Epigraphia Indica Vol 08

Author(s): E Hultzsch
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032562/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. VIII (1905 - 1906)
Ooo
ROS
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृणु
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1981

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume VIII (1905-06)
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110011
1981

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Reprinted 1981
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
1981
Price : Rs. 80.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press, 5/33 Kirti Nagar Industrial Area New Delhi-110015.

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA AS A SUPPLEMENT TO THE "INDIAN ANTIQUARY."
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
EDITED BY
E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D.,
LATE GOVERNMENT EPIGRAFRIST; PROF. IN THE UNIVERSITY OF HALLE; CORR. MEMB. OF THE BATAVIA SOCIETY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
AND OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF SCIENCES AT GÖTTINGEN; MEMBRE ASSOCIÉ ÉTRANGER DE LA SOCIÉTE ASIATIQUE.
VOL. VIII-1905-06.
CALCUTTA:
OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA.
BOMBAY EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS. LONDON: KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRÜBNER & Co. NEW YORK: WESTERMANN & Co. CHICAGO: 8 D. PEET.
LEIPZIG: OTTO HARRASSOWITZ. VIENNA: A. HÖLDER & Co. BERLIN: A. ASHER & Co. PARIS: E. LEROUX.

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CALCUTTA: GOVERNMENT OF INDIA CENTRAL PRINTING OFFICE
8, HASTINGS STREET.

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CONTENTS.
The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE
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182
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,
50
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298
·
138
148
169
D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.: No. 19. Dhulis plates of Karkaraja; Saka-Samyat 701.
. T. BLOČE, Pa.D.:
No 18. Two inscriptions on Buddhist images J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E.:
No. 7. Chikmagalur inscription of Racbamalla III., of the period A.D. 989-1005 T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.:
No. 31. Sopaik kávůr plates of Virûpêksha; Saka-Samvat 1308 . . . T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., AND G. VENKOBA RAO:
No. 13. Nilambar plates of Ravivarman . . . . . . . HIRA LAL, B.A.:
No. 28. Betul platos of Samkshobha; the Gupta year 199 . . . . PROFESSOR E. HOLTZCI, PH.D.:
No. 2. Tiruvadi inscription of Ravivarman; A.D. 1318. . , 9. Dbâr prasasti of Arjagavarman : Parijataupañjarf-natiká by Madada
11. Nagpar Museum plates of Mabábhavagupta I. Janamējaya .
12. British Museum plates of Charudevi . . . . . , 15. Pikira grant of Simbavarman . . . . . . » 16. Uņdikavatika grant of Abhimanyu.
20. Two grants of Dhruvasêna II. . , 22. Naustri plates of Sryasraya-SilAditya; the year 421
23. Chendelår plates of Kumaravishņa II. .
» 24. Chendalar plates of Sarvaldk Asraya; A.D. 673 . . . PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., D. LITT., LL.D., C.I.E.:
Nos. 1 and 26. Dates of Choļa kings (continued). . No. 5. Talaganda pillar inscription of Kákasthavarman . , 6. Junagadh rock inscription of Rudrad&man; the year 79 . . , 14. Fivo oopper-plate inscriptions of Govindaobandra of Kanauj
, 27. Dates of Påndya kings (continued). . . . . . . H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A.:
No. 10. Karkala inscription of Bbairava II, Saka-Sath vat 1508 . . . PROPEABOR H. LODERS, PH.D.:
No. 4. Sravana-Belgola inscription of Iragapa; A.D. 1493 .
21. Jaina inscriptions at the temple of Nêminátha on Mount Âba , .
80. Tazila vase inscription . . . . . . . . . M: NARAYANASTAMI ATTAR, B.A., B.L.:
No. 32. Madras Museum plates of Srigiribhupala ; Saka-Samvat 13.46 . . PROFESSOR R. PISCHEL, PR.N.:
No. 25. Two Prakrit poems at Dhậr . . . . . . . J. RAMATTA, B.A., B.L.:
No. 3. Madras Maseum plates of Vema; A.D. 1345 . . . . .
229 233 236
1,300
. 38 • 149 .
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276
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. 200
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. 296
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806
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212
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9

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CONTENTS.
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59
E. SENART :
No. 8. The inscriptions in the caves at Nasik V. VENKATYA, M.A., RAI BAHADUR :
No. 29. Triplicane inscription of Dentivarman G. VENKOBA RAO:
No. 33. Two Agaimalai inscriptions . . J. P. VOGEL, LIT.D.: -
No. 17. Epigraphical discoveries at Sarnath .
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. 317
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166
INDEX.-BY V. TENEATYA, M.A., RAI BAHADUR
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323
APPENDIX I.-SUPPLEMENT TO THE LIST OF THE INSCRIPTIONS OF NORTHERN INDIA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIBLHORN, C.I.E.1.
1-19 SYNCHRONISTIC TABLE FOR NORTHERN INDIA, A.D. 400-1400. BY THE SAME
to face page 20 of App. I. APPENDIX 11.-SUPPLEMENT TO THE LIST OF THE INSCRIPTIONS OF SOUTHERN
INDIA. BY THE SAME . . . . . . . . . 1-27 SYNCHROXISTIC TABLE FOR SOUTHERN INDIA, A.D. 400-1400. BY TI BAME
to face page 28 of Appz. II.

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1. Talagunda pillar inscription of Kakusthavarman
2. Junagadh rock inscription of Rudradâman; the year 72
3. Nasik inscriptions.-Plate I.
4.
5.
II. III. IV.
6.
7.
V.
33
ور
23
12
22
33
23
23
33
33
35
33
8.
9.
10.
27
33
11. Dhår prasasti of Arjunavarman: Pârijâtamañjari-natik by Madana.
Plate I..
12. The same.-Plate II.
33
13. III. . 14. The Chaturmukha-Basti at Karkala
15. Nagpur Museum plates of Mahâbhavagupta I. Janamejaya 16. Plates of Vijaya-Skandavarman and Vijaya-Buddhavarman
17. Nilambûr plates of Ravivarman
18. Pikira grant of Simhavarman
19. Undikavatika grant of Abhimanyu.
20. Asoka pillar inscription at Sârnath.
21. Sarnath inscriptions of Kanishka and Asvaghosha
22. Inscribed Buddhist image from Set-Mahet
33
33
33
LIST OF PLATES.
29
VI.
VII. VIII.
"
23. Inscribed pedestal of Buddhist image from Mathura
24. Dhulis plates of Karkaraja; Saka-Samvat 701
25. Nôgawa plates of Dhruvasêna II.; [Gupta-]Samvat 320
26. Mount Abû inscription of Têjaḥpála; A.D. 1230
27. Mount Abû inscription of the reign of Bhimadêva II.; A.D. 1230
28. Nausari plates of Sryåsraya-Siladitya; the year 421
29. Chendalûr plates of Kumaravishnu II.
30. Chendalûr plates of Sarvalókásraya; A.D. 673
31. Prakrit poems at Dhår.-Plate I.
32.
II. III.
33
33.
33 39
"""" 35 33
34. Betul plates of Samkshobha; the Gupta year 199
35. The Taxila vase.
36. Boraikkavir plates of Virupaksha; Saka-Samvat 1:08
37. Madras Museum plates of Srigiribhûpâla; Saka-Samvat 1346 38. Anaimalai inscriptions..
35
to face page
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33
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"
ور
15
35
13
31 33
#5
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33
21
"1
33
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106
112
"" 31 35 33
116 124
33
between pages 140 & 141
23
144 & 145 " 148 & 149
160 & 161
164 & 165
168
176 181 182
33 33 33 33
35
between pages 186 & 187
33
" 192 & 193 to face page
212 $22 232
12 """" 39
33
between pages 234 & 235 238 & 239 to face page 248 254 260
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33
between pages 286 & 287 to face page 296 between pages 302 & 303
33
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312 & 313 to face page 320
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to face page
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PAGE
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44
60
74
76
78.
82
86
88
90

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 11, last line from bottom, - for Anapôtâ-Reddi read Anapota-Reddi.
, 15.-Cancel footnote 1. , 22, note 7,- for "His enemies clenched their fists in rage" read "The palms of his
enemies' hands closed together in token of submission." 31, paragraph 2, line 7 from bottom, - for Pravarasena read Pravarasêng. » 58.-The date of the inscription published by Dr. Fleet on this page is intrinsically
wrong, but admits of an easy and certain correction. In the date, as published, the full-moon tithi of Kârttika is joined with the nakshatra Müla (the 19th nakshatra); but in Karttika the moon is full in or near Křittikå (the 3rd nakshatra). On the other hand, an examination of native calendars for different years shows that in the majority of cases the nakshatra is Mûle on the Afth tithi of the bright half of Kârttika. This observation some years ago, when I first saw the text of the inscription in Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI., Roman text, p. 95, at once convinced me that the writer of the text erroneously must have put suddha-punnameyum (where the word suddha would really be superfluous) for suddha-panchamiyum. The date thus would give us for calculation the Afth tithi of the bright half of Kårttika, a Monday, and the nakshatra Múla; and during the period (A.D. 989-1005), to which according to Dr. Fleet the inscription must be assigned, it would be correct for Monday, the
7th October A.D. 989, and for Monday, the 3rd October A.D. 992. Monday, the 7th October 989, was entirely occupied by the 5th tithi of the
bright half of Kårttika, and on it the nakshatra was Müla, by the equal space system from 0 h. 39 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 13 m., and according
to Garga for 12 h. 29 m., after mean sunrise. And onMonday, the 3rd October A.D. 992, the 5th tithi of the bright half of Kârttika
ended 20 h. 53 m., while the nakshatra was Mula, by the equal space system from 5 h. 16 m., by the Brabma-siddhanta for 11 h. 50 m., and according to
Garga for 17 h. 4 m., after mean sunrise. Which of these two days, or whether either of them, is the true equivalent of the
original date, it is impossible to say at present.-F. K. 59, No. 8, 1. 13,- for (Pr.) read (N.). 78, text line 2,- for Karabend-read Karabend-. 79, 1. 5,- for Karabend read Karabena. 82, No. 12, text line 1,- for Dinikaputrena read Dinikapų trena (i.e. putrêņa). 101, text line 1,- for were read faer, and for safet read oxfat. 104, note 1,- for stue read arge. 111,
6,-for मद्दश्या read मदृश्या. ► 115, text line 73,- for fuld read agad. > 121, 1. 15,- for a read an. , 123, 1. 2 from bottom, - for left side read right side. , 126, note 3, 1.3,--for Balagâmi read Baligåmi.
In 7 calendars out of 12 Mala is joined with the 5th tithi of the bright half of Kårttiks, and in 3 with the 4th tithi ; in 2 (in which Kârttika in preceded by an intercalary month) Múla goes with the 3rd tithi.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 126, note 3, 11. 5 to 12.-[Professor Hultzsch has critically edited the three Udiyâvara inscriptions quoted here (Nos. 108, 98 and 97 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901) on pp. 18, 22 and 23 of Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX., respectively. In the light of his remarks some alterations in this note appear necessary. In numbers 97 and 98 the alternative forms Ponvulcha and Udayapura also occur. The word nakara, which I took to mean trading classes' in both these inscriptions, is taken by Professor Hultzsch as being placed in apposition to Pombulchada and Udayapurada, and as meaning city.' In No. 108 the attribute Patti-odeyon, which I took as applying to Svêtavâhana, probably refers to a Saiva priest. It was not Svêtavahana that fell in battle, but a servant of the Aluva prince Ranasagara, named Kâmakôḍa.H. K. S.]
127, note 2, last line,-for leunmolested read unmolested.
23
» 128, 1. 16 from bottom,-for dacidedly read decidedly.
,, 138, No. 11.- In a letter dated Nagpur, 4th October 1906, Mr. Hiranand communi
د.
33
23
33
33
33
33
200, 1. 12 from bottom.-With khattaka Mr. Krishna Sastri compares the Kannada gaddige and the Hindi gaddi, a throne.' ,,204, 1. 14 from bottom.-With ashfahika Mr. Krishna Sastri compares the ashtáhnika of the Southern Jainas; see p. 137, note 4.
216, v. 37.-Regarding this verse see Prof. Kielhorn's remarks in the Journ. R. As. Soc. 1907, p. 175 ff.
,, 216, v. 42. Mr. Krishna Sastri remarks:- "I suggest that the word be taken as an apposition referring to Yasôdâ, and not independently as is done in the translation. I cannot understand how Krishna's splendour was augmented by his mother. स्वयमधिकप्रतापस्य भगवान् न अन्यतस्यमुच्छायमपेक्षते.”
219, text lino 2 f.-Prof. Kielhorn supplies
33
29
vii
ور
cated to the Editor the following extract from a letter of the Deputy Commissioner, Sambalpur District, to the Superintendent, Nagpur Museum, dated 15th September 1889:-"The plate (viz. the plates edited on p. 138 ff) was found by Dusti Kulta, resident of Satlama in the Barpali Zamindari, in June 1897 (read: 1887 ?). He found it under a stone while he was constructing the embankment of his field near the Gandapara." Mr. Hiranand adds:-- "From this it is evident that the Satallama of the inscription is the very place where the plates were found."
147, paragraph 5,- for "Multagi is represented
boundary" read "Multagi figures
173, paragraph 2, 1. 5,- for Pushyavnddhi read Pusbyavuddhi.
. as forming the eastern among the boundaries."
183, 1. 11, for southern read northern.-Note the form of rtha in 11. 15 and 31 of the
Inscription.
ysicais.
234, 11. 4 and 7.-In accordance with Vol. IX. p. 50, read Karmâka-râshtra and Kammâka-rashtra (without ).-The same correction has to be made on p. 235, text lines 14 and 16, p. 236, 11. 14 and 17, and p. 238, 1. 8 from bottom.
295, note 1, 1. 7,-for Tiruvaymoli read Tiruvâymoli.
305, note 1, line 1,-for "Sudarsanâchârya who wrote " read " Sudarsanacharya, also called Nainâra, who was the son of Vågvijaya, and who wrote "
307, 1. 2.- On "Madras Museum" add a footnote:-"[No. 16 of Appendix A. in the Annual Report for 1905-06 of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle-V. V.]"
318, 1. 16,-for "three verses" read "three Sanskrit verses."
318, 1. 7 from bottom,-after "The second inscription," insert "which is in Tamil, and."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME VIII.
No. 1.- DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from Vol. VII. page 177.)
OF
the numerous dates of Chôla kings sent to me by Prof. Hultzsch and Mr. Venkayya, I again publish seventeen. Among these, the most interesting and, I may add, those which have given me most trouble-are perhaps the five dates Nos. 85-89 of Rajaraja [II.] Parakêsarivarman, which prove that this king, of whom no dates have yet been published here, commenced to reign between (approximately) the 27th March and the 23rd November A.D. 1148. The date No. 99 reduces the time, previously found for the commencement of the reign of Rajendra-Chôla III., to the period from (approximately) the 21st March to the 20th April A.D. 1246. The date No. 94, of Kulôttunga-Chôla III., is of the 25th January A.D. 1217, while the dates of his successor Rajaraja III. show that this king commenced to reign already between (approximately) the 23rd June and the 13th August A.D. 1216; and similarly the dates Nos. 96 and 97, of Rajaraja III., are of the 7th February and the 22nd April A.D. 1248, while the years of his successor Râjêndra-Chôla III., as has just been stated, are counted from some time between (approximately) the 21st March and the 20th April A.D. 1246. The date No. 100 belongs to a king or chief Tribhuvanavira-Chôla, who apparently commenced to reign in A.D. 1331-32.
A.-VIKRAMA-CHOLA.
84. In the Saranarayaṇa-Perumal temple at Tiruvadi.1
1 Svasti sri [11] Pû-mâdu punara
9
kô=Pparakêéaripanma
10 râna Tiribuvanachchakkaravatti[ga] śri-Vikkirama-Śôladêvar
11 kku yan[ḍu*] 7vadu Sim [ha]-nayarru apara-pakshattu êkâ12 [di(da))iyan Tiruvadiraiyam pezz [V][y]Ala-kkilamai-nál.
"In the 7th year (of the reign) of king Parakêsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Chôladeva,- on a Thursday, which corresponded to (the day of) Ardra and to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha."
1 No. 30 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
A date of the month of Simha (July-August) of the 7th year of Vikrama-Choļa would be expected to fall in A.D. 1124, and this date actually corresponds to Thursday, the 7th August A.D. 1124. This was the 12th day of the month of Simha, and on it the 11th tithi of the dark half of Sråvana) ended 20 h. 6 m., while the nakshatra was Årdrå, by the equal space system for 15 h. 46 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 1 h. 58 m., and according to Garga for 3 h. 56 m.) after mean sunrise.
B.-RAJARAJA II,
85.- In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalañjuli. 1 Svasti śrt [11] Pa maruviya (Ti]ru-mådum . . . . . . . . . . 4 ko=Pparakêśaripaŋmar-a[ņa Tri]bhuvanachchakravatt[i]ga[1] ér[i]-Rajarajad[@]vapku
yâŅdu 4&va[du] Vrischika-nåyarra apara-pa]kshatta [sa]ptam[i]yu[m]
[B]uda[9]-[ki]lam[ai]yum [p]erra [P]åra[tt]a nå[1]. “In the 4th year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadēva,- on the day of Purva-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the 7th tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Vfischika."
My examination of the four dates Nos. 85-88 has yielded the result that the reign of Rajarája Parak@sarivarman, 6.6. Rajaraja II., commenced between (approximately) the 27th March and the 23rd November A.D. 1146.
This date, No. 85, corresponds to Wednesday, the 23rd November A.D. 1149, which was the 27th day of the month of Vfischika, and on which the 7th tithi of the dark half (of Márgafirsha) ended 14 h. 10 m., while the nakshatra was Púrva-Phalguni, by the equal space system for 22 h. 20 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise.
86.- In the Karavandiśvara temple at Udaiyerköyil. 1 Svasti eri [ll] Pa maruviya Tiru-mådum. . . . . . . . 8 . . . . . . . . . k[Ppara kesa9 [ri]patmar=âna Tribu[va]nachchak[ka]ravattiga[!] fri-Rája[r]@jadêvarku yan[du]
árâ[va]d[u] Ka10 m[bha]-nâyatru apara-paksha[t]ta pratham(ai]yu[m] Vi[y]@la-kkilamaiyum perra
Maga[tt]u nå[!).
"In the sixth year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadēva, - on the day of Magha, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the first tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
The date corresponds to Thursday, the 24th January A.D. 1152, which was the first day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the first tithi of the dark half (of Mågha) ended 15 h. 27 m., while the nakshatra was Magha, by the equal space system for 22 h. 20 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 53 m., and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise.
87.- In the Kapardiśvara temple at Tiruvalasjuli. 1 Svasti eri | Pa maruviya Tiru-mådum . . . . . . . . . . 5 ..... [k]8=Pparakesaripapmar-aņa Tir[i]buvanachchak[ka] ravattiga!
Rajaraja
eri
No. 622 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. No. 407 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.
Between A.D. 1131 and 1178 this is the only day for which the date is correct. • The Kumbha-sarikránti took place 20 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of the 23rd January A.D. 1103
No. 628 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

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No. 1.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
6 dévarku y[8]du papnirandavadu Mêsha-n[Qya]rru apara-pakshattu navamiyam
B[uda]n-kilamaiyum pjerra Ti7 ravôņa[tta nå]!.
“In the twelfth year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadêva,- on the day of Sravaņa, which corresponded to 8 Wednesday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mêsha."
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 28th March A.D. 1158, which was the 2nd day of the month of Mésha, and on which the 9th tiths of the dark half (of Chaitra) ended 6 h. 35 m., while the nakshatra was Śravaņa, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 12 h. 29 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 13 h. 47 m., after mean sunrise.
88. - In the @kamranátha temple at Conjesveram. 1 Svasti śri [11*] Pâ maruviya Tiru-mådum . ... . . 2 . . i ... ko=Ppara kêsaripatmar-åņa Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! sri
Rajarajadêvarka påņda padiganjâvadu Tai-måsattu purvva-pakshattu
Paparpû samum chatu[r]ddasiyum Viyala-kkilamaiyum=å[na] nal. “In the fifteenth year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadêva,- on the day of Punarvasu, which was a Thursday and the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Tai."
The date corresponds to Thursday, the 12th January A.D. 1161, which was the 19th day of the month of Tai (or Makara), and on which the 14th tithi of the bright half (of Magha) ended 19 h. 3 m., while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 10 m., and by the Brahma-siddhånta for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise.
89.-- In the Åpatsahâyêśvara temple at Ålanguļi.
1 Svasti sri [ll] Pů maruviya Tiru-mådum . . . . . 6 kô=P parakesaripatmar=&na 7 Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! 8 erf-Rajarajadêvarku yâ9 ndu åpavadu .
. 14 .... . Mina-näyarru pů15 rvva-pakshattu saptamiyum Viyêla-k16 kilamaiyum perra Orðsapi-na
17 ! “In the sixth year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajad@va,-on the day of Rôhiņi, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the seventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
Between A.D. 1136 and 1299 the only days for which this date would be correct, are Thursday, the 26th February A.D. 1159, and Thursday, the 27th February A.D. 1186, neither of which could have fallen in the 6th year of the king's reign. Guided by the results of my calcu. lations, I therefore assume that the month of Ming has been wrongly quoted in the date instead of the immediately preceding month of Kumbbe. For this month the date regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 14th February A.D. 1152, which was the 22nd day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 7th tithi of the bright half of Phalguna) ended 17 h. 26 m. after
No. 9 of the Gavrnment Epigraphist's collection for 1893; compare South-Ind. Intor. Vol. III. p. 79 and note 4.
: No. of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1899.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VIII.
mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Rohiņi, by the Brahma-siddhanta and according to Garga during the whole day, and by the equal space system from 6 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise.
C.-KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA III.
90.-In the Patapisvara temple at Aridvaramangalam. 1 ... [cha]kkaravattiga! sri raMadurai koņd-aru[Jiya Sri-Kulo[t]tunga
Soladêva[r]kku yâdu 10vadu pattávadu Ma[ga]ra-nayarru apara-pasha (kshattu
pañchamiyum Sevvå[y]-kkilamaiyum perra Uttirattádi-na.
“In the 10th -tenth-year (of the reign) of the emperor [of the three worlds], the glorious Kulottunga-Chladova, who was pleased to take Madurai,- on the day of UttaraBhadrapada, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the fifth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Makara."
The wording of this date is intrinsically wrong. As in the dates of the inscriptions Nos. 480 and 604 of my Southern List, either the nakshatra Uttara-Bhadrapadá has been qnoted erroneously instead of Uttara-Phalguni, or the second fortnight instead of the first. My calculation has shown that really the latter is the case.
The intended day undonbtedly is Tuesday, the 5th January A.D. 1188, which was the 11th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half of Mágba) ended 19 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapadá, by the Brahma-siddhanta and according to Garga the whole day, and by the oqual space system from 5 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise.
01.-In the Arunachalêsvara temple at Tiruvannamalai. 1 Svasti [11] 2 Tiribu vanavi(vi)radêvarku y&pdu 35va[du] . . . . 3 M[i]duņa-nåyarru ettán-diyadiyum A[ou]lamum perra tiru-Na[ya]rra
kkilamai-nål. “In the 35th year (of the reign) of Tribhuvanaviradêva, - on a sacred Sunday which corresponded to the day of) Anuradha and to the eighth solar day of the month of Mithuna."
The date should fall in A.D. 1213. In this year the Mithuna-sankranti took place 3 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 26th May, which was the first day of the month of Mithuna. The 8th day of the same month therefore was Sunday, the 2nd June A.D. 1213; and on this day the nakshatra was Anuradha, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 22 h. 20 m., and by the equal space system and according to Garga from 3 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise.
02.- In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalažjuli." 1 Svasti sr[1] [118] 2 Tr[i]bhuvanachchakkara[va]tt[i]ga[!] Maduraiyum f[la] 3 mum Karuvarum På[o]diyanai mudi-ttalaiy[u]4 n-gond-aru[li] virar-abhishekamum vi5 jayar-abhishekam[um] paņņi-ar[u]liya gri-Tiri6 [b]uva[na]v[ira] dêvarku ya[n]du mu[p]pat[t]age
ra.
1 No. 611 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. * The beginning of the inscription is built in.
Cancel the syllables fr • No. 557 of the Governinent Epigraphist's collection for 1902. • No. 631 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

