpUnasIhasatama zrIpathaDazreyo'rtha mahaM zrIte2 japAlana devakulikA kAritA // No. Ix. 1 au // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe prAgvATavaMzIyazrIcaMDapazrIcaMDaprasAdamaha' zrIsomAnvaye mahaM zrImAladevasutamaha zrIpaMnasIhazreyortha maI zrItejapAlena devakuli[kA*] kAritA // ch|| cha / 1 No. X. auM' // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe prAgvATavaMzIyazrIcaMDapazrIcaMDaprasAdamAI' zrIsomAnvaye mahaM zrIAsarAsutamahaM zrImAladevadheyo'rtha tatsodaralaghubhrAtamahaM zrItejapAlana devakulikA kAritA // ch| No. XI. 1 bho // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe prAgvATavaMzIyazrIcaMDapazrIcaMDaprasAdamAI zrIsomamahaM zrIAsarAmaI zrImAladevAnvaye mahaM shriipuNnsiihsutaavaaiishrii-|| 2 valAladeviyo'rtha mahaM zrItejapAlana devakulikA kAritA // ch|| No. XII.13 1o zrInRpavikramasaMvata" 1288 varSe zrImatpattanavAstavyaprAgvATajAtIyatrIcaMDapa zrIcaMDaprasAdazrIsomamahaM zrIpAsarAsatazrImAladevamahaM' HOn the lintel of call shrine 5 in the corridor. No. 1870 of Mr. Cousens's list. ? Expressed by a symbol. * On the lintel of cell shrine 6 in the corridor. No. 1671 of Mr. Cousens's list. *Expressed by a symbol. The of degsaMvat has not been finished. . On the lintel of cell shrine 7 in the corridor. No. 1672 of Mr. Cousens's list. TExpressed by asymbol. * Between the last two signs of punctuation there is a symbol. . On the lintel of cell shrine 8 in the corridor. No. 1673 of Mr. Cousens's list, 10 Expressed by a symbol. Read mutAbAI. 11 On the lintel of cell shrine 40 in the corridor. No. 1727 of Mr. Cousens's list. 19 Expressed by a symbol. Before this, but a little lower down, there is a reversed . " Read degsaMvata.

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. 225 2 zrIvastupAlayoranujamahaM zrItejapAlena mahaM zrIvastupAlabhAryAyAH maI zrIsokhu kAyAH puNyArtha zrIsupArzvajinAlaMkRtA devakulikeyaM kAritA // cha // cha / No. XIII.! 1 oM // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe zrIpattanavAstavyaprAgvATajAtIyazrI caMDapathIcaMDaprasAdazIsomamahadeg zrIpAsarAsutazrI2 mAladevamahaM zrIvastapAlayoranujamahaM zrItejapAlena maha 'zrIvasUpAlabhAryA lalatAdeviyo'rtha devakulikA kAritA // cha / cha // No. XIV.. 1 oM // saMvat 1288 varSe zrIcaMDapazrIvaMDaprasAdatrIsomamahaM zrIpAsarAMgaja mahaM "zrIvastapAlasutamahaM zrIjayatasIhazreyo'rtha 2 mahaMdeg zrItejapAlana devakulikA kAritA // No. XV. 1 oM // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe zrIcaMDapazrIcaMDaprasAdazrIsImamaI zrIpAsarAMgajamahaM[*] zrItejapAlana zrIjayatasIhabhAryAjayataladevi2 zreyo'rtha devakulikA kAritA // No. XVI.10 1 nRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe prAgvATajAtIyazrIcaMDapatrIcaMDaprasAdazrIsomamahaM zrIAsarAMgajena mahaM zrItejapAlana zrIjayatasIhabhAryAsUhavadevi. 2 zreyo'rtha devakulikA kAritA // No. XVII.11 1 bho // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe prAgvATajAtIyazrIcaMDapatrIcaMDaprasAda zrIsomamahaM zrIpAsarAnvayasamudbhavamahaM zrItejapAlena mahaM zrIjayatasI2 bhAryAmahaM zrIrUpAdeviyo'rtha devakulikA kAritA [1] cha / 1 On the lintel of cell shrine 41 in the corridor. No. 1729 of Mr. Cousens's list. * Expressed by a symbol. - Read zrIvastupAla. __+ Read zrIvastupAla. . On the lintel of cell shrine 42 in the corridor. No. 1731 of Mr. Cousens's list. * Espressed by a symbol. IRead zrIvastupAla. . On the lintel of cell shrine 43 in the corridor. No. 1732 of Mr. Cousene's list. Expressed by asymbol. 10 On the lintel of cell shrine 44 in the corridor. No. 1734 of Mr. Cousena's list. 11 On the lintel of cell shrine 45 in the corridor. No. 1736 of Mr. Cousens's list. 13 Expressed by symbol. 2G

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. No. XVIII. 1 1 zrI zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1288 varSe zrIcaMDapatrIcaMDaprasAdama zrIsomamahaM zrIAsarAnvaye maha zrImAladevasutAzrI sahajala zreyo'rtha mahaM zrItejapAlena de2 vakulikA kAritA // cha // No. XIX.3 1 oM // saMvat 1290 varSe mahaM zrIsomAnvaye mahadeg zrI tejapAla sutama zrIlUNasIhabhAryAmahaM zrIlaSamAdevizeyo'rtha mahaM zrItejapAlena devakulikA kAritA / 1 No. XX.5 1 // saMvat 1280 varSe prAgvATavaMzIyamahaM zrIsomAnvaye maha' zrItejapAlasutama lUNasIbhAryArayaNAde vidheyo'rtha zrI tejapAlena devakulikA kAritA Dian zubhaM bhavatu // mahaM No. XXI. 1 rSI 11 zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1280 varSa zrIpattana vAstavyamAkhAzIyama zrIcaMDapa zrIcaMDaprasAdamahaM zrIsomAnvaye mahaM' zrIAsarAsutamahaM zrImAladevabhrAtRmahaM zrI - vastapAlayoranujama bojapAlana svakIyabhAryAma zrIanupamadevizeyo'rtha devazrImunisuvratasya devakulikA kAritA // cha // || [Vol. VIII. No. XXII. 9 maMvat 1280 varSe prAgvATajAtIyama prAgvATajJAtIyamahaM zrIcaMDapazrIcaMDaprasAdazrI[sa] mIrAnyasamudbhUtama zrItejapAlena smRtIsohAgaradezi zreyo'rthaM devakulikA kAritA |[*] cha / 011 No. XXIII.12 1 zra // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1280 varSe prAbATajJAtIyamahaM zrIcaMDapagrIcaMDaprasAdazrIsomamahaM zrISAmarAnvaya[samudbhUta] mahaM zrI [tejapAlena ] svastAvauladevizreyo'rtha devakulikA kAritA // 1 Ou the lintel of cell shrine 16 in the corridor. No. 173s of Mr. Cousens's list. 2 Expressed by a symbol. s On the lintel of cell shrine 17 in the corridor. No. 1684 of Mr. Consens's list. * Expressed by a symbol. * On the lintel of cell shrine 17 in the corridor. No. 1685 of Mr. Consens's list. * On the lintel of cell shrine 18 in the corridor. No. 1686 of Mr. Couseus's list. 7 Expressed by a symbol. # Read 'vastupAla'. * On the lintel of cell shrine 19 in the corridor. No. 1690 of Mr. Cousens's list. The of "samuDUta" is not quite finished. 10 Expressed by a symbol. 13 On the lintel of cell shrine 19 (side doorway) in the corridor. No. 1692 of Mr. Cousens's list. 1 Expressed by a symbol.

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No. 21.] MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS. No. XXIV.1 1 // zra // zrInR pavikramasaMvata' 1283 caitravadi 7 madhe 'zrI arbudA zrIcaMDa prasAdamahaM zrI - calamahAtIrtha zrImAmpATAtIyaTha Artis somAnvaye Thadeg zrIzrAsarAjasu [ta] // maha zrImAladevama zrIvastupAlayoranujamahaM zrItejaH pAlega' svabhaginyAH padmalAyA: yethIrtha zrIvArisepadevAlaMkRtA devakulikeyaM kAri [tA] // No. XXV. 1 t // zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1282 varSe caitravadi 0 madhe zrIcarbudAcalamahAtI svayaMkAritazrIlU mohavasa hikAkhyacIneminAthadevacaityajagatyAM maha zroteja: pAlena 2 mAtulasutabhAbhArAjapAlabhaNitena svamAtulasya maha zrIpUnapAlasya tathA bhAryA - mahaM zrIpUnadevyAzca zreyortha asyAM devakulikAyAM zrIcaMdrAnana devapratimA kAritA No. XXVI.9 10 1 " // "svasti zrIvikramanRpAt saM 1283 varSe caitravadi 8 zukre adyeha zrIdAcala [tI]" 2 svayaMkAriNI havasahi kAvyazrIneminAtha devacetya jagatyAM zrImAnbATajAtI. 3 yaTha zrIcaMDapaTha zrIcaMDaprasAdamahaM zrIsomAnvaye Thadeg zrIzrAsarAjaTha zrIkumArade4 yI sutama zrImAladevasaMghapatizrIvastupAlayoranujama bItejaHpAlena khabha5 ginyA vAIjAlhaNadevyA: " zreyo "viharamAgatoyaM kara zrIsImaMvarakhAmipratimA6 saMkRtA devakucikeyaM kAritA // pratiSTitA" zrInAgeMdragacche zrIvijayarInasU[irabhiH // ] No. XXVII. 10 1 [ oM]" // "svasti saMvat 1283 caitravadi 8 zukre adyeha "zrIzrarbudAcalasvayaMkAritazrIlU [sIha] tI 1 On the liutel of cell shrine 33 in the corridor. No. 1715 of Mr. Cousens's list. Read saMvat. Read "arbudA 2 Expressed by a symbol. * The te of 'tejaHpAlana is only half finished. * On the lintel of cell shrine 33 in the corridor. No. 1716 of Mr. Cousene's list. 057 7 Expressed by a symbol. # Read "arbudA * On the lintel of cell shrine 26 in the corridor. No. 1707 of Mr. Courens's list. 10] Expressed by a symbol. 11 In this line the signs protruding above the upper line of the letters are more or less indistinct. 12 Road arbudA 13 Read bAI. Read sImaMdharakhAmi 15 Read pratiSThitA. 16 On the lintel of cell shrine 27 in the corridor. No. 1708 of Mr. Cousens's list. 17 Expressed by's symbol. 18 In this line the signs protruding above the upper line of the letters are more or less indistinct. 10 Rend arbudA". 202

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228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. VIII. 2 // vasahikAkhyazrIariSTanemicaitye zrIprAgvATajJAtIyaTha zrIcaMDapaTha zrIcaMDa prasAdamaI zrI[so]3 // mAnvaye Thadeg zrIAsarAjabhAryAThadeg zrIkumAradevyoH sutamahaM zrImAladeva saMghapatimahaM // 4 // zrIvastupAlayoranujamahaM zrItejaHpAlena svabhaginIvAImAutheyortha vihara maann-|| 5 // tIrthakarathIyagaMdharasvAmijinapratimAlaMkRtA devakulikA iya' kAritA // ' // cha [1] No. XXVIII. 1 . . . . . . . . . . [adyeha zroadAcaledeg svayaMkArita zrIla]2 [Na]sIhavasahikAkhyazrIariSTanemicaitye zrIprAgvATajJAtIyaTha zrIcaMDapaTha[] 3 zrIcaMDaprasAdamahaM zrIsImAnvaye Thadeg zrotraAsarAjaTha zrIkumAradevyoH satama[haM] 4 zrImAladevamaha 'zrIvasupAlayoranunamahaM zrItejaHpAlena svabhaginyA / sA[3]5 devyAH yortha viharamANatIrthakarathIvAhujinAlaMkatA devakulikA kAritA // ] No. XxIx,10 1 // oM" // "svasti zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1283 varSe caitravadi 8 zukra adyeha zrIarvadAcalamahAtIrthe svayaM kA]2 // ritazrIlUNasIhavasahikAkhyazrIneminAthadevacaityajagatyAM zrIprAgvATajAtIyaThadeg zrI caMDapa3 ||tth zrIcaMDaprasAdamahaM zrIsomAnvaye Thadeg zrIpAsarAjaTha zrIkumAradevyoH sutamahadeg thItejaHpAle4 na svabhaginyA "vAIdhaNadevizreyase viharamANatIrthaMkarazrIsuvAhuvivAlaMkatA" devakulikA kAritA [ // *] I Read degbAI. Read 'kulikeyaM. After this sign of punctuation there is a symbol. *On the lintel of cell shrine 28 in the corridor. No. 1709 of Mr.Cousens's list. * The first aksharas of this line are illegible. * Read degarbadA.. Read zrIvastapAla.. . This sign of punctuation is supernuvus. - Read degzrIbA 10 On the lintel of cell shrine 29 in the corridor. No. 1710 of Mr. Consena's list. 11 Expressed by a symbol. 12 In this line the sigus protruding above the upper line of the letters are more or less indistinct. * Read arbudA. - Read bAI. " Read subAhubiMbA.

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No. 22.] NAUSARI PLATES OF SRYASRAYA-SILADITYA. No. XXX.1 1 // au // svasti zrInRpavikramasaM[vat 1] 283 varSe caitravadi 8 zukre greDa zrIbharbudAcalamahAtIrthe sayaMkAritacI lUvasohavasahikAkhyazrIneminAtha deva- // 2 // caityajagatyAM zrIprAgvATajJA [tIyaTha zrIcaMDapaTha' zrIcaMDa prasAdamahaM zrIsomAnvaye Thadeg zrIAsarAjaThadeg zrIkumAradevyoH sutamahaM zrImAladevasaMghapa- // 3 // timahaM zrIvastupAlayoranujamahaM' zrItejaH pAlena svabhaginyA bAIsohagAyA zreyortha zAkhata jinazroRSabhadevAlaMkRtA devakulikA kAritA [ // * ] No. XXXI.4 1 // zra // svasti zrInRpavikramasaMvat 1283 varSe caitravadi 8 zukre pradye zrIpadAcalamahAtIrtha svayaMkArita bIlUpasIhavasahikAyAM zrIneminAthadevacetve jagatya" 2 | 'zrIprAgvATajAvIyaTha zrIcaMDapaTha' zrIcaMDaprasAdamahaM zrIsomAnvaye Thadeg zrIAsarAjaTha" zrIkumAradeSyIH sutamaI" zrImAladevamaha zrIvastupAlayoranujama zrI tejaHpAlena svabhaginyA "vAIvayajukAyAH zreyortha zrIvarDamAnAbhidhazAkhata jinapratimAlakatA devakulikeyaM kAritA | zubham bhavatu | maMgalaM mahAyoH // " 11 3 11 No. XXXII.12 13 1 oM" saMvat 1287 vaizAkhavadi 14 gurau prAgvATajJAtIyacaMDapacaMDaprasAdamahaM [*] zrIsImAnvaye mahaM[[ ] zrIAsarAjasatama [*] zrItejaHpAlena zrImatyanavAsta vyamojJAtIyaTha jAllagamutaTha' AmAsutAyAH ThakurAnIsaMtoSAkucisaMbhUtAyA [[]] zrItaMja pAladvitIyabhAyamacaM [] zrImuraDAdevyAH [veyortha] [] No. 22.-NAUSARI PLATES OF SRY ASRAYA-SILADITYA; THE YEAR 421. BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). 14 The copper-plates which bear this inscription come from Nausari, the head-quarters town of the Nausari division of the Baroda State. The inscription was first published, with a lithograph, by the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal 1 On the lintel of cell shrine 30 in the corridor. No 1711 of Mr. Cousens's list, Expressed by a symbol. * Read "arbudA * On the lintel of cell shrine 31 in the corridor. No. 1712 of Mr. Cousens's list. 229 5 Expressed by a symbol. 8. Read caitya jagalyA. * Read saMvat. * Read zrIprAgvATajAtIya'. Read arbudA 10 Read bAI. 11 This sign of punctuation is followed by a symbol. 12. On the ornamental niche close to the entrance doorway of the main shrine. No. 17443 of Mr. Cousens's list. 15 Expressed by a symbol. 14 Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, 8. E. (1888), lat. 20deg57', long. 72deg50'

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230 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. Asiatic Society, Vol. XVI. p. 1 ff. It is now re-edited from an excellent ink-impression supplied by Dr. Fleet, who contributes the following remarks on the original : "The present facsimile of the plates has been prepared, under my superintendence, from ink-impressions made by me in 1884, when I obtained the original plates on loan, for that purpose, from Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji. The seal has been done from a photograph of it which was made on the same occasion. "The copper-plates are two in number, each about 8" long by 5' broad at the ends and 41" in the middle. The edges of them are here and there slightly thicker than the inscribed surfaces; but it would seem that this was accidental, and that the plates were intended to be smooth, without any fashioned rims. The plates are substantial; and the letters, though fairly deep, do not show through on the reverse sides at all. The engraving is good. The interiors of many of the lettere show marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The ring is about 1 thick, and 1}" in diameter. It had been cut before the time when it came into my hands. The soal, which is soldered on to the ring in the usual fashion, is circular, about 1' in diameter. It has, in relief on the surface of it, only the motto Sri-deraya. The weight of the two plates is 2 lbs.; and of the ring and seal, 5 oz.: total, 2 lbs. 5) oz." The alphabet resembles that of other records of the early Chalukyas. The jihvamaliya occurs once (1. 12). Final forms are found of m (11. 1, 2, 20), t (1. 13) and (1. 17). The only mark of punctuation is a small vertical line after Suimantasvami (1. 14). The date at the end of the inscription is expressed in words and numerical symbols. The language is Sanskrit, mostly prose; two well known Anushtubh verses occur in l. 1 f. and 1. 19 f. Although the inscription is very well preserved, and though the engraving is neat and distinct, the text is full of serious blunders. As may be seen from the footnotes and from the brackets in the transcript, many letters and syllables are either omitted or corrupted. In line 15 a whole word seems to be missing, which cannot be supplied with certainty.! The inscription opens with an invocation of the boar incarnation of Vishnu (1. 1 f.). It then states that in the family of the Chalikyas (1.5) was Pulaksi-Vallabha (1. 6), "who by the strength of his own arm had subdued the collection of all hostile kings, who resembled Rama and Yudhishthira, (and) who possessed true chivalry." His son was Dh[a]rasraya-Jays. simhavarman (1. 9 f.), "whose power had been increased by his elder brother, the glorious Vikramaditya-Saty[a]sraya-Prithivivallabha-Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara-Bhaffaraka, the fervent Mahesvara, who meditated at the feet of his mother and father and of the holy Nagavardhana, (and) who by unchecked prowess had overcome the Pallava family." His son was the heir-apparent (yuvaraja) sryasraya-Siladitya: (1.13), "who illuminated all quarters of the sky by the banner of (his) fame that was as pure as the great garland of the rays of the spotless full-moon in autumn, who was as liberal as Rajaraja (.e. Kuvera), [who resembled) the god of love in being endowed with beauty, grace and loveliness, (and) who was as skilled in all arts (and) as brave as (Naravahanadatta) the emperor of the Vidyadharas." While residing at Navasarika, he granted to the Brahmana Bhogikkasvamin (1. 15) a village named Asatti-grama (1. 16). The donee was an Adhvaryu (i.6. a student of the Yajurveda), the pupil (?) of Kikkasvamin, the younger brother of Matrisvara (?), and the son of (Samantasvamin. The latter was the son of Aga misvamin, who belonged to the Kasyapa gstra and resided at Navararika. The village granted was included in tho district (vishaya) of Kanhavalahara, a subdivision of the Bahirika district (vishaya). According to the two last lines of the inscription, " this edict) was written by the minister ([4]ndhivigrah [i]ka), the glorious Dhana[m]jaya, See p. 232 below, note 14. For this early variant of the name. Chalukya' see Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 336, note 3. * Ou the scal, Siladitya's surname Sryasraga is spelt Sri-diraya, without Sandhi.

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No. 22.] NAUSARI PLATES OF SRY ASRAYA-SILADITYA. 231 on the thirteenth tithi of the bright (fortnight) of Magha, in the year four hundred increased by twenty-one-400 20 [1]." Of the royal personages named in this grant, two belong to the Western Chalukyas of Badami. These are Pulakesi-Vallabha, 1.6. Pulakesin II., and his son Vikramaditya-Satyasraya-Prithivivallabha, 1.e. Vikramaditya I. The latter is said to have worshipped the holy Nagavardhana, which may be the name of a temple or of a spiritual guide, and to have overcome the Pallava family. He is distinguished by the imperial titles Mahurajadhiraja, etc., from the remaining two princes of the Chalikya family that are referred to in the grant, riz. Dharasraya-Jayasimhavarman and his son, the Yuvaraja sryasraya-siladitya, who were not of sovereign, but of mere feudatory rank. The former of them was a younger brother of Vikramaditya I., the son of Pula kesin II. The grant states that ** his power had been increased by his elder brother." This seems to imply that he was entrusted by Vikramaditya I. with the administration of a province, which must have included Navasarika, where his son resided at the time of the grant, and Asatti-grama, the village granted by him. Another copper-plate grant of the same Sryasraya-Siladitya, which comes from Surat, mentions the villages Karmaneya, Osumbhala and Alluraka. Buhler has identified Navasarika. Asalti-grama and the three last with the modern Nausari (where these plates were obtained), Astgam, Kamrej, Umbhel aud Alura-all south of the Tapti in Lata or Southern Gujarat. Altogether the grants of this Gujarat branch of the Chalukya family are four in number: A.-The Nausari plates of Sryasraya-Siladitya, dated in the year 421. B.-The Surat plates of the same, dated in the year 413. C.-The unpublished Balsar plates of his brother) Jayasraya-Mangalarkja, dated in the Saka year 653.6 D.-The Nausari plates of Avanijanasraya-Pulakesiraja, younger brother of JayasrayaMangalarasaraja, dated in the year 490.7 According to A. and B., Jayasimhavarman and his son, the Yuvaraja silAditya, were contemporaries of Vikramaditya I. (A.D. 655 to 680) in the year 421, and of Vinayaditya (A.D. 680 to 696) in the year 443 of an unspecified era. This can be no other than the KalachuriChedi era of A.D. 249-50. With this starting point the dates of the two grants of biladitya (4. and B.) correspond to A.D. 671 and 892. The Balsar plates of Mangalaraja (C.), who seems to have governed Gujarat in succession of his father Jayasimhavarman after the death of the Yuraraja Siladitya (probably an elder brother of Mangalaraja), are dated in the Saka year 653=A.D. 731-32.10 Like the dates of A. and B., that of D. has to be referred to the Kalachuri era. Accordingly, Palakesiraja, the younger brother of Mangalarasaraja (the Mangalaraja of the Balsar plates), was ruling in A.D. 739.11 It remains to be added that the Bahiriki-vishaya and its subdivision Kanhavalahara, to which Asatti-gra ma belonged, have not yet been identified. See Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 123, and Journ. Bombay Br. R. 4. 8. Vol. XVI. p. 5. The name Nagavardhana appears twice in a grant of doubtful authenticity; Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 123 ff. and Dyn. Xan. Distr. p. 357 f. - Compare South-Ind. Inger. Vol. I. p. 145, and Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 362 f. * Vienna Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, p. 211 AP. * Dr. Fleet informs me that this is a large village seven miles east-south-east-south from Nauart, and remarks that " in the Bombay Portal Directory the name is spelt Ashtgam, which suggests Ashtagrams, not Asatti grama." . Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII. p. 198. * Jour. Bombay Br. R. 4. 8. Vol. XVI. p. 5. See note 8 above. See Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 77; Vienna Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, p. 219 L.; Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, sec, ed., p. 55. Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 364, No. 8, and p. 370, No. 6. 10 Ibid. p. 374, No. 11. 11 Ibid. p. 876, No. 6.

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232 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII TEXT. Firs! Plate. 1 Om svasti [11] Jayaty-avishkpitam Vishnor=vvaraham kshobhit-arnna va ]m [1! dakshinonnata-da[m]shtragra-vi2 &&(sra)nta-bhuvana[m*) vapuh [11*] Srimatain s akala-bhuvana-samstuya[mana"]. Manavya-sagotranam(vim) 3 Hariti-putranam sapta-loka-matsibhis-sapta-Matribhi[r=abhi*]varddhitasa (nar) Karttikeya-pa4 rirakshana-prapta-kalyana-paramparanam bhagavamn-Naraya[na*)-plasada-samasadita varaha-la5 ichhanikshane rakshane vasekpit-Asesha-mahibhritam Chalikyanam-anvaya nija bhuja-bala-parajit-a6 khila-ripu-mahipala-sametiviramayudhishtopamana[be] satya-vikrama[b] sri Pulakesi-Vallabhah [lo] Tasya 7 putrah paramamahesvara-matapit;i-ri-Nagavarddhana-pad-&nuddhyata-S11- Vikramaditya Saty[] - 8 sraya-Prithivivallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramamahosvara-bhattara[k]ena(na)? anivarita paurush-89 krata-Pallav-anvayena jyayasa bhratra sama[bhi*]varddhita-vibh atir-Ddharasraya eri-Jayasimha10 varmm[a l') Tasya putrah sarad-amala-sakala-sasadhara-marichi-mall-vitanavisuddha-kirtti-pataka Second Plate. 11 vibhasita-lamanta-10dig-antarahah (ah) pradata Ro(r)jara ja [io]va ru[pa(r)]"lavanga-sau12 bhagya-sampannab=Kamadiva sakala-kala-pravi(vi)nah paurushavan=Vidyadhara-chakra13 vartt-i(i)va Sryasraya-sri-Siladitya-yuvaraja(jo) Navasarikam-adhivasat(san) [1*] Navasari14 ka-v[&*]stavya-Kasyapa-sagotr-Agamisvaminah putrah Sva (sa)mantasvamil tasya putra. 15 ya [l*] Matrisvaviras b13 1*] tasy-anuja-bhratra(tre) Kikkasvaminahli Bhogikkasvamine 16 Adhvaryyu-[sa*]brahmachari16 P Bahirika-lovishay-antarggata-Kanhavalahara.17yishaye Asatti-gramam s-draugam sa-pa From Dr. Flvet's ink-impressions. * Expressed by a symbol. * Cancel the axusvara. * Read -lanchhan-ekshana kshana-raftkrit. * Read manraye. Read probably -samiti Rama Yudhishthir-8 panduan. * Real-paramdivara-bhattdrakanadnivdrita. * Rend kranta.. . Read Ddhardfraya-and see Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 361, notu 4. 10 Read -sa masta. 11 Compare text line 15 of the Surat plates; Vienna Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, p. 226. 11 The particle ira may have to be supplied here. >> Read either Matristharirah or, more probably, Matrifrarah, for the latter see 1. 20 of the Surat plates. 11 Perhaps fishydya has to be supplieil here. 15 Here and in pis baye (1.16) and rikaram (1. 17) the rules of Sandhi have not been observer. 16 The first letter of Bakirikt. closely resembles that of bala (1. 5), brahma (1. 15) and bahs' (1. 19). Dr Bhagwanlal Indraji read Thaharika.. 17 Dr. Bhagwanlal Iulraji read this word as - Kandavaldira; but the h is quite distinct. The third akshara may be either vs or dha.

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Nausari plates of the Yuvaraja Sryasraya-Siladitya.--The year 421. u83 830 'cooN 67nn nuuN rausttn 05 (6 \Drn k9) 24 jee hNbn rHo 25 0 kykhusUDk nodshaan s'aaid trkhurc naal kNeed * taur dh8879 Rhn: 4-tth jhnaanon65688853 (38b85ee 1 ddaanu hai5 nuuN 05: 580878888 10 tnkhe&teno 38888 8 B3 mein n4 innf_988000 98885\ ADnnn 5 10990 ptjhnn 16 jh00289393 KU538b856n p | 03 (53A ub ndee h n / lsnnTona@ nntii 60e8 tee svaa-381826 J. F. FLEET. SCALE 75 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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No. 23.) CHENDALUR PLATES OF KUMARAVISHNU II. 233 17 rikaram udak-otsargga-purvvam matapitror=&tmanas=cha punya-yasd-bhivriddbaye dattavan [1] 18 Vat-kha(ha)ta-dipa-sikha-chanchala[n] lakshi(kshmi)m=anusmritya sarvrair=agami nfipatibhidhammaddayo= 19 numantavyah [ll*] Bahubhir-vvasudha bhukta raja(ja) bhi h*] Sagar-adibhi[b 1] yasya yasya yada bhu. 20 miss tasya tasya tada phalam (11) Makba(gha)-suddha-trayodasy&m likhitam= idam sandhivigrahaka-fri-Dhana[m]jayena 21 samvatsara-sata-chatusbtayes okavinsaty-adhike 400 20 [] [l*] Orio [w'*] No. 23.-CHENDALUR PLATES OF KUMARAVISHNU II. BY PROFESSOR E, HULTZSCH, P.D.; HALLE (SAALE). These copper-plates " were found buried in a pot full of paddy husk when a ryot of Chendalur in the Ongole taluka of the Nellore district was digging his house-site for laying foundation. This was some forty years ago." The plates passed from the ryot to the Karnam of the village, and from the latter to Mr. N. Suryanarayana Rao, District Court Vakil, Nellore, who sent them through Mr. A. Butterworth, I.C.S., to Mr. Venkayya. The subjoined transcript is based on two sets of ink-impressions received from Mr. Venkayya, who also furnished me with the following description of the original : " The copper-plates are five in number. The first and last bear writing on the inner side only. The plates have no rims. In the upper and lower borders they are not as broad as in the middle. Their breadth accordingly varies from 8' to 8" The height is throughout 2". At a distance of 1" from the middle of the left margin of each plate is bored a circular hole, s'in diameter; and through these holes passes a circular ring (cut by me for the first time with permission and soldered), 31' in diameter and about thick. Its ends are secured in the base of an almost circular seal, which measures between 17" and 13" in diameter and beara in its middle an indistinct symbol in relief. Around the margin there seems to be a legend which is too much worn to be made out. The total weight of the plates with ring and seal is 95 tolas. The originals have been returned to Mr. Suryanarayana Rao.". The inscription on the plates is well preserved ; only a few syllables at the end of 11. 2, 3, 4, 12 and 20 are obliterated. The sign of anusvara is so small that its existence on the plate remains doubtful in most cases where the context requires it. A final form of m occurs thrice (11. 28, 29 and 32). The letter t is distinguished from n by a loop; but in a single case (grameyakunatra, 1. 15) the form with the loop is used for 1. The end of a verse is marked by a double vertical line in three cases (II. 28, 29 and 30), and the end of the inscription by five circles between double lines. Plates i., ii.b, iii.b and iv.b bear on the left margin the numerical symbols 1, 2, 3 and 4, while plate v. is not numbered at all. The language is Sanskpit probe, and four Sanskrit verses sung by Brahman' are quoted in 11. 26-32. The inscription is an edict issued from Kanchipura (1.1) in the second year of the reign (1. 23) of the Pallava Maharaja Kumaravishnu (II) (1. 14), who was the son of the M. ? Read aripatibhir-ayam-ammad-da yox; compare l. 29 of the Surat plates. ? Read adadhirigrahika.. * Read -chaturtaya ekari intaty. * The figure 'l' is bardly visible at all, but is secured by the preceding words and by the emp! space between 20' and 6m. * Expressed by a symbol.

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234 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. Buddhavarman (1. 8), the grandson of the M. Kumaravishnu (I.) (1.6), and the great-grandson of the M. Skandavarman (1. 3). It records that the king granted to a Brahmapa a field in the village of Chendalura (11. 14 and 16 f.) in Kavachak ra-bhoga (1. 16), a subdivision of the district of Karma[0]ka-rashtra (1. 14) or Kamma[n]ka-rashtra (1. 16). Of the localities mentioned in this record Kafichipura (1. 1) is Conjeeveram, the ancient capital of the Pallavas, and Chendalara is Chendalur in the Nellore district, the village where the plates were unearthed. Karmab ka-or Kammanka-rashtra, i.e. the district named after) Karma or Kamma,' is mentioned as Karma-rashtra in two Eastern Cbalukya grants, and as Kamma-rashtra in a third one. The wording of this inscription is very similar to that of three other Pellava grants, which belong to the reign of Simbavarman, via the Pikira, Mangalur and Uruvupalli grants. Nay, 11. 1-14 are almost identical with 11. 4-16 of the Urayapalli grant. The names of the kings, however, differ in those three grants on the one hand and in the Chendelor plates on the other, and no lineal connection can be established between both sets of kings. The name Skandavarman occurs in poth, but Kumaravishpu I., Buddhavarman and Kumaravishiu II., who were the three direct descendants of Skandavarman according to the Chendalar plates, are unknown to the three other grants. Nor do their names occur in the Pallava pedigree of the Kasakuli plates, which begins with sim havishnu. Under these circumstances our only guide can be the palaeography of those different records. The alphabet of the Chendalur plates is more archaic than those of the Kuram and Kasakuli plates, but resembles those of the Pikira, Mangalar and Uruyupalli grants, from which it differs chiefly in the omission of the horizontal strokes at the top of letters, But a point which stamps it as more modern is the fact that r, k and subscribed 4 consist of two vertical lines of nenrly equal length, while in the Pikira, Mangalur and Uravupalli grants the left line is still considerably shorter. Hence we may conclude that the four Pallava kings of the Chendalur plates ruled in the interval between Simhavarman and Sinhavishpu. It is to be hoped that future discoveries will enable us to bridge some of the gaps in the direct succession of the Pallaras, one of which is now partially filled by the information contained in the Chendalur plates. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Svasti? [ll] Jitam-bhagavata [11] Svasti (li*] Vijaya-Kanchi(p]urad-abhyachchita sakti. 2 siddhi-sampannasya pratAp-panata-raja-mandalagya vasudhA-tal-aika-(vira)3 sya mahar&ja-tri-Skandavarmmanah prapautro deva-dvija-guru-vsiddh-&()pa[ch]4 yino vivriddha-vinayasy-Aneka-go-hirapya-bhu(bhd)my-adi-pradanaih pravsiddha(dharmma-sa]. Second Plate; First Side. 8 fichayasya praja-palana-dakshasya 18kapalanam=&panchamasya 6 18kapalasya satyatmand maharaja-ri-Kumaravishnoh pautro bhagavad-bhakti-ba7 mbhavita-barvya-kalyatesy-Adi-raja-pratispa[ro]ddhi-guna-samudayasy=&mi8 tatmand maharaja-bri-Buddhavarm manah putrah praja-samranjana-paripalan-odyo Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 187, text 1. 12, and Vol. XX. p. 105, text 1. 16. See p. 288 below. Sep. 180 above. * Only the compound beginning with diraja is peculiar to the Chendaldr plates (1. 7). South-Ind. Iner. Vol. II. p. 844, and Dys. Kan. Disir. p. 828. * From two sets of ink-impronions. On the left margin of plate i. . Corrected from 16 kapdioname,

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Chendalur plates of Kumaravishnu II. kokarihakanakatsuyuriteino enzinnoTER minorigaatsutano 4,78438 megutonoosusumeyaritakunari DUtsuYsaserukunarikanarikiru torikotorinkuha18no[3karukataganannaru aa, konoNu nomagumanishirotorinobasumatsupu narunadoshinainiku no pariha nAid dida)sawade. yokaNE ALIAT SES N'T Eu Stropoung DANG shitsukusunometaharatoha "nitsuitekoukatoiinaatsutatsusu 2you teka . ima Da kinaotsusai, hainaodennasutorananoyo 3.toriaaannanoretsusun60 to uwanosugata 2013 E. HULTZSCH SCALE THREE-FOURTHS. W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. FROM NIMEREGIONS SUPPLIED HYMRV VENKAYYA.

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jryd@ lt) ) ) ) Priorities mirom llimseyey m r d h chwm wlyn hrndh khy `wm R%w brn 8 9 "(21 m wln mm bb w bmy ) mr mry jwn 22 bhnh h r wrkhy w y m l 37 bry en Page #272
No. 23.] CHENDALUR PLATES OF KUMARAVISHNU II. 235 Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 ga-satata-satya-vrata-dikshitbaneka-samara-s&has-Avamardda-labdha10 vijaya-yasa[b]- prakagah Kaliyuga-dosh-Avasanna-dharmm-8ddharana-ni11 tya-kannaddho rajarshi-guna-sarvva-sandha-vijigi(gl)shuraddharmma-vijigi.! 12 shur-bhagavat-pad-&mu[d]dhyatah parama-bhagavato Bharadvajo bappa-bhattarakapa[da-bha] Third Plate; First Side. 13 ktah sva-vikram-Akrant-&nya-nfipa-fri-nilayana[m] yathavad-Ahfit-inek-abvamedhang14 m=Pallavanan-dharmmamaharaja[h] Sri-Kumaravishpub Karmma[m]ka-rashtre Chendalura15 grame gramoyakan-atr-adhikrita-baryva-naiyogika-vallabham-ch-Ajo[&]16 payati yath=&eminn=asmabhi[b] Kamma[m]ka-rashtra Kavachakara-bhoge Chendalu Third Plate; Second Side. 17 ra-grame raja-vastu bhatva sthitai-chatu[ro]digam-ashtalata-pattikh-sa. 18 mmitam [1] samudayat) dvatri[m] sad-yukta-chatuslati(ta) -pattika-sammita[mn] kshetra[m] 19 brahmanaya Kaundinya-gdtraya=Chchhandoga-satray=Abhi20 rupa .. . . dvastavyaya Bhavaskandatrataya brahmade[ya) Fourth Plate; First Side. 21 ma[r]yyadaya dovabhoga-varjja[m] hala-nyayena sarvva-parihar-opetam-a22 smad-ayur-bbala-vijay-aisvaryy-Abhivriddhaya pravarddhamana-vijaya. 23 rdjye dvitiye sa[m]vatsare Ka[r]ttike mase tukla-pakshasya panchamya[m] 24 sarvvam-eta[t=*]kshetra[m] samprattan-Tad=avagamya sarvva-pariharairaetadbrahmadeya-kshetra Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 25 m-pariharantu pariharayantu cha [lo] Yas-ch-edam=asmach-chhasanam-atikrametsa pa26 pas=fariran-dandam=arhati [lo] Api ch=stra Brahma-gitah $18kah [ll"] Bhumi dani27 teparan-dananna bhutan=na bhavishyati [l*) tasy-aiva haranat-papan=na bhutan= na bha28 vishyati || Sva-dattam=para-dattam=vao 50 hareta vasundharam [1] gavaria Satasahasra Fifth Plate. 29 sya hantu[b] pibati kilbisham || Pa[ro]yvai[h] purvvatarais-ch-aiva dattam? bhumim haret=tu yah [19] 30 B8 nitya-vyasang magn Darake cha vaset=puna[bo] II Bahubhir-yvasudha da31 ta bahubhis-ch=anupalita [1deg) yasya yasya yada bhumistasya tasya 32 tada phalam () Evam-Ajna (jna)ptam=iti [ll] Go-brahmanan-nandatu [io] Svasty astu prajabhya[bo] Ilogo [ll] * The syllable fa Was en Jered subsequently below the line. 1 The syllable i stands below the line. . Here four aksharas are engraved on an erasure; they look like yulladru, * Originally smadada had been engraved. Subrequently the first 14 wus struck out. . The akshara mpa seems to have been corrected from wed. Read -dattans ed. 7 The amusodra has failed to come out on the photo-lithograph. 22

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236 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Hail! Victory has been achieved by Bhagavat (Vishna). Hail! From the victorious Kavchipura, (L. 2.) the great-grandson of the glorious Maharaja Skandavarman, the only hero on the surface of the earth, (L. 6.) the grandson of the glorious Maharaja Kumaravishnu (I.), whose mind was truthful, (L. 7.) the son of the glorious Maharaja Buddhavarman, whose mind was immeasurable, (L. 12.) he who meditates at the feet of Bhagavat (Vishnu), the fervent Bhagavata, the Bharadvaja, who is devoted to the feet of the lord (his) father, the glorious Kumaravishnu (II.),- the rightful Maharaja (of the family) of the Pallavas, who are the abodes of the fortunes of other kings overcome by their own valour, (and) who according to rule have perforned many horse-sacrifices -- addresses (the following) order to the villagers in the village of Chendalura in Karma [n]ka-rashtra and to all officers (naiyogika) and (royal) favourites who are appointed to this (district) : (L. 16.) "In the village of Chendalgra in Kavachakara-bhoga, (a subdivision of this (district of) Kamma[n]ka-rashtra, the king's domain in the four directions amounts to eight hundred paffikas. (Of this) a field amounting altogether to four hundred and thirty-two patrikas has been given by Us as a Brahmadeya, with the exception of the land enjoyed by temples (derabhoga), for cultivation, accompanied by all immunities, to the Brahmana Bhavaskandatrata of the Kauncinya gotra and the Chhandoga sutra, who resides in Abhirupa....this whole field (has been given), for the increase of Our length of life, power, victory and supremacy, in the second year of (Our) reign of growing victory, in the month Karttika, on the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight, (L. 26.) "Knowing this, they must exempt this Brahmadeya field with all immunities and cause (it) to be exempted. And that wicked man who will transgress against this Our edict is liable to corporal punishment. And with reference to this there ure) also the following) verses sung by Brahman." [LI. 26-32 contain four of the customary verses.] (L. 32.) "Thus it has been ordered by U's)." Let cows and Brahmanas rejoice! Let there be welfare to (all) men! No. 24.-CHENDALUR PLATES OF SARVALOKASRAYA ; A.D. 673 By Propessor E. Holtzsch, Ph.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Like the Chendalur plates of Kumaravishuu II. (No. 23 above), these copper-plates were found buried in a pot full of paddy husk when a ryot of Chendalur in the Ongole taluka of the Nellore district was digging his house-site for laying foundation. This was somre forty years ago." The plates passed from the ryot to the Karnam of the village, and from the latter to Mr. N. Suryanarayana Rao, District Court Vakil, Nellore, who sent them through Mr. A 1 Literally that which stands- having become the king's property.' ? Pattikd seems to be the same as the Tamil pati, the Sanskrit equivalent of which is nirarlana: see South Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 359, note 12. Cumpare Lakshmana-partika, i.e.' the pattika (belonging to) Lakshmana in a Maitraka grant, above, p. 193, text 1. 43. . Compare above, p. 49, note 2, and p. 148, text 1. 16

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No. 24.] CHENDALUR PLATES OF SARVALOKASRAYA. 237 Butterworth, 1.C.S., to Mr. Venkayya. They are now edited from two sets of inked estampages received from Mr. Venkayya, who supplies the following description of the original : "The copper-plates are five in number and have no rims. The first and the last plate bear writing on the inner side only. In the upper and lower borders the plates are not so broad as in the middle; their breadth accordingly varies from 910" to 97 The height too gradually decreases from either margin to the middle of the plate it being roughly 2,7" in the margins and 2}" in the middle. At a distance of " from the middle of the left margin of each plate is bored a circular hole, also y" in diameter ; and through these holes passes an oval ring (cut by me for the first time with permission and soldered), measuring 2)" by 3", and " thick. Its ends are secured in the base of an almost circular seal, which measures about 18". It bears, in relief on a plane surface, the legend Sri-Vijayasiddh[i] in the middle; below the legend is a sevenpetalled lotus in relief; and above the legend is the crescent of the moon between two symbols which may be taken to be daggers pointing upwards. The total weight of the plates with ring and seal is 84 tolas. The originals have been returned to Mr. Suryanarayana Rao." The inscription is carefully engraved and on the whole well preserved. The alphabet resembles that of the two published copper-plate grants of Sarvalokagraya's father Vishsuvardhana II. A final form of t occurs in 11. 2, 33 (twice), 37, and one of m in l. 41. The lingual ! is used in Chalukyanam (1.5), lalita (1. 22), Kolli" (1.29) and Kalabava (1. 29 f.), and the Telugu r in 11. 25 and 29. The first plate bears on the left margin the numerical symbol 'I'; but the remaining plates are not numbered. The language is Sansktit prose; two Sanskrit slokas sung by Brahman' are quoted in 11. 37-39. The rules of Sandhi are disregarded in the two compounds bhagavat-sri- (1.2) and asmat-sasanam (1. 33), and frequently between two words (11. 4, 6, 9, 11, 16, 19, 21, 22, 24, 26, 30, 31, 35). The inscription records a grant of land by the Mahurija Sarvalokasraya (1. 24), son of the M. Vishnuvardhana (II.) (1. 16), grandson of the M. Indrabhattarakavarman (1. 10 f.), and great-grandson of the M. Vishnuvardhana (I.), 'who adorned the family of the Chalukyas' (1.5 f.). Some of the laudatory epithets bestowed on Indrabhattarakavarman and Vishnuvardhana II. were evidently copied from inscriptions or office records of the Pallavas,' who had been supplanted by the Eastern Chalukyas. Indrabhattarakavarman seems to have borne the sur. name Simhavikrama (1. 8), and Vishnuvardhana II. that of Makaradhvaja, Sarvalokaeraya's valour and royal splendour are praised in two compound words which fill five lines (16-21), but which contain nothing of any historical interest. His surname Vijayasiddhi, which occurs also on the seal of this grant, is alluded to in the next compound :* . he who has obtained the accom. plishment of victory (vijaya-siddht) by crushing the daring (of enemies) in many battles' (1.21 f.). In later inscriptions of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty this king Vijayasiddhi or Sarvalokabraya is named Mangiyuvaraja. To his reign has to be referred the date at the end of the Bubjoined inscription (1. 39 f.): "(This) set of copper-plates (paffika) was given to the donees) on the occasion of an eclipse on the full-moon tithi of Vaisakha in the second See the Plates in Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 191, and Vol. VIII. p. 320. . For the epithets abhyucita' and pratApIpanata in 1.6 f., anekagI' in 1.9t., khavA and vidhivihita in 1. 11t., see e.g. tho Pikira grant of Simhavarman, above, p. 161, text II. 4, 5 f. and 2. Le.the god of love. The inscription justifies this surname by asserting that the king had seized the countries, earrings (P makara) and banners (dhuaja) of many mighty (tunga) enemies (1. 18 f.) :' compare above, Vol. VI. p. 345 and note 2 * The first part of this compound is found also in Pallavs grants; see e.g. above, p. 235, text 1. 9. * See above, Vol. VII. Appendir, p. 93, cote 6.

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238 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. year of the reign of increasing victory." According to Dr. Fleet, Mangiyuvaraja reigned from A.D. 872 to 108. Hence his second year would correspond to A.D. 673, while Mr. Sewell's Eclipses of the Moon in India do not record any lunar eclipse in Vaisakha between A.D. 665 and 683. They do mention a total eclipse of the moon, not in Vaisakha, but in Jyeshtha, on Friday, 6th May 673. Prof. Kielhorn, to whom I submitted this difficulty, has solved it by showing (see his Postscript on p. 240 f. below) that by Brahmagupta's rule the month would not be called Jyeshtha, but Vaisakha. Accordingly, the European date of the subjoined inscription of Mangiyuvaraja's reign is the 8th May 878- & result which corroborates the correctness of Dr. Fleet's chronology of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. According to 1. 24 ff." the very pious one, he who possesses the dignity of Maharaja, the glorious Sarvalokasraya-Maharaja" informs "the villagers in the village of Chendafura in (the district named) Kamma-rashtra and all officers (naiyogika) and favourites gone to this (district)" that he has granted this village to six Brahmanas, who were Chhandogas (i... students of the Samaveda), and each of whom received two shares of it. Five of them belonged to the Kanndinya gotra (1. 27) and one to the Kalabava gotra (1. 29 f.). Curiously enough their proper names are not given, but only their native villages, followed in the case of the first donee by the Sanskrit word vastavya, residing in (1. 28), and in the case of the five other donees by the Telugu word boya, which seems to be employed in the same sense. The six villages in question were Katura, Vangra, Kollipuro (P), Pidena, Kurigida and Kodinki. The phraseology of the grant portion again resembles that of the Pallava copper-plates. L. 34.-" And the Ajnapti for this (grant is) the sun among men (Narabhaskara) who resembles the sun crowning the peak of the eastern mountain (Udayagiri), the principal mountain of the circle of the earth (which is the family of Ayyana, he who has been victorious in the crush of many battles, the fervent Mahesvara, the glorious A[na]ghavarman." The edict was written by Pambeya Sarvottama Atharvapa (1. 41). The village granted, Chendarura, must be the same as the present Chondalur, at which the copper-plates were discovered. The district Kamma-rashtra, to which it belonged, is mentioned as Karma-rashtra in two other grants of Vishouvardhana II. and Mangiyuvaraja.. In the Chendalar plates of Kumaravishnu II, the same village and district are named Chendalara and KarmA[]ka- or Kamma [0]ka-rashtra. TEXT. First Plate. 1 at afg[] staat erat [U]AITHTH [1]cut vraitz2 gyet fafaff athafrarat taquit]3 nArAyaNaprasAdasamupalabdhavaravarAlAcha[nAnA 4 svAmimahAsanapAdAnudhyAtAnAM anekAzvamedhayAji6 nAM cakukyAnAM kulamalaMkariSNoH zrIviSNuvarzanamahArAja-10 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 98. The same seems to be the case in a grant of Vishnuvardhans II. Ind. Ant. Vol. VIL D. 187 f. * This epithet may imply that the Ajnapti was the governor of the fort of Udayagiri in the Nellore chstrict. * Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 187, text I: 12, and Vol. XX. p. 105, text I. 16.

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Chendalur plates of Sarvalokasraya.--- A.D. 673. * Bjh tth n n bbaan (O ). 4 9 nuuN bbaas'aa nuuN 5 AOct 2 naa 4 6 70 02 nuuN 08. * tthaak n P P 19 nuuN cl oo b 06 naa * 8 v jee dee' jhuutth nuuN slaah * hiir nuuN ( 4 5 6-8 h nee gukh n n 6s Bjh 44) hai%dd nuuN 500 % 28 88 nuuN annc d 3 gu0 % 4.2.2nnaan nuuN bbee hai naanku 4n nuuN sunnaa / 1 :933 n c 1ru ur , ' 10 1b. 12 15 h0 n n n n hoodh888 khaav dhn nuuN naaN nuuN 5 h4 nuuNy 12 ( 8 nuuN deekhdee h nuuN 9 nuuN jnuuN kaanuuNn naa // 659 8 9 4464 nuuN hraa nuuN 4 & CUnuuN vii nee 1 laa laa 9 // naam nuuN : 1 (8dee knraa E9 8 : nv r nuuN laaguu . nuuN 4. nee 7 nuuN 0 rkh 7 dee naa / 18 ] ( bbnn 3 18 9 nuuN 580 nuuN hoo rhee 20 P guraaN nuuN maut 4. nee juun 20 E. HULTZSCH SCALE FOUR-FIFTHS. W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. FROM INK IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. V. VENKAYYA

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`aad b 20. (khaa aeyk 88 pii aiS) 9 U 9 8 229 230 2 288 22 khn 54 pii 2518 A5 A573) maa | 88 89 92/pe 44 4 5 pii 85 TE 24 T 26 hy`ap`m 2 - traa ES . 2 : 2025 26 28 dia pii khnm2 ch `y 21 22 29 Ddia e`wb 3 pii 8 2 y ng 2 khn 30 930513 0 128 8g26UJI : trm 30 * ) 32 3 S/ Tecaaykhyukkh322 02 02 (5) 8 U 36 khn m y r 52 4y 10 orngegn . 32 16 epn 1. ob T623 52 Lee) 6 2 prakaar 2550 - 3- 36 3 58 e chikha ( 82 388 3,1e55 36 sdraayd5 k 11 kh233)swyngaam 38 yaang 2653 5 815 raayk55480166385 38 m 26,18, 0 293 294 238a U TS) m3 40 9am 8 9 8 29 3 0 1 2 3 4 1 m skriin gold #83356 (283 3 3 2 ed

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No. 24.] CHENDALUR PLATES OF SARVALOKASRAYA. 23) Second Plate ; First Side. 6 sya prapautraH abhyuJcitazaktisiDisaMpavasya pratApIpamatarAja7 maNDalasya [pa]ranRpatimattamAtaMgakuMbhasthalavidAraNavidhidarzita. 8 siMhavikramasya siMhavikramasya raNabhUSaNAyamAna9 vraNakiNAlaMkRtasaLagAvasya anekagohiraNyabhUmyAdipra]10 dAnaH pravadharmasaJcayasya zrImatI mahArAjasyendra bhaTTA Second Plate ; Second Side. 11 rakavaNa: pauSaH khabAhubalArjitorjitavApasaponidheH vidhivi. 12 hitasarbama-dasya 'pratApAnurAgAvanatasAmantacakrasya 13 cakravartilakSaNopetasya grahotAnakatuMgArivasudhA14 makaradhvajasya makaradhvajasya skhaprabhAvAjitasakalasAmanta. 15 makuTataTaghaTitamaNikiraNAraNIkRtacaraNAravindasya Third Plate; First Side. 16 zrIviSNuvaInamahArAjasya putraH nijabhujaparAkramAva[namitAneka17 zatrusAmantAnItahiradapatimadadhArAbhiSekakaI mitasapta. 18 'dasurabhiramyAMmaNopaviSTAnekarAjayAmitasamitiko. 19 la[*]halIbhUtarAjahAra[:] madAlasamattakAzinIjanaghanapathI. 20 dharAvalupyamAnakuMkumapaMkAvazeSazobhitakanakagirizi Third Plate; Second Side. '21 lAvidyAlavakSasthalaH panekasamarasAhasAvamaIlabdhavija. 22 thasiddhiH jaladhiriva ramyataralajIzaktinivAsa: mUrsa va va. 23 santaH samuha va guNAnAM dRSTAnta va bhUmipatInAM 24 paramabramaNyaH mahArAjAnubhAvavIsabalokAzrayamahArAja: 25 kArASTra cendaramAme grAmeyakAnava gatasarvameyogika Fourth Plate ; First Side. 26 vasabhAvAnApayati [*] eSa grAmIsmAbhiH brAmaNebhyaH chandogebhyaH 27 kauNDinyagocebhyaH SarmaniratebhyaH satatAvicchina[pa] camahAyanna28 - kriyebhyaH kaTUravAstavyAya re paMza 0"] vaMbIyAya re [*] koLipu. The 9 of CT seems to be corrected from 91. * Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 106, tout 1. 12 t. Rend and compare simplavadha, VI. BO. * The vuarga has not come out on the accompanying Plate, though it is quite distinct on the ink-imprensions

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240 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. VIII. 29 DoboyAya he [*] pidenaboyAya he [*] kuriyidaboyAya he [*] kALa30 bavabocAya' kodikiboyAya he aMza [*] evametebhyaH bra[]deya Fourth Plate; Second Side. 31 maryAdayA sabaMparihAropeto devabhogahalavala pAyurbala[vi]ja32 yAbhivRdaye saprattaH [*] tadavagamya pariharantu parihArayantu ca [*] . 33 yosmatzAsanamatika[*]met sa pApaH zArorandaNDamaIti [1] 34 api cAcAjJaptiru[da]yagirizikharamakuTAyamAnabhAskara va nara35 bhAskaraH ayyaNAnvayadharaNimaNDalakulapa[vata]: anekasamara Fifth Plate. 36 saMghaTTavijayI para mamAhezvaraH zrImada[Na]ghavA' [*] api cAtra brahma37 gItA zloke] bhavataH [*] bhUmidAnAtparanda[*]nava bhUtaba bhavi thati [*] tasyaiva haraNAt 38 pApatra bhUtaba bhaviSyati [*] khadattA paradattAM vA yo hareta vasundharA [*] gavA zata39 sahasrasya hantuH pibati kilbiSaM [*] pravaImAnavijayarAjyasaMvatsare hi40 tIye vaizAkhapaurNama[syAM grahaNanimittaM' dattA paTTikA [1] vastya41 stu sarvabhUtebhyaH [*] pAMbeyena sarvottamenAdhavaNena likhitam // oN - POSTSCRIPT. Br PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E. Vishouvardhana II., the father and immediate predecessor of Mangiyuvaraja, according to Dr. Fleets's calculations, commenced to reign some time in February-March A.D. 663, and the traditional length of his reign is nine years. A date of the month of Vaisakha of the second year of Mangiyuvaraja's reign therefore would in the first instance be expected to fall in or near April A.D. 673%3; and I have no doubt that the proper equivalent of our date is Friday, the eth May A.D. 673 (falling in Saka-samvat 595 expired), when there was a total eclipse of the moon, from 13 h. 21 m. to 16 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise, and therefore visible in India. The question is, whether this day could have been described as the full-moon day of Vaisakha. According to the rules now in force, the 6th May A.D. 673 'would have been the full-moon day of the month Jyeshtha (which follows upon Vaisakha); by the same rules the saka year 595 expired would have contained an intercalated month Ashadha. By the rules of mean intercalation and the ordinary manner of naming the months, the intercalated month in S.595 I Read yInakAsana 1 Read gocAya. Read saMpratta:* The [f] seems to be corrected from da; read zrImadanadha'. * Read gautaunIko. 7 The left top-stroke of is written upside down. * Expressed by a symbol. * Read gA . Read 'nAtha dhvayona.