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No. 1.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
7 vadu Mêsha-nâyar[ru] pû[rvva]-pakshattu 8 tri(tri)tiyaiyum Tingal-ki[lam]aiyum per9 ra Rôśapi-nâ!.
"In the thirty-sixth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Tribhuvanaviradeva, who was pleased to take Madurai, Ilam, Karuvûr and the crowned head of the Pandya, and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of victors, on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Monday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mêsha."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 14th April A.D. 1214, which was the 21st day of the month of Mêsha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of Vaisakha, i.e. the akshayatritiya) ended 19 h. 29 m., while the nakshatra was Rohini, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 14 h. 27 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 13 h. 47 m., after mean 93. In the Kailasanatha temple at Kalappal.1
sunrise.
Vri(vri)schika-nyarr[
kkilamaiyu[m] perra
1 Svasti śri [1] Tribhuvanachchakravattiga[ Ma]dhuraiyum Ilamui-Garuvûru[m] Pandiyan mudi-ttalaiyun-gondu [vi]rar-abhishekamum vijai[ya]r=abhi[sh]ê2 kamu[m] Joqniy-aruliya sri-Tri[bhu]va[na]viradêvarku yânḍu 37du prvva-pakabaitu [cha]ta(tu)[r]dda[6]yun-Dingal
5
3 Kârttigai-nâļ.
"In the 37th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Tribhuvanaviradêva, who took Madurai, Îlam, Karavûr and the crowned head of the Pandya, and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of victors, on the day of Krittika, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Vrischika."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 17th November A.D. 1214, which was the 21st day of the month of Vrischika, and on which the 14th tithi of the bright half (of Mârgasirsha) commenced about sunrise, while the nakshatra was Krittika, by the Brahma-siddhânta for 11 h. 50 m., according to Garga for 13 h. 8 m., and by the equal space system from 0 h. 39 m., after
mean sunrise.
94. In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalañjuli.
1 Svasti [śri][*] Tirib[u]vanachchak[k]rava[r]ttiga! Madurai[yum] Ilamum Karuvarum Pândiyanai mndi-ttalaiyum kondu virar-abhishê [ka]mmum3 vijayar= abhishekammum pappily-a]ruliya éri-Tiribuvana [vira]dêvarku yându 39âvadu Kumba-nayarru a[pa]ra-pakshattu prathamaiyum [Buldan-kilammaiyum perra Magattu nål.
"In the 39th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Tribhuvanaviradeva, who took Madurai, Ilam, Karuvûr and the crowned head of the Pandya, and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of victors,- on the day of Magha, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the first tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 25th January A.D. 1217, which was the 3rd day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the first tithi of the dark half (of Mâgha) ended 12 h. 54 m., while the nakshatra was Magha, by the equal space system for 11 h. 50 m., after mean sunrise.
1 No. 659 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. No. 618 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. Read abhishikamum.
Read -kilamaiyum.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
D.- RAJARAJA III. 95.- In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalañjuli. 1 Tiribuvaachchakkaravattiga[!] fri-Ra[ja]r[ja]davarkku yându ettåvadin e[dir]m=
Andu Tol[å-na]yarra apara-pakshattu navami]yu[m] Tin2 ga[1]-kiļamaisyum perra Pajsattu n[al].
"In the year opposite the eighth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rå[ja]rå[ja]déva, - on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Monday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Tulâ."
The date undoubtedly corresponds to Monday, the 7th October A.D. 1224, which was the 11th day of the month of Tulâ, and on which the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 15 h. 46 m., and by the Brahma-siddhâata for 13 h. 47 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 14 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise, was the 8th, not the 9th, tithi of the dark half (of Âśvina). The result shows that, instead of the word nasvami]yu[m] of the original date, we ought to read ashtamiyum.
06.-In the Arunachalêśvara temple at Tiruvannimalai. 1 Svasti śrf [ll*] Tiribuvaṇachchakkaravatt[i]ga! Sri-Irajarajadêvarkku [y]åņdu
32vadu Kumba-nåyarru pů[rvva]-pakshattu tu[vada ]siyum Vel[li]-kk[i]lamai
yum perra Panar[p]ûsattu nå!.
“In the 32nd year of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadēva,- on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Friday and to the twelfth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
The date corresponds to Friday, the 7th February A.D. 1248, which was the 15th day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 12th tithi of the bright half (of Phálguna) ended 21 h. 23 m., while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 13 h. 47 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 13 h. 8 m., after mean sunrise.
97.-In the Arunachalésvara temple at Tiruvannamalai. 1 Svast[i] er[1] [ll] T[i]ribuvaṇachchakkara va]ttiga! śr[f-R]ájarajadêvarkku yandı
32vadu Mêsha-näy[i]rru apara-pakshatta trayôdas[i]yum Budan-k[i]lamaiyum
perra Ireba (va)a[i]-nál.
« In the 82nd year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadêve, on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mesha.”
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 22nd April A.D. 1248, which was the 29th day of the month of Mêsha, and on which the 13th tiths of the dark half of Vaisakha) commenced 6 h. 40 m., while the nakshatra was Rêvati for 21 h. 1 m., after mean sunrise.
E.- RAJENDRA-CHOLA III.
98.- In the Prêmapuriśvara temple at Anbil. 1 . . . T[i]r[i]ba[va]nachchakkarava]ttsigall
śr[f]-Ira[se]qdirasro]ladêva[r]kku yându 4vadu Kano[i]-näyarru pūrvva-pakshattu pañchamiyum N&y[i]rru-kkilamaiyum perra A[ni]lattu nâ[1].
No. 629 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. 9 No. 491 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903. • No. 503 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.
No. 596 of the Goveroment Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

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No. 1.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
"In the 4th year of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladêve, on the day of Anuradha, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the fifth tiths of the first fortnight of the month of Kanya."
The date corresponds to Sunday, the 12th September A.D. 1249, which was the 16th day of the month of Kanya, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half (of Âøvina) commenced 1 h. 42 m., while the nakshatra was Anuradha, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 22 h. 59 m., and by the equal space system and according to Garga from 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise.
99,- In the Sakshinathasvâmin temple at Avaļivaņallûr.
. . . Tiribu[va]nasakkara[va]2 ttiga! śr[i]-Irågêndira-Ś[8]3 ladêva[r]kku yându 22[va]du 4 Mêla-nayarru apara-pakshatta 5 de(da) sam[i]yum Budan.kilamaiyum [p]e
6 Ira (Sa]daisyatta] n[a]!. "In the 22nd year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladôve, on the day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mesha."
The date will be expected to fall in A.D. 1267 or 1268. It actually corresponds to Wednesday, the 20th April A.D. 1287, which was the 26th day of the month of Mésha, and on which the 10th tithi of the dark half (of Vaisakha) ended 13 h. 40 m., while the nakshatra Was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system for 4 h. 36 m., after mean sunrise.
This result reduces the time during which Rajendra-Chola III. must have commenced to reign to the period between approximately the 21st March and the 20th April A.D.
1248.
F.- TRIBHUVANAVIRA-CHOLA. 100.- In the Arunachalêsvara temple at Tiruvannamalai. 1 Svasti eri [ll] T[r]ibhuvanavira-soladevarku yaņdu 11&vadu 2 Chitrabhanu-varushatta Sinha-nayarru apara-pakshattu 3 ptamiyum Ve[!]!i-kkilamaiyum perra Urosaņi-na
4
L
"In the 11th year of the reign) of Tribhuvansvira-Chôļadēva,- on the day of Rôhiņi, which corresponded to a Friday and to the seventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha of the year Chitrabh&nu."
If the Tribhuvanavîra-Choladêve of this date were identical with Kulottunga-Chļa III. who bears the name Tribhuvanaviradêva, the date would fall in A.D. 1188; but for that year it is in every respect incorrect. Between A.D. 1000 and 1500 the only day for which the date is correct is Friday, the 23rd August A.D. 1342. This day by the southern luni-solar system fell in the Jovian year Chitrabhanu (Saka-samvat 1264 expired). It was the 26th day of the month of Sinha, and on it the 7th tithi of the dark half (of Bhadrapada) ended 10 h. 8 m., · while the nakshatra was Rohiņi, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 19 h. 42 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 19 h. 3 m., after mean sunrise.
1 No. 605 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. * See above, Vol. VII. p. 176.
No. 622 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
If correctly.recorded, the date would prove that there was a king or chief TribhuvanaviraChôļa who commenced to reign between approximately the 24th August A.D. 1931 and the 23rd August A.D. 1332 (in Saka-samvat 1253-54).
No. 2.- TIRUVADI INSCRIPTION OF RAVIVARMAN:
A.D. 1313. BY PROFESSOR E. HOLTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). This inscription (No. 34 of 1903) is engraved on the south wall of the Virattåndsvars shrine at Tiruvadi near Paprutti in the Cuddalore tâluka of the South Aroot district. It opnsists of a passage in the Sanskpit language and the Grantha alphabet, and of a sentence in the Tamil language and alphabet.
The Sanskrit portion (11. 1-3) is identical with the first four lines of the Ranganatha inscription of Ravivarman, which has been published and translated by Professor Kielhorn, as far as the word Kulasekharadeva. The Tamil portion (1. 3 f.) records that Ravivarman alias Kulasekharadeva bathed and repaired the central shrine of the Tiruvirattagam temple at Tiruvadigai in the fourth year of his reign, the Kaliyuga year 4414 and the Sa ka year 12]35, on the day of Rôhiņi, Saturday, the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of Makara.
Professor Kielhorn kindly informs me that this date corresponds to Saturday, the 29th December A.D. 1313, when the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. 14 m., and the nakshatra was Rohini for about 21 hours, after mean sunrise.
In verse 4 of the Arulala-Perumal inscription of the same king we are told that he stayed at Kaichi in his fourth year. The subjoined inscription is dated in the same year, and adds the information that this year corresponded to A.D. 1313.
TEXT.
1 Svasti sri-Jayasi[m]ha ity=abhihitag=8ômånvay-êttamsako r&j=&sid=iha Kéraleshu
vishaya náth Yadu-kshmábhfitâm || játd-smad-Raviva[r]mma-bhů patirUm[&]dévya kumkrag-sivád=dêhavyapya-Sakabda-bhaji Samayê dêh=ivs virð ra[sa]b 6 [19] Kshayan-nîtvå sô=yam kali-bala[m-iv-Ar]ati-nivaha[i]= ja ya*Jérivat křitva nija-sahacharim Påndya-tanayam || trayastrimad-va[r]shd yasa i[va] yayau Kerala-padam(dam) raraksha svam râshtra n-na]garam=iva Kolambam-adh[i]paḥ 6 [2] [Ji]två samgråmadhirô nfipatir-adhira[na]m(nam) vidvisham (sham) Vira-Pandyam(ndyam) ksity=&gau Pandya-Cholán-naya iva
tanum[&]n Kéralebhyo-py=adhi[n]ån || shatcha2 tvarimsad-abdas-tata-bhuvi mukutan=dharayan-Vegavatyaḥ kridam simhasana-sthas
chiram-akrita mahf-kirtti-våp i-ramabhiḥ 6 [3] À Mêrðr=& Malay&d=& pûrv våd= cha paschimåd=acba[1]åt || Yadukula-sêkhara êsha kshöņin Kulasekharas=svayam bubhuje Il L [4"] . Svasti sri [ll] Chandrak[ulamangala]pradipa II Yadava-Narayana | Keraladêga-punyapariņâma || NámåntaraKarnpa || Kúpaka-Järvvabhauma | Kulaśikhari-pratishthåpita-Garudaddhvaja II Kolamba-puravar-adhisvara [11] Sri-Patma(dma)nabha-padakamala-paramaradhaka [11] Pranataraja-pratishthacharyya |
Vimataraja-bandikára || Dharmmatarumülaka nda] || Satgudgu)-Alamkara || [Cha]tushshashți
Above, Vol. IV. p. 149. : Above, Vol. IV. p. 147.
* For this ancient name of Tiruvadi see above, Vol. VII. p. 162. • From an inked estampage prepared by Mr. G. Venkoba Rao.

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No. 3.]
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VEMA.
3 kald-va[lla] bha || Dakshiņa-Bhojaraja Sa[m]gramadbira | Maharajadhiraja
param@gvara | Jayasith hadeva-nandana || Ravivarmma-maharaja 11 [6] Sri [11] 6 Sri-Kulasekharadeva || 6 [I]varkku yandu nalévadu Kaliyuga-varsham 4414 idilningiya Sa . . . . . 351 idan mêl fellánipra Magaranåyarru purvva-pakshattu @kadasiyum Sani-kki[la]m[aiyum] p[e]rra Rôšan[i]-na! Tiruvadi[g]ai udaiyår Tirusvira]ţt&pam-udaiya nayaņår koyil Våpa-Kaiyil&ya-Ttirumalai stūpi-paryyantamaga tirumañanamum paņņi
[pu)rachcharapai tirukkallum 6[&t]ti4 y-aru![i]ņår Raviva[r]mma-ma[h]ára[ja]r-aga peruma! Kulasegaraddvar 6. Svasti Gri o
TRANSLATION OF THE TAMIL PORTION. (Line 3.) (In) the fourth year of this (king),—the Kaliyuga year 4414,- the Sa[ka year 12]35 separated from this, on the day of Rôhiņi, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month Makare current after this (Šaka year),Ravivarma-Mahârâja alias the lord Kulašêkbaradeva was pleased to bathe up to the pinnacle the Vana-Kaiyilâya-Tirumalaid in the temple of the lord of Tiruvirattapam, the god of Tiruvadigai, and to fix the stones which were bulging out. Hail! Prosperity!
No. 3.- MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VEMA;
A.D. 1345.
BY J. RAMATYA, B.A., B.L. This inscription is engraved on five copper-plates which are deposited in the Madraw Museum, and I edit it from ink-impressions kindly furnished to me by Prof. Hultzech. The plates are engraved on both sides, except the first plate which is engraved on one side only. The ring and seal are missing. The letters are bold and legible. The characters are of the old Telugu type. The language is Sanskpit, except the portion describing the boundaries of the village of Ātukůru, which is in Telugu.
The inscription opens with an invocation to the boar-incarnation of Vishnu (verse 1), whose feet gave birth to the fourth caste (v. 2). In that caste was born Vémaya, the founder of a family (vamsa-kartá, v. 3). To him was born the great hero Kômaţi-Próla (v.4), whose wife was Annemâmbâ (v. 5). To Kômaţi-Prola, Annemâmbâ bore five song :- Macha, Vêma, Doddaye, Annaya and Mallaya (v. 6). Of these Vême ruled the earth (v. 8). He was the torrent of a mighty river to the trees which were rebellious neighbouring kings, the full-moon to the waterlilies which were friendly kings, the wind to the cotton which was the mad manne chiefs, a very Agastya to the ocean which was the Mlêchchhas (v. 9), and bore the biruda R&yachêkôluganda (v. 10). King Véma restored all the agraharas of Brahmaņas, which had been taken away by the wicked Mlêchchha kings from the time of) king Vira-Rudra of the Kakati-vamsa (v. 19). King Véma, surnamed Sri-Pallava-Trinetra, was a bee on the lotusflowers which were the feet of the preceptor named Ghôderdya-Ganga (v. 13). Véma's
Restore Sakábdam 1285.
• The meaning of this expression is perhaps : 'separately stated along with this (Kaliyugs year).' . ' I.e. the holy mountain of the heavenly Kailass. This seems to have been the name of the central shrine in the Tiruvirattanam temple.
• The reference seems to be to the hill-chiefs whom Vems vanquished.
I.e. the Muhammadans.
• This person seems to have been the family Garu of the Reddis. He is referred to in Srinatha'. Bhimakhanda and Kdilkhandam ss Ghoder ya-Bhimaya-Guru and Ghorariya-Bhimêsvars, respectively.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
capital was the city of Addanki in the country of Pangi, which extended from the eastern slopes of Srigiril to the eastern seal on both sides of the river Kundi (vv. 14 and 15). At an eclipse of the moon on Chaitris in the sake year counted by the mountains (7), the seasons (6) and the sons (12),- in figures 1267,- in the presence of Mândûka-Sambhu, king Véma gave as an agrahdra to several Bråbmaņas the village of Åtuk uru, which was situated on the northern bank of the river Krishna, and which was renamed Vêmapuram after the donor (vv. 17 and 18). After this comes a list of the donees, which is followed by a detailed account of the boundaries of Atakara, - boundaries which were entirely of a temporary nature, and which must have disappeared centuries ago. The inscription ends with the usual imprecatory verses and the signature Sri-Pallava-Trinetra (line 87).
This is the earliest inscription of the Reddi dynasty 49 yet discovered. There is another inscription of Véma at Amaravati, also dated in the Saka year 1267,6 bat in the month of Karttika. The Saka year quoted in the subjoined inscription was the expired and not the current year, and the date of the grant corresponds to Friday, the 18th March A.D. 1345, on which date there was, according to Professor Kielhorn, "a total eclipse of the moon from 18 h. 49 m. to 22 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise, and therefore visible in India." In the Amaravati inscription the corresponding cyclio year is given as Parthiya.
I have not met with the name of Pungi elsewhere and cannot say whether it has anything to do with Ongole, which is a contraction of Vangavóla- the town of Vanga. It would perhaps be more fanciful to derive the word from Påka in Påkanadu. The country of Pungi comprised parts of the modern districts of Kurnool, Nellore and Kistna. The village Åtukůru I identify with Gani -Atukuru-west of Bezvada. Addańki is the well-known village of that name in the Ongole taluks of the Nellore district and is the head-quarters of a Deputy Tahsildar. The river Kundi is the Gundlakamma of the map and is called Brahma Kuņļi and Kundi-Prabha in the Amaravati inscription.
All the accounts hitherto published of the genealogy of the Redại chiefs open with Kômaţi-Prôls. This inscription gives us the name of Prola's father Véma, after whom his illustrious grandson was named. This account is corroborated by the Telugu Harivandam, which was dedicated to Véma, the donor of the present grant. In this book Véma is called indiscriminately V&ma, Komaţi-Vême, Prôlaya-Vêma, or Annama-Vêma. The second and third names are combinations of Véma's own name with those of his father, and the last name he derived from his mother. From the Harivamsam we learn that Prola's wife Anname was the daughter of Dodda, who had three sons, viz. Pôta, Chitta and Någa. Chitta had a son named Nake who is said to have been a very dear friend of Vèma. He is perhaps identical with Nallanunka, who married Véma's daughter Vêmasâni. From the same book we learn that Véma's younger brother Malla took Môţupalli? - from whom it is not stated- and that he was of great help to Véma. The latter statement derives corroboration from the Amaravati inscription already referred to, which says that Véma fixed five golden pots on the top of the temple of Amaresvara for the eternal benefit (punya) of his younger brother Malle-Reddi. Before taking leave of the Harivandam, it may be pointed out that that book mentions only two sons of Vēma, vis. Pota (afterwards called Anapota or Anavõta) and Kômaţi. Anavême, Doddâmbikå and Vêmasåni were apparently not yet born when the Harivansam was composed, and Kômați probably died while yet a boy.
1 Srisailam in the Kurnool district.
The Bay of Bengal. 1.e. the full-moon day in the month of Chaitra. • 1.e. at the Siva temple called Mindake vara. . No. 268 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897. • See above, Vol. III. p. 287, and the genealogical tree published in the Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900. 1 In the Bapatla talaks of the Kistna district.

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No. 3.)
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VEMA.
The statement in the inscription that Vêma restored the agrahdras wrested by the Muḥammadans from Prat&parudra is, so far as I am aware, the only epigraphical reference as yet discovered to the Muhammadan conquest of Warangal. It also shows, as has been already pointed out by Mr. V. Venkayya in his Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, that the Reddis were the political successors of the Kakatiyas. There is, however, no satisfactory evidence for determining exactly when the Reddis came into power. The account of the Kakatiya dynasty compiled for Colonel Colin Mackenzie and deposited in the Madras Library of Oriental Manuscripts says that Pratáparudra's generals were all Padmanayakas or Velamas, and this is confirmed by the poem entitled Velugôțivari Vamávali, i 6. Genealogy of the Velugôți family of Venkatagiri).' The only reference made by the former book to the Reddis is a short passage in which one Téråla-Bucha-Reddi is said to have fought for Pratå parudra in his final battle against the Muhammadans. It is not known whether this Bachá-Reddi had anything to do with the Reddis of Kondavidu.
According to the traditional history of Kondavidu preserved in the Kondaviti Dandakavsls, the Reddis became suddenly rich in the time of one Donti. ALIAJA-Reddi, who robbed a man named Vems of the Komati caste, who was his guest, of a piece of philosopher's storte (sparsavédi). When the stone, in securing which he had spent the best part of his life, was stolen, the Kömati, the book saya, died of broken heart, and on his death-bed he enjoined that his name should be perpetuated in the family of the Reddis, and that the wealth obtained through the stone should be spent on charity. The account proceeds to state that, with the money thus obtained, Pôlaya-Vêma raised troops, seized Dharanikota and the neighbouring country from the officers of Pratáparudra, and subsequently established bimself at Kondavidu. It is difficult to say what truth there is in this story. It may have been suggested by the fact that Komati was a recognised name of several members of the family. From Srinatha's Haravildsam we learn that a Komati named A váchi-Devaya, son of Påvåni, a great merchant of Sim havikramapattaņa (Nellore), was the chief source of support (prdpu) to Vêma. AvachiDévaya's son Tippa, to whom the book was dedicated, was also a great merchant and was purveyor to Kumaragiri-Reddi. It would seem that Avâcbi-Déva supplied Véma with the sinews of war and thereby enabled him to found and extend his kingdom, and that his descendants rendered similar assistance to the descendants of Véma.
The original sphere of influence of the Reddis was Pakan du or Pangidesa. It may be that they originally governed this province subject to the authority of the kings of Warangal, though no proof of it exists. When the power of the Kakatiyas began to decline, the Reddis became independent and made Addańki their capital. It seems to have been the fashion with the Reddis to have & surname for each. Vėms signed as Pallavatrinētra, Kumarogiri was Vasantaréje, and Kômaţi-Vema was Viranarayana.
According to the Dandakavili, vêma was the first independent Reddi chief, and there is no evidence that any of his predecessors was such. The present inscription shows that Vema himself extended his dominions at least up to the northern bank of the Kțishna, while the Amaravati inscription shows that his territories extended up to the banks of the Godầvari.! There are no means of knowing when the capital was removed from Addańki to Kondavidu. That this was not done prior to the Saka year 1283 is clear from the Amaravati inscription of that year, which refers to Addańki as the capital. This inscription also shows that Véma, son of Malla, was at that time governor of Dharaņikota or Dhânyavați under Anapotá-Redại. I
1 He is described as having granted to Brahmanas villages on both sides of the Brahmakundi, the Krishna and the Godavari, and also in the country between these rivers (Brahmakundi-Krish pa pongd.Goddpart.mahdnadi. tatad raya-tanmadhyad dia-dali-dndke-dgraldra).
? No. 253 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897.
C2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
presume that Kondavidu did not become the capital till the time of Anavêma, and that, prior to this, Dharaộikóta was the chief seat of Reddi power in what is now the Kistna district. The fact of Vêma building steps leading to the temples at Srisailam and Ahôbalam is not mentioned in this inscription, though it is mentioned in the Amaravati one. This omission can hardly be regarded as due to oversight, seeing that the act was considered so meritorious as to be mentioned in almost all the subsequent inscriptions of this dynasty. A more probable explanation seems to be, that the work was not finished when this inscription was composed.
Véma was succeeded by his eldest son Anapota, and he by his younger brother Anavêma. Both these kings were, according to the Dandakavili, wise and strong rulers, and they consoli. dated the kingdom founded by their father. In the Velugôțivari Vankávali, Anapôtanidu and Madanidu, sons of Singa who was a general of Pratâparadra, claim to have defeated AnapôtaReddi at Dharapikota about the Saka year 1283, which is also the year of an inscription at Amaravati, in which Anapôta's minister is referred to. I know only of two inscriptions of the time of Anavêma, both dated in Saka 1299 (expired). One of them is at Dråkshårâma in the Godavari district, and the other on a stone pillar in the compound of the temple of Agastyêśvara at the junction of the Mûsi and the Krishpå in the village of Vadapalli in the MiriyAlagadem tåluka of the Nallagonda district in the Nizam's dominions. The poet Srinatha seems to have first flourished at the court of Anavêma, in whose praise there are several verses extant.
On the demise of Anavema, the crown passed on to Anapôts's son Kumäragiri, who, according to the Dandakavili, was an unpopular and wicked prince. From the Haravildsam we learn that Kumâragiri was & contemporary of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara (A.D. 13791399) and of the Bahmani king Firuz Shah (A.D. 1397-1422). Tippa, to whom the book was dedicated, is said to have had the monopoly of supplying perfumes and spices for the great annual spring-festival (vasantôtsava) which Kumaragiri seems to have instituted. It is interesting to note that, at this period, the Teluga country had extensive trade relations- not only with other parts of India, but also with foreign countries. For, Tippa is said to have imported camphor trees from the Panjab; golden sprouts (bangaru-mola ka) from Jalanogi ;* elephants from Simhala (Ceylon); horses from Huru mañji (Ormuz or Persia); essence (drava) of civet (sanikumada) from Gova (Goa); pearls from Åpaga;' musk from Chôtangi, and silk cloths from China. It was in the time of Kumâragiri that the kingdom was divided into two and the Eastern part with Rajahmundry as capital was given to his brother-in-law and minister KAğaye-Vêma. This separation seems to have been effected not later than the Saka year 1308; for we have inscriptions of Kataya-Véma issued in that year.
Kumâragiri seems to have been the last of Vêma's branch of the family, and on his death the crown passed to Vêma or Peda-Kômaţi-Vēma, grandson of Vema's elder brother Macha. I know of two inscriptions of Kömaţi-Vêma, one dated in the Saka year 13317 and the other in 1334. The latter is a copper-plate inscription recently sent to the Collector of Kistna by the Tahsildar of Guntür. Both the inscriptions purport to have been composed by Srinatha, who is described as the Vidyadhikari to Komati-Vêma. The Dandakavili says that Kômaţi-Véma was a wise prince and walked in the ways of Anavêma, and it proceeds to state that KəmațiVoma was succeeded by his younger brother Rache-Vema, who was the last of the dynasty. In
1 No. 258 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1897. : An inscription of Anapôts dated in the Saks year 1281 is st Mötupalli. • No. 505 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1893. • I am not able to identify these places. . Above, Vol. III. p. 319. • No. 277 of the Government Epigrapbist's collection for 1899. 7 No. 162 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1899.

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No. 3.]
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VEMA.
13
the village of Aminabad in the Sattenapalli tâluka of the Kistna district there is an inscription! of Racha-Voma, son of Véma, who is said to have, in the year Manmatha corresponding to the Saka year 1337 (expired), excavated a channel to feed the tank called Santana-Sagara, which had been dug by his mother Sûrâmba. We know from the Phirangipuram inscription that Peda-Kômaţi-Véma's wife Sûrâmbâ had tank excavated and called it Sant&na-Sagara. The two inscriptions are about two miles distant from each other, and they, no doubt, refer to the same tank. This establishes the fact that Peda-Kömati's successor Racha was his son and not his brother, and the same conclusion is pointed to by the Volugofivari Vambávali. This book says that Mâcha (who was the only brother Peda-Kömaţi-Vema seems to have had), son of Kömati, was killed in battle by Pina-Vêdagiri or Kumâra-Vêdagiri, great-grandson of Mâdânidu who had fought with Anapôta-Reddi at Dharapikota, and that Mâcha's elder brother Vêma killed Pina-Vedagiri and was himself killed by Pina-Vêdagiri's younger brother Linga. When Peda-Kômaţi-Vêma died, he had, therefore, no brother to succeed him.
The Dandakavili says that the Reddis of Kondavidu ruled for 100 years and distributes the period as follows:
Pôlaya-Vêma or Vêma; Saka 1242 to 1253 (both years inclusive). Anapota ; Saka 1253-1283. Anavêma; Saka 1284-1295. Kumâragiri; Saka 1296-1309. Peda-Kömati-Vêma ; Saka 1310-1337.
Racha-Vêma ; Saka 1338-1341. This distribution conflicts with the dates furnished by some of the inscriptions quoted above. Taking 100 years as the approximate total of the reigns of the six Reddi chiefs, I would redistribute it as follows, so as to make the distribution accord with the latest information available on the subject :
Pelaya-Véma or Véma ; Saka 1242-1271 (30 years). Anapôta ; Saka 1272-1283 (12 years). Apavêma ; Saka 1284-1299 (16 years). Kumâragiri; Saka 1300-1320 (21 years). Peda-Kömati-Vêma; Saka 1321-1337 (17 years). Racha-Vêma; Saka 1338-1341 (4 years).
TEXT.
First Plate. 14 श्रीमत्कोमलनीलनीरजरुचिौलावराहश्चिरं नातिप्रौढमृणालकंद2 कलसइंष्ट्रांकुरः पातु वः । यस्मिबुद्दहति क्रमेण विगळत्याथोधिनीलांश3 27 meter fra Hent Afeat. [**] relent[HT]
4 डिततनोवस्य लक्ष्मीपतेः पादात्पद्मनिभत्विषो भगवती गंगेव पुण्योदया ।
पाकल्पस्थिरजीवना त्रिजगतीसंतारणोद्योगिनी पर्यायेण चतुर्थ
1 This inscription consists of a Telugu verse in the Sisa metre and is engraved on the western side of a hillock named Pullaribodu, north-east of Aminabad which adjoins Phirangipuram. At the end of the verse are the words Srindtha-kriti, i.e.Srinatha's composition.'
• No. 162 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1899. • From ink-impressions.

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14
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
6 वर्णविततिगंभीर्यधैर्यप्रसूः । [२] तहंशाब्धौ सकलजनतानेचसं
7 पूर्णचंद्रो जात [:] की [र्त्ति ] प्रभवसदनं वैमयो वंशकर्त्ता ॥ यस्योदग्रे स्पुर- ' 8 ति सततं भास्वतीव प्रतापे
नासीत्कंठैष्वरिमृगदृशां हारतारा[व]ळिश्रीः
[Vol. VIII.
[॥ ३*] तेना
9 अनि हिजनिकाय हितावतार[: *] श्रेयान्गुणैस्तनुभृतां मरुतामिवेंद्रः । वी10 राणीजगति कोमटिप्रोलनामा प्रत्यर्थिभूपतिभुजंगविहंगराजः । [४*]
Second Plate; First Side.
11 शंभोरद्रिसुतेव पंकजभुवो देवी यथा भारती विष्णोरसागरसंभवेव सरितां प12 त्युर्यथा जाह्नवी । सूर्यस्येव सुवर्चला शशभृतः पुण्या यथा रोहिणी रूढा 13 कोटिप्रोलयस्य सदृशी भार्याक्रमांबा सती । [५*] उत्साहाचिदिवौकसां
सुरत
14 रून् क्षीरोर्मिरेखा यथा पुत्रान्को मटिप्रोलयाहुणवती' सासूत पंचक्र15 मात् । अग्रे माचनृपालमुन्नतमथ श्रीवेमपृथ्वीपतिं पथाहोड्डयभू16 पमन्नयनृपं श्रीमज्ञयक्ष्मापतिं । [4] सत्येन सत्येन' पराक्रमेण रूपेण 17 बुध्या' च विराजतस्तान् । त्राणाय भूयोपि भुवोवतीर्णानूनं जनोमन्यत 18 पांडुपुत्रान् । [७*] अथ सकलबुधानामाश्रयः पालनाय चितितलमवती19 र्णः कंसमद्दव देवः । कलिसमयविदृम्यहस्युभूपा विरस्यन्वहति सकल20 पृथ्वीं बेमयक्षोणिपाल: । [ ८ * ] दृप्तानंतरराजभूरुहमहास्रोतोवहा
Second Plate; Second Side.
21. निर्झरी मैत्रीसंगतराजकैरववनी संपूर्णचंद्रोदयः । माद्यन्मन्त्रे नृपा22 ललपवनो लेच्छाविकुंभोद्भवः श्रीमान् कोमटिवेमभूपतिरसौ वीरः 23 कथं वर्ण्यते । [2] रणशिरसि विचित्रं रायचेको लुगंडप्रकटतरक्तपाणक्षु21 'नगाचाः क्षणेन । सपदि वियति भिदंत्युहतास्तत्प्रतापप्रतिक्कतिमिनबिंबं 25 प्रत्यनीकचितींद्रा: । [१०] नित्यं 'तारुण्य दस्युरितकुचभरोदार वृंदा26 रनारीहेला संचारलीला सुभगसुरपुरप्रांगणारोहणा
27 य । च विंशाशजानामतिकरुणतया येन पूर्वापराणां [नित्यं ]" दा28 नातिदानव्रत सुकृतमहादाननिश्रेणिशिल्पं । [ ११* ] श्रीमत्काकेत वंश शेख रमणे29 रा वीररुद्रावृपात्पापैच्छनराधिपैरपहृता विप्राग्रहाराः कलौ । सर्व्वे ये30 न समुद्धृतास्तमनघं श्रीषेमपृथ्वीपतिं वीरं विष्णुपराक्रमं कथम
1. Read स्फुरति
The metre requires a single instead of a double consonant after ft.
• Read सत्त्वेम.
● Read 'स्फुरित'
• Read बुजा.
1 Rend व्यक्त ?
• Read যथा.
• Read श्रौमस्काकति.

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No. 4.]
SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA.
Third Plate; First Side. 31 [हो] स्तोतुं समा जनाः । [१२] श्रीपञ्जवत्रिनेत्रांको धन्यो वेममहो
पतिः । श्रीघोडे32 रायगंगाख्यगुरुपादामषट्पदः । [१३] भास्ते श्रीगिरिपूर्वपादनिकटादा
पूर्वपा]33 थोनिधेर्देश: कुंडितरंगिणीमुभयत[:*] श्रीगिनामांकित: । तस्मिन् भासु34 रसौधगोपुरवतो नित्योत्सवालंकता नंदत्यौरजना विभाति नितरामहकिना35 मा पुरी । [१४] उइंडमंडलिकमंडलकालदंडदोईडविक्रमविनिर्जि36 तवैरिलोकः । सोयं बिभर्ति नगरी नगराजधीर[:*] श्रीवमभूपतिरिमा 37 जगनोब्बगंडः । [१५] सप्तसंतानवत्यासोन्मही वेमविभीरिति । स्पर्डयेव
धृताः कीर्त्या 38 गर्भ लोकाश्चतुर्दश । [१६] + शाकाब्दे कुधरतुभानु १२६७ गणिते
चैयां श39 शांके तमोग्रस्ते विप्रगणाय वैमनृपतिर्माडूकशंभोः पुरः । प्राद40 त स्पटमातकूरुमनघखर्यभोगाष्टकं श्रीकृष्णोत्तरकूलसंस्थम
Third Plate; Second Side. 41 तुलं ग्रामं महाश्रेयसे । [१७*] खनामचिह्नितं कृत्वा दत्तो वैमम[ही
भुजा । श्रे42 ठो भात्य महाराणं ग्रामो वेमपुरातयः । [१८] +
No. 4. SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA;
A.D. 1422.
BY PROFESSOR H. LUDERS, Ph.D.; ROSTOCK. Transcripts of this inscription in Roman and Kanarese characters, together with an abstract of its contents, have been previously published by Mr. Rice. My edition is based on excellent inked estampagess received from Prof. Hultzsch. .
The inscription is engraved on three faces of a quadrangular pillar bebind the image of the Kushmåndini-yaksh which is set ap in the Brahmad@va-maņdapa in front of the Gummata temple on the Vindhyagiri at' Sravana-Belgola. The inscription begins on the south face. Above the writing we find a number of sculptures representing, from the left to the right, beneath two chauris, & woman seated with folded hands, a Jina seated with a triple umbrella overhead, and & man seated, with one hand holding a book and the other raised. Next come two lines of the
- Read °मानी.
* The anusodra stands at the beginning of the next line. - Read स्ट '.
• Inscriptions at Śravana-Belgola, No. 82. . No. 7 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for the year 1891..

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36
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII
inscription, after which we have another row of figures, viz. a woman seated with folded hands and having big ear-lobes, a man seated with folded hands and wearing necklaces, and again a female figure seated with folded hands and having big ear-lobes. Then the inscription continues. I am unable to offer any explanation of these sculptures, and I do not even venture to decide whether they have any special reference to the events and persons spoken of in the inscription or not.
The alphabet of the inscription is Kanarese. The average height of the letters is ", but the last four lines have been added in characters of about half that size. The writing is beautifully executed. Occasionally the letters are drawn out into more or less ornamental flourishes; compare śr in 11. 1 and 3, já in 1. 21, jai in 1. 36. To avoid a blank at the end of 1. 31, the sign for anusvára, usually a small circle above the line, is enlarged to the size of a full letter. As partly already in inscriptions of the twelfth century A.D., medial é is expressed in two ways, either by a sickle-shaped sign with its end slightly curved inward as in dê in 1. 3, or by a sign consisting of two arches with their openings turned downward as in dhe in 1. 4. The same two signs appear as parts of the signs for medial ai and ô. The two forms are used quite promiscuously. Té, e.g., shows the first form in 11. 23, 49, 74, 75, 89, the second in II. 7, 34, 77, 96, 111; ne the first in 11. 8, 40, 42, 58, 60, 61, 62, the second in 11. 58, 59; re the first in 11. 36, 39, 57, 61, 63, the second in 11. 101, 110; bai the first in 1. 3, the second in 1. 8; vai the first in 11. 6, 33, 89, the second in 1. 71; mô the first in 1. 1, the second in 11. 44, 80, 100; yo the first in 11. 10, 14, 23, 32, 47, 66, 69, the second in 11. 31, 109, 110; etc.-The language is Sanskrit, and with the exception of some propitious words in the last line, the whole text is in verse. Rare words are janghålaka, 'swift-footed,' in 1. 17, prakôpa, 'incensed with passion,' in 1. 33, dhat, 'to charge,' apparently meant as the root of the noun dhati, in 1. 34, prôllásat, shining,' which owes its origin merely to the metre, in 1. 39, saustava, praise,' in l. 63, vaikhari, 'speech,' in 1. 80.- As regards orthography, it may be mentioned that final t is changed into d before j in jagad-jayamtaḥ (1.9) and -bhavad-jagati (1. 15), but the correct sandhi is found in atanôj-jainá- (1. 20). The dental nasal is written instead of the lingual in varnam (1. 44), akarnnanêshu (1. 59), karnnair (1.66), akirnnair (1.68) and -árnnava- (1. 94). Initial i appears as yi in Yirugapa- (11. 12, 61, 105) and initial é as yê in supâtra yeva (1. 57). The y after j is dropped in jâyân (1. 24). S is written instead of in asrayas (1. 16). The spelling sallaps (1. 86) instead of samlapt is according to Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary a Kanarese peculiarity. Occasionally the groups chchh, ddh, bbh are spelt chhohh, dhdh, bhbh, as usual in inscriptions of this class.
After an invocation of the Jaina religion (v. 1), the inscription gives in the next 18 verses an account of a certain Irugapa. Bukkaraya, who must be identical with Bukka I. of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara, had a minister Baicha (v. 2) or Baichapa (I.) (v. 3), who had three sons (v. 4)- Mange pa, Irugapa (I.) and Bukkana (v. 5). Mangapa, the ellest of them, who was a follower of the Jaina religion (v. 6), was married to Janaki (v. 7). They had two sons, Baichapa (II.) (v. 8) and Irugapa (II.) (v. 9), who in vv. 12, 13, 14 is called also Irugêsvara and Irugêndra. As appears from vv. 8 and 16, the two brothers were Jainas like their father. With the exception of Bukkana, all the members of this family are called generala (dandesvara, dandanêtri, dandanátha, dandapati, dandapa, dandadhipati, dandadhisvara, dhvajinipati), and most of the verses devoted to the praise of Irugapa II. (9-19) refer in general terms to his military achievements. Twice (vv. 10, 11) Irugapa II. is given also the title of prince (kshmapa), and twice (vv. 13, 14), with a strange blending of his two titles, he is even called dandanripati.l
The family of Irugapa II. is partly already known to us from other records. An inscription at Vijayanagara, dated in Saka 1307 A.D. 1385, mentions, according to Prof. Hultzsch, a certain Chaicha or Chaichapa, the hereditary minister and general of Harihara II., and his
1 Compare above, Vol. VII. p. 116.
"South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. No. 152.

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No. 4.]
SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA.
17
son, the general or prince Iruga or Iragapa, who adhered to the doctrine of the Jainas; but as the letters cha and ba closely resemble each other in the Telugu alphabet, I have no doubt that Chaicha and Chaichapa are merely misread for B-icha and Baichapa. Two other inscriptions in the Jaina temple at Tirupparuttikugra near Conjeeveram, dated in A.D. 1382 and 1387-88 respectively, record some donations by the general or minister Irugappa, the son of the general Vaichayad and a follower of the Jaina religion. The two persons referred to in these three inscriptions have already been identified by Prof. Hultzsch with Baichapa I. and Irugapa I. of the present record. If in the Vijayanagara inscription Baichapa is called the minister of Harihara II., the successor of Bukka I., this proves only that he remained in office after the death of his first master.
Verses 20 and 21 are in praise of a Jaina ascetic (yati, yamin) called Panditärya. In the two following verses (22, 23) a Jaina ascetic of the name of Srutamuni is praised in very similar terms. There is nothing to show in what relation this Srutamuni stood to Panditârya. The second group of verses is added to the first quite abruptly, not even one of the common particles being used to mark the transition. Under these circumstances I think it most likely that Panditarya and Srutamuni are merely different names for the same person, a fact which will not be surprising, if we remember that Jaina monks were in the habit of bearing a surname generally referring to their literary accomplishments. The Sravana-Begola epitaph of Mallishèqa,for instance, furnishes the following parallels: Sripaladeva-Traividya, Hêmasêna-Vidyadhanamjaya, Ajitasêna-Vâdibhasimba-Vadibbakanthirava, Sântinatha-Kavitâkânta-Kântaśânti, Padmanabha-Vadikólahala, Mallisbêņa-Maladhârin.
The object of the grant is stated in verses 24-26. They record that at Beļugula, in the presence of śrutamuni, the general Irugapa gave away, for the eternal enjoyment of the holy Gummatêsvara, the village or tirtha of Beļuguļa, supplied with a grove and a new tank built by Irugapa himself. The donation took place while the year Subhaksit was flourishing, in the month of Kärttika, on the tithi of the slayer of Mura, when the moon had attained increase,' or, in plain language, on Vishņu's, i.e. the eleventh or twelfth, tithi in the bright half of Kärttika in the cyclic year Subhaksit. According to Mr. Rice, the Subhaksit year corresponds to A.D. 1362; but from the dates for Irugapa I. quoted above it appears that this is too early, and Prof. Hultzsch has already noticed that the true European equivalent of the year is A.D. 1422. The rest of the date does not admit of verification.
The inscription concludes with two of the ordinary benedictive and imprecatory verges. It is hardly necessary to state that Belugula is Sravaņa-Belgola itself, and that the holy Gummatêsvara is the Jains saint whose colossal image rises on the top of the Vindhyagiri to the south of the village.
TEXT.7
South Face 1 TH ECHTHTRIETETHEME [1] - 2 Tage tha f HT [*] 3 श्रीबुक्करायस्य बभूव मंत्री श्रीबैवदंडेख4 TATT: 1 Afarciete fafcufwier fa:
1 The same mistake was made by Mr. Rice in editing the present inscription. * Above, Vol. VII. p. 115 f.
This Tamil form proves that Prof. Lüders' reading Baicha is correct, for v can only correspond to b, and not to ch.-E. H.] • Above, Vol. III. p. 180 ff. Above, Vol. VII. p. 115, note 2.
See ibid. p. 108 and Plate. 1 Prom inked estampages supplied by Prof. Hultzsch.

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18
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
6 शेषयामास विपक्षलोकं ॥ [२] दानं चेत्कथयामि लु6 धपदवीं गाहेत संतानको वैदग्धों यदि सा बृहस्पति7 कथा कुत्रापि संलीयते । क्षांतिं चैदनपायिनी जड. 8 तया स्पश्येत सर्वसहा स्तोत्रं बैचपदंडनतरव9 नौ शक्यं कवीनां कथं ॥ [३*] तस्मादजायंत जगदजयंत:' पु. 10 बास्त्रयो भूषितचारुशीला: । वैभषितो.' 11 जायत मध्यलोको रबैस्त्रिभिर्जेन वापव12 : ॥ [४*] 'यिरुगपदंडनाथमथ बुक्कणमप्यनु13 जौ स्वमहिमसंपदा विरचयन् सुतरां प्रथि14 तौ । प्रतिभटकामिनीपृथुपयोधरहारहरो 15 महितगुणोभवदुजगति' मंगपदंडपतिः ॥ [५] दा[f]क्ष16 ण्यप्रथमास्पदं सुचरितस्यैकामयस्मत्यवा17 गाधारममततं वदान्यपदवीसंचारजंघाल18 कः [*] धर्मोपन्नतरुः माकुलग्रहं सौजन्य संके19 तभूः कीर्ति मंगपदंडपोयमतनो20 जैनागमानुव्रतः ॥ [६*] जानकीत्यभवदस्य गहिनी 21 चारुशीलगुणभूषणोज्वला' । जा22 नकीव तनुवृत्तमध्यमा राघवस्य रमणी23 यतेजसः ॥ [७*] आस्तां तयोरस्तमितारिवग्रौ पु24 सौ पवित्रीकतधर्मामाग्ौ । जायानभूत्तत्र 25 जगविजेता भव्याग्रणीबचपदंडनाथः ॥ [*] इ. 26 रुगपदंडाधिपतिस्तस्यावरजस्समस्त27 गुणशाली । यस्य यशश्चंद्रिकया मोलंति दि28 वाप्यरातिमुखपद्माः ॥ [*] वृ॥ ब्रह्मन् भाळलि. 29 पिं प्रमाजय न चैह्मवहानिर्भवदन्या' 30 कल्पय काल राजनगरी तरिपृ. 31 थ्वीभृतां । वैतालव्रज "वर्ध्वयोदरतति 32 पानाय नव्यासृजा "युध्यायोध्यतयात्र33 वैरिरुगपक्ष्मापः प्रकोपीभवत् ॥ [१०] यात्रा.
1 Read जगज्जयंत:• Read भवजगति. 1 Read °णीज्वला. 10 Read aat.
• Read यम्भूषितो. • Read °काश्रय • Read न्यायाम. 1 Read युद्धायोबत.
• Read खमप'. • Read धमाकुख'. • Read निम्भदे.

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No. 4.]
SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA.
34 यां धजिनीपतेरिरुगपमापस्य धाटीध35 टहोटीघोरखुरप्रहारततिभिः प्रो36 'धूतधूलिवजैः [*] रुध्ये भानुकरेगम
East Face. 37 ड्रिपुकरांभोजं च संकोचनं प्रापत्कीर्तिकुमुहती 38 विकसनं दीप्तः प्रतापनलः ॥ [११] यात्रायाभि39 रुगखरेण सहसा शून्यारिसौधांगणप्रो. 40 लासहिधुकांतकांतशकलेगच्छदनेभाधिप: [*] 41 हत्वा स्वप्रतिमा प्रतिहिपमिति किबैकदंत42 स्तदा त्राहि त्राहि गजाननेति बहुधा वैता. 43 कव्दै[:] स्तुतः ॥ [१२] को धात्रा लिखितं ललाटफ. 44 लके वन प्रमाष्टुं क्षमो वार्ता धूर्त्तवचो45 मयीमिति वयं वार्ताव मन्यामहे । 46 'यध्याच्यामिरुगेंद्रदंडनृपतो संजा47 तमात्रे प्रियो नि[:*] श्रीरप्यधिकश्रियाघ. 48 टि रिपुस्मश्रीरपत्रीकृतः ॥ [१३] यहाहाविरु49 गेंद्रदंडनृपते बिभ्रत्यनंताधुरं शेषा
धीशफणागणे नियमित स खांगनाया51 स्मदा । गाढालिंगनसांद्रसंभवसुखप्रोग52 तरोमावलिः साहस्री रसनामधात्तव गु53 णान् स्तोतुं कता*]त्यः फणी ॥ [१४] पाहारसंपदभया. 54 Mणमौषधं च शास्त्रं च तस्य समजायत 55 नित्यदानं । हिंसानृतान्यवनिताव्यसनं स56 चौर्य मूर्छा च देशवशतोस्य बभू57 व दूरे ॥ [१५] दानं चास्य सुपात्र येव' करुणा 58 दोनेषु दृष्टिर्जिने भक्तिहर्मपथे जिनेंद्रय59 शसामाकर्बनेषु" श्रुतो । जिह्वा तगुणकीत60 नेषु वपुषः सौख्यं च तइंदने घ्राणं तच्च61 रणामसौरभभरे सर्व च तत्सेवने ॥ [१६] यि-12
1 Read जूत. • Read छिन क. 7 Read TEET " Read भक्तिई.
. Read T. • Read वर्ण. • Read नृपते विधय. 1 Read 'कपर्ण नेषु.
• Read दीप्तिं प्रतापानल:• Read यद्याचा • Read एव. 13 Rend .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VIII.
62 रुगपदंडनाथयशसा धवले भुवने 63 मलिनिमसौस्तव: परमधीरदशा चिकुरे [1"] 64 वहति च तस्य बाहुपरिघे धरणीवल63 यं 'परमितरितराक्रमकथापि च । 66 तत्कुचयोः ॥ [१७] 'कविस्मृतकुंडलै67 रतिलकासंगैलंला68 टस्थलैराकी.रल69 कैः पयोधरतटैर70 स्पृष्टमुक्तागुणैः । बिंबो71 ठैरपि वैरिराजसदृशस्तांबू-' 72 लरागोजितैय॑स्य स्फारतरं तु.. 73 तापमसक्कयाकुर्बले' सर्वत: ॥ [१८]
West Face. 74 यत्कीर्तिभिः सुरधुनीपरिलंघिनीभि धौते' चि75 राय निजबिंबगते कळंके । खच्छात्मकस्तुहिन78 दीधितिरंगनानामव्याजमाननरुचिं कबली. 77 करोति ॥ [१८] यत्पादामरजःकणी प्रसुवते 78 भत्त्यानतानां भुवं यत्कारुण्यकटा79 क्षकांतिलहरी प्रचालयत्याशयं ।। 80 मोहाहंकरणं क्षिणोति विमला यई81 खरीमौखरी वंद्यः कस्य न माननीयम82 होमा श्रीपंडितार्यो यतिः ॥ [२०] मंदा83 रद्रुममंजरीमधुझरीमंजुस्फुरन्मा-10 84 धुरोप्रौढाहंततिरूढिपाटवपरोपा85 टीककाटोभट: । "नृत्यदृद्रकपईगत86 विलुठत्वोककल्लोलिनीसल्लापो" खलु पं87 डितार्ययमिनो व्याख्यानकोका
1 Read °मितरतरा. + Read करण दि.
- Read 'राकीपार'. • Read जसदशः. • Read प्र.
• Read 'कुर्वते. - Read नीभिाँते. • Read 'कथा:
• Read महिमा. 10 At first yurd was engraved, but the has been cancelled by placing a dot in it, and a small vi has been written above it. " Read नृत्स्ट्र .
- Read "संलापी.