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No. 25.) TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. 241 : expired (according to both the Arya- and the Sarya-siddhanta) would have been Jyeshtha, and the 6th May A.D. 673 the full-moon day of the first or intercalated Jyeshtha. But this very intercalated month, by an earlier-Brahmagupta's-rule, would have received its name, not from the following month Jyeshtha, but from the preceding month Vaisakha, 6.6. it would have been called Vaiba kha, not Jyeshtha, and, by the earlier rule referred to, the 6th May A.D. 673 would thus have been correctly described as the full-moon day of Vaisakha (or, more fully, of the second Vaisakha). This date at once reminds us of the date of the Kaira plates of Dharasena IV. (Northern List, No. 484), which quotes a second Margasira,' and falls in A.D. 648 or Saka-samvat 570 expired. In the case of that date, by the rules of mean intercalation and according to the Aryaand Surya-siddh&ntas, a month was intercalated in S. 570 expired before the month Pausha. By the ordinary rule that month would have been called Pausha, so that there would have been two months called Pausha; but the date, in quoting the second Margasira,' shows that there really were two months called Margasira, and that therefore the intercalated month, by the earlier rule, had received its name from the preceding M&rgafira. I would besides compare the Chola date No. 33, of the 25th November A.D. 1033 (above, Vol. V. p. 21), where the given name of the month-Margasira, instead of Pausha--likewise can be accounted for only by the assumption that a month, by the rules of mean intercalation intercalated before Pausha, had taken its name from the preceding, not from the following month. In that Chola date the month Margasira which is quoted was the second Margasira, just as in the date under discussion the month Vaisakha in my opinion was the second Vaisakha. For a date of the 5th February A.D. 817, with a lunar eclipse), which proves the observance of the rules of mean intercalation, but is otherwise of no importance here, see my Southern List, No. 68. No. 25.-TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. BY PROFESSOR R. PISCHEL, PH.D.; BERLIN. The two Prakpit poems here edited were discovered at Dhar, in November 1903, together with the corresponding slab of black stone which contains the prasasti of Arjuna varman published above, p. 96 ff., by Professor E. Hultzech. Prof. Hultzsch was good enough to send me two inked estampages which had been forwarded to him by Dr. Vogel and Mr. Cousens, and one of which is reproduced on the three accompanying Plates. Like the prasasti, the poems are on the whole well preserved; in the second poem, however, the beginning of lines 26-38 is broken away, as may be seen from Plate iii. The inscription consists of 83 lines and is engraved with great care. Only one serious mistake occurs in A. verse 65, where instead of chammakkanam anamaggo apparently must be read chakkammanan anamagge. The alphabet is the same as in the prasasti and has been already discussed by Prof. Hultzsch. I would draw special attention to the initial i, u, 0; to tha, e.g. in thakkan, A. verse 40 (Plate i. 1. 16), tha, A. 58 (Plate i. 1. 23), thahid, B. 2 (Plate ii. 1. 1), anathakkar, B. 40 (Plate iii. 1. 14), thdhavid, B. 87 (Plate iii. 1. 32); to kkha, e.g. in rakkhau, A. 2 (Plate i. 1. 1); to jjha, e.g. in majjhe, A. 6 (Plate i. 1. 3); to sa, e.g. in Sivaya (Plate i. 1. 1), parametvarao, frio, satam, mahasrih (Plate ii. 1. 42); and to siga, e.g. in kayani garuana (Plate i. 1. 18) and mangalam (Plate ii. 1. 42). Ohchha and ttha, though resembling each other, are more clearly distinguished than in the manuscripts of the Jainas, where these two letters are constantly confounded ; compare, e.g. 'vittharo aud ochchhaya, A. 2 (Plate i. 1.1); sarichchhan and dttha, A. 15 (Plate i. 1. 6). There occurs in A. 87 (Plate ii. 1. 34) one letter about the roading of which I am not certain. It 21

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242 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. looks exactly like thd as given by Buhler on Plate v. l. 26, No. 19 of his Indian Palcography; but since tha in all other instances (B. 2, 78, 87) has quite a different form, the reading remains uncertain. Unfortunately there is a gap just in this place. There is much inconsistency in writing the Anusvara and the secondary forms of e and o. Thus in B. 16 (Plate ii. 1. 6) we read padihantam, but in B. 20 (Plate i. 1. 8) padihantan. In A. 52, 54 (Plate i. 1. 21), e in pariyattante kale ke ke and o in jo vi hu so vi hu are partly written in the ancient, partly in the modern fashion. Instead of the Anunasika in combination with v the inscription uses throughout the group mv, which is also found in manuscripts (see my Prakrit Grammar, $ 179). Thus we have jaehim vi in A. 58 (Plate i. 1. 23); hontehim vi, A. 84 (Plate ii, 1. 32); kaehim vi, A. 86 (Plate ii. 1. 33); annehim vi, A. 92 (Plate ii. 1. 35): jaehim vi, A. 100 (Plate ii. 1. 38), etc. In B. 98, 103 (Plate iii. ll. 37, 38 f.) valayam va is wrong for valayan va. Similar mistakes, as jam mdi instead of janh mai in A. 58 (Plate i. 1. 23), have been noticed in the foot-notes on the text. The orthography is that of the Jainas. Hence in the beginning of words, and generally when doubled, dental n is written instead of cerebral , with the single exception of nu, as remarked in the note on A. 5. Very often albo nha is written instead of pha. The ya-fruti shows the same inconsistency as in the manuscripts. The language of the poems is Maharashtri. There occur, however, some forms which are Apabbramsa, such as laggavi, A. 92, milavi, B. 108, tha, B. 45, denan, B. 48, loa, B. 61, instead of loo. Blunders like tan ng instead of tan na and kayar garuana instead of kayan garudna in A. 43, which occur very frequently, I am inclined to attribute to the author himself, considering the numerous cases where hu is written instead of khu, as in A. 54, B. 8, 28, 36, etc. Even faults like thiam instead of thiar in B. 36, kinh ttha instead of kin tha in A. 95, gauravam in B. 62, gauravian in B. 92, gauravid in B. 105, where au is written instead of o (compare Hemachandra, 1, 1), may go back to the author himself. On the whole, however, the latter mnst have mastered the language fairly well. There oocur several forms and Doss-words which have not yet been met elsewhere. At the same time there is a great uniformity both of the language and of the contents, so much so that the author sometimes repeats a whole verse withogt any alteration, as in A. 23 and 28, 32 and 33, 98 and 101, or with very slight modifications, as in A. 10 and 55, 14 and 101, 93 and 94. The half-verse na ya jao nea jamnuihii occurs no less than five times (A. 10, 16, 48, 55, 85). The poems consist of two odes, each of 109 stanzas in the Ary& metre, to the tortcise incarnation of Vishnu. They have no poetical value. In the first the author varies ad nauseam essentially two thoughts, vis, that nobody has carried the earth so well as the tortoise, and that no mother is so happy and worthy of praise as the mother of this tortoise. In the second it is said that even the tortoise has been surpassed by king Bhoja who now carries the earth. Though a very poor performance, the poems, owing probably to the flattering contents of the second ode, pleased king Bhoja so much that he allowed them to be ascribed to himself :__"Even to the tortoise rest has been granted by king Bhoja alone. By him this Karmafutaka has been composed after he had taken away all hope to the enemies" (A. 107), and :-"By whom the chief mountains, (nay) all the mountains here (on earth), have been reduced in weight, by this king Bhoja has this Sataka been composed" (B. 109). The very fact that in the second ode king Bhoja is several times directly addressed (B. 5, 6, 7, 11, etc.) would alone suffice to prove that he himself is not the real author. Tradition has it that Bhoja was a great friend and admirer of scholars and poets, and it is well known that in legendary works like Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani and Ballala's Bhojaprabandha many famous poets of qnite different The most complete list of the works ascribed to Bloja has been drawn up by Prof. Aufrecht, Catalogue Catalogorum, Vol. I. p. 418, and Yol. II. p. 95.

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TWO PRAKRIT POEIS AT DHAR. No. 25.] centuries are placed at his court. be ascribed to the time of Bhoja. So far the new find is of some interest. As yet no poems had been found which could with certainty With the exception of a few stanzas, the poems are easily intelligible. It would have been a tedious task to translate them. I have therefore contented myself with mentioning in the notes all the difficulties and trying to explain them as far as possible. The abbreviation Gr. refers to my Grammar of the Prakrit Languages, where the remaining abbreviations are explained on p. 410 ff. TEXT OF A.. [1] oM namaH zivAya // iccha[7]e jasma bhutraNaM dhariaM ekkAe asamasattIe / upa so suhAI tumhANaM pavvaInAhI // 1 // so kupro vIrakaDa kaMpayadikaDAradehavitvAro / jo jaraDhamucaNavaNIkaMdacchAyaM samuvvara // 2 // jasma bhaNieNa bhuaNaM kummappamuhA vi dhArayanti [2] imaM / so dhakalijjasarUpI sasiDI deu sokkhAI // 2 // 243 ugraha etya sA ekkA / pohaviSA // 4 // zraDDaviyA kamaDhakuDumbe viule vi pasavidhA bhuSaNabhara vi paTTI jIe jAeNa kummeNa ko Nu sariso viNA vi kajjeNa jeNa ekkeNa / jaha nisuhA paTTI taha dikhA [3] bhuSaNabhArata // 5 // eka ]i sA dhavA madhye mahilAca pasavidhA kamaDhI / aiduvvaho vi vUDho bhuNabharI jIe jAe // 6 // ci[a] kamaTakule ke na vRthA cappA vi dubbahI paraM tAtha vihu / avirola bhuSaNabharo ubbUDho teca emeNa // 0 // kamaDhakule jAyAcaM saMyaM ko suparakiMtu [4] so eho / Aja bhucaNa[bha]ro ubbUDho jeNa ekeNa // 8 // jo kaha va parigAhiyo bhAro kummeNa nigraha tasma gaI / bIeNa samaM chaha pamukI palayarI 12 1. As in many other cases, e.g. noe, A. 6, jayabIe, 4. 46, dhara bIe, 4. 49, etc., the final e of icchA an] ekAe is metrically short; Gr. 585 375. asamasattIe = asamasyA. 2. kapayaddi = kanakAdri jaraDha', 'which exhibits the colour of dry earth and the bulbous root of a creeper, ' i.e. ' which is yellowish, or brown.' 4. Instead of kuDubbe read kuDumbe. For paTTI compare Gr. 553, 358. oDavara and oDhei occur frequently in this Sataka : compare 4. 18, 91-88, 36, 37. In 4. 44 there is a substantive ooDavaNa. The verb means to place,' 'to set,'' to locate,' and is common in Pali. Compare Childers, s.v.; Jat. 1, 143, 20; 3, 184, 6; 330, 17; Anguttaran. III. 135, 4; Therig. 73, 357, etc. In Prakrit it must be restored in Hala, 642, 787. . Observe the cerebral in the enclitic T here and elsewhere (B. 21, 23, 37, 60, 75, 105). huA, Gr. 476. avirIla belongs to virolara, Ho. 4, 121, viroliya, P. 191, and means not tossing abont,' ' not shaking about, ' 'not agitated,' 'quietly. 2. gaI, saMkhA in A. 11, must be taken as Acc. Plur. Perhape we ought to correct them to hUM and saMkhaM. 212

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244 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. pAyAmayaM dAUNa bhUSaNamuvarithaM / teNa kamaDheNa sariso na ya jAo nea jammihi // 10 // [5] micasuhako jamI jAye saMkhA vi tAe kI mudra parakara silI kumakum paraM diTTI | 11 dhavA si kacchavi tumaM mama mahilANa pasavidhA taM si vIsAmagrI vi jAo jIe jAyassa na hu bhuSaNe // 12 // jeSi gharaMti dharapi samaM dharie sA vi isa erisa] [6] vayasAtha kummo cima eya uppaNI // 13 // 1 ja jammo vi hu jAya tA jAyau kamaDha tujma sAriccho / paraDavayArekkaphalo peraMtaM jAva jo patto // 14 // niajAIyasaricchaM caritraM nivvaDara ettha purisAe / nipaparajAviru dosara eDama kuprathA ||15|| [7] nizrayapasavA gavaM eka pica kamaDhipI samuSyaca / jIe taNyasma sariso na ya jAo netra jammihi // 16 // nAva bodhI muvi meca upavI ekalajueca bhuSaNaM kummIekI citra bahe so viSa yubhadra bhArI pothI saMgha na ja ghoDe[8] / kummI paNa samaM pecha jara bhArasubbahara |18|| sI pica ada bhArI pahiM jAra ko na parikalitaM / atreNa samaM dUDI bUTI visI panibUDho // 18 // jAI devvAyattA caricaM puNa ho purisamAhaNaM / amavasAyaM pecchaha kerisao so hu kummasma // 20 // re devva [9] taM viDaMvasu puriso kiM jAdU tuha viDaMveDaM / kumo kabhI kaha ta tA vi caribhAI kaha peccha // 21 // kumbheNa dharA dharicA lobho jaMpei nAi ia vilio / aMgAI aMgesuM nijayAI ugraha niNhava // 22 // parikaliDaM na candra ajmavasAo hu ettha hue puri [10] mANa | kummasma taM khu rU[aM] vavasAo so hu puNa | tasma // 23 // 10. jammihi, Gr. SS 540. 10. = adyAvadhi anviSTaM Read ekalayugena, 'one yoked, i.e. ' quite alone. B. 25, [Vol. VIII. 11. Read Dumbe. 15. nivvaDara, Hc. 4, 62. bolo, Gr. 105. ekala is to be added Gr. $595; ekalajue Compare A 74, 78, 92, and ekkalaghurizrI, 4. 106; compare also ecaMtI, 18. Read zubha and moco. For coDera compare note on 4. 4. 21. Read 'DaMbasU, DaMbelaM, 'bhAra 22. caijjai, v. 8, 70 Hc 4, 88. The first verse of this stanza is repeated in A. 28. 18. Read vumbhai. 22. bilio = brIDita, Gr. $ 81.

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No. 25.] TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. // eya purisANa / pecchAmo / cakamaNavirahiyANaM nimarisaNaM vaSasiassa so kSetra / pacchaDa kama doSi vi perantaM nAva pattAI // 24 // uvamANaM kaha labbhau pecchaha kummassa asamacaritrasma | na ya jAo na ya ya dIsaha na ya hohI ja[11] sAricchI // 25 // atreNa maNeNa tae kummo hayadevva so viNimmavibho / avahatthiUNa taM pi hu cari tamabrahA jAyaM // 26 // tathAbahA pAyAro so rahayo bhaNacaMkramaNaM ca devva taM divaM / kummasma vavasieNaM sayalaM tuha matyae paDi ||27|| parikalitaM na cAi bhavasAco hu [12] kumbheNa taM khu kalitraM himae vi hu jana sammAi // 28 // kummI bahedra bhumaNaM pucaM hi bhuSaNama uppare kuNasi / hayadeva sAhacaricaM punnaDa kiM bhae ca // 28 AyAro jAI vA vavasAe kAraNaM na muNikacchave nihAlaha vavasAyaM tA [13]Na peccheha // 30 // sokkhaM ca [i]UNa nitraM bhuaNasta vi coDiyo tahA re sAhu sAhu kacchava anaM vahuttaNaM laDaM // 31 // duvyajayo jaMpara par3I kumbheNa cIDiyA bhaare| paTTI evaM piteNa kayaM voraNaM bhaNasu jadU bhaNasu // 32 // dubjaNajo jaMpara paTTI kumeNa zrIhicA bhA[14]re / paTTI bihu oDijjai evaM nivvaDara kummassa // 33 // nitrasuhakajje savvo iha vavasai taM khu kamaDha teNa viNA / cintaMtehimvi kacchava na ANico tuha ahippA // 34 // rittaM bhuSaNakaDitaM acchai rehAhi vajjiyaM nigraha | vattaNA rehA ekkA kamaDhasta tatya [15] vihiNA tArisacI citra [no?] ia kummeNaM paTTI moDavidhA tahA khaMdho / hu paraM // 35 // viDiyo dharaDa ke aveNa / bhuSaNabhArata // 36 // 245 24. nica = nidarzanaM. doni, :.. aNacaMkramaNaM and babasAo P Compare a 23, 27. 25. Read lambha. 25. takhma = tasyAnyathA. 28. janma is grammatically incorrect read jaM ma. The first verse of this stanza has already occurred in A. 2. 28. The first letter of ghuSaM is not quite clear from dhavalataM in 4. 89, where the same shape of the letter occurs "For thou, O fate, hast put the polar star above the earth." it becomes certain that is meant. The sense is: Compare A. 70, 72, 97. With compare etqft, Hc. 4, 334, and efti, Gr. SS 148. 21. For bIDiyo compare note on 4. 4. 22. One would expect jai bhayasi; compare 4. 74. Read bIe. 8. fefe is grammatically and metrically incorrect; read of fa. Gr. SS 180. Rx. Read if or degf. 36. mo is uncertain, dharau is incorrect for dharijjau

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246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. bhuSaNa // 30 // hoMtehiM avayavehiM paTTi ghoDavara jadU na tA sAhu | affyA pari kumbho zrI keNAvi jo na diTTho khutro na kayA vi ettha suDDu navo / para [16]vayaraNe maggo paDhamo kumbheNa nimmavitro // 38 // [VOL. VIII. a re kucha taM si si jAo avehiM muhA kimetya jAehiM / jasma samappinabhAraM suhehiM bhuaNaM pi nivase // 38 // avasitaM ci jaMna kA vi ko visrihii| taM kumbhe citra thakkaM iarA iara citra varAyA // 40 // [17] nizrakajje jANa taNU tANaM saMkhaM pi ettha ko muNau / jI piparakAle jasma puNo so kamaDhavaI // 41 // hu saMdhArahiyA jAyA yethe vitaM pita kuch| bhaGgIe puNo bhezro avo citra tumha nivvaDiyo // 42 // acchau bhuaNuvvahaNaM hiaraNa vi tatra jAi cinteuM / taMpi kama [18]Dheca kayairapAca gaI asAvayA 1820 pIe covaNe lobhI bhArA dubvahataM bhammo na ke ke na ettha jAyA ke na mosUNa kamaDharAyaM bhaNa bhuSaNaM sAseNa jasma bhua[19]NaM sayalaM Usasai kamaDharAyassa | kI taya ho sariso jAbhI japaNIe so zeSa // 45 // vahue vi ettha jAyA tehiM pi hu kiM pi kiM pi ettha kayaM / bhuSaNavaraNasamatyo eko cica kaccayo jAcI // 47 // ke ke na ettha jAyA cariyAyArehiM atthi tANa samA / kaSNavasariccha evaM na ya vAco [20] mihira // 48 // ra kamaDarAyA / suNatra ke risayaM // 44 // ha hotA paNe tahiM pi gayA / keNa upari // 45 // 30. Rend hoMtehiM. 29. Read ahiM and suhehiM. 40. For thakkaM compare Hc. 4, 16; Beitrage zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen, 3, 258f.; 6, 84ff. 83. The second verse means: "In one way or another (P), however, another special lot has fallen to you." 43. tana and kayaGaru are grammatically incorrect for se na and karya gara 88. JJ apparently means to shout at," to applaud." 45. For jagaNIe with short e compare Gr. SS 385 and uote on A. 1. 47. Read bahue; the form is quite unusual and probably wrong. Compare sapa, 4. 109, madae, B. 34, and Gr. 5880. 48. Read rehiM. atthi is used in the sense of santi ; seu Gr. 5499. For na ya nAcI etc. compare 4. 10, 16, 55, 6.

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No. 25.] TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. sutyaM bhuSaNaM pi kayaM saMkA dharaNIe taha samuhariyA | kiM kina kina vihiyaM kumma tara ettha jAe // 48 // khebho sokkhavmahio bhAruvvahaNe vihAra kummasma / garuthANa vayasibhAyaM ko manmaM jANiDaM taraha // 50 // bhuSaNabharuvvahapeNa vi artha so vihAra kamA / [21] jaM rucca taM suhayaM pariyate kAle ke sI hu khaNo ekko citra dhavA si kacchavi tumaM taha vihare jeNa tahA jayastasattI samuppusibhA // 53 // ubhayAro gaNiyANaM jo vi hu so vi [22] hu kuNedra iha loe / [ga] vi ubhayaricaM kummeNa paraM eSa hu jAbo so vizva vuzcadda janmo sahalo hu. tassa ekkA 1 jasma sariccho bhuSaNe na ya jAo netra jammihi // 55 // jamapphalI jammI jo jAyarI ho kinteya | parabhayaraNA kae jo jamo so phalano [23] poTabharaNA kanne [je jA]yA te subhA hu tammi khaNe / para ayaraNassa kara jANaM jamro hu te dhanA // 57 // kamaDhava taM si jAo jAehimbi etya kiM tha avehiM / n kiM pi jeNa vihitraM pravANa maNe na jamnAi // 58 // kamaDavara kiM bhacita yo jamro tuma eka paraubhayaraNa ka [24] e appA jeNaM tahA khavioo // 58 // nidhaupayaracA kae sato paNa pAyaraM kuNA / vatthU parabhayaraNaM appA kumma taya zeSa viDiyo 1 kazca vi jo na diTTho na ya so maNI paDhamaM ci kummegaM e 1 avA hu gaI na so kvA // 51 // khaNA na khaNA na ettha uppanA 1 jasmiM kummo samuppavo // 52 // dhavo jAcI vi tuma sopo / nisudho nema aNuhavaM patto / kaviyo // 31 // 8. is a blunder for, Gr. SS 94. 56. kinte is a blunder for kiM teNa 58. 'Dimba is wrong for f bi, Gr. 180, tha, Gr. 60. taya= tvayA is wrong for ta or tara, Gr. 9421. se. Instead of fan fan read faifai . 50. Read ahiSI vihAra = vibhAti. tara, Ho. 4, 88. 52. jayAsattI = jayasta asatI .. jagatI'zakti:; compare Gr. 5995, 173. with vihare = vidhure supply the locative ami or nae = jagati samuppusiyA belongs to pusa, Ec. 4 105, and means lns been wiped off' .. 'has been removed.' 247 55. sahalI = saphala : 57. hu te metri cawed for te i. 176. madhe Gr. 5 409. janarais wrong for Page #287
248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. jAo kumma tumaM citra abehiM muhA [25] kimatya jAehiM / pAyAle majjantaM bhuSaNaM pi hu jeNa uddariaM // 62 // ke ke na etya jAyA tANaM maggo vi esa na hu phuriyo / paraupayaraNujmAtrI eko kummo hu niSphano // 63 // paraupayaraNe paTTA paDhamaM kummeNa etya kaviSA / garuehiM kayA maggA pacchA sokveNa gammeti // 64 // dantikiripatraehiM dekvA[26]vekkhIe dhAriA dhrnnii|| cammakkaNamaNamaggo nivvaDiaM etya kummasma // 65 // aNacakamaNA are paDhamo vavasAiANa iha kummI / jeNa raie hu magme vaTTA iarANa saMpanA // 66 // aNacallirANa paDhamo vihiNA kummo hu etya nimmavibho / vavasAiANa paDhamo so citra peccheha kaha jAo [27] // 6 // dhavA si kacchavi tumaM dhabA jAI vi tumha nipphamA / jIe jAeNa kayanta kiM pi na jAi jaM bhaNiuM // 6 // re dharaha dharaM uddharaha tihuaNaM pAyaDeha taha sattiM / dekavAvekvIe kayaM kiripamuhA ko na uahasada // 66 // kummo dhareDa bhuaNaM tae samaM kIsa taM si dhutra kahasu / lajjasi na vipphuraM[28] to aha va ayAsANa kaha lajjA // 7 // aNamaggeNa vi calirA dhabA pAvanti ke vi garuattaM / aNamaggacaliraNa vi kummeNa kahaM jasI pattI // 71 // aNakUleNaM vihiNA dhupa taM jAemu upari bhuSaNamma / kummeNa vasiehiM sabve tumhe tale vihibA // 72 // kacchavi tumaM pasUpA abAno pasaviA[29]o vajhAo / jIa taNaeNa tulitraM tailokaM vIaniravekvaM // 73 // 62. Read anehi 63. ubhASI, Gr.$155. 64. Read garuehi. vahA varmA, Gr.8358. 4. agent, which occurs also in A. 69, apparently means: 'with regard to its being seen,' in orler that it may be seen,' =darzanApekSayA. camma kaNamaNamaggI is wrong for cakkamamaNamaNAmaga-caM kramazamamArga, ' moving about where there was no path,' as it is clear from the preceding and following stanzas . = #T; compare He. 4. 161. nivvaDizra, He. 4,62. 68. kayanta is a blunder for kayaM saM. 69. For dekhA compare note on A. 65. 70. ayAsANa-avAsasAm, Gr.8186, 409. 01. pAvanti, Gr. $504. calira and panira, Gr.8488,596. 73. Read bI .

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No. 25.] jaya bhAro vihu vuvbhadra tA vubhai ettha kummabhArasamo / elajapaNa bUDho jeNa mayA voSaniraveo // 74 // TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. kajjeNa ettha ucariM jo jAyada so hu tatya dhua saccaM / paridhi vihe jI yavasAya pazuko 105 taM kumma etya jAyo tara jintaM [30] si etya ra dhanI / re voSadhuriNa paMdhI jama na keNAvi uDurio // 76 // na hu ettha baMbhASI pasavicAcI vi mayalAyo bi esa amahilAo / vihitrAo kacchaveNaM anaM bhaNDiM na samjhAi // 77 // atre vahati bhAraM viNA na vIeNa te hu kaiA vi / ekalajupaNa bhAraM eko kummo cima vahe // 78 // daTThUNa kumma [31] rUaM jammo uvvisa attaNo vi ihaM / dahUNa vavasiAI tasma puNe ahiamuvvisai // 78 // jambhaviNAsANa kae jo jammo so hu kamma jammaphalo puNa janmo jAco pakSaw kum // 80 // boeca diyA pUDhaM jaM bUDhaM taM khu esya sacimayaM / annamuhaM muDaM dahUNaM jaM mataM khu jAu drahe // 81 // vubha [32] paMkamitaM [] buca na cayaMti parva dAI ma jaha dharavidharaNami himayaM jANaM jAyaM khu tehiM samayaM pi / ubbUDho bhuSaNabharI pecya ejeNa kummeNa // 82 // mo vi darisie idharA magge kamaThanimnavidhaM // 82 // kamaDipi taM si pasUmA jIe jAega sayalamahilAo / hotehivi pasaviMjhAcI [33]Na vihiSASI // 84 // 1 1 249 74. Read buma, Gr. 5541. For ekala see note on 4. 17. Read boSa Instead of the second bujhai one wonld expect bujhau; compare A. 32. oy., Gr. SS 107. 77, Gr. SS 196. 9. Read for and a. The second verse means: "whose shoulder has not been freed from the burden by a second one able to bear a burden." 99. Read everywhere instead of, which is against the metre; compare Gr. SS 85, 376. see note on A. 17. 78. Read bIeNa. For ekala e. The meaning off is not certain. It seems to mean 'gets tedious. I have not found the word else where: 81. Read and vumbhaDa sazcimaya occurs again in A. 102 and B. 9; it means 'real,' 'true' Sanskrit satyamaya TU, Gr. 354; jA rahe = yAtu hudai seems to be a proverbial saying. 82. Read cakamiSaM taM cayaMti, Gr. 8, 70; He 4, 86. 82. Read tehi. 84. hodeg wrong for hontehiM vi, Gr. $ 180. Instead of vaMjhAcI read u. 21

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250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ke ke na na etya ettha jAyA ke na ha acchanti ke na hohinti / taha vi tu kuma tujhI na ya jAbhI ne jama i // 5 // kabjaehiM kahimbi kintehiM kahiM sArarahie / evaM pi khutaM ki vaha vihiyaM etya kummeSa diTThe magge jo vihu so vihu pAyaDara nibhayavavasA [34] yaM / keNAvi hu athAha (?) kummo citra payaho // 87 // jAI paramayahINA rUpaM purNa paujipi najAra 1 kumbheNa vayasiehi taha vi hu lahuIkayA hii||88|| . dhavalA [35]Na gaI esA mubhA vi na sudhanti uha dhavalattaM / kummas mayassa vi kapparaM pi bhubhagaM samuvvaharU // 88 // garuANa gaI esA ante vi [mutra ]nta netra attA / kummo mo vi pani kara kaha va dharaNIe // 80 // DabbUDho bhuSaNabharo suvidhA dharaNI kayA jaNa samaM / enhintehiM pi samaM jaM rucadra hou taM kumbhe // 61 // umbUDho abeDimbi bhAro dharaNIe kiMtu miliehiM / eka zubhA ghaDA samma [36]vi kumgresa upasA [482 // ] kirikummadiyapamuhAcaM niSaDa vayasi locA / appA parasta kanne Aja jehiM taha khavioo // 983 // kirisesakamaDhadiggayapasuhANaM niha vavasi lobha / caiUNa niayasokkhaM appA jehiM tahA khavibho // 84 // kumbheNa kiM ttha vihiyaM loo sa [37] lahedra loabhaNie [ e ] / jeNa sasA puhaI bUDhA na ugraha nomesA * loSANaM kumma ya jammo jamapphalo vihAra mahaM [1] kanjeNa puNo dInha vi vivarodhaM antaraMga // 24 // viraNDa dhuaM devvo bhuaNamma vi uppare tahA vi valA / nicacariehiM pecha kumo cima uppare jAco // 87 // 4. The first verse is metrically quite incorrect. Read auf auf fa fai aft auf, Gr. SS 180. 88. Read bo 8e. For kapparaM compare note on B. 45. et. Read of aft. 99. Read annehi vi, Gr. SS 180. For ekala see note on A. 17. laggavi, Gr. 58. SS e. Read af or afe, Gr. SS 180. 95. Read tha instead of stha; compare A. 53. 9. Bend doSaha [VOL. VIII. 27. Read balA.

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No. 25.] TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. 251 [38] jar3a jammo cipa labhai tA labhau kamaDhajammasAriccho / paphaleNaM aveNaM laddeNa va hou na ha kajnaM // 48 // re kamaDha tupha gotte ke na huA ke na asthi hohiMti / sacceNa puNa bhaNAmo tujka sariccho tumaM caitra // 6 // zrI kamaDhI citra jAmo jArahimvi kiM jaNehiM abehiM / jammama kiM pi [39] sarisaM jIvaMtehiM na jehiM kayaM // 10 // jaDU jammo citra labhai tA labhau kamaDhajammasAriccho / laDeNa va aveNaM na hu kajjaM teNa na hu kajaM // 101 // pasavacchaleNa gambhA savitrA sayalANa esya mahilANa / saccimamo puNa pasavI jAmo kamaDhasma jaNaNIe // 12 // ijharANa pasavitrA[40]Na vi gabhA savitrA hu sayalamahilANa / sacceNa pasavidhA puNa eka citra kamaDha tuha jaNaNI // 10 // avAmo pasaviAmI vi netra pasUAu tANa gamacuI / jAyA saccappasavA eka citra kamaDhiNI bhuNe // 104 // bhuSaNe vi jA na jAyI sariso tA kiM kareu so paramI / eko cipa vahara bhara [41] kummo vo papAvanto // 15 // ekkaladhurimI so zcima bhAreNa samaM pi estha jo vIcaM / ubbahai upaha bhAraM abo uNa bhaNiametteNa // 10 // kummassa vi vIsAmo dino ekkaNa bhoparAeNa / hariUNa vairibhAsaM kummasayaM viraha teNa // 10 // gAhAsayaM na evaM gAhANa sarahiM kevale[42]hiM kayaM / sayavAraM ekeka paTara jaNo jeNa teNa sayaM // 10 // eghAra sayAI tae gAhANa sarahiM ne rAI / sayavAraM AvattI jeNaM emANa teNa sae // 10 // // // // iti mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIbhojadevaviracitaM bhavanikUrmathatam / / // maGgalaM mahAdhIH // // 18. Read labha and labhata. . Read wteft fa fa pft, aud in the second verse for afe. 101. Read khabhara And samata. 102. Read gambhA. 103. Read gabhA. 104. Read pannAta 'cAu and garbha'. 105. varacI varAka:, Gr.880. Read bIrSa 16. For ekala 100 note on A. 17. Read bau. 108. Read sarahiM lehi, or twice fr. 8. Read ecAraM sayAra and sarahi, or the same without Anusvirs. sara must be taken in the sense of savAI. Compare SYU, A. 47 (with note), and TET, B. 34. T=aul is rather singular here, since Bhoja has not be addressed in this ode. 22

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252 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. TEXT OF B. [1] oM namaH zivAya // bhuSaNAI vaha kanho bhai taseca nigraha kaMkAla / hilAe jeNa so raha tumhAca thiyo sivaM deva // 1 // kulagiriNo lahuvavibhrA jalanihiNo thAhi sakajjeNa / pacchA dharizrA dharaNI suvahA jeNaM hu sA kulagiridharaNIjalanihimeruppamuddA narenda [2] paDhamaM [1] lahu [4]vijayaM pacchA dharicaM bhUSaNaM pilAe // 2 // hoi // 2 // dharaNi zcica tA garuI te garuA je vahaMti taM pi puNo / huviSaM paDhamaM citra evaM sayalaM tabhI bUDhaM // 4 // dhavalI so cia vuzca bharadhAraNavAvaDehiM [3] samayaM pi / uccalai jo hu bharaM so ekko bhoa taM cea // 5 // laDuvavikaNaM sthalaM bhucaNaM bharadhAraehiM samayaM pi / pacchA buA bhUvara kI guNo ca vihi iha appassa sayAsA vubbhai lahu imeNa vihie / bhaNa caDara ko iha guNo bhUvara dharaNIdharaMtastra // 7 // dharaNi tuhaM garuattaM kummappamuhehiM etya jaM dinaM / lIlAe taM hariSaM bhoevaM adharateya // 5 // hu // 5 // bhArata iha gurutaM [4] dhavalAhAseDiM cadra caDavavidhaM / saccimadhavaleNa hizro bhArI vi hu lahai laghuvattaM // 8 // guruttaM karacaraNavivajjieNa vaDavicaM / kummeNa tuha pacchA sesamuhehiM bhIeNaM taM kayaM payaDaM // 10 // [VOL. VIII. 1. Read rs, karaho, vudra. 2. lahuvavadra is a denominative from laghu according to Gr. 5559, =* laghvApayati ; compare $ 552 and lar3avI = laghvI in SS 139. It means to make light,' 'to reduce in weight,' 'to relieve For cAhicA compare thAha in Gr. $ 88; it means -- they have been fixed, made stationary' hu is wrong for khu. 3. pamuhA is Ace. Plur. Gr. SS 89, 3674. 5. dhavalI, Desin 5,67, yI yasyAM jAtAvuttama: Read hi uccaladra, 'to remove, Gr. SS 488, 553. 6. Read ehi and bura For isa compare Gr. 116. 3. Read bubhadra. appasa sayAsA lahuaM= AtmanaH sakAzAllaghukaM, ' something lighter than oneself ;' compare B. 18. caDaDU here and in A. 9 means to be found,' 'to be;' compare Hc. 4, 206, Materialien, 3. v. cadas, and saMcaDaDU, B. 17. Read deghi, and khu instead of i. For dUca see note on B. 6. 8. dhavalA = dhavalAbhAsa: caDavavizraM is a double causative from caT (note on B. 7), as davAveDa from dA (Gr. 5552); caDadra caDadeg means it becomes increased, 'baDavizraM of the next stanza. Read lahavataM.

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No. 25.] satheNa vi ahamadacA dharaNI paDihAra cintamAANa / iha puNa esA kaliyA paDihAra bhIca kaha laha [5] cA // 11 // ciraparicicANa pAsA uhAla sahayavesu taha dharaNiM / taha vi tad citra rattA abrasma muhaM na pulaei // 12 // kummakirisesapasuDA eso bhArI hu tumha paDihanto / pujna savvaM dihaM tumhANa vi garuimA muNi // 13 // tumhAca esa bhArI paDito kummasesa kiriyA / [6] pecchaha imassa bhAraM bhUrAno bhaNai vihasanto // 14 // bhAruvvahaNasamatyA abjAvahi je jayammi vikvAyA / te vi uSa hApayaviM kumapyamuhA tara mIcA // 15 // bhArA duvvahataM pava niyaDiyama paDitaM / bhuvaNekadhavala taM citra tae kaha kaha Nu avaharizraM // 16 // nicagaruimAe laghu [7]caM bhUSaNaM kAUtha vubbhae pacchA I tuha nahuattameSaM abrasma na kaha va saMcaDa // 17 // dharaNi tumaM agara tuma sayAsAcI kacchapo garuthI / bhIeca sI vi jitto garuthAhimvi pathi garupayarA // 18 // asaricchaM dharaNibharaM dhAraya vammeNa saha bahateSa / TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. asthi garuprANa garuA jaNavAo iha tae harivo [8] // 18 // aiduvvaho hu bhAro dharaNi tti jaNassa bhoa paDihantaM / kaha cameva so viSa tapa hiyo taM dharateNa // 20 // akkameNa citra kummasma so hu dappo mAhappo so hu sesapamuhANa / dharaNiM gharaMtapaNaM kaha pu tara sI uppusi // 21 // hu dharaNI ta ghariyA garutaM kacchavaccha variSaM / akuNateNa va kAimva tasma ta [9]e pADiyA vaTTA // 22 // kumakirimapahA mathena para mae hu vivAyA / avaha himayaM tANaM na jAi sayasikkaraM kaha Nu // 23 // 253 12. uddAlasu, Gr. 8553. 12, 14. pahindI = pratibhAn in the sense of pratibhAti. 15. jayami= jagati, Gr. 5395. 16. For compare note on 4. 5. 17. Read bujhae. naDucatta apparently belongs to baDulo or paDalo, 'tortoise, Desin 4, 20 This thy tortoiseship is not at all found with any other." 18. Read sayAsAu and compare note on B. 7. jittI, Gr. 194. Read garucAhiM vi and compare Gr. 5369. For fer see note on A. 48. 2. For cyfeit compare note on A. 53. 22. Read kAI va. For baTTA see note on 4. 64, 23. jAdU jAyate, Gr. 5487. sUrya = zatazautkAra.

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254 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. dharaNibhara tara kalie so pagarayo vi palahupro kummo / aNubhAraMbhavalamge ko lAyai leksAe pare // 24 // lahuvaviUNaM bhuSaNaM pacchA eaMtamo vahanteNa / ko [10] gAro hu appe ko tasmiM kahasa nimmavibho // 25 // lahuvavijaNaM kummaM samayaM dharaNIe puNa vahanteNa / appasa taha ya tANaM paDataM kaM tara vihinaM // 26 // bahutaNasma kale jAmo kummo hu etya dharaNIe / tIe lahupattakabje bhImaH tuma estha uppanI // 27 // jaM iha pasUhiM divaM kecirayAvaM tama nivvA[11] ho / puhara tuhaM bahuta bhIeNaM mala pAyaDi // 28 // lahubhaviUNaM dharaNiM pacchA dharibhAe ko guNo caDai / phalakajje savvo vi hu kabjAI bhopa viraeDa // 28 // kulagiriNo lahuvitrA lahupravimA sAyarA taha mahI / pacchA bhArI kalitrI lahuubvahaNaNa kiM ho // 30 // puhada [12] garuattaNa tuha kehimbi dhIrakirahiM pavitraM / bhIeNa tami kalie attANaM paccha koDeNa // 31 // garuattaNaM pasUhiM dharaNIe jaM hu etya vavidha / taM payaDiUNa porisamajjaM bhoeNa lahuvaviyaM // 32 // ko vi garuattakajje dharaNoe estha nimbhio vihiNA / aboha ko vi vihilo tIe vi ha la[13]hamAkaje // 3 // evaM citra taha kamyaM je garue lahupravesi te caitra / / easmiM kijjante sAha phalaM kiM tahaM phalai // 34 // dharaNimuhe sayale viha lahubhAvaha kamgalIe ki bhaNimo / tumhe di kuNaha evaM pisuNA uNa kiM karisaMti // 3 // 24. valamge-pADhe, Phiyal. 2473; compare valaggara, He. 4, 206. I am not sure about the meaning of lAyaDU and hence of the sense of the whole second verse. 25. For lahu see note on B. 2. gArapI, Gr. $61, 357. appe, Gr.8401... 26. samayaM=samaka,... samaM , "together with.' tANa, vir. the tortoise and the earth. 28. Read pahi. kaiccira', Gr. 8149. Read kha. pAyaDiprakaTitaM, Gr. 577. 31. Read kehi vi ehiM. koDeNa= kautukaina, He. 4, 422, 9. 32. Read khu. pabja, Gr. 8181. 33. lahaimA, Gr.8358. 34. garue, bahue in A. 47, is quite a singular form of the Nomin. Plur. instead of gayA and bahubA. vijjanta in the Loo. of the Participle Praes. Paas., = kriyamANo. sAha, Gr. $264. 25. "muI sayale are Ace. Plur. compare Gr.g857. kamgalIe-kAkalyA?

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No. 25.] TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. 255 majjAvahi garuSattaM dharaNIsarinAhapavvaemu Thiam / garupattaNa [14] nAma enhiM tANaM ha asthagviyaM // 3 // garUpattaNaM ra garu eko vahiuM na jAva sora / tA puvehiM vihattaM taM pi tae lahuicaM kaha Nu // 37 // maha garuSataM sA taha ya garuimA do vi taha ya haripAI / pairaDiralaharibAhiM sarinAhI nimaha rove // 38 // tara uppane bhUvara garuSattaM tANa vi pali jAva / pasa[15]raMtaniranihA kulagiriNo tAva rovanti // 28 // janya purisANa hijjA garumattaM tasya mahilANa kahaM / aNathakaM puhaI vi hu rovara sarimANa bhaMgIe // 4 // dharaNIe tale kummo kolappamuhA vi lajjiA lukkA / jA lahuattaM tIe puhaIe kayaM hu bhoeNa // 41 // jA mariUNaM dharimA kummappamuhahiM ka[16]ha vi iha dharaNI / sA vihimA khelaNayaM bhopa tae iha dharanteNa // 42 // dharaNIe samaM dharimA kulagiripamuhA ha jAva teNa samaM / jalanihiNA tuDeNaM ajja velA tuhaM gahipA // 43 // puhaIe gAyattaM ajjAvahi netra keNa vi niruI / dhariUNa tae ecaM lahuIlahu tti nAma kayaM // 44 // tahanamipakappara[17]NaM dharaNI eha dhArizrA kahaM kaha va / sA nIsaMkA ajjaM hasera girinijmaraniheNa // 45 // lahupAvimA hu dharaNI kulagiriNo khavimA sarInAho / maNagahiro nimnavio kasma nimittasma maha kahasu // 46 // dharaNI ajjaM hiTThA tara dharimA bhISa mantrae eaM / purisottimeNa rahanaM lahuattaM gaimabha[18]hi // 4 // kamaTho dharaha dharaNiM pAraNaM garuimA vi ailahuI / tada dharibhA puNa sA vi hu pecchasu ke garuima pattA // 48 // 36. Read ThicaM, epiha, khu, patyamitra. 37. Read gand puSveti. viha-vimanaM. 38. mithaka, He. 4, 181. 80. For we see note on A. 40. 41. khuka, Gr.8586. Read khu. 43. Read degmuhi . kheDa,Gr.8 206. 44. I think we must write at Sa = SA and translate this by - lighter than light.' 45. kappara=the shell of the tortoise, compare A.89. eka is dha =eSA, Gr.8263. 46. For khabidhA from capaya (root ci) compare pabvai, Gr.6548. 47. hiDA, Desin. 8,67. Rend bha. garama garama pabha, Gr.8178. 48. cAeNaM, Gr.1429.

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256 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL.VIII. lahuattaM tuha divaM mA mabasa dharaNi bhoparAeNa / teNa dharimA si evaM garupANa vi garuimaM deva // 48 // kummaviNAse khuhiA ajjAvahi saMkiA ThiA dhrnnii| taDU dharipA pu[19]Na ehiM sappasarA paNa va sappasarA // 50 // lahuAvitrA vi puhaI appaM lahAvitraM na maveda / na gaNaMti kiM pi daie rattummattAo mahilAo // 51 // lahavitrA vi hu haI bhoSa tae muNai garumamattANaM / mahilANa pieNa kayaM sayalaM laDahaM paDIhAi // 52 // kummeNa dharA dhariA lahuaM appaM sayA [20] vi manvantI / tada dhariA puNa esA dUNaM attANayaM lahai // 52 // jI gArI hu dino pahiM so hoi etya kerisao / lahuattaNaM tai kayaM paDihAi mahIe aigaruaM // 54 // lahuattaM garuattaM bhArasma caDeDa dhAraeNa kayaM / garupavitrA kummeNaM dharaNI lahuAvitrA ha tae // 55 // garuatta[21]NaM pi dina pahiM paDihAi lahuimabhahi / tara divaM lahuattaM paDihAyaDa garuhamabhahiraM // 56 // mariUNa jo dharijjai bhAro iha kumma so hu kerisI / apalahaAe tumhe imIe kaha kAyarA jAyA // 57 // garueNaM lahuattaM ugraNIaM garuimaM pi iha dei / dUa sAyarapamuhA[22]NaM hipae khetro na taNuo vi // 58 // dAUNaM lahuattaM sai dharaNIgaruimA hu vaDaviA / bhavad puhaIe tae ina tIe paTTio harisI // 5 // pecchaMtANa sarUaM puhaIsarinAhakulagirimuhANa / garuattaM paDihAyai tai kalie kaha Nu lahuattaM // 6 // lobha pasiddhIe kae garuattaM palahue vi pa[23]yaDe / bhAre kaha taM si puNo garuaM lahuaM hu pAyaDasi // 61 // eAe garuattaM tumhehiM kumma payaDiyaM etya / khaggaggatoliAe pacchaha re gauravamimIe // 2 // 50. Read erihaM. sappa sarAsaprasarA. 51. Real 'nAu lAu. 52. laDa=rayaM, Desin.7, 17. 54. Read pasUhi. 56. The Anusvara in dina is not certain. Read pasUhi and twice bhahinaM, anal compare note on 1. 47. 62. My must be taken as Nominative according to Gr. 364. The Anusvara in 1764 is not quite certain Read khu instead of hu. pAyaDasi Gr.577, 491. (2. Read gIrava.

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No. 25.] TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. 267 1 gAyatteNa tulitrAe / kettisamette bhAre kanha tae porisaM pamottUNa / rUmasayAI kayAI loe lahuvAvipro appA // 3 // puhaI celayasarisA kulagiri[24]pamuhA tahea paDiANaM / tolijjara garuattaM bhueNa evaM tumaM kuNasi // 4 // bhArasma vahaNakajje paTTI sIsaM dahaM kayaM vihiNA / maNivalapo bva dharinjada bhAro eso navA vahA // 65 // jaM jaM garuSaM jaM jaM ca duvvahaM jaM ca jaM ca aNasakkaM / taM taM kuNaMtaeNaM kanho lahuAvitro bho // 66 imiNA [25] garuSatteNaM puhara tae garuimA imA laddA / pacchesu palahuattaM prasiNA apyasma tulipAe // 17 // mA majjau jalamajme mA sarinAhA milaMtu gottasma / isa taM dayAe dharaNiM loamma imasma ubvahasi // 6 // dharaNI gharaMgaNasamA kakkarasarisA tahe kulagiriyo / [26] . . . . . . . hIbhAre kalie tae bhotra // 6 // sarinAhapuhaipamuhA rUDhA garuattaNeNa iha loe / garupANaM lahuvavaNe kiM hu phalaM tujma sinei // 7 // pArovinavaDatte bhAre appasma gAravaM loA / denti tumaM puNa sAhasu vivarIaM tANa vavaharasi // 71 // lahuI karesu dha [27] . . . . . . . . kuNasu anaM pi / tai sA tahA vi rattA sayalaM laDahaM tuhaM gaNa // 72 // kAUNaM lahuattaM bhoggaM ayaM tuI payAsaMtI / dharaNI karaggahakae appaM tuha bhopa oppe // 73 // dharaNIe lahumattaM taM iha nimmavasa kuNasu jaM mahi / tuha sattIe imIe panaM garamattaNaM ca... // 74 // [28] ....goravicaM lahubhaM viulaM mahiM dharateNa / kaha. Nu tae aracInaM pano cica gAravo divo // 7 // (3. Read kara and degsayAI. 64. paricA=patitAnA belongs to garucataM. 65. vahAvarA ; see note on A.64. 16. paNasarvapazakyam. Rend karaho. (o. Between fe and T of fast kind of symbol is inserted 6., Read instead of . 03. payAsaMtI prakAzayansI, Gr.8553.. coppara, Gr. $104 74. nivasa, Gr.8558. mahi= kAhisaM ; compare note on He. 4,129. ca . . . probably = cddi| compare B.7,9. 05. gharacIcya= patthakutam or bhatyAzcaryam, Phiyal. 1857 Dolin. 8, 14.

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258 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. mA manasu dharaNi tumaM mahiAbhArI hu jaM mahaM garuSo / bhoeNa taM si dharimA eso bhArI tuhaM garuSo // 7 // garuSattaM taM manasi dharaNi dahaM jaM pasUhiM tuha dina / tuha ga [29] . . . . . . . . . . tumaM dhariA // 7 // jalaniSiNo thAhavitrA lahucaviA kulagirI tahA dharaNI / panna vi taM kiM kAhisi na yANimo bhotra maha kahasu // 7 // paTTIe vahA kummo seso sIseNa taha raeNa kirI / patraM taM bahu mavasu isa bhISo jaM kare dharaha // 7 // parabhArimA mae ki [30].........[kamaDha mA gajja / ubahasu peccha dharimA bhaeNaM kaha imA abja // 8 // mA kamaDha vahasa gavvaM mA taM iha saisa uttuNo ho / dharaNibharo kettulo garupAhimvi asthi garupayarA // 1 // kaliyaM bhoeNa mahiM dahaNaM mA hu muNaha lahuna ti / / kummamuhA garuattaM eAe tu.[31]........ [ // 82 // ] / lahuvaviuM gauraviuM bhISa tumaM caitra estha jANesi / lahuvavidhA sA vi mahI vahuvidhA sA vi bhattIe // 8 // dharaNi pahiM divaM garuataM tu vihAra kerisayaM / lahuanteNaM divaM bhoeNaM taM pi kerimayaM // 4 // harijaNaM pasuhatthA bhoeNaM dharaNi jaM. tumaM dhriyaa| ha . . [32]. . . . . . . saha saJcaM taM tuhaM dAuM // 8 // duhattaM na ya virayasi jaMpasi na ya kiM pi kuNasi na viruI / mauNeNa vi garuSattaM gANaM kaha tuma harasi // 8 // lahuvAvinA hu dharaNIkulagiriNo sAyarA vi thAhavitrA / ettulaeNa karaNaM kiM vihizra hora maha kahasu // 8 // 1..[33]........... kAtaNa kulagiripyamaho / bhopa tae paDhama ciSa jA racca vAsu tA ehiM // 8 // kamaThakaDAiTipAe garuSataM tupha puhara kerisayaM / sodhipabhopabhupAe kerisayaM taM pi maha kahasu // 8 // 00. Rend pati 08. For cAhavicA see note on B. 2. 9. raeparadena. Read bahu. 5. Eg i , Delin. 1, 99; Beitrage zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen, 18, 1. Read garapAri vi and se note on B. 18. 83. vaha vidhA"vaDApitA from baDI=mahAna, Desin.7, 29, which has been retranslated into Sanskrit by bar3a. 88, Road epiI.

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No. 25.] TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR. 259 dharaNo tA lahuvavimA kulagiriNo sAyarA imaM gaya[f] / .... [34]. . . . . . . . . . . . tuha hipayaM kaha va na hu dhAra 200 vaDataM pasudina avahariUNaM mahIe bhIeNa / avaM cipa garumattaM divaM jaM mAi nahu hipae // 1 // kerisayaM pasudinnaM divaM purisehiM kerisaM hora / garuattaM dharaNi tumaM sAhasu kaha keNa gauravidhaM // 2 // dharaNimuhA lahuva[35][vitrA].........e[P] vi sayalA vi / pacchA bhAro bUDho narenda saccaM narendo si // 3 // garupANaM garuattaM hariUNaM rovijaM hu taM pappe / paragarumAe garuSo appA bhaNa keriso hoi // 4 // jo appama sayAsA bhAro garayo hu vubhae so hu / dharaNivahaNeNa bhUva ko tujA [36] . . . . . . . [ne5 // ] kummakirisesa diggayapamuhe jiNiUNa bhopa sayalapasU / kaM porisaM viDhataM pasujiNaNe hoi maha kahasu // 86 // kulagirisAyarapuhaIpamuha lahuvavasi ko nivArara / paralAhavakaraNaNaM appe bhaNa ko guNo caDara // 7 // kaha kaha vi mara [37]............esya jAva suhA / lahuvAvijaNa sA kaha valayaba tae samubUDhA // // pajjAvahi garupattaM loe jANaM sudaramArUDhaM / tANa vi kaha lahupattaM kehara paccha pAruDhaM // 2 // lahuvAvasu taM dharaNiM pisu daNDeNa kuNasu parva pi / jaM rucca taM virayama taha ra [38] . ........ // 10 // kamaDhakaDAhaM pharsTa kiriNo dADhA gayA hu sayasAI / jIe bhareNa mahIe khamgagge dharasi kaha taM pi // 11 // garaeNaM garamattaM pavahari nepa kA va phiDhera / tantama citra lahurSa parANa puNo taha ceSa // 12 // R. Read gfcefs and it fer. OM Read khu instead of t. 5. For sayAsA compare note on B.T. Read'kara. er face, Gr. 228, 286, 566. form is derived from the stem of the present forv., Gr. $ 478. 17. For caDara compare note on B.7. 28. Read valayaM ba.. 26. kahara, Gr. $149. poo. For for nee Weber oa Bala, 171. 101. phara= pharNa, Defin. 6,88, sarpasya sarvazarIraM phaSasa. dADhA, Gr.876. gayA sayasAImavA: khadamArca, "they grieve at their fate; compare Desin. 1, 6. 101. phira, H6.4,177. Rond saMtama. 212

Page #299
260 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII tara dharitrI dharaNibharo lahuo valaya[39]mva tuha bhue sahara / kumApamahahiM so vi hu caDio bhAro va paDihAi // 13 // dharaNI mahAvagaruA bhoeNaM dhAriSa tti agarA / ehiM mIe samuhaM ko pecchaha pacchiuntara // 104 // arNimAlahimAiguNa tuha Ayatte mae hu vivAyaM / samAvimA vi dharaNI ka[40]Nu tae sA vi gauravitrA // 105 // sahudhAvidhA hu dharaNI lahuvitraM manae na appANaM / tara sarapa tti esA garu attANayaM muNai // 10 // diyo vi hu kanheNaM imIe iha gAro hu khoNoe / paDihAi netra garuo lahuattaM tai kayaM garu // 107 // milavi [41] pahiM dhariA saMkiavittAsapirI thakkA / dharaNI kaMpummukkA ajjaparaM bhopa saMpannA // 108 // kulagiriNo bhUmiharA sayalA vi hu lahudA ihaM jeNa / teNa sayaM nimmaviyaM enaM siribhoarAeNa // 10 // // No. 26.- DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. BY PROFESSOR F. KILDOEN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. (Continued from page 8.) From the Government Epigraphist's collection of inscriptions Mr. Venkayya again has sent me for examination large number of dates, of which I here publish 36 dates of Chola kings. The most important of them is No. 101, which has only quite lately been discovered by Mr. Venkayya. It is of the reign of Parantaka I. and, together with my date No. 55, proves that this king commenced to reign between (approximately) the 15th January and the 25th July A.D. 907. Of the other dates, one (No. 102) is of the reign of Rajendra-Chola I., and one (No. 106) of the reign of Rajaraja II.; 3 datos (Nos. 103-105) belong to Vikrama-Chola, 8 (Nos. 107-114) to Kulottuiga-Chola III. (Virarajendra-Choladeva, Tribhuvanaviradeva), 16 (Nos. 115-130) to Rajaraja III., and 6 (Nos. 131-136) to Rajendra-Chola III. These dates in every way confirm the correctness of the general results previously obtained; at the same time, they enable us to give within narrower limits the times during which some of the kings to whom they belong must have commenced to reign. Thus it may be aflirmed now that RajendraChola I. commenced to reign between (approximately) the 27th March and the 7th July A.D. 1012; Rajaraja II. between (approximately) the 27th March and the 11th July A.D. 1146%3; Kulottunga-Chola III. between (approximately) the 6ths and 8th July A.D. 1178, and Rajaraja III. between (approximately) the 27th Jane and the 10th July A.D. 1216. 103. Read valayaM va. sahara, He. 4, 100. Read deghi . 104. Rend parihaM nhin samu% saMmukhaM. Read pecchiuM tara and compare note on A. 50. 1.5. Read jIra'. 1... Read karAI. 1.8. milavi, Gr. 5588. For yA see note on A. 40. . ISee No. 102. . .See No. 106. ISe No.108. *Soo Nos. 120 and 119.

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No. 26.] Mr. Venkayya has discovered and sent to me a third date of the king Farantaka I., which should admit of verification, and which I have examined but do not venture to publish yet. I am also keeping back a number of dates of Kulottunga-Chola II. and Rajadhiraja II, because I am not fully convinced of the correctness of my general results. The discovery of additional dates of these kings is highly to be desired and would be of considerable importance. Mr. Venkayya has kindly checked the readings of the original dates here published, after they were in print. DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. A. PARANTAKA I. 101.-In the Sivalokanatha templo at Gramam.1 nalu 16 Svasti sri [*] Kali[y]uga-varsham nalayirattu nar[pa]17 ttu Madiraikonda kb-Pparakiaripagmag[nra] nal [i]rattu 18 ku yandu 36avadu Kali[y*Ju 19 painingandry inatte elu[la] 20 muppattu elu 22 23 [gara-nyagru-Chobani-kkilamai i[v]v-attai MaIravadi-n[a!]. perra "(In) the Kaliyuga year four thousand and forty-four, the 36th year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman who took Madirai, on the fourteen-hundred-thousand, seven[ty] .. [thousand] thirty-seventh day... .... Kaliyuga. . . the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Saturday of the month of Ma[kare] in this year." . On 261 For the current year 4044 of the Kaliyuga this date corresponds to Saturday, the 14th January A.D. 943, which by the Arya-siddhanta was the 23rd day of the month of Makara, and on which [the 6th tithi of the bright half of Magha ended 18 h. 21 m., while] the nakshatra was Revati for 9 h. 12 m., after mean sunrise. The preceding Makara-sam kranti, according to the Arya-siddhanta, had taken place 8 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 23rd December A.D. 942, when the ahargana, calculated by Warren's Table, was 1477014d. 8 h. 33 m. That Friday, therefore, was the 1477015th day of the Kaliyuga, and Saturday, the 14th January A.D. 943, the 1477037th day, the day which, without any doubt, was put down in the original date. Above, Vol. VII. p. 1, I have stated that between A.D. 900 and 985 the Chola date No. 55, which is of the 40th year of the reign of Parantaka I., must correspond to either the 24th July A.D. 919 or the 25th July A.D. 946. The present dato No. 101, which is of the 36th year of the same reign and corresponds to the 14th January A.D. 943, shows that the second alternative given by me really furnishes the true equivalent of the date No. 55. And the two dates together prove that Parantaka I. commenced to roign between (approximately) the 15th January and the 25th July A.D. 907. I may add that this is the earliest known Chola date which can be verified, and that of the 136 dates hitherto examined it is the only one in which the era of the Kaliyuga is quoted. Among the same dates, 18 quote the Saka era; and of these, 12 are in Kanarese, 4 in Telugu, and only 2 (No. 6 of S. 1030, and No. 16 of S. 1119) in Tamil inscriptions. The Saka year 991 is quoted in the date of a Tamil inscription of Virarejendra, which does not admit of verification. B.-RAJENDRA-CHOLA I. 102. In the Darukavanesvara temple at Tiruppalatturai, sri [*] Tiru mann[i] valara 1 Sva[sti] [Ppa][ra karipa[ama]r-aga ari-Rajentra(ndra)-Choldevaska [hou 1 No. 735 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905. 2 Read Irevadi.. * No. 275 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903. ko5avads)

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262 [VOL. VIII. ivv-apdu Mesha-na[ya"]rru Sev[va] [y]-kkilamai petra Badaiya-stir[und]]. "In [the 5th year] (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the glorious Rajendra-Choladeva,- on the auspicious (?) day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Tuesday of the month of Mesha in this year." 2 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. According to the result previously found for the commencement of the reign of RajendraChola I., this date will be expected to fall in A.D. 1016 or A.D. 1017. In A.D. 1016 the month of Mesha contained no Tuesday on which the nakshatra was Satabhishaj. The date therefore apparently corresponds to Tuesday, the 28th March A.D. 1017, which was the 4th day of the month of Mesha, and on which [the 11th tithi of the dark half of Chaitra ended 21 h. 33 m., while] the nakshatra was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system from 5 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise to the end of the day, according to Garga from 5 h. 55 m. to 21 h. 40 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta from 6 h. 34 m. to 19 h. 3 m., after mean sunrise.- I can give no special reason why the day should be described as 'the auspicious day of Satabhishaj.' The date would prove that the reign of Rajendra-Chola I. could not have commenced before (approximately) the 27th March A.D. 1012. C.-VIKRAMA-CHOLA. 103. In the Tyagarajasvamin temple at Tiruvarur.3 1 Svasti [sri 1] Pu-malai midaindu 5 ko-Pparakesaripanmar-ana Tribhu[va nachakravattiga! sri-VikramaSaladvarkku y[3]pu 6 nalavadu Isha bha-n]ayarru [p]u[rvva]-pakshattu tri[ti] yaiyum [Bu]dan-[ki]lamaiyu[m] perra Tiruvadirai-na!. "In the fourth year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Choladeva, on the day of Ardra, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha." The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 10th May A.D. 1122, which was the 16th day of the month of Rishabha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of Jyaishtha) ended 16 h. 22 m., while the nakshatra was Ardra, by the equal space system for 12 h. 29 m., and according to Garga for 0 h. 39 m., after mean sunrise. 1 Pa-madu 2. 104. In the Tyagarajasvamin temple at Tiruvarur.* pu[pa]ra ko-Pparakiaripan [ma]relas Tiriba vanachchakravattiga] [Vi]kkirama[8]ladvarkku ya 3 pdu [n]alavadu Rishabha-nayar[ru] a[para-pakshat]tu [trit]i[yaiyum Budha]n-kilamai. yum perra Tiruvadirai-nal. "In the fourth year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, Vikrama-Choladeva, on the day of Ardra, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the [third] tithi of the [second] fortnight of the month of Rishabha." There can be no doubt that this date is identical with the preceding one, and that the reading in line 3 of the original should have been purva-pakshattu, not apara-pakshattu. 1 According to Mr. Venkayya the reading to all appearance is as given above; but he adds that 'tin nal may be intended. 2 See above, Vol. VII. p. 7. No. 564 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. No. 563 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.

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No. 26.] DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. 105. In the Tyagarajasvamin temple at Tiruvarur.1 1 Svasti ar[i] [11] Pu-madu punara 2.. ko-Pparakiaripanmar-Ana Tribhuvanach [cha]k[ka]rava[tti]ga! Vi[k]kirama-ladovarku yandu 8avadu Sing-gayar [a]pa[ra-ra]kkattu tritiyaiyum Sevvay-kkilamaiyum perra Revati-na[!]. "In the 8th year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, Vikrama-Choladeva,- on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the third tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha." 1 || Svasti 5 The date corresponds to Tuesday, the 18th August A.D. 1125, which was the 22nd day of the month of Simha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the dark half (of Bhadrapads) commenced 0 h. 34 m., while the nakshatra was Revati from3 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise. 6 [a 263 D.-RAJARAJA II. 106. In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalanjuli. sri [1] Pa maruviya Tiru-madu [m] ko-Pparak[a]ripa[nma]raga -Rajarajadva[r]kka ykodu padin[]riva[i]. e]diram=andu Karka[da]ga-na[ya]xxu ki[la]maiyum perra Pu[na]rpusattu nal. [aparapaksha]-tuvad[e]siyum Budan "In the year opposite the sixteenth year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the twelfth tithi [of the second fortnight] of the month of Karkataka." T[iri]buvapa[a]kkaravattigal According to the result previously found for the commencement of the reign of Rajaraja II., this date would be expected to fall in either A.D. 1162 or A.D. 1163. For A.D. 1163 my calculation has yielded no result that could be at all acceptable. Nor can a perfectly correct result be obtained for A.D. 1162; but in this year the choice would clearly lie between Wednesday, the 11th July, and Thursday, the 12th July, as may be seen from the following details: Wednesday, the 11th July A.D. 1162, was the 15th day of the month of Karkataka, The 12th tithi of the dark half (of Ashadha) ended on this day 0 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise; but the nakshatra was Ardra (by the Brahma-siddhanta for 8 h. 32 m., according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the equal space system for 22 h. 20 m., after mean sunrise), followed by Punarvasu. On the other hand Thursday, the 12th July A.D. 1162, was the 16th day of the month of Karkataka. On this day the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 22 h. 59 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 22 h. 20 m., after mean sunrise; but the tithi which ended on it, 1 h. 0 m. after mean sunrise, was the 13th, not the 12th, tithi of the dark half (of Ashadha). Obliged to choose between the two, I would decide in favour of Wednesday, the 11th July A.D. 1163, and assume that in the original date the nakshatra Punarvasu has been erroneously quoted instead of the immediately preceding nakshatra Ardra. 1 No. 556 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. Read -pakkattu. Compare below, No. 121. No. 628 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. See above, p. 2.

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264 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. I may da thai between A.D. 1146 and 1173 the only days for which the original date would bo perfectly correct are Wednesday, the 27th July A.D. 1155, and Wednesday, the 23rd July A.D. 1769, but that with neither of these days could the other dates of Rajaraja II. be roconciled. The date would appear to show that the reign of Rajaraja II. could not have commenced after (opproximately) tho Ilth July A.D. 1146, E-KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA III. 207.- iu tho Vedaranyesvara temple at Vedaranyam.1 1 (Svajati srit [11] T[i]r[i]buvanachchakkaravattiga! Srt-Kulottu[nga-sola. deror]kka pandu r[a]. 2 lavada Minandgarru (pu]rvva-pakshattu panjamiyum V[i]ykla-kkilamai yum pex[ro] 3 [U]rceani-1:21 "In the fourth ysar (of the reign) of the emperor of the threo worlds, the glorious Kulottanga-Oho!adeva, on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the ifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina." The date corresponds to Thursday, the 11th March A.D. 1182, which was the 17th day of the month of Mine, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half of Chaitra) ended 9 h. 25 m., while the nckshatra was Rohini for 20 h. 21 m. or 21 h. 1 m., after mean sunrise. 108.-Ia the Valisvara temple at Ramagiri. 1 Svaati ivi Dito] Tir[i]buvanach(cha)[kka*]ravattiga! sri-[VI]rarage[gda]ra SOlejdovox[k]icu gandu [ra]vadu Karkadaga-ngyarru apara-pakkshat[ta d@]yada siyum [Vila-kkilamaiyum perra Urosacni ]-na [?]. * In the ciutat you the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Virera ondze-Oradea-on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to & Thursday and to the iwelotitis of ile second fortright of the month of Karkataka." The date unioabteily corresponds to Thursday, the 5th July A.D. 1184, which was the 3th day of the month of Karkatala, and on which the nakshatra was Rohini the whole day. But the tithi which onded on this day, 18 . 7 m. after mean sunrise, was the 11th, not the 12th, tole of the dark half (cf Ashidha). The result shows that in the original the 12th Liths la bois vously cuoted instead of the lith. Tho resuit would aixo show that the roige of Kulottunga-Chola III. could not have connoscod 100zo ( roximately) the sth July A.D. 1178. i 1 Srbi . o 209.-- In the Vallivera tomple at Remagiri. Tiriluvanackciakkarava[r]ttiga! Sr[i]-Virardsend[i]ra-88[la]. . . . . u kravadu Karkadaga-na[ys]xru apara[da][da] (si) [1] Viyala-kbilamaiyum perra Uroba[n]i-nal. . h ? No. 2152 te Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. Wis tiny is a Kaipedi. Xo. A of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. * Rond - Reslette dra. * X5. 051 c tize Gevernment Epigraphist's collection for 1904. . Tiragarer les corrected si into ni.

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No. 26.) DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. 265 "In the sixth [year) (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Virarajendra-Chola[deva],- on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the twelfth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka." This date is practically identical with the preceding one, and contains the same mistake. 110.- In the Chandramaulisvara temple at Tiruvakkarai.! k[o]nd-aral[i]os sri-Kul[8]ttungaGoladevarku iy[A]ndu 16vada Magara-nayya (ya)rra irabattunalan= diyadiyum Tinga!-[ki]lamaiyum ama(pa)ra-pakshattu navamiyam perca Agilattu na. "In the 18th year (of the reign) of .......... the glorious Kulottunga-Chladeva, who was pleased to take.. . . . .,- on the day of Anuradhd, which corresponded to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight, to a Monday, and to the twenty-fourth solar day of the month of Makara." The date corresponds to Monday, the 17th January A.D. 1194. The preceding Makarasamkranti took place 6 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 25th December A.D. 1193, which was the first day of the month of Makara. The 24th day of the same month therefore was Monday, the 17th January A.D. 1194 ; and on this day the 9th tithi of the dark half of Magha) ended 19 h. 8 m., while the nakshatra was Anuradha, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 22 h. 40 m., and by the equal space system and according to Garga from 3 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise. 111.- In the Vedaranyesvara temple at Vedaranyam.* 1 [Sva]sti Sri [ll] Tribh[u]vanachchakkarayat[ti]gal Madurai[yam flamum Pan]diyan muli-ttalaisyam] 2 k[o]nd-aruliya kri-Kulottunga-[sola]devarku (yan]du i[ra]ba[a]@vadu Ishaba-nayarru 3 apara-pakkattu kada[si]yum [N]yax[xu-kki]lamaiya[m perra] U[t]tirada[t]ti=na!. "In the twentieth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chladeva, who was pleased to take Madurai, Ilam and the crowned head of the Pandya, - on the day of Uttardshadha, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Rishabha." The date oorregponds to Sunday, the 3rd May A.D. 1198, which was the 9th day of the month of Rishabha, and on which the 11th tithi of the dark half (of Vaisakha) ended 14 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise. But the nakshatra on this day was Uttara-Bhadrapada, for 7 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise. The result shows that in the original U[t]tirada[t*]ti= is an error for Uttiraffadi-,3 112.- In the Kailasanathasvimin temple at Kalla-Porumbur. 1 [HA]ra Svast[i] [1] [ll] T[i]r[i]buvaga(chcha]kkaravatt[i]ga[1 Ma]2 duraisyum f]la[mu]m Pandiyag m [u]di-ttalaiy[u]n= 3 [Gard(r)]va[ru]=gond-araliya fr-Kulottunga-soladavakku 4 . da yandi 23vada Vrischika-ngyarru apara-pakshattu tray[0]5 dab[iyum Ti]n[ga]t-k[i]lamai ylum [plerra Vida[gat]tu (nal]. No. 193 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. * No. 430 of the same collection. 1 In the month of Rishabha an 11th tithi of the dark half cannot possibly be joined with the nakshatra Uttardabadba (Uttirddam). * No. 588 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII, "In the 23rd year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Choladeva, who was pleased to take Madurai, Ilam, the crowned head of the Pandya and Karuvur, on the day of Visakha, which corresponded to a [Monday] and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Vrischika." 266 The date corresponds to Monday, the 6th November A.D. 1200, which was the 11th day of the month of Vrischika, and on which the 13th tithi of the dark half (of Karttika) ended 11 h. 46 m., while the nakshatra was Visakha, by the Brahma-siddhanta from 1 h. 58 m., according to Garga from 5 h. 55 m., and by the equal space system from 18 h. 24 m., after mean sunrise. 113. In the Kailasanathasvamin temple at Kalla-Perumbur,1 1 [Hara Svasti ari [11] Tiribuvana[ch]chakkaravattiga! Madu[r]ai[yu*]2 [m] [I]lamum Pandiyan mudi-talaiyu[m] kondu arali3 [ya] eri-Kulttungs-S6jadevakku yandu 25 4 vadu Karkadaga-nayar[ru] [pu]rvva-paksha[t]tu pa[n]ja [m]iyum Budan-kila[m]ai pe[r] 5 Utt[i]rattu pa]]. "In the 25th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chojadeva, who was pleased to take Madurai, Ilam and the crowned head of the Pandya, on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Karkataka." The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 24th July A.D. 1202, which was the 28th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 10 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 53 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 21 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise, was the 4th, not the 5th, tithi of the bright half (of Sravana). Accordingly, we should have expected chaturthiyum in the original instead of pa[n]ja[m]iyum. 114. In the Vedaranyeevara temple at Vedaranyam.3 [1] [*] Tribuvagachchakkaravarttigal Madurai[y]u[m] 1 Svasti Ka[ralvarum Pandi[ya]n mud[i] 2 ttalaiyun-gondu virar abishegamum visaiyar abishegamum panniy-a[ru]lina Tiri3 buvagaviradevarkku yandu 3[2]vadu Dapu-nayagru apara-pakshatta na[va]miyum Ti 4 ngat-ki[la]maiyum perra Sittirai-nal. "In the 3[2]nd year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, Tribhuvanaviradeva, who took Madurai, Karuvur and the crowned head of the Pandya, and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of vietors, on the day of Chitra, which corresponded to a Monday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus." The date corresponds to Monday, the 21st December A.D. 1209, which was the 27th day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the nakshatra was Chitra, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 21 h. 1 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 17 h. 44 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 12 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise, was the 8th, not the 9th, tithi of the dark half (ef Pausha). Accordingly, we should have expected ashtamiyum in the original instead of na[va]miyum. No. 584 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. 2 I.e. the Gandia-chaturthi. No. 427 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.

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No. 26.] DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. 267 F.-RAJARAJA III. 1 Svart Sva[sti] 115. In the Agastyesvara temple at Agattiyanpalli.1 [11] Tiriba (bn) va[ga]chchakkara(va][t]gal yandu iran[dada Kumba niyartu-pparva-pakkasha(paksha)-dadigaiyum Tingal-kilamaiyam perra Badaiyatta n. "In the second year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, on the day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Monday and to the second tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha." -Rajarajada[k]ku The date corresponds to Monday, the 29th January A.D. 1218, which was the 6th day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 2nd tithi of the bright half (of Phalguna) commenced 5 h. 15 m., while the nakshatra was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system for 9 h. 51 m., and according to Garga for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise. 116. In the Amalakeevara temple at Tirunellikkaval.3 1 Svasti eri [11] Tiribavana [ch]chakkaravattiga! sr[i]-Iraja[r]ajadeva[r]kku yandu evadia edirkm-kodu Kumma(mba)-nayst[r] parva-pakshatta chaturdesiyum Nayarru-kkila 2 maiyum perra Parat[tu na]]. "In the year opposite the eighth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, on the day of Purva-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."" The date undoubtedly corresponds to Sunday, the 23rd February A.D. 1225, on which the 14th tithi of the bright half (of Phalguna) ended 18 h. 4 m., while the nakshatra was Parva-Phalguni, by the equal space system from 7 h. 53 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 15 h. 6 m., and according to Garga for 20 h. 21 m., after mean sunrise. The day, however, did not fall in the month of Kumbha, but was the first day of the immediately following month of Mina. 117.- In the Akshayalingesvara temple at Kivalur.6 [eri-Raja ?]rajadevarkku Vellichatutthiyum 1 Svasti [] [1] Tiriba [valgachchakkara [va]ttiga! pa[1]&vads yandu Mesha-nayarru apara-pakshattu kkilamaiyum perra Malattu nal. "In the tenth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, [the glorious Rajajrajadeva, on the day of Mula, which corresponded to a Friday and the fourth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mesha." LU The date corresponds to Friday, the 17th April A.D. 1226, which was the 24th day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 4th tithi of the dark half (of Vaisakha) ended 20 h. 45 m., while the nakshatra was Mula, by the equal space system from 1 h. 19 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 53 m., and according to Garga for 13 h, 8 m., after mean sunrise. No. 605 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. Dadigai is a Tamil corruption of the Sanskrit dvittyd. No. 523 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. The ai of mai is engraved at the end of the preceding line. The Mina-sachkranti took place 18 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 22nd February A.D. 1225. No. 517 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904 2M 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. 118. 118.-In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalaxjuli. 1 . Tiribavanasa[k]karava[t]tiga! siri-[Raja(r)]ra[ja]devarkku yandu 124[va]du Sinna-na yaliru apara-pakkashat[t]u [ba]dutti[yu]m Tingal [k]ilamaiyum perra Utti..... "In the 12th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious [Raja]ra [ja]deva,- (on the day of) Utta . . . . ., which corresponded to a Monday and to the fourth tithi of the second fortnight the month of Simha." The date corresponds to Monday, the 2nd August A.D. 1927, which was the 6th day of the month of Simha, and on which the 4th tithi of the dark half (of Sravana) ended 17 h. 13 m.. while the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada for 7 h. 13 m., after mean sunrise. The result shows that the last words of the original date must have been Uttirattadi-nd). 119.- In the Valisvara temple at Ramagiri. 1 Svalsti sri [11] Tiri[b]uvanachcha[k]karavattigaleri-Irajairajadevarkku yandu pad[i]naruvadu Karkadaga-ngyarru padinklan=d[i]2 yadiyaga Viyala-kkilamaiyum puryva-pakshattu dasamiy[u]m Ap[i]lamum=agay anru. "In the sixteenth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious RAinrindeva, on the day of Anuradha, which was the tenth tithi of the first fortnight and n Thursday, corresponding to the fourteenth solar day of the month of Karkataka." The date will be expected to fall in A.D. 1231 or 1232, and it actually corresponds to Thursday, the 10th July A.D. 1281. In A.D. 1231 the Karkata-samkranti took place 9 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 27th June, which was the first day of the month of Karkataka; and the 14th day of the same month therefore was Thursday, the 10th July. On this day the 10th tithi of the bright half of Sravana) ended 15 h. 48 m., while the nakshatra was Anuridha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 23 h. 38 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 18 h. 24 m., after mean sunrise. The date shows that the reign of Rajaraja III. could not have commenced after (approximately) the 10th July A.D. 1216. 120.- In the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiruvannamalai.* 1 Svasti Sri [11"] Tir[i]b[vn]nachchakkara[va]ttiga! Sri-Rajarajad[vakku yandu 16vadu Ishapa(ba) nayorra iru[ba]ttettan=diyadiyam San[i]-k[ki]lamaiyum perra Mirugas[i]rishattu nal. "In the 16th year (of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, - on the day of Mrigasires, which corresponded to & Saturday and to the twenty-eighth solar day of the month of Rishabha." The date corresponds to Saturday, the 22nd May A.D. 1232. In A.D. 1232 the RishabhaBarnkranti took place 15 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 24th April. The first day of the month of Rishabha therefore was Sunday, the 25th April, and the 28th day of the same month was Saturday, the 22nd May, on which day the nakshatra was Mrigasiras, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the Brabma-siddhanta for 9 h. 12 m., after mean supries. 1 No. 630 of the Government Epigrapbist's collection for 1902. . Read -pakeskattu. No. 646 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. No. 485 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

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No. 26.] DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. 1 Svasti 191.- In the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiruvannamalai.1 Tr[i]buvagachchakkaravattigal eri-Irajairajadevarku 18vadu Kattigai-madam piranda padinelan(n)=diyadi[y]=ana kkilamalyum Revatiyum dadamiyum [plea 2 ipru. "In the 18th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, on this day, which corresponds to the tenth tithi, to (the day of) Rovati and to a Sunday, which is the seventeenth solar day after the commencement of the month of Karttigai." The date will be expected to fall in A.D. 1233, and it actually corresponds to Sunday, the 18th November A.D. 1233. In A.D. 1233 the Vrischika-samkranti took place 18 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, the 27th October. The first day of the month of Vrischika or Karttigai therefore was Friday, the 28th October, and the 17th day of the same month was Sunday, the 13th November. On this day the 10th tithi (of the bright half of Margasira) ended 2 h. 16 m., and the nakshatra was Revati from 3 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise. 122.-In the Akshayalingesvara temple at Kivalur.3 1 Om svasti svtr[][] Tribhuvagachchakravatt[i]ga! Tr[i]bhuvanachchakravatt[i]gal r[i]- Rajarajadovarku Dha]nu-[n]ayarru apara-pakshattu nahtamiyuma yandu pad[i]-[e]ttiva[du Naya 1 263 yandu Nayarru 2 ru-kk[i]lamaiyum perra Atta[t]tu nal. "In the eighteenth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the eighth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus." The date corresponds to Sunday, the 25th December A.D. 1233, which was the last day of the month of Dhanus (and the day of the Uttarayana-samkranti that took place 15 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise), and on which the 8th tithi of the dark half (of Pausha) commenced 5 h. 27 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 4 h. 36 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise. 123. In the Vedaranyesvara temple at Vedaranyam. [a]chcha[k]karavatt[i]ga[1] det-Rajarajadiva[x]ku y[4]edu Mi[da]na-nayarru-pp[u]rva-pakshattu 19[Arada] tiraiyodesiyum Nayarru-kkilamaiyum per Kai-n). "In the 19th year (of the reign) of the emperor of [the three worlds], the glorious Rajarajadeva, on the day of Jyeshtha, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mithuna." No. 515 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. No. 496 of the same collection. The date corresponds to Sunday, the 11th June A.D. 1234, which was the 17th day of the month of Mithuna, and on which the 13th tithi of the bright half (of Ashadha) ended 7 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Jyeshtha, by the equal space system the whole day, 1 No. 494 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. As there can be no doubt whatever here about the proper equivalent of the date, it inay be specially noted that the day of the date is combined, not with the nakshatra (Uttara-Bhadrapada) at the commencement of the day, but with the nakshatra (Revati) which only commenced 3 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise. Compare above, Nos. 102, 105 and 112.

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270 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 13 m., and according to Garga for 11 h. 50 m., after mean sanrise.-By the result previously found for the commencement of Rajaraja's reign this day fell in the 18th, not the leth, year of the king's reign. 124. In the Vaidyanathasvamin temple at Tittagudi.' 1 Svasti eri [ll] Tiribavasachchakkaravattigal fri-Raja2 rajadovarku gandu p atta-on badavadu Vrich3 chiga-ngyarru puryv&- pakshattu trayodasiyum 4 Nayarra- kilamaiyum (perra Asva]ti- na!. "In the nineteenth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious R&jarajadeva, on the day of Asvini, which corresponded to a Sunday, and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Vfischika." The date corresponds to Sunday, the 5th November A.D. 1234, which was the 9th day of the month of Vfischika, and on which the 13th tithi of the bright half (of Karttika) ended 8 h. 22 m., while the nakshatra was Asvini for 7 h. 18 m., after mean sunrise. 195.- In the Vighnesvara temple at Apbil. 1 Svasti sri [11] . . . . . . . . 15 . . Ti[r]i[ bu ]vanach[cha]kkaravattiga[1] 16 sri-Rajarajadevarku yandu pat17 *to[o]badavada Kumbha- na[ya]xru pu. 18 [ro]va-pakshattu panjam[i]yum Viyala-[k]ki. 19 Jamaiyu[m] perra Revati- nal. "In the nineteenth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, - on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha." The date corresponds to Thursday, the 25th January A.D. 1235, which was the 2nd day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half (of Magha) ended 6 h. 44 m., while the nakshatra was Revati for 4 h. 36 m., after mean sunrise. 126.- In the Rajatagiriovera temple at Tiruttengur. 1 Svasti sri [ll] Tribhuvanachchakkara (vat(r)]2 tiga! sri. Rasarasadevar[ku] 3 yanda 24 ediram=&ndu Mal4 gara-nayarra apara-pakshattu (chata]5 rddasiyam Sani-kkilamaiyum (pe"]. 6 Ira Uttiradattu na!. "In the year opposite the 24th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, - on the day of Uttarashadhi, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the fourteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Makara." The date corresponds to Saturday, the 19th January A.D. 1241, which was the 20th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 14th tithi of the datk half (of Pausba) ended 15 b. 22 m., while the nakshatra was Uttarashadha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 21 h. 40 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 15 h. 6 m., after mean sunrise. See above, p. 1 No. 20 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908. No. 601 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. * Part of the o of to is entered at the end of the preceding line. > No. 539 of the Goverument Epigraphist's collection for 1904.

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No. 26.] DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. 271 127. In the Vaidyanathasvamin temple at Tittagudi.! 1 Svasti rf [ll] Tiribuvagachchakkaravattiga! $rt-Irajarkjadevarka yandu 27vada Simha2 nkyaru purvva-pakshatta prathamai[y]am [B]adan-kilamaiyum perra Magattu na. "In the 87th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious R&jarajadeva, on the day of Maghe, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simba." The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 30th July A.D. 1242, which was the 2nd day of the month of Simba, and on which the 1st tithi of the bright half of the first Bhadrapada) ended 6 h. 6 m., while the nakshatra was Magha, by the equal space system for 5 h. 55 m., after mean sunrise. 128. In the Vedaranyesvara temple at Vedaranyam. 1 Sva(sti] & [ll] Tiribuvagachchakkaravattiga! Sri-Raja[ra]jade[va]rkku [ya]ndu 27[avadu] Ma[ga]ra-[n]&yarr[u] [apa*). 2 [ra]-pakahattu panjadesayum Tingal-kilamai yum] perta Pasatta na[!). "In the 27th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fifteenth tithi of [the second] fortnight of the month of Makars." In the month of Makara a fifteenth tithi of the second fortnight cannot possibly be combined with the nakshatra Pashya, and the probability therefore is that the second fortnight has been quoted erroneously for the first. But even with the first fortnight the date would be incorrect for the 27th year of the king's reign, a calculation for which and for the first fortnight has yielded Wednesday, the 7th January A.D. 1243. In my opinion it is highly probable that this date really belongs to the 21st year of R&jaraja's reign. For that year it would correspond to Monday, the 12th January A.D. 1997, which was the 20th day of the month of Makara, and on which the fifteenth tithi of the bright half of Magha) ended 20 h. 11 m., while the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 16 h. 25 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 14 h. 27 m., after mean sunrise. It may be noted that on this 12th January A.D. 1287 there was a total eclipse of the moon, visible in India. 129.- In the Valisvars temple at Ramagiri.. 1 Svasti orf [ll] Tir[i]buvana(chcha]kkara[va]ttiga! Srt-Irajaraja2 davagku yandu [2][valda Miduna-n[&]yarra muppattirand[&]3 nediyadiy-&ga Tingat-kisamaiyum parvva-pakshat 4 tu pradamaiyum Pa[sa]mum ego agru. "In the [2]oth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious RAjarfjadovo, on the day of Pushy, which was the first tithi of the brat fortnight and a Monday, corresponding to the thirty-second solar day of the month of Mithuna." 1 No. 19 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908. * No. 196 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. Mr.Venkayya now informa me thof the reading in line 1 of the original may really be 30, and that, what ww taken for 7, may be part of the fourish which denotes dvadu. On the other hand, he states that apara. pakahattu probably is the actual reading. * No. 666 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. The 8 of dt is engraved at the end of the preceding liue.

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272 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. This date would be expected to fall in A.D. 1244 or 1245, and it actually corresponds to Monday, the 26th June A.D. 1245. In A.D. 1245 the Mithuna-samkranti took place 9 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 26th May, which was the first day of the month of Mithuna; and the 32nd day of that month therefore was Monday, the 26th June. On this day the first tithi of the bright half (of the second Ashadha) ended 16 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga the whole day, and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 22 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise. The date shows that the reign of Rajaraja III. could not have commenced before (approximately) the 27th June A.D. 1216. 130. In the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiruvannamalai. [Tijribavagaabchakkaravattiga! 1 Svasti [srt] [*] yandu 30 vadu eri-Irjarjavar[k]ku Danu-nayarra apara-paksha [t]tu trnyb[dadi]yum 2 Anilamum perra Nayarru-kkilamai-nal. "In the 30th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, on a Sunday, which corresponded to (the day of) Anuradha and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus." [VOL. VIII. The date apparently corresponds to Sunday, the 17th December A.D. 1245, which was the 22nd day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the nakshatra was Anuradha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 17 h. 44 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 12 h. 29 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 15 h, 44 m. after mean sunrise, was the 12th, not the 13th, of the dark half (of Margasira).- The word trayodasiyum of the original therefore would be a mistake for tuvadasiyum. G.- RAJENDRA-CHOLA III. 131. In the Vedaranyesvara temple at Vedaranyam.3 sri [*] 1 Sva[sti] yandu 2 nalavadu 3 yum perra Tirabuvanachchakkaravattiga! eri-Irasendira-Soladevarkku Magara-nyaru-pparvva-pakshatta prathamaiyum Budan-kilamai Tiruvonattu nal. "In the fourth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladeva, on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara," The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 5th January A.D. 1250, which was the 12th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 1st tithi of the bright half (of Magha) ended 12 h. 45 m., while the nakshatra was Sravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 13 h. 47 in., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 15 h. 6 m., after mean sunrise. 182. In the Vedaranyesvara temple at Vedaranyam.* [y]andu [o]n 1 [Tir[i]bavanachchakkaravatti [ga]] -Rand[i]-80lade vaku 2 badavadu Magara-nayarru purva-[pa]kshattu dvitiyaiyum Sev[va-kki]lamaiy pe3 Ira Sadaiyattu nal. 1 The Karkata- or Dakshinayana-samkranti took place 0 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th June. 2 No. 50% of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. No. 423 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. No. 418 of the same collection.

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No. 26.] "In the ninth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladeva, on the day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the second tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara," DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. The date corresponds to Tuesday, the 12th January A.D. 1255, which was the 19th day of the month of Makars, and on which the 2nd tithi of the bright half (of Magha) ended 1 h. 21 m., while the nakshatra was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system for 17 h. 4 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., and according to Garga for 8 h. 32 m., after mean sunrise. 133. In the Rajatagirisvara temple at Tiruttengur.. 1 Svasti eri - yindu 1lvadin Tribhu[va ]nachchakravattiga! sri-Rajendra-Solade[va*]x[ku] ediram-andu Karkadaga-na[yar]ru apara-pakshattu Urosaniyum perra na[i]. T[i] 2 ngat-kila[m]siyum "In the year opposite the 11th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladeva, on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Monday of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka." The date corresponds to Monday, the 9th July A.D. 1257, which was the 13th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which [the 11th tithi] of the dark half (of Ashadha) ended 10 h. 59 m., while the nakshatra was Rohini, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 10 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise. 134. In the Vedaranyesvara temple at Vedaranyam. Tribhuva]pachobakkaravatt [igal] 273 1 Svasti ari y[an] 2 da 16[avadu] Rishaba-nyaru [p][rva]-pakahattu da[i][m] kilamaiyum 3 Uttiratta nal. [] "In the 18th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious [Raje]ndra-Choladeva, on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Monday and to the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha." det-Raj]ndira-S6[la]dbrarkku 135. 1 Svasti sri So[la]de[va]rkku [du]di[yaiy]um The date clearly corresponds to Monday, the 1st May A.D. 1262, which was the 7th day of the month of Rishabha, and on which the 11th tithi of the bright half (of Vaisakba) ended 17 h. 0 m., while the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise. By the result previously found for the commencement of the reign of Rajendra-Chola III. this day fell in the 17th, not the 16th, year of the king's reign. Tingat In the Vedaranyesvara temple at Vedaranyam. [1] Tiribava]gachchakkamaattigal [RA][i] [y]andu 1[8avadu Maga]ra-[n]ayarru [a]pa[ra]-pakshattu Budap-k[i]lamai[y]um perra T[i]ravo[at]tu [041]. 1 No. 531 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. The tithi is omitted in the original. No. 460 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. See above, p. 7. No. 494 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. * The rd of raft seems to have been written twice in the original. 2N

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274 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. "In the 1[8th] year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladeve, on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the second tithi of the second fortnight of the month of [Maka]ra." In the month of Makars a second tithi of the second fortnight cannot possibly be combined with the nakshatra Sravana, and the probability again is that the second fortnight has been quoted erroneously for the first. Undoubtedly the date corresponds to Wednesday, the 2nd January A.D. 1864, which was the 9th day of the month of Makers, and on which the 2nd tithi of the bright half (of Magha) commenced 0 h. 51 m., while the nakshatra was Sravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 9 h. 12 m., and by the Brahms-siddhinta for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise. - Accordingly, the reading in the original should have been purva-pakshattu, not a para-pakshattu. 186.- In the Tyagarajasvamin temple at Tiruvarur. 1 Svasti srih Tiribuvayachchakkaravarttiga! sri-Rajendra-solad&varkku pandu 20[4]vadu Ma[ga]ra-ngyarru purvva-pakshattu trayodasiyam Budhan. kilamaiyum [P]erra Punarpufatta na!. " In the 20th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladeve, on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara." The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 20th January A.D. 1268, which was the 27th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 13th tithi of the bright half of Magha) ended 19 h. 29 m., while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 21 h. 40 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 21 h, 1 m., after mean sunrise. No. 27.- DATES OF PANDYA KINGS. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. (Continued from Vol. VII. page 17.) Of the nineteen new Pandys dates here published, Nos. 44-56 confirm the general results previously arrived at concerning the kings Jatavarman Kulas@khara, Maravarman SundaraPandya I., Maravarman Kulasekhara I., and Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II., and reduce the periods during which the first and third of these kings commenced to reign to the times from (approximately) the 30th March to the 29th November A.D. 1190, and from (approximately) the 19th March to the 27th June A.D. 1268, respectively. The date No. 47 of Maravarman Kulasekhara I., which expressly connects & day in the 40th year of the king's reign with Saka-samvat 1229, has been partioularly gratifying to me, because I had independently found another date of his 40th year to fall in exactly the same Baka year. The dates Nos. 57-59 belong to a king Koperimelkondap Vikrama-Pandya, who commenced to reign between (approximately) the 13th January and the 27th July A.D. 1401; and Nos. 60-62 to a king Maravarman Vira-Pandya, who apparently commenced to reign between (approximately) the 13th March and the 28th July A.D. 1443. I have 35 other dates which seem to belong to 18 different Pandya kings. These cannot be published till more dates of the same kings have been discovered. No. 655 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. This tithi is a Kalpddi. * This until recently was the earliest known Saks year, quoted in Pandys date. Quite lately Mr. Venkayya has discovered a date of the 8th year of the Pandys Varsgans, coupled with the Saks year 792.

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No. 27.] DATES OF PANDYA KINGS. 2775 A.-JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA. 44.-In the Agastygsvara temple at Tiruchchunai.! 1 Tir[ibo]va[na]chchakkara[va]tt[i]ga! sri-Kulagegarade[vazku ya]ndu 13 edir 14va2 da SM@[la-n]@yar[ra &]para-pakkatta panjamiyum Budap-k[i]la[m]aiyum perra Mu(malattu 3 [n]A!. "In the 14th opposite the 18th year of the reign) of the omperor of the three worlde, the glorious Kulasekharadeva,- on the day of Mula, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mesha." The manner in which the regnal year is given in this date, the 14th opposite the 13th year'- in my opinion renders it highly probable that the date belongs to Jatavarman Kulasekhara of whom I have examined two dates, of the twelfth year opposite to the thirteenth,' and of the year opposite to the thirteenth,' s.e. of the 25th and 14th years, and whose reign I have found to commence between (approximately) the 27th February and the 29th November A.D. 1190.3 If this should really be the case, the date, being of the 14th opposite to the 13th, se of the 27th year, would have to fall in either A.D. 1216 or A.D. 1217. It is actually correct for Wednesday, the 29th March A.D. 1217. This was the 5th day of the month of Mesha, and on it the 5th tithi of the dark half of Chaitra) ended 9 h. 38 m., while the nakshatra was Mula, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 9 h. 12 m., according to Garga for 14 h. 27 m., and by the equal space system from 2 h. 38 m., after mean sunrise. With this result, I would definitely assign the date to Jatavarman Kulasekhara, the time for the commencement of whose reign would be reduced by it to the period from (approximataly) the 30th Maroh to the 29th November A.D. 1190. 45.- In the Agastyesvara temple at Tiruchchunai.5 1 olll Svasti ari [ll] Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga! siri(bri)Kulai(la)[Segara ]deva[x]ku i2 y[&]ndi padinra[ll]ora(ora) vadu Tula-nayar[ra] .. . [pakshat]tu ashtami3 yum Viyala-kkilama(mai)yam perra Pusattu nkl. "In the thirteenth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the eighth tithi of the . . . fortnight of the month of Tuls." This date is in the same temple as the preceding date, and is also one c. the Tribhwanachakravartin Kulasekharadeya. It may therefore be reasonably assumed that here also Kulabekhara is identical with Jatavarman Kulasekhara. A date of that king's 13th year would be expected to fall in A.D. 1202 or A.D. 1203, but for either year the date would be quite incorrect. My calculations have led me to suspect that the date may be one, not of the 13th, but of the 13th opposite the 13th year of Jatavarman Kulasekhara, and that its equivalent may be Thursday, the 6th October A.D. 1216. This was the 10th day of the month of Tuld, and on it the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 3 h. No. 181 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908. The la of M a is entered below them of the. * See above, Vol. VI. Pp. 801 and 802, Noe. 1 and 3. In the Pandya date No. 14, above Vol. VI. p. 807, Jagdvarman Sundara-Pandya I. is simply called the Tribhupanachakravartin Sundara-Pandyaddre. .No. 182 of the Government Epigraphint's collection for 1908. 2 x 2

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276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. 56 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 1 h. 58 m., after mean sunrise. The only difficulty is, that by our Tables the 8th tithi of the [dark] half (of Karttika) had ended 0 h. 26 m. before mean sunrise of the Thursday, and that therefore we should have expected the writer to quote the 9th tithi, not the 8th. B.-MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I. 46.- In the Sundaresvara temple at Madura.! 120,.... $r-ko MA121 capagmar=apa Trabhuvaga122 chobak karavattiga! Sona129 da kondu Mudigo(o)124 daslapurattu virar=&v&125 *bhishegamam vijaiya[r=8126 *va] bhishegamum pa[n]ni127 [y-a]ruliya sri-Sundara-Papdi128 yade[varku] yandu 1. 129 5vadu Dhanu-nayarra &130 para-pakshattu trayoda131 siyum Sevvay-kkila132 maiyum perra (Vi]s& 133 gattu [n][!]. "In the 15th year of the reign) of the glorious king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeve, who took the Chola country and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of victors at Mudigondabolapuram, on the day of Visakha, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus." I have previously found that Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. commenced to reign between (approximately) the 29th March and the 4th September A.D. 1216. With that commencement of his reign this date of the 15th year regularly corresponds to Tuesday, the 3rd December A.D. 1230, which was the 8th day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the 13th tithi of the dark half (of Margasira) commenced 4 h. 53 m., while the nakshatra was Visakha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., after mean sunrise. 0.- MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I. 47.- In the Tyagarajasvimin temple at Tiruvaror. 1 Svast[i] sr[i] [11] [K8 MA]rapan[mar Tirubu]vanachchakkaravattiga! eri Kulasegarade[va]rkku yandu 40vadu Mina-nayarra apa[ra]-pakshatta dasamiyum Tingal-kkila[m]aiyam perra Tiruvonattu na! . ..i-polavadu Sakadhi(ti)tam 1229. "In the 40th year (of the sign) of king Maravarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, - on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Monday and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mina. . . . . this day (ie. year) corresponds to Saka 1229 expired." 1 No. 61 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. * The d of Md is engraved at the beginning of the next line. Read Tribhuo. * Read abhithegao. * See above, Vol. VI. p. 314. No. 561 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.

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No. 27.] Above, Vol. VI. p. 310, No. 22, I have found that a date of the 40th year of Maravarman Kulasekhara I. corresponded to Saturday, the 24th February A.D. 1308 (in Saka-samvat 1229). This date No. 47, which also is of the 40th year, and which is expressly stated to have fallen in Saka-samvat 1229, regularly corresponds to Monday, the 18th March A.D. 1808, which was the 24th day of the month of Mina, and on which the 10th tithi of the dark half (of Phalguna) ended 11 h. 29 m., while the nakshatra was Sravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 10 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 12 h. 29 m., after mean sunrise. 1 48.-In the Jagannathasvamin temple at Tiruppullani.1 k[8] Marapan [ma]r-a[na Tribhu] .. [+]mmandalamum kond-aruliya er[]-Kulasegaradevarkku Karkadaga-nayarru mudal tiyad[i]yum [ttu] a[shtami yu]m [Ti]ngal-kilamaiyum Si]ttiraiyum nal. "In the [2]2nd year (of the reign) of king Maravarman [alias the emperor of the three worlds], the glorious Kulasekharadeva, who was pleased to take every country,- on the day which corresponded to (the day of) [Chi]tra, to a Monday, to the eighth tithi of the .. [fortnight], and to the first solar day of the month of Karkataka." 2. DATES OF PANDYA KINGS. gal [2]2vadu 277 The date corresponds to Monday, the 27th June A.D. 1288, which was the first day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the 8th tithi of the [bright] half (of Ashadha) ended 19 h. 46 m., while the nakshatra was Chitra, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 20 h. 21 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 17 h. 4 m., after mean sunrise. 40.-In the Adivaraha-Perumal temple at Singavaram." 1 Svasti sri [11] chchakkaravatt[ga] [ar]-Kulalgara[d]vaku y 2 ndu 30&vadu Simha-nayatzw-ppurvra-pakahatta Mu(mu)lattu nat-. -- yandu perra .. ko Marapanmar Tribhuvana Skadadadi)yam "In the 30th year (of the reign) of king Maravarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva,- on the day of Mula, which corresponded to the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simba." The date corresponds to [Wednesday], the 31st July A.D. 1297, which was the 4th day of the month of Simha, and on which the 11th tithi of the bright half (of Sravana) ended 18 h. 38 m., while the nakshatra was Mula, by the equal space system for 17 h. 4 m., and according to Garga for 4 h, 36 m., after mean sunrise. 1 No. 107 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903. 2 The Karkata- or Dakshinayana-samkranti took place 9 b. 26 m. after mean sunrise. perra 50.-In the Apaikatta-Perumal temple at Kalappa].* 1 Svasti srih [K] [M]arupan[mar Tiri]buvanachchakkaravatt[i]gal er[i]-Kalasegaradevark[ku] yandu 3[4]vadu Karkadaga-nayagru purvva-paksha[t]tu tr[i]t[i]yaiyyum San[i]-kkilamaiyum pera Magattu nal. No. 231 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. No. 661 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. "In the 34th year (of the reign) of king Maravarman (alias) the emperor of the -three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva,- on the day of Magha, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Karkataka.

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278 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. The date apparently corresponds to Saturday, the 8th July A.D. 1301, which was the 12th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the nakshatra was Magha, by the Brahmasiddhanta for 13 h. 47 m., according to Garga for 16 h. 25 m., and by the equal space system from 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 12 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise, was the 2nd, not the 3rd, tithi of the bright half (of Sravana).- Accordingly, the word tv [6]+[C]yaiyyum of the original seems to be a mistake for doitiyaiyyum. 51.- In the Pasupatisvara temple at Allur.! 1 Svasti eri [ll] Ko [M]Arapanmar=ana 2 Tiribuvana[ch]chakkaravattiga3 ! sri-Kulasegaradevarku y[&]4 ndu 29vadu Karkada5 ga-nayarru apara-pakshattu tra6 'yodesiyum Sani-k[i]lamaiyum pe 7 tra Punapusatta nal. "In the 20th year of the reign) of king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, - on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka." For the 29th year of Maravarman Kulasekhara 1. this date would be expected to fall in A.D. 1296 or A.D. 1297 ; but neither of these years yields a satisfactory result. I can therefore only suggest that the date may be one of the 39th year of the king's reign. For that year it would regularly correspond to Saturday, the 9th July A.D. 1308, which was the 12th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the 13th tithi of the dark half (of Ashadha) ended Sh. 34 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the Brahma-siddhanta the whole day, according to Garga from 2 h. 38 m., and by the equal space system from 14 h. 27 m., after mean sunrise. The two dates Nos. 47 and 48 reduce the period, during which Maravarman Kulasekhara I. must have commenced to reign, to the time from (approximately) the 19th March to the 27th June A.D. 1268. D. - JATAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II. 52.- In the Devanayaka-Perumal temple at Tiruvendipuram. I . Svasti Sri [l*] Kor-Chchadai[pa]gmar Tiribavanachchakkaravattiga! sri Sundara-Pandiyadevarkku yanda 10[avadu) patta[va]du Karkadaga-nayarra 2 apara-pakshattu panjamiyum Tingal-kilamaiyum perra Revati-na!. "In the 10th-tenth-year of the reign) of king Jata varman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva, on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fifth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka." For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II., whose reign has been found to commence between (approximately) the 13th September A.D. 1275 and the 15th May A.D. 1276,6 this date corresponds to Monday, the 23rd July A.D. 1285, which was the 27th day of the month of 1 No. 379 of the Governinent Epigraphist's collection for 1903, ? Part of the 8 of yo is engraved at the end of the preceding line. * For Maravarman Kulasekbara II. the date would be incorrect. * No. 56 may be a date of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. * No. 137 of the Government Epigrapbist's collection for 1902. o See above, Vol. VI. p. 314.