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21
88 हळ: ॥ [२१] कारुण्यप्रथमावतारस89 रणिशांतर्विशांतं स्थिरं वैदुष्यस्य तपःफ90 लं सुजनतासौभाग्यभाग्योदयः । 91 कंदपहिरदेंद्रपंचवदनः काव्यास92 तानां खनीजनाध्वांबरभास्करः श्रुत 93 मनिर्जागतिं नमात्तिजित् ॥ [२२] यु94 तयागमावविलोलनमंदरादिः' शब्दाग95 मांबुरुहकाननबालसूर्यः । शु96 ध्याशयः प्रतिदिनं परमागमेन संवईते 97 'श्रुतमुनी>तिसाबभौमः ॥ [२३] तत्संनिधौ 98 बेलुगुळे जगदग्यतीर्थे श्रीमानसावि99 रुगपाहयदंडनायः [*] श्रीगुंमटेखर100 सनातनभोगहेतोग्ामोत्तमं बेगु101 काख्यमदत्त धीरः ॥ [२४] शुभवति वत्सरे ज. 102 यति कार्तिकमासि तिथौ सुरमथ103 नस्य पुष्टिसुपजग्मुषि शीतरुचौ । सदुप104 वनं स्वनिर्मितनवीनतटाकयुतं सचिव105 कुलाग्रणीरदित तीत्यवरं मुदितः ॥ [२५] यि106 रुगपदंडाधीखरविमलयश:कलम107 वनक्षेत्रं । प्राचंद्रतारकमिदं बे108 गुळतीय प्रकाशतामतुलं ॥ [२] ॥ 109 दानपालनयोर्मध्ये दानात् श्रेयोनुपालन | दानात् स्वर्गम110 वाप्नोति पालनादच्युतं पदं ॥ [२७] खदत्ता परदत्ता वा यो
हरेच
111 संधरा । षष्टिवर्षसहखाणि विष्टाया जायते क्रिमिः ॥ [२८] ७ ॥ 112 मगल' महाश्री श्री श्री श्री श्री [*]
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) May the glorious religion of Jina be victorious, the religion of the lord of the three worlds, the unfailing criterion of which is the most profound doctrine of possibility!
1 Read of • Read "मुनिर्य. 1 Read षष्टिं वर्ष. "Band मंगलं.
Read मारव. Read • Read विष्ठाया.
- Read डामय:• Read दानायो '. • Read कमि:

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
(VOL. VIII.
(V. 2.) There was a minister of the illustrious Bukkaraya, known as the illustrious general Baicha, whose policy, which was to be approved by every body, completely destroyed the maltitude of his enemies.
(V. 3.) If I want to speak of his liberality, the Santanaka (tree) enters the way of the greedy; if of his intelligence, that talk of Bțihaspati bides somewhere; if of his invariable patience, the earth is affected by insensibility. How on earth is it possible for poets to praise the general Baichapa ?1
(V. 4.) From him were born three sons, conquerors of the world, who had good morals for their ornament, adorned by whom the middle world became similar to the final bliss of the Jainas (which is adorned) by the three jewels.'
(V. 5.) Praised in the world were the virtues of the general Mangapa, who took away the necklaces from the broad breasts of the wives of his adversaries, (and) who made his younger brothers, the general Irugapa and Bukkaņa, still more famous by the abundance of his own glory.
(V. 6.) Being the chief seat of kindness, the only shelter of morality, the abode of veracity, always swift-footed in running on the track of the munificent, the supporting tree of religion, the noble residence of forbearance, the meeting place of goodness, this general Mangapa, who was attached to the doctrine of the Jainas, spread his fame.
(V. 7.) His wife was Janaki, shining by the ornament of her excellent moral qualities, as the daughter of Janaka with her slender round waist (was the wife) of the descendant of Raghu, possessed of agreeable splendour.
(V. 8.) They had two sons, through whom the hosts of the enemies perished, (and) who cleansed the path of religion. The elder of them was the general Baichapa, & conqueror of the world, the foremost among the pious.
(V. 9.) His younger brother was the general Irugapa, possessod of all virtues, through the moonshine of whose fame the lotuses of the faces of his enemies close even in daytime.
Metre (vritta).- (V. 10.) Brahman, wipe off the writing on the forehead! Otherwise thy reputation as Brahman will suffer damage.6 Build another capital, Death, for the kings hostile to him! Thou host of Vetálas, widen the extent of your bellies to drink the fresh blood ! Prince Irugapa was incensed with passion to fight with the haughty enemies.
(V. 11.) When on the march of the ganeral prince Iruga pa the gun was obscured by the clouds of dust whirled up by the continual violent blows of the hoofs of his mares charging by assault, the day-lotuses of the hands of his enemies closed, the night-lotus of his glory opened, and the fire of his majesty became bright.
The author wants to say that it is impossible to describe the virtues of Baicha, because they are not to be equalled. His liberality and his cleverness are so great that, compared to him, the tree of desires appears to be covetous and Brihaspati a mere nothing, and as for his patience, even the earth is not a fit object for comparison, because it is jada, which may mean inanimate or dull.
The three jewels (triratna), which according to the doctrine of the Jainas are indispensable for Sramana who wants to attain eternal beatitude, are jridna or knowledge of things as revealed in the dgamas, darfana or faith in wbat is taught there, and chdritra or dharma, moral discipline see Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on Skt. MSS., 1883-84, p. 100.
The attributes of Rama and Sità are applicable to Mangapa and Janaki also, and vice verad. • Bhavya must be understood here as in other Jains inscriptions as referring to the Jaina community.
Generally the padma has its flowers opened by daylight.
6 Brahman's predictions of a happy lot to the hostile kings will prove false, because they will be slain by Iragaps.
His enemics clenched their fists in rage.

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No. 4.]
SRAVANA-BELGOLA INSCRIPTION OF IRUGAPA.
(V. 12.) (Once), a huge wild elephant was reflected by a beautiful fragment of glimmering moon-stone in the court of an enemy's palace, which had been deserted in a hurry through (fear of) the lord Iruga (who was) on the march. Thinking that it was a hostile elephant, he struck his image (and) broke one of his tasks, (and) was therefore) afterwards often invoked by the hosts of Votaļas (with the words) : 'Have meroy, have mercy, Gajanana !!
(V. 13.) Who is able to wipe off a letter written by the Creator on the surface of the forehead ?' In this saying we do not believe, (considering it to be) a saying made up of a liar's words, because as soon as the general Irugendra was born on earth, his friends, even if they had been without wealth, were supplied with abundant wealth, and his wealthy enemies were deprived of their wealth.
(V. 14.) While thy arm, O general Irugêndra, was carrying the burden of the earth (originally) laid on the group of the hoods of the lord Sasha, that serpent, contented, the lines of his hair always bristling with joy on account of the frequent opportunities for closely embracing his wife, used his thousandfold tongue in praising thy virtues !
(V. 15.) Plenty of food, protection from dangers, medicine and instruction became his continual gift. Acts of violence, falsehood, passion for the wives of others, theft, and infatuation kept away on account of his ruling the country.
(V. 16.) His liberality (was directed) only towards worthy persong, his pity towards the poor, his looks towards the Jina, his love towards the path of religion, his two ears towards listening to the fame of the lord of the Jinas, his tongue towards praising his virtues, the health of his body towards worshipping him, his nose towards the excessive fragrance of the lotuses of his feet, and all that was his towards serving him.
(V. 17.) While the world was made white by the fame of the general Irugapa, blackness Was praised only in connection with the hair of (women) with rolling eyes, and while his barlike arm was wearing the bracelet of the earth, mutual oppression also was spoken of only in (connection with their breasts.
(V. 18.) By their ears with their ear-rings forgotten, by the surfaces of their foreheads with no marks fixed to them, by their dishevelled curls, by their swelling breasts untouched by strings of pearls, and by their bimba-like lips deprived of the redness (caused by the betel, even the fair. eyed (wives) of the kings hostile (to him) repeatedly (and) thoroughly betray his excessive power.
(V. 19.) Since his fame, surpassing the river of the gods, has washed off, at last, the spot in her disk, the moon, being (now) perfectly clear, really swallows the beauty of the faces of the women.
(V. 20.) Who would not do homage to the ascetic (yatı), the venerable Panditärya, whose greatness is to be honoured; the grains of dust of whose foot-lotus produce a world for those who bow (to him) in devotion ;' the wave of loveliness of whose compassionate side-glances purifies the heart; the faultless fluency of whose speech destroys delusion and self-conceit.
(V. 21.) The roar of the discourse of the ascetic (yamin) Panditarya, which is a warrior (in cutting) the neck of the succession of great self-conceit, fame and skill of the pleasant and distinguished sweetness of the streams of honey of the flowers of the mandára tree, verily resembles the river of the celestial world, winding through the hollows of the braids of the dancing Rudra.
11.o. Ganeša, who has the head of an elephant, but only one tuak.
I.. the Gangå.
• The dust of the lotus-like foot of Panditarya is compared to the pollen of the lotus of Brahman which produces the world.
• I.e. the Gangå.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
(V. 22.) Srutamuni, the main-road for the descent of compassion, the lasting dawn of calmness, the fruit of the austerities of learning, the mourtain from which benevolence and prosperity and happiness rise, a lion to the mighty elephant of passion, a mine of the nectar of poetry, the sun in the sky of the Jaina sect, is watchful, removing the distress of the humble.
(V. 23.) The pure-minded Srutamuni, an emperor among the ascetics (yati), the Mandara mountain for the stirring of the ocean of the science of reasoning, the rising sun to the lotusgrove of grammar, is daily increasing (in prosperity) through the most excellent (Jaina) doctrine.
(V. 24.) In his presence, at Beļugula, the most sacred place of the world, that glorions brave general, called Irugapa, gave away the most excellent village called Beļugula for the eternal enjoyment of the holy Gummateśvara.
(V. 25.) While the year subhaksit was flourishing, in the month of Kårttika, on the tithi of (Vishnu) the slayer of Mura, when the moon had attained increase, the chief of the family of ministers gladly presented the excellent sacred place, possessing a beautiful grove (and) supplied with a new tank built by himself.
(V. 26.) May this matchless holy place Belugula, a field for growing the rice of the general Irugapa's white fame, shine as long as the moon and stars!
[Verses 27 and 28 contain the usual imprecations.]
No. 5.- TALAGUNDA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIEL HORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription was discovered in 1894 by Mr. B. Lewis Rice, Director of Archæological Researches in Mysore. From a photograph and a transcript furnished by him, a preliminary notice of it was published by the late Prof. Bühler in September 1895, in the Academy ;' and about the same time a summary of its contente was given by Dr. Fleet, in his Dynasties, p. 286 f., from an ink-impression lent by Mr. Rice. The inscription has now been edited by its discoverer, with a photo-lithograph and translation, in Ep. Oarn. Vol. VII. p. 200 ff. I re-edit it from ink-impressions supplied by Prof. Hultzech.3
According to Mr. Rice, the inscription is engraved on a pillar of very hard grey granite, which stands in front of the ruined Praņavēsvarat temple at Talagunda, in the Shikarpar tâluka of the Shimoga district of the Mysore State. The pedestal of the pillar "is 5 feet 4 inches high and 1 foot 4 inches square at the top, a little more at the base. The shaft is octagonal, 6 feet 4 inches high, each face being 7 inches wide, but tapering slightly towards the top." Seven faces of the shaft contain each two vertical lines of writing which commences at the bottom, while on the 8th face there is only one short line (line 15 of the text), written in the same way. "The invocation at the beginning of the inscription (i.e. the words Siddham [ll] Namas-Sivaya II of line 1) "is on the pedestal, and runs ap connecting with the first line." In the impressions the length of lines 1-14, disregarding the words Siddham [ll] Namas-Sivaya !!
I See Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. Introduction, p. 1 f. • Prof. Bühler's article is reprinted in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 27 f.
In October 1898 Dr. Fleet kindly gave me his own transcript of the text and the photograph which had been sent to Prof. Bühler by Mr. Rice, and my translation was prepared in the summer of 1899, at the time when I published a note on the principal metre of the inscription.
So the name is given in Ep. Carn. Vol. VII. p. 200. On pp. 4 and 47 of the Introduction of the same volume we find, instead of it, Praņamosvara. Praqavalinga is the name furnished to me with the ink-impressions.
Judging by the length of the lines, the shaft must roully be slightly higher.

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of line 1, varies between 5' 11" (in line 10) and 6'5" (in lines 1 and 2); that of line 15 is only 2' 5'. The size of such aksharas as ja, ma, ya, va is between 1 and 3", while the average height of aksharas like a, ka, ra, pra, uya, jja, mú, mi is between 2 and 2". The inscription is most carefully written and engraved, and is generally in so perfect a state of preservation that nearly every syllable of it may be read with certainty. The characters are of the "box-headed' type of the southern alphabet. Among Kadamba inscriptions, they seem to resemble most those of the Dévagêri plates of the 4th year and the Hitpahebbâgilu plates of Mrig@savarman, but, as is elsewhere the case with stone-inscriptions, they exhibit a more regular and artistic style of writing than is found in the copper-plates. Of initial vowels the text contains a, a, i (e.g. in itys, 1. 10), (in udvavarha, 1. 5), and & (e.g. in évams, 1.3); and of the consonants, all excepting jh, th, ph, and ?, but chh occurs only as subscript letter (6.g. in chchhaya-, 1. 11). Attention may perhaps be drawn here to the signs for kh (e.g. in -śékharah, 1. 8), n (e.g. in bhangur., 1. 7), (e.g. in jayati, 1.1), fi (e.g. in yajñá°, 1.2, and panchabhira, 1. 13), 4 (in -
midita-, 111, -chudámanayah, 1. 13, and tadůkams, 1. 14), dh (in -sanrúdha., 1. 3), th and dh (e.g. in vividha-yajña. vabhritha., 1. 2), b (e.g. in brahma-, 1.4), and I (e.g. in -kulam, 1.2, and Pallavendra., 1. 4); and to the peculiar form of the subscript n in-aparárnnav., 1. 7. As regards medial vowels, it may suffice to point out the two forms of the akshara nå, employed e.g. in guruni and
farmmand, both at the commencement of line 4, and the manner in which & is written in the akshara 8 % (of -jata., l. 1). The alphabet includes the signs of the jihrámiliya and upadhmaniya (e.g, in -nipunah-kaviḥ and -kućalahpraja-, both at the end of line 9); those of final m (e.g. in siddham, 1. 1, and mandalam, 1. 2), final t (6.g. in bhayát, l. 1, and tat, 1. 3), and final » (in yo=rin, 1. 9); and the sign of punctuation consisting of two vertical lines.-- The language of the inscription is Sanskřit, and, with the exception of the introductory Siddham [11] Namas-Sivaya ll and the words in line 15, the whole is in verge. The orthography suggests the following remarks. Within a half-verse and in the words Namas-Sivaya of line 1, the final visarga of a word before one of the three sibilants is always (altogether 19 times) assimilated to the sibilant. Before & surd guttural ( k or kh) it is nine times changed to the jihvámúliya and left unchanged twice, both times at the end of a Påda (in-lilah Kakustha, 1. 10, and -sthah Kubjas-, l. 14). The jihrámiliya is also employed in dukham, 1. 4. Before p-ph does not occur - visarga is changed to the upadhmíniya five times and left unchanged seven times (once, in putrah prathita-, 1. 9, at the end of a Pada). Before the conjuncts on and st (but not before su and fr) visarga is dropped, in brahmanai snátakai stúyamané, 1. 13. In the words say=iha (for the ordinary sa cha) of line 13 the final visarga of sah has by Påộini, VIII. 3, 17 (or 18) been changed to the ordinary or the laghuprayatnatara) y. The final m of a word remains anchanged, and is denoted by the sign of final m, in the word siddham in line 1 and always at the end of a half-verse; exceptionally (and wrongly) also at the end of the odd Pâdas of verse 28. Otherwise final m before a consonant is changed to anusvára except in ápadantandharayam-asa (for åpadan tâm dhao), 1. 6, yan-daiva- (for yam daiva-), 1. 13, yam-mitrams, 1. 7, prithivim-prasahya, 1. 9, tam=bháp&k=, 1. 11, -sambhrama, 1. 12, and tadakam=mahat, 1. 14. In
1 See Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37, Plates, and Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. p. 136, Plates; compare also Prof. Bühler's Ind. Paleographie, Plate VII. Col. xiii.
. In the Gos plates of Satykiraya Dhruvaraja Indravarman (Jour. Bo. 4. Soc. Vol. X. p. 865), the Satara plates of Vishnuvardhana I. (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 309), and elsewhere, the subscript of runa is denoted by the sign of the dental. The subscript of the present inscription has a somewhat similar form.
In the collotype facsimile the upward stroke, rising from the end of the top-line of the sign for ļ, by which d is denoted, is not clearly visible. The same sign for ta is quite clear e.g. in the word ghata in line 10 of the Aihole inscription, above, Vol. VI. p. 6.
• Hémachandrs gives as an example kayoiha, for the ordinary ka iha. With this we may compare kay-ina for ka iva in line 25 of the Kanthêm plates of Vikramaditya V., Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 22. In line 11 of the Badâmi (Mahikata) pillar inscription of Mangalesa (ibid. Vol. XIX. p. 17) I would similarly suggest say-utta for sag-ulta.

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the interior of a simple word a nasal before a consonant of its own class is always denoted by its own sign, nowhere by the sign of anusvára. After T, & congonant (other than a sibilant or h) is generally, about five times out of six, doubled. Before r, t is doubled in mattra, 1. 6, faktittray, 1. 13, and pafta-ttrays, 1. 14, while it remains single in twelve similar cases; and k is doubled in vikkeramaia, 1. 7, parákkramatas, 1. 9, and - Akkoránta, l. 11. Before y, dh is changed to ddh in addhyêya-, 1. 2, áraddhya, 11. 4 and 7, addhyuvasa, 1. 5, and asdddhyds-, 1. 13; but not in anudhyâya, 1. 8. The number of clerical errors is very small; I need only point out here Sthanur= (for Sthanur=) in line 1, and utkrishta (for utkrishta) in line 8.
In respect of grammar generally and lexicography the text calls for few remarks. The use of the gerunds áraddhya and adhitya in verse 12 does not accord with the role of the grammarians, but may be defended by the less strict practice of even classical writers. Similarly, the employment of thôjya (instead of bhôgya) in prithivim .. .svavansa-Dhôjyam of verse 25 is contrary to Panini, VII. 3, 69, but the word is often used in the same way elsewhere, especially in epic poetry. Like other inscriptions, this one also contains some words which are not found in the published dictionaries. Of these, antaralaya (formed like antarágára, antargriha, antarbhavana) in verse 6, sanamya (an abstract noun derived from the adjective sandman,'having the same name') in verse 8, brahmasiddhi in verse 12 and samutthapana in verse 16 can offer no difficulty. The word asvasamstha in verse 11 I take to be synonymous with afvárðha, 'a horseman,' and I would compare with it such words as gajastha, rathastha, syandanastha, as well as turagadhirúdha and turangasidin (e.g. in Ragh. VII. 34 and Sis. XVIII. 2). On the word ghafiki in verse 10 I havo published a special note in Nachrichten der K. Ges. der Wiss. su Göttingen, 1900, p. 345 ff., where I have tried to prove that a ghafika was an establishment (probably founded in most cases by a king) for holy and learned men, such as is often mentioned in other inscriptions under the name brahmapuri. In the note referred to I have shown that ghatiku is used in this sense e.g. in the Kåsåkudi plates of the Pallava Nandivarman Pallavamalla (South Ind. Insor. Vol. II. p. 349, lines 56 and 59) and in the Chikkulla plates of Vikramêndravarman II. (above, Vol. IV. p. 196, line 14). The last remark which I would offer on the wording of the present inscription is, that the author in verse 29 uses iva . . . tadvat, instead of yadvat (or yatha) . . . tadvat. This, so far as I know, is foreign to the usage of classical writers, from whose works I am unable to quote quite analogous instances.
The inscription contains 34 verses. The metres of nine of them (verses 25-32 and 34) are the ordinary ones : Pushpitågrå, Indravajra, Vasantatilake, MandAkrånta and Gårdülavikridita. The metre of the long verse 33, with which the poem proper here presented to us fitly closes,& is a species of Dandaka, called by the general name Prachita. It consists of four Padas, each of which contains six short syllables and eight amphimacers (- -) Most interesting from a metrical point of view are the verses 1-24, composed in a metre which is found rarely elsewhere
Since writing my paper on ghatikd, I have come across the word ghafikasåhasa, which in line 41 of the Hallegere plates of the w. Ganga Sivamara I. (Ep. Carn. Vol. III. p. 108, where it is wrongly transcribed by ghatika-rahasra) occurs as an epithet of a Brahman. I have little doubt that this word is identical with the words Jahivasdhasa, ghaisdsa, mentioned above, Vol. VI. p. 241, note 2. In Hémachandra's Daind ma mdlá, 11. 105, to which Prof. Pischel has drawn my attention, we find ghadiaghada (e. ghafikaghata or ghatikághatd), paraphrased by goshthe.
In the Ramayana, ina . . . tatha is used like yatd. . . tathd, bat passager like VII, 7, 18 11., where this is the case, are somowhat different from the one in our text. Exactly like the ide .. tadeat of the text I find iva (ar na) . . cpam used in the Pali Gåtbas compare e.g. J4. Val. IV. p. 172, 1. 11 : Gavan oa singino singan caddhamdnasta vaddhati epas mandassa posa854 44 lana epijanato básyyo taghd pipdsd cha vaddhamanassa vaddhati, 'as the horn grow, so thirst grows.'
Verse 34 gives the name of the author, who also wrote the inscription on the stone.
For a much longer species of Prachita (in which each Pada contains six short ayllables and 10 amphimacers) see Mdlatımddhave, Dr. Bhandarkar's ed., p. 181.
I have published a shart paper on this metre in Nachrichten der K. Gas. der Wirt In Göttingen, 2899, p. 182 ff. As that paper is in German, I repeat here what has been stated in it.