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No. 27.] DATES OF PANDYA KINGS. Karkataka, and on which the 5th tithi of the dark half (of Sravana) ended 9 h. 4 m., while the nakshatra was Revati for 18 h. 24 m., after mean sunrise. For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. the date would be incorrect. 53.- In the Devapurisvara temple at Tevur.1 1 Sva[][][] [*] Kor=[Ch]chadaipagma[r]-aga [Tiribava]pachchakkaravatt[i]gal 2 sri-Sundira-Pandiyadevarkku yandu 1[1]vadu Mrichchiya-ni shashti (shthi) yum [Buda]p-kilamaiyum 3 [ya]ru apara-pakshattu 4 sattu nal. 279 "In the 1[1]th year (of the reign) of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the sixth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Vrischika." For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. this date apparently corresponds to Wednesday, the 29th October A.D. 1287, which was the first day of the month of Vrischika,3 and on which the 6th tithi of the dark half (of Karttika) ended 7 h. 52 m., while the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 15 h. 46 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 13 h. 47 m., after mean sunrise. But by the previously found result this day would fall in the 12th, not the 11th, year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II.5 For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. the date would be quite incorrect. 54. In the Kalisvara temple at Kalaiyarkovil.6 [sri]-ko-Chchadaipa[n]mar=ana 1. perra Pu stri(tri)[bhuva)ga chchakkarava]ttigal [del]-Sundara-Pindi 2 yadevarku iyandu 12vadu Simna(mha)-nayarru [3]1 tedi? [apa]ra-[pa]ksha[t]tu tri[tilyai[yu]m Buda 3 n-kila[m]aiyu[m] perra Ireba (va)di-nal. "In the 12th year (of the reign) of the glorious king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Wednesday, to the third tithi of the second fortnight (and) to the [3]1st solar day of the month of Simha." For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. the date apparently corresponds to Wednesday, the 27th August A.D. 1287, when the 3rd tithi of the dark half (of Bhadrapada) ended 16 h. 22 m., while the nakshatra was Revati for 8 h. 32 m., after mean sunrise. But this day was the 30th, not the 31st, day of the month of Simha, the Simha-samkranti having taken place 1 No. 518 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. 2 Read Vrischika.. The Vrischika-samkranti took place 17 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 28th October A.D. 1287. See above, Vol. VI. p. 314. No. 575 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. 7 The word tedi is denoted by a symbol. Mr. Venkayya, who has checked the readings of the original dates after they were in print, has informed me that the second figure of the regnal year cannot be read 2, but may be 9. And I find that for the 19th regnal year of Jatavarman Suudara-Pandya II. the above date would regularly correspond to Wednesday, the 10th November A.D. 1294, which was the 14th day of the month of Vrischika, and on which the 6th tithi of the dark half (of Karttika) ended 17 h. 17 m., while the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Gargs for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise. Nevertheless, I am not fully convinced that the date really belongs to the 19th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. For the 19th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. it would be incorrect.

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 8 n. 15 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 29th July A.D. 1287 (which was the first day of the month of Simha). For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. the date would be quite incorrect. 55. In the Aksheevara temple at Achcharapakkam. 1 Svasti eri [1] Kor-Chalapagmar Tiri[buvana Jchchaka.avatti [Pandiyadeva[r][k]ku ya[n]du 13ku edir [2ava]du Kan eri-Bu[0]lare 2 i-nayatu apara-[pa]kshattu Tingat-kila[m]aiyu[m] saptamiyum perra Ro[a]-[!]. "In the [2nd] opposite the 13th year (of the reign) of king Jatavarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Monday and to the seventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kanya." For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. the date apparently corresponds to Monday, the 28th August A.D. 1200, when the 7th tithi of the dark half (of Bhadrapada) ended 9 h. 38 m., while the nakshatra was Rohini, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 9 h. 51 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 9 h. 12 m., after mean sunrise. But this day was the last day of the month of Simha, which immediately precedes the month of Kanya." For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. the date would be quite incorrect. 56.-In the Darukavaneevara temple at Tiruppalatturai.3 1 Svasti sri [*] K[o Chchad Jaipanmar=&[na] Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! sri-Sundira-[P]andiyadevarkku yandu 29[Avada] on[bs]diradu [M]sha-[na)yapra Velli-kkilamaiyam perra Katta (tti)gai-ni pl[rva]-pakabaita triti(t)yalyam 3 [!]. "In the 9th- ninth-year (of the reign) of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara- Pandyadeva, on the day of Krittika, which corresponded to a Friday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mesha." My examination of this date does not enable me to decide whether it belongs to Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. or to Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. According to the previously obtained result, the 9th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. should have commenced between (approximately) the 20th and 28th April A.D. 1259; but there is no day from April A.D. 1259 to the end of A.D. 1260 for which the date would be correct. The date would be correct for Friday, the 28th March A.D. 1259, which was the 3rd day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of the second Chaitra) ended 16 h. 56 m., while the nakshatra was Krittika, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 6 h. 34 m., according to Garga for 7 h. 53 m., and by the equal space systom for 19 h. 42 m., after mean sunrise. By what we have found before, this day would fall in the 8th, not the 9th, year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. If the date were one of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II., it should fall in either A.D. 1284 or A.D. 1285. Here again it would be incorrect for either year. It would be correct for 1 No. 252 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901. The Kanya-samkranti took place 3 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 29th August A.D. 1290, which was the 1st day of the month of Kanya. No 283 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903. The a of nd- is engraved at the beginning of the next line. See above, Vol. VI. p. 314.

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No. 27.] DATES OF PANDYA KINGS. Friday, the 29th March A.D. 1286, which was the 4th day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of the first Vaisakha) ended 19 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Krittika exactly as stated above under the other date. But this day would fall in the 10th or 11th, not in the 9th, year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. The result is that the date is one of either the 8th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I., or the 10th (or 11th) year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. E. KONERANMAIKONDANI VIKRAMA-PANDYA. 57. In the Vriddhapurisvara temple at Tiruppunavasal." 1 Svasti sr[i] [*] Sakabdam 2 1339n mel eri 3 Koneranmaiko[n] 4 dan-Tribhuvanachchakravatti 5 sri-Vikrama-Pandyadevar 6 [2avadu e]dir 15 Makara-nayarru 7 purvva-pakshattu panjamiyum 8 Budha-v[a]ramum perra Uttara (ra)9 [adi]-. "In the 15th opposite the [2nd year] (of the reign) (of) the glorious Koneran maikondan, the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Pandyadeva, (which was current) after the Saka year 1339,- on the day of Uttara-Bhadrapada, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara." For Saka-samvat 1339 expired this date regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 12th January A.D. 1418, which was the 17th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half (of Magha) ended 11 h. 12 m., while the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada for 11 h. 10 m., after moan sunrise. 3 Attattu nal. 58. In the Virattanesvara temple at Kilur. 1 Svasti sr[i] [] [] Kogerimelkondig Konerimelkondan Vikkirama-Pandiyade[varka Karkadaga-nayarru 2 yandu 8avadu kkilamaiyum [p]en 281 Tribhu [va]nachchakkaravattiga! purvva-pakshattu panjamiyum sr[i]Velli "In the 8th year (of the reign) of Koperimelkondan, the emperor of the three worlds. the glorious Vikrama-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Friday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Karkataka." 1 Koneraguaikondan or Konerimelkondan. No. 612 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. No. 287 of the same collection. Judging by the preceding date, this date would be expected to fall in about A.D. 1408, and it actually corresponds to Friday, the 27th July A.D. 1408, which was the 30th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half (of Sravapa) ended 18 h. 16 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 9 h. 51 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 6 h. 34 m., after mean sunrise. 20

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282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. tical 50.-In the Sivankuresvara temple at Tirthanagari. 1 Svasti sri [-] . Koner[i]2 melkond (]n Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga! 3 gri-Vikkira(ma* ]-Pandiyadevarkku yandi na4 1[4]vadu Kumba-nayarru purvva-pakshattu triti(ti)yaiyum 5 N[aya]rra-kkilamaiy[u]m perra Uttirattu nal. " In the fourth year of the reign) of Konerimelkondan, the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikra[ma]-Pandyadeve, on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha." The date is intrinsically wrong because in the month of Kumbha & tithi of the first fortnight cannot be joined with the nakshatra Uttara-Phalgani; and the probability is, that either the first fortnight has been erroneously quoted instead of the second, or Uttara-Phalguni instead of Uttara-Bhadrapada. For the month of Kumbha of the king's 4th year the choice of an equivalent of the date lies between Monday, the 2nd February, and Sunday, the 15th February, A.D. 1405. Monday, the 2nd February A.D. 1405, was the 9th day of the month of Kumbha, and on it the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of Phalguna) ended 14 h. 27 m., while the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada for 17 h. 44 m., after mean sunrise. On the other hand Sunday, the 15th February A.D. 1405, was the 22nd day of the month of Kumbha, and on it the 2nd tithi of the dark half (of Phalguna) commenced 6 h. 18 m., while the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 18 h. 24 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 15 h. 6 m., after mean sunrise. I am inclined to assume that this second day, Sunday, the 15th February A.D. 1405, is the true equivalent of the date, and that the writer of the original has wrongly quoted the first fortnight instead of the second, and the third tithi instead of the second (dvitiyaiyum). Under any circumstances the two dates Nos. 57 and 58 would prove that Konerimelkondan Vikrama-Pandya commenced to reign between (approximately) the 13th January and the 27th July A.D. 1401. F.-MARAVARMAN VIRA-PANDYA. 60.-In the Visvanatha temple at Topkasi. 1 Svasti sri [ll] Ko Maravarmmar-ana Tribhuvanascba(cha)kravattigal sri-Vira Pandiyadevarku yandu irand&vadin edir pad[iponravadu Karkkataka-nayarzu muppadan=diyadiyum pa[rn]aiyum Soma-varamum perre Tiruvo[na]ttu na!. "In the eleventh opposite the second year of the reign) of king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Monday and to the full-moon tithi and to the thirtieth solar day of the month of Karkataka." Between A.D. 1300 and 1500 the only year for which this date would be correct is 1455. In this year the Karkata-sam kranti took place 8 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 29th June, which was the first day of the month of Karkataka. The 30th day of the same month 1 No. 124 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. ? For the month of Makars and the 3rd tithi of the dark half the date would correspond to Sunday, the 18th January A.D. 1405, with Uttarabalguns. * N.o 196 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895.

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No. 27.] DATES OF PANDYA KINGS. therefore was Monday, the 28th July A.D. 1455, and on this day the full moon tithi (of Sravana) ended 21 h. 25 m., while the nakshatra was Sravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 13 h. 8 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 14 h. 27 m., after mean sunrise. 61.In the Kalisvara temple at Kalaiyarkovil.1 1 Svasti eri [1] Ko [M]ara [pa]nmar-aga [Tri]bhuva[na]sa[kra] vatti[ga] sri[Vi][ra]-Pa[n]diyade[va]rku [y]&n[du] 14va[du] Ma[gara]-na[ya ]rru [a]para-pakshattu-[ppadjam]i[yum N][ys]rru-kkilamai[yum] perta 283 2 nal. "In the 14th year (of the reign) of king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vi[ra]-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the fifth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Makara." If the day given under No. 60 is the true equivalent of that date, and if the present date belongs to the same king, this date will be expected to fall in about A.D. 1456. And the date would actually be correct for Sunday, the 16th January A.D. 1457, which was the 21st day of the month of Makara, and on which the 5th tithi of the dark half (of Magha) ended 5 h. 36 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 13 m., after mean sunrise. 62. In the Virattapesvara temple at Tiruvadi. 2 [K]o Mara]panmar T[irib]uvana 3 chchakkaravattigal eri-V[i]ra-Pa-3 4 ndiyadevarku yan 5 du padinalavadu Mina-nayag 6 ru apara-pakshattu prathamai 7 [yu]m Sani-kk[ila]mai[y]um [per]ra Attattu nal. "In the fourteenth year (of the reign) of king Maravarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the first tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mina." Judging by the two preceding dates, this date, if the three dates belong to one and the same king, would be expected to fall in A.D. 1456 or 1457; and the date would actually be correct for Saturday, the 12th March A.D. 1457, which was the 16th day of the month of Mina, and on which the first tithi of the dark half (of Phalguna) ended 10 h. 21 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise. The results set forth under Nos. 60-62 would appear to prove that the three dates really belong to one and the same king, and that this king, Maravarman Vira-Pandya, commenced to reign between (approximately) the 13th March and the 28th July A.D. 1443. I may state here that I have a date, which does not admit of verification, of the 17th opposite the 2nd, i.e. the 19th year, and of Saka-samvat 1361, of a king Maravarman, alias the emperor of the three worlds, Tirunelveli-Perumal, the glorious Vira-Pandyadeva. This king would have commenced to reign about A.D. 1421, and cannot be identical with the Magavarman Vira-Pandya of Nos. 60-62. No. 578 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. 2 No. 57 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903. The secondary & is repeated at the beginning of the next line. The word Sani-kk[ila]maily Jum is entered above the line. No. 178 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895. Compare also Mr. Venkayya's Report for 1904-05, p. 56. 202

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294 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. No. 28.-BETUL PLATES OF SAMKSHOBHA; THE GUPTA YEAR 199. By Hira LAL, B.A., Extra ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER ; NAGPUR. These plates were found by me in the possession of Sahib Lal Singh, Malguzar of Betul in the district of the same name in the Central Provinces, in March 1905. Sahib Lal Singh, though belonging to an old respectable family, is a Kurmi-a prominent cultivating caste of Northern India, who of course are not entitled to accept any charitable gifts. The plates clearly do not belong to his family, and Sahib Lal Singh is unable to explain how it came by them. His forefathers belonged to the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh and came to Betul five generations ago. They left their native place in the Unao district in Oudh about 180 years ago and are believed to have lived in the Hoshangabad, Narsinghpur and Nagpur districts. Apparently they brought the plates with them, having obtained them somewhere in Narsinghpur which adjoins Jabalpur. These are two copper-plates, with a hole (a" in diameter) in each for the ring or seal, which is lost. The first plate measures 74" by 513" and the second 74" by 63", the weight of each being 12 ozs. 6 drs. and 13 Ozs. 17 grs. respectively. Both the plates are quite smooth, sufficiently thick, and in an excellent state of preservation. They are inscribed on one side only, and some of the letters show through on the backs of them; and but for a fanlt in the second plate, which has caused a hole in diameter in the last line, obliterating portions of the numerical symbols of the year (which has been fortunately stated in words in the beginning), the inscription throughout is very legible. I bave deciphered the text from the original plates, an impression of which was very kindly made for me by Mr. H. Cousens. At Prof. Hultzsch's instance Mr. H. Krishna Sastri prepared fresh impressions, which are reproduced on the accompanying Plate. The average size of the letters is abont ". The letters are smaller about 1 at the beginning of each plate. They gradually grow bigger, attaining the highest size about "at the end. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. Final forms of m occur in 11. 13, 17, 25, and of t in 1l. 21 and 25. Orthographical peculiarities are the use of a before sa in 11. 12 and 14, and of b for v in sambatsara (1l. 2, 3 (twice), 29) and paribrijaka (1. 5). The letter t is doubled in gottra (1. 5, but not in l. 15), puttra (11. 6, 16, 28), panttra (1. 16) and opittror(1. 12). The last line contains the numerical symbols for 100, 10, 90 and 9, the two last of which, as stated before, are partially obliterated. The language is Sanskrit prose, excepting four benedictive and imprecatory verses quoted in 11. 21-27. The inscription is one of the Parivrajaka Maharaja Samkshobha and is dated in the year 199 of the Gupta era (A.D. 518-19), in the Mahamargasirsha-samvatsara, on the tenth tithi of the month Karttika, without specifying the fortnight and the week day. Another grant of the samo king, which was found near Khoh by General Cunningham in 1879 and is dated in the Gupta year 209 (A.D. 528-29), was republished by Dr. Fleet in his Gupta Inscriptions, p. 112 ff. The text of both inscriptions is very similar, and both were written by the same Isvaradasa. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of half of the village Prastaravataka and a quarter of Dvaravatika in the province of Tripuri by the Mahurija Samkshobha to the Brahman Bhanusvamin of the Bharadvaja gotra. The value of the inscription chiefly lies in the mention of geographical names, as, with regard to the history of the donor himself, it adds nothing new to what is given in the Khoh plates. The genealogy of the Mahurija Samkshobha in both

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No. 28.) BETUL PLATES OF SAMKSHOBHA. 285 is the same, and in both he is stated to be ruling the Dabhald-rajya, which had come to him by inheritance together with all the country included in the eighteen forest kingdoms. The present inscription goes to show that Tripuri was a province of the Dabhala kingdom. We know Tripuri well. It was the name of the capital of the Haihayas or Kalachuri kings, the present Tewar, six miles from Jabalpur,- and it apparently also gave its name to the surrounding province. If this be correct, as is very probable, the Kalachuri domination in the country about Jabalpur disappears at least between A.D. 475 and 528, when the Parivrajaka Maharajas ruled the country, as proved by their inscriptions actually found. The Kalachuris of Ratanpur may have been dominant at that time in Mahakosala, but not in the northern country about Tripari. Dr. Fleet says that " in Dabhala we have undoubtedly the older form of Dahala, Dahala, Dahala or Dahala, which was in later times a province of the Haihayas or Kalachuris of Tripura near Jabalpur, whose original capital was Kalinjar." This gives a clue to the identification of Prastara vataka and Dvaravatika, which I take to be the present Patpara and Dwara near Bilahri, 9 miles from Murwara town and about 60 miles from Tewar- the old Tripuri. Prastaravataka probably was corrupted into Pattharvatak or Pattharwara, which finally became Patpara, conveying the same meaning in the local patois as its Sanskrit equivalent, viz. a stony tableland,' and Patpare is a stony tableland up to this day. On the site of this Patpara, which had the palace of Kamkandala, there appears to have been formerly a village, as foundations of numerous buildings are still found. Patpara is only a mile off from Bilahri, and the ruins of temples and buildings commence at a distance of a quarter of a mile from the present Bilahri village. That names of villages ending in vafaka or pataka, which may have been corrupted into vira or waru, were common on the Bilahri side, may be inferred from the Bilahri inscription, which mentions Khailapataka, Dhangatapataka, Ambipataka, etc. One of these, Khailapata ka, General Cunningham identified with the present Khailwara or Kailwara, 6 miles from Bilahri, and I think Dhangatapataka is perhaps represented by the present village Thanaura, about 4 miles from Bilahri, the name having been corrupted into Dhanwara, Thanwara, and finally Thanaura. Within a radius of 20 miles from Bilahri, one may find such villages as Gulwara, Murward, Kailwara, Nanhwara, Kanhwara, Bharwara, etc., the wire of which is apparently a corruption of the old vafaka. The village Dwara stands on the same tableland as Patpara, being 5 miles east from the Kamkandala buildings and between 3 and 4 miles from the Bilahri village. The Malguzar of this village is still a Brahman and has held it for several generations. He does not however belong to the Bharadvaja gotra. He is a Garga and may have been engrafted when the male line of Bhanusvamin became extinct, the village going to a female heir and consequently by her marriage to a different gotra, or it may have changed hands since. Dvaravatika may therefore be confidently identified with this Dwars. The six inscriptions of the Parivrajaka Maharijas were found either at Khoh, Majhga war or Bhumara, which places are all quite close to Uchchakalpa or the present Uchahra, the capital of the Nagode State, where another family, that of the Maharujas of Uchchakalpa, closely connected with the Parivrajaka Mahirajas both chronologically and territorially, ruled. Uchahra is about 60 miles from Bilahri, and we know from the Bhumara pillar inscription, edited by Dr. Fleet, that that village formed the boundary between the two territories. This would show that the Dabhala country was almost co-extensive with the boundaries of the present Jabalpur district to the north and extended to about 120 miles from Tripuri town, the villages granted in the present inscription being situated midway between Tripuri town and the boundary of the Dabhala kingdom in the north. This will clearly show that the present inscription does not really belong to Betul. As Dr. Fleet remarks (loc. cit.),"copper-plates, being small and portable, are 1 See General Cunningham's Reports, Vol. IX. p. 54. Gupta Inser. p. 113 f. In the t'i krwan kadacharita (XVIII. 93 and 95) Dahala and Daliala occur almost ile by siile, indicating that the two forms were indiffereutly useil. 9 Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 231 ff. * Gupta Inscr. p. 111.

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286 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. always liable to be carried to a considerable distance from the places to which they properly belong, and can only be applied territorially when the places mentioned in them can be identified." One knotty problem however remains yet to be solved. What were the eightoon forest kingdoms included in the Parivrajaka Maharajas' dominiona ? These must have been contiguoas to Dabhala, and as such the choice seems to lie between the ancient Gaur country, latterly known as Gondwana, on the one hand and the Baghelkhand and Chutia Nagpur country together with Chhattisgarh on the other. All this country formed part of the Gupta empire. "The dominion under the direct government of Samudragupta in the middle of the fourth century comprised all the most populous and fertile countries of Northern India. It extended from the Hooghly on the east to the Jumna and Chambal on the west, and from the foot of the Himalayas on the north to the Narmada on the south. Beyond these wide limits, the frontier kingdoms of Assam and the Gangetic delta, as well as those on the southern slopes of the Himalayas, and the free tribes of Rajputana and Malwa, were attached to the empire by bonds of subordinate alliance ; while almost all the kingdoms of the south had been overrun by the emperor's armies and compelled to acknowledge his irresistible might." With regard to the conquest of South Kosala or Chhattisgarh and the forest tribes Mr. Smith (op. cit. p. 248) narrates the details thus: "The invader (Samudragupta), marching due south through Chutia Nagpur, directed his first attack against the kingdom of South Kosala in the valley of the Mahanadi, and overthrew its king, Mahendra. Passing on, he subdued all the chiefs of the forest countries, which still retain their ancient wildness, and constitute the tributary states of Orissa and the more backward parts of the Central Provinces." Now these backward parts originally constituted what were known as Atharagarh, i.e. the eighteen forts or forest kingdoms, to wit, Sakti, Sarangarh, Raigarh, Bamra, Rairakhol, Sonpur, Patna, Bargarh, Phuljhar, Bora Sambhar, Khariar, Bindra Nawagarh, Sambalpur, Chandrapur, Baud, Athmalik, Gangpur and Bonai. Of these the first eight are still feudatory states, the next four camindiris, and the next two Government khalsd, all attached to the Central Provinces. On the abolition of the south frontier agency in 1837 Baud and Atmalik were transferred to the control of the Superintendent of the Tributary Mahals of Orissa. Gangpur and Bonai were attached to Chutia Nagpur. Bargarh, being confiscated for rebellion, was given over to the Raja of Raigarh. Again, among the Orissa tributary states there are eighteen garlimals, though they are somewhat too far away from the Dahal country. Chhattis. garh, ie. the thirty-six forts, included twice eighteen forts, vit. eighteen garls in one group subordinate to the senior branch of the Haihayas ruling nt Ratanpur, and the same number in the second group held by the junior branch living at Raipur. So the grouping of states or estates into eighteen would appear to be customary and traditional towards Chhattisgnyh. As regards the western Gaur country, which included the present districts of Betni, Chhindwara, Seoni and Mandia, there is no record or tradition of its ever having been divided into eighteen forest kingdoms. It therefore seems very probable that the eighteen forest kingdoms of the inscription lay somewhere in the direction of Chhattisgarh, which was sub lued by Samudragupta as mentioned before. As the Parivrajaka Maharajas owed allegiance to the Gupta kings, it seems within the range of probability that those kingdoms were handed over to them, unless they formed part of the Parivrajakas' dominions before Samudragupta's conquest. It is with the greatest diffidence that I hazard this conjecture, and I am not at present prepared to localise exactly the eighteen forest kingdoms. I however hope that the information, which I have partly acquired from my personal acquaintance with the country, may perhaps prove of some use to an antiquarian willing to solve the question. 1 Mr. V. A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 250 f. * Since I wrote the above, Bamra, Kairdkhol, Sonpur, Patna, Bora Sambhar and Eainbalpur have been transTerred to Bengal. * General Cunningham's Reports, Vol. IX. p. 150.

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: 344RFN/fa/ ch%thmgaria One NYXTH111222373 HARI TENA. Carngerii+4518 + 1/4 34 : 14/5 dii xars5J455/: T=402516TK5e1e6s [08air frye)ekhm) 02E m.6 - A7 : gc+ kriidchiedng PS2 | Edth (thl eccho( 4 16TEkdt 10 Jus3r24k (ATER&C orner-164 12 "ang485: 74 75wcw re, " Betul plates of Samkshobha. - The Gupta year 199. 10 W. GRIGGS. PHOTO-LITH. FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. H. KRISHNA SASTRI.

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inB ADGE mirakurosu to WEDDR30:32] idaru Russy Retronsuto kotodatsutakatoitsuteita shitekara, hurutsuparaintainwan! LOGUseria Frofirm ru puruandoro konotokorodatoiinaripetsukue10ga anbitomukuhokusutokapukoto unkonokobetsu konomansanrasaraentorizu, Akael Sa06220Fen toitaFang gaii. hamigakiiteirunodesugakonpaku 81

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No. 28.] TEXT.1 First Plate. 1 Om namo [bha]gavate Narayanaya [*] Svasti [*] Srimati vijaya 2 rajya (jye) Maha BETUL PLATES OF SAMKSHOBHA. sambatsara-sate navanavaty-uttare Gupta-na(ri)pa-rajya-bhaktau 3 marggasirsha-sambatsare Karttika-masa-dasamyam asyam sambatsara-"masa4 divasa-parvvaya[m] chaturddasa-vidyasth ana-vidita-paramarthasya Kapilasy-eva 5 maharsheh sarvva-tatva (ttva)-jnasya Bharadvaja-sagottrasya nripatiparibra (vra)jaka6 Susarmmanah kul-otpannena maharaja-ir-Dovudhya-puttra-pennaptra maharaja-sri-Damodara-naptra mahago-sahasra 7 raja-eri-Prabhanjana-pranaptra 8 hasty-asva-hirany-aneka-bhuma(mi)-pradasya gura-pitri-matri-puja(ja)-tatparasy-aneka9 samara-sata-vijayinah s-ashtadas-atavi-rajy-abhyantaram [Da]bhala-rajyam sama10 nupalayi[shno]r-aneka-guna-vikhyata-yasasah eri-maharaja-Hastinah sutena 11 varnn-asrama-dharmma- sthapan-abhiratena parama-bhagavaten-atyanta-pitri-bhaktena 12 sva-vansa-moda-7karena maharaja-sri-Samkshobhena (na) matapittror-atmanas=cha puny-a 13 bhivriddhy-artham Tripuri-vishaye Prastaravataka-gramasya arddham Dvaravati14 kayas-cha chaturtho-nsah evam=etau parv-ghita-parichchheda-maryya Second Plate. Bharadvaja-sagotraya brahmapa-Bhanusvamine 15 days Madhyandina-Vaji (ja) saneya-sabra [hma]puttra-pauttr-anvay-opabhogyaulo etau 16 charipe 17 s-odrangau s-oparikaraull a-chata-bhata-pravasyaula chora-drohaka-varjjam13 tamra18 sasanena1 agraharau atisrishtan [1] Tad-asmat-kul-otthair-mmat-padapind-opa 19 jivibhir-vva kalantareshv-api na vyaghatah karaniyah [*] Evam-ajna (jna)pt[e] yo= 20 nyatha kuryat-tam-aham dehantara-gato-pi mahat-avadhyanena nirddaheyam [*] Uktan-cha 21 bhagavata paramarshipa veda-vyasena Vyasena [*] Puryva-dattam dvijatibhyo yatnat16 22 raksha Yudhishthira [*] mahi(hi)m-mahimatish sreshtha dan ch=chhrey6= nupalanam [*] Bahubhih16 1 From the original copper-plates. Read -samvatsare. Read sva-vame-amoda.. 23 vasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-Adibhih [*] yasya yasya yada bhumih17 tasya 24 tasya tada phalamh [11] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargga(rgge) modati bhumi dab [1] Achchhetta 25 ch-anumanta cha tany-eva narake vaset [1] Bhumi-pradanan-na param pradanam18 26 danad-visishtam paripalanan-tu [1] sarvve-tisrishtam paripalya bhumim nripa 27 Nrig-Adyah19 tridivam prapanna iti [1] Likha khi) tan-cha Jivita-naptra Bhujangavyaparanaya20 28 dasa-puttrena Isvaradasena [*] [909] Mahahmargga-varshe 29 rvvasuh [*] Sambatsara 100 Dutakah Punadi 10 [*] 10 Read bhogydv. 13 Read varjjam. 16 Read Bahubhir. pravarddhamana 287 2 Expressed by a symbol. 5 Read dalamydma. Read -gramasy-arddham. 11 Read karav. 19 Read -ddyds. 22 Read Mahmargga [firsha*]-varshe. 14 Read easanen-dgraharav=. 17 Read bhumis. 20 Read pay-Efvara Karttika Read samvatsara.. 4 Read samvatsara.. Read msa. 12 Read pracesyau. Is Read yatnad#. 18 Read pradanam. 21 Read Samvatsari.

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288 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om. Reverence to the divine Narayana! Hail! In the glorious, augmenting and victorious reign, in a century of years increased by ninety-nine, in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings, in the Mahamargasirsha-samvatsara, on the tenth tithi of the month Karttika,- on this tithi, specified) as above by the samvatsara, month and day,- by the Maharaja, the illustrious Samkshobha, who is born in the family of the kingly ascetic Susarman, who had learnt the whole truth of the fourteen receptacles of science, who, like the great sage Kapila, knew all the first principles, (and) who was of the Bharadvaja gotra ;-who is the great-grandson of the son of the Maharaja, the illustrious Devadhya; who is the greatgrandson of the Maharaja, the illustrious Prabhanjana ;- who is the grandson of the Maharaja, the illustrious Damodara;- who is the son of the illustrious Maharaja Hastin, who was the giver of thousands of cows, of elephants, horses, gold and many lands, who was earnest in paying respect to (his) spiritual preceptor and (his) father and mother, who was victorious in many hundrels of battles, who bought to govern properly the kingdom (rajya) of Dabhala together with all the country) included in the eighteen forest kingdomg, (and) whose fame was renowned through many good qualities ; -- who is intent upon establishing the religious duties of the castes and the different periods of life, who is a most devout Bhagavata, who is extremely devoted to (his) ancestors, (and) who causes the happiness of his own race ;- (by him) - for the purpose of increasing the religious merit of (his) parents and of himself-half of the village Prastaravataka and a quarter of Dvaravatika in the province (vishaya) of Tripuri,- in accordance with the usage of the specification of (their) ancient boundaries, --- are granted by a copper charter as agrahuras to the Brahman Bhanusvamin of the Bharadvaja gotra, a student of the Madhyandina-Vajasaneya (sakhd),- to be enjoyed by (his) sons, sons' sons and further) descendants, with the adranga and the uparikara, (and with the privilege that they are) not to be entered by the irregular or the regular troops, with the exception of the right to fines imposed on) thieves and mischief-doers. (L. 18.) Therefore even in future times no obstacle (to the enjoyment of this grant) is to be caused by those who are born in Our family, or by My feudatories. This injunction having been given, he who behaves otherwise, - him I will consume with a great contempt, even when I have passed into another body. (L. 20.) And it has been said by the venerable supreme sage Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas : [Here follow four of the customary verses.] (L. 27.) And (this charter) has been written by virtue of (his) office by Isvaradasa, the grandson of Jivita (and) the son of Bhujangadasa. The Dataka (is) Punarvasu. In the year 100 (and) 90 (and) e, in the year Mahamarga[sirsha], on the 10th day of Karttika. POSTSCRIPT. BY PROPESOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN. The date of the above record, being of the month Karttika of the Gupta year 199, would be expected to fall in A.D. 518, and I shall be able to prove that it did fall in that year. But its exact European equivalent cannot be given with absolute certainty. 1 Since the text is almost identical with that of the Kho copper-plates of the Gupta year 209, I have adopted, mutatis mutandis, Dr. Fleet's translation as given in his Gupta Inscriptions, p 115 f. [See Yajiavalkya, I. 3:- Purana-nyaya-memainsd-dharmasastr-anga-misrita | redan sthanani vidyand in dharmasya cha chaturdasa 11.-E. H.] [This reference to the (twenty-five) tattoas of the Samkhya doctrine and to its founder Kapila deserves to be noted.-E. H.] + [With the opithet atyanta-pitri-bhaktena compare pitri-bhakta, the legend on the seals of the copper-plate crants of the two Kalinga kings Randaprabhajanavarman and Chapdavarman ; above, Vol. IV. p. 143.-E. H.]

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No. 28.] In the Gupta year 199, corresponding to the expired year 3619 of the Kaliyuga, a month by the rules of mean intercalation would have had to be intercalated before the month Karttika. Judging from other dates, I consider it highly probable that in the period to which our date belongs the rules of mean intercalation were observed, and that moreover a month, by those rules intercalated before the proper Karttika, would have received its name from the preceding month Asvina. Assuming this to have been actually the case, the Gupta year 199 would have contained only one month called Karttika, and the month Karttika which is put down in the date would be the ordinary Karttika of our Tables. But the possibility is not excluded that the intercalated month might have been called Karttika too, and in that case the term Karttika of the date might be taken to denote either the first Karttika (which would be the month Asvina of our Tables) or the second Karttika (s.e. the ordinary Karttika of the Tables). BETUL PLATES OF SAMKSHOBHA. 289 At first sight, another difficulty is presented by the circumstance that in line 3 of our record the tithi of the date is simply described as 'the tenth tithi of the month Karttika' (Karttikamasa-dasami), without any indication as to which lunar fortnight the tithi must have belonged to. But this difficulty, in my opinion, is removed by the fact that at the end of the record, where the date is repeated in figures, the same tithi is described by the expression Karttika-di 10. In the Khoh plates of Samkshobha of the Gupta year 209 (Gupta Inscr. p. 114) we find the tithi described, in lines 2 and 3, as Chaitramasa-suklapaksha-trayodast, and in line 24 as Chaitra-di 28; and in the Majhgawam plates of Hastin of the Gupta year 191 (ibid. p. 107), in line 2 as Maghamasa-bahulapaksha-tritiya, and in line 20 as Magha-di 3. The manner in which the Khoh plates are dated has been taken to prove that the month Chaitra of those plates was the purnimanta Chaitra; and the dates of both records indicate that it was the custom to quote, when a date was repeated in figures, the number of tithis elapsed since the commencement of the month, irrespectively of the lunar fortnights. Applying this to the date under discussion, we conclude from the statement Karttika-di 10 that since the commencement of the purnimanta Karttika there had elapsed 10 tithis, or, in other words, that the tenth tithi of the month Karttika, quoted in line 3, was the 10th tithi of the first or dark half of the purni manta Karttika (the Karttikamasa-bahulapaksha-dasami). From what has been stated above, it follows that the tithi of our date is the 10th tithi of the dark half of, probably, the purnimanta Karttika of our Tables, but that possibly it may be the 10th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Aevina of the Tables. On the first alternative the date would correspond to Monday, the 15th October A.D. 518, when the 10th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Karttika ended 8 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise; on the second alternative to Saturday, the 15th September A.D. 518, when the 10th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Asvina (i.e., possibly, the first purnimanta Karttika) ended 13 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise. It will be shown now that, in either case, the Jupiter's year in which the date fell was a Maha-Margasirsha year, as required by the wording of the original date. The late Mr. S. B. Dikshit has fully explained that a Maha-Margasirshal year occurs when Jupiter at his heliacal rising (i.e. his first appearance in the morning after his conjunction with the sun) is in either of the nakshatras Mrigasiras and Ardra, i.e., when at his heliacal rising his true geocentric place (or trae longitude), according to the equal space system, is between 53deg 20' and 80deg, according to the Brahma-siddhanta between 52deg 42' 20" and 72deg 28' 12.5", and according to Garga between 53deg 20' and 73deg 20'. Now in the time immediately preceding the 15th September (and the 15th October) A.D. 518 Jupiter was in conjunction with the sun at mean sunrise of the 11th May A.D. 518, when his own true longitude was 51deg 3', and that of the 2 P 1 For the similar years, which have been hitherto found in five inscriptions, see especially the Table in Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inser., Introduction, p. 105.

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290 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. sun 51deg 2' 52". And his heliacal rising after the conjunction took place before sunrise of either the 25th May, when his true longitude was 54deg 21' (while that of the sun was 64deg 23' 35"), or the 26th May, when his true longitude was 54deg 35' (while that of the sun was 650 20 31"). Whichever of the two days may be absolutely correct, it is clear that before sunrise of the 25th or the 26th May A.D. 518 Japiter- since his true longitude in either case was more than 53deg 20' by all three systems of the nakshatras rose heliacally in the nakshatra Mrigasiras, and that therefore the year which then commenced was a Maba-Margasirsha year. That year of course included both the 15th September and the 15th October A.D. 518; for Jupiter's next conjunction with the sun only took place some time before sunrise of the 17th June A.D. 519, and his next heliacal rising about the 1st July A.D. 519, when a Maha-Paasha year com. menced. I may add that, according to Mr. Dikshit's calculations, a Maha Magha year commenced on the 3rd August A.D. 520, and a Maha-Phalguna year on the 4th September A.D. 521. The result is that the month Karttika of the Gupta year 199 which is quoted in the date must have fallen in A.D. 518, and that the date probably corresponds to Monday, the 15th October A.D. 518, but may possibly correspond to Saturday, the 15th September A.D. 518. No. 29.-TRIPLICANE INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN. By V. VENKAYYA, M.A. Madras was " a mere fishing village ap to the year 1639 A.D., when the English became possessed of it by a grant from the puppet sovereign Sriranga of Vijayanagara, then at Chandragiri."5 Some of the suburbs of Madras are, however, very ancient. Leaving aside St. Thome connected with the St. Thomas legends, Mailapur (or Mayilappur) and Tiruvamur (Tiruvanmiyur) are mentioned in the Tamil poem Devaram composed in the 7th century A.D. The former is also believed to have been the residence of the immortal Tiruvalluvar, a couplet of whose is quoted in the ancient Tamil work Manimegalai. Tiruvallikkeni (the modern Triplicane) is referred to in the Tamil scriptures of the Vaishnavas known as Naldycraprabandham by the saints Peyalvar,10 Tirumalisai-Alvarll and Tirumangai-Alvar, the last of whom informs us that the (Parthasarathisvamin) temple was founded by an unnamed king of the Tondaiyar, i.e. by a Pallava king. Egmore (Elumbur in Tamil) is mentioned in records of the Chola king Kulottunga I. and was apparently the headquarters of a subdivision (nadu) 1 The calculations which have yielded the above results have all been made according to the Sarya-siddhanta. By the Arya-siddhanta, at inean sunrise of the 11th May A.D. 518 the true longitude of Jupiter was 51deg 43', and that of the sun 51deg 4' 18'; and at mean suurise of the 12th May A.D. 518 the true longitude of Jupiter was 51deg 57', aud that of the sun 52deg 1' 36". This shows that, according to the Arya-siddhanta, the conjunction would have taken place between one and two hours before mean sunrise of the 12th May A.D. 518. . At mean suurise of the preceding day, the 24th May A.D. 518, the true longitude of Jupiter was 54deg 8', and that of the sun 63deg 26' 38". ? At mean sunrise of this day the true longitude of Jupiter was 85deg 33', and that of the sun 85deg 58' 33". At mean sunrise of this day the true longitude of Jupiter was 88deg 45', and that of the sun 99deg 18' 3". Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 175. . The Roman Catholic Church at St. Thome is believed to be built over the grave of St. Thomas; ibid. p. 176. Ramaraya of Vijayanagara is said to have led an expedition against the place in A.D. 1568; Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire, p. 193. 7 The saint Tirunanasambandar is reported to have revived at MayilAppur a dead girl, whose bones had been preserved by her father in a pot. The temple is called Kapalichcharam (ie. Kapalesvars) in the hymn composed by the saint. Jairas and Buddhists seem to have lived at that time in the vicinity of Mayilppur. * Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 221. Essay on Tamil literature by the late Professor M. Seshagiri Sastri of Madras, No. I. p. 33 f. 10 Iyarpa, III. 16. 11 Ibid. IV. 35. 1 Periyatirumoli, verse 130.

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No. 29.] TRIPLICANE INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN. 291 in the district called Puliyur-kottam. Nungambakkam occurs in & copper-plate inscription belonging to the time of the Chola king Rajendra-Cho!a 1.The Tamil Devaram contains a hymn dedicated to the Siva temple at Tiruvorrigur composed by Tirunanasambandar. The Parthagirathisvamin temple at Triplicane contains (1) the subjoined Pallava inscription" (2) a number of fragments of Chola records built into the floor in various parts of the temple (3) A mutilated epigraph of the Pandya king [Mara]varman Kulasekhara ;8 and (4) a few Vijayanagara inscriptions. Some of the Chola fragments belong to the time of Kulottunga III, and Rajaraja III.7 The Pandys epigraph mentions Tirumayil&ppur (i.e. Mailapar) in Puliyur-kottam and the temple of) Telliyasinga-Nayanar in Elumur-nadu, a snbdivision of Puliyur-kottam." The Vijayanagara records belong to the time of Sadasiva. Ranga and Venkatapati.10 Two of the suburbs, viz. Puduppakkam and Vepperi, and three of the outlying villages, vis, Sembiyam, Nadumbarai and Veysarpadi," were granted to the Triplicane temple during the Vijayanagara period, while a pious Vaishnava made some additions to it in or before A.D. 1564-5 during the reign of Sadasiva. The ambioined inscription is engraved on a stone built into the floor close to the entrance into the garbhagriha of the temple. As people walk on it very frequently, the stone has become much worn, and the writing has suffered considerable damage. Very few aksharas are, however, really doubtful, though some are broken. The alphabet is Tamil, with a number of Sanskrit words written in Grantha characters. The following is a list of the latter :-svasta sri, Pallavakulatila (line 1); Bhuradvaja-cotralankarapatiydkiya (1. 1 f.); Sri-Dantivarmma-Maharaja (1.2 f.); varshavarddhana (1.3): mri of tiruvamridu (II. 7 and 14 f.); sarmma (1. 11 f. and twice in 1, 12); svamibhoga a. 14): adharma (1. 15); ha of laha, tshi of ratshi" (1. 17); Ondharmma' (1. 18); ratshideg(1. 1st.) wasti (1. 19). The pulli (or virama) is marked in a large number of cases and is denoted by a short vertical line added at the top of the letter. One graphic peculiarity deserves notice. When lingual and rough r are doubled, the symbol for the secondary i or 1, which is now placed over the second letter or by its side, is, in this inscription, added, in most cases, 80 as to include the first as well. In other words, the two letters are treated as a group. In line 9, double kki is written similarly as a group. Two forms of occar, one with the central loop 1 South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 183. 3 This inscription has recently been discovered at TiruvAlangklu near Arkonam and will be published in South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. Part III. * Compare South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 182. No. 234 of the Government Epigraphiat's collection for 1908. Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1903-4, paragraph 25. * No. 238 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908. It is dated in the 4[9]th year of the king's reign and may perhaps belong to the "Kales Dewar" of the Muhammadan historians, see the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, paragraph 13. Nos. 241 and 242 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908 are two of them. In some of them Tiruvanmiyur (the modern Tiruvemur) is said to have been in Kocdr-nadu, & subdivision of Puliyur-kottam alias Kulottunga-Choa-valandu. * Called after Puliyur, which is close to Madras ; above, Vol. IV. p. 8, note 1. According to an inscription of Kulottunga I., Tiruvorriyur, 6 miles north of Fort St. George, belonged to Pulal-nadu, & subdivision of Pularkattam, which was called after Polal near Madras on the road to Nellore ; South-Ind. Inger. Vol. III. p. 132. Mention is also made of Ayanapuram in Tudarmungi-nadu, a subdivision of Pularkottam alias VikramaChola-valandu. Ayanapuram is the name of a shrotriem village to the west of Madras (No. 72 on the Sydapet taluk map). 10 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1903-4, paragraph 26. The inscription of Ranga is in Telugu, while the rest are all in Tamil. 11 Called Vesharupadi in the inscription. The modern name connects the village with the sage Vyass or some person called after him. Velsarry, which occurs in an inscription of Kulottunga I. at Tiruvorriyor, is perhaps an older form of Veshartapadi; South-Ind. Inger. Vol. III. p. 134. 2 p 2

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292 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. fully developed and the other without it. The former is more common, while the latter occurs at least twice. The vowel is added to the consonant t in two different ways: one, as in modern Tamil, with a vertical stroke going upwards, and the other without it. The latter is perhaps meant to be Grantha, though it is used in Tamil words also. The akshara lu, which occurs twice (11. 8 and 16), differs from the modern form of it in the vertical stroke of the usymbol being omitted as in tu. The inscription consists of 19 lines of Tamil prose and is dated during the reign of king Dantivarma-Maharaja, who was "the ornament of the Pallava family" and belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra. There is thus no doubt that he belonged to the Pallava dynasty. The only other record of Dantivarma-Maharaja hitherto known is mutilated, and the description of the king which we find in the Triplicane inscription is there missing. It is therefore uncertain if the two kings were the same. In any case, as the name Dantivarman does not occur in the hitherto known genealogies of the Pallavas, and as the alphabet of the Triplicane inscription does not look very ancient, it may be concluded that the Dantivarma-Maharaja of the subjoined record was later than the Pallava king Nandivarman Pallavamalla, who fought against the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya II. (A.D. 733-34 and 746-47).3 Nandivarman Pallavamalla is believed to have been the last powerful king of the Pallavas of Conjeeveram, who probably ceased to be a ruling power about the middle of the 8th century A.D. The Ganga-Pallavas appear to have taken their place, thongh the exact period when this happened is not yet known. Leaving out Vijaya-Narasimhavarman and VijayaIsvaravarman, whose relationship to the main line is not yet ascertained, four Ganga-Pallava kings are known, vis. Danti(vikrama)varman, Nandi(vikrama)varman, Nripatunga(vikrama)varman and Kampa(vikrama)varman. The last was probably a brother of the thirds and might have been his co-regent in a portion of the Pallava dominions; but he is not mentioned in the Bahur plates of Nripatunga. Adding together the latest known years of the other three (Dantivikramavarman 51 years,10 Nandivikramavarman 62 years, and Nripatungavikramavaran 26 years12), we get 139 years. The Chola king Parantaka I. was actually ruling over the dominions of the Ganga-Pallavas, and therefore it may be supposed that the overthrow of the latter by the Cholas took place during the reign of his predecessor Aditya I. Accordingly, the event may be placed roughly in A.D. 900.13 Deducting the total duration of the reigns of the Ganga-Pallava kings, we obtain roughly A.D. 760 as the date of the accession to power of the first king Dantivikramavarman. This event cannot be placed earlier, because the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III. is reported to have levied tribute from Dantiga, the ruler of Kanchi, about A.D. 804, and this Dantiga has been identified with the Ganga-Pallava king Dantivikrama 1 Compare Prof. Hultzsch's remarks in South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 90. 2 Compare Prof. Hultzsch's remarks in ibid. Vol. II. p. 344, note 3. Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 328. Above, Vol. V. p. 157. Above, Vol. IV. pp. 178 and 360, and Vol. VII. p. 22 f. Dr. Fleet thinks that Vijaya-Narasimhavarman was the earliest of the Ganga-Pallavas, and that his initial date must be placed somewhere about A.D. 760 to, 770; above, Vol. V. p. 160. Above, Vol. VII. p. 23 f. 7 Skandasishyavikramavarman of the Rayakota plates was also a Ganga-Pallava. He is said to have belonged to the family of another Skandasishya, who was the son of the Mahabharata hero Asvatthaman by a Naga woman; above, Vol. V. p. 52. We have however no clue as to the time when Skandafishyavikramavarman lived. Neither are we told what relationship he bore to the main line. 8 Above, Vol. VII. p. 196. Extracts from this inscription were given by Prof. Hultzsch; above, Vol. IV. p. 180 f. 10 No. 262 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. 11 South-Ind. Inacr. Vol. III. p. 90. See the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II., paragraph 10. 13 Above, Vol. IV. p. 182.

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No. 29.] TRIPLICANE INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN. varman. It thus appears extremely doubtful if there could have been any interval between the date of Nandivarman Pallavamalla and the accession of Dantivikramavarman. There is, however, no reason to suppose that the Ganga-Pallavas annexed the entire dominions of the ancient Pallavas already during the reign of the first king Dantivikrama. It looks as if the expansion of the former was gradual and reached its highest point during the reign of the last king Nripatunga.3 We may therefore conclude that the Dantivarma-Maharaja of the subjoined inscription, who could not be a Ganga-Pallava, belonged to the family of the original Pallavas of Conjeeveram, who seem to have continued in some form or other down to a very late period, and that he reigned as an independent king in a portion of the ancient Pallava dominions before they were completely occupied by the Ganga-Pallavas. 293 At Uttaramallur in the Chingleput district are two inscriptions, one dated in the 7th year of the reign of Dantivarman, and the other in the 9th year of Dantippottarasar. The former records that a certain Brahmana purchased land for building a tank, and the latter registers an endowment for the removal of silt in the tank called Vayiramega-tataka at Uttaramallur. It is just possible that Dantivarman is only the Sanskrit name of the Pallava king Dantippottarasar, and that the tank referred to in both of these inscriptions is the same. Even if this surmise should not prove correct, the fact that the earliest Uttaramallur inscription mentioning the Vayiramega-tataka belongs to the time of the Pallava king Dantippottarasar may be taken- at least provisionally-to show that the tank probably came into existence during his time, and that its name was derived from Vayiramega, one of his birudas. If the foregoing inferences are confirmed by future researches, they would establish that the Pallava king Dantippottarasar (or Dantivarman) bore the title Tayiramega. We have at present no materials to decide if this Dantippottarasar is identical with the DantivarmaMaharaja of the Triplicane inscription, though the similarity of the names and the undisputed Pallava origin of both are in favour of the identity. The Vaishnava saint TirumangaiAlvar refers to a king of the Tondaiyar (i.e. a Pallava king) named Vayiramegan.8 Another unnamed Pallava king is mentioned by the same saint as the founder of the Triplicane temple, as I have already pointed out. In the hymn dedicated to Paramesvara-Vinnagaram (i.e. the Vaikuntha-Perumal temple) at Conjeeveram,10 reference is made by the same saint to several battles fought by an unnamed Pallava king. These three Pallava kings appear to be distinct.11 1 Above, Vol. IV. p. 181, and Vol. V. p. 159. I think the possibility of Dantiga being the same as the Dantivarman of our inscription is not altogether excluded. The latest known record of his reign is dated in his 50th year; above, Vol. IV. p. 137, and Vol. V. p. 157, note 7. This may be concluded from the fact that Nripatunga's inscriptions are found over a larger extent of country than those of the other two; see the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1903-04, paragraph 13. We hear of a queen named Magambavai of a certain Nandippottaraiyan, who belonged to the Pallavatilaka family. This queen appears to have been living at the time of the early Chola king Rajakesarivarman; Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1900-01, paragraph 10, and above, Vol. VI. p. 321. An inscription of Dantivarman, "born in the Pallavatilaka family which rose from the Bharadvaja gotra," has recently been discovered at Tiruvellarai in the Trichinopoly district (No. 541 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905). Thus, along with the Ganga-Pallavas, the regular Pallavas seem to have continued in the Tamil country down to the Chola conquest. The exact relationship which the latter bore to the original Pallavas of Conjeeveram is not known Perhaps the descendants or successors of the Dantivarma-Maharaja of the Triplicane inscription (who bore the title Pallavakulatilaka) spoke of themselves as belonging to "the family of Pallavatilaka" in order to distinguish themselves from the Ganga-Pallavas. No. 80 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1898. No. 74 of the same collection. This is the Tamil form of the Sanskrit Vajramegha. * See page 290 above Periyatirumoli, verse 180. 10 Compare South-Ind. Insor. Vol. II. p. 344, note 3. u In verse 479 of the Periyatirumoli, the same saint refers to a Tondai-mannavan, i.e. a Pallava king, who might be one of these three.

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294 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII The first, Vayiramegap, was apparently the saint's contemporary, while the builder of the Triplicane temple must bave lived prior to him. The military exploits of the third spem to have been fresh in the saint's mind, and if this impression of mine be correct, the former might have lived a short time before the latter. It is not impossible that Vayiramegag, the Palava contemporary of Tirumangai-Alvar. is identical with Dantippottarasar, during whose reign the Vayiramaga-tataka at Uttaramallar appears to have been built. If the battle of Mannai mentioned in verse 3 of the Paramesvara-Vinnagaram hymn be the same as that fought at Mandaikudi by the Pallava general Udayachandra against the Pandyas sooording to the Udayendiram plates, it may be concluded that the saint Tirumangai-Alvar must have lived soon after the reign of Nandivarman-Pellavamalla. If this surmise prove correct, Vayiramegan, the contemporary of the saint, must have been one of the immediate successors of Nandivarman. The facts and inferences above set forth would yield the third quarter of the eighth oontury A.D. for the period of the Vaishnava saint Tirumangai-Alver and of his Pallava contemporary Vayiramegap. The same would be the approximate date of the construction of the Vayiramega-tataka at Uttaramallar, and probably also of the subjoined inscription. It is sufficient to note that palaeographical considerations do not militate against this conclusion. Against this date of Tirumangai-Alvar may be urged the Vaishnava tradition that he was later than the saint Namma var. And the latter would appear to have lived subsequent to the Pandya king Varaguna, whose accession took place in A.D. 862-63, as mention is made in the existing text of the Tiruvaymoli of the village Veragunamangai, called evidently after Varaguna-Pandya. This argument would bring Nammalvar down to the 10th century A.D. and make the interval between him and Ramanuja (11th century A.D.) very short. Vaishnava tradition asserts that this period was occupied by Tirumangai-Alvar and several dcharyan, the earliest of whom must have lived long after Tirumangai.7 Apart from this objection, there is some reason to suppose that the Tiruvaymoli known to Tirumangai-Alvar is different from what has come down to us. The acharya Nadamunigal, who probably lived in the 11th century A.D.,' was informed by Vaishnavas both at Kumbhakonam in the Tanjore district and at Alvar-Tiranagari, the birth-place of Namm&lvar, that they had only heard of the name Tiruvaymoli. It had disappeared somehow, and no copy of the work existed at the time. At From the Kadabs plates of Prabhatavarsha (Above, Vol. IV. p. 386) it may be concluded that Vairamegha W38 & surname of the Rashtrakata king Dantidurga (A.D. 754). It is claimed for this king that he subjugated the ruler of Kanchi. The genuineness of the Kadaba plates is, however, open to question (ibid. p. 333), and we must have indispptable evidence of the occupation of the Pallava country by Dantidurga before we admit that the tank at Uttaramallur could be called after him, or that reference could be made to his prowess in a Tamil hymn. In certain copies of the Naldyiraprabandham the place is called Marveyil, which makes its identification with Mannsikudi less probable South-Ind. Inser. Vol II. p. 372. * The Tiruvaymoli composed by Namms]var had to be recited in the Srirangam temple according to certain arrangements made by Tirumangai-Alvar. Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-6, Part II., paragraph 25. * Verso 897. Srivaramangai or Srivaramangalam mentioned in the same poom (verses 509 to 519) is probably identical with the village of the same name founded by the Pandya king Jatilavarman (called Nedunjadaiyap in the Tamil portion) according to the Madrus Museum plates; Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 74. This is clear from the fact stated later on that the Tirundymoli, which had been known to Tirumangai, disappeared during the time of the first acharya Nadamunigal, who was informed that it had been lost 'a long time ago. The mere name and a single hymn of the poem were all that remained of it at the time. Nadamunigal is said to have visited Gangaikondacholapuram founded by Rajendra-Chola I. (A.D. 1011-12 to at least 1033). Nadamuniga! was led to make this enquiry on hearing a hyinn of the Tirodymoli (beginning with araramudd, the 48th decade of the existing text) recited in the Vishnu temple at his native place by certain Vaishnavas from Alvar-Tirunagari.

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No. 29.) TRIPLICANE INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN. 295 Alvar-Tirunagari Nadamunigal was directed to recite twelve thousand times, with his mind concentrated on Namma var, a poem (beginning with Kanninun siruttambu) composed by Madurakavi Alvar, Namma var's elder contemporary and disciple. He was told that Namma var would then appear to him in a vision and grant what was required. Accordingly, Nadamunigal's 'eye of knowledge' was opened, and he was initiated into the Tiruvaymoli and other mysteries' by Nammalvar. No reference is, however, made to the recovery of any manuscript of the poem. If this tradition be true, the only conclusion warranted by historical criticism is that Nadamunigal himself composed almost the whole of the existing text of the Tiruvdymoli. I would, however, consider this surmise as purely provisional until the date of Nammalvar is established from independent sources. At any rate, the tentative period of Tirumangai-Alvar obtained in this paper need not be altered in the light of any conclusions based on the existing text of the Tirwaymoli. The object of the subjoined inscription is to record that the priests* (kulangilar) of the Triplicane temple had mortgaged a field, belonging apparently to the temple, and that, in consequence, the equivalent of the interest on forty-five kadis of paddy fell short in the rice offerings presented to the god. A certain Pugalttunai-Visaiyaraiyan gave thirty kadis of paddy and five kalasjus of gold and redeemed the mortgaged field. Thirty kadis of paddy and fire kalanjus of gold were therefore equal to forty-five kadis of paddy. Thus paddy was sold at the rate of three kadis for one kalanju of gold. We do not know at present how much a kadi contained. It is mentioned in a Ganga-Palla va inscription at Ukkal, in a Chola copper-plate grant preserved in the Madras Museum, and in two stone inscriptions at Conjeeveram. The interest on forty-five kadis of paddy apparently amounted to 5 nalis every day or 184 kalams per year. The five ndlis of paddy were converted into two nalis of rice to be offered to the god at night. If this failed, the master's share (svami-bhoga) in certain other fields was to be utilized for the offering. A lamp-stand, cup and pot are particularly mentioned as deserving to be take care of, probably because they were special gifts of the donor Pugalttunai-Visaiyaraiyan. TEXT. 1 Svasti Sri [ll*] Pasillava-kula-tilada: [Bh]ara2 dvaja-gotr-Alam kara-patiy-akiya sri3 Dantiva[rm]ma-maharajar[k]ku varsha-varddhana4 m [yd]ndu pa[n]pirandavad[u TUiruvalli5 kkeni kulangi(1Jarga! (K&]rumarachcheri-ppula[m] 6 or[x]i-ittu narpatt[ait-g]adi n[el polli-at[ta] Tiru7 vadigatku tiravampidu mutta=Ppugalttunai-Vis[ai) 1 Internal evidence in support of this surmise is not altogether wanting. Unlike other hymns, each decade of the Tiruvaymoli consists, not of ten verses, but of eleven, the last of which declare it to be teu out of the thousand composed by Nammavar. In the Saiva D&varam the last verse of each hymn furnishes the name of the composer, while each hymn of the other Vaishnava Aludrs contains generally ten verses. At any rate. none of them had determined beforehand the total number of verses which he should compose. It is worthy of note that in the poem, which Nadamunigal was required to recite twelve thousand times, the number of verses composed by NammAlvar is given as one thousand. In verse 673 of the Tirupuy moli occurs the following: - minr-ilangu mudiyindy - irubattor-kal arafugalai katta venri-u-malued, etc. The portion in roman type occurs in the historical introduction of the inscriptions of the Chola king Rajendra Chola I. These two points do not prove anything by themselves. But taken with the surmise based on tradition they are not together meaningless. The word kulangilar occurs also in No. 168 of 1904 in connection with a Siva temple at Tiruvakkarai. It means literally temple proprietor and may denote either the temple authorities or the temple priests. South-Ind. Ingor. Vol. III. p. 8 and note 8. Tilada is tadbhava of the Sanskrit tilaka. $ The ki of akiya is written in Granths.

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296 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIIT. 8 yarayap muppadin kadi nellum an-kalanju? 9 pongun-guduttu mittuaettanad=&kki nerpa[t]10 tsai]n-gadiyun-nisadi annali nellkl-irunn - 11 lita-kkuttal-arisi[y]&l-ira-ppOnagan=[Janga[fa]12 rmmagun-Jattisarmmanum Ilaiya-Sattisarmmagun-gl13 ttavarana[r*]ga!(l') muttil(1-Av]ippulattun-Datta p-pala14 ttun-G8[rai]ki!A[9-pa]la[t]tum svami-bhogattuaettiruva15 [m]pidu kattuvomanom [lo] i-ddharmmatt-u!]A[r] yava16 reun=go=chchevadu seyidu Beluttav=otti kudut17 tom [1] [[la]-vilakkum vatti[l] 18[ha)-ppagaiyum ratehippa-3 18 du [ll] Pugalttunai-Vid[ai]yaraiyan 'ndharmmam idu [lo] idagai ra19 tshittar 'adi irandum en muli-mbliga [11] svasti lll TRANSLATION. Hail ! Prosperity! In the twelfth year of the increasing years of the glorious DantivarmaMaharaja, who was the ornament of the Pallava family (and) the lord adorning the Bharadyaja gotra, the priests of the Tiruvallikkeni (temple) having mortgaged the field in Karumarachcheri, the offering for the god accruing from(?) the interest of forty-five kadis of paddy fell short. Pugalttunai-Visaiyarayap gave thirty kadis of paddy and five kafatljus of gold, redeemed (the field), and made (it) his own. With two nalis of clean pounded rice (made from five nalie of paddy, (the interest on) forty-five kadis (of paddy) per day, Sangasarman, Sattisarman and the younger Sattisarman shall present the night offering. If (this) fails, we shall present the offering out of the master's share in Avippulam, Dattan's field and Karaikilay's Bela. Having agreed that any one concerned in this charity might do what the king could and carry it out, we gave (it). The Ila-lamp, the cap (and) the metal pot have to be taken care of. This (is) Pugalttunai-Visaiyaraiyap's charity. The two feet of those who protect this (charity) shall be on my head. Hail! No. 30.- TAXILA VASE INSCRIPTION BY PROFESSOR H. LUDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK. There can be no doubt that the deciphering and interpretation of the smaller Khardshthi inscriptions has made considerable progress during the last ten or fifteen years. Whoever has had occasion to deal with those records, knows how much we owe in this respect to the ingenuity and penetration of scholars like Buhler, Senart and others. On the other hand, there is no denying the fact that we are still far from having solved all the difficulties presented by those inscriptions. It may be safely asserted, I think, that at present there is hardly a single Kharoshthi inscription the reading and meaning of which might be called definitely settled in every detail. Under these circumstances I consider it not superfluous to republish the subjoined inscription. It is undated and cannot be said to be of great historical value, but it is excellently preserved and perfectly clear in every respect. The accompanying Plate, moreover, contains its first purely mechanical reproduction. 1 Read aia-galanja. * Read Diru-ndli. * Read rakshio. * Cancel the letter .. The word kddiyun in 1. 10 appears to be used in the sense of kddiyin. * Avippulam menns literally "oblation field." The produce from this field w For the explanation of this term se above, Vol. VII. p. 134. evidently used for oblations

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No. 30.] TAXILA VASE INSCRIPTION. 299 The inscription is engraved round a steatite vase, which was formerly kept in the Museum at Peshawar and is now in the Central Museum, Lahore. Nothing is known about its origin. Cunningham, it is true, was inclined to identify it with a vase said to be found by the villagers in one of the Stapas near Shahpur ; but this is nothing but a mere guess. The inscription was first edited, together with a facsimile, in 1863 by J. Dowson in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XX. p. 24, and Plate iii. fig. 2. In the same year Cunningham published his version in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXII. p. 151, and added a correction ibid. p. 172. Cunningham's readings were criticised by Dowson, ibid. p. 428. In 1871 Cunningham edited the record again, with a facsimile, in his Archeological Survey Reports, Vol. II. p. 125, and Plate lix. The present edition is based on excellent impressions and photographs, sent to me, at the request of Dr. Vogel, by Mr. Ram Singh, Officiating Curator of the Central Museum, Lahore. TEXT, Sihilena Siharachhitena cha bhratarehi Takhasilae ayam thuyo pratithavito savabadhana puyae. TRANSLATION By the brothers Sihila (Simhila) and Siharachhita (Simharakshita) this Stupa was erected at Takhasila (Takshasila) in honour of all the Buddhas. REMARKS. The characters, which vary in size from " to ", take an intermediate position between those of the Asoka edicts and those of the later Kushan inscriptions. From the latter they are easily distinguished by the absence of the cursive element so strongly predominant there. The differences from the Asoka characters are less numerous and less marked; but the la with its hook bent down and rounded and the sa with its vertical shortened at the top show clearly later forms than the corresponding letters at Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra. The type of the characters is thus the same as that of the Taxila copper-plate of Patika, and this fact seems to me decisive for the transliteration of the only nasal occurring in the present inscription. From a grammatical point of view it might appear more natural to read Sihilena, Siharachhitena and savabudhana; but as the copper-plate inscription discriminates between na and na, and as the sign for the lingual used there is identical with the sign found in the present inscription, we cannot but assume that the latter also represents a lingual na. The copper-plate also furnishes one instance of n instead of Sanskrit n in the word Sakamunisa (1.3). Whether this spelling reflects the actual pronunciation, or whether the North-Western dialect possessed but one - sound, expressed in writing sometimes by the sign for the lingual, sometimes by that for the dental, I do not venture to decide at present, although the second alternative seems to me the more probable one. In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1906, p. 453, Mr. Thomas has endeavoured to show that the inscription is composed in an unknown metre. He considers the whole text to be one stanza divided into two rhyming lines, each line consisting of five feet of five matras with a concluding spondee. According to him the text, with the long vowels and double consonants expressed in writing, would run: Sihilens Siharachchhiteua cha bhratarehi Tak khasilad ayam thQvo pratitthavito savvabuddhana puyat It appears at once that the regularity of the metre is less great than supposed by Mr. Thomas. His scansion is based on the wrong readings Gihilena and bhatarehi. The correct readings Sihilona, which can only stand for Sihilena, and bhratarehi would imply that 20

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298 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOL. VIIL the first and third feet of the first line consisted, not of five, but of six matras, although, as regards the third foot, it might be urged that the lengthening influence of the initial bhr was removed by the caesura standing between cha and bhratarehi. Moreover, neither the choice nor the order of the words are such as to suggest the text to be anything but plain prose. Considering these facts, Mr. Thomas' suggestion, ingenious as it is, cannot be called certain, and until the metre assumed by him should turn up elsewhere, I should prefer to treat the record as written in prose. No. 31.-SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA; SAKA-SAMVAT 1308. BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.; MADRAS. These plates were discovered at Soraikkavur near Kuttalam, a station on the South Indian Railway in the Tanjore district. Mr. O. N. Appasvami Ayyar of Tanjore was kind enough to obtain for me the original plates themselves, and I have copied the inscription direct therefrom. The inscription is engraved on three copper-plates, held together by a ring which had already been cut when it came into my hands. The plates are about 63" long, 4" broad, and 3" thick. The ring is 1" in diameter, and the whole set weighs 163 ozs. with the ring, which alone weighs oz. The rims of the plates are neither raised nor shaped thicker. The plates are numbered in Tamil numerals engraved at the top of the front side of each. The writing is deep and distinct, and barring slight damage to the front side of the first plate and the second side of the last one-the two exposed sides- the inscription is in proper preservation; nor is there much difficulty in supplying the lost portions. The inscription consists of twelve Sanskrit verses which give the genealogy of prince Virupaksha, a passage in Tamil prose (lines 39-150) detailing the apportionment of the shares of land granted among the donees, and the customary benedictory and imprecatory verses in Sanskrit. Following the above, and at the very end, there appears a solitary verse in Sanskrit, once again mentioning the name and the parentage of the donor. With the exception of the colophon, which consists of the name of the god Sri-Harihara and is in Kanarese characters, the alphabet of the Sanskrit verses is Grantha. The prose passage is in Tamil characters occasionally interspersed with Grantha ones. It deserves to be mentioned that, as in other Tamil inscriptions of the age to which the plates belong, there is little difference between r and the secondary form of &; the secondary a, e, o, ai and au are very frequently broken up, the first symbol of them standing at the end of a line and the rest at the beginning of the next line, or again the first symbol and the consonant being placed at the end of a line and the second symbol beginning a new line, and so on; e.g. syd in line 23, bhd in line 115, hyd in line 116, va in line 132, ma in line 138, ba in line 146; de in line 15, ne in line 28; ko in line 129; rai in line 53, kai in line 128; dhau in line 18, dan in line 164. In line 70 tho lu of padinalukku is engraved below the line; in line 57 the letter ku is corrected into the symbol of the secondary a; and in line 26 vasare is written as pasard. The Grantha letter is used for the Tamil d in the words utpata and Ati occurring in lines 68, 121 and 138. The inscription belongs to the time of Virupaksha (v. 5) or Vira-Viruppanna-Udaiyar (1. 43 f.), the son of Harihara (II.) (v. 4) or Vira-Harihararaya (1. 42) of the first Vijayanagara dynasty, and records the grant of the village of Siraikkavur (v. 10, 11. 53 f. and 60 f.) together with 10 velis1 of land adjoining it, under the name of Vijayasudarsanapuram, to In the Tamil portion this is given as 10 velis (11. 52 f and 67 f.).

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SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA. No. 31.] fourteen Brahmanas of various gotras. This is the second copper-plate grant hitherto published of Virupaksha, the son of Harihara II. of the first Vijayanagara dynasty. It is dated in Saka 1308, the Kshaya-samvatsara,-i.e. two years later than his Alampandi grant.1 Professor Kielhorn very kindly contributes the following remarks on the date (v. 8 f. and 11. 45-49): 299 "The date, for Saka-samvat 1308 expired, which was the year Kshaya, regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 20th March A.D. 1887. On this day the 15th tithi of the cark half of Phalguna and the karana Naga ended 7 h. 35 m., the nakshatra was Revati for 19 b. 3 m., and the yoga Vaidhriti from 6 h. 6 m., after mean sunrise. The day was the 25th day of the solar month Panguni (Chaitra)." Both the Alampundi and Soraikkavur grants resemble each other so far as the historical details contained in them are concerned. As in the earlier grant, the present record begins with Samgama, the reputed founder of the dynasty, and continues the succession down to Virupaksha, the donor of this grant. Herein again Kamakshi, the wife of Samgama, and Malladevi, the wife of Harihara II., are referred to. While in the Alampandi grant Malladevi is spoken of simply as belonging to the family of Ramadeva,' in the present record she is described as his 'grand-daughter' (son's daughter) in the beginning (v. 5); but the verse at the end (17), which occurs also in the Sanskrit drama Narayanivilasa by Virupaksha, makes Malladevi the daughter of king Rama. In a supplementary note on the Alampundi grant, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya expressed the opinion that Malladevi may have been the daughter of the Yadava king Ramachandra. Adverting to this Mr. R. Sewell writes as follows: The plate in question asserts that Malladevi belonged to 'the race of Ramadeva,' while the drama (Narayantvilasa) explicitly declares her to have been the daughter of king Rama, calling Virupaksha the daughter's son of king Rama;' and from this Mr. Venkayya deduces that the lady in question was the daughter of king Ramachandra of the family of the Yadavas of Devagiri. But I think it far more likely that the plate is correct and the drama incorrect. Ramachandra reigned from A.D. 1271 to 1309, his death occurring in the latter year. The reign of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara began, probably, in 1379 A.D. and lasted till the end of 1399, when he died. It seems quite impossible that he could have married a daughter of king Ramachandra, and therefore I think we must assume that his wife Malladevi, or Mallambika, though she may have been of the race of,' was not the daughter of, king Rama,- if Rama was identi. cal with Ramachandra of Devagiri." The present plates add a further relationship, viz. that Virupaksha was the son of the son's daughter (pautri) of Ramadeva. If we think with Mr. Sewell that the drama is perhaps wrong," we may conclude that Virupaksha was the great-grandson of king Ramachandra. In the present record Virupaksha seems to make the grant as a provincial governor, perhaps with the consent of his father; for the Saka year 1308 falls in the reign of Harihara II. From an inscription belonging to the Shimoga district we learn that Harihara died in the 1 Above, Vol. III. p. 224 ff. Report on Sanskrit and Tamil Manuscripts by the late M. Seshagiri Sastri, No. I. p. 90. Above, Vol. V., Add. and Corr., p. v. Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIV. p. 19. [I would suggest another solution of the puzzle. Ramachandra of Devagiri (the Ramadeva of verse 5) may have had an (otherwise unknown) son named Ramabhupati (verse 17), who was the father of Malladevi, the mother of Virapaksha.-E.H.] In the Tiruvilimilalai temple there are two inscriptions dated saka 1305 and 1307, which belong to the reign of Harihara II., and in which his son Virupaksha is mentioned as ruling the country. The first inscription records a grant of land by the headmen of the village, and the second states that a certain Munaiyadaraiyan made a gift of land for a flower-garden. Tiruvilimilalai is only a mile distant from Tiruppamburam mentioned in our record. 202

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300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. month Bhadrapada of the year Tarana (Saka 1326). The same fact is repeated in an inscription at Sravana-Belgola. Another record from the Shimoga district states that in the month Karttika of Saka 1026 (evidently a mistake for Saka 1326), Tarana, Bukka II. was on the throne. This date is only a couple of months or go removed from the date of Harihara's death, and naturally it might be concluded that Bakka immediately succeeded his father on the throne. That he was still reigning in Saka 1328, is evidenced by an inscription of the Ekamranatha temple at Conjeeveram. It is dated in the year Vyaya and parports to have been issued in the reign of Bakka II. Again we learn that the coronation of Devaraya I. took place in Saks 1328, in the month Karttika of the year Vyaya. Evidently therefore Bukka's reign must have come to a close at this time. But it must also be noted that in the month Margasira of the year Tarana, Saka 1327, Virupaksha is represented as ruling in Vijayanagara. This reign overlaps that of Bukka II. Under these circumstances it is not easy to explain how Virapaksha could have reigned in the same period, except on the supposition that either Virupakshe was acting as a regent, or that he seized the throne from his brother Bukka II., ruled for a short time, and was dethroned by the partisans of Bukka II. This latter may have been in his turn ousted from the government by Devareya I. Hence we might conclude that after the death of Harihara II. there was a rapid succession of kings one after another, thus :- Bakka II., Virupaksha, Bukka II. once agaia, and Devaraya I. Virupaksha seems, therefore, to have been a raling king, though only for a short time. Besides calling Virupaksh the lord of the Tundira, Chola and Pandya countries (v. 6), the record under consideration gives more details of his deeds than the Alampundi grant. He boasts of having weigbed himself against gold in the presence of the god Ramanaths (at Ramesvaram). He is said to have made gifts of a thousand cows and is described as the establisher of the Brahmanical faith (veda-marga, v. 7).7 He is stated to have gilded (the rimins of the temple at Srirangam and the Golden Hall' (at Chidambaram), which latter act has boon looks upon as highly meritorious ever since the days of the earliest Cholas. As regards the donees, it might ba remarked that most of them bear Vaishnava names; and some of them have family names which are distinctly those of a few well-known Srivaishnava Achirya-purushas. Of the places which are mentioned in this record, Siraikkavur, the village granted, is the same as the modern Soraikkavur where the plates were found, and is 4 miles from the Kuttalam Railway Station. Tiruppampuram (v. 10, 11. 49 f. and 65) is now known as Tiruppambapuram and is about 9 miles west of the Nannilam station, also in the Tanjore listrict. I am unable to identify Flumuri in Elumuri-parru (11. 60 and 64), which is literally translated into Sanskrit Saptakhanda-nivsit (v. 9), while Uyyakkonda-valanadu (11. 59 and 63 f.), a district of Chola-mandalam (1. 58 f.), is Sansktitized as Ujjivana (v. 9). The inscription mentions a large number of fiscal terms (11. 122-146), most of which have remained to the present day unexplained. 1 Ep. Car. Vol. VIII. Tirthahn!!i taluka, No. 129. ? Id. Vol. II. No. 126. . Ep. Carn. Vol. VIII. Tirthakalli taluka, No. 11. * Above, Vol. III. p. 36, note 3.- Compare also above, Vol. VI. p. 329 f.-E. H.] * Ep. Carn. Vol. V. Hassan talnka, No. 133, p. 85. . Ep. Carn. Vol. VIII. Tirthalalli talukn, No. 196. Compare above, Vol. III. p. 118 and note 4. * Vix. Vedagomapurattar (11.75 and 79), Gomatattar (1. 82 f.), Vangippurattar (1. 90 f), Urupputtarar (1. 97), Sottaiyar (1. 111), and Karambichchetru (1. 104). For nepit, a division,' see verse 9 of the Alampundi plate.-E. H.]

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No. 31.] SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA. TEXT. First Plate; First Side. 1 [Subham-s] [*] Omkar-kura-dam[sh++r]2 [aya sa]kal-amnaya-ghoshine [*] 3 a[dyay-a]s[tu na]mas-tasmai Vara 4 haya [ms]haujase II [11] Adhara-sa 5 ktim-ambhodhi-mekhalam ratna-ga 6 rbhinim [1] Hara-murttim Hareh kanta 7 m Bhutadhatrim-upas[ma]he || [2 ||*] As[1] 8 t Som-inva[y]-o[ttansah] Kaman 9 kshi-Samgam-atmajah | B[u]k[ka-bhu]pa i10 ti khyato raja Raghur-i[v=aparah] || [3 [*] 11 Asti rajadhiraj[o=sya putro] 12 Harihar-esvarah yash-shoda[sa-ma] 13 hadana-sukrit-amrita-sa[garah] [ 4 11*] Sa 14 pautryam Ramadevasya [Mall]a 15 devya[m] mahasayam (1) Virup[a]ksha-ma 16 hi[p]alam labdhavan-atma [sa]mbha 17 vam [ 5 ] Sa Kuntal-endus-Tund[ira-Cho] 18 [la]-Pandya-kshitisvarah san[nidhau]3 19 [Rama]nathasya tulam-aru[dhava] 20 n-dhanaih || 6 ||*] Sa go-saha[sra-do] 21 vida-ma[ga]-sthapana-[tatparab] [*] Sri 22 ramga-Kanchanasabha-puna[r-ut]bha 23 [sana]-kshamah || 7 |*] Danasla[gh]ye [Sa]kasy 24 a[bde] Kshaya-samvatsare [su]bhe [1] First Plate; Second Side. 25 Pa(pha)lgune masy-amavasy[am] 26 tithau Saumyasya pa(va) [sa]re || [8 ||*] 27 Vaidhriti-sprisi Revatyam [ka]ra28 pe Naga-namni sah | Cholesh[u] 29 Saptakhand-akhya-nivrity-Ujjiva 30 n-ahvaye [ 9 ] Chiraik[ka]vur=iti 31 gr[a]man-Tirupp[a]mpura-s[i]mani | [pa] 32 d-on-aikadasa-vriti-kshetra-[s | 33 m[gha]tit-antikam [ 10 ] Krita-prasastim [Vi] 34 ja[ya]suda[r]sana [pu]r-akhyaya [1] chatu 35 []ddadabby vipelbhyah peada[d=n] 36 daka-parvvakam [ 11 ] Samast-pa[dhi]37 rahitas-sarvvamanyataya athirah | [va]38 rddhata[m]=agraharo-yam-a-cha [ndra]-ravi39 tarakam || [12] Svasti srl-vijay-atbhu-6 40 daya-eriman-mahamandalisvaran r[4] 1 From the original plates. The of de is at the end of 1. 14. The third member of the syllable dhau is at the beginning of 1. 19. The e of d is at the end of 1. 27. Read -udbhd * Read -dbhyu 301

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302 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 41 jadhirajan rajaparamesvaran 42 sri-Vira-Haribararaya-kumara-Srima43 [n-malhamandalisvaran sri-Vira-Vi. 44 ruppanna-Udaiyar prithvi]-rajya45 m panniy=arulaninra Sak-abda[m] 46 1308 mel-chchellanin47 ta Kshaya-samvatssaram Panguni-mi48 sam ama[va]syaiyum Budhan-kica)49 maiyum perra Revati-na! Tiru[p]50 pampurat[til vada)-vayalil Puludi Second Plate ; First Side. 51 vana-Pperumal jivitan-tirandu 52 iluvaiyal veli patt-a53 raiye araikkal kudiya siraikka54 vur-Apa Vijayasudarsanapurattu ni. 55 na-gotriga! Ana bhattagalakku (u)56 daka-purvvam=aka sarv vamannya-agra[ha]57 ram-A[ga] [RA]hu-santy-arttham=&ka dharmma-[88]. 58 sanam (p)panni-kkuutta S[la-ma]59 n dala]m Uyyakkonda-vala[gadu] 60 Elumuri-pparru kil-kuru agaram [Si]61 raikkavur nang-ellai[kk=ut]. 62 ppatta7 nanjai punjai nattanga[!] 63 sakala-praptigalum Uyyakko64 nda-valanadu Elumuri-pparru-kkil65 kuru Tiruppampuram vada-vayalil [si]66 raikkavur ellaiy=udaq ku[dina] 67 nilam patt-araiye araikkal 68 voliyum utpata [na]na-gotriga! ana 69 bhattagalukkulo nichchayitta bhagam [4] [ll] 70 Inda bhagam padinalukku'l vagai [1] A71 tre-logotrattu Apestamba-[ stra]72 ttu Uqali Vinayaka-bhattan (pu]tra73 n [N]arayana-bhattan bhagam-1-A. 74 tre-logotrattu Apagtamba-su75 trattu VedagOmpurattu Tiruva76 ranga-Narayana-[bhatta] putran 77 Govinda-13bha[ttan bhagam]-1-tre-19 Second Plate ; Second Side. 78 gotratta A pastamba-sutrat79 tu Vedag om[pujrattu Lakshmana 1 Read -sahvatsaram. * Read adga. 7 Read =utpatta. 10 Read bhaffargalukku. 11 Read Atreya.. * The ai of rai is at the end of 1. 52. Read dwa dhat/argalukku. * The d of rd is currected from ku. Read -dgs. # Read utpada. . Read mind. 11 The syllable lu is engraved below the line. >> The first member of the syllable gd is at the end of 1.76.

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No. 31.] SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA. 303 80 bhattan putra Sri-Narasimha-bhatta81 bhagam-1-Kaundinnya-gotra. 82 tta A pastamba-sutrattu Go83 mathattu Karunakara-bhattan Cpu]trap 84 Sri-Vasudeva-bhattan bhagam-l85 Paragara-gotrattu A[ps]stamba86 sutrattu 1[ru]malapo[san] Ak87 konta villi-somasya]ji-[pu)88 traNG Devaraja-bhatta-yakshyamana89 r bhagam-1-Vatssa-3go[trattu A 90 pastamba-sutrattu Vangippu[ra]91 ttu Bhagavan-bha[t]tan putra Srira92 ngaraja-bhattan bhagam-l-Vat93 858-8gotrattu Apa[sta]mba-su94 trattu Pippirai Varadaraja-bhatta95 [9] putran Yajnamurtti-bhattan bh[@]96 gam-1-Vatssa-gotrattu A(pa)97 stamba-sutrattu Urupputtur [Na]98 rayana-bhattan putran Damo(dara)99 bhattan bhagam-1-Bharadvaja-g[o]100 trattu Asvalayana-sutratta Ku101 rovi Devaraja-bhattan patran (sri]102 ram(ga*]natha-bhattan bhagam-1-[Bharadva]103 ja-[gd]trattu Apasta[m]ba-su[tratta 104 Karambichchettu Mahadeva-bhattan 105 putran Yajnatma-bhattan bhagam-1 Third Plate; First Side. 106 Samkriti-gotrattu & pastamba107 sutrattu Irunganti: Devara108 ja-bhattan putran Sri Narasimha-bha109 ttan bhagam-1-Sata(tha)ma[r]shana-gotrat110 tu Bodha (ya]na-sutratta Irdyur 111 Sottai Npirttaraja-bhattaq patran Sr[i]. 112 ramga(natha)-bbattan bhagam-1-Vissvd113 mitra-gotrattu Bodhayana-sutrat114 tu [sJenalur Devardja-bhattan putra[n] 115 Mangalapurusha-somayajiyar bh116 agam-l-Sava[rni]-gotrattu Drahy. 117 aya(pa)-sutrattu Gangoli [S]oma118 natha-bhattan putran Sriparvvata[n&tha)-bha119 ta bhagam-1-Aga bhagam-14-[In]120 da bhagam padinalu perkkum Pra[bhava). 121 varusham Ati-7masam purvva-paksbasttju pra122 thamai mudal-&ga sungam [ubhaya)-marggamo Read konda". * Read Vatsas . Real Nritta. 1 Read Adin. The letter y is entered below the line. * Rcal gandi. * Real Mandala . Compare South-Ind. Ineer. Vol. I. p. 81, 1. 68.

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304 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 123 idaitturai puramb=aga [sa]kala-su124 varp-adayam sakala-bha[k]t-&[a]ayam 125 sekku-kkadamai ve[tti)-vari katti126 gai avasaram vasallottu [lai] e. 127 (lu]ttu rajasam pattaya-kanik123 kaitforana-kapik(kai] (sem ]bo129 9-var[i asa]podu ma[kka! pera]i ko-3 130 !!u[m] vilaiyaseru arasn-pe[ra] 131 padi-kasva(r)]l arisi-kanam araimanai132 y-a[li]yam [maga]mai talaiyarikkam v133 asal-ppa[Dam] pul-vari adai(ppu)-tta134 lvu ulavan sodi kar-adai mav-a135 dai kulav-adai olu[kku-nir-nilai-nir)-p136 patam ta[ri]-kkadamai [ka]tt-ayam (ti]. 137 rigaiy-a[yam) solaku . [navavi) Third Plate ; Second Side. 138 rattup padi] Ati-Kattigai-[ppachchai] m139 Apavi-ttevai Pil(laiya][ro] no140 bitiruvilakk-eplnai)-tte141 vai patti-tten[da]m kurra-tter142 dam al-amanji ar-adaipp-udaiyar k143 ayikkai marrum eppor patta variga144 lum nidbi-nikshepa-jala-pashana145 m akshani-agami-siddha-[s]ddhyam P[Q]146 rvv-Ayam apa [rvv-aya] m utpatta sarvva-b147 adhd-pariharam=iga) -chandr-Arka-sthayi)148 y=&ka? sa[rvva)m[annya-agra]haram=aga (kuda)14) ttora [11] [Sukha]me bhujittu=kko!150 lavam (ll"] Sarvva]manyam purvva-mariyada [11] 151 Dana-pai lana yor-mmaddhye danats 132 sre[yo=nu pallanam da[na]t-[sva). 153 rggam-ava pnoti pallanad-ach(yu]tam (pa). 154 dam-[13 || S[va-dattam para]-dattam va yo [ha155 reta vasundharam) [] shashtim var[sha)-ba(ha)156 srani [vishtbay8]a=jayate krimih [l| 14 11'] E[k=ai)157 va [bha]gini loke sarvvesham=eva bhabhuja158 [m] na bhogya na kara-[ggra]hya vipra-datt159 A vasu adhura- [151] Samisnyo]=yan-dharmma-set[u]' 160 nntipanam kale kale (pa]lan[i]yo 161 bhavatbhih sarvvan-etan bhavinab pa. 262 rtthiv-endran bhuyo bhuyo yachate Ra163 mabhadrah (Il 16 "] Pantro B[u]kka-[na]rendrasya 164 dauhitroll R[ama]-bhupateh | vidyate hi (Vi] IV dial is corrected from vachchal. The ai of kai is at the end of 1. 127. The third member of the syllable ko is at the beginning of l. 130. * The ai of dai is at the end of 1. 134. * Read Adi-Karttigai.. Read .pashanam. Read =aga. Read dandoh-ohhryo * Read -seurs, 4. Read bhavadbhis. 11 The first member of the syllable daw is at the end of 1. 183

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No. 31.] SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA. 165 [ru]paksho raja Harihar-atmajah [ 17 ] Subham-a166 8[ta] Sri-Harihara [II] 167 305 ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. Verse 1 invokes the Boar incarnation of Vishuu, and v. 2 the goddess of the Earth. (V. 3.) There was a king called Bukka, who was the son of Kamakshi and Sa mgama, and an ornament of the race of the Moon. (V. 4.) His son is the Rajadhiraja Harihara, who performed the sixteen great gifts. (V. 5.) He had by Malladevi, the son's daughter of Ramadeva, a son named Virupaksha. (V. 6.) He, the moon of the Kuntalas and the lord of the Tundira, Chola and Pandya countries, had, in the presence of (the god) Ramanatha, weighed himself against gold. (Vv. 7-12.) In the Saka year (expressed by the chronogram) danaslaghya (i.e. 1808), in the auspicious Kshaya-samvatsara, in the month Phalguna, on the new-moon tithi, on a Wednesday, while (the nakshatra) was Revati, (the yoga) Vaidhriti (and) the karana Naga,he, the donor of a thousand cows, the establisher of the Brahmapical faith (veda-marga), who was able to regild (the vimana at) Srirangam and the Golden Hall (at Chidambaram),- gave, with libations of water, as a sarvamanya (and) an agrahara, to fourteen Brahmanas the village of Vijayasudarsanapuram,' (which was made up of) Chiraikkavur in Saptakhanda-nivrit, (a subdivision) of Ujjivana in the Chola (country), and of a field of ten and three quarters vritis on the outskirts of Tiruppampuram. (Ll. 39-58.) On the day of (the nakshatra) Revati, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the new-moon (tithi in the solar) month Panguni (of) the Kshaya-samvatsara which was current after the Saka year 1308 (had passed), while the Mahamandalesvara Vira-Viruppanna-Udaiyar, the son of the Mahamandalesvara Rajadhiraja Rajaparamesvara Vira-Harihararaya, was pleased to rule the earth,- (he) gave, with libations of water, as a sarvamanya-agrahara, in order to propitiate (the bad influence of) Rahu, by a religious edict, (the following land) to the Bhattas of various gotras (living) in Siraikkavur alias Vijayasudarsanapuram which included ten and five-eighths velis (of land) in the northern fields of Tiruppampuram,-excluding the possessions of (the god) Puludivana-Perumal : (Ll. 58-69.) The wet land, dry land and house sites, with all acquisitions, enclosed within the four boundaries of Siraikkavur, a village (belonging to) the eastern group (of) Elumuriparru, (a subdivision of) Uyyakkonda-valanadu (in) Sola-mandalam, together with ten and five-eighths velis of land bordering on Siraikkavur (and situated) in the northern fields (of) Tiruppampuram (in) the eastern group of Elumuri-parru, (a subdivision of) Uyyakkondavalanadu, were assigned in 14 shares to Bhattas of various gotras. 1 [Professor Aufrecht in his Catalogus Catalogorum mentions Sudarsanacharya who wrote the Apastambagrihyasdtratika and the Srutaprakasika. The Vadagalai-Guruparamparaprabhava records that the latter work consists of notes taken by Sudarsanabhatta, the grandson of Parasarabhatta, from the discourses of the Vaishnava teacher Ambalacharya on the srtbhashya. According to the Vadagalai tradition Sudarsanabhatta was an elder contemporary of the great Vedantadesika, who is believed to have been a friend of the Vedic scholar Vidyaranys, and who is said to have composed a verse in praise of the Vijayanagara officer Gopana (above, Vol. VI. p. 322). It thus appears that, in case the author of the Srutapraktiikd was not living at the time of the Sorikkavar grant, his memory must have been quite fresh in the minds of Vaishnavas. And as most of the donees of the grant are Vaishnavas, it is not unlikely that the granted village was called Vijayasudarsanapuram after the Acharya, provided Vijayasudarsana was not a surname either of Virupaksha or of his father Harihara II.V. V.] 2 B [For eriti as the Sanskrit equivalent of the Tamil reli see South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 364, note 3.-E. H.

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306 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. (Ll. 70-119.) The recipients of these fourteen shares were : No. Name of the donee. Father's name. Gotra. S&tra. Atreya . . Narayana-bhatta Govinda-bhatta . A pastamba Do. . . . Uqali Vinayaka-bhatta . Vedagompurattu Tiruvaranga Narayana-bhatta, . Vedagdmpurattu Lakshmans. Do. Sri-Narasimha-bhatta . . Do. . bhatta. 4 Sri-Vasudeva-bhatta . . Devaraja-bhatta-yakshyamina Srirangardja-bhatta . . Yajiamurti-bhatta Damolara-bhatta . Sriranganatha-bhatta. Yajaatina-bhatt . . . . . Gomathattu Karunakara Kaundinya bhatta. Irumalapo[san] Akkonda. Parafars . . villi-sinayajin. Vangippurattu Bhagavan. Vatea i bhatca. Pippirai Varadaraja-bhatta . Do. . Do. . Urupputtur Narayana-bhatta Do. Do. . Kurdvi Devaraja-bhatta Bharadvaja . Asvaldyana. Karambichchettu Mahadeva- Do. . . Apastambs. bhatta. . Irungandi Devaraja-bhatta . Samkriti i Do. Irayur Sottai Nrittaraja. Sathamarahana. Bodhayana. bhatta. . Senalur Devaraja-bhatta Vigvamitra . Do. Gangoli Somantha-bhatta . Savarni. Drahydyana. Sri-Narasimha-bhatta . Sriranganatha-bhatta . . 13 14 Mandalapurusha-somayajin . Sriparvatanatha-bhatta (LI. 119-149.) We (vis. Virupaksha) gave tbese shares to these fourteen persons & A sarvamanya-agrahara, including all taxes, and including) hidden treasura, deposits, water, stones, permanent profits, future profits, established income, feasible income, old taxes and new taxes, (to have effect) from the first (tithi) of the first fortnight of the solar) month A di (in) the Prabhava year. Vv. 13-16 contain the usual imprecations and benedictions. (V. 17.) There exists king Virupaksha, the son of Harihara, the son's son of king Bukka, (and) the daughter's son of king Rama. No. 32.--MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA; SAKA-SAMVAT 1346. By M. NARATANASVAMI AYYAR, B.A., B.L., Hiru COURT VAKIL, MADRAS. The finding place of these plates is not known. But from Mr. Sewell's description of them it appears that they were preserved in the office of the Head Assistant Collector of North Arcot. 1 These taxes (11. 122-143) are left untranslated. * Prabhava is the name of the cyclic year immediately following Kshaya, in which the grant was made B92 II. 24 and 47 of the text. Lists of Antiquities, Vol. 11. p. 12.

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No. 32.] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA. 307 Hence it is likely that they were found in the North Arcot district. They are now preserved in the Madras Museum, and I edit the inscription on them from two ink-impressions kindly furnished to me by Mr. Edgar Thurston, Superintendent of the Government Central Museum, Madras, with the permission of Government. The copper-plates are three in number. The inscription is engraved on both sides of each of them. The second and third plates are marked at the left top corner of their first sides with the Tamil numerals 2 and 3 respectively. The first two plates measure 9" by 41", while the dimensions of the third and last plate are 8" by 41". The ring, if any, on which the plates were strung, is lost; and they are now kept together by & string passed through the ring-hole, about " in diameter, bored on the top of each plate. The alphabet in which the inscription is engraved is Grantha; but in the following cases Tamil letters have been used :-1, , 4 and na of the word Vengadanatha in line 102; tiru of Tiruvenkata in l. 108; Pillai in l. 112; peru of Perunkai in 11. 115 and 121 f.; nearly the whole of the phrase Kuppanoullitt arulkus in l. 123; and r of Nayinar in l. 130. The colophon Sri-Triyambaka is written in Kannada characters. A few peculiarities of the alphabet are worth noting. The secondary a-symbol is added near the bottom of the consonant in a few Cases; compare ja and nd in the word prajandi in l. 34, nd of nathasya in l. 40, ndni in l. 44, and samastanam in l. 46. The guttural of Suriginoh in 1. 65 resembles ndya. The subscript consonant in conjunct letters is in some cases added by the side of the first instead of at the bottom as in modern Grantha; compare bde in Sakasy-abde in l. 56, bda of pratyabda in 11. 67 and 81, Agi of Sarnginoh in I. 65, and sta of samastanari in l. 46. Finalm is in some cases not distinguished from ma; but, in order not to swell the footnotes unnecessarily, the distinction has been introduced into the text; compare e.g. m in Lakshmim (1. 3), sambhatam (1.5), vaibhavam (1. 5 f.) and bhashanam (1.7) with min "paham (1. 4), sampao (1. 19), Pratim (1. 38) and gramam (1. 51). The group rnna is written somewhat like ntha ; compare sampurnna in l. 59 and vistirnnam in 1. 54. The letter di of Dirakara in l. 113 resembles the Tamil vowel i of the 12th century A.D. The conjunct rgga is also peculiarly shaped; see Bharggava in 11. 108, 112 and 124. The difference between the vowel ri and the secondary consonant is marked by making the r-symbol end in a loop in the former case; compare prithivim in l. 37, nivrid in l. 49, Bhrigu in 1. 57, vrittair in l. 72, and vyavrittair in l. 72 f. with samprapte in 1. 56 f, gramam in line 62 f., and pratyekam in 1. 76, etc. As regards orthography, it may be noted that the hard dental t is used for the soft d in Patma (1.17), vidvat bhir (1. 45), Chitambara (1.77 1.), Utbahuo (1. 120) and bhavatbhih (1. 146). The form ranna is used for ratna in 1. 27, and the lingual for the dental l in bhapalo in the same line. Both these forms are probably due to the influence of Kanarese, which may also account for the change of d into { in Paluvat-kotfa (1. 48). Ba is substituted for vd in the word Badhala in l. 120. As a rule is doubled when it occurs in conjunction with d; see Govinnda in . 89, Utbahusunndara in l. 120 f., and Skannda in l. 126. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Nearly one-half is in verse, and the other half, enumerating the donees and the shares which each of them received, is in prose. In only one place a Tamil phrase, Kuppan=ullittarukku, occurs (1. 123). The inscription uses abbre. viated forms for the gotras and satras of the donees, except in the case of the chief person, Sampatkumara-pandita (11. 133-135). The record begins by tracing the first Vijayanagara dynasty from the Moon, in whose lineage Yadu is said to have been born (v. 5). In the race of Yadu was born Samgama (I.), whose son Wes Bukka (I.) (v. 6). His son was Harihara (II.) (v.7). His son was Devareya (.), and his son Vijayabh u pati (v. 8) or Vijayabhupalal (v. 9), who had two sons : He is also called Vijayabhubhaj (v. 16), Vijayarij (v. 21) and Vijayaraya (v. 24).

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308 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. Devarajendra (v. 10) or Devaraya (II.) (v. 11) and rigirindra (v. 10), Srigirisvara (v. 12) or Srigiribhupala (v. 13). The former, being the elder, succeeded to the throne (v. 11), while the second went over to Maratakapuri and was ruling the country of which it was the capital (v. 12). He made the subjoined grant of land to Sampatkumara-pandital and his relatives and other learned men with him, on a Friday coupled with the Revati nakshatra, on the Utthana-dvadasi lithi, in the cyclic year Krodhin corresponding to the Saka year 1348. The Saka date is expressed by the chronogram tattvaloka (v. 19), the same as that of the Satyamangalam plates of Devareya II., which were issued in the month of Ashadha. Our record belongs to the month of Karttika; for the Utthana-dvadasi is the twelfth tithi in the bright half of the month of Karttika, when Vishnu is said to rise from his four months' sleep. It is otherwise called Prabodhani. Prof. Kielhorn kindly contributes the following remarks : "On the utthana-dvadasi-tithi see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 185. For this tithi of SakaBarvat 1346 expired, which was the year Krodhin, the date regularly corresponds to Friday, the 3rd November A.D. 1424, when the 12th tithi of the bright half commenced lh. 8 m., and the nakshatra was Revati from 0 h. 39 m., after mean sunrise." The chief donee, Sampatkumara-pandita, is described as a very learned medical man, whose father Govinda-pandita (v. 14) was also well versed in the Ayurveda and in the Vedangas. The village Nipatataka (v. 17), the gift of which is recorded by the present inscription, had been given away to the same donee by (the donor's father) Vijayabhubhuj (v. 16). So we may infer that by some means or other it had lapsed in the interval. It is said to have been watered by the Naga kulya channel (v. 18), a branch of the Kaveripaka channel (v. 17), and was situated in Kalava-nivrit" (Kalavai-parru in Tamil), a division of Paluvut-kotta (Paduvur-kottam). When the village was granted, its name was altered into Vijayarayapura (v. 24) or Vijayaratpura (v. 21), evidently in honour of its original donor Vijayaraya. As regards the name Srigiribhupala, a word of explanation is necessary. Srigiri is another form of Sriparvata in the Kurnool district. The god of the temple at that place is called Mallikarjuna, and hence it is not impossible that the prince was actually named Mallikarjuna after the god, and that this name was changed by the poet into its equivalent Srigiribh upala. The manner in which the present inscription speaks of him, makes it possible that Srigiribhapala was the same person as the Pratapadevareya who is spoken of with respect in the Satyamangalam plates of Devareya II. as the younger brother of the king. For verse 10 states that Vijayabh upala had only two sons, levarajendra and Srigirindra. If the latter is not the same person as Pratapadevaraya, he must be another brother of Devaraya II., not hitherto known. Srigiribh u pala (alias Mallikarjuna ?) is of course distinct from Mallikarjuna alias ImmadiDevaraya, who was the son of Devaraya II.," and whose dates range from Saka 13706 to Saka 1387.7 As regards the places mentioned in this grant, Maratakapuri is already known to us from the expression Maratakanagara-pranta occurring in the Satyamangalam plates of Devaraya II., and Rai Bahadur Venkayya has suggested that it may be identical with Virinchipuram in See vv. 16, 21 and 1. 135.-(Sampatkumara is a Sanskrit rendering of the Tamil Selvapillai, the name of the god at Melukote in the Mysore State. It seems therefore possible that the chief donee belonged originally to the Kanarese country, and his father's native place, Rambhaina yuranagari (v. 13), may have to be looked for in the same country. One of the minur donees, Hampana-bhatta (1. 93), was evidently called after the Pampapati temple at Vijayanagara.-V. V.) * Above, Vol. III. p. 35. ** For another date of exactly the same tithi, but with a wrong wook-day, soe Southern List, No. 488." * Compare above, p. 300, note 9. Compare Appendix II. p. 16, No. 21. * Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Seringapatam taluka, No. 11. 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 321 f.

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No. 32.] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA. 309 the North Arcot district. Kalavd-nivrit is derived from the town of Kalavai in the Arcot taluka of the North Arcot district. For Paduvar-kottam see above, Vol. IV. pp. 82, 138,180, 271; Vol. V. p. 50%3 Vol. VII. p. 1925 and South-Ind. Insor. Vol. III. p. 89. The name of the village granted, Nipatataka, is evidently a Sanskrit translation of a Tamil name which should be Kadapperi. As a matter of fact there is at present a village called Kadapperi in the WAlajapet tala ka of the North Arcot district, which is situated five miles east of the anicat or masonry dam across the Palar river, and two miles south-west of Kaveripak itself. It is situated on the Kaverippikkam channel which at present takes off from the PAlar river on the southern side of the anicut, and is irrigated by a branch from it. It thus retains its ancient name, notwithstanding the attempt of a king to impose on it a new one. TEXT. First Plate; First Side. 1 bhUvarAhAya namaH / 2 zubhamastu / vinAyakAya namaH / 3 lakSmIm pakSmaLayatvAdyamanta4 rAyatamopaham / prathamahanda5 sambhUtam praNayAtavai6 bhavam / [1*] karuNAmayavAmAMgaM ka. 7 lyANaguNabhUSaNam / vande candra8 kalAkalpam mahastritayalocanam / [2] 9 bhuva: premaparipUMgapuLakAMki10 tabAhave / namo varAhavapu11 Se zrIvaibhavapuSe viSe / [3] va. 13 ndenantaphaNAbhUSAM syandana13 'morudhanvanaH / medinIM haridostam14 'bameghanAdAnulAminIm / [4*] mA15 sIt somAnvaye ramye yaduH paraH / 16 madhArmikaH / aMzAvatIrNo yaha 17 the bhagavAn 'patmalocanaH / [5] ta. 18 tkule saMgamo rAjA samabhUt 19 sampadAvidhiH / vikramaikarasasta 1Above, Vol. III. Additions and Corrections, p. vii. Compare above, Vol. IV. p. 271. Nipa in the name of a tree, Nauclea Cadamba-[An inscription of Vira-Kampapa-Udaiyar at KaveripPA kam registers the sale of the village of Kadapperi in Kalavai-parru, a subdivision of Paduvur-kotam; see the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, p. 34, No. 386 of 1905.-7.v.) *From ink-impressions, * The of mmd is at the end of 1.12. * Read degstambha 7 Read qa'.

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310 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 20 sya bukkabhUpobhavat sutaH / [*] zrI. 21 sarvamaMgalopeto rAjA ha. 22 riharekharaH / siddhasArakhatasmA. 23 cAlokezastattanUbhavaH / [*] 24 'devarAyamahArAjastasmAdajani 25 pArthivaH / yasya putrIbhavahImA26 n rAjA vijayabhUpatiH / [*] First Plate; Second Side. 27 soyaM vijayabhUpAko rabasiM28 hAsanam bhajan / kaTake bhUbhRtAcakra 29 siMhAsanajuSo viSaH / [*] bhaudA30 yadhairyazauryANAmAvA31 sau vAsavopamau / prabhUtAnde32 varAjendravIgirIndrau tadAtmajau / [10] 33 devarAyo mahArAjaH purojanma34 tayA tayoH / prajAnAM sukkatonme35 SaiH prApa siMhAsanaM param / [11] pu36 rIm maratakAkhyAntu samprApya zrI37 girIzvaraH / zazAsa pRthivImanAM 38 sucAmevAmarAvatIm / [12] soyaM zrI. 39 giribhUpAloH' kArya pAnvayaja40 nmanaH / rambhAmayaranagarInAthasya gu41 NazAlinaH / [13*] sAyurvedavedAM42 gasarasvatpAradazvanaH / govi. 43 ndapaNDite ndrasya tanUjAya yazakhi44 ne / [14] 'nAnAnvayAyairbiprendra 45 bibhirba [7]ndhavairapi' / sametA46 ya samastAnAm bhiSajAmagrayAyi47 ne / [15*] dattam sampatkumArAya pUrva 1 The lot dl is at the end of 1.23. * The d of san is at the end of 1. 30. * Read hidi * Read da. Rend degbhUpAlI raba. * Read bhUpAlaH kAmyapAnvaya'. Read nAnAncava ye. 1 Thod of rbd seems to have been added subsequently.

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No. 32.] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA. 311 48 vijayabhUbhujA / pakuvatkoha49 tilaka kalavAnIvaduttamam / [...] kAveripA50 kakukhyAMzaprAptajIvanavatim / 61 mA[ma]ma' nIpataTAkAkhyam kAMkSaNI. 52 yaguNAnvitam / [17] pAnAvyamAna Second Plate; First Side. 63 sasyAvyam' nAgakulyApravA54 hataH / vistIrNa sImayA bA 55 vividhodyAnathobhitam / [18] tatvA56 loke zakasyAbda samprA. 67 ple krodhivatsare / bhRguvA58 sarasvatyAmutthAnahAdazIti59 thau / [18] hiraNyodakasamapUraNa60 dhArApUrvakamAdarAt / tamagra61 hAramAkalyaM sarvamAnyamadAt 62 punaH / [20] tatasampatto pA63 mamenaM vijayarA[]puram / Sa[]paJcAya64 saMkhyabhAgaM chatvA to 65 samAhmiNoH / [21] ho bhAgo' 66 vidadhe kiJca kAmAkSIdharmamA 67 eDape / pratyabdanhijabhuktyartha68 m bhAgamekamakalpayat / [22] svArtha69 nhAviMzatim bhAgAnvidhAyA70 cyAnayaM sudhIH / sodarebhyavA-' 71 vabandhubhyo ma[nI]Sibhyazca dattavA72 n [23] pabhijanavidyAvRttA73 "vRttaireSa bhUSito vipraiH / 74 pAkalpamagrahArI jIyAbA(ma) I Read bAma. , Bead degkAkhyaM. * Read "sasthAvaM. * Read tapa. The secondary # of an is omitted in the original. * Cancel tbeantter bhAgA'. | Bend sIdaramya savavandhubhyI. *The Arst three letters of this line are engraved upon an ervure.