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and has not, so far as I know, been described in any treatise on progody. This metre may be described as a species of mátrásamaka, the name of which as yet is unknown. Each verse contains four Pâdas, the general scheme of which is :
PÅdas 1 and 3: vyu-u-u-V (15 Mátras); Pådas 2 and 4: vy- V
- v (15 Måtrås). In Padas 2 and 4 this scheme is uniformly adhered to. But in Pâdas 1 and 3 we find it strictly observed only in 30 cases out of the 48. In 14 others of the odd Padas a long syllable takes the place of the 6th Mâtrå of the general scheme, followed in 41 out of these 14 Padas by two short syllables instead of a long one. And in the four remaining odd Padas a trochee (-u) occurs instead of the 6th Mátra of the above scheme. This gives us, as subsidiary schemes for Padas 1 and 3 :
wu wyvyyy (16 Mátras);
and vyu -u-u-vy (17 Mâtras).' Examples of Pâdas showing these subsidiary schemes are:
V. 2, Pada 3 : yat-pras&das-trầyatê nityam ; V. 4, Pada 1: atha babhůva dvija-kulam prêmea;
V. 5, Pâda 1: vividha-yajñ-avabhsitha-pang-ambu-; and V. 11, P&da 3: Kali-yage=sminn-aho bata kshatrat;
V. 21, Pada 3: Prêhar-&ntâm=ananyasamcharana. I may state here that the same metre occurs in lines 1 and 2 - hitherto regarded as proseof the Tusâm rock inscription (Gupta Inscr. p. 270), which, on palæographical grounds, has been allotted by Dr. Fleet to the end of the fourth, or the beginning of the fifth, century A.D. The verge is:
Jitam-abhikshnam-da Jåmbavati- vadanáravind-ôrjjit-alina
dånayangana-mukh&mbhôja- lakshmi-tushårêpa Vishnuna () The metre is also found in lines 5-8 of the Ajanta Vakataka inscription, published in Archæol. Survey of West. India, Vol. IV. p. 125; and from the only complete verse preserved there it appears that for the second long syllable (M&trás 3 and 4) of the even Padas two short syllables may be substituted. The verse is :
[Ari]narendra-manli-vinyasta- maņi-kirana-liųha-'kramambujab [1]
Pravarasenas-tasya putrô=bhud v ikasannavêndivar-eksbana[h 10 Lastly, I find the same metre on page 4 of the Bower Mansoript, in a passage which by Dr. Hoernle at first was regarded as prose, but has afterwards been printed by him as a single verse (verse 36) the metre of which is stated to be irregular. Really the passage contains the following two verses which are regular in every respect :
Iti sur-éyam pamcha-pañch-Ahad- rasa-varṇna-gandhaiḥ samanvita [1] bhavati tailan nåmatas-ch=edan= undiramatyarthakarmu kam [11] Tailam-dtad-yah suram=api và purashah prayumjita yatnataḥ [1]
pariharamti tam gad-anikány- &jau ksit-ástrânsiv-êtarê [11] From all this it may be inferred that from about the fifth to the seventh century A.D. the metre above described was well known in different parts of India. That it should now
i Dir in V. 4, Pads 1 ; V. 5, Pads 1 ; V. 10, Pads 3; and v. 12, Påda · Viz. in V. 11, Päda 3; V. 17, Pada 3; V. 21, Pada 8; and V. 24, Pàda 8.
• According to Mr. Rice a long syllable occurs in place of the second - Mr. Rice means the third-Mitri in the third Padas of verses 19 and 21; but this remark is due to wrong remlings.
This, not alldhas, was the reading of Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji, which is shown to be correct by the metre. . The metre shows that this may not be altered to udiryam.
32

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have been rescued from oblivion is due to, and is a point of special interest in, the present inscription.
In the 7th of the introductory verses of the Harshacharita Båna says:
"In the North plays on words are mainly admired, in the West it is only the sense ; in the South it is poetical fancy; in Gauda pomp of syllables."
Judging hereby the present little poem, which the author himself in verse 34 calls a Kavya, I would say that, taken as a whole, it would certainly be assigned to the West of India. There is in it no pomp of syllables, and little of poetical fancy (utprekshå) or any of those other ornaments which lend their charm to the classical Kavyas. But the author presents to us a vivid picture of the persons and events dealt with, and does so in plain, but vigorous language. This, at any rate, is the case with the verses 4-24. The verses 25-32 are in a different style, approaching somewhat to that of a real Kavya ; but they mainly contain such conventional phrases as are met with in any ordinary prasasti."
The inscription was composed and written on the stone by Kubja, under the orders of the king Santivarman. And its immediate object is, to record that Sântivarman's father Kåkusthavarman constructed a great tank near & Siva temple at which Satakarņi and other kings bad formerly worshipped (at Sthånakundûra, the modern Tâļaganda where the inscription is still preserved). The occasion is taken by the poet to celebrate the origin and advancement of the Kadamba family to which Kåkasthavarman belonged, and to give the names of bis ancestors.
The Kadambas were a Brâhman family, devoted to the study of the Vedas and the performance of sacrificial rites; their name, the poet says, they had received from the fact that they carefully tended a kadamba tree which grew near their home. Now once upon a time a member of this family, named Mayûraśarman, went with his guru to (Kanchipura,) the city of the Pallavas, to study fully the sacred writings. The poet tells how he became exasperated there with the Kshatriya Pallavas and, abandoning his priestly vocation, took up the sword, ' eager to conquer the earth.' Mayůraśarman defeated the frontier-guards of the Pallavas and occupied the forest stretching to the gates of Sriparvata. He levied tribute from the Great Bâņas and other kings, and caused much trouble by his raids. The Pallava kings of Kanchi, finding it impossible to subdue him even when they had taken the field with a large army, and recognizing his valour and ability, then made a compact with him by which he entered their service and eventually received a territory of his own, bounded on the west by the sea and on the east (?) by the (?) Prêhara(P), of which he was anointed chief or king. His son was Kangavarman, and
1 I quote from the English translation.
It will be seen from the above that in my opinion this poem, however interesting, is not written in the highest Kavya style. So far as I can see, its author was better acquainted with the Mahabharata than with the Kávyas which may have existed in his time.
* For the details, see the translation, below.
+ Sriparvata, which we also find in line 1 of the Chikkulla plates of Vikramêndravarman II. (above, Vol. IV. p. 195), I here as there take to be the sacred Srisails in the Karnul district. It is the modern Srisailam, situated on The west of the Eastern Ghats, between them and the river Kistna; see Constable's Hand Atlas of India, Plate 34, D .
According to Prof. Hultzsch (South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 89) the capital of the Bana dynasty appears to have been Tiruvallam, as one of its names was Vanapuram, and as it belonged to the district of Perumba
apphai' i... the country of the Great Biņa. Tiruvallam is only about 40 miles west by north of Conjeeverim (Kanchipura). It may be noted that the Brihad-Bana of our text exactly corresponds to the Tamil Perumdya ; brihat apparently forms an essential part of the name, and is not a mere epitheton ornans.
6 It is significant that, while the name of the founder of the family, Mayralarman, ends with karman, the names of nearly all his descendants (Kangavarman, Kekuathavarman, Såntivarman, Mrig@savarman, Mandhatri. varman, etc.) end with varman. The former is the characteristic ending of a Br&hman's name, the latter that of Kshatriya's. In the inscriptions of the later Kadambas Mayurasarman's name, too, appears as Mayuravarman; gee my Southern List, No. 210,

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his son was Bhagiratha. Bhagiratha's sons, again, were Raghu and Kâkustha (KAkusthavarman). Nothing of note is recorded of these later chiefs, excepting that Kåkusthavarman is intimated to have married his daughters to the Gupta and other kings.
When in the course of the above story Kubja, in verse 20, tells us that Mayûraśarman, after entering the service of the Pallavas, pleased them by his acts of bravery in battles, I understand him to mean that at first Mayhragarman became a dandandyaka or general of theirs; and I believe this view to be supported by the fact that in verse 3 the poet describes the Kadamba family generally as the great lineage of the Kadamba leaders of armies (sênání), as well as by the circumstance that according to verse 22 Mayûraśarman was anointed by Shadapana (the siz-faced god of war) after meditating on Sênâpati, i.e. the general of the gods (Kârttikêya). With regard to the territory afterwards given to him, there is the difficulty that the word Prêhara or Prêhara, which indicates its boundary on apparently the east, is entirely unknown to us. The present inscription is at Talagunda, and one of the chief places of the Kadambas mentioned in their copper-plates is Vaijayanti, i.e. Banavasi, which is not far from the former. Assuming that the eastern boundary of their territory was about as distant from Talaganda and Banavåsi as the sea is from them on the west, that boundary would probably have been formed by the river Tungabhadrâ; but I cannot in any way connect the word Prêhara or Préhard with this river, and am in fact unable to suggest any explanation of it.
The word Gupta in verse 31, which implies that Kakusthavarman gave his daughters in marriage to the Gupta and other kings, has been understood' to refer in all probability to the Maharajadhiraja Samudragupta who ruled in the second half of the fourth century A.D. But beyond the fact that Samudragupta conquered many kings of Southern India, nothing has been adduced to prove this. Granted that Kubja's account cannot be due solely to poetical exaggeration, the Gupta king or kings mentioned by him might, irrespectively of other considerations, be any of the Gupta rulers down to the seventh century A.D., and the reference to them cannot in my opinion be used to establish the time of Kâkusthavarman with any degree of accuracy. When the poet Båna: tells us that the lotus-feet of his great-grandfather Kuvêra were adored by many Guptas, we may infer that these Guptas were kings who ruled about the beginning of the sixth century, because we know Båņa himself to have lived at the beginning of the seventh. But if nothing were known regarding Båņa's own time, the statement would not help us in the least to fix in any definite way the time of his great-grandfather.
Another royal family of importance is referred to in verse 33 of the inscription, where we are told that the Siva shrine near which Kâkusthavarman constructed his tank had been worshipped by Satakarni (or the Satakarnis) and other pious kings. I need hardly say that Satakarni is a well-known name or surname of several kings of the Andhrabhsitya or Satavahana dynasty who ruled over part of Southern India during the first centuries of the Christian era. An inscription of a Satakarpi has years ago been found, not far from Tâlagunda, at Banayasi which has already been mentioned. And Mr. Rice has been fortunate enough to discover, and has published, another inscription of apparently the same Satakarņi at Maļavalli, in the Tálagunda subdivision of the Shikarpur taluka. The existence of these inscriptions shows that, what Kubja tells us, is not at all improbable, and that the poet really knew something of the history of his country.
Kakusthavarman is the earliest king known to us from the published copper-plates of the Kadambas. The present inscription carries the family back by three more generations ; from it
There is of course no a priori reason why the word should denote a river more than anything else. • See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 27.
See the 10th of the introductory verses of his Kadambari andka-Gupt-archita-pddapankaja) Knudrawamd. The published commentary explains the word gupta in this passage to mean "Vaisyas and Sadras.'
* See Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 338, and Plate. " See Ep. Carn. Vol. VII. p. 251, No. 263, and Plate.

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and the plates! I have compiled the following genealogical Table, which will be found to differ considerably from the one published by Mr. Rice in Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Introduction, p. 4.
Genealogical Tablo.
Mayûraśarman.
Kangavarman.
Bhagiratha.
Raghu.
Kâkusthavarman.
Santivarman.
Kfishnavarman 1.
Mrigosavarman.
? Måndhâtsivarman.
Vishnuvarmen.
an.
Dévavarman.
Ravivarman.
Bhânuvarman.
Sivaratha.
Simhavarman.
Harivarman.
Krishṇavarman II. I ought to state that the correctness of this Table greatly depends on the reliabilityassumed here of the Birar plates, published by Mr. Rice in Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. p. 91, No. 162. These plates record a grant by the Kadamba Dharmamaharaja Vishnuvarman, the eldest son of the afvamedha-ydjin, the Dharmamaharaja Krishṇavarman. By stating that Vishpavarman was making the grant with the permission of his jyésktha-patri (i.e. his father's eldest brother) Santivaravarman (Sântivarman), they enable us to combine, as shown in the Table, the information given by the Bannahalli plates of Kộishnavarman II. (above, Vol. VI. p. 17) with that furnished by various plates from Halsî and Dêvagêri (Nos. 604, 606, 608, 610-612 of my Southern List). What I am not sure about in the Table is, whether I have correctly placed Måndhátrivarman and Devavarman. Mrigéśavarman was an eldest son, and Måndhâtfivarman
For the fifteen Kadambs copper-plate inscriptions known to us see below, p. 84, note 2.
I have some doubts about the genuineness of the Birúr plates, but seo no reason to question what is stated in them regarding the degree of relationship between Vishnuvarman and Säntivarman.
The word jy&shtha-pitri is synonymous with jyésktha-tata which in the Vaijayant is explained by pitriSydahtha, 's father's eldest brother, and it is actually used in this sense in the Miraj plates of Jayasinha II. Jagadé kamalla, Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 17a, 1. 4. I may note besides that in Rom. VII. 25, 23, Malyavat, the eldest brother of Sumáli, is called the pitá jy data of Sumali's daughter Ksiksai, ie. the eldest brother of the father of Kaikasi. (Ibid. Verse 24 Malyavst's granddaughter Kumbbinast is called the sister of Sumali's grandson Råvans, and in verse 47 Råvang is called 'the brother of the same Kumbhinast. This shows how vaguely words denoting relationship were used already in early times in India.)

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No. 5.]
TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN.
may have been his younger brother, but there is nothing to prove this with certainty, Davavarman, described as the son of a Krishpavarman, in my opinion more probably was a son of Krishnavarman I. (and younger brother of Vishịuvarman who was an eldest son) than of Krishnavarman II. ;' but of this, again, we have no definite proof. It is also not certain that Sivaratha was a younger brother of Bhåpuvarman. Of the three brothers, Bhåndvarman is described as the younger brother of Ravivarman, Sivaratha as the paternal uncle of Harivarman. It will be seen that according to the Table the number of yenerations is eight, not eleven, as found by Mr. Rice.
There remains the question as to the age of this inscription. The inscription itself is not dated in any way. Of the fifteen Kadamba copper-plate inscriptions, four are not dated at all; ten are dated in regnal years, varying between 2 and 11; and the plates of the Yuvarája Kakusthavarman are dated in the 80th year, which, as intimated already by Dr. Fleet, in all probability was reckoned from the commencement of Mayurasarman's reign. Neither in the present inscription nor in the plates is there any reference to a king whose time can be determined with any certainty; and the inscriptions of other dynasties do not mention any specifio Kadamba king. That our inscription belongs to comparatively early times, there can be no doubt. I have shown that the rare metre, chiefly employed in it, is elsewhere found in records from about the fifth to the seventh century A.D.; and much the same period is indicated by Kakusthavarman's connection with some Gupta king or kings. Of the copper-plates which are later than this inscription, two-instead of quoting the ordinary lunar months which are quoted in seven others - quote fortnights of the rains and winter (varsha and hênanta). This also would suggest a considerable antiquity, although we must not forget that we have a similar season-date in the Dudia plates of Pravarasena II. (above, Vol. III. p. 260), which have been assigned to about the beginning of the 8th century A.D. To what particular portion of the time from the 5th to the 7th century A.D. our inscription should be referred, seems to me extremely difficult to say. I have carefully studied all Kadamba inscriptions from a palæographical point of view, and have eompared them with other inscriptions from the South, without being able to arrive at any certain and definite conclusion. My general impression is that the present inscription may be assigned to about the first half of the 6th century A.D.
TEXT. 1 Siddham? [ll] Namaś=śivåya || Jayati visvad@[va]-sa[n]ghâta-nichit-aikamûrttis
sanktanah Sthanu(pu)r-indu-rasmi-vichchhurita.10dyutimaj-jatabhara-mandangh || [10] Tam=anu bhûsurå dvija-pravar&s=sâma-rg-yajur-vvêda-vadinah yat-prasadas-tråyatê nityam bhuvana-trayam påpmanê bhayât || [2] Annpadam Sarendra-talya[va]puh-Kakusthavarmmå vis&la-dhiḥ bhüpatih-Kadamba-sênåni-brihad-llanvaya
vy[8]ma-chandramsh 2 1 137 Atha babhůva dvija-kulam prägu vicharad-gunândvaṁsu-mandalam
tryårshavartma-Haritîputramqishimukhya-Mânavya-gôtra-jam || [4] Vividha-yajñAvabbřitha-pang-ambu-niyat-abhishek-årdra-mtirddhajam pravachan-&vagåha-nishņåtam,
1 See above, Vol. VI. p. 13.
* See ibid. p. 7, Two dates, with reference to the motion of Jupiter, qualify the regral years by the statements that they were Vaisakha and Pausha years respectively; compare Ind. 4nt. Vol. XXII. p. 83 f. • Compare above, Vol. IV. p. 195, note 4.
See also Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, p. 291. ** From impressions supplied by Prof. Hultzsch. 7 This word stands in front of, and between, line 1 and 2 . For the metre of verses 1-24 see the introduction.
• The abshara in bracketa might perluapa be read #8: da (or rather da), bat the preopding abshara is clearly dd, not rd. 10 The reading vichchhurita is certain.
11 The akahara bri of bridad- has no superscript r.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
vidhivat=samiddh-âgni ma-pam || [5] Pranavapurvva-shadvidhåddhyêya-1 nânardyamân-ântarâlayam akřiša-châturmmasya-hôm-eshţi-pasu-pårvvaņa-braddha
paushţikam [li* 6*] 3 Atithi-nityaşamśrit-êvasatham savanatray-agvandhya-naityakam griha-samipa-dése
samrüdha-vikasat-kadamb-sika-pâdapam || [78] Tad-upachâravat=tad=asys taroga sânâmya-sâdharmyam=asya tat pravavšité satirtthya-vipråņam prâchuryyatas-tadvisshanam || [8] Evamagatê Kadamba-kule grimån=babhava dvij-ottamah
nämato Mayurasarmm-êti frata-sila-śauch-ady-alamkritaḥ [11] [9"] 4 Yah prayaya Pallavendra-purim guruņa samam Virasarm mana adhijigamenh
pravachanam nnikhilam ghatikåm viveg=&gu tarkkukah 11 (10") Tatra Pallav-ágvasaṁsthêna kalabena tivrêņa rôshitah Kali-yugê-sminn-aho bata kshatrat=paripêlavå viprata yatah [lle 11°) Guru-kulani samyag-&råddhya såkhámeadhity=&pi yatnataḥ brahma-siddhir-yyadi nrip-adhina kimatahparam
duhkham=ity-ataḥ [11] [12] 5 Kuga-bamid-drishat-srug-jya-charu-grahan-di-dakshồna påņing udvavarha diptimach=
chhastra vijigishamaño vasundharam || [13] Yo=ntapálánPallavendranam sahaså vinirjjitya samyug addhyuvâsa durggamåm=atavin Sriparvvata-dvårasamsritâm || [14*] Adade karån=Bțihad-Bana-pramukhád-bahun-raja-mandalat
êvam-bhih-Pallavêndràņam bhộikuti-samutpatti-kêranaiḥ || [15] 6 Svapratijña-påran-êtthâna-laghubhik-ksit-artthais-cha chêshtitaiḥ bhûshanair-iv-&babhau
balavad-yâtrå-samutthậpanêna cha || [168] Abhiyuyukshay-âgatêshu bhrisam Kanchi-narendrêshv=arâtishu vishama-[d]esa-prayâna-samvêśa-rajanishyaavaskandabhumishu 11 [17] Pråpya sêná-sågaram tëshår praban=bali yênavat-tada
âpadan=tån=ødhårayam-sa bhujakhadgamåttra-[vya]påśraya) || [18*] Pallavendra yasya Baktim imam labdhya prat&p-&nvayâv=api n=&sya hânig
érêyag=ity=uktvå yam-mitram=êv=&su vavrire || [19] Samśritas-tadå mahip&lan= Araddhya yuddhéshu vikkramaiḥ prapa pattabandha-sampûjám kara-pallavaih= Pallavair-ddhfitâm || [20*) Bhangur-ôrmmi-valgitair=npityad-aparârnnav-lambhahkrit-Avadhim 10 Prêhar-antám=&panyasamcharana-samaya-sthitarn bhumim-eva cha
|| [21*] 8 Vibudha-samgha-manli-sammrishta-charañaravindash-Shadananaḥ yam-abhishiktavån=
anudhyaya Senapatin måtribhis-saha 11 [22] Tasya patrak-Kangavarmm-grasamar-dah[u]ra-pra[m]eu-chêshtitaḥ pranata-sarvva-mandal-ôtk[r]ishta-gita-chámároddhrata-sekharah || [23] Tat-s[u]tah-Kadamba-bhů mivadhû-ruchit-aikanth Bhagirathah Sagara-mukhyas=s[v]ayam Kadamba-kulela prachschh]an[n]a-jan
[m] jan-adhipa) [lle 24] 9 Athalnpipa-mahitasya tasya putraḥ prathita-ya & Raghu-pârtthivaḥ prithu-sriu
Prithur-iva prithivim prasahya yo-rin!aksita paråkkramatas-svava[n]sa-bhôjyam 11 [25] Pratibhaya-samarêshv=arâti-sastr-ollikhita-mukhô=bhimukha-dvish&[m]
1 Originally adhydy anh seems to have been engraved; the akahara ddhyd is certain. • This sign of punctuation should be struck out. 1 Perhaps the original has savanattray• Read nikhilar; the sign of anus dra of lan is quite clear.
So far as I can judge, this, and not tarkkakaḥ, is the reading of the original. • Originally udvararhe seems to have been engraved. 7 Originally samordia- was engraved, but the lower of the akahara oud is clearly struck out. • Originally dpadanta indha seems to have been engraved. • This word is quite clear in the original. 10 The second akshara of this word is distinctly ha, and cannot possibly be read md. 11 Read-Otkrishta..
1. This reading is certain. 11 Metre of verses 25 and 26: Pushpitágra.
Read ariseаkrita.

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No. 5.)
TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN.
33
praharttå frutipatha-nipupah-kaviḥ pradâtá vividha-kala-kušalab=praja-priyagacha
| [26] 10 Bhrat-âsya chåru-vapur-abda-gabhira-nâdê moksha-trivargga-patar=anvaya-vatsalas=
cha Bhagirathirunnara patir-msigaraja-lilaḥ Kâkustha ity=&vani-mandala-ghashtakirttiḥ 11 [27"] 'Jyâyôbhis-saha vigrahô=rtthisha daya samyak-praja-pålanams
din-abhyuddharapan pradhân-vasubhiramukhya-dvij-Abhyarhnpam 11 yasy-aitat-kula-bhusha pasya npipateḥ prajñ-óttaram bhůshanam* tam=bhûpåh-khalu
mênirê sura-sakham Kakustham-atr=&gatam 1 [28*] Gharmm-akkrântâ iva mpiga-ganå vriksha-r[a]jim praviśya chchhayâ-sêvê-mpidita-manasð nirvritim prápnuvanti tadvaj-jyâyð-vihata-gatayê båndhayâs=s-ânubandhåḥ prapus=śarmm
âvyathita-manasd yasya bhům[im] pravisya || [29] 12 Nânâvidba-draviņa-såra-samuchchayeshu matta-dvipêndra-mada-våsita-gopurêshu san
gita-valgu-ninadêshu grihêshu yagya Lakshmy-angana dhřitimati suchiram cha rêmê || [30] Gupt-di-pártthiva-kul-ambaruha-sthalani snêb-&dara-praņaya-sambhrama-kesarâņi s rimanty-aneka-npipa-shatpada-sêvitâni yo=bôdbayad=duhitfi
didhitibhir-npip-arkkaḥ 11 (31°) 13 Yan-daiva-lampannam-adîna-chêshtaṁ Śakti-ttray-ôpetam-ath=âsana-stham séshair
gunaiḥ pañchabhir-apy=asådd hyås=s&manta-ohQdâmaņayaḥ praņēmuh || [32*] "Say= iha bhagavató Bhavady=&di-dévasya siddhy-alayê siddha-gA(ga)ndharvva-rakshoganaia-sêvitê vividha-niyama-hôma-diksha-parair=bråh[m]aņai snátakai stùyamine
sads mantra-vådaiś=śubhaib 14 sukritibhir=&vanisvaraír=âtma-niśérêgusamn p rêpsubhis-S&takarny-ådibhis=sraddhay
abbyarchchitél idam=urn-salil-payôg-åśrayam bhupatih-karayam-asa Kakusthavarmma tadakamama(hat II] [33"] 12Tasy-aurasasya tanaya[8]ya visala-kirtteh (pa]tta-ttray-&rppana-vira (jita]-chåru-mûrttêh fri-Santivarmma-nfipatêr=vvara-såsana
sthah Kubjas-sya-kávyam-idam-asma-tal8 lilekha || [34] 15 Namo bhagavató Sthånakundùra-vâsine Mahadevaya [lo] Nandata saryva-samant
ågatô=yam=ad bivsaḥ [*] Svasti prajâbhya iti [ll]
TRANSLATION.
(Be it) accomplished ! Obeisance to Siva! (Verse 1.) Victorious is the eternal Sthâņu, whose one body is framed by the coalescence of all the gods; who is adorned with a mass of matted hair, lastrous because inlaid with the rays of the moon.
(V. 2.) After bim, (victorious are) the gods on earth, the chief of the twice-born, who recite the Såma-, Rig- and Yajar-vêdas; whose favour constantly guards the three worlds from the fear of evil.
(V. 3.) And next, (victorious is) Kikusthavarman, whose form is like that of the lord of the gods (and) whose intelligence is vast; the king who is the moon in the firmament of the great linonge of the Kadamba leaders of armies.
1 Metre: Vasantatilaki.
9 Metre: Śårdúlavikridita. * Read -pdlanan.
• Read bhushanan. Metre: Mandåkrånt.
• The akahara di of this word is quite clear. 7 Metre of verses 80 and 31: Vasantatilska.
Metre : Indravajra. Metre: A kind of Daņdaks, either called by the general name Prachita or specifically Chandavégs or Arņavs; see Ind. Stud. Vol. VIII. p. 409. 10 Bead -dbhyarchchita.
11 The reading tadákamuma is certain. 13 Metre : Vasantatilska 4 With verses 1-3 compare the first three verses of the Aihole inscription of Pulakasin II., above, Vol. VI. p. 4 and p. 7, note 15. 14 L.. the god siva.
I L.e. the Brahmans.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
(V. 4.) There was a high family of twice-born, the circle of whose virtues, resembling the moon's rays, was (ever) expanding; in which the sons of Hariti trod the path of the three Vedas, (and) which had sprung from the gôtra of Månavya, the foremost of Rishis.
(V.5.) Where the hair was wet from being constantly sprinkled with the holy water of the purificatory rites of manifold sacrifices; which well knew how to dive into the sacred lore, kindled the fire and drank the Sôma according to precept.
(V. 6.) Where the interiors of the houses loudly resounded with the sixfold subjects of study: preceded by the word om; which promoted the increase of ample châturmásya sacrifices, burnt-offerings, oblations, animal sacrifices, new- and full-moon and traddha rites.
(V. 7.) Where the dwellings were ever resorted to by guests (and) the regular rites not wanting in the three libations; (and) where on & spot near the house there grew one tres with blooming Kadamba flowers.
(V. 8.) Then, as the family) tended this tree, so there came about that sameness of name with it of (these) Brâhman fellow-students, currently (accepted) as distinguishing them.*
(V. 9.) In the Kadamba family thus arisen there was an illustrious chief of the twiceborn named Mayûraśarman, adorned with sacred knowledge, good disposition, purity and the rest.
(V. 10.) With his preceptor Virasarman he went to the city of the Pallava lords, and, eager to study the whole sacred lore, quickly entered the ghatiká as & mendicant.
(Vv. ll and 12.) There, enraged by a fierce quarrel with a Pallava horseman (he reflected): Alas, that in this Kali-age the Brahmans should be so much feebler than the Kshatriyas ! For, if to one, who has duly served his preceptor's family and earnestly studied bis branch of the Vêda, the perfection in holiness' depends on a king, what can there be more painful than this ?' And 80
(V. 13.) With the hand dexterous in grasping the kusa-grass, the fuel, the stones, the ladle, the melted butter and the oblation-vessel, he unsheathed a flaming sword, eager to conquer the earth.
(V. 14.) Having swiftly defeated in battle the frontier-guards of the Pallava lords, he occupied the inaccessible forest stretching to the gates of Sriparvata.
1 Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 29, line 5 of the text : gwn-dubhir aydpya jagatasamastan.
9 In the fourteen Kadamba copper-plate inscriptions enumerated under Nos. 602-614 of my Southern List, to which may now be added the Beppur plates in Rp. Carn. Vol. V. Part I. p. 594, the two epithets Monaryasagótra and Heritl-putra are six times applied to the Kadambas generally, and four times to individual Kadamba kings; in one case (No. 618) Máradya-sa g6tra slone is applied to a king. The word trydrolavartman of the text, which with Haritt-putra forma a Bahu vrihi compound, I take to be practically equivalent to srddhyd ya. charcha para (-charchika, etc.) in the terms pratiksita-rpádkydya.charchd pdra, etc., of the plates; see above, Vol. VI. p. 15, note 3. None of the terms mentioned here occur in my No. 602, the only plates which are earlier than the present inscription.
II.e. the sir Védángas.
• The simple meaning of the verse is that the members of the family, as they tended the Kadamba tree, came to be currently called by the specific name Kadamba.' I take the word sdnámya-sd dharmyam of the text to be a Karmadharaya, pot & Dvandva compound; it literally means & sameness of property which appears as sameness of name' (sdnamya-répań sddharyam).
1.. Kafi chipura.
I.e. a particular establishment for holy and learned men, probably founded by a king; see my introductory remarks, above, p. 26.
The word tarkuka is given in H&machandra's Abhidh dnachintamani, v. 888, A & synonym of ydchaka, etc., and is explained by yachaka in a gloss on Réjatara ngint, III. 254.
• The attainment of holiness was obstructed by the rage caused by the Pallava king's horseman.

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No. 5.]
TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF KAKUSTHAVARMAN.
35
(Vv. 15 and 16.) He levied many taxes from the circle of kings headed by the Great Bana. So he shone, as with ornaments, by these exploits of his which made the Pallava lords knit their brows-exploits which were charming since his vow began to be fulfilled thereby and which secured his purpose- as well as by the starting of a powerful raid.
(Vv. 17 and 18.) When the enemies, the kings of Kanchi, came in strength to fight him, he - in the nights when they were marching or resting in rough country, in places fit for assault
- lighted upon the ocean of their army and struck it like a hawk, full of strength. (80) he bore that trouble, relying solely on the sword of his arm.
(V. 19.) The Pallava lords, having found out this strength of his as well as his valour and lineage, said that to ruin him would be no advantage, and so they quickly chose him even for a friend.
(V. 20.) Then entering the kings' service, he pleased them by his acts of bravery in battles and obtained the honour of being crowned with a fillet, offered by the Pallavas with the sprouts (pallava) of their hands.
(V. 21.) And (he) also received) a territory, bordered by the water of the western sea which dances with the rising and falling of its curved waves, and bounded by the (?) Prêhara, secured to him under the compact that others should not enter it.
(Vv. 22 and 23.) Of him whom Shadanana, whose lotus-feet are polished by the crowns of the assembly of the gods, anointed, after meditating on Senapati with the Mothers -- the son Was Kangavarman, who performed lofty great exploits in terrible wars, (and) whose diadem was shaken by the white chowries of all the chiefs of districts who bowed down (before him).
(V. 24.) His son was Bhagiratha, the one lord dear to the bride - the Kadamba country, Sagara's chief descendante in person, secretly born in the Kadamba family as king.
(V. 25.) Now the son of him who was honoured by kings was the earth's highly prosperous ruler Raghu, of wide-spread fame; who, having subdued the enemies, by his valour, like Prithu, caused the earth to be enjoyed by his race.7
(V. 26.) Who in fearful battles, his face slashed by the swords of the enemy, struck down the adversaries facing him; who was well versed in the ways of sacred lore, a poet, a donor, skilled in manifold arts, and beloved of the people.
(V. 27.) His brother was Bhagiratha's son Kåkustha, of beautiful form, with a voice deep as the cloud's, clever in the pursuit of salvation and the three objects of life, and kind to his lineage; a lord of men with the lion's gait, whose fame was proclaimed on the orb of the earth.
(V. 28.) Him, to whom war with the stronger, compassion for the needy, proper protection of the people, relief of the distressed, honour paid to the chief twice-born by the bestowal of)
1 Vix the attack made on him by the Pallavas.
See the introductory remarks, above, p. 29.
! With the wording of the original text I would compare e.g. from the Viråta parvan of the Maldbhdrata: ajutatdra-tamayath fshath parshan Trayodafam ; but there the meaning is the remaining 13th year, to which Ws attached the condition that they should dwell incognito. The sense of the p age in our inscription I take to be similar to that of e.g. anangaldeandm-urrim in Ragh. I. 90, the earth, not ruled by any other king.'
• Shadinana and Senapati are really only two different names of one and the same divine being (Skanda, Karttikeys).
Compare the epithet-of either the Kadambas generally or individual Kadamba kings- Sudmi. Mahdiena. mdtrigandnudhyat-Abhishikia in the copper-plates, e.g. above, Vol. VI. p. 14, line 2 of the text, and p. 18, line 8 of the text. See also above, p. 34, note 2.
• See Sir M. Monier-Williams's Dictionary under Bhagiratha and Sagara.
1 With the wording of this verse we may compare Gupta Inaer. p. 63, lines 6 and 7 of the text. The story of the earth's conquest by the mythical Prithu is well known from the Vishnupurdna.
# Pis dharma, artha and káma.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VIII.
pre-eminent wealth, were the rational ornament of a ruler (who wished to be) an ornament of his family, kings thonght to be indeed Kakustha, the friend of the gods, descended here.
(V. 29.) As herds of deer, oppressed by the heat, when they enter a cluster of trees, have their minds delighted by the enjoyment of the shade and find comfort, so kinsmen with their belongings, who were waylaid by the stronger, had their minds relieved and found shelter, when they entered his territory.
(V. 30.) And in his house which contained manifold collections of choice wealth, the gateways of which were perfumed with the rutting juice of lordly elephants in rut, (and) which gaily resounded with music, the lady Fortune delighted to stay steadfast, for very long.
(V. 31.) This sun of a king by means of his reys - his daughters - caused to expand the splendid lotus-groups the royal families of the Guptas and others, the filaments of which were attachment, respect, love and reverence (for him), and which were cherished by many bees - the kings (who served them)."
(V. 32.) Now to him, favoured by destiny, of no mean energy, endowed with the three powers, the crest-jewels of neighbouring princes bowed down (even) while he was sitting quiet -- they who could not be subdued by the other five measures of royal policy together.
(V. 83.) Here, at the home of perfection of the holy primeval god Bhava, which is frequented by groups of Siddhas, Gandharvas and Rakshas, which is ever praised with auspicious recitations of sacred texts by Brahman students solely devoted to manifold vows, sacrifices and initiatory rites, (and) which was worshipped with faith by Satakarni and other pious kings seeking salvation for themselves, that king Kâkusthavarman has caused to be made this great tank, a reservoir for the supply of abundant water.
(V. 34.) Abiding by the excellent commands of that (king's) own son, the wide-famed glorious king Santivarman whose beautiful body is made radiant by the putting on of three fillets, Kubja has written this poem of his own on the surface of the stone.
Obeisance to the holy Mahadeva who dwells at Sthânakundûra! May joy attend this place, inhabited by men come from all the neighbourhood! Blessed be the people !
No. 6.-JUNAGADH ROCK INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN;
THE YEAR 72. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. This inscription was first edited, with a translation and small lithograph, in April 1838, by Mr. James Prinsep, in Journal As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. VII. p. 338 ff. and Plate xv., from a facsimile which at the suggestion of the Rev. Dr. J. Wilson of Bombay had been prepared by
The proper spelling of this word in literature is Kékutotha. The mythical being referred to probably is Rams.
The general ides expressed in the above is very common; compare e.g., in a Kadamba inscription, Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37, line 13 of the text, suojana-kunudadana-prabodhana-faidikan, and in another inscription, above, Vol. VII. p. 297, line 4 of the text, kula-kumuda pona-lakamf-vibodhana fmchandrand iva. Whether our author has been very successful in elaborating that idea in detail, the reader may judge for himself; he may compare Ragh. XVII. 48, where the spies of a king are compared to the rays (ddhiti) of the sun; and, for the lotusgroups, filaments, bees, and the sun's rays, Kir. IV. 14. The word duhitri of the verse must of course denote the king's daughters; and what the poet wishes to say can only be that they were given in marriage to the Gupta and other kings.
• Vir, the powers of mastery, good counsel, and energy ; see above, Vol. VI. p. 10, note 7.
• For the six gundņ, i.e. measures of royal policy, see e.g. Ram. II. 100. 69, Ragh. VIII. 21, Sir. II. 26, and Manu VII. 160 ff. One of them, dsana, sitting quiet, halting,' we have in the word daana-stham of our verse; the five others are alliance, war, marching, dividing the army, and seeking protection. . I.e. siva.
• Compare also ibid. Plate xix.

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No. 6.]
JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN.
Captain Lang of the Kathiâvad Political Agency? A critical essay on that edition was published in 1841 by Prof. Lassen in Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Vol. IV. p. 146 ff.; and Prinsep's translation was subsequently reprinted, with part of a revised translation by Prof. H. H. Wilson, in Mr. Thomas's edition of Prinsep's Essays on Indian Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 57 ff. A month after the appearance of Prinsep's edition fresh facsimiles of the original were taken by Lieut. Postans, but they reached Calcutta only when Prinsep, at whose instance they were made, had already left India ;) and in July 1842 another facsimile, the joint labour of Captain (afterwards General Sir George LeGrand Jacob, Mr. N. L. Westergaard and a young Brahman, was presented to the Bombay Asiatic Society, and a small lithograph of it published in the Society's Journal, Vol. I. p. 148. A great advance in the reading and interpretation of the inscription was made in 1862, when, in the same Journal, Vol. VII. p. 118 ff., Dr. Bhau Daji again published the text and a translation of it, with a large lithograph' reduced from facsimiles made by Bhagvanlal Indraji. Moreover, a revised version of Dr. Bhau Daji's work, by Prof. Eggeling, appeared in 1876, in Archæol. Surv. of West. India, Vol. II. p. 128 ff., with a collotype from estampages by Dr. Burgess. Two years later Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji's own text and translation were published, under the editorship of Prof. Bübler, in Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 257 ff. And finally, in 1890, Prof. Bühler again gave the text and a translation of part of it, in his essay Die Indischen Inschriften und das Alter der Indischen Kunstpoesie, pp. 45 ff. and 86 ff.- Some four or five years ago Dr. Fleet most generously presented to me bis excellent paper impression of the inscription and requested me to re-edit this record. In now, at last, complying with his request, I would gratefully acknowledge my obligations to the labours of my predecessors. Though from the first I saw that I could add but little to the main results of their work, I have persevered in my task because I felt that, even in its more minute details, the text of this, our earliest Sanskrit inscription of importance, ought to be given in as reliable a form as possible. A careful study of the impression enables me to add that the accompanying photo-lithograph, made under Dr. Fleet's own supervision, apparently is the first facsimile of this inscription that has been prepared by purely mechanical processes.
The inscription is on the western side, near the top, of the famous rock which also contains the Asöka edicts as well as a long inscription of the Gupta king Skandagupta, about a mile to the eastward of the town of Junagadh in Kathiâvâd, and at the commencement of the gorge that leads to the valley which lies round the mountain Girnar.7 It contains twenty lines of varying length of well-engraved writing which covers a space of about 11' 1' broad by 5' 5" high. Of these, only the four last lines (17-20) are fully preserved, while in each of the lines 1-16, as will be seen from the facsimile, & more or less extensive part of the writing is entirely gone, through wilful damage or the peeling off of the surface of the rock. Taking the total length of the twenty lines to be about 1900", the missing portion of the writing would be about 275", or approximately one-seventh of the whole inscription. Where the surface of the rock has
1 See Jour. Bo. 41. Soc. Vol. II. p. 27, and Vol. III. Part XIII. p. 27.
Prof. Wilson's revised translation was based on Nagari transcript of the text, which Mr. Thomas had prepared with much care from the improved facsimile of Messrs. Westergaard and Jacob,' which will be mentioned
below.
. See Jour. 43. Soc. Bengal, Vol. VII. p. 865 ff. and p. 887.
• Perhaps I should mention that the inscription has also been edited, with a facsiunile, in A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, published by the Bhavnagar Archæol. Department, p. 18 ff.
. Some letters of the 6th edict will be seeu in the upper left corner of the accompanying facsimile; compare the facsimile of that ediet opposite p. 454 of Ep. Ind. Vol. II., near the upper right corner of which the first word (siddhan) of the present inscription may be seen.
• Edited in Gupta Inscr. p. 58.
* See Jour. As. 800. Bengal, Vol. VII. pp. 337 and 871-73, and Gupta Inor. p. 57; and, for photograph of the rock, Archæol. Sure of West. India, Vol. II. Plate is.
The length of line 1 is about 6'8", of live 9 (the longest line) about 11' 1", of line 11 about 8", of live 17 about B'?, and of line 20 only 2' 5'.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
remained intact, the writing is generally well preserved and may be read with confidence nearly throughout. The average size of such letters as n, p, b, m is about ".
The characters according to Dr. Fleet (Gupta Inscr. p. 57) present an earlier form of the decidedly southern alphabet in the inscription of Skandagupta on the same rock. And this agrees with the opinion of Prof. Bühler who, in his Ind. Palæographie, p. 42, has described the alphabet here used as one of the precursors of the southern alphabets. Some of the more characteristic features in which this alphabet agrees with the later southern alphabets, according to Prof. Bühler, are the curves at the lower end of the vertical strokes of initial a and 4 and of the consonants k, ñ and r, the round form of d, the manner in which the upper part of the vertical line of 1 is turned towards the left, and the form of medial ri which sometimes it is difficult to distinguish from the subscript T. Of initial vowels the inscription contains only a, a, i, and a (e.g. in Abókasya, 1. 8, á garbhất, l. 9, idań, l. 1, and ékárnava-, l. 5); of the ordinary Sanskrit consonants all excepting and jh, but chh, ñ, th and ph occur only as subscript letters (e.g. in -óchchhraya., l. 1, rájño, 1. 3, saushthava-, 1. 13, and sphuţa-, 1. 14). We have besides the so-called southern !, in-páļikatvat=, 1. 1, ppranáli-, 1. 2, prandlíbhir, 1. 9 (but not in pranád yd in the same line), and vydla., 1. 10. The signs for d, 4 and dh are throughout clearly distinguished as may be seen from e.g. idan, tadakan and dridha-, in line 1. Of final consonants only t occurs, in rásit, 1. 7. Subscript consonants, including y, are written by the ordinary full forms of the letters, excepting perhaps the l of Pahlavena, 1. 19, which has a somewhat cursive form. The superscript stands well above the top-line of the consonants, and in syllables like rbha, rtti, rshe, etc., is the bearer of those vowelsigns which are ordinarily attached to the top of a letter. Medial d, e, as and ô are mostly denoted by quite horizontal lines which are generally attached to the top of the consonant sign; (see e.g. tadakan, l. 1, parjjanyếna, 1. 5, vyanjanair-, 1. 15, and ghôra-, 1. 7; but compare also e.g. jd in tatáffalak-, 1. 6, dhd in dharana-, l. 13, dé in saranadêna, l. 10, mô in -áyámôchchhraya-, l. 1, and other instances in which the vowel-signs are not attached to the top). As regards a, the chief exceptions to this are formed by já - compare e.g. [valjátên=, 1. 28, and by md where (except in Om=Anartta-, I. 18) d is denoted by a hook-shaped line at the right top of m (as in malya-, l. 15). For i, i and i compare e.g. nihsandhi- and -pålikatvát-, l. 1, srishta-vrishfind, 1, 5, and -avishkrita-, l. 11. Except in ru, medial u is denoted by a subscript curved line which is turned to the right when the consonant sign (as in g, t, $) is open at the bottom or (as in k and d) ends in a single down-stroke, while otherwise it is turned to the left; compare e.g. gu in gulma-, l. 7, tu in sêtuo, l. 2, ku in Kukur., 1. 11, with su in Sudarsanan, l. 1, pu in putrasya, 1. 4, mul in Eabhimukh, 1. 10, etc. For the corresponding forms of a compare bhí in bhatáydms, 1.5, då in odúraya, 1. 12, with sthú in sthála and då in vaidurya-, l. 14, etc. For ru and Tú see e.g. taru- and -anurúpa-, 1. 6. As in the case of u and in there are three forms of medial au, one of which appears in the pau of pautra, 1. 4, and paura-, 11. 16 and 18, another in the yau of Yaudhéyánář, 1. 12, and sau of saushthavas, 1. 13, and the third in the nau of dhanaughêna, 1. 16, and the mau of Mauryasya, twice in line 8. The signs of the jihuamáliya and upadhmániya do not occor; but the characters, in line 4, include numerical symbols for 70 and 2. A sign of punctuation, consisting in a single slanting line, is employed only at the end of the inscription.
1 In Table III. Col. vi. of Prof. Bühler's work, where the alphabet of cur inscription is given, the sign of da (No. 18) is imperfectly drawn; it resembles the da rather than the da of the inscription. The signs No. 16 (which also is mutilated) and No. 25 in the same coloma, which unaccountably are transcribed by ta and nú, are really 14 and nas, and Prof. Bühler's remarks on them, on p. 42 of his text, are therefore incorrect.
• Compare, similarly, rajno in lines 3 and 4. • In the mu of samudyuktaira, 1, 17, the subscript sigo is exceptionally turned towards the right.
• The aw of pau is not, as has been stated, like the aw of the pas given in Prof. Fühler's Table II. Col. xviii. No. 28, but differs from it in this that the shorter horizontal line is placed below, not above, the longer one.

Page #50

No. 6.]
JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and the whole is in prose. In respect of orthography, we may notice the use, already mentioned above, of the lingual in the words páļi, l. 1, pranáļi, 11. 2 and 9 (but not in pranádya, 1. 9), and vyáļa, 1. 10; the exceptional doubling of p before in pada-ppratisparddhs- and supprativihita-ppranáļi., both in line 2, and of t and n before y in prabhritty=avihata-, 1. 9, and kannya-, l. 15, (but not e.g. in rúpapratt, 1. 6, mahaty-upa', 1. 3, and parijanyêna, 1. 5); the insertion (ocopsionally found in later inscriptions from the south) of an anusvára before no and my in marudhaînva", 1. 8, and abhiganmya, 1. 9; and the use common enough everywhere) of tu instead of tto, in satuadibhiḥ, . 14, and atimahatváda, 1. 17. There is, besides, a certain want of uniformity in the writing, shown by the facts that, after r, consonants (excepting sibilants) are doubled 38 times but left single 29 times; that, in the interior of simple words before ch, t, d, etc., the special nasal of a class is used 12 times and anusvára 8 times; and that at the end of a word, before following s, visarga is left unchanged 6 times and changed to s three times. With reference to the external sandhi it may also be noted that no less than 10 times the rules concerning the combination of final with following initial vowels have been disregarded, even where two words are closely connected in sense (as e.g. in parjjanyena ékárnava-bhútayam-, 1. 5, -dv[]dúraya anutsádanát-, l. 12); that before an initial vowel anusvára is three times written instead of m (88 e.g. in nadinám atimátr., 1. 6); and that in rajñaḥ Chandra', 1. 8, visarga has been left unchanged before ch. And as regards the internal sandhi, the dental has been wrongly used instead of the lingual in -anuragéna, l. 13, and Suráshfránáin, 1. 18. These two last may of course be mere clerical errors; and so no doubt are -vôgêna for -vêgéna, in line 7, rakshanartha for rakshan-árthan, in line 9, nirvyájam=avajity-avajitya for nirvyájam-avajity-dvajitya in line 12, and very probably tasmit for tasmina, in line 9, and kofd for košanu, in line 16. The i of vitad-uttarany= in line 7 may be ascribed to the influence of the Prakpit visa ; what the author intended was vintad-uttaranya, where vimsat would have been used for vinsari in accordance with the practice of literary works like the Ramayana. In -úv[c]daraya, 1. 12, for apparently -ávidúratayá, the syllable ta must have been left out by a mistake of the writer ; and similarly the syllable ksi may have been omitted in Mauryasya tê, l. 8, for which I propose to read Mauryasya ksite.- Looking at the language in general, what strikes one at once is the extreme dearth of verbal forms. In the text as preserved there are only two finite verbs, vartate in line 3 and asit in line 7, and even in its complete state the inscription could not have contained more than four such verbs, vis., in addition to the two just mentioned, probably another asit in line 8, and perhaps one verb in line 9. This scarcity of verbs will cause no surprise to the reader of classical prose works. While the chapter on conjugation takes the comparatively largest share of a Sanskrit grammar and presents considerable difficulties to the student, prose writers often employ only a few of the most common verbs' and easiest verbal derivatives. On the other hand -- and here again our text agrees with some of the best prose
1 This word is ordinarily spelt pranádi or prandll. - Attention may perhaps be drawn also to the spelling of taddka, 1. 1, and vaiddrya, 1. 14. This last word, according to the Nagurf MSS. of Papini': Ashiddhydy and of the Mahabhdahya and the Karika-Vritti on P. IV. 3, 84, would have to be spelt vaidúrya; but the Kasmir MSS. known to me derive it from vidúra. Vaidurya also is the reading of the MSS. of Hêmachandra's grammar which I have compared. In Pali the word is vefuriya.
* This one of the axustára as well as the non-observance of the rules of sandhi may be due to the influence of the Prakrit.
The statement that ch has been frequently omitted before chl in this inscription is incorrect; it has not been omitted once.
See the note on the text. If the reading were really tasmist, the anurodra here too might be ascribed to the influence of the Prikrit (Pali).
Compare, e.g., pimiad-bhuja, Ram. (Bombay ed.) III. 83, 8 (vitali-bhuja, but against the metre, III. 85, 9); dimiad-yojana, V, 1, 154; VI. 39, 20; pitial, VI. 67, 7 and 98; chaturvimist, IV. 42, 20.-Either einiat- or oblat. was apparently intended above, Vol. III. p. 321, 1. 16.