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312 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. VIII. Second Plate; Scoond Side. 75 nA' tu vijayarAyapuram / [24*]* prataH 76 param pratyekam bhAganirbaya' ucca77 te / grAmadaivatasya zrocitamba 78 ranAthasya zivasyaiko bhAgaH / / 79 govindanAthAkhyasya viSNore80 ko bhAgaH / kAmAkSIdharmamaNDa81 pe pratyabdandijabhuktyartham bhA82 gam / / kAzya Apa yajuH umApa83 tibhahasya bhAgam / / kAzya Apa ya84 juH candrabhaTTasya bhAgam // kAzya 85 Apa yajuH puNDarIkAkSabhaTTa86 sya bhAgam / / kAzya Apa yaju[:] de87 varAjabhaTTasya bhAgam / / kAzya mA88 pa yajuH lakSmaNabhaTTasya bhAgam / 89 kAzya Apa yajuH govindabhahasya 90 bhAgam / / kAzya Apa yajuH bhAskara+1 bhaTTasya bhAgam // bhArahA Apa 92 trivedivAmanabhaTTasya bhAgam / / mA93 treya Azvala Rk hampaNabhahasya 94 bhAgam / / Atreya pAvala Rk vija95 yezvarabhaTTasya bhAgam / / kauzika 96 Apa yajuH mArtANDabhaTTasya bhAga97 m / / "SaThama[] bo zaurirAjabhaTTasya 98 bhAgam / / vAdhUla Apa yajuH lakSma99 NabhaTTasya bhAgam // 1 kAzya Apa Third Plate; First Side. 100 yajuH bhAskarabhaTTasya bhAgam / / ka[*]zya 101 pApa yajuH ekAmhabhaTTasya bhAgam // 1 Corrected from TT. - Read degnirNaya. * The visarga seems to be an interlineation. * The secondary & of au is omitted in the original. 7 Read za . * Read ekAma Read aucidamba * Read govinda

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FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY RAI BAHADUR V. VENKAYYA. W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH SCALE :6 E. HULTZSCH aram 74 5 60naakraayaa urukrekaa 72 HA iruvru kaannn paakai paavmaak EIGO TER 48 Madras Museum plates of Srigiribhupala.--Saka-Samvat 1346. " ENEFINED pmpsai aran his2E peepttaaNeeOS cESSUNa me 01 ERUEEN EU 37 paakcmaak paapp W BTUENI 9+ EROUS idia 3 koo 89 teennn pooppaaEED ** 182r REE 03 Ala 'mmm ttaak plPERURTESIA SHEW 199 tnnn U DUGA 3* 2008 ( 181 maak ISSUD | C184 DOaaUaiND realtim e . & 10+ ml Oct pnnnmYE BEma91 'moo mcorile EmergialNDHU BElll88 BUSELEmgaram ' URUT 30Saga GIF NEWS | E urottired Irols a kt O oda Merr LEUR94.110 G O p 088rE89 maannn 4 OF GEE | troloroples 'habaDLS 36 pooionee | Sudaanatungo 9 EUOTES l a aa8dCURISTILLS paam4890184lanaais ' r R oom os ttook8IUUDIETd pclinco pisased k STING nnn 0591350 PalSS(Ganes" 83 38158OEL SHE-SOUnaa 12. SI G 64 Gaannntaak 'ketaavijyaakvaatuvaiyaannn 62 prutt kaattttutaaym BATE 'TISTE mlr 60 paaraauvkkrkaatrr 'piraarai 03 | 18pootttaal. m

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! it b. naakvijyaa.8 100 12 81,HT 22 212 768 uttuk/k8llaamti. AT22611223235 25+TT8GG?u erunnntti. 102 2013/04/2 78. naa2A2cG}0*aajaa? 250rgTag (c)i F 35715C- 2n/62,1 1040202122 uwjy10ryunnaa 80222112383 106 m2021121222 25-282-958?? 52120) naa(4uvnaayet keevaavyil 621772 11018203522281522426 uyuuk :uaanaaCATG! 1122222 822815-81108222412 4 kussaa.3kkaa atuuy 847-12-05 1201/2011 aaytu: ujsvri kaacump 8625010aarrrruktikai uycuu, paaaaj2 rraalum itha. 884109201020181 cuyttum 99 2321rroo ss*TV mrvaacu' 92 TO285e gam 94 ) 728tukutee taaj ipaajj, 28ngkaayil 96 281772 303920 1729 98708turuk paatti oru yaarrveeyaak arrull PPMP3OGjaary 114 to 2810 pkttaayaattupttu Gttuk0?vaa 116 .20272jaacvaajyj pT 28 118 14 20 1420 Hj kuy:22327 120 Ter eope ? 2. pkai uttttu 122paamtu uynnn ku ngrllittttrukTPS 1242/22 23 tr225235 1262050790129 taatu uppurm2 j}ree po' Fonnnyuuk 28 ckaaynaangk 2232128129 intnaar 132 leeoottuvryikeevunttaa nnsstaassaam 8vtee kaayai 134212 ever 42 6 6:582082a81]uttt 136281 fogle idina 27 &Taatnysriiniv 1382220 ITIN 182 T2 T2TGut 2072124 201 40292802 120 2repens Toys pttutti81 43cuu. 1.4.20 142492e JVA 7827 12DIGT 52 p{ObTws 8t 2. Tre To GIFTCO 146212 TS 144 148 ruurttivecryookm vrutee .&ene-8+

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No. 82.] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA. 313 102 bhAradvAja Apa yajuH veGgaDanAtha103 dIkSitasya bhAgam / / vAdhUla prApa 104 yajuH samarapuMgavabhaTTasya bhAgam / / 105 vatsa pApa yajuH yajanArAyaNabhaTTa 106 sya bhAgam / bhAradvAja Apa yajuH kA107 kahastinAthapAvanAzayorbhAgam / / 108 bhArgava pApa yajuH tiruveMkaTabhaTTasya 109 bhAgam / / vAsiSTha bodhA Rk varada110 rAjabhaTTasya bhAgam // 1 // bhAradvAja prA111 pa yajuH pApanAzasya bhAgam 10001 112 bhAva pApa yajuH pANTAn pike 113 bhAgam / / bodhA yajuH divAkara114 n puran candrabhahasya bha[*]gam 1000 bhArga115 va pApa yajuH paraMka devarA116 jasya bhAgam / / bhAradvAja pApa yajaH 117 zrIndrabhahasya bhAgam / / kAzyapa bhA118 pa yajuH zrIraMganAthasya bhAgam / / 119 vatsa pApa yajuH triyambakasya bhAgam [*]0 // 1 120 bAdhala' bhApa yajuH utbAhusabda121 rasya bhAgam / / bhArgava Apa yajuH peru122 ke veMkaTasya bhAgam / / bhAradvAja 123 pApa yajuH kuppanukrakiTTArukkudeg bhAgam 1 124 bha[r*]ggava Apa yajuH zrImUlaputran gu125 "NottuMgan bhAgam / / bhAradvAja bhA126 pa yajuH "skandakumArasya bhAgam / nidra-13 The letters Vengasand are Tamil. pAvanAza in the vulgar Tami] form of the Sanskrit pApavinAza. The form pApanAza occura in line 111 * The letters tirs are Tamil. * Red Anddy, the word Pillai is written in Tami].. . The letters pers are Tamil ; road Perungai. *Read zyambakasya. Read vAcUkha. * Read uhAisandarasya. * The visarga is engraved above the line. The letters pers are Tamil ; read Perungai. 10 The whole of this name is written in Tamil, except the letter w which is Grantha. n Thedoted inst the end of 1. 124, 19 Resd . "[Read forge and compare Apostamba's Srautarstra edited by Prof. Garbe, XXIV. 9, 14.-E. H.] 2s

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314 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 127 pakAzya Apa 'zrIraMgaupAdhyAyasya 128 bhAgam 1010 | vAsiSTha bodhA Rk vizeSa Third Plate; Second Side. vA 129 jJaputravaradarAjasya bhAgam 1010 | 130 fes bodhA Rk nAyinAra pun 131 anantanArAyaNasya bhAgam 101/ 132 vAsiSTha bodhA Rk anantanArAya 133 NabhaTTasya bhAgam 101 // kAzyapa134 gotrasya Apasta [m*]vasUtrasya yaju (:)185 dina sampatkumArapaNDitasya 136 bhAgam // 22 // kAzyapa Apa yajuH 137 sampatkumAratanayastha zrInivA 138 sabhaTTasya bhAgam |6| svadattAm pa 139 radattAM vA yo hareta vasundharA[m*] / 140 SaSTiM varSasahasrANi [vi]SThAyAJjA 141 yate krimiH / [ 25 *] svadattAt ddiguNam pu 143 ma prdttaanupaalnm| paradattA143 pahAreNa khadattam' niSphalam bha144 vet| [24] sAmAnyoyam' dha 145 vRpANAM kAle kAle pAlanI146 yo bhavatRbhiH sambanitAn bhA 147 vinaH pArthivendrAn bhUyo bhUyo 148 yAcate rAmabhadraH / [ 27* ] 149 zrIyaMtraka [1] TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Salutation to Bhivaraha ! Let there be prosperity! Salutation to Vinayaka ! (Verse 1.) May that primal one (Vinayaka) increase (our ) prosperity, who dispels the darkness of obstacles, who was born of the primal pair (Siva and Parvati), and who is possessed of an unparalleled wealth of kindness (to his devotees)! 1 Read zrIraMgopA The syllable [vi] is a subsequent addition. * Read khadattaM. s The 4 of yd in at the beginning of 1. 148. [VoL. VIII. Ther of Nayindr is Tami). 4 Road baMdatAda. * Read nvIyaM. * In Kannada olmrmotone rend cauka. Rend amaTi :

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No. 32.] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA. 315 (V. 2.) I salute him (Siva), the left half of whose body is the very embodiment of mercy (Parvati), who is adorned with good qualities, whose ornament is the moon's digit, and whose eyes are the three lights (vit. san, moon and fire)! (V. 3.) Salutation to that effulgence, whose form is that of a boar, whose arm bristled (with pleasure) at the loving embrace of the earth (when he brought her up from the bottom of the sea), and which increases (our) happiness and plenty ! (V. 4.) Salutation to the earth which is an ornament on the expanded) hood of Ananta, (which served as a war-chariot to him (Siya) who had the Meru (mountain) for his bow (at the time of burning Tripura), and which is the pea-hen on the pillar of the arm of Hari (Vishan)! (V.5.) In the beantiful race of the Moon was Yadu, of exceeding virtue, in whose lineage the lotus-eyed lord (Vishnu) was born as a partial incarnation (viz. Krishna). (V. 6.) In his race arose king Samgama, who was a strahcase of all prosperity. His son was king Bukka, who was the very essence of valour. (V. 7.) His son was king Hariharesvara, who was endowed with fortune and with all auspicious things, who was fully accomplished in learning, and who was verily the lord of the worst 1 (V. 8.) Prom him was born the king Devaraya-Maharaja, whose son was the wise king VijayabhQpati. (V. 9.) This Vijayabhupala, being seated on the jewel-throne, caused (his) enemies to opoupy the dens of lions on the sides of mountains. (V. 10.) He had two sons, Devarajendra and Srigirindra, who resembled Vasava (Indra) and were the abodes of generosity, fortitude and valour. (V. 11 f.) The Maharaja Devaraya, being the elder of these two, ascended the exalted. throne owing to the fructification of the good deeds of (his) subjects; but Srigirisvara, having obtained the city called Marataka, ruled this earth just as Sutraman (Indra) (rules the city of) Amaravati. (Vv. 13-20.) In the Saka year (denoted by the chronogram) tattvaloka (i.e. 1346), in the year Krodhin, on a Friday, under the nakshatra) Revati, on the tithi (called) Utthangdvadasi, this Srigiribhupals again granted, out of respect, As sarvamanya, by pouring out a full stream of water with gold, to endare till the end of the Kalpa, this agrahara, (vis.) the village named Nipatataka, the front-ornament of the Paluvut-kotta, the best (village) in Kalavanivrit, which is irrigated by the water obtained from a branch of the Kaveripaka channel, which posgebees desirable advantages, which is rich in crops flooded by the waters of the Nagakulya, which is of wide extent with vast boundaries, which is adorned with various gardens, and which had been granted before by Vijayabhubhuj to Sampatkumara, who had with him excellent and learned Brahmanas of various gotras and relatives, who was the foremost among all physicians, and who was the renowned son of the great Govioda-papdita, who was born in the Kasyapa gotra, who was the lord of the city of Rambhimayura, who was Puesessed of (good) qualities, and who had seen the further shore of the ocean of the whole Ayurveda and the Vedangas. There is a play upon the word frt, suggesting that Vishnu in his boar-incarnation, while rescuing one of his Consorta, vis, the Earth, was not inattentive to his other wife. 1 There is a subtle ruggestion in the use of the attribute fri-sareamangal-Opsta. The king's name (Harihara) being composed of that of Vishnu and Siva, there is an appropriateness in his being said to be joined to Srl (Vishna's wife) and Sarvamangala (Parvati, Siva's consort). So he is also verily the lord of the earth,' vie. Vishnu whore other consort is the Earth. This represents the Tamil Padwydr-koffam. 2 & 2

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316 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. (V. 21 f.) Afterwards Sampatsuta, having divided this village Vijayaratpura into fiftysix shares, gave thereof two shares to the temples of) Siva and Vishnu, and set apart one share for the yearly feeding of Brahmanas in the Kamakshi-dharma-mand apa. (V. 23.) This wise man reserved twenty-two shares for himself and gave the remaining ones to his brothers, relatives, and learned men. (V. 24.) May this agrahara named Vijayarayapura prosper till the end of the Kalpa, adorned by holy Brahmaras of good lineage, learning and virtuous conduct ! (L. 75.) Hereafter follows the assignment of the shares to each individual. Name of donee. Gotra. Sdtra. sakha. Share. Apatamba . . Yajus The temple of Sri-Chidambaranatha siva in the village. (The temple of) GovindanAtha Vishnu For feeding Brahmanas yearly in the Kamakshf-dharma-mandapa. 4 Umapati-bhatta . . Kayapa . 5 Chandra-bhatta . . . 6 Pundarikaksha-bhatts. . 7 Devaraja-bhatta . . Lakshmana-bhatta . . Govinda-bhatta . . . Bhaskara-bhatta . . . . 11 Trivedi-Amana-bhatta . . . Bharadvaja. Hampapa-bhatta, . Atreya . Vijayavara-bhatta Martanda-bhatta . . Kausiks sauriraja-bhatta , Sathamarshana Lakshmana-bhatta Vadhals , Bhaskara-bhatta , Kabyspa Ekamra-bhatta 19 Vangadanktha-dikshita . . Bharadvaja Samarapungava-bhatta . . . VAdhals . 21 Yajianarayana-bhatta . Vataa KalahastinAtha and Plvanaba . Bharadwaja . Abvaldyana . . Rich. . . Yajus . . . Apnatamba . Bodhuyana Apastambe. . . . Yajus. . . . Carried over 197 1 1.e. Sampatkumars of v. 16. The number of shares is missing, but, adding up the other shares and deducting them from the total 58 (v. 21), we arrive at the figure 2 for this donec

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No. 33.] No. Name of donee. TWO ANAIMALAI INSCRIPTIONS. 23 Tiruvenkata-bhatta 24 Varadaraja-bhatta 25 Papanasa 26 Andan Pillai 27 Chandra-bhatta, son of Divakara 28 Perungai Devaraja 29 Sri-Rudra-bhatta 30 Sriranganatha 31 Tryambaka. 32 Udbahusundara 38 Perangai Venkata. 34 Kuppan and partners1 35 Gunottunga, son of Srtmala 36 Skandakumara 37 srirangopadhyaya 38 Varadaraja, son of Viseshajna. 39 Anantanarayana, son of Nayinar 40 Anantanarayana-bhatta. 41 Sampatkumara-pandita. 42 Srinivasa-bhatta, son of Sampat kumara. Goira. Bhargava Vasishtha Bharadvaja . Bhargava Bhargava Bharadvaja . Kabuara Vatsa. Vadhula Bhargava Bharadvaja . Bhargava Bharadvaja . Nidhruva-Kasyapa Vasishtha Kasyapa . Apastamba Bodhiyana A pastamba 33 Bodhayana A pastamba 33 33 " " 33 Sutra. 23 Bodhayana " Apastamba Brought forward. Yajus. Rich Yajus. " 33 Rich 33 Sakha. Yajus TOTAL 317 Share. 191 1 1 22 6 56 The inscription ends with three of the usual imprecatory verses (25-27) and the name of the god Sri-Tryambaka (Siva). No. 33.-TWO ANAIMALAT INSCRIPTIONS. BY G. VENKOBA RAO; OOTACAMUND. The two subjoined inscriptions were discovered by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao, M.A., in the Nrisimha temple at the village of Narasingam, 6 miles east of Madura. The central shrine of this temple is cut into the hill known as Anaimalai. In an inscription dated in the 1 [For ullittdr see South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. Nos. 54 and 71, and the Dictionnaire Tamoul-Francais, a.. "associes, participans, parties interessees. Il se dit principalement des freres associes ou qui vivent sous le regime de la communaute; lorsque l'un d'eux fait un marche, les autres sont ullittdr." The Sukirti-bhrdtarah of the Piprawa inscription probably belonged to such an undivided family,' and this is the reason why only the name of Sukirti, who must have been the head of the family, was quoted there.-E.H.]

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319 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. 33rd year of the reign of the Chola king Parantaka I.' found in the temple, the hill is called Tiruvapaimalai. It is also referred to in his Devaram by Tirusanasambandar, the great saivs saint, as a stronghold of the Jainas. Tradition has it that Tironanasambandar drove out the Jainas from the vicinity of Madura after converting the then reigning Pandys king Nedumaran to the Saiva faith. There are still vestiges of Jaina dominancy on the hill. On a rock with sculptures overhanging a natural cave there are a number of Tamil inscriptions, one of which mentions Ajjanandi. The cave is evidently one of those which the Jainas occupied in old times. The first inscription is engraved on the left side of the entrance into the central shrine. The letters are cut boldly and deeply, and, being in the interior, the record is in good presery. ation; at the end of lines 5 and 6 are a few damaged letters which can be easily supplied from the context. The alphabet is Grantha. The final m is represented by a smaller m with & vertical stroke on its top ; see e.g. -idam in l. 3. The letter na is of a more arcbaio type than that of the Ganga-Pallava period, and ya is also slightly different from the common form of that time. The record consists of three verses, of which the first mentions the son of Mars of the Vaidya family, who was the minister (mantrin, v. 2) of the Pandya king Perkataks. He was apparently an expert in the art of composing poetry and hence is called Madhurakavi. His actual name, Marangari, occurs in the second inscription, where he also bears the title Muvendamangalapperaraiyan. He was a native of Karavandapura (v. 1) or, according to the second inscription, of Kalakkuli. The third verse contains the date- & Sunday in the month of Karttika of the year 3871 (expired) of the Kaliyuga era= A.D. 770. On this day an image of the god Vishnu was set up in the cave. The second inscription, which, though well preserved, is not cut so deeply as the first, is & supplement to the latter and is engraved on the right side of the entrance. The characters of this record are an archaic form of Vatteluttu and Grantha. The latter is employed in some Sanskrit words that occur in the inscription, vie. mantri (1.2), Vaidyan (1.2 f.), svargg-arohana (1. 6 f.), anujan (1. 8) and mantra-padam (1.9). The Vattelutta of this inscription seems to be the same as that of the Madras Museum plates of Jatilavarman published by Mr. V. Venkayya ;' compare ?, n, t, u and particularly k (which has not yet assumed the shape peculiar No. 63 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905. ? Araindmalaiyaddiy dyavaidangalir-palad allal-18rinargatk eliydowalon-Riruudlardymara-yirkave.-Tirumanambandar's Tirundlandy Padigan. * Sendamil, Vol. III. p. 406. * Nos 67 to 74 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905. SA Jaina teacher of this name is mentioned in the rock inscriptions at Vallimalai in the North Arcot district ; above, Vol. IV. p. 141 f. . See e.g. above, Vol. VI. p. 320, and South-Ind. Insors. Vol. III. p. 90. + Probably the word vaidya is derived from vida, and the name seems to indicate that the members of the family were proficient in the sacred literature. * In an inscription at Piranmalai (No. 143 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903) Karavandapura is mentioned as another name of Kalakkuli in the district of Kalakkudi, and in & record at Suchindram (above, Vol. V. p. 43) Karavandapuram is said to have been situated in the district of Kalakkudi. Kalakkudi is perhaps identical with the modern village of Kalakkad in the Nanguneri taluka, which even to this day has a dilapidated fort (Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 314). Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 57. The village granted in this inscription is Velangudi renamed Srivaramangalam atter the Pandya king Nedunjadaiyag, one of whose birudas was apparently Srivara. In the Tirwaymoli (verses 508 to 518) reference is made to Srivaramangai or Srivaramangalanagar, which is identified with Nanguneri Imow'n to Vai shpivas under the names VaNGamamalai and Todadri. It is not uplikely that the two Srivaramangalams are identical.

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No. 33.) TWO ANAIMALAI INSCRIPTIONS. 319 to the later alphabet wherein it is hardly distinguishable from ch) with the corresponding letters of the plates. The secondary i is written more on the top than on the side of the Consonant as it is in later forms. The puffit appears to be marked in a number of cases. The vowels a and d are the same as those employed on the Ril-Muttugur stones. Though the Vatteluttu of this inscription resembles to a certain extent the characters of the Madras Museum plates, yet as the Grantha alphabet used in the latter seems to be more developed than that of the Sanskrit portion of the subjoined records, it is safer to suppose, at least provisionally, that the Maranjadaiyan of the latter is earlier than the Jatilavarman of the Museum plates. The king is here called M&faojadaiyag, i.e. Sadaiyan, the son of Maran (or Jatilavarman, the son of Maravarman in Sanskrit). His minister Marangari, mentioned above, excavated the cave at Agaimalai, bat died before its consecration. His younger brother M&rap Eyipag alias Pandimangalavisaiyaraiyan, who succeeded him as minister, subsequently built the mandapa in front and performed the consecration ceremony. From the Trichinopoly cave inscription of Varaguna-Pandya we learn that he was also surnamed Maya jadeiyap. But an inscription of his found at Uttamapalaiyam? in the Madura district couples Saks 702 with his 8th yeer. His accession must therefore be placed about A.D. 862. The Mayanjadaiyag of the Agaimalai inscription was thus a predecessor of Varaguna and may bave been his grandfather. It is worthy of note that Madhurakavi was the name borne by one of the Vaishnava Alvars, and the Madhurakavi of the subjoined inscriptions was also & Vaishnava. Nammalvar, who, according to Vaishnava tradition, was a contemporary of Madhurakavi Alvar, was called Karimerap, i.e. Maran, the son of Kari. Is it possible that he was the son of the minister Marangkri? If this be the case, it is not apparent why he has omitted to mention the shrine built by his father, while the Tirumogur temple, which is situated close to it, is the subject of a hymn by Nammalvar. TEXT OF NO. 1. i 10 arkey faaret NATO: fete 2 y faunt: [1"] hawait yarak It occurs in p and of the word mangalapperaraiyan (1. 8 1.); in of Marangdri (1. 4 f.), in y and of jeyda pisnai (1.7), in >> of anujan (L 8), in y of cydiga (1.9), in of Pandi (1.9), and in of Mara (1.11). Above, Vol. IV. p. 177. * In the Madro Museum plates, the king (called Jatilavarman, the son of Mayavarman, in the Sanskrit portion and Nedusjadriyay in the Tamil portion) bears the surname Parantaka along with a number of other titles. This would lead us to identify the Marafijadaiyap of the subjoined records with the donor of the Madras Museum plates. But the alphabet of the latter seems to be more developed than that of the former. A fragal in the Vatteluttu alphabet (No. 277 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895) set up in the Trevandrum Museum belongs to the 27th year of MarafijadaiyaNG. The writing seems to resemble that of the Museum plates, and the inscription refers to Vilunism. Here again the minister is called Vaidyan. The Madras Museum plates tell us that Marti Eyipap alias Viramangalappararaiban, who was the king's Mahdgimanta in the 19th year of his reign, was & Vaidys. The inscription quoted in the paper on the Madras Museum plates refers to a fourth member of the same family, vis. Sattanganavadi alias Amritamangalavariyap, who was . Maldadmanta in the 8th year of Marafijadaiyap. The last as well as the two brothers mentioned in the Anaimalei inscriptions were natives of Karsvandapura. The Tami) word nfritafittal (or more correctly norttelittal) is synonymous with the Sanskrit samprolhana, which according to Monier-Williams' Dictionary means the act of prinkling well over, ponsecration (of temple, etc.) * No. 414 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. No. 705 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. * Pattampattu, Mudal Tiruvaymoli beginning tula tomarsi-tagamapirpayal-Tirumos From an inked estampage supplied by Mr.T. A. Gopinath Rao 10 The metre of this verse and of the next is Aryl

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320 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. . 3 yratt HT[T]wgfree - [*] Hat # 4 a afavaraturen [*]afiruna 5 [1] qfaafint : [UTEIE]#6 HUETTHU F [2] : [rafa)7 Teritori [olaen. & Afu datant [1*] 099 tiSTho bhagavAnabhUtkramAdihai10 Murfa Alfe mira [up"] TRANSLATION (Verse 1.) Pre-eminently charming in manners), a resident of Karavandapurs, the son of Mara, (and a) learned (and) illustrious (member of the) Vaidya (family)-Madhurakavi made this stone temple of Vishpu. (V. 2.) The same (viz. Madhurakavi), the wise minister of the Pandya (king) named Parantaka, also gave away to the first-born (s.e. Brahmanas) this immensely rich agrahara. (V. 3.) When three thousand and eight hundred and seventy one years of Kali had passed-on the day of the sun in the month of Karttika, this image of the) god was duly set up here. TEXT OF No. II.3 1 K8 Maranjadaiyarku 12 ttara-mantri Kalakkudi Vai3 dyan Muvendamangalap4 peraraiyan Agiya Masan5 [ga]ri iskkarrali seyda 6 nir[tta]liyaddy svargg-&ro7 ha[pan)-jeyda pingai ava8 nukku anujan uttara9 mantra-padam-eydina Pandi10 mangalavisaiaraiyap 11 ayiya Marapn-Ei-6 12 naNG muga-mandaman=7je13 ydu nirttalittan [11 ] TRANSLATION Mafangari alias Vaidyan Muvendamangalapp@raraiyan of Kalakkudi, the primeminister (attara-mantrin) of king Mara jedaiyan, made this stone temple and ascended heaven (i.e. died) without consecrating (it). Subsequently, his younger brother Marap Eyinan alias The metre of this verse is Van Sastha. ? Literally," when a trial of thousands and eight hundred together with seventy-one had come within the rang of the years of Kali." From an inked estampage supplied by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao. * In the original there seems to be a ka after the guttural. * Read visaiyaraiyan. The r of railooks like ka. * Read Eyisay. 1 Read - mandapari

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No. 33.] TWO ANAIMALAI INSCRIPTIONS. 321 Pandimangalavidaiyaraiyap, who attained to the dignity of prime-minister, made the mukhamandapa and consecrated (the shrine).

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INDEX. BT V. VENKAYTA, M.A. . . 67,84 . 207 . 129n PAGE Agrahayani, the full-moon tithi of Margasira, 163 PAGE Abela (Adhara),. . . . 170 abhaya-mudra,, . . * 177, 181 Ahara, a district, . Abhidhanacbint&mani, quoted, . .34n, 216nabargana, . . . . . . . 261 Abhimanya, Rashtrakata k. . . 164, 165 Ahlanaderi, f., . . ; 208, 217 Abhinava-Pandyaddva-Odeya, oh.,. . 128 AbmadAbad, vi.. . 206n Abbinaya-Siddharaja, sur. of Jayantasimha,. 99 Abobalam, di., . . 12 Abhfra, dy., . . . . . * . 89 Aihole, vi., . . . . . . 36, 33n Aba, pin, . . . . . Aja, mythical k., . . . . . 213 Aba, mo. . . . 200, 201, 202, 207 Ajakalakiya, fiold, . . . . . 72 Abuya, s.a. Abu, . . . 206, 207 Ajanta, vi., . . Achalesvara, te., . . . . 206 Ajilar or Ajileru, family of Jaina chiefs, Acharya-purasba, . . . . . 300 Ajitasena, Jaina teacher, . . . . Achoharapakkam, di.,. 280 Ajjanandi, do. . . . . . . 318 Achyatarkya, Vijayanagara k., . 124 Ajmer, vi. . . . 81 Adam, measure,. . Ajfiapti, . . . . . 145, 146, 238 Addarki, pi.. . . 10, 11 Ajnasaroharin, 8.a. sanasanobarin, . 163n Adhaka, measure, . . . . . 1290 . 1290 Ajya. . . . . . . . . 34 adhika-tithi, , . * 56n Akaravanti, co.y. . 41, 47, 61, 62 adhishthana, 8.4. sthans, . . 1610 Akbi, di., . . . . . 206 Ad hvaryu, a student of the Yajurveda, . 280 akshapatalika, * 70, 157n Adikebava, te.. . . . * 151 akshagalika, . . . 70 Adikabava-ghatta, . . Akshayalidgeyara, te., 267, 269 adipina-maliti, . . . . 124, 137 akshaya-tritiya, 6, 155 Aditya I., Chola k., . Aksbevara, te. 280 Adivaraba-Perumal, te., Alampundi, vi., . 299, 300 Agamisvamin, m., . * 230 Alanguli, oi., . agara, a house, . 134, 135n Alas, vi, , , Agastikagrahara, vi., 189, 194, 195 Albanad&vi, Kalachuri queen, . . . 202n Agastya, rishi, . . . : 9 aliyasantana, law of inheritance, * 127 Agastye vara, toy . . 13, 267, 275 AllAbabad, vi, Agattiyagpalli, vi., . . . .267 Allanabajakala, fold,, . . 188 Agborekvara, to.. . . 162, 163 Allaye, m., . . . . . 140 Agiyatapaka, t. . . . . . 91 Allar, vi, . . . . . . . 278 Agnisvamin, ., . . . 189 Allaraka, 8.a. Alord, . . . . 231 Agnivarman, m., . . 89 alphabets :Agra, vi, . . 174 box-headed, . 25 agrabara, 9, 10, 11, 288, 306, 806, 816, 316, 320 Brabml, . . 96, 166, 172, 174n 152 292 . 277 . 3 . . . 184 The figures refer to pagou 'n after a figure, to footnotes, and 'add.' to the Addition and Correction on pp. vi and vii. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. -chief: co. - country idi. diatrict or dine sion; do. - ditto ; dy. -dynasty; 2. - Eastern ; f. -female ; k. - king;m. - male; mo. - mountain ; ri. - river ; 8.. - same as, wr. - purnama, ts. temple; vi. village or toron ; W -Wortern. 2 T 2

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324 Grantha, Kanarese or Kannada, Khardshthi, Nagari, Telugu, Vatteluttu, . PAGE 8, 291, 298, 307, 318,319 16, 50, 123, 124, 298, 307, 314 296 96, 152, 153, 155, 156, 158, Alupa, dy, Alura, vi., Aluva, s. a. Alupa, Alvar, a Vaishnava saint, Alvar-Tiranagari, vi., Amalakeevara, te., Amara or Amarakoea, quoted, Amarachandrasuri, s. a. Amarasari, Amarasuri, Jaina teacher, Amaravati, the city of Indra, Amaravati, vi., Amareevara, te.,. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. * Amarusatakam, poem, Ambalacharya, Vaishnava teacher, Anapotanidu, ch., Anarta, co., apatti, s.a. ajfapti, Anavema, Reddi k., Anavota, s.a. Anapota, Anbil, pi., 460, 214, 215n 203n, 205 203, 218 . 315 . 200, 207 9, 124 318,319 126n 231 126n add. 295n, 319 294, 295 267 * " Ambarisha, mythical k., Ambika, goddess, Ambipataka, vi., Ambaali-pattala, di, Aminabad, vi., Amritamangalavaraiyan, sur. of Sattangana 10, 11, 12, 68 10 99 305n Apaga, co., 61 . vadi, amritapadi, a rice offering, amudupadi, s.a. amzitapadi, Anaghavarman, m., Anahila, m., Anahilapataka, vi., Anahilapura, v., Apaikatta-Perumal, te., Anaimalai, kill, Anandasuri or Anandaauri, Jaina teacher, 203, " . * . 319n 1380 138n . 238 190 99, 204 200, 213 277 * * 219 285 150 13 317, 319 . 205, 218 315 . 317 317 " . Anchavadi, vi, Andan Pillai, m., Andhra, dy., Andhrabbritya, dy., Anekarthasamgraha, quoted, anga-ranga-vaibhava, Anguttaranikaya, quoted, Annama, s. a. Annemamba, . Annama-Vema, s.a. Vema, Annaya, Reddi k., Annemamba, queen of Komati-Prola, Antarala-pattala, di, 10, 12, 13 10 6, 270 Antarvedi, di., Anugami, vi., Anupa, s.a. Anupa, Anups, co., anusvara, Anyor, vi., apabhara, a burden, . Apara-Kakhadi, s.d. Western Kakhadi, Aparanta, s.d. A paranta, Aparanta, co., Apastamba, rishi, Apastambagrihyasatratika, Apatsahayeevara, te., Ara, Jaina saint, Arhat, [VOL. VIII. . PAGE 53 317 144 29, 41n 2150 136 243n Anupamadevi or Anupama, wife of Tejabpala, 203, 205, 208n, 217 16, 25, 39, 51, 183, 188, 194, 242 177n, 178 204 or . * " Aridvaramangalam, vi. Ariraya-gandara-davani, biruda of the Kalasa Ananta, serpent, Anantanarayana, m., Anantanarayapa-bhatta, m.,. Anapota or Anapota-Reddi, Reddi k., 10, 11 and add., 12, 13 Karkala chiefs, . Arishtanemi, 8.a. Nemi, Arjuna, mythical k.. Arjuna, Arjunadeva Paramara k., Arkonam, vi., Arnava, metre, 12 41, 47, 49 Arporaja, Vaghela k,, . 146n Arsacids, dy., Arulala-Perumal, te., Arunachaleevara, te., Arur, vi.,. " + " * 9 150 . 151 86 61 41, 47, 62 10 10 . Arachosia, co, Arahalaya, m., Arama, vi., Arambhasiddhi, astronomical work, Arbuda, a.a. Abd, 201, 203, 205, 206, 207, 215, 218, 219 68 12 74 61 41, 47, 62 313n .305n 3 125, 134, 135n, 136 . 91 91 . 140 203n 126, 127, 128, 184 134n 61, 98 Arjunavarman, 98, 99, 100, 101, 241 291n 33n 201, 215 62 8 4, 6, 7, 268, 269, 273 129

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INDEX. 325 12 . 231n PAGE PAGM Aruri, s.c. Arur, 129, 138 Bagguaji, vi., . 129 Aruvattanalku-mapdalikara-talegonda-ganda, Baghelkband, di., . 286 biruda, . . 135n Bagilarasa, m., . * 138 Aryasiddhants, . . . , 241, 261, 290n Bagunji-sime, di., . . . 129 Agadhara, Jaina poet, . . . . . 99n Bahirika-vishaya, di. Asaka (Ashaks), .a. Afvaks, . 61, 62 Bahmani, dy., . Asandi, vi.. . . . . . . 55 BAhu, Jaina saint, . 208 Amaraja, s.a. Afvaraja, . . . . 207 Bahubalio, s.a. Gummata, . 134n AsatikA or Amatika, vi., . . 151 Bahar, vi. . . . Asatti-grama, 8.4. A stgam, . 280, 281 "bai, title,. . . . . . . 208 AshtAdhyayi, quoted, 39n Baicha or Baichapa I., ch., . , 16, 17, 22 Ashtahika, 204 and add. Baichapa II., ch., . . . 16, 22 ashtAnniks, 124, 137, 204 add. Bairat, vi., . . 168 ashtavidharchane, . . . 1371 bajakala,. . . 124 Ashtgam, s.a. Astgam, . Bala, Buddhist friar, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177n, Asika, e.a. Rishika, . . . . 61, 62 179, 180, 181, 182 Aboks, Maurya emperor, 87, 40, 41, 48n, 47, bala, measure,. . . . 1290 93, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, 178, 297 Baladays, ck., . . . . 1350 Asphotachandrs, Kanare ke., . 149, 162, 156 B&laditya, sur. of Dhruvas na II., . . 188 Assam, con . . . . . 286 balanaka, .a. balant, . . . 200, 203, 218 Astgam, vi., . . . . . 231. talani, . . . . . . 200 Asuresa-pattala, di.,, . . 160 Balasarasvati, sur. of Madana, . . . 99 Advaghosha, k., . . 171, 172 Balasarasvatiyam, poor, . . . . 990 Afvaka, co. . . . . . . 62 balusidor (belasidor), those who have cultishvamedhs, sacrifice, 80 vated, . . . . . . 61, 138n Afvaraja, 6., 200, 208, 207, 214, 215, 218 Bali, demon, . . . . 217 atrasamstha, a horseman, . . . . 26 Baligami, vi.. . . . . . 126 Akvatthaman, mythical horo, . . 292n Belimeya-hele, stream, Abribhati, n. . 79, 81 Ball&ls, author, . Athmalik, di., . . 286 BallAls, k. . . * 201, 202, 216 Atuka, m., . 146 Balsar, oi, Ata karu, s.a. Gani-atukdru, . 9, 10 balo, land hold,. . suttaraha, a northerner, . 91 Bamra, di., . Avichi-Days or -Devaya, ..., 11 Bapa, domon, . . .. .980 avagraba, . . . Bana, dy. . . . 28n, 981 A valivanallar, oi., . Bana, poet, . . . , 28, 29 Avapijandaraya, sur. of Palakakirkja, 831 Baps, the great, ke. . 28, 35 Avasarpini, . . 2140 Banavasf, vi.. . . 29, 147 Arimukta-kshetra, . . 152 Bandhogarh, vi. . 166 Arippalam, field, .. . . . 296 bangaru molaka, goldon sprouts, . 12 Ayaskagrahara, oi.,.' . 189, 194, 195 Bannahalli, Di., . . Ayanapuram, in . . . . . 2910 Baptara-beve, biruda, . 135n Ayurveda, . . . . 308, 315 bapps, . . . . 163D Ayyana, family, .. . . . . 238 Bar&bar, vi., . Ayyapadera, Nolamba k. . * 56 Barakan dra-gady&pa, coin, . . . . 1300 Ayyaparasaya, ., . . barasaka,. . . : 83 Bargarh, di., . .286 Barnas or Barnasa, ri. 78, 86, 87, 88 BAdami, pi.. . . . . 860, 460, 831 basadi, o.a. basti, . . . 2000 Badaneguppe, vi.. . . . . . 147 ! basti, a Jaina tomplo, 122, 126, 188, 200n * 124, 97, 152 . 30 . 168

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326 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. PAGE PAGE Baud; di., . . . . . 286bbatta, . . , 140, 163, 164, 183, 305Begur, vi.. . . . . . . 56 bhattaputra, . . . . . 140 Belugula, s.a. Sravana-Belgola, , , 17, 24 bhattaraka, . . . . . 206, 230 Benakataka, vi. . . 68,72 | Bhaunagar or Bhavnagar, vi.. . 190, 200 Benares (Varanasl), vi., 149n, 151, 152, 153, Bhava, s. a. Siva, . . . . 165, 168, 166, 173, 174, 177 Bhava-Btihaspati, tomple priest, . . 201 Benpegesi, m., . . . . 59 Bhavagopa, n., . . . . . Beppeyur, 5.a. Beppur, 52,59 Bhavaskandatrata, m., . . . Bennur, vi., . . . . . 34n, 52 Bhavishya, Rashfralda k., . bettu, . . . 124, 1381 | bhavya, the Jaina community, . . Betul, di.. . . . . . . 286 Bhayirarasa-Vodoya, Kalasa-Karkala ch., 127 Betul, vi., . , . 284, 285 Bbayirarasa-Vodeya, s.a. Bhairava II., . . 127 Bezvada, vi.. . . . . . . 10 Bhayirarsappaji, ch., . . . 129 Bhadaini, te., , . . . . . 149n Bhera-Ghat, vi.. . . . . . 2020 Bhadavaniya, s.a. Bhadayaniya,. . . 62, 64 bhiksha,. . . . . . 67, 1770 Bhadayaniya or Bhadayanika, 64, 65, 67 bhikshuni, . . . . . 177n Bhadrababu, Jaina author, . . . 134n Bhimadera I., Chaulukya k. . . 207 bhagabhogakara, 152, 154, 155, 157, 158 Bhimadova II., do 99, 201, 202, 204, 205 Bhagavat, s.a. Buddha, . . 71, 177n, 180 Bhimakhapdam, Telugu poem, . . . Bhagavat, 8.a. Vishnu, 160, 162, 163, 236 Bhimamayutasa . . -pattala, di,. . Bhagavata, a devotee of Bhagavat, 163, 236, 288 Bhimasena, mythical k., . . . . 61 Bhagiratha, Kadamba k., , . . 29, 30, 35 Bhishma, Epic hero, . . . . . 98 Bhailavata-pattala ((r)), di.,. . 150 Bhogik kasvamin, . . . . . . 230 Bhairarasa-Vodeya, Kalasa-Karkala ch. 129 Bhoja, k., . . . . . 242, 243, 251n Bhairarasa-Vodega, s.a. Bhairava I., 124, 134 Bhoja or Bhojadeva, Paramdra k., 98, 99, 100 Bhairarasa-Vodeya, 3.a. Bhairava II., 124, Bhojaprabandha, . . . 242 135, 136, 138 Bhoja Shala (Kamal Maula Mosque), . . 96 Bhairava I., Karkala ch., . . 124, 126 Bhopal, vi.. . . . . . 101n Bhairava II., Kalasa-Karkala ch., 124, 125, Bhujabala-Maharaya, Vijayanagara prince, 127n 126, 127, 128, 135n Bhujabalin, 8.a. Gummata,. . . 134n Bbairava or Bhairavendra, ch., . . 128 Bhujangadasa, m., . . . . Bhairava or Bhairavendra, s.a. Bhairava II. bhukti, a district, . . . . . 188 124, 134 Bbumare, vi., . 286 Bbairavarhja, s.a. Bhairava I., . . 124, 134 bhomichohhidra, . Bhaja, vi., . . . . . 76 Bhuta, demons, bhakti, measure of land, . . 189, 195 bhutavatapratyaya, . . . 189 Bhalibhada, vi., . . . . . 206 bhuvana-sale,.". 1270 bbandakarikiya, . . . 92 Bhdvaraba, s.a. Vishnu, 314 Bhanukirti, title of Jaina teachers, . . 1290 Bikkirupandiya (Vikramapandya), 6.,. 138 Bbonukirti-Maladharideva, Jaina teacher, 129n Bilahri, vi.. . . Bhanustamin, m., . . . 284, 285, 288 Bilbana, post, . . . Bhanuvarman, Kadamba k.,. . 30, 31 Biliyarasa, m., . . 138Bharatesvara-chakravartin, mythical k., 134 Bindra Nawagarh, di.. Bb&rati, s.r. Sarasvati, . . 99, 135 Birar, vi, . . . . Bhardda, vi., . . . . . 189 Biyala, m., . . . . . . 59 Bbarukaobha, vi.. . . . . . 79 bodhi, . . . . . . . 178 Bbarwara, vi., . . . 285 Bodhiguta, ., . Bhaskara-bbatta, m., . . * 316 Bodhisattva, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, Bhatapalika, f., . . 91, 92 180, 181, 182 189 63 285

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INDEX. 94 27 392 237 PAGE Bonai, di, 286 Bopaki (Vopaki), ascetic, Bord Sambhar, di, . 286 Calontta, city, . . . 180 Bower Manuscript, Chadhuhapali, vi., 157 boya, 8.a. vastavya, 238 Chricha or Chaichapa, mistake for Baicha 10,17 Brahmadova, Jaina god, . . 1230 Chaitraparvan, e.a. Vasant Otsava, . 981 Brub madara-mapdape, . . 15 Chaitri, the full-moon day of Chin, 10 Brahmadova pillar, . . . 1231, 123 Chaitrotsava, s.a. Vanantotsav., . . 950 brahmaddya; . . . . 163, 236 chaityagriba, . . . . . . 91 Brahmagupta, astronopior,' . 238, 211 Chakora, mo., . . Brahma-Kundi, s.a. Gandlaksmma, 10, 11n Chalikya, s.a. Ceahakya Brahman, god, ... 22, 23n, 216, 233, Chalisilapa, vi., . . 236, 237 Chaliylr, ri. . . Brahman, s.a. Brabmadova, . 125, 136, 137 Chalukya, Eastern, dy., U19A, 251, 337, 238 Brahmana, vi, . . . . . 206 Chalukya, Western, dy., 1.26n, 230, 231, Brahmana, 28, 33, 34, 49, 61, 78, 79, 80, Chalukya, family, . 81, 83, 86, 83 Chalukya, do. . brahmapuri, ' . . . 26 Chamaravami, vi.. . Brahma-sidah anta, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 57, 68 add., Chamayya, m., . . 262, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, Chambal, ri., . 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, Chanakya, minister, 217 281, 282, 283, 289 Chandaladovi, queen Vikramaulity VI., 101 Brihaspati, . . . 32, 214n, 217n Chandapa, ., . , . 30), 209, 207, Brihatsam hita, quoted, . . . . 62n 32.1,918 British Museum plates, . . : 143 Chandaprasada, m., . . , 208, 207, Broacb, vi.. i . 211, 218 Bucb8-Reddi, s.a. Terala-Buch-Reddi, . . 11 Chanilavarman, Kalinga k.. . . .288n Buddha, 67, 70, 71, 91, 168, 174, 175, 177, Chapdavega, metre, . . . . 33n 178, 180, 181, 297 Chapdevara, m., . . . 203, 219 Buddbacharita, . . . . . . 172 Chandodia or Chandoria, ul., Baddhamitra, Buddhist nun, 173, 177, 182 Chandra-bhatta, m., . . . 316, 317 Buddharakshita, mi . . . . . 63 Chandradeva, Kanaw k., . . 149, 150 Buddhavarman, Pallava k., . 234, 236 Chandraditya, h., . . . . . . . 188 Buddhism,. . . . 80, 91, 167, 173, 174 Chandragiri, vi, . . . Buddhist, 64, 68, 70, 75, 79, 80, 167, 170, 172, Chandragupta, Maurya k., . , 40, 41, 46 177, 178, 180, 2900 Chandragatti, di. . . . . Buddbyahkura, Pallava prince, 144, 145, 146 Chandramauliavara, te., , . . 265 Budhasvamin, m.. . . 194, 195 Chandrgnana, Jaina saint, . . * 208 Budh-Gaya, di., . . 180 Chandranatha or Chandranathasvamin, to., Bukka I., Vijayanagara k., 16, 17, 305, 125, 128, 138 806, 307, 315 Chandrapur, di.,. . Bakka II., do., . . . . Chandraputraka, vi, . . . 195 Bukkana, ch., . . . . . 16, 22 Chandravati, vi... 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 217 Bukkaraya, 8.a. Bukka I... . . 16, 22 Changanarondra, mistake for Vangaparendra, 1960 ball orest, * . . Charaka, . . . . . 79 Burma, co., . 172, 173n Charana, demi-gods,. . . 0% Busbalrao, o.a. Bhujabala-Mabaraya , 197n charitra,. . . . . ' 92 Batuga I., W. Ganga A.,. . . . 54 charu, . . . , . 31, 1361 Batuga II., do. . . . . . . 54 Charadevi, queen of Vijaya-Buddha vannav, 144, Byrmu Wodears, the Karkala chiefs, 124n 146, 148 195 . 144 180

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328 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. Dabhala, co., . PAGE PAGE Charukirti-Panditaddva, Jaina teacher, 128, 129n Conjeeveram, vi., . 9, 17, 28n, 234, Chashtana, Kshatrapa k.,. . 41, 46 292, 293, 295, 300 chaturmasya, sacrifice, . . . . 34 Cuttack, oi., . . . 139 Chaturmukhabasti, to., 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 129, 134n, 135n chaturthavarna, the fourth (sadra) caste, 9 chaturvedin, . 189, 194, 195 . 285, 286, 288 Chaubara mound, . 173n, 181 Dahala, Dahala, Dahala or Dahal, e.a. DaChauluky, dy. . . 99, 100, 200, 201, bhala, . . . . . 285, 286 202, 204, 205, 215, 216, 218 Dahanuka, ri., . . . . 79 Chautar, family of Jaina chiefs, . . 129 Dahanuke, vi.,. . . . . . 86 Chatitaru, s.a. Chautar, . . . 129n Daivaha, s.c. Deoba, . . . . . 150 Chebhatika, s.a. Chehdi, . 183, 184 Dakhamitra, f., . . . . . 82, 85 Chechififia, vi,, . . . . . . 86 Daksha, demon, . . . 217 Chihdi, vi.. . . . . . 184 Dakshina-Bhojaraja, sur. f Ravivarman, 9 Chendalar, vi.,. 233, 234, 236, 238 Dakshinapatha, co. . . . . 41, 47, 62 Chendaldra, s.a. Chendalar, 234, 236, 238 Dakshina-Siva, te. . . . . 164 Chendafura, do... . . . . 238 Dalbra, vi,, . . . . . 145, 146 Chetika, community of Buddhist monks, 77 Dimachika, clan or district, . . 95, 96 ChhAkalepa or Chhagalopa, vi., 90 Damana, ri., . . . . . . 79 Chhattisgarh (the thirty-six forta), di., 286 Damascus, vi.,. . . 95 Chhavata, mo. . . . . . . 61 Damodara, Pariurdjaka k., . * 288 Chhindwara, di. . . . . . 286 Damddara-bhatta, .., . . 306 Chidambaram, vi., . 800, 305 Damddarafarman, m., . . 166, 167, 168 Chidambaranatha, to.. . . . . 316danaelaghya, chronogram, . . . 306 Chikhalapadra, vi, . . , 79, 80, 82 Dandaka, metre, . . . 26, 38n Chikkabetta, hill at Karkala, 122n, 125, 135 Dandakavili or Kondaviti Dandakavili, Chikkabetta, hill at Sravana-Belgola, 128n Telugu poem,. . . . 11, 12, 18 Chikka-Magalur, e.a. Chikmagaldr, . 50dandanatha, . . . . 16 Chikkulla, vi., . . . . . 26, 28n dandanayaka, . . . . . 29, 136n Chikmagaldr, vi., 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58 | Dandin,. . . . . . 48 China, co., . . . . . . 12 Dantapura, oi.,. . . . . 161 Chipaik kavur, s.a. Sopaikkavdr, . Dantidurga, Rashtrakufa k., . 184, 294n Chitorgadh, vi., . 202 Dantiga, ... Dantiverma-Maharaja, . 293n Chitragupta, god, . . 152n, 153 Dantiga, s.a. Dantivikramavarman, . . 292 Chitraprabandha, a metrical puzzle, . 138 Dantippottaralar, Pallapa k., 289, 294 Chitravahana, Alupa k. . . . . 126n Dantivarman, Pallavatilaka k., . 2930 Chitta, Reddi ch., . . . . 10 Dantivarman, 8.a. Dantippottaralar, 293 chivarika, . . . . . 83, 84, 90 Dantivarman or Dantivarma-Maharaja, Pallava Chola, co., . .1, 8, 66, 241, 260, 261, k., . . . . . 292, 293, 296 276, 290, 291, 292, Dantivikrama or Dantivikramavarman, Ganga293n, 296, 800, 806, 318 Pallava k., . . 292, 293 Chola, family,. . . . . 131n, 196nDanu, demoness, . . . . . 216 Chola-mandalam, di.. . . . 800 darsana, . . . . . . 22n Chotangi, co.. . darkanas, the six, . . . . 185 Cha-Aryn, biruda of Buddharakshita, .68, 78 Darbi, vi, . . Chulukyn, e.a. Chaulukya, 200, 201, 203, Darukavane vara, te., . 213, 214, 219 Dasakumaracharita, . . 410 Chunar, ti.. . . . . . . 174 Dafanapura, vi.. . . . . 161 Chutia Nagpur, co., . . . . 288 dakparadha, . . . . . . 189 215, AL

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INDEX. 329 150 . . PAGE Dalapura, s.a. Dasor,, . 79, 95, 189, 194, 195 Dabaratha, mythical k., . , 216, 216 Dasaru pakam, quoted, . . . 98n Dasor, vi... . . . . . 195 dates : recorded by a chronogram, . 8, 806, 308, 315 recorded in numerical symbols, 38, 188, 189, 194, 195, 280, 231, 284, 288 recorded in numerical words, . 10, 134 DAthAvama, name of a Buddhist work, Datt&mitri, nin . . . . . . 91 Dattag, m., . . . . . . 296 Dattasvamin, m., . . . . 194 Davani, vi.. . . Dayadami-pattal, di, . . . . Dayi (Dayika), 1., . . . . . 152n Deyimbarman, . . . . . 152 days, lunar :bright fortnight :first, . 58, 271, 272, 306 second, . . . 267, 273, 274, 278 third, 5, 156, 163, 302, 207, 262, 277, 278, 280, 281, 282 fourth, . . . 202, 266 fifth, . 4, 7,58 add., 158, 236, 264, 266, 270, 281 sixth, . . . . 124, 134 seventh, . . . . . . 3 eighth, . . . 277 tenth, . 183, 268, 269 eleventh, . . . 8, 9, 17, 21, 273, 277 twelfth, . . . . 6, 17, 24, 308 thirteenth,. . . 281, 269, 270, 274, 289 fourteenth,. . . . . 3, 5, 267 . . 271 full-moon, . 100, 54, 67, 68 and add., 147, 148, 152, 153, 154, 237, 240, 241, 282, 283 dark fortnight: first, . . . , 8, 6, 41, 45, 98n, 283 second, . . . . . 274, 282 third, 195, 203, 204, 205, 219, 262, 263, 279, 282, 289 fourth, . . . . 267, 268 fifth, 4,56n, 157, 189, 275, 278, 279, 283 sixth,. . . . . . . 279 seventh, . . . 2, 7, 208, 280 eighth, . . 6, 208, 266, 269, 275, 276 ninth, . . 3, 6, 265, 266, 276 PAGE days, lunar :dark fortnight:tenth, * 7, 276, 277, 289 eleventh, . . . 1, 2, 264, 265, 373 twelfth, . . .140, 263, 264, 265, 272 thirteenth, . . 6, 266, 272, 276, 278 fourteenth,. . . . . 208, 270 fifteenth, . . . 271, 299 new-moon, . . 57, 58, 305 days, solar : . . . . 267, 277 eighth, . . fourteenth, . . . 288 seventeenth, . . 269 twenty-fourth, . . . 266 twenty-fifth, . . . . 299 twenty-eighth, . . . . . . 968 thirtieth. . . . . . 78, thirty-first, . . . .279 thirty-second, . . . 271, 272 days of the week :Sunday, 4, 7, 153, 154, 203, 204, 205, 219, 265, 267, 269, 270, 272, 282, 283, 318, 320 Monday, 5, 6, 54, 57, 58 and add., 152, 153, 154n, 168, 207, 265, 266, 267, 268, 271, 272, 273, 276, 77, 278, 280, 282, 283, 289, 290 Tuesday, . 4, 56n, 262, 263, 273, 276, 230 Wednesday, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 56n, 124, 134, 167, 262, 263, 264, 266, 271, 272, 274, 275, 277, 279, 281, 299, 305 Thursday, 1, 2, 3, 56n, 163, 208, 203.901, 265, 269, 270, 270, 96 Friday, 6, 7, 10, 155, 208, 239, 270, 267, 280, 281, 200, 2:13 Saturday, 8, 9, 261, 268, 270, 277, 278, $ 3, 289, 290 Demetrias, vi., , . Deoha, sur. of Gogra,. . . . 150 Deel-gana, . . 129n, 124 Dekinamamala, quoted, 26n, 117n, 217.2, 952), 258n, 255n, 256n, 257, 58, 269n Desiogarasaru, ch., . . . . . 136n dei words, . . . . . . Daulavada, s.a. Dilwara, . . 900 900, 7 Deupali, vi., . . . devabhoga-hala, . 13 Devadhya, Parivrdjaka k. . 488 Devagans, m., . . Devageri, ni.. . . . . 25, 30, 6Sn 20 fifteenth, .