Page #51

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
works- we find in the inscription a decided predominance of compounds over simple words. On a rough calculation the text contains about 1,330 syllables; about 440 of them belong to 144 simple words, while the remaining 890 are taken up by 88 compound nouns, consisting variously of from two to as many as fifteen members. But throughout, these compounds are plain and easy to understand, so that there is nothing embarrassing about their prevalence. In respect of inflection and syntax, the language is generally correct. Of grammatically wrong forms there is only the instrumental patina (for patyd), in line 11; but this form is equally found in the Ramayana, Mahabharala and similar works, with which the writer seems to have been familiar. An unusual construction we have in anyatra saigrámêshu, 'except in battles,' in line 10, for the customary anyatra samgrâmébhyaḥ; & redundant word in a garbhát=prabhriti, 'from the womb,' in line 9, for either à garbhát or garbhat-prabhriti; and an apparently wrong addition of púrva in anupassishtapúrva, in line 10, used in the sense of simply anupassishta. Of words not found in dictionaries the text presents only upatalpa, in line 6, denoting in my opinion 'an upper story,' and Svabhra, in line 11, as the name of a particular country or people; but attention may also be drawn to the words midha, 1.3, rashtriya, 1. 8, and pranayakriya, 1. 16, the meanings of which will be considered below.
The author's disposition of his subject matter is simple and lucid. His object being to record the restoration, by the Mahakshatrapa Budi adâ man, of the lake Sudarsana near which the inscription was engraved, he treats of his theme in six sentences, five of which have for their subject the words this lake Sudarsana' with which the inscription opens. This lake is now in an excellent condition (lines 1-3). It was destroyed by a storm during the reign of Rudradaman (II. 3-7). All the water having escaped, the lake, from being sudarśana, became durdarsana (11. 7-8). The lake had been originally constructed during the reign of the Maurya Chandragupta, and was perfected under the Maurya Asoka (11. 8.9). It has now been restored and made more beautiful than ever (sudarsanatara) by Rudradaman (11. 9-16), under whom this work has been carried out by the provincial governor Suvisakha (11. 17-20).- From this it will be seen that the greater part of the text is devoted to the actual restoration of the lake, which naturally furnishes the occasion for a full eulogistic description, and a record of the exploits, of the Mahakshatrapa by whom it was accomplished (11. 9-15). The previous history of the lake is sketched in a short, though historically important,* sentence. On the other hand, a vivid and striking account is given of the storm by which the lake and the surrounding country were devastated, in
1 Thut the author has used what I may call the epic pinkat- the text actually has vilat--for vinbati, has been already stated. The phrase paura janapadam janan in line 16 is Pads of an ordinary sloks, and actually occurs in the Ramayana ; and we find in the text & number of words which seem peculiar to, or at any rate occur often in, epic poetry.
* Anyatra sangrameshu has been said to be tho quite correct expression for except in battles ;' but whether correct or bo from a theoretical point of view, it is not the engtomary Sonakpit expression, as may be seen from the umerous quotations on ler anyatra in the St. Petersburg dictionary. In fact, the authors of that work quote only & single passage from the Mahabharata in which anyatra "quite exceptionally "is not construed with the ablative. The case, for all I know, may be different in Pali; but when in Afoka's edict VI. (Girnar, 1. 14, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 455) we rend dukaran tu idam anata agena pardkramena, but this is difficult to do except by the utmost ezertion, this in Sansksit would have to be expressed by dushkaran traidamuanyatradgrydt-pardkramát. And I could certainly quote many passages from the Jdtakas in which shiatra is construed with the ablativu, while theoretically another case might have been considered more appropriate. With the passage in nur inscription we may to a certain extent compare Ram. V. 68, 19 and 64, 32: drisktá na chenyena Hasumata for drisktá so CA=anyena Hanimataḥ.
I must leave it to Páli scholars to decide whether the author could have been possibly misled by the PAli to employ anuparsishta půrva for anuparsishta (or na kaddchid=upassishta). In Jdt. Vol. VI. p. 76, 1. 15 (tatra man amachchd puchoh hissanti : api nu kho te mahardja Himacante vasantena na kichi achchhariyan ditthapubbaw'ti) ditthapubbani undoubtedly is equivalent to simply diffhami
• I refer to the fact that the Mauryas Chandragupts and (bis grandson) Asoks (under this arme) are mentioned in this sentence.

Page #52

No. 6.]
JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN.
a piece of writing which, mutilated as it is, shows the writer to have been endowed with no mean poetio power. Prof. Bühlerl has well shown that the author, trusting to the effect of a plain, yet forcible narrative and characterization of events and individuals, makes spare use of those, often merely conventional, ornaments which abound in later inscriptions. With the exception of a play on the word Sudariana, the name of the lake, and one or two cases of an upamd, the 80-called arthalankáras may be said to be absent from his text. On the other hand, he shows & decided predilection for that kind of sabdálankára which consists in the repetition of one and the same group of syllables in neighbouring words (as e.g. in praharana-vitarana, 1. 10, samagránáin ... vishayánam vishayanán, 1. 11, avidhéyanan Yaudhéyanán, 1. 12, -namna .. -dämnd . Rudradámná, 1. 15, saktëna dánten-achapalên=dvismitên=aryyên=charyyêra, 1. 19, etc.), and he occasionally makes use of the ornament of alliteration (as 6.g. in akritrimôna setubandhen=őpapannan supprativihita-ppranáļi-parivaha-midhavidhanań, !. 2, etc.).
The general purport of the inscription has been given above. It remains to point out briefly some details, the full discussion of which, after all that has already been written about them, would necessitato a careful examination of other records some of which are in course of being re-edited critically by another scholar, and lies beyond the scope of this paper. The principal figure in our inscription is (the Western Kshatrapa,) the king (and) Mahåkshatrapa Rudradâman; the name of his father (the Kshatrapa Jayadaman) was given in line 4, but has disappeared; his father's father was the king (and) Mahakshatrapa, Lord Chashtana (1.4). From an epithet in line 15 we learn that Rudradaman himself acquired or assumed the title of Mahakshatrapa. Other epithets in lines 11 and 12 tell us that by his own valour he gained, and became the lord of, eastern and western Åkaravanti, the Anûpa country, Ånarta, Surashtra, Švabhra, Maru, Kachchha, Sindhu-Sauvira, Kukura, Aparanta, Nishads and other territories; that he destroyed the Yaudh@yas; and that he twice dufeated Satakarņi, the lord of Dakshiņ&paths, but on account of the nearness of their connection did not destroy him.-The storm by which the lake Sudargana was devastated is stated (in lines 4 and 5) to have taken place on the first of the dark half of Mårgasirsha in the 72nd year according to the actual wording of the text--of Rudrad&man himself; but the meaning clearly is that it took place during the reign of Rudradâman, on the given day in the 72nd year of the era used by Rudradáman (and the Western Kshatrapas generally). With other scholars I feel convinced that this is the Saka era, and taking the year in the ordinary way as an expired year, I find that the date would correspond to either the 18th October, or more probably the 16th November, A.D. 150. Accordingly, our inscription may be assumed to have been composed about A.D. 151 or 152.
The minister Suvisakha, by whom the work of restoring the dam of the lake was carried ont, is called in line 19) a Pahlava and the son of Kulaipa, and is stated (in line 18) to have been appointed by the king (Rudradâman) to govern (the province of) Ånarta and Surashtra. The officials who in earlier times had constructed and perfected the lake under Chandragupta and Agôka respectively were (line 8) the provincial governor, the Vaisya8 Pushyagupta, and the. Yavana king' Tushåspha, governing the province or district under Asoka).
1 Bee his Die Indischen Inschriften, p. 51 f.
Yor quite similar instances compare eg. the first pages of the Daiakumdracharita.
• Sreag. Prof. Bahler in Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 272 1. M. Senart, ibid. Vol. XXI. p. 394 f.; Dr. Bhandarkar's Early Hist. of the Dekkan, p. 28 f.; Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji in Jour. Roy, 4s. Soe. 1890, p. 646 1.; the Bomcay Gazetteor, Vol. I. Part I. p. 84 ff., eto.
• Por some of these names so the Nasik inscription in Arohaol. Suro. of West India, Vol. IV. p. 108, line 2.
I.e. one of the Andhrabhsitys kings, but there is a difference of opinion as to which of them is here intended. • Compare the similar dates of my Northern List, No. 439, etc., and of my Southern List, No. 602.
See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 163. • The Vaily as according to Varahamihirs are people of the western division; see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 192.

Page #53

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
Proper names, other than those given in the preceding, that ooour in the inscription, are (besides the name Sudarsana of the lake itself) Girinagara in line 1, Orjayat, the name of a mountain, in line 5, and Suvarnasikata and Palasini, the names of two rivers, in lines 5 and 6. Of these, Girinagara, the hill-city,' as was recognized already by Prof. Lassen, is the earlier name of the town of Junagadh or its ancient representative, wbile Urjayat denotes the mountain now called Girnar. Of the two rivers the first, according to Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji, is a small perennial stream now called Sonarékha; the name of the other does not seem to survive.
TEXT. 1 Siddham [1] Idam tadikam Sudarsanam Gir[i]nagarådesp[i] [a][?]ram=
a[n]t[a] . . . . . . . .. .. . . (tt)iko-pala-vistâr-åyåm
Ochohbraya-?nihsandhi-baddha-dridha-sarvva-pAlikatv&t=parvvata-pa2 da-ppratisparddhi-suślish[t]a-'[ba][ndha?] :... to .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [va]játên-Akritrimêpa
sêtubandhên=ôpapannan supprativihita-pprana?i-pari[v]&hs-11 3 midhavidhanam! cha tri-skan[dha?] . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . n-ádibhir-anugrahair-mahaty
upachayê varttate [lo] Tad=idam råjño mahakshatrapasya sugrihs4 ta-nampaḥ Svâmi-Chashtanasya paatrals . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
putrasys rajfio mahakshatrapasya gurabhir=abhyasta-namnô Rudradâmnô varshé dvisaptatitam[e] 702 5 Märggasirsha-lbahula-prat[i] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. ........!!? srishta-vrishtina parijanyềna18 karpatabhůtâyâm=iva pritbivyår kritâyên girêr-Orjayata) Suvarnastkata
1 The town Girinagara is mentioned in an inscription of A.D. 706, Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 78, line 19. ? See Gupta Inscr. p. 57.
• From Dr. Fleet's impression. An asterisk after a letter or ayllable shows that such letter or sy 12blo is entirely broken away. In the following notes the letter B. denotes Prof. Bühler's text, the letter I that of Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji.
B. has taţakars, but the second syllable is undoubtedly dd; compare ta in taf-attalak, 1. 6. The word is spelt tadáka nlso in the Junagadh rock inscription of Skandagupta, Gupta Inger. p. 61, 11. 21 and 23.-It may be noted that Prinsep's wrong reading tatakam is responsible for the word tafaka, shore,' of our dictionaries
I. and B. have Girinagará dri-pada-rama], but in his notes on I. Prof. Bübler stated that the reading di is very improbalile. In the impression, the akshara which by Bhagvanlal Indraji was read dri seems unionbtedly to be only da; and the following akshara cannot be read på, but is most probably pi.
. The original apparently had msittik.. I. has 6chkraya.
• B. omits dridha. . From here, commencing with the t of shţa, the lower part of the aksharas is broken away. The word read bandham might equally well be baddhan.
10 Here there are remainders of three aksharas, the second of which seems to have contained the conjonet rk. 11 I. and B. have -parlehan. 12 The sign of anusuára over na looks somewhat like the superscriptr. 13 I. and B, have -skandhan.
14 The lacuna may be filled up thos: pautra(sya ndjiaḥ kshatrapasya sugrillta-namnah SodmiJayaddmna]); but I should have expected five or six syllables more.
15 I. and B. have Márgao.
16 B. haspa, but the akshara prs and the t of ti sre clear in the impression. The original most probably bad pratipadi.
17 I. and B. have susrishta-, but the sign of visarga before srishta is quite clear. What remains of the akshara preceding the visarga looks as if that akshara bad contained the letter kor or a subacript
1. Real nyenaaikd.

Page #54

No. 6.]
JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN.
6 Palasini-prabhfitinam nadinâminatimåtr-odvfittair=vvêgai” sêtum=[a?] ... . . . . . . . .
. . . . Cya]man-nurûpa-pratikaram-api girisikhara-taru-tat-áttálak-patalpa-dvåra-saraņôchchhraya-*vidhvamsind yuganidhana
Badri7 sa-paramaghôra-vôgêna vâyunâ pramathita-salila-vikshipta-jarjjariksit-ava[di?] ...
. . . . . . . [k]eb[i]pt-agma-vriksha-gulma-latåpratânam à nadi.(ta)14[a]-ity=adgháțitamaksit [1] Chatrâri hasta-satâni visad-uttarany=yatêna
êtêvamty='éva vistirņêna 8 parcha-na ptatim10 hast&peavagadhôna bhêdêna nisspita-sarv va-toyat marudhanvaka-11
Ipamratibhrišam dard[d]al? . .. .. .. ... [6]y=[&]rthê Mauryasyal rajñaḥ Chamdrag[u][pta ][8][ys] [r]áshtriyêņa [V]aisyênal Pushyaguptôna kåritam Asokasya Mauryasya tê? Yavanarajéna Tush[@]sphen-18
adhishthaya 9 prankļibhir-ala[m]krita[m] tat-kåritay& cha råj-Anurûpa-krita-19 vidhånayê tasmilo bhêdê dộishtay& prank dyAl vis[tri"]ta-set[u] .
. PAR * garbhât=prabhşitty-avihata-samud[i][ta?]-3r[a]jalakshmi-dh[Ara]ņ&-gunatas-sarvvavarpair=abhigarmya rakshan-&rtha patitve vritena & prân-êchchhvâsât=
purusha vadhanivșitti-krita10 satyapratijnena7 anya[t]ra samgråmêshy=abhimukhâgata-sadpisa-satro-praharanavitaraṇatv-åriguņa-rispa ?] . : : : . . .
ta-28kârungêna svayamabhigata-ojanapada-prasipati[t?]-[y][DP]sha-30garaṇadena d asyu-vyâļampiga-rôg-adibhir=an upassishtapärvva-nagara-nigama
1 Read nadindm.
* I. has vegaih. " I. and B. have ryaman..
• I. has nochhraya. . Read -végéna, which is the reading of I. and B. • Readprald nama. * Read vinfad. (for vinsaty-).
* Read on-aita. • I. has oranty-dva.
10 I. and B. have-saptati. 11 Read marudhanpao, which is the reading of I. and B.
I.e., probably, durddarfanamadsit I, with two or three words introducing the following sentence. 11 I. and B. have Mauryyasya. 1. Read rdjias. * The initial consonant, the lower part of which is damaged, has been restored by Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji. 16 Read kdritama. 17 For td Dr. Bhau Daji proposed tena, and Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji tat. I would suggest kritt.
" I and B. have Tushdspåna, but the siga for ph is distinct in two impressions of this passage. Compare also Dr. Kleet in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 195.
19 B. omits krita, #0 Tbe origiual inay possibly have tasmist, as read by Prinsep. Read lasmina. 11 I. bas prandlyd, and B. Prandlyd ; but pranády is quite distinct.
- This akshara has been hitberto read no, but the back of the impression clearly shows that nd was engraved; this must be the last syllable of a noun in the instrumental case. Read Bed garbhdt.
The vowel i over d appears to be quite certain; of the akshara which follows upon di the upper part is gone, and what remains looks like the remnant of pa or tha rather than of ta. But I consider samudita to be certain; samudaya would be impossible.
* Bead wabhigamya, which is the reading of I. and B. * Read -drthan, which is the reading of I. and B. * Read vrites=d. 97 Read jridx=dnyatra. # Iand B. have (dhrů)ta. and drita., but the akshara preceding ta is quite illegible. » Over the ta of gata is a mark which might be taken for the sign of anusudra.
10 I. and B. have pranipatti [wifeha, I with the sign of interrogation aftor više. In my opinion, the akalara read tti by them is undoubtedly ti, with, below it, an accidental scratch (which, if it were really 1, would stand under the right, not the left, vertical line of the upper t). Again, what remains of the consonant of the akadara preceding sha, does not look at all like a remnant off, but seems to be an almost fully preserved y. 11 L and B. havessiahtdpirora, but two impressions of this page have clearly shta, not shtd.
G 2

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11 janapadanam svaviryy-Arjitânám=anurakta-Barvva-prakritinam parvv-par-Åkardventy
Anupanivrid-Ånartta-Surashtra-sva[bh]ra-(Ma]ru-[Kachlohha-[8]1[n]dhu-8[au]v[i]ra-Kukur-Åpardta-Nishad-Adina samagra år tat-prabb&vád-[y]a . . . ... . [ttha)-"kama-vishayåņå[m] vishayapam patinas sarvva-kshatr
Avishkpita12 viraßabda-játôtsøk-Avidheyânâ Yaudhêyênan prasahy-ôtsådakona Dakshiņ&patha
patês-Satakarner-dvir-api nirvyájam=svajity-ávajítyab sarnbardh-&v[i]dûraya anatsadankt-pråpta-yasasa ma[a?] . . . . . . [pta)-7 vijayôna bhrashta
rája-pratishthåpakena yatharttha-hasto13 chchhray-10Arjit-ôrjita-dharm-Annrågênall sabdârttba-gândbarvva-nyây-adyân vidyl
nam mahatinam pårana-dharana-vijñâna-prayog-dvapta-vipala-kirttina turaga-gajarathacharyy-Asi-charma-'niyuddh-adya. . . . . . . . . . . . [ti]-para
bala-lâghava-saushthava-kriyênals shar-sharuddana-man-&ns14 Famâna-silêna sthûlalakshêqa yathêvat-praptair-bali-sulka-bh&gaiḥ kanaka-15
rajatalvajia-vaid arya-ratn-opachaya-vishyandamâna-kośêna sphuta-laghu-madhurachitra-kanta-gabdasamayodár-alamkrita-gadya-padya .
. . Da pramapa-man-Ônmâna-svara-gati-varopa-18g&ra-saty-10Adibhiḥ 15 parama-laksbaņa vyamjanair-upêta-kânta-mürttin* Svayamadhigata-mahAkshatrapa
nämna narendra-katnya-gvayamvar-ânêka-malya-prapta-damn[4] mahakshatrapêna Rudradamna varsha-sabasraya gô-brâh(mja . .
. r[tthalın dharmma-kirtti- vriddhy-artham cha' apidayit[v]A kara-vishţi16 pranayakriyabhih paura-jánapadam janam svasmátæk064* mahata dhan-aughêna86
anatimahata cha kâlêna trig[u]ņa-dridhatars-vistar-ayamam sêtum vidhå[ya] [sa P]r[v]va-tact ]486 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . []Q
darśanataram karitam=i[t]i [1] [A?][s]minn-Tartth888 17 mahakshatrapa[8]ya matisachiva-karmasachivair=%amatyaga na-samudyuktair=apy=
atimahatvád=30bhêdasy=knutsåha-vimukha-matibhi[b] praty[&]khyat-arambham
From bhra to Saxof the upper portion of the aksharas is broken away. The text has been restored by Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji to whom the word Sindhu wes suggested by Prof. Bühler. Of the first akahara of the word Marw enough remains to show that the akshara was not bha.
II. omits this, and B. has rova; but the akshara is undoubtedly the same which we bave in r[ttha]th, I. 16, only without the ansodra.-B. proposed to all up the lacuna by reading ya thapsitdod pta-arvoa]kdma; I myself would read ya[thdratprdpla-dharm-drttha)-kama.
The grammatically correct form would be patyd. • The t of the syllable to of this word looks as if th or th had been originally engraved.
Read sireydjam-avajity.doajitya.
• I. and B. have dradarasta lyd, but there are clear traces of the vowel i above the sign for . The top of the akshara d4 is slightly damaged. Read duidérasta"]yadnu.
7 1. and B. have [tta). . B. has bhrashtardiya., but the reading bhrashtardja- appears to me to be quite certain. . 1. has yathartha. 10 1. bas chhray..
11 Bead-dwurdgara. 12 This akshara is rma, not rmma, but the top part of it looks as if some other akshara had been originally in ended to be engraved. Read kriyenadhar.
16 1. has addnan 15 Possibly lednaka. may have been actually engraved.
16 B. omits rajata. 11 I. and B. have raidurya,, but the sign for d is most distinct in the impression. Besides, the sign for the ů of dů differs, as has been shown above, from the sign for 4 which is here used; compare the di of.dt[]ddraya, above, 1. 12. 18 I. has -tarna.. 19 Read Jatto.
80 I. has mirtind. I and B. have anyd., but the akshara nnyd is quite clear in the impression. 12 I. haskirtin. 23 kcad ch-dpro.
* Read mkódn. * Kead -aughenednatio » L and B. have (saruralnaga[ra], but the akshara read na by them is clearly ta. ** The a of as minna is very doubtful, but I consider it more probable than the ta of tarmin in I. and B. » I. has aarth.
I. has -karmmao.
10 Read mahattudd,

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18 panaḥsêtubandha-nair[a]éyâd-hâhâbhûtâsu prajâsul ih-ådhishthânê paura-jânapadajan-ânugrah-årtham pârthivêna kritsnânâm-Anartta-Surâshtrânâm3 pâlanartthan='Diyuktêna
JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN.
45
19 Pahlavêna Kulaipa-putrên âmâtyêna Suvisâkhena yathavad-artha-dharmavyavahara-darśanair-anuragam-abhivarddhayatâ saktêna dântên-âchapalên-âvismitên=
kryp-haryya
20 svadhitishthata dharma-kirtti-yasâmsi bhartur="abhivarddhayat-ânushtṭhitam-iti 1(1)
TRANSLATION,
(Be it) accomplished!
(Line 1.) This lake Sudarsana, from Girinagara [even a long distance?].
. of a structure so well joined as to rival the spur of a mountain, because all its embankments are strong, in breadth, length and height constructed without gaps as they are of stone, [clay], . . furnished with a naand with well
turallo dam, [formed by ?]
provided conduits, drains and means to guard against foul matter,11
.. by
.. three sections. favours is (now) in an excellent condition.19
and other
(L. 3.) This same (lake) 13 on the first of the dark half of Margasirsha in the seventy-second- 72nd-year of the king, the Mahâkshatrapa Rudradâman whose name is repeated by the venerable, the son of 15
1 Read prajdavik.
I. has drttham. Read "shtrandi, which is the reading of I. and B. I. and B. have Palhavena. I has -dharmmam.
I. has -kirti-.
I. has bhartturm.
11 The word midha of the original text has been translated only by Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji. Taking midhavidhanam as a separate epithet of the lake, he rendered it by 'the outline of which runs in curves like a stream of urine,' to which Prof. Bühler added the note that mstrarékhd is a common expression in Gujarati for "crooked. " Both scholars apparently took midha to be synonymous with gómitraka; but this could hardly be approved of. Besides, midha-vidhanam, as we now see, really forms part of the Bahuvrihi compound commencing with suprativihita, and therefore either midha by itself or midha-vidhana must denote something that was provided for the lake just as conduits and drains were provided for it. In my opinion midha is identical with the Pâli milha (e.g. in milhena littá, Jataka, Vol. III. p. 244, 1. 18, milha-littam mahdpatham, ibid. p. 525, 1, 27, milhena tam vadhisedmi pati haññatu pátind, Vol. II. p. 211, 1. 25, mittadduno milham adenti bald, Vol. VI. p. 112, 1. 2), meaning 'excrements' or dirt, foul matter' generally; according to the smaller St. Petersburg dictionary midha is used in this sense also in the Lalitavistara, e.g. in midha-giri, a danghill,' Calcutta ed. p. 240, 1. 4. Now since foul matter would not have been provided for the lake, that which was so provided must be denoted by midha-vidhana, and I feel no hesitation in explaining this word to mean arrangements made to guard against foul matter or impurities." By the context vidhana here as elsewhere becomes practically equivalent to parihdra or pratikriyd; on Ram. III. 24, 11 andgata-vidhanam is explained by ajigamishitasy-dwishfasya pratividhanam parihdrah, and on VII. 21, 5 vidhana is similarly paraphrased by pratikriyd.
"
19 If it were possible to say so with reference to a lake, I should have translated: 'is (now) in a highly prosperous state."
I. has drthan.
7 I. and B. have hdryena. 10 Literally non-artificial.'
The sentence is continued below, in the words with stones, trees, bushes,' etc.
14 As has been pointed out by Prof. S. Lévi (Jour. Asiatique, 1902, p. 100), the use of abhy-as and the statement that Rudradaman's name was repeated by gurus at once suggest the notion that for these reverend personages the name was like another Vêda, demanding assiduous study and devout veneration, and yielding the most precious fruit. Gurubhir-abhyasta-náman seems a stronger expression than the ordinary sugrihita-ndman which will be mentioned presently. In gurubhiraabhyasta-ndman (for the more logical garvabhyasta-ndman) we have one of those constructions which Indian grammarians impeach by the statement sapeksham-asamartham 3havati, but after all justify by gamakatodt-samdsah; similar constructions occur elsewhere in the text.
15 I.e. the son of the king, the Kshatrapa Lord Jayadaman; see the note on the text. In inscriptions and on coins Jayadaman is called Kshatrapa, not Mahakshatrapa; compare Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 157; Archeol. Surv. of West. India, Vol. II. p. 140; Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 82; and Jour. Roy. As. Soc. 1890, p. 645.