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830 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, [VOL. VIII. 92 Rlov Devagiri, vi.. . . . . . . 299 Dava[ha]li-pattala, di., . . 150 Devak ulapataka, s.a. Dilauda, 195 ddvakulika, a shrine,. . Devanam Piye, s.a. Asoka,. Devanayaka-Peruma, te. . Davapala, Paramdra le.. . Davapuriovara, te., . . Devaputra, title, . Dovaraja, Rashtrakdfa k.,. . . 161 Davaraja-bhatta, m., . . . . 316 Dovaraja-bhatta-yakshyamana, m., . 303 Devarajandra, 8.a. Devaraya II., 308, 316 Dovaram, poem, . . 290, 291, 293n, 318 Devaraya I., Vijayanagara k., . 800, 307, 315 Duvaraya II., do, * 127, 308, 315 Davasthana, vi.. . . . . 151 Devavarman, Kadamba k., . 30, 31 Devf, 8.a. Parvati, . . 214, 217 Dhadhuka, m.,. . . 158n Dhamanandin, m., . Dhambhika, vi., Dhammadeva, m., Dhammamahimata, 8.a. Mahamata, Dhammanahaddika, s.a. Dhamnar, Dhammarakhita, m.,. . . . Dhuninakataka, s.a. Dharanikota, . 68 Dhamnar or Onar, vi, . . . . 195 Dhamnod, vi., . . 195 Dhanabhuti, m., . . Dhanulevi, f... . 201, 214 Dhanakata, vi., . . 65, 65 Dhanama, mn., . . Dhananjaya, m., 230 Dhanamkata, s.a. Dhanakata, Dunapala, author, . . Dhanavati, Buddhist nun, . 182 Dhandhala, ., . . . 203, 219 Dhandhalovaradova, te. . . . 206 Dhandhuka, Para mara k., . . 201, 216 Dhandhasa, m., . . . 158 Dhanesaramaus-pattala, di., . Dha gatapataka, s.a. Thanaura, . . . 285 Dhanyavati, s.a. Dharanikota, . . . 11 Dhar, vi., . . . . . 96, 98, 241 Dhara, s.a. Dhar, 98, 99, 100, 201 Dharadatta, m., . . 140 Dhardgiri, hill, . 100 Dharaniga, m.,. . . 203, 217 Dharapikota, vii, , 11, 12, 13, 68 PAGE Dharasena IV., Valabhi k., . 189, 190, 195, 241 Dharasraya, sur. of Jayasimhavarman, 230, 231 Dharavarsha, Paramara k., . 201, 202, 216 Dharkata, family, . . . . . . 206 dharma, s.a. charitra,. . dharmachakra-mudra, . . . . 178 dharmamahAraja, . . 30, 147 dharmamahArajadbirkja, . . . Dharmaraja, 8.a. Asoka, . . 167 Dharmasastra, . . . . 140 Dhauli, vi, . . . . . 188, 207 Dhauli, s.a. Dhauli, 206, 207 Dhritikara, m.,. . . . 140 Dhrava or Dhruvaraja, Rashtrakufa k., 183, 184 Dhruvabhata, Paramdra k., . 201, 216 Dhruvasina II., Valabhi k., 188, 189, 190, 195 Dhruvasena III., do., . . . . 190 Dhulia, vi.. . . . . . . 182 Dhumaraja, Paramara k. . 201, 206, 316 aiksha, . . . . . 36 Dilauda, vi., . . . . . 195 Dilwara, vi.. . . . 207 Diniks, A., . . . 78, 82, 85, 86 Divakara, ., . . . . . 317 Divel Khedi or Dibal Kheri, vi... : 195 divirapati, a chief secretary, . 189, 190 Dodda, Reddi k., . . 10 Doddabetta, hill at Sravana-Belgola, . 123n Doddahundi, vi., . 53 Doddambika, Reddi queen, Doddaya, Reddi k., . . . 9 Donti Allada-Reddi, Reddi ch., . . . 11 Dorbali, s.a. Gummata, 124, 134 Draksharama, vi.. . . . . . 12 dpishad, . . . . . 34 Dadhali, di, . . . . . . 151 Dudia, vi.. . . . . . . 31 dudigai (dvitiya), . .2671 dataka, . . 70, 140, 146, 189, 190, 288 Dvaravatika, s.a. Dwara, . .'294, 285, 283 Dvarka, oi.. . . . . . . 206n dvitiya-sravana, . . . . . 127 Dwara, vi.. . . . . . 285 176 . 10 . 117n 160 eclipse, lunar, . Egmore, vi.. Ekamra-bhatta, m., Ekamranatha, te., . . . . . . . . . . 10, 237, 240, 271 . 290 . . 316 . 3, 300

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INDEX. 331 PAGE elephant crest,. . 50, 52 Elkuru, vi... . . . . 54, 56, 57 Elumbur, s.a. Egmore, 290 Elamuri-parru, di., . . . . 300, 305 Elamdr-nadu, di., . . . 291 eras : Gupta, . . . . 284, 288, 289, 290 Gupta-Valabhi,. 188, 190, 195, 201 Kalachuri-Chedi, . . . . 202n, 331 Kaliyuga, . . 8, 9, 261, 289, 818, 320 Kanishka, . . . 172, 178 Saka or SAKA (SAll or Salivahana), 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 16, 41, 62, 63, 64, 55, 56n, 124, 125n, 127, 128, 129, 130, 134, 183, 184, 231, 240, 241, 261, 374, 276, 277, 281, 283, 299, 300, 305, 308, 316, 319 Vikrama, 52, 152, 153, 154, 157, 158, 201, 202, 203, 204, 207, 208, 219 Ereyamma, m., . . . . . 59 Ereyappa, W. Ganga k., . . 63, 64, 66 F Fathpur-Sikri, vi. . . . . 181 Firuz Shah, Bahmani k., . . . . 12 Florence, city, . . . . . : 173 forest kingdoms, the eighteen (atbArAgarh), 285, 286, 288 Fort St. George, . . . . . . 291n Fra Angelico, . . . . . . 173 Raev Gandapara, ri., . 138 add. Gandhara, co., 174, 177, 178, 181 Gandharva, demi-gods, . . . 36, 62 Ganeda, god, . . . . 23n, 200, 213n Ganesa-chaturthi, .. . . . 266n Ganga, Western, dy., 26n, 61, 62, 63, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58 Ganga (Ganges), ri, 230, 161, 162, 163, 165, 167, 215 Gangadhara, m., . . . . . 98 Gangaditya, te., . . . . . . 152 Gangaikondacholaparom, vi. . . Ganga-Pallave, dy, . 292, 293, 295, 318 Gangoya, Kalachuri k., . . . . 98Gangeya, 8.a. Bhishma, . . . 98 Gangoli Somanatha-bhatta, m., 306 Gangpur, di. . . . . . 286 Gani-Atukuru, oi., . . . . 10 Ganjigere, vi . . . 52, 53 Garga, astronomer, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 57, 58 add., 262, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 289 gashmals, the eighteen, Garuda, god, . . . . . Garuda banner, . . . . . . Garuda crest, , 152, 164 Gatha, * 26n, 170 Gattavadi, vi., . . . .. . 53 Gauda, co., : : : . : . 38, 98 Gaulavabo, quoted, . . . . 117, 118n Gaur, co., . . . . . . . 286 Gaurl, s.a. Parvati, . . 216 Gautamiputra, sur. of Satakarni, . . 63, 72 Gaya, vi., . . . . . . 174 ghaliagbada (ghatikaghata), 8.a. goshthi, 26n ghaisasa,. . . . . . . 26n ghatika, . . . . . . 26, 34 ghatikksabaas, e.a. ghaisasa, . 26n Ghoderaya-Bhimaya-guru, 8.a. Gloderaya Ganga, . . . . . . . 9n Ghoderaya-Ganga, m., . . . 9 Ghorar&ya-Bhimavara, 8.a. Gboderaya-Gadga, On Girinagara, s.a. Junagadh, . . 42, 45 Girnar, mo., 37, 401, 42, 62, 87, 167n, 203 Goa, vi.. . . . . . . 25n Godavari, ri. . . . . 11, 183, 184 Gogra, ri. . . . 160 Gohada, m., . . . . . . 163 gokara, . . . : 162, 167 20 . 200 206, 207 207 207 gabhara, s.a. sabha-mandapa, GadAhada, s.a. Gadara, . . Gadara, vi., . . . Gadara (Gadada), s.a. Gadara, gaddi, a throne, . . . gaddige, do.; . . . . gadyapa or gadyanaka, a pagoda, . Gaga, m., . . . . Gagaha, vi., . . . . Gagoka, ., . . . Gaguka, m., . . . . GAhadavala, family, gahiyaskhasa, s.a. ghaisasa, Gajalaksbmi, . . Gajapati, title,. . . gandu, a pagoda, . ganacharya, . . . . Sanapaka, an accountant, . . 200 add. . 200 add. 125, 180, 186n . 208, 217 . . 167n . . 155 . . 156n 149, 150n 130 . . . . 89

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332 Golden Hall, Gomatattar, family name, Gomathattu Karapakara-bhatta, m., Gondwana, co.,. Gopana, ch., Gosaladevi, queen of Govindachandra, goshthi, Gotami, Andhra queen, Gotami Balasiri, do., gotras: * Kaundinys, Kausika, Manavys, Bhargava, Garga, Gantama, Kalabava, Kasyapa, 126, 135, 147, 148, 155, 163, 230, Nidhruva-Kasyapa, Paraeara or Parasara, Paravasa, Samkriti, Sathamarshapa, Atreya, 306, 316 Bharadvaja or Bharadvaja, 144, 146, 152, 153, 163, 236, 284, 285, 288, 292, 293n, 296, 306, 316, 317 317 285 140 238 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Sore-Guiti, di... Govind II., Fishtrakuta k., Govinda III, do, PAGE 300, 305 300n 306 286 305n 149 26n 94 61 Govindanatha, te., Govinda pandits, M., Govindasvamin, m., Govisalaka, di., Gowra, vi., + * + Savarpi, Vadhala, Vasishtha, Vatsa, Visvamitra, dova (Goa), vi.,. Guvadhana or Govardhana, v., C5, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 79, 80, 82, 89 Gerardhanagiri, hill in the Shimoga district, 125n Govardhangiri, hill near Korhaja, 125, 138 Gove-Chandraguti, di, 194 334n 183, 184 184, 292 306, 316 Govinda-bhatta, m., Govindachandra, Kanauj k., 149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159n 316 308, 315 147, 148 151 . 150 " " 315, 316, 317 236, 238, 306 183, 189, 316 34, 148 317 189, 194, 195, 306 153 306 303, 316 306 310, 317 317 306, 313, 317 306 12 Goyara, s.a. Gowra, Goyara-pattala, di., Graeco-Buddhist art, Grahavarman, ch., gramaka, a small village, Gramam, vi., Gramam Kadavu, Greek, Guguli (Gugli) Brahmans, Gubila, family,. Gujarat, co., Gujarat Chalukya, family, gulma, battalion, Gulwara, vi., gumda, a niche (P), Gummata, Jaina saint, Gummatamba, f., Gummateevara, 8.a. Gummata, Gunapala, m., gupas, the six, Gundlakamma, ri., . Gurjara, co., Gutti, s.a. Chandragutti, Gutti, vi.,.. Gutti thirty-four, di, guttu (guttigedara), Gunottunga, m.s Gupta, dy., 29, 31, 36, 37, 172, 174, 175, 177, hada, measure, Hagana, Kshatrapa k., Haihaya, s.a. Kalachuri, Hala, author, haladhare, Haladoya-pattala, di., Halayudha, quoted, Hallegere, vi., Halsi, vi, Hampana-bhatta, m., hana, coin, Hanasoge, vi., Handaudra, vi., . H [VOL. VIII. PAGE 150 150 174, 177, 178 48n 164 261 147 95 hane, measure, Harava, s.a. Parava, Haravilasam, Telugu poem, . Haribhadrasuri, Jaina teacher, 206 . 202 99, 101, 231 231 89 285 136 15, 122, 134n 126, 134 17, 24, 125, 135 155 36n 10 317 * . . * 179, 286, 288 99, 202, 216 134 .134n 134n 138n * * . * . 124, 129, 137, 138 . 174m 285, 286 .117, 118n, 243, 259n 124, 137 150 48n, 215n 26n 30, 147 308, 316 130 .122n, 129n 206 .124, 129, 130, 136, 137 136 11, 12 203, 205, 218 * .

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INDEX. 333 PAGE PAGE Harichandapalt, vi, . . . . 157 Ilam, Ceylon, . . . 6, 265, 266 Harihar, vi., . . . . . 124 Immadi-Bhairarasa-Vodeya, 3.a. Bhairava II., Harihara, god,. . . . . . 298 124, 134 Harihara II., Vijayanagara k., 12, 16, 17, 398, Immai-Devaraya, sur. of Mallikarjuna, 308 299, 300, 305, 306, 307 Indaura, Indavura or Indavura, 8.a. II . Hariharesvara, 8.a. Harihara II., . : . 315 52, 59 Hariputra, . . . . . 34, 148 Indavara, Indapara or IndAvara. vi.. . . 52 Harivamea, Jaina work, , . 184 Indayura, s.a. Indavars. . . . . 52 Harivankam, Telugu poem, . indra, a Jcina priest, . . . . 136 Harivarman, Kadamba k., . . . 30, 31, 147 Indra, yod, . . . . 134, 215, 315 Harivatsakotta, fort, . . . . 164 Indrabhattarakavarman, E. Chalukya k., 337 Harshacharita, quoted 28, 46, 47, 48n Indragnidatta, m., . . . . 81, 91 Hastimalla, the elephant of Indra, . 241 Indramadhava, to. . . . . 162 Hastin, Parivrajaka k., . 288, 289 Indravajra, metre, . . . . . 28 Hastisena, m., . . . . 208n IrAyur Sottai Nrittaraja-bhatta, m., . 306 [Ha P]thaunda-pattala, di... 150 Iruga or Irugapa I., ch., , 16, 17, 23 Hemachandra, 25, 26, 34n, 39n, 117, 144n, Irugapa II., ch., . .16, 17, 22, 23, 24 208n, 216n, 242, 246, 247n, 248n, Irugappa, s.a. Iruga I., . . . 17 249n, 262n, 254n, 255, 257n, 2580, 260m Irugindra or Iragbovara, s.a. Iragapa II., 16, 23 hemanta, the winter season, . . : 31 Irumalapoban Akkondavilli-somayajin, . 806 Hemasena, Jaina teacher,. . 17 Irungandi Devaraja-bhatta, m., . 306 Hemavati, vi., . . . . . . 136n flapratishthana, vi... . . . 151 Hetamji, vi., . . * 207 H&thatnjt, s.a. Hetamji, * 206, 207 Isidore of Kharase, . . . . . Himalaya, mo., . . . . . 216n, 286 Isvaradasa, m., . svaradiso. m.. . . . 284. 988 Himavat, s.a. Himalaya, . 61 Ievarasena, Athira k.. . . 89 HArabadagalli, vi.. . . . 144, 145, 146n I tihasa, . . . . . . . 188 hiranya, . . . . . 153, 154 I-tsing, . . . . 1771 Hird-Basur, vi., . . 52, 54 Iyarpa, quoted, . . . . . 2900 Hirdmagalur, ci, . 50, 53, 54, 56n Hiriyangadi, vi., . 122, 125, 128 Hitpahebba gilu, di.. . Hiuen Triang, . . 30 . . Jabalpir, oi., . . . homs, 34 . . . . . . . . 985 Jagaldora, santara ch., . . . Hombucha., s.a. Humcha, . 1262 Honnamambika, f., . Jagudekamalla, sur. of Jayasimha II., . 300 Jagadekamalla II., W. Chalukya ., . . 1282 honnu, coin, . . Jagannathasvamin, te., , . . Hooghly, ri., . . 277 Jaina, Hosabasti, te., 16, 17, 22, 24, 79, 99n, 122, 123, ., . 125n . 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 134n, 135, Hoysala, dy. . . 101, 185n Humcha, vi., 136, 137n, 188n, 170, 184, 200, 201, 203, . 182n, 126, 127 Hurumanji, s.a. Ormuz, . . . 20$ add., 207, 218, 241, 242, 290n, 318 12 . Husukaru, vi., . . . 55 Jaitrasimha, ., . . . 203, 216, 218 Huvishka, Kushana k. 172, 179, 180, 181, 182 Jaitugidevs, Paramdra k., . . . . 99n jalakara, . . 152, 157 Jalanogi, co., . . . . . 12 Jalhana, m., . 162 Jalha, f. . . . . . 201, 214 Iba, ri., . . . . . 79 Jambagar, vi., , . . . fla lamp, . . . . . .296 | Jambusara, s.a. Jambusar, * 266 . 286 189

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334 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. PAGE PAGE Janaka, mythical k., . . . . . 22 Junagadh, vi, . . . . . 37, 42 Janaki, f. . . . . . 16, 22 Junnar, vi., . . . 75, 89 Janamejaya, mythical k.,. . 61 Jupiter, planet, . . . 31n, 289, 290 Janamdjaya or Janmejaya, sur. of Mahabhava- Jyotihkastra, . . . . 152, 155 gupta I., 139, 140 Jangala, co., . . . . . 201 Jarusttha)-pattala, di., . 150 k Jatabhara, ascetic, . . . . . 164 JAtaka, quoted, 36, 40n, 45n, 480, 161, 176, 243n Kachchha, co.,. . . . , 41, 47 Jata-Sarkara, te., . . . . Kachchhoha-pattala, di.. . 164 . . . . 160 Jatavarman Kuladkhara, Pandya k.,274, 275 Kadaba, vi., . . . . 294n Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I., do., 375n, Kadaka (Kataka), vi.. . . . 145, 146 278, 279, 280, 281 Kadamba, co., . . . . 35 Jatavarman Sundara-Papdya II., do., 274, 278, Kadamba, family, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 279, 280, 281 35, 36n, 126n, 147, 148, 149 Jatilavarman, do. . . . 294n, 318, 319 Kadamba, do. . . . . . 38n Jattiksti, m., . . . . . kadamba, tree, . . 138 . . . . .28, 34 .28 Jaugada, vi., . . . . 168 Kadambari, quoted, . . . . 291, 48n Javali, vi., . . . . 54, 55 Kadapperi, vi., * . . 309 Jayachchandra, Kanauj k., . * 149, 150, 152 kadi, measure,. . . 295, 296 Jayadaman, Kshatrapa k., . . . 41, 45n kaha pana (karshapana), coin, 79, 80, 82, 83, Jayadankakara, biruda, . . 54, 56 84, 85, 89, 90 Jayadutta ramga], do., . . . 53, 54, 56n Kaikasi, demoness, . . . . . 30n Jayake in, Kadamba ch., . . . . 126n Kailass, m.. . . . . . 140 Jayanta, god, . . 216 Kailasa, mo. . . . 9n, 62, 64, 135, 206n Jayantasimha, Chaulukya k., . . . 99 Kailasanatha, te., . . 6 Jayantasimha, s.a. Jaitrasimha, 203, 216, 217 Kailasanathasvamin, te., . . 265, 266 Jayasimha, ch., . . . . . . 164 . . . . 189, 241 Jayasinha or Jayasitahadeva, Chanlukya k., kaiyakki, . . . . . . . 138n 99, 201, 202 Kakati or Kakatiya, dy. . . . .9.11 Jayasitha, Kerala k., , . 8,9 Kakhali, vi., . . . . 74 Jayasimba, 8.a. Bhimadova II., . . 99, 100 Kakhadt, Western, vi.. . . . . . 72 Jayasimha, 8.a. Jaitugideva, . . .99n Kaku, m., . . . . . . 152, 153 Jayasimha II., 17. Chalukya k., . . 301 Kakustha, 8.a. Kakusthavarman, 29, 35 Jayasinhavarman, Gujarat Chalukya ch., 230, 231 KAkustha (Kakutstha), s.a. Rama, . : 36 Jaya raya, sur. of MangalarAja.. . 231 Kakusthavarman, Kadamba k., 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36 Jayasri, s.a. Vijayasri, . 100, 101nKakutstha, mythical k., . . . . 215 Jetavana, park, . . * 180 Kalachuri, dy., * . . . 98, 202n, 285 Jikvai-pattala, di., . . 160 Kalahastinatha, m., . . . . 316 Jikvati-pattala, di., . 150 Kalaiyarkovil, vi.. . . . . 279, 383 jihvamuliya, . . 25, 188, 194, 230 Kalakkal, vi., . ARKU, UW. . . . . . . .318n Jins, 15, 21, 23, 67, 71, 121, 126, 134, 136, Kalakkuli, di., . . . 318n 136, 138, 303, 206, 206n, 207, 208, 214, 218 Kalaickusi, s.a. Kalakkad, . . . 318, 320 Jinadatta or Jinadattaraya, mythical k., 1259, Kalalolsvi, Kalasa-Karkala princess, . 129 126, 127, 128, 13.1. kalam, measure . Jinapa or Jinendra, 8.a. Jina : 124, 126, 134 kalanju, . . . . . 295, 296 Jinnappa, m., . . . . . . 138 Kalappal, vi., . . . . 5, 377 Jivita, m., . . . . . . 388 Kalasa, vi.. . . . . 127, 128, 129 jana, . . . . . 22n Kalasa-Karakn!a-rajyn, co., . , 127, 128, 129 Jumpa (Yamuna), ri., . . 386 Kalasa-Karkala, family, 137, 129 . . . 295

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PAGE 127 Kalasa-rajya, di.; Kalavai, vi., : Kalavai-parru, di, 309 308, 309n Kalava-nivrit, s.a: Kalavai-parru, 308, 309, 315 Kales Dewar, s.a. Maravarman Kulasekhara I., 291n Kalhana, author, 101 Kali age, 34, 134, 215 Kalidasa, poet, 98n Kalinga, co., 161, 288n 161 285 279, 283 265, 266 . 122n 217, 315, 316 264, 274n 134n 168, 170 50 204, 206 126n add. 299, 305 316 98n 175, 178 217 153n, 154n, 155, 157, 159 Kalinganagara, 8.a. Mukhalingam, Kalinjar, vi., Kalisvara, te., Kalla-Perumbur, vi., Kalogra-gana, school of Jaina teachers, kalpa, kalpadi, tithi, Kalpa sutra, Jaina work, Kalsi, vi, . kalyani, a square pond, kalyanika, festival, Kamakoda, m., Kamakshi, queen of Samgama, Kamakshi-dharma-mandapa, Kamalinikalahamsa, natika, Kaman, vi., . Kanakalekha, f. Kanakapura, s.a. Pombuchcha, Kamma- or Karma-rashtra, di., Kampavikramaavarman, Ganga-Pallava k., Kamrej, vi., Kaugra, vi., Kanhadadeva, s.a. Krishnarajade va, Kaphagiri, mo., Kanhahini, Western, vi., Kaphavalahara, di., Kamandaki, author, Kamauli, vi., Kamboja, co., kambula, Kambuva, m., Kamkandala palace, Kammaka- or Karmaka-rashtra, 8.a. Kammarashtra, 234 and add., 236 and add., 238 * . 4 * " * * 62 124, 138 138 285 and add. 234, 238 292 231 100 126n 149, 150n 155 . Kanauj, vi., Kapauta, vi., Kanchi or Kanchipura (Conjeeveram), vi., 8, 28, 34, 35, 233, 234, 236, 292, 294n Kangali-pattala, di., 150 Kabgavarman, Kadamba k., 28, 30, 35 171 206 * INDEX. + . . 61 77 230, 231 Kapheri, vi., Kanhwara, vi., Kanishka, Kushana k., * Kantasanti, sur. of Santinatha, Kanur-gana, Kapalamochana-ghatta, Kapaleevara, te., Kapalichcharam, s.a. Kapaleevara, Kapananaka, m., Kapardisvara, te., 152 290n . 290n 91 2, 4, 5, 6, 263, 268 Kapichita, ri., Kapila, rishi, 75 288 83 Kapura, di., Karabena, ri., 68, 79 and add. Karaikilan, m., 296 Karakala, s.a. Karkala, . 123, 125, 128, 129, 135 Karambichchettu, family name, Karambichchettu Mahadova-bhatta, m.,. karana :Naga, karanika, 300n 306 Karimaran, sur. of Nammalvar, Karkala, vi., 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182 17 . 129n 299, 305 152, 157, 158 Karavandapara, sur. of Kalakkudi, 318, 319n, 320 Karavandisvara, te., Kari, m.,. 2 319 319 Karkaraja, Rashtrakuta ch., Karkur Ghat, Karle, vi.,. 122, 128, 124, 125, 127, 128, . Karmapeya, s.a. Kamroj, Karna, mythical k., Karnasundari, natika, Karttikeya (Skanda), god, Karumarachcheri, v., Karuvur, vi., Kasahrada, Kasahrada or Kasadraha, s.a. Kaeindra-Paladi, KA Akudi, vi., Kasaloda, di., Kasi, s.a. Benares, Kasika-vritti, Kasikhandam, Telugu poem, Kasindra-Paladi, vi., 1 * kataka, a camp, KAtaya-Vema, Reddi k., kathari-ankusa-gadyana, coin, Kathasaritsagara, quoted, Kati-pattala, di., PAGE 83, 84 285 335 129, 130, 135n 183 .1-16n 59, 66, 79 231 8, 98n . 98n 29, 350 296 5, 266 . " 206 26, 234 140 178 39n 9n 206n . 139 12 . 130n 63 150 .

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336 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. 25n PAGE Entata, i. . . . . 238 Kandina. a. Konkan, , , , 202, 216 Kviks, fol. . . . . . 94 Kanthon, wi.. . . . . . Kavaalakira- b a ., . . 234, 236 Kaveza,. , . . . . 147 Kuvuriye Kardrippakko (Kiroripak), . 308, 309, 315 * 206 Koritskiet, ** Betina tla,. . . 17 kavya, . . . . . . 28 Kiryadaras Kayastha, . . . * 140 Kekapura, ., . Kelutaso, s.a. Keravice, . 129, 138 Kolhana, n., . . Kersla, Co., , . Keravase, s.a. Koravase, Keravace, vi.. . . [Kosauro Il-pattal, di., Keava, 8.0. Visbmu.. . Keravayya, ., . . . Khaila pavili, os. . . Kbailaatalia, s.o. Kulw.,.. . Khaiwera or Kailwart, oi., . Khakharata, dy., . . . . 61 Kharagraha II., Valabhi A., 189, 190 Kharamosta, . . . Kharaosta, . . . . . 174n Klaratallan, 3x21 c1., 173, 174, 177, 179 Kbariar, di. . . . . . . 286 khattaka, a paloil, 900 and add., 203, 218 Khayari, as.. . * 151 Kloh, vi.. . . . . 284, 285, 288, 289 KhonEP 11 , 2, * * * * * Kikkasvanin... . . . . . 230 KII- M , vi, . . . . . 319 Kilar, 2"., . . . . . . 281 Kiralarimiz, gobel, . . . : 360 Kisiyamugali a.d. Cumain, 60, 61,58 Kirtikaumudi, pocul . 200, 201, 201, 208, 317n Kirepusani, ei, . . 147, 118 Kista, di, . . . . . 10, 12 Kiva!or, vi., . . 267, 269 kodaige. kodage, Lodige om lodegi, an aliot ment, . . . . . . . 51 Kodinki, vi. . . . . . . 238 Kojambe, vi.. . . . . . 8 Kollipago, si.. . . . . . 238 Komarazedongo, viruca, . 56 PAGE Komarayya, ., . . . . 69 Komati, caste, , . . . , Komati, Reddi ch., . . . . . 13 Kamati, Reddi prince, . . . 10 Komati-Prola, Reddi k., . . . 9, 10 Komati-Vema, do., . . . . 11 Komati-Vema, 8.a. Peda-Komati-Vema, 12 Komati-V&ma, 8.a. Vema, . . . . 10 Kondamudi, vi., . . 66, 69, 145, 146 Kondavida, vi., . . . , 11, 12, 13Koporaqmaikondan ort Kogerimelkondan Vikrama-Pandya, Pandya k., 274, 281, 282 Kongalva, dy., . . . . . . 56 Kongapi-Mahadhiraja, W. Ganga k., 147 Konguoivarman, do. . . . . 62, 58 Konkan, co., . . . . . . 202 Koppa, vi.. . . . . 127, 128 Kosambakuti, . . 180, 181 Kosamba-pattala, di., . . . . . 160 Kosambi, vi, . . . 168, 169 Kotadi, s.a. Kotra, . . 206, 207 KO[th]takotiavarahotta[ra], di... 150, 1510 Koti-tirtha, . . . . . 152, 158 Kotra, vi., . . . . 207 kottam, a district, . . . , 171 kottanigraha (kotta pala), 161n Kottar-nau, di. . . 291n Krislina, god, 98, 206n, 216 and add., 217n, 316 Krishna, riski, . . . . . 207 Krishna (Kanba), Satavahana k., . Krishni, ri., , . 10, 11, 12, 28n Krishna I., Rashfrakdfa k., . . 184 Krishnarajadeva, Paramara k., 201, 205, 206, 216 Krishnaraya, Vijayanagara k.,. . 1270 Krishnavarman I., Kadamba k., . , 80, 81 Krishoavarman II., do. . . . 30, 31 Ktita age, . . . . . . . 215Krittivasas, te., . . . . . 152 Kshaharata, dy. . . 72, 78, 82, 85, 86 Kshatrapa, a Satrap, . 41, 46, 78, 82, 85, 86, 173, 174, 175, 180 Kshatrapa, Western, dy., . . . 41 Kalatriya, caste, . . . 28, 34, 47, 61 Kubja, ., . . . . 28, 29, 36 Kuda, vi., . . . . 62, 77, 91 Kudyrere, vi., . . . . . 147 kudnte, measure, 124, 129, 130, 136, 137 koduva, do. . . . . . . 1290 Kugo-Brab maddva pillar . . . 1330 Kukura, co., . . . , 41, 47, 61, 62

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INDEX 337 450 PAGE PAGE Kulaipa, ch., . 41, 49 kuladgilar, priests, . . . . * 295 kolarika, a potter(P),. . . 89 lagna - Kulasekberadova, sur. of Ravivarman,, 8, 9 Vpisha or Vrisbabba, . . . 124, 134 Kaligere, vi., . . Labore, vi.. . . . . . 297 Kali-Mabataraka, te., . . 146 Lahul, vi., . . . . . 174 Kulottuvga I., Chbla k., . 290, 2910 LAkbalgamv, vi.. . . 183 Kulottunga-Chola II., do... . 261 Lakshmana, m., . . . . . 189, 236n Kulottunga-Chola III., do., . 1, 4, 7, 260, 264, Lakshmana-bhatta, m., . . 316 265, 266, 291 Lakshmi, goddess, . . . . . 139 Kulottunga-Chola-valanadu, 5. a. Puliyar Lakshmivarman, Paramara k., . . 202n kottam, . . . . . 2910 Lalitadevi, wife of Vastupala, . . 203, 216 Kumara, 8.a. Karttikeya, . 214 Lalitakirti, title of Jaina teachers, 122, 124, 129 Kamarad&vi, f., . . . . 200, 207, 214 Lalitakirti-Bhattarakadera, s.a. Lalitakirti, 122n kumaragadianaka, . . 152, 155 Lalitankora, Pallava surname, . . 145 Kumaragiri, Reddi k., . . 11, 12, 13 Lalitavistara, quoted, . . . . 45n Kumara-Hakasiri, ch., . . . 92 languages:Kumarapala, Chaulukya k., . 201, 202, 216 A pabhrama, . . . . . 242 Kumarasvamin, ... . . . 189, 194 Bengali, . . . . . . 139 Kumara-Vedagiri, 8.a. Pina-Vedagiri, . 13 Gujarati, . . . . Kumaravishnu I., Pallava k., . . 234, 236 Kanarese, . . 51, 123, 124, 261, 307 Kumaravishnu II., do., . 833, 234, 236, 238 Magadbi, . . . . . 168 Kumbhakonam, vi, . . . . Mabarashtri, . . . . 294 . 100, 242 Kumbhinasi, demoness, . . 300 Pali, . . . .26n, 39n, 40n, 45n, 71 Kamudasbandra-Bhattarakadeva, Jaina Prakpit, 39, 97, 100, 143, 144, 170, 172, teacher, . . . . . 129n 180, 181, 204, 207, 241 Kundakunda, do. . . . . . 123n Sanskrit, 8, 9, 16, 25, 37, 39, 40, 79, 81, Kundi, s.a. Gundlakamma,. . 84, 96, 97, 100, 123, 139, 143, . 10 Kandi-Prabha, do. . . . . . 10 147, 152, 153, 155, 156, 158, 160, Kantala or Kuntala, co., . 101, 305 164, 172, 175, 180, 181, 183, 188, 194, 200, 204, 207, 230, 233, 237, Kupaka, Co., . . Kuppan, m., i . 284, 291, 298, 307, 318 add. Kuppehalu, vi... Saurasni,. . . . . . . . 100 . . 56 Karam, ving . Tamil, 8, 261, 291, 292, 298, 307, 318 and add. Kuriyida, vi, Telugu, . . * . 9, 13n, 261, 2910 Karmakataka, poem, . . . . 242, 243n Lata, co., . . . . . . .231 Karmi, caste, . . . . . . 284 Lande vara, te., . . . . . 152 Kurnool, di., . . . 10 Lavanaprasada, Vaghala k., . 201, 205, 215 Kardri Devaraja-bhatta, m., . 306 Lavanyasimha, I., . . . 203, 217, 218 kufa, gra88, . . . . 34 Liluka, f., . . . 203, 217 kulana, . . : . . 82, 83, 84 Linga, ch., . . . . 13 Kushana or Kusban, dy., 172, 173, 174, 175, lion crest,. . . . . . 164 177, 178, 179, 180, 182, 297 Lokanatharasa, santara ch., . . 128, 129n Kasbmandini-yakshi, goddess, . . 15 Lokapkla, 7. . . . . . . 156 Kusumakara, m., . . 100 Lolarka, te. . . 152 Kusumamafijari, s.a. Parijatamafjarf, 101n Lelira pada or Lolikapada, vi., . 158, 159 Kusumasri, do. . . . . . . 1010 Lota, m. . . . . Kattalam, vi., . . . . . 298, 800 Lucknow, vi.. . . . 148, 178, 179, 181 Kuvalala (Kolar), i., . . . 52, 58 lunar race, . . . . . 126, 128 Kuvdra, ., . . . . . . 29' Lanasha, s.a. Ldoasimha, . . . . 207 74

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338 Lupasihavasahika, s.a. Lunasimhavasahika, Lunasimha, s.a. Lavanyasimha, Lanasimhavasahika, sur. of the temple, Lapavasshika, s.a. Lunasimha vasahika, Luniga, m., Macha, mo., Macha, Reddi ch., Macha, Reddi k. Madana, poet, Madanapala, Kanauj k., Madanapala, m., Madanidu, ch., M PAGE 206 203, 205, 217 Neminatha 200, 205 200, 207 200, 203, 214, 218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Mahakuta, te., Maha-Magha, year, mahamahattama, mahamandaleevara, Maha-Margasirsha, year, Madapratibara, v., Madhari, Abhira queen, Madhava-maharajadhiraja, W. Ganga k., * Madras Museum plates, Madura, vi., Madurai, s.a. Madura,. Madurakavi-Alvar, Vaishnava saint, Mahabhashya, quoted, Mahabhavagupta I., Trikalinga k., Mahabhavaguptarajadeva, gupta I., Mahad, vi., Mahadeva, 8.a. Siva, Mahahakusiri, ch., mahajana, a merchant, Mahakara, 1., Mahakosala, co., mahakshatrapa, 8.a. . Madhukammoja, m., Madhurakavi, sur. of Marangari, Madhuravanaka, vi., Madhutsava, s.a. Vasantotsava, madhyastha, an arbitrator, Madirai, s.a. Madura, Madras, city, 290, 291n, 294n, 295, 307 and 61, 62 13 9, 12 . 98, 99, 100 149 155 12, 13 151 89 52 59 318, 319, 320 182 98n .129a 261 . Magalur, s.a. Hiremagalur, maha-Aryaka (mahaairaka), Mahabharata, 28n, 35n, 40, 47n, 49, 62, 63, mahasamanta,. mahasamiya, s.a. mahasvamika, mahasandhivigrahi, Mahasena, s.a. Karttikeys, mahasenapati, mahasenapatni, Mahasivagupta II., Trikalinga k., Mahasivaguptarajadeva, do., Mahaso-pattala, di., Mahasoya-pattala, di, mahasvamika, mahatirtha, a great shrine, mahattaka, mahattama, mahattara, Mahavagga, quoted, Mahavastu, do., mahaviharasvamin, Mahavira, Jaina saint, 139, 140 Mahendra, mo., 39n * add., 318, 319 * 9 276, 317, 318 4, 5, 265, 266 295, 319 50 67, 68, 73 79, 218, 292n Mahabhava . . [VOL. VIII. Mahamatas, Superintendents of the Sacred Law, Mahanadi, ri., mahanta, title, Maha-Pausha, year, Maha-Phalguna, do., maharaja, 9, 62, 70, 144, 145, 146, 155, 157, 160, 162, 163, 173, 174, 176, 179, 181, 182, 140 75 86, 164 91, 92 204 152 285 40, 41, 45, 46, 49, 173 25n 290 . 140 Malatimadhava, drama, * 128, 204, 205, 305 284, 288, 289, 200 233, 234, 236, 237, 238, 284, 285, 286, 288, 315 maharajadhiraja, 9, 29, 128, 140, 149, 152, 153, 155, 157, 158, 183, 204, 205, 230, 231 maharajakula, 206 maharajaputra, 155, 157 PAGE 167 . 286 206, 207, 217 290 290 Maharajaputra-arimad-Asphotachandradevah, legend on seal, Maharajaputra-srimad-Rajyapaladevah, do., 156 . 155 319n * * * * 148 67, 70, 94 94 140n . 140 * 150 .150 68, 70, 78 207 .152 140 3 195 . 170 63, 79, 87, 89 73 .134n 61 286 203, 218 Mahendra, South Kosala k., Mahendrasuri, Jaina teacher, Maheevara, s.a. Siva, Maheevara, . 188 230, 238 Maheevara, m., Mailapur, vi., Maitraka, family, . 189 . 290 149n, 188, 236n Majhgawam, s.a. Bhumar, 285, 289 Makaradhvaja, sur. of Vishnuvardhana II., 237 Maladharin, sur. of Mallishens, . 17 Maladharin, title of Jaina teachers, 122 261 * 72 . 140 Malava or Malavaka, a.a. Malwa, 81, 96, 99, 188, 189, 195, 201, 202, 216

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INDEX. 339 .... PAGE 1 PAGE Yalavalli, vi., . . . . . 29 Mangaldra-gadyana, coin, . . . 130n Malavikagnimitram, drama, . . . 98n Mangaluru, 8.a. Mangalore, . . .127 Malays, mo, . . . 0,01, 81 Mangapa, ch., . . . . . 16, 22 MAlaya, co., . . . . . 79, 81 Mangiyuvaraja, E. Chalukya le.,. 237, 238, 240 Malkavu, vi., . . . 147, 148 Manimegalai, Tamil poem, . . . 290 Malkhod, vi., . . . 164 Manjuri, Bodhisattva, . 177 Mella or Malla-Reddi, Reddi k., . . 10, 11 Manpai, vi.. . . . . . . 294 Malladatta or Malladatta, m., . . * 140 Mangaikudi, vi.. . . . . 294 Malladeva, m. . 201, 303, 305, 214, 217, 218 manne, hill country . . . . 9 Malladevi, queen of Harihara II., 299, 306 Manpur, vi., . . . . 165 Mallambika, s.a. Malladevi, 299 Mansehra, vi., . . . . . 297 Mallaya, Reddik, . . . . . 9 Manu, .. . . . . 36n, 48n, 84 Malli, Jaina saint, . . 125, 134, 135, 136 Mara, god, . . . . . 135 Mallideva, do., . 214 Mara, m., . . . . . 318, 320 Mallikarjuna, sildhdra k., 201 Marambavai, queen of Nandippottaraiyan, 293n Mallikarjuna, te., . . . . . 308 Maran, Pandya k. . . 319 Mallikarjuna, Vijayanagara k., * 308 Marag, sur. of Nammalvar, . . 319 Mallila, vi., . . . 138 Maran Eyigan, ., . 319, 820 Mallinatba, commentator, . . . 130 Marangari, m., . . . . 318, 319, 320 Mallishona, Jaina teacher, . 17 Maranjadaiyap, Pandya k.. . 319, 320 Maltavdra, s.a. Mattavara, 52, 59 Mayanjadaiyan, sur. of Varaguna, 319 MAlwa, co., . . 79, 189, 286 Marasimha II., W. Ganga k. . . . 54 Malgavat, demon, . . . 30n Marataka or Maratakapuri, s.a. Virinchipuram, Mamma, f., . . . . 93 308, 315 Mena, s.a. Mananka, * 165 Maratakanagara-pranta, di., . 308 Manatka, Rashtrakufa k., 164, 165 Maravarman, s.a. Maran, . . . . 319 MAnapuram, 8.a. Manpur, . . 164, 165 Masavarman Kulasekhara I., Pandya k., 374, MACna]ra-pattala, di, . . . . 150 276, 277, 278, 291 Manasa, lake, . . . . 213n Maravarman Kulasekhara II., do., . . 278n manastambha, pillar, , * 123 Maravarman Sundara-Papdya I., do. . 274, 276 Mandakini, ri., . .: 215 Maravarman Tirunelveli-Perumal Vira-Pan. Mandakranta, metro,. . . . 26 dyadeva, do. . . . . . . 283 Mandalapurusha-somaydjin, ., . 306 Maravarman Vira-Papdya, do. . 274, 282, 283 mandalika, . . . : 135 Marevoge-kava, biruda, . . . 1350 Mandalika-gapdara-davapi, biruda or Vira- Maricha, demon, . . . 216 Balludeva, . . * 127 Markanda or Markand@ya, rishi, . . 218 Mandara, mo., . . . . . 34, 61 Martanda-bbatta, ., . . . . 318 mandara, tree, . . . . . . 33 Mara, co., . . . . . . 41, 47 M&ndarpadi, n., * 138 Marudryddhi, s.a. Uddhava, . . * 217 Mandasor, s.a. Dasor, . . . 79, 195 79, 195 matha,. . . . . . 122, 125 Mandhatrivarman, Kadamba k.. . 28n, 30 28n, 30 Mathia, vi.. . . . 168 Mandla, di., . . . . * 286 Mathura (Muttra), vi., 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, Manduka-Sambhu, .a. Mapdikelvars, . 10 178, 179, 181, 182 Mapdakekvara, te. . . . . 10m matrasamaks, . . . . Mangala, m., . . . . . . 153 Matriavara, 11. . . . . . . 230 Mangalaraja, Gujarat Chalukya ch.. . 231 Mattavara, vi... . . . . . 52 Mangalarasaraja, s.a. Mangalaraja, . 231 Mau, f., , . . . . . 201, 214 Mangaleka, W. Chalukya k. . 25n, 46n Maulika, co. . . . 620 Mangalore, t . Maurya, dy., 40, 46, 47, 166, 167, 172, 174, 176 Mangalar, oi n. 180. 161. 162, 234 . 148n, 160, 161, 1049, 254 Msyidardla, oi., alayo Bly . . . . . . 145, 140n 2 1 2

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340 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. Malika, co., PAGE PAGE Mayilappur, s.a. Mailapar, . . . 290 Mudgagiri, s.a. Monghyr, . . . 151 Mayhralarman, Kadamba k., 28, 29, 30, 31, Mudgere, vi, . . . . . 34, 148n Mudigondatlapuram, vin- . . Mayura varman, 8.a. Mayurafarman, 28n, 148n Mugadasa, m., . . Medapata og pataka, di, . 202 Moguli, sa. Hiremagalur, . . . . Medhuna, m., . . . . 67 muguli, tree, . 50 Melukote, vi. . . . .308n! Mugur, ti.. . . . . . . 147 Mendamma, I. . . 59 Muhammadan, . . . . 9n, 11, 291n Menmatura, vi. 161, 162 Mukhalingam, vi.. . . . . 161 Merkara, vi., . . . . 147 mukha-mandapa, . 321 Meru, mo.. . Mokkadapins-hole, stream, . . . . Merutunga, author, 99, 202, 242 Mulaka, co., . . 61, 62 Mhow, vi... . . . . 95 Mulasangha, school of Jaina teachers, 129n midha (milha), . . 45n . . 62n Mimamsa, . . 183 Mulur, vi.. . . . . . . 147 Miraj, vi., . . . . . . 30n Multagi, vi. . 147 and add., 148 Mlechchha, a Muhammadan, Munaiyadaraiyan, m., . . . . . 299 Modha, family, . . . Mundaka, co.,. . . . . . 62 Mogalur, di., . . : 147 Munda-rashtra, di.. . . 160, 163 Monghyr, vi. . . . 151 Mundasthala, s.a. Murthala, 206, 207 months, lunar : Munisuvrata, a.a. Suvrata, 125, 184n, 185, 136, 208 Ashadha, . . 56n, 83, 308 Munjadeva, Paramara k., . . . . 990 Abvayuja or Asvina, . . . 163, 289 Murs, demon, . . . . . 17, 24 Bhadrapada, . . 54, 189, 300 Muraitha(P)-ghatta, . . . . 151 Chaitra, 10n, 52, 58, 86, 98n, 124, 134, 182, Morasiman, vi., * 139 195, 205, 208, 289 Murthala, vi., . . . . . 207 Jyeshtha, * 238, 240, 241 Murti Eyigan, m., . . . .319n Karttika, 10, 17, 24, 54, 57, 58 and add., 83, Murojunga, vi, . . . . . 140 140, 147, 148, 202, 236, 284, 288, Murwara, vi, . . 289, 290, 300, 308, 318, 320 Magha, . . 152, 153, 157, 231, 289 Muvendamangalapperaraiyan, tur. f Maran. Margasira or Margabirsha, 41, 45, 58, 153, gari, . . . 318, 320 154, 202, 241, 300 Mysore, co., . . . . 55, 56 Pausha or Pushya,. . . 159, 183, 241 Phalguna or Phalgunn, 203, 204, 207, 219, 299, 305 Vaisakha or Veskkha, 54, 82, 155, 208, 237, Nabhaga, mythical k., . . . . 61 238, 240, 241 Nadamupigal, Vaishnava acharya, 294, 295 months, solar - Nadasiri, f. . . . . . . 93 Adi, . . . . . . . 306 Nadumbarai, vi.. . . . . 291 Karttigai, . . . . 269 Naga, dy, . . . . . . . 292n Panguni, . . . . . 299, 305 Naga, Reddi ch., . . 10 Tai, . . . . . . . 3 Nagakulya, channel, . . . . 308, 315 Moon, race of the, 8, 134, 135, 140, 305, 307, 315 Nagarkot (Kangra), vi. . . . 171 Mothers (Matri), . . . 35, 148 Nagavardhana, teacher, . 230, 231 Motupalli, vi., . . . 10, 12n Nagondra-gachchha, school of Jaina teachers, Mrigo avarman, Kadamba k., , 25, 28n, 30 203, 218, 219 Myitanda, rishi, . . . . . 216 Nagode State, . . . . . . 285 Madabidure, vi., . 122, 125, 129, 180n | Nagpur, vi. . 188 mode, measure, 124, 125, 129, 130, 136, 137, 138 Nahapana, Kshatrapa k., 78, 82, 85, 86, 174n * 285 Musi, ri., . . . . 12

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INDEX. 341 99 PAGE 1 PAGE Nabusha, mythical k., . . . . 61 Naradapancbaratra, quoted, . . . . 63 Nainara, sur. of Sudarsanacharya, 305n add. Narasa-Nayaka, Tuluva ch., . . * 127 nakara, . . . 126n and add. Narasimha-bbatta, ., . . . . 306 nakshatras : Narasingam, vi, . . . . 317 Anuradba, . . . 4, 7, 265, 268, 272 Narasingayya, m., . Ardra, . . 1, 2, 262, 263, 289 Naravabanadatta, legendary k.,. 230 Acvini, . . . 270 Nariyana, n., . . . . . . Chitra, . . . 266, 277 Narayana, 8.a. Visbnu, . . 145, 146, 288 Hasta, . . . * 269, 281, 283 Narayana-bhatta, m., . . . . . 306 Jyesbtha, . . 269 Nariyanivilasa, drama, . . . . 299 Krittika, . . . . . 5, 280, 281 Nargol, vi, . . . . . . 79 Magha, 2, 5, 271, 277, 278 Narmada, rii, . . . . . . 286 Mrigasira, Mrigasiras or Mrigadirsha, 124, Narve, vi.. . 129 134, 268, 289, 290 Nasik, vi., 41n, 47n, 48n, 59, 73, 84, 92, 93, Mula, . 57, 58 and add., 267, 275, 277 145, 183 Punarvasu,. . . 3, 6, 263, 274, 278 Nasika, 8.a. Nasik, . . . . 92 Parva-Phalguni, . . . . 2, 267 Nasikka, do, . . . . . Pushya, . . 6, 271, 272, 275, 279 natika, a drama of four acts, . 98 Rovati, 6, 261, 263, 269, 270, 278, 279, 299, Naugama, s-a. Nogawa, . 1881 305, 308, 315 Nausari, vi.. . . . . . 229, 231 Rohini, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 264, 265, 273, 280 Navagama-pattala, di. . . . . 150 Satabhisbaj, . . . . 7, 262, 267, 273 Navagramaka, s.a. Nogawa, , 189 Sravana, 3, 272, 274, 276, 277, 282, 283 Navadara (Navanagara), vi., . Uttara-Bhadrapada, . 4, 265, 268, 281, 282 Navasarika, s.a. Nausari, . . . 230, 231 Uttara-Phalguni, . 266, 279, 282 Nayachandrasuri, Jaina teacher, . . . Uttarashadba, . . . . 265, 270 Nayanakelidevi, queen of Govindachandra, . Visakha, . . . . . 266, 276 | Nayanapali, vi., . . . . . 157 Nakshisapura-chaturasitika, di.,. . .150n Nayankura, Pallava surname, . . .145 NalAyira prabandbam, name of a world. 290, 294n Nayinar, m., . . . . .317 nalgamunda, . . i . 318 . . . Nedumaran, Pandya k., 59 . nali, measure, . . . . . 295, 296 Nedunjadaiyan, sur. of Jatilavarman, 294, Nallanubka, Reddi ch., . . . . 10 318n, 319n Nallur, vi., . . . . . 129 Nelatur, vi.. . . . . . 160 Nalluru, e.a. Nallar, . . 125, 129, 138, 138 Nellore, di.. . . . . . . 10 Nambibetti-Narans, m., . . . 138 Nellore, vi.. . . . . . . 11 Nammalvar, Vaishnava saint, , 294, 295, 319 Nemi, Jaina saint, . . . 134, 218, 219 Nanaghat, vi., . . . . . . 92 Neminatha or Neminatbasvamin, te., 128, Nanamgola, s.a. Nargol, . . . 79, 80 200, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207 Napdagiri, mo., . . . 52, 58 Ndulasatavisika, di.,. 181ka, dv., . . . . . . 150 Nandaprabhanjanavarman, Kalinga k., 288n Nidugal, vi.. . . . . . 135n Nandasiri, f., . . . . . . 75 . 86 Nandini-pattal, di.. . . . . 160, 165 Nigliva, vi., . . . . 1670 Nandippottaraiyan, Pallavatilaka l.. . 293. nija-Sravana, . . . . 127 Nandivara-pattala, di. . . 160, 163, 164 Nikalanka-malla, biruda, . Nandivarman or Nandivarman Pallavamalla, Nilabe, f.,. . . . . 59 . Paltava k., . . . . 26, 292, 293, 294 Nilambur, vi... . . . . 146 Nandivikramavarman, Ganga-Pallava k., 292 nilpanya, measure of land, . . . 51, 58 Nanguneri, vi.. . . . . . . 318n Nipatataka, 8.a. Kadapperi, . 308, 309, 316 Nanhwara, vi... . .. . 285 Nirgandi, tank, . . . . 195 Nandilam, vi., . . . . . 300Nirukta, . . . . . . . 183

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342 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIII. 292, 293 . 89 PAGE PAGE Nishada, co., . 41, 47 Palakkada, oi., . . . 161 Nitimarga, sur. Of Western Ganga kings, Pilar, ri., . . . . . . . 309 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 58 Palasaundi, si.. . . . . . 163 nivartana, land measure, . 72, 74, 146, 2360 Palasini, rii, . . . . . 42, 48 nivrit, a division, . . . . . 300n Palduns, vi.. . , . 189 niyogika or naiyogika, an officer, . . 236, 238 Palhava, o.a. Pablava, . . . . . 61 Nogawa, ui, . . . 188, 189, 195 Pallava, dy., 26, 28, 29, 34, 35, 144, 145, 146, Nripakama-Poysala, Hoysala k., . . 56 160, 161, 168, 230, 231, 233, 234, 236, 237, Nripatunya or Nyipatungavikramavarman, 238, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 296 Ganga-Pallava le., Pallavakulatilaka, biruda DantivarmaNtisimba, te., . . . . . Mabarkja, . . . . . . 2930 Naka, s.a. Nallanuoka, . . . . 10 Pallavatilaka, family, ny . . . . . 293n Nungambakkam, vi., . . . . . 391 Pallava-Trinetra, sur. of Vema, 9, 10, 11 Palmadi, vi., . . . 51,59 Paluvut-kotta, e.a. Paduvur-kottam, 308, 315 Pambeya Sarvottama Atharvapalm., 238 odsyantrika, guild, . . . Pamjala, vi. . . . . . . 138 Odda, s.a. Orissa, 140 Pampapati, te.. . . . . . .308n Odhem, i., . . . 184 Panasdge (Panasoka), 3.a. Hanasoge, 122n, 124 Odrs, 8.a. Orissa, . . 140 pachakhajjaya, . . . . 137 oil-millers (tilapishaka), guild of, . . . Panchaladefa, co., . . . 160 Oisavala, s.a. Desavala, * 206 panchamrits, . . . . 137 Oja or vaja, an artificer, . 1405 Panchomkara, te. . . . 152, 153 Onavala-pathaka, di., . 150, 151 Pandala-pattala, di.,. . . . 151 Ongole, ti. . . Pandimangalavisaiyaraiyag, sur. of Maran Oontiya, ui, . . 165 Eyinaa. . . . . . 319, 821 Orind, s.a. Oria, . . 206, 207 pandita, . . . . 153, 154, 165, 157, 168 Orin, oi., . . . . . . . . . 207 Panditarya, str. of Srutamuni, . 17, 23 Orises, co.. . 140, 286 Pandya, co., . 6, 8, 265, 266, 274, 275n, Ormuz, vi.. . 291, 294, 300, 305, 318, 320 Osumbbala, s.a. Umbhal, . . . . 231 Pandyanagari, vi, . . . . 125, 136 Pandyappa-Vodeya, Kalasa-Karkala ch., 128 Pandyaraya, 8.a. Vira-Pandya, . . 125, P Pandya-Yodeya, ch., . . . . 129 Pachmarhi, vi., . . . . . 165 Panini, . 25, 26, 39n, 46n, 91, 98n Padamaladovi, f. . . . . 201, 214 Panjab, co., . . . . . . 13 Padapatha, . . . . . . . 170 Panne-Oja, m.,. Padariya, vi.. . . . . . . 167nPagrutti, vi, . . . . . . 8 padika (pratila), coin, . . . 82, 83, 84 Papania, m., . . . . . . 817 Padmanabha, Jaina teacher, . . . 17 Parkda, ri. . . . . . 79 Padmanabha, te., . . : 8 Parakesarivarman, sur. of Choa kinge, 1, 2, Padmandyala, s.a. Velams, . . . . 11 3, 261, 262, 268 Padmavati or Padmavatidevi, goddess, 124, paramabhattdraka, 140, 152, 153, 155, 157, 158 125, 126, 128, 134, 136, 136, 137 Paramara, dy, 96, 98, 201, 202, 203, 205, Paduvur-kottam, di, . . . 308, 309, 315n 206, 216 Pagara, vi, . . . 166 Paramara, k., . . . . . 201, 216 Pahlava, tribe,. . . . 41, 49 parametvara, 9, 140, 152, 153, 155, 157, Paiyalachchhi Namamala, quoted, 117n, 247, 264n, 2671 Paramosvara-Vinpagaram, 6.a. VaikunthaL'aka-nadu, di., . . 10, 11 Peruma), . . . . 293, 294 . 10 * 12 168, 183, 280

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INDEX 343 203 290 291 PAGE PAGE Parantaka, sur. of Jatilavarman, . . 319n Pennar, ri., . . 135n Parantaka, sur. of Maranijadaiyag. 818, 320 Penukonds, vi., . . . 1350 Parantaka I., Chola k., , 260, 261, 292, 318 Periyatirumoli, quoted, . . .290m, 893n Parkkarabhatta, Vaishnava teacher, . . 305n Persia, co., . . . . 12 Parava, tribe. . . . . . . 136n1 Perumbapappadi, di., . . . 281 Parichata, s.a. Pariyatra, . . 61, 62 Perungai Devaraja, m., 317 Parijatamanjari, natika, , 98, 99, 101 Perungai Venkata, th., . ParijAtamanjari, queen, Peshawar, vi., . . parinirvana, . 167, 172 Pethada, m., . . 203, 217 parisha (parishad). . 176, 177n Petha-Pangaraka, s.a. Pagara, . Parivrajaka, family, . 284, 285, 286 P@yalvar, Vaishnava saint, . Pariyatra, no., . . . . 62 Phaguna, s.a. Phalguns, Parkham, vi.. . . . . . 174n Philini, vi., . . . Pariva, Jaina saint, . 208n Phirangipuram, oi. . PArsvanatha, do. . 125, 134 Phuljhar, di., . Paravanathasvamin, te., . * 138 Pidena, vi. . . . 298 Parthaparakrama, drama, Pikira, vi., . 160, 161, 163, 234, 237n Parthasarathisvamin, to... Pimaitakavada, vi., . . . . 79 parvana, . . . . 94 Pina-Vedagiri, ch., . . . . . Parvaparvata, no. . 99 Pippirai Varadaraja-bhatta, m., . 306 Parvati, goddess, . . . 314, 315 Piprawa, vi., . . . . . .317n Paschimachohhapana-pattal, di., . . 161 Pirapmalai, hill, . 3181 past, animal sacrifice, , . . . 34 Piriya-Jiuguli, s.a. Hiremagalur, 50, 51, 59 Pasupata, . 164 Pisachspadraka, vi.. . . . 65 Pakupatisvara, te. . . . . . 278 Pisaji padaka, s.a. Pikachipadraka, pataka, . Pitsi-bhaktab, legend on seal, . . . 2881 Pataliputta (Patna), di., Piyadasi, sur of Asoka, 87, 169 Patalibvara, te. . . Pokhara, ti., : 81 Pathanko, vi.,. . Pokshara, s.a. Pokhara. . . . . 79 Patika, ch., . . Polal, vi., . . . . . . Patna, di., 286 Polaya-Vema, Reddi ch., . . . 11, 13 Patpard, vi., , 285 Pollakaliyada-hole, atream,. . 136 Pattann, vi., . * 208 Pombuchcha or Ponbuchcha, s.a. Humcha, patti, s.a. nivartans, . 236n 124, 126, 134, 135 Patti, s.a. Patti-rajya, . . 126n . . . . . 126 pattika, . . . 189, 237 Pomburcha, do.. . . . . . 126n pattikt, s.a. nivartana, . 236 Ponvulchs, do. . . . . . 126n add. Patti-Pombuchebapara, s.a. Humcha, 126, 128, 184 Pota, Reddi ch., . . . 10 Patti-rajya, co., . . . 126n, 128 Pota, s.a. Anapota, . . . . . 10 Pausha, year, . . . . Sin Prabandhachintamani, name of a sork, 99, PAvan ka, m., . . . . . . 316 202, 242 Pavanavyadhi, ... Uddhava, . 217n Prabhanjana, Pariprajaka k. . . .288 Pavani, m., . * 11 Prabhasa, vi, . . . . . 79, 208 Peda-Komati-Vema, Reddi ki, 12, 13 Prabhatavarsha, sur. Of Govinda II., . 183 Peggur, vi, . Prabhatavarsha, 8.a. Govinda III., . . 294R Pemmali, ., . prabodhani, s.a. utthana-dvadali, 808 Pemmadigmunda, m., . . * 59 Prachita, metre, . . . . . 26, 330 Pemmadiganda, ##... Pragvats, family, 201, 203, 205, 206, 214, 217 Pemmadigaenda, ., . 68 Prahladana, Paramara k., 201, 202, 203, 216 Pemmanadi, . . . . . 68 prapacharya, . . . . 163, 164 158n 169 . 171 297 . * 60 69 * 580

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344 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. * 289 * 200 * 170 155 Pushita 140 PAGR PAGE Prapavaliiga, s.a. Pranavekvara, . 24n Puludivana-Perumal, te., . * 305 Pranavesvara, te., . . Pulomayi, s.a. Siri-Pulumayi Vasithiputa, . 68 pranayakriya, . . . . . . 490 Punarvasu, m.,. . . . * 288 prasasti, . . . . .28, 98, 241 Pupdarikaksha-bhatta, ., . . 316 Prastaravataka, a.a. Patpard, 284, 285, 288 Punedahalli, vi.,. . . . prastha, measure, . . . . . 129n Pangi, di.. . . . . 10, 11 Prat& padevaraya, Vijayanagara prince, 308 Punjali- or Punjatike-rajya, di.,. . .129 Prataparudra, Kakatiya k., . . . 11, 12 Purana, . . . . . 183 Prataparudriyam, name of a work, 101 Purisadatta, f. . . . . . . 75 Prata pasila, sur. of Karkaraja, . .183 Pur asimha, m., . . . . 203, 217 Pratihara or Pratibara, family, , 150n, 206 purnimanta, . . Pratishthana-kota, s.a. Pathankot, , 171 Pardha-pattala, di, . 161 pravanikara, . 153, 154, 155, 157, 158 purdhita, a family priest, pravaras : Purubanman, rishi, Angirasa, . . * 140, 152 Pururavas, mythical k., . . . . 218n Autathya,. . 140 Purushamandapa, vi.. . . . . . 140 Avatsara, . Pushpitagra, metre, . . . 26 Barhaspatya, * 152 Pushyagupta, ch., . . 41, 46 Bharadvaja, 152 Pushyavuddhi (Pushyavsiddhi), Buddhist friar, Dhaumya,. . 154 173 and add., 175, 177, 180, 181 Gautama, . . Kankayana, . 154 Kabyapa, . . 155 Kausika, . . . 154 Queen's cave, . . . . 67 Naid bruva, . . 155 Pravarasena II., Vakataka k., . 31 and add. pravrajita, . . . . . . 164 Prayaga, 8.a. Allahabad, . 139n, 151, 152 Racha or Racha-V@ma, Reddi k.. 12, 13 Prehara or Prehari (R). . . . 28, 29, 35 Rachamalla, W. Ganga k., . . . . 52 Premapurisvara, te.. . . 8 Rachamalla II., do., . 66, 57, 58 prithivirallabha or prithvivallabba, 128, 183, Rachamalla III., do., . 51, 52, 54, 57, 58 230, 231 | Rachchha-Ganga, W. Ganga k.,. 54, 56 Pritbu, mythical k.,. . . . 35 radha, . . . . . 98 Prithvierika (P), queen of Madanapala, 149Radha, f., . . . . . 98n Priyadartika, natika, . . . . . 981 Radhanpur, vi, . . . . . . 184 Prdlaya-Vema, 8.a. Vema, . . . . 10 Radia, vi., . . . . . 168 Puduppakkam, vi., . . . * 291 Raghu, Kadamba k., . . . 29, 30, 35 Pugalttunai-Vilaiyaraiyag, m., . . 295, 296 | Raghu, mythical k., . . . . 22, 213 Pulakasin II., W. Chalukya k., . 33n, 231 Raghuvamia, quoted, 26n, 35, 36n, 46n Pulakesiraja, Gujarat Chalukya ch. . 231 Rabu, planet, . . . . . 305 Pulakesi-Vallabha, s.a. Pulakcsin II., 230, 231 Raigarh, di., . . . . . 286 Pulal-nadu, di., . . . 291n rainy season, . . . . . . 72, 74 Pulakottam, di. . . . 291n Raipur, vi., . . 286 Pulicat, vi.. . . . * 161 Rairakhol, di.. . . . * 286 Pulindanaka, 8.a. Palduna, . . 189 Raivataka, mo.,. . * 208 Puliyur, vi., . . 291n Raiwan, vi.. . . . .154n Puliyur-kottam, di.. . . . . . 291 rajadhiraja, . * 305 Pullaribodu, hill, . . . . . 13n Rajadhiraja II., Chola k., . . . . 261 pulli, s.a. virama, . . . 291, 319 98, 99 Puloman, demon, . . . . . 216 | Rajahmundry, vi., R TAjaguru, . . . . .

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INDEX. 345 RAav . . . . . 206n . . . 208 PAGE Rajakesarivarman, Chola k., . . 293n Rapdavai, vi.. . . . . . 151 rajakula, . . . . . . 204, 206 Ranga, Vijayanagara ky . . . . 291 Rajamalla, W. Ganga k., . . . . 55 8 rajan, , , , , , , 11, 172 Ranjala, 8.a. Renjals, . . . 125, 129, 136 rajaparambivara, . . . 305 Ranjubula, s.a. Rujul, * 174, 180 rajaputra, . . . . . 189, 190, 206 Rashtrakuta, dy., 126, 164, 183, 184, 206n, Rajaraja (Kuvera), god, . . . 230 292, 294n Rajaraja II., Chola k., . 1, 2, 3, 260, 263, 264 Rasikasamjivini, commentary, . . 99 Rajaraja III., do., 1, 6, 260, 267, 268, 269, Ras Mala, quoted, 270, 271, 272, 291 Ratanpur, vi, . . . . . 285, 286 RAjatadaka, tank, . . . . . 146 rathiya, . . 204, 206 Rajatagirlsvara, te., . 270, 273, ratna-traya, the three jewels, . . 134, 135n Rajatarangini, quoted, . . . . . 34n, 101 34n, 101 Ratnavali, nafikd, . . . . 98n, 100 Rajendra-Chola, k., . . . . 56 Ravana, demon, . . . . . 30n Rajendra-Chola I., Chela k., 260, 261, 262, 291, Ravidhara, m., . . . . 153 294n, 295n Ravivarman, Kadamba k., 30, 31, 147, 148 Rajendra-Chola III, do, 1, 7, 260, 272, 273, 274 Ravivarman, Kerala k., . . 8,9 Raji, mythical k., . . . . . 213 Rayachekolugapda, sur. of Vema, 9 Rajputana, co., . . . . . 79, 286 Rayakots, vi., . . . . . . 292 Rajula, Kshatrapa ch., . . . 174 Rsyand-ojjha, e., . . . . Rajyapala, Kanaujk, . . 149, 157 Rebhila, ., . . . . 89 Rajyapalapura, vi.. . - 151, 157 Reddi, dy. . * On, 10, 11, 12, 13 Rakkbulla-grama, 8.a. Lakhalganv, 183 Renjala, vi.. . . 129 Rakshas, . . . . . . 96 Rishabha, Jaina saint, . Rakshasn, . . . . . . . 62 Rishabhadatta, Kshaharata k., , . . 72 RAlhana Ralha-devi, mother of Govindachan Rishika, co., . . . . . 62 dra, . . . . . . . . 149 Rodda, vi. . . . . . . 135n Rems, saint .22n, 36n, 48n, 61, 213n, 216, 230 Roddada-gova, biruda, . . . . 135 Rama or Ramadeva, sa. Ramachandra, 999, Rohanigutta, e., . . . . 69 305, 306 Rohipigapta, m., . . . . 145, 146 Ramabhapati, Yadava prince, . .299nRada mauavayalist-pattal, di, . . 151 Ramachandra, Yadava k., . . 299 Rudra, s.a. Siva, . . . . 23 Ramaddva, m., . . . . 98 Rudradaman, Kshatrapa k., 40, 41, 46, 47n, Ramaddva, Parandra k., . . 201, 216 48n, 49, 62 Ramagiri, vi, . . . . 264, 268, 271 Rukmangada, mythical k., . . . . 50 Ramanaka, m., . . . . 90 Rummindei, the Lumbini garden, . 167, 168 Ramanatha, te., . . . 300, 305 rupa kara, a sculptor, . . . . . 98 Ramanuja, Vaishnava acharya,. . 294 Rupnath, vi., . . 169, 170, 171 Ramaraya, Vijayanagara k., . . 290m Rutlam, vi.. . . . . . 188, 195 Ramatirtha, vi.. . . . . 79 Ramayana, 26n, 30n, 36, 39, 40, 45, 46n, 48n, 49n, 216n Rambhamayuranagari, vi., . , .308n, 315 sabha-mandapa, . . . . . 200 Rameevaram, island, . . . , 300 Sadadi, vi., . * . 202 Rampurva, vi... . . . . . 168 Sadagera or Sadakara, ranaka, . . . . . . 140, 205 Sudaiyan, 8.a. Maraujadaiyag, . : 819 (Rana P-pattala, di.,. . . . . 151 Sadasiva, Vijayanagara k.,. 291 Ranaraga, W. Chalukya k... * 46n Sadharana, m., . . . . * 140 Ranasagara, Aluva prince, . . . 126n add. Sagara, mythical k., . . . 36, 61, 149 Ranavikrama, W. Ganga k., . . . 53 Sahasram, vi., . . . . . 60, 168 27

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346 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. * 207 PAGE Sahilavada, s.a. Sel wara, 206, 207 Sahity darpana, quoted, . 98n Sahya, mo., . . 61 Sailarwadi, vi.. 75 Saiva, . . 295, 318 Saks, tribe . 61, 62, 79, 86, 89, 95, 96, 178 Sakani, a female of the saka tribe, Sakaraypatna, s.a. Sakkarepatpa, . Sakha, vi., Sakkarepatna, vi., . Sakshinathasva min, te. Sakti, di., . . . sAkya, tribe, . . Sakyamuni, s.a. Buddha, Sakyasinha, do, Sala, s.a. Salgaon, Salgaon, vi., SAluva, family,. . * 127 Samaka (yamaka), m., 73, 74 Samalipada, vi., . . 67, 68 samana, 8.a. framana. . . . . 67 Sa mangad, ri.,. . Samantasio ha, Guhila ch., . . : 202, 216 Samantasvamin, m., . . . 230 Samara pungava-bhatta, m., . Samastabhuvanasraya, . . . 128 Sambalpur, di., . . . Sambhu, s.a. Siva, . . 202, 218 Sargama I., Vijayanagara k., 299, 306, 307, 315 samgha, 62, 75, 76, 82, 89, 90, 91, 94, 135, 167, 169 samhghapati, . . . . . 208 sanghaprabhu, 8.a. sathghapati, . 208 Samgrama, m., . . . . . 140 Sangramadhira, sur. of Ravivarman, . 8,9 Bamidh, . . . . . 34 Sanhkhya, . . . .2889 samkrantis :Dakshinayana-sankranti, 272, 277n Uttarayana-sadakraati, 157, 158, 183n, 269 Samkshobha, Parivrdjaka k., . 284, 288, 289 Sammitiya or 'tiya, sect of Buddhist monks, . 172 Sampatkumara or Sampatkumarapandita, n., 307, 308, 315, 316n, 317 Sampatsuta, 8.a. Sampatkumara, 316 samsara,. . . . 133 samtanaka, a belestial tree, . . . . 22 Battsha, f. . . . . . . 208 Samudragupts, Gupta k... 29, 286 samyaktva, . . * 135 PAGE Sa fichi, Di., . * 168, 169, 178n sandhivigrahika, 230 Sangaravi, m.,. . . . . 189 Sangalarman, ., sangharaja, Sanjan, vi., . sabkumada, civet, San Marco, church, . Santalige one thousand, di... Santanasi gara, tank,. . Santara, family, . . 126, 127, 128 Santhakara, m.,. . santinatha, Jaina teacher, Santisuri, do. . . * 203, 218 santivaravarman, s.a. Santivarman, . 30 Bantivarman, Kadamba k., . . . 28, 30, 36 Saptakbanda-nivrit, 8a. Elumuri-partu, 300, 306 Saptabata kam, poem,. . . . 117n sara, supervision, . . . . 204, 205n Saradadevi, s.a. Sarasvati, . . . . 99n SarapAriyana-Perumal, te., . Sarangarh, di.,. . . Sarasvati, goddess, . . 300, 213, 216n Sarasvati, te., . . Sara uli, oi. . . Bardulavikridita, metre, . . 26 farman, ending of Brahmana namer, 280 Sarnath, vi., 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182 Sarngadharapaddhati, quoted, Saruvara, di, . . . . . 151 sarvadhyaksba, . . . . . . 163 Sarvak I or Samastakala, queen of Arjuna varman, . . . . . 100, 101 Sarvndkakraya, sur. of Mangiyuvaraja, . 237, 238 Sarvamangala, s. a. Parvati, . . . 315 barvaminya . . . 305, 306, 316 Sarvastivadin, school of Buddhists, 180, 181 Sarvatobhadra, derse, . . . 125n, 130, 138 Sasan sathoharin, an official westenger, . 163 Satakani Gotamipata, Andhra k.. . 73 Satakarni, do., . 28, 29, 36, 41, 47, 63 Satakarpi, sur. of Andhrabritya kings, 29, 62 Batallama, 4. a. Satlama, ... 138 add., 140 Satara, pi.. . . . . . . 25n Satavahana (Sadavahans), family, . . 93 Satsvibana, 8.2. Andhrabthrity,. . 39, 61 Seti, ri, . . . . . . . 161 * * 208 * 203

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INDEX 347 * 183 . . 12 76 286 PAGE satka, . . * 204 Satlama, vi.. . 138 add. Satramhjaya, oi., . . 208 Satrunjayamkbatmye, quoted, . . 208. sattangapavadi, ., . . * 3190 Sattifarmen, m., . . . 296 Satyamangalam, si... . . . 308 Satyaraya, sur. of W. Chalukya kings,. 230, 231 Batya@raya Dhruvaraja Indravarman, governor of Revatidvipa, . .25n Satyavakya, sur. of W. Ganga kings, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57 Ska, f. . . . . . . 201, 214 Saura, a sun-worshipper, . . . . Sauriraja-bhatta, ., . . . . . 316 3A vana-traya, . . . . . 34 Savisa, m., . . . Selvapillai, te. . . 808n Selwara, vi.. . . 207 Sembiyam, vi, * * 291 senalar Devaraja-bhatta, ., Senapati, 8.a. Karttikeya, 29, 35 Seoni, di., . . . Ser, vi, . . . . * 207 Seshe, serpent,. . 23 Setagiri, mo.. . . . . . 61, 62 Seti-betta, . . . . . . Set-Mahet, vi., . . * 180, 181, 182 Sota or Setuvinabidu, vi., . . . . 128n Shadanana, s.a. Karttikeya, . 29, 35 Shahbazgarhi, w., . . 170,297 Sbabpur, vi, . . . 297 Siddapara, bing . . . . . . .177 . Siddha, demi-gode, . . . . 86, 82 aidbachakra, 124, 137 Siddhantas, the five, 155 siddharaja, sur. of Jayasimba, . . . 99 siddhaya,. . . 125 Sigurodha-pattald, di., Sihaka, ., . . Sihara, 8.a. Ser, . . . . . 206, 207 Sibarachohhita (Simh barakshita), m.. . 297 Sibila (Simhila), m., . . . . stladitya, Gujarat Chalukya che . . S1lAditya I., Valabhi k. . . . 190 Siladitya II., do.. . filpin, an artist, . . Simatid bara vamin, Jaina saint, 208 Sinhala (Ceylon), island, Sina hapada-Lokekvarn, Bodhisattua, . 177 Sita, . PAGE Sim havarman, Kadamba k., . . 30 Simha varman, Pallava k., 160, 163, 234, 237n Sith havikrama, sur. of Indrabbattarskavarman, 237 Sith bavikramapattana, sur. of Nellore, . 11 Simhavishnu, Pallava k., . . . . 234 Sindbo-Sauvira, co., . . 41, 47 Sindinagara, s.a. Sinnar, Singa, ch., . . Singara, family, . . . . . . 149 singavaram, oi.. . . . . .277 Sinnar, vi., . . . . . . 183 Siraikkavar, 8.a. Soraikkavar, 298, 300, 305 Sirasi, s.a. Sirsi, . . . . . 151 Sirasi-pattala, di.. . . . . . 151 Siri-Pulumayi or Siri-Pulumai, Andhra k., 59, 95 Siri-Polumayi(mavi) Vasithputa, do.. . 61, 67, 72 Siri-Satakani (Sadakapi) Gotamiputa, do., 61, 72 Siritana, 8.a. Sristana, . . . 61, 62 Siriyania-SA takapi, s.a. Yanasiri Satakani, 72 Sirsi, vi.. . .. . . . . 161 Sisa, metre, . . . . . . 13n Sisila or Sisila, s.a. Sisukali, . 128, 129n Sisukali, vi. . . . . . . 128 Bikupalavadha, quoted, 26, 36n, 130, 239n Sita, . . . . . . 22n, 216n Siva, god, 100, 28, 29, 33, 137, 214n, 215n, 291, 2950, 314, 315, 316 Siva, s. a. Parvati, , . * 213 Sivadatta, Abhira k., . . . . . 89 Sivagupta, a.a. Mahasivaguptarajadeya, 1400 Sivaguta, ., . . . . . . Sivakhandila, m. . Sivalokanatha, te. . . . . . 261 Sivamara I., W. Gariga k., . . . . 26n Sivamita, ., . . . . . . 90 Sivkokureevara, to., . . . * 382 Sivaratha, Kadamba k. . 30, 31 Bivaskandavarman, Pallava k. . 144 Biyadoni, vi.. . . . . . 152n Si-yu-ki, quoted, . . . . . 166n Skandabhata, m.. . . . . 189, 190 Skandagupts, Gupta k., . , 37, 38, 420 Skandakumara, m., . . . . . 317 Skandafishys, mythical k.,. . . . 2920 Skandafishyavikramavarman, Ganga-Pal. lava k., . . . . . . . 292n Skandavarman I., Pallava k., , 160, 234, 238 Skandavarman II., do.. . . 160, 162 Sobhan., m., . . . . . . 140 Sodasa, Kshatrapa ch., . . 174, 180 2 1 2 . . 67 151 98 . 12

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348 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. PAGE PAGE Sohaga, f., . . 201, 214 | Sristana, mo. . . . . . . 801a-mandalam, s.a. Chola-mandalam, . .305 Sri-Vaishoava, * 300 soma, juice, . . . . . . 34 Srivallabha, sur. of Rashtrakufa kingi, . 184 Soma, m., . . . . 200, 203, 207, 214, 218 Srivara, sur. of Nedunjadaiyag, . .918n Somasimhadeva, Paramara k., 201, 203, Srivaramangai (Srivaraman, alim), S.a. 204, 205, 206, 216 Nanguneri, . . . . 2940, 3180 Bomesvaradeva, author, 200, 201, 203, Srivaramangalam, sur. of Velangudi, .2941, 318n 205, 219 Srivaramangalanagar, s.a. Srivaramangai, 318n Somnathpattan, vi., . . . . 201, 202 Sri-Vijaya-Jinalaya, te., . . . 147 Sonarekha, ri.,. 42 fri-Vijayasiddhi, legend on seal,. , 337 Soppur, di., . . . 286 Sri-Vitaraga, . . . . . 125, 188 Boraikkavur, vi, . 298, 299, 300, 305n Sriyasia-Satakapi, s.c. Siriyana-Satakaoi, 94 Sorparaga, vi., . . srach, . . . . . . 84 Sottaiyar, family name, . . . . 900nsrutamani, Jaina teacher, . , 17, 24 South Kosala, s.a. Chhattisgarh,. ... 286 Orntaprakasika, name of a work, . . . 305n Sovasaka (Sauvarsha), m., . . 76 Srykfraya, sur. of sladitya, . 230, 231 sparkavedi, . . . . 11 sthana, residence, . 161 fraddha, . . . . . . . 34 Sthanakundura, e.a. Talagunda, . 28, 36 framana,. . . . .22n, 65, 93 sthanapati, . . . . . 206 Srautasutra, . . . . $13nsthanika,. . . . . . 125, 136 eravaka. . . . . . . 205, 206 Sthanu, 8.a. Siva, . . . : 33 Sravana-Belgola, vi... .15, 17, 122n, 123n, 300 Sthavira, . . . . 64 Sravasti (Sahet-Muhet), vi., 173, 174, 175, SthavirAvalicharita, quoted,. . . 208n 176, 178, 179, 180, 181 St. Thomas, . . . . . 290 Sri, s.a. Lakshmi, . . . . 135 St. Thomo, vi... . . . . . 290 Eri-Asraya, legend on seal,. . 230 stupa, . . . . . 91, 297 Sribhashya, . . . . . . 305n Subahu, Jaina saint, . * 208 Sri-Bhatakkah, legend on seal, . . . 188 Subhata or Subhatavarman, Paramdra k., Brigiri (Sriparvata), s. a. Srilaila,. 10, 308 98, 99 Brigirindra, Srigirisvara or Brigiribhapola, Suchindram, vi., . . . . . . 318n Vijayanagara prince, . . 308, 315 Sudarsana, lake, . . 40, 41, 42, 45, 461, 49n Srimad-Govindachandradevah, legend on seal, 162 Sudarsanabhatta, 8.a. Sudarsanacharya,. . 306n Grimals, family, . . . . 206 Sudarkanacharya, author, . . 305n and add. Srimatamahabu, vi. . 206 Sudisana or Sudasana, s.a. Pisach padraka, 65, Srimula, m., . . . 67, 68, 69, 70 Srinatha, Telugu poet, . . . 9n, 11, 12, 13n Sudra, caste, . . . . . Sriigeri, vi., . . 129 Suhadadevi, S., , . . 208 Srinivasa-bhatta, 1., . . . . . 317 Sujivin, m., . . Gripaladeva, Jaina teacher, . . . . 17 Sukirti, , . . . . . . . . 317n Briparvata, 8.a. Srikaila, . . 38, 34 Sukra, . . . . . 217 Sriparvatanatha-bhatta, mn., . . . 306 . . 30n Bripurusha-Muttarasa, W. Gariga k., . 53, 54, 55 summer, . 59, 61, 67, 74, 83,89, 182 Sriranga, Vijayanagara k., . . * 290 Sun, race of the, . . . . . 160n Srirangam, island, . . . 294n, 300, 305 Sundarekvara, te., . . . . : 276 Sriranganatha, W., . . 317 Supareva, Jaina saint, 208 Sriranganatha-bhatta, m., . .306 Suradhenupura, vi., . 66 Arirangaraja-bhatta, m., . . 306 Suramba, queen of Peda-Komati-Voma, . . 13 Srirangopadhyaya, m.. . . . . .317 Surashtra, co., . . . . 41, 47, 49, 62 Sri-Rudra-bhatta, m.,.. . 317 Surat, vi., . . 231, 232n, 233n Srikaila (Srisailam), mo. 10n, 12, 28n Suratha, & a. Surashtra, . . . 61 * 317 Bumali, demon,

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INDEX. 349 : . . . 12 11, 12 PAGE PAGB Suryasiddhanta, . . . . . 241, 290n TelAra, 8.a. Tellar, . . . 125, 129, 136 Sutarman, Pariurajaka k., . . 288 Tellar, vi., . . . . . . . 129 sutras : Telliyasinga-Nayanar, te., . . . 291 A pastamba, . . 306, 316, 317 Telugu country, . Abvalayana, . . . 306, 316 Temishapachottara-pattal, di., Bodhayana, . 306, 316, 317 Tenkasi, vi.. . . . . . . 282 Drahyayapa, . . . . . 306 Terala-Bucha-Reddi, Reddi ch., . . 11 suvarna, coin, . . Tevur, vi., . . . . . . . 379 Suvarnamukha, vi.. . 79 Tewar, vi., . . . . 385 Buvarnasikata, s.a. Sonarokha, 42, 46 thakkura,. . . 152, 155, 167, 207, 208 Suvarpavarsha, sur. of Karkaraja, . . 183thakkurajat, . . . . . 208 Savira, &.a. Mahavira, . . . Thanaura, vi., 134 . . . . 285 Suvikakha, ch., . . . , 40, 41, 49 Therigatha, quoted, . . . . .243n Buvrata, Jaina saint, . . 125n, 134. tilada (tilaka), . . . 295n Svabhra, co., . . . 40, 41, 47 Tippa, m.,. . . svami-bhoga, . . . 295 Tiraphu, 8.a. Trirasmi, 62, 64, 66, 67, 74, 91 Svapnebvara-ghatta, . . 151 tirtha, . 17, 78, 79, 86, 88, 206, 207, 208 svastika, symbol, . 65, 73 Tirthakara or Tirtha, a Jaina saint, 124, svayamvara, . . 125, 134, 135, 136, 137, 207, 208 Svetavahana, ch., . . 126n and add. Tirthanagari, vi.. . . . . 282 Tiruchchunai, vi.. . . . 275 Tirumalikai-Alvar, Vaishnava saint, . 390 Tirumangai-Alvar, do. 290, 293, 294, 295 TitumayilAppur, 8.a. Mailapur, . . . 291 TakhabilA (Takshasila), s.a. Taxila, . 297 Tirumogur, vi... . . e . . .319 Talagunda, vi., . . . . 24, 28, 29 Tirutiknasambandar, Saiva saint, 290, 291, 318 Talakad or Talakal, vi., . 51, 147 | Tirunellik kaval, i, . . . . 267 Talavananagara, s.a. Talakad, . 147 Tiruppalatturai, vi., . . . 261, 280 talekatta,. . . . 123, 124 Tiruppamba puram, vi.. . . . 300 Talikota, vi., . . . . Tiruppamburam, 8.a. Tiruppambapuram, 299n, tamra, tamraka or tamra-pattaka, 8.a. tamra 300, 305 E&sana, . . . , 152, 157, 158, 159 Tirupparuttikupru, vi. . . . . 17 tamra-asana, a copper-plate edict, . 140 Tiruppullani, Ol., . . . . . 277 Tipass, m., . . 72,76 Tiruppunavaeal, vi. . . . . . . 281 . Tapasini, f. . Tiruttengur, vi., . . . . 270, 273 Tapi, ri., . . Tiruvadi, vi.. . . . . 1, 8, 283 Tapti, ri., * 231 Tiruvadigai, s.a. Tiruvadi, . . . . 8,9 tarka, * 183 Tiruvak karai, vi.. . . . . 265, 295n tarkuka, a mendicant, . . 84n Tiruvalangadu, vi., . . . . 2911 Tarupa kura, Pallava surnamo, . . 145 Tiruvalanjuli, Di., . 2, 4, 5, 6, 263, 268 tathajnatiya, . . * 204 Tiruvalavay, te., . . . .318n tattvaloka, chronogram, 308, 315 Tiruvallam, vi, . . 28n tattvas, the twenty-five, Tiruvallikkeni, s a. Triplicane, 290, 296 Taxila, vi., . . . 297 Tiruvalluvar, l'amil poet, . . tedi, . . 279n Tiruvamur, vi., . . . . . 290 Tejahpala, m., 200, 201, 203, 205, 206, 207, Tiruvanaimalai, 8.a. Anaimalai, . . 318 208, 214, 215, 217, 218 Tiruvanmiyur, 8.a. Tiruvamdr, . 290, 291n Tejahsimha, Guhila ch., . . 202 Tiruvannamalai, vi.. . 4, 6, 7, 268, 269, 272 Tejapala, s.a. Tejahpala, . 207 Tiruvarar, vi, . . , 262, 263, 274, 276 Tekirsi, soot of ascetics, . . . . 79 Tiruvdymoli, poem, 294, 295, 318n, 319 * . 76 79 . 288n . 290

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350 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. PAGE PAGE Tiruvellarai, di., . . . 293n Tiruvendipuram, vi... * 278 Tiruvenkata-bhatta, A., * 317 Uchahra, vi.. . . . . . Tiruvilimilalai, vi. . . 299n Uchchakalpa, s.a. Uchahra, . . . . 285 Tiruvirattanam, 8.a. Virattageavara, . 8, 9 Udaiyarkoyil, vi.. . . . . . 3 Tiruvorriyur, vi.. . 291 Uaali Vinayakabhatta, m., . , . 306 Tittagudi, vi.. . . . . 270, 271 Udayachandra, ch., . . . . . 294 Tivayi-kshetra, vi, . . . 168 Udayagiri, mo., . . Todadri, s.a. Nanganeri, . . . . 318n Udayaprabhasuri, Jaina teacher, . . 203, 318 Tondai-mannavan, a Pallava k., . . . 293n Udayapura or Udayapura, 8.a. Udiya- . Tondaiyar, 8.a. Pallava, . . 290, 293 vara, . . . . . 126n and add. Traividya, sur. of Sripaladeva, . . . 17 Udayavarman, Paramara k., , . , 101n (Treta)-yugadi,. . 155 Udayendiram, vi, . . . . Trevandrum, oi., . . . .319n Udbahusundara, .,. . . . Tribhuvanachadamani-Chaityalaya, sur. Of Uddhava, . . . .317n Hosabasti, . . . . . . 125n Udipi, tin * 122, 126n Tribhuvanaddvi, f., . 203, 217 Udiyavara, vin, . . . . Tribhuvanatilaka-Jina-Chaityalaya, sur, of adranga,. . . . 189, 288 Chaturmukhabasti, . . . 125, 135, 136 Udumbaragahvara, vi., . 189, 194, 195 Tribhuvanavira-Chola, Chola ch., . . 1, 7, 8 Uesavala, family. . . . . 206 Tribhuvanaviradova, sur. of Kulottuvga-Chola Ughapaterahottara-pattala, di., . . .151 III., . . . . .4,5,7, 260, 266 Ugra-varsa, family,. . . . 126, 128 Trichinopoly, vi. . . . . .319 Ujeni, vi, . . . . . . 86 Trikalinga, co.,. . . . . 140 Ujjain, vi.. . . . 54, 56n, 57, 202n Trilochana-ghatta, Ujjivana, 8.a. Uyyakkonda-valanadu, 300, 305 Tripitaka, 173, 176, 177, 179, 180, Ukkal, vi.. . . . . . . 295 181, 182allittar, . . . . . . 317n Triplicane, vi., . , 290, 291, 292, 293, 295 Umadevi, queen of Jayasiths . 8 Tripura, demon, . . . . . . . 214, 315 Umapati-bhatta, m.,. . . 316 Tripuri, 2.a. Tewar, . 98, 284, 285, 288 Umami, vi., . . .. 207 Trirasmi, hill, . . 64, 68, 72, 73, 79, 80, 89 Umbarala-pattala, di. . . 151, 158 triratna, the three jewels, . . . 22n Umbaranik, s.a. Umarni, 206, 207 trivarga, . . . . . . . . 35 Umbhel, vi., . . . . . . . . 231 trivedin, . . . . 194, 195 Unavisa-pattala, di.,. . . 151 Trivedi-Vamana-bhatta, m., 316 Undikavatika, s.c. Oontiya, . 164, 165 Trividhavira, sur. of Arjunavarman, . 99 upadhmaniya, . . . .25, 164, 188, 194 Trividhavirachudamani, do.. . 99 upadhyaya, . . . . 99, 140n Tryambaka, m., . . . . . 317 upama, . . . Tryambaka, s.a. Siva, . . . . 317 uparikara, . . 189, 388 Tudarmunni-nadu, di... . . 291n upasaka, . . . . . 177n Tukhara, co., . . . upasika, . . . . . . . 177n Tula or Talurajya, s.a. Tuluva, . . .137n upatalpa, . . . . . 40, 46 Tuluva, co., . . . . 127Uppahalli, vi., . . 50, 51, 53, 55, 56 Tundira, co., . , 300, 305 Orjayat, s.a. Girnar,. . . . 49, 46 Tungabhadra, ri., . . . . . 29 urpa, . . . . . . 177 turushkadanda, . , 152, 154, 155, 157, 158 Urdani, s.a. Rohini,. . . . . 1400 Tusim. vi., . . . . . . 27 Urpavalli, s.a. Uppahalli, , . . 52, 59 Tushaspha, Yavana k., . . 41, 46n, 47 Urupputturar, family name, . 300n Tyigada-Brahmadova pillar, . . 123nUrupputtur Narayana-bhatta, ., . , .306 Tyagarajasvamin, te., . , 262, 263, 274, 276 | Uruvupalli, vi., . 146, 160, 161, 163n, 234 152 . 62

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INDEX. 351 130 PAGE PAGE Trabhadata, ch., . . . 72 Vanaspars or Vanashpara, Kshatrapa ch., 173, Ushavadata, ch., 78, 82, 85, 86, 87 174, 177, 179 shpisha,. . . 177 Vanditapalli, vi., . . . . 194 Otarachha, 8.a. Utraj, Vanga or Vangavolu, .a. Ongole,. . 10 utprekshAlamkara, . . . . 136n! Vangipurattar, family name, . . . OWL Utraj, vi., . . . . . . . 207 Vangipurattu Bhagavan-bhatta, m. . . 306 Uttamabhadra, co. . Vangra, vi.. . . . . . 238 Uttamapalaiyam, vi., . * 319 Varadaraja, m., . . . . . . 317 Uttara-Madhura, vi... * 126n, 128 Varadaraja-bhatta, e., 317 Uttaramallur, vi., . Varagua, Pandya k., . . 274n, 294, 319 attaramantrin, prime minister, . . . 320 Varagunamangai, vi, . . . 294 utthans-dvadasi, . . . 808, 315 varaha, a pagoda, . , 125, 129, 130, 136 avachche or Ochcha, s.a. Oja, varahagadyana, s.a.gadyaps, . Uyyakkonda-valanadu, di.,. . 300, 305 Varahamihira, astronomer, . Varahi, f., . . . . . Varkhotaka, 8.0. Bhardda,. Vardhamana, Jaina saint, Varisepa or shena, do. . . Vadagalai, . . . . . . 305 varman, ending of Kshatriya names, Vadagalai-Guruparam paraprabhava, . 306n Varpas, the four, . . . 61 Vadapalli, vi.. . . * 12 varsha, the rainy season, . . . . Vaqaviha, vi.. . . . . 189n, 151 varshagranthi, an anniversary, - 204 Vadibhakanthirava, sur. of Ajitasena,. . 17 Vasahi, 8.a. vasati, . . . . 300n Vadibhasimha, do.. . . . . 17 Vasantalil, f., . . . . . 100 Vadikolahala, sur. of Padmanabha, . 17 Vasantarkja, sur. of Kumaragiri, . . . 11 Vaghela, family, . . . . 201, 205 Vasantatilaka, metre, . . . . . 36 Vagvijaya, m., . 305n add. Vasantotsava, the spring festival, 12, 98n VAhirahadi, ds., . . . . . 206 Vasati, a Jaina temple, . . 200n Vaichaya, 8.a. Baicha I., . 17 Vasava, 8.a. Indra, . . . . 214 Vaidya, family, . . 318, 319n, 320 Vakishtha, rishi,. . . . 201, 205, 215 Vaidyanathasvamin, te., . , 270, 271 Va ishtha, te., . . . . . . 206 Vaijayanti, lericon, . . . . . 80n Vasithi, Andhra queen, 59,95 Vaijayanti, s.a. Banavasi, 29, 147, 148 Vassa, . . . . . . 82, 90 Vaikuntha-Perumal, te., . . . . 293 Vestavya, a resident, Vairamegha, sur. of Dantidurga, . . 294n Vastupala, m., 200, 201, 202, 205, 208, 214, Vaisakha, year, . . .31n 215, 216, 217, 218, 219 Vaishnava, 206n, 290, 291, 293, 294, 2950, Vasu, f., . . . . . 94 300, 306n, 318n, 319 Vasudeva, mythical k., . . . 216 Vaidya, caste, . . . . 29n, 75 Vasudeva, Kushana k., . . 175n Vaibys, tribe. . . . . . 41, 46 Vasudeva-bhatta, m., . . . . 306 Vajaimhachchhasathi-pattala, di.,. . .151 Vasushka, Kushana k., . . 178n VAkataka, family, . . . . 27 vataks or pataka, ending of village names, 285 Vakpatiraja, sur. of Munjadeva,. 99n Vatamukha, e.a. Odhem, . . . 183, 184 Valabhi, vi.. . . * 47n, 149n, 188 Vstapura, vi., . . 183 Valaure-pattala, di, . . . , 161, 167 Vatrabhatti, m., . . . W way! . . . . 189, 190 Valitvars. te.. . . . . 264, 268, 271 Vatsaraja, Singara prince,. . . . 149 Vallimalai, hill, . . . . .818n Vatsiputra, Buddhist patriarch,. . . 172 Vana-KaiyilAya-Tirumalai, shrine, . . 9 Vatsiputrika, s.a. Vatsiputriya, . 172 VApamamalai, s.a. Nanguneri, . . . 318n Vatsiputriys, school of Buddhist monks, 172 Vanapuram, sur. Of Tiruvallam,. . . 28n Vayajuk, f. . . . . . 201, 214 238

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352 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. VIIT. 61 PAGE ! PAGE Vayiramegan, biruda of Dantippottaralar, 293, 294 Veoke'agiri, vi.. . 11 Vayiramega-tat&ka, tank, . . 293, 294 Venkatapati, Vijayanagara k * 291 Veda, . . . . . .28, 34, 288 Venur, vi., .. . 123, Vedagomapurattar, family name, . 300n Vepperi, vi., . . . . . 291 V&dagomapurattu Lakshmana-bhatta, m., 306 Vesharupadi, 8.a. Veysarpadi, . . 2910 Vedagomapurattu Tiruvaranga-Narayana Veysarpadi, vi., . . . . . 291 bhatta, . . . 306 vicharakartri, a supervisor, . . . . 122n Vedamarga, . . . . . 300, 305 Vicharaereni, name of a work, . . . 202 Vodangas, the six, . 34n, 183, 308, 315 Vidabha, co. . . . Vedantadesika, Vaishnava acharya, . . 305n Vidagdha, m.. . Vedaranyam, vi., 264, 265, 266, 269, 271, Viddhakalabhanjika, natika, . 98n 272, 273 Vidyadhananjaya, sur. of Hemasina, 17 Vedaranye vara, te., 264, 265, 266, 269, 271, Vidyadhara, demi-gods, . . 62, 230 272, 273 Vidyadhara, m., . . . . . 158, 159 Vedas and &khas : vidyadhikarin, . . . . . . 12 Rich, . . 33, 154n, 170, 316, 317 Vidyanatha, author, . . . . . 101 Bahvricha, . . . . . 154 Vidyaranya, . . . . . . 305n Sankhayana, . . . . 154 Vighne vara, te., . . 270 Saman, . . . . 33, 238 vihara, . . . . . 89, 172, 178 Chhandoga, 238 viharunapa, . . . . . 2080 Yajus, . 33, 79, 147, 148, 230, 316, 317 viharasvamin, . . . . 73 Charaka. . Vijayabhupala, bhapati, bhubhuj, Craj or Katha, . Oraya, Vijayanagara k., . . 307, 308, 315 Taittiriya, . 163 Vijaya-Buddhavarman, Pallava k., 144, 145, 146 Vajason@ya, . 155, 189, 194, 195 | Vijayachandra, Kanauj k., Vijayachandra, Kanauj le., . . . 149 Vajasaneyi-Madhyandina or Madhyan- Vijayaditya, W. Ganga prince, , . 55 dina-Vajasan ya,, 140, 194, 288 Vijayadityadeva, Kadamba ch... . 126n Veddevara-ghatta, Vijaya-Isvaravarman, Ganga- Pallava k., 293 Vagavati, ri.. . . . . 8 Vijayanagara, vi., 12, 16, 17, 127, 129, 290, Vejayanti or enti, vi... . : 72 291, 298, 299, 300, 305, 307, 308n Velama, caste, . . 11 Vijaya-Narasimhavarman, Ganga- Pallava k., 292 Velangudi, vi., . 318n Vijayareyapura or Oratpura, sur. of Nipatataka, veli, land measure, . . 298, 305 308, 316 Velidata, m., . . . . . . 90 Vijayasenasuri, Jaina teacher, 208, 205, 218, 219 Velfarru, s.a. Veysarpadi, . . 291n Vijayasiddhi, sur. of Mangiyuvaraja, 237 Velugdti, family, . . 11 Vijayasimha, Guhila ch., . . . 202 Velugdtivari-vakavali, Telugu poem, 11, 12, 13 Vijaya-Siva-Mandhatrivarman, Kadamba k., . 147 Vema, m., . . 11 Vijaya-Siva-Mrige avarman, do.,. . . 147 Vema, Reddi ch., . . . . 11 Vijaya-Skandavarman, Pallara k., 144, 145, 146 Vema, Reddi k., . . 9. 10. 11, 12 Vijayasri, s.a. Parijatamanjari, . 98, 100, 101 Vema, 8.a. Peda-Komati-Vema, Vijayasudarsanapuram, sur. of Soraik kavur, Vema, s.a. Polaya-Vema, . . . . 13 298, 306 Vemapuram, sur. of Atukuru, . . 10 Vijaye vara-bhatta, m., . 316 Vemasani, Reddi princess, . . . . 10 Vikrama-Chola, Chola k., . 1, 2, 260, 262, 263 Vemaya or Vema, Reddi k., . . . 9, 10 Vikrama-Chola-valanadu, sur. of Pulakottam, 291n Vengadanatha-dikshita, m., . . . . 316 Vikramaditya I., W. Chalukya k., 230, 231 Vengi, co., . . . . . . 149n Vikramaditya II., do. . . . . 292 Vepi, confluence of the Jumna and the Vikramaditya V., do. . . . 25n Ganges, . . . . 151 Vikramaditya VI., do. . . . 101 Venkata I., Vijayanagara k., . . 127 Vikramaokadevacharitam, poem,, 101, 286n 12, 13

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INDEX. 353 , : . . .319n Vinayadittavim PAGE 1 PAGE Vikrama-santara, santara k., . . 1261 Vishnu, god, 9, 17, 24, 134, 214, 216, 230, - Vikruzandravarman II., Vishnukunin k., 26, 28n 242, 2940, 305, 308, 315, 316, 318, 320 Vilasasannan, m., . . . 163 Vishnudata, m., . . . . . . 95 Vilunam, vi., . . Vishnu latta, f., . . . 89 Vinayaditya, W. Chalukya k.. . . . 231 Vishnugopa or Vishnugopavarman, Pallava k., Vinayaka, s.a. Ganoba, . . . . 31 160, 162 Vindhya, mo., . . . . . . 61 Vishnupura, vi., . . . 139n, 151 Vindhyagiri, hill, . . . . 15, 17 Vishnu-purana, . . . 36, 48n, 62 Vinhupala (Vishnupala), m., . . . 67, 70, 71 Vishnu-smriti, quoted, . . . . 47n Vinhupalita, m., . . . , 71, 72 Vishnuvardhana, Hoysala k., . . .1360 vinibandbakara, . 70 Vislinuvardhana I., E. Chalukya k., . 25n, 237 Vira, m., . . Vishouvardhana II., do. . . 237, 238, 24 Vira-Bairarasa-Vodeya, Kalasa-Karkala ch., Vishouvarman, Kadamba k., amba k., . 30, 31 128, 129 Visvanatha, te., . . . . . . 282 Vira-BallAla II., Hoysala k., . . 101 Visvavarman, m. . . . 89 Vira-Balluddva, Kalasa-Karkala ch... 127 Vitaraga, s.a. Jina, . . . . 124, 134 Vira-Bhairarasa-Vodeya, do., Vitiyya, n., . . Vira-Bhairarasa-Vodeya, s.a. Bhairava II., 128 Vivika, m., . . . . . . 167 Vira-Bhairarsa-Odeya, Kalasa-Karkala ch., . 127 Vopadeva, m., . . . . . . Vira-Bhayirarasa-Vodeya, do. . . . 127 Vriddhapuri vara, te., . Virachudamani, sur. of Arjunavarman, . 99 Vri(bri)had goihokamisara-pattala, di.,. Viradhavala, Vaghala k., 200, 201, 202, 205, Vri(bri)hagrihe[y0 P]varatha-pattala, di., . 215, 218 Vrishabhanuja, natika, . . . .08n virngal, . . . . . . .313n veiti, s.a. veli, . . . . . . 305 Vira-Gummatadevi, s.a. Gummatamba, 127 Vudhika, m.. . . . . 95, 96 Vira-Harihararaya, s.a. Harihara II., 298, 305 vyakarana, . . 183 Vira-Kampana-Udaiyar, Vijayanagare prince, 309n Vyasa, rishi, * 160, 163, 288, 291n virama, . . . . . .97, 139, 291 vya yoga,. . . . . . . 203 Viramangalappiraraieag, sur. of Murti Eyinan, . . . . . .319n W Vira-Narasimha-Vanganarendra, ch., 126, 134 Wani, vi., . . . . . 184 Viranarayapa, sur. of Komati-Vema, 11 wara, $.a. vataka, . . . 285 Vira-Pandya, ck. . 125, 128 . Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., Warangal, di... . . . . . 11 . . . . wheel of Buddhist law, Virarajandra, Chola k., . . winter, . , Virarajandra-Choladeva, 94, 95, 171, 172, 173, 176, 179 s.a. KulottungaChola III., . . . 260, 264, 265 Vira-Rudra, 8.a. Prataparudra, . . . 9 Viralarman, m. . . Yadava, dy. . . . . .8, 183, 299 Virataparvan, . . . . . . 35n Yadu, mythical k., . . . 8, 307, 315 Viratara-mandalin, m.. . . . 195 Yajnamurti-bhatta, . . . . . Virattandkvara, te., . . . .8, 281, 283 Yajnanarayana-bhatta, w., . . . . 316 Viravarman, Pallava k., . . . 160, 162 Yajuatma-bhatta, m., . . . . 306 Vira-Viruppanpa-Udaiyar, s.a. Virupaksha, 298, 305 | Yajnavalkya[smpiti), quoted, 288n Virinchipuram, vi., . . . , .308 yajaavidya, , 183 Virapaksha, Vijayanagara k., 298, 299, 300, Yaksha, . . . . . . . . 62, 93, 1250 303, 306 Yakshini, . . . . . 125n Visaladeva, Vaghela k., 202 Yama, god, . . . . . . 152n visarga, . . 26, 38, 97, 143n, 183 Yamund (Jumna), r, . . . Visishajua, m., . . . . . .317 Yanasiri-Satakapi, Andhru k., . 166 151

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354 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. VIII. PAGE a-bole, stream, . . . . 136 Yimmadi-Bhairarsa-Odeya, Kalasa-Karkala ch., . . . . . . 127, 128 yoga: Vaidhfiti, . . . . . 299, 305 Yudhishthira, mythical k., . . . . 230 Yugandharasvamin, Jaina saint, . . yuvamakaraja, . . 144, 145, 148, 160, 163 yuvardja, 81, 149, 152, 155, 160, 184, 202, 203, 230, 281 PAGE Yaddhavala, Paramara k., . . 201, 216 Yakdvarman, do., . . . . . 202 Yaldvigraha, Kanauj k., . . . . 150n Yaudheya, dy, . . [Ya P]vaala-pattala, di, . . . 151 Yavana, . . . 41, 47, 61, 73, 91, 178 Yayati, mythical k., . . . . 61 years of the cycle : Chitrabhanu, Krodhin, . . 308, 316 Kshaya. . . 299, 306, 306n Manmatha, . . . 13 Paridhavin, . 52 Parthiva, . . . . . . 10 Prabhava, . . . . . . 306 Siddharthin, . . . 56n Subhakrit,. . . 17, 24 Tarana, . . . 300 Vilambin, . . 129n Vyaya, . 124, 134, 300 years of the reign, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 25, 31, 51, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59, 61, 67, 72, 74, 82, 83, 89, 94, 95, 139, 140, 147, 148, 160, 161, 163, 167, 171, 173, 175n, 176, 179, 181, 182, 233, 236, 238, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 291n, 293, 296, 318, 319 Zodiac, signs of the: Dhanus, . . . 266, 269, 272, 276 Kanya, . . 7,280 Karkataka, 263, 264, 265, 266, 268, 273, 277, 278, 279, 281, 282 Kumbha, . . 2, 3, 5, 6, 267, 270, 289 Makara, 4, 8, 9, 261, 265, 370, 271, 272, 273, 274, 281, 282n, 283 Mesha, . 3, 5, 6, 7, 262, 267, 275, 280, 281 Mina, . . . 3, 264, 267, 276, 277, 383 Mithuna,. . . 4, 269, 271, 272 Rishabha, . . . 262, 265, 268, 273 Simba, 1, 2, 7, 268, 268, 271, 277, 379, 280 Tula, . . . 6,275 Vpichika,. . , 2, 5, 266, 270, 279 G. I. C. P. 0.-No. 8 G. Epi-4-18-07-350.-H. B.

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