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........., (and) son's son of the king, the Mahakshatrapa Lord Chashtans the taking of whose name is auspicious, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . when by the clouds pouring with rain the earth had been converted as it were into one ocean, by the excessively swollen floods of the Suvarnasikata, Palasini and other streams of mount Òrjayat the dam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ., though proper precautions were taken], the water-churned by a storm which, of a most tremendous fury befitting the end of a mundane period, tore down hill-tops, treea, banks, turrets, upper stories, gates and raised places of shelter scattered, broke to pieces, (tore apart] . . . . . . . . . .,- with stones, trees, bushes and creeping plants scattered about, was thus . laid open down to the bottom of the river :
(L. 7.) By a breach four hundred and twenty cubits long, just as many broad, (and) seventy-five cubits deep, all the water escaped, so that the lake), almost like a sandy desert, [became] extremely ugly [to look at].
(L. 8.) 6 . . . for the sake of .. .. ordered to be made by the Vaisya Pushyagupta, the provincial governor 7 of the Maurya king Chandragupta, adorned with
The exact meaning of sugrilta-naman is well indicated by a passage in the Harshacharita, Bombay ed. p. 210, 1.6, which shows the result of uttering a bad man's paine: námadpi grinato 'sya pd pakárinah papamaleng lipyata ina me jihrá, as I take merely the name of this miscreant, my tongue seems soiled with a sinirch of sin.' Sugrihita naman itself often occurs in the Harshacharita, applied to rogal or noble persounges, both living and deceased; compare p. 30, 1.6; p. 85, 1. 13; p. 101, 1. 6; p. 179, 1. 8; p. 200, 1. 1; p. 246, 1. 20; p. 261, 1. 23; and p. 278, 1. 19. From inscriptions I can quote ouly sugrikita-ndmadhéya wbich occurs in the Badâmi pillar inscription of Mangalêsa, applied to Mangalesa's grandfather Rapariga, Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 16, 1. 3 of the text.
For the Lotion of the earth's being converted into one ocean (ékárnara-bkutáyásaiva) compare e.g. Ram. V. 49, 20 : ayan hyautsahatd kruddhah kartum-ékárnaran jagat. I may add that nouns ending in bhdla like ékárnava-bhita are most common in the Ramdyana ; I have noted dicharya-bhita, trina-bh., dahana-bh., nimitta. bh., nydsa-bh., ratna-on., Rama-bh., mrita-bhata iva (III. 86, 28), and others.
My translation of wpatalpa and uchchhraya regnires some justification. Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji has trans. lated the former by '(pieces of the neighbouring ground,' Prof. Bübler by Tempelsionen' i.e. pinnaclts of tumples); and both scholars, I do not know on what authority, bave rendered uchchhraya by pillars of victory. To me it seems highly probable that the words atlak-&patalpa of our text are identical ia sense (as they are closely connected in form) with talp-atta in Ragh. XVI. 11, biblrna-talpadfta-ható wiodíah; there talpa is explained to mean's room on the top of a house' or 'upper story, and the same meaning I would claim for spatalpa. Uchchhraya in line 1 of this inscription is used in the sense of beight, and in line 13 in that of raising, lifting up, elevation. The word also (see e.g. the commentary on Rám. VII. 81, 10) means anything which rises,' elevation' in the sense of an elevated piece of ground,' etc.; and if in the present passage we take farañóchchhraya as one word, there is no reason to go beyond that strictly etymological meaning. Saranáchchhraya would be any raised place serving as shelter,' a meaning that seems perfectly appropriate. We may compare stambh6chchhraya in Gupta Inscr. p. 44, I. 13, used clearly in the sense of a raised pillar, a lofty pillar' (wehcharitan stambhah, as tbe expression is ibid. p. 9, 1. 80).- The reader will observe the contrast between wohchhraya and the immediately following vidhvansin, which two words remind one of wdaya-dhvansa and similar expressions found elsewhere.
• Vis, in the manner described in the following paragraph of the inscription. . For the play on the words - the lake Sudarsana became durdariana- compare Gupta Inscr. p. 60, 1. 17.
. This paragraph speaks of the original construction of the lake during the reign of the Maorge Chandragupts and of improvements made under (bis grandson) Asoka. The subject of the sentence undoubtedly again was the lake'; the lake (probally for the benefit of the people) had been ordered to be made . . .; it was adorned . . ').
7 The position held by Pashyagupta and Tusbåspha, who were immediately instrumental in the makiup and improving of the lake under Chandragupta and Asks, is indicated by the words rdshfriydina and adhishthaya respectively. Considering that adhi-shtha in line 20 of this inscription is used in the sense of 'to govern,' and that adhiah tidna in line 18 means' government,' it seems most natural to ascribe the same meaning also to adhishedya in the present passage, i.e. to translate it by after baving assumed the government' or 'while he was governing (this province).' And this again should lead us, I think, to escribe a similar meaning to rdshtriya. I accordingly take this word, in its etymological sense, to be equivalent to ndaltridhikrita, 'appointed to rule a province or district,' as the word is explained eg. in the commentaries on Amaraldia 1. 7, 14 (compare also På pini IV. 9, 93). The technical mosninga king's brother-in-laws' which the word has in the plays, would neem to be out of place here.

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conduits for 1 Asoka the Maurya by the Yavana king Tushåspha while governing; and by the conduit ordered to be made by him, constructed in a manner worthy of a king (and) seen in that breach, the extensive dam . . . . .
(L. 9.) .....he who, because from the womb. he was distinguished by the possession of undisturbed consummate Royal Fortune, was resorted to by all castes and chosen their lord to protect them; who made, and is true to, the vow to the latest breath of his life to abstain from slaying men, except in battles ;8 who [showed] compassion . . . . . .. . .. . not failing to deal blows to equal antagonists meeting him face to face; who grants protection of life to people repairing to him of their own accord and those prostrating themselves before him ;" who is the lord of the whole of eastern and western Akarávanti, the AnOpa country, Ånarta, Surashtra, Svabhra, Maru, Kachchha, Sindhu-Sauvira, Kukura, Aparánta, Nishada and other territories gained by his own valour, the towns, marts and rural parts of which are never troubled by robbers, snakes, wild beasts, diseases and the like, where all subjects are attached to him, (and) where through his might the objects of religion), wealth and pleasure [are duly attained] ; who by force destroyed the Yaudhêyas who were loath to submit, rendered proud as they were by having manifested their title of heroes among all Kshatriyas ; who obtained good report because he, in spite of having twice in fair fight completely defeated? Betakarņi, the lord of Dakshinapatha, on account of the nearness of their connection did not destroy him; who (obtained] victory .. . . .. . .; who reinstates deposed
1 The word kritd, of which for ' is the translation, is conjectoral.
In the original text the subject of this long sentence agaia is idar taddkam, 'this lake,' the predicate is omdarbanataram kdritam in line 16; "thin Inke has now been caused to be made (oven) more beautiful by Rudradiman (1. 16) who, because he was distinguished . . . In the translation I have adopted the active construction.
On the construction of the words anyatra sangrameshu of the original text see above, p. 40, note 2. Here I would add two minor remarks. In the first place, it appears strange that, whereas elsewhere the end of one epithet (oc phrase serving as an epithet) of Rudradâ man is not joined by the rules of sandhi with the commencement of the following epithet-compare oritána d prdn-ochchhvásáto in line 9, and -kriyene aharahara in line 13- bere the rules of sandhi have been observed between sangrameshu which belongs to the preceding, and abhimukhagata. with wbich & new epithet begins. The observance of the rules of euphony in this case is the more striking as those rules have not been observed between anyatra and the word preceding it with which anyatra sangrameshw is closely connected in sense. Secondly, the way in which the author has pat anyatra sangrameshu reminds me somewhat of the Sutra-style of literature; the words d pran-ochchhodedtopurushavadhanioritti-krita-satyapratijfidna contain a rale, anyatra sangramesh, the exception. Both togetber look much like, e.g., the two Sûtras of the Vishw-spiti, III. 48 and 49, the former of which is na rájakulam-uchchhindgát, he should not extirpate a royal family,' while the latter adds anyatredkulina-nájakulát, except an ignoble royal family. Looked at in this way the non-observance of the rules of euphony as between -satyapratijténa and anyatra may lose somewhat of ito strangeness; the observance of them as betwein sangrdmdshu and abhimukhdgata. I can only regard as accidental.
. For the general meaning of this epithet we may compare, e.g., nrindi baranyah baran-dgatánam and baran. qishindi saranam in Gupta Inser. p. 59, 1. 10, and p. 165, 1. 7. The word dyusha of the text, translated by
lite,' is more or less conjectural; it is used at the end of compounds for dyus (see the St. Petersburg dietionary under dyusha). In the original I should have expected pranipatita to stand before janapada ; as it is, I can only take sayamabligatajanapada-pranipatita as a Dvandva compound. For janapada itself compare Gupta Ingor. p. 82, 1. 14, baltasya yo janapadanya cha bandhursdalt.
With nagara-nigama janapada compare e.g. grama-nagara-wigama in Harshacharita, p. 220, 1. 1. • There is no doubt about the reading of the word anupastiahtapdrua of the text. Ordinarily this word, not troubled before, would imply that the territories now were, or might possibly be, troubled for the first time By robbers, etc., but it has apparently been incorrectly) used by the writer simply in the sense of 'never troubled.' The territories are never troubled by robbers, etc., just because they are ruled by Rudradaman. He is the apdkarta prajbpaghdta-káridupaplarándm, as the Valabht plates express the same idea.- Compare above, p. 40, note 8.
1 For apanji, to defeat,' the St. Petersburg dictionary quotes only passages from the Mahdoldrata; it occurs in the same renge in the Nasik inscription in Archaol. Suro. of West. India, Vol. IV. p. 108, 1. 6, andka-samar-dpajitasatwaghasa.

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kings; who by the right raising of his hand has earned the strong attachment of Dharma; who has attained wide fame by studying and remembering, by the knowledge and practice of, grammar, music, logic and other great sciences; who . . the management of horses, elephants and chariots," (the use of) sword and shield, pugilistic combat and other . the acts of quickness and efficiency of opposing forces; who day by day is in the habit of bestowing presents and honours and eschewing disrespectful treatment; who is bounteous; whose treasury by the tribute, tolls and shares rightfully obtained overflows with an accumulation of gold, silver, diamonds, beryl stones and (other) precious things; who'
1 Compare Gupta Insor. p. 8, 1. 23, anéka-bhrashṭardjyotsanna-rajavamía-pratishthapana.
In this epithet Rudradâman has been understood to be eulogized for making religious gifts; but I have searched in vain for passages in which the raising of the hand' is laid stress on or even mentioned where donations are spoken of. Both in literature and in iuscriptions what characterizes the hand of a person engaged in mak ing any kind of gift, is that it is moistened by the water (poured into the hand of the donee); compare e.g. Kadambart, p. 5, 1. 12, anavaratapravṛitta-dan-árdrikrita-karaḥ; the Nasik inscription in Archaeol. Surv. of West. India, Vol. IV. p. 108, 1. 4, abhayódakadána-kilina-nibhayakarasa; Gupta Insor. p. 175, 1. 29, pradánasalila-kshálit-dgrahastdravindah; Inscriptions sanscrites du Cambodge, p. 17, note 2, etc. Occasionally the person who makes a gift is described as taking or raising the pitcher from which the water is poured into the hand of the recipient; see e.g. Ját. Vol. VI. p. 344, 1. 10, rájd tussitod gandhodakapunnam suvanna-bhimkáram adaya... seṭṭhissa hatthe udakam pátetod; and Kdm. 11. 118, 50, aham tatra Rdmáya pitrá udyatd dátumudyamya jalabhájanam-uttamam, there my father, having raised the excellent water-pitcher, proceeded to give me to Rama.' But that in the latter case the raising of the water-pitcher is quite an incidental matter we see from an analogous passage in Harshacharita, p. 156, Grahavarmand kanyám prárthayitum préshitasya púrodgatasyaiva pradhana-dútapurushasya kare sarvarájakula-samaksham duhitridána-jalam-apátayat, translated by Prof. Cowell and Mr. Thomas: in the presence of the whole royal household, he poured the betrothal water upon the hand of an envoy extraordinary, who had arrived previously with instructions from Gralavarman to sue for the princess. Considering these and similar passages, I do not think that hastóchchhraya by itself could convey the idea of donation. In my opinion the expression perhaps finds its explanation in the precept of Manu, VIII. 2, according to which a king, when investigating cases of law, should do so seated or standing, raising his right hand (pánim-udyamya dakshinam), etc. This explanation, which would make the raising of the hand' during legal investigations equivalent to 'the dispensation of justice' itself, may seem far-fetched, but it would fit in well with the statement that by the right raising of his hand Rudradaman earned the strong attachment of Dharma, i.e. Law or Justice personified..
It may seem doubtful whether the compound sabdártha of the original, in connection with the following vidyánám, should be understood to denote two sciences, viz. fabda-vidyd or grammar, and artha-vidya in the sense of artha-sastra-nti-sastra- or only one, viz. the science of words and their meanings, ie. grammar (including lexicography). The manner in which fabdártha elsewhere is immediately connected with nudya (e.g. above, Vol. VI. p. 18, 1. 9, sabddrttha-nydya-vidushd, and Gupta Insor. p. 85, 1. 4 of the text, sabdirttha-nydya-lókajah-kavih) seems to render the adoption of the second alternative more natural. Śabdártha-nyaya in my opinion would convey to a Hindu at once the notion of 'grammar and logic,' because these two belong closely together and would hardly be separated by something so different from them as 'policy.' It may be added that fabdártha, on account of the irregular position of its two members, in grammar is a well-known compound in the sense of word and meaning' and frequently occurs in this sense in the titles of grammatical, lexicographical and other works. Compare the commentary on Vishnu-purana, III, 26: gandharva-védó Bharatamuni-pranító nrityagitadi. vishayah. See also e.g. Rám. 11. 2, 35: gandharvé cha bhuvi sreshtho babhuva Bharat-égrajah, where gandharve is explained by samgita-sdstre; Gupta Inser. p. 8, 1. 27, and p. 81, 1. 7.
Compare Rám. I. 18, 27: gaja-skandhe 'sva-prishthê cha rathacharydsu samhmataḥ.
I take the sense of the whole epithet to be that by his skill in the management of horses etc. he rendered futile the acts of quickness etc. of opponents.
7 Compare e.g. dána-mán-árjava, above, Vol. III. p. 320, 1. 2.
See Halayudha, II. 210: sthúlalakshó bahuvays.
After who we evidently have to supply something like 'is skilled in producing compositions in. On the epithet which begins here compare Prof. Bühler's Die Ind. Inschriften und das Alter der Ind. Kunstpoesie, p. 53 ff.., where Prof. Bübler has tried to show that the adjectives sphuta etc. of the text have reference to certain rules of the Alamkára-fóstra. Agreeing with him in general, I take sphuta, madhura and kanta to indicate the qualities prasáda, madhurya and kánti of Dandin's Kdvyddarta (I. 45, 51 and 85); sphuta, 'clear,' would thus be what is readily understood (prattti-subhaga); madhura, 'sweet,' that which pleases by its sound and (refined) diction; and kanta, 'beautiful,' that which is free from exaggeration, is not too far-fetched, etc. Sabdasamaya being almost synonymous with fabdanyaya in Kavyadarsa, I. 75, I incline to connect sabdasamay dddra with Candin's artha.

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No. 6.]
JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN.
49
.
prose and verse, which are clear, agreeable, sweet, charming, beautiful, excelling by the proper use of words and adorned; whose beautiful frame owns the most excellent marks and signs, such as (auspicious) length, dimension and height, voice, gait, colour, vigour and strength; who himself has acquired the name of Mahâkshatrapa; who has been wreathed with many garlands at the svayamvaras of kings' daughters;- he, the Mahâkshatrapa Rudradaman, in order to cows and Brahmans for a thousand of years, and to increase his religious merit and fame, without 'oppressing the inhabitants of the towns and countrys by taxes, forced labour and acts of affection- by (the expenditure of) a vast amount of money from his own treasury and in not too long a time made the dam three times as strong in breadth and length .... [on] all [banks] . . .. (and so) had (this lake) made (even) more beautiful to look at.
(L. 16.) When in this matter the Mahâkshatrapa's counsellors and executive officers, who though fully endowed with the qualifications of ministers, were averse to a task (regarded as) futile? on account of the enormous extent of the breach, opposed the commencement (of the work), (anu) when the people in their despair of having the dam rebuilt were loudly lamenting, (the work) was carried out by the minister Suvisakha, the son of Kulaipa, a Pahlava, who for the benefit of the inhabitants of the towns and country had been appointed by the king in this government to rule the whole of Ânarta and Surashtra, (a minister) who by his proper dealings and views in things temporal and spiritual increased the attachment (of the people), who was able, patient, not wavering, not arrogant, upright (and) not to be bribed, (and) who by his good10 government increased the spiritual merit, fame and glory of his master.
vyakti, which depends on an author's giving clear verbal expression to his thoughts instead of leaving them to be guessed. Laghu, 'agreeable' (ishta), and chitra, 'charming,' seem too vague expressions to connect them confidently with any particular qualities of the text-books; alamkrita, 'adorned,' requires no explanation.
1 Compare Rám. V. 33, 11, vyanjandni hi té yani lakshandni cha; and, for various auspicious marks and signs, ibid. I. 1, 9 ff., II. 48, 29 ff., V. 35, 8 ff., etc.
2 I.e., shortly, in order to benefit.' The original text may have contained something equivalent to go-brdhmaṇa-hitárthaya désasya cha hitaya cha in Rám. I. 26, 5. The expression go-brahmana, cows and Brahmans,' is very common; see e.g. ibid. III. 23, 28; 24, 21; VI. 107, 49; 117, 20, etc.; Gupta Inser. p. 89, 1. 9, gó-brahmana-purogabhyaḥ sarvva-prajabhyaḥ; and above, Vol. VI. p. 20, note 1.
The words paura-jdnapadam janam of the text clearly are the second or fourth Påda of an ordinary Ślôka; the same phrase we actually have e.g. in Rám. II. 111, 19 and 27, paura-janapadó janah in II. 2, 51, paurajanapadá jandḥ in VII. 43, 5, etc. Paurajánapada-jana occurs again in line 18 of the text.
Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji suggested that pranaya-kriya may be 'a kind of tax like the modern pritidán.' I have not found the word elsewhere, used as a technical term, and can only suggest that it may denote offerings or contributions which nominally are voluntary, but which people feel constrained to make to please somebody or for other reasons.
I.e., perhaps, 'planted trees on all banks."
As above (see p. 46, note 5) there is here also a play on the words; the lake Sudarsana was made sudarfanatara.
On the analogy of compounds like apratishédhaḥ-anarthakaḥ pratishédhaḥ, avachanam anarthakam eachanam, which we find in grammatical works, I explain anutsdha by anarthaka utsáha, a fatile (or impossible) task. In connection with this explanation we may note that the two words pratyákhyata and árambha of the text are just such as a grammarian would be familiar with.
Since I have translated somewhat freely, I would state that pratyakhyat-drambham, which has been objected to as grammatically wrong, in my opinion is correct. The word is the subject of anushṭhitam in line 20; 'that of which the commencement was opposed was carried out.'
With punaḥsetubandha-nairdtydt compare karya-nairdsydt in Rdm. V. 35, 57; with hdhábhûtásu prajásu, Gupta Inscr. p. 60, 1. 17, vishadya[manah khalu sarvató ja]ndḥ katham-katham karyam-iti pravddinaḥ. Hdhdbhuta, 'exclaiming hd hd,' like hdhdkrita, is well known from the Mahabharata etc.
10 For the way in which su in seadhitishṭhatd is prefixed to a present participle we may compare Ram. II. 33, 4. sufakyanté; VI. 40, 18, suchératuḥ; VI. 110, 9, suparivartate; V. 62, 21, suparigrihya; VII. 30, 36, sunirbharteya; etc.
H

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
No. 7.-CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III.; OF THE PERIOD
A.D. 989-1005.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (Retd.), PH.D., C.I.E. Chikmagalur, or more precisely Chikka-Magasûr, is the head-quarters town of the Kadur district, and of the Chikmagalur taluks of that district, in Mysore. In the Indian Atlas sheet No. 43, N.E. (1892), it is shewn as Chikmagalur,' in lat. 13° 19', long. 75° 50'. In the present record, as in some others, it is mentioned as Kiriya-Muguli," the smaller or junior Muguli." The Piriya-Muguli, or "larger or senior Magali," of the record, is the modern Hirêmagaļür or Hire-Magalar, shewn in the Atlas sheet as simply Magalur,' about one mile east-by-south from Chikmagalur; in an inscription of A.D. 959 (P 958) at Uppahalli (Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI., Cm. 42; regarding the date, see note l on page 56 below), Piriya-Mugaļi seems to be referred to as simply Muguļi. Local imagination, as reported by Mr. Rice in his Mysore, revised edition, Vol. II, pp. 879, 395, 396, would account for the names by alleging that one village was the dowry of the eldest daughter (hirê-magalu, piriya-magal), and the other was the dowry of a younger daughter (chakka-magalu, kiriya-magal), of the epic king Rukmangada, whose capital is locally supposed to have been Sakardypatna or Sakkarêpatņa, a village about thirteen miles towards the north-east of Chikmagalûr. But it is quite plain that that idea is based upon nothing but the modern corrupted form of the essential name of the two places, namely magaļúr for muguliyür. And, as has practically been already suggested by Mr. Rice (loc. cit. p. 379), the original name is no doubt to be attributed to a local abundance of the muguļi-tree, Acacia suma.
The insoription, which is on a stone standing on the north of the kalyani, apparently & square pond with steps on all sides, in the fort at Chikmagalur, has been published by Mr. Rice in his Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. (1901), Kadür district, Cm. 3, transliterated texts p. 95, translations p. 35, Kanarege texts p. 154. I now edit it, partly from the Kanarese text, and partly from a photograph which Mr. Rice kindly sent me in December, 1899. The photograph is not as distinct as an ink-impression or an estampage would be. But it shews quite clearly all the historically important part of the record, lines 1 to 7. And it soffices, with the help of the Kanarese text, to make the decipherment of the remainder satisfactory, except in respect of & very few doubtful syllables which I have placed in square brackets with queries attached to them.
A coording to the entry above Mr. Rice's Kanarese text, the size of the stone is 2' 6" broad by 5'0' high. - The photograph shews, above the writing, an elephant, which must be about 1'3" high, standing to the right (proper left): its trunk hangs straight down, almost to the ground, with the tip tarned op inwards; and it seems to have & sarcingle, like the elephant above the Peggûr inscription of A.D. 978, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 101, No. I, and Plate opposite Coorg Insors, p. 7.--The area covered by the writing must be about 3' 3" high. It is somewhat irregular in shape; and, if we understand that 2' 6" is its extreme breadth, then in line 1 it is about 1'9' broad, and the breadth gradually increases to the full measure of 2' 6' in line 11 or 12, and maintains that measure as far as the end. The writing seems sufficiently well preserved for a good ink-impression or estampage to make the whole of it quite legible without any doubt.- The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and evidently well executed. And they are of a type which is fairly referable to any time about A.D. 1000. Of the usual testletters, the kin is absent; then, which ooours four times, in lines 9, 10, 12, and 16, and the j, b, and 1, are all of the fully developed later type. The initial short i cours four times, in innugu for innúru, line 9, in inta, line 12, in i (for) kodanigeyan, line 12, and in indavúrada, line 16; and in each case it is of the fully developed later type: the importance of this paleographic

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No. 7.]
CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III.
31
detail, in guiding us to the real period and attribution of the record, will be made clear further on. The record further presents an initial o in line 10, and final forms of t in line 4. of r in line 12 (twice), and of ? in line 7. It does not seem to make any perceptible difference between the dental d and the lingual d.-The language is Kanarese, of the archaic type, in prose. And the vocabulary presents three words which call for comment. In line 9 we have a word which according to Mr. Rice's published texts is nir-panya, and which, in Mr. Rice's translation, has been rendered by 'wet land.' That rendering is based, I suppose, on an idea that nir may occur as another form of nir, niru, 'water.' But there is no justification for that in the late Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary. And from the photograph I read l, notr, and find the word nil, length. From the context, and the usual method of expression in the records, I should have been disposed to take the whole word nilpanya es denoting some partioular measure of land, of the same class with mattar, nivartana, etc. Bat Dr. Kittel's Dictionary gives panya, panneya, in the sense of a farm, a landed estate,' connected with pano, 4,
ground that is worked, tillage, a quarry ;' and Mr. Ullal Narasinga Rao's Kisamwâr Glossary, Mangalore, 1891, p. 95, gives panya in the sense of lands formerly held by the Rajas and now leased out on the condition of their being surrendered when government makes & demand; crown-lands.' I therefore take nilpanya as some particular kind of panya-lands, consisting of very long narrow strips such as may be often seen in various parts of the Kanarese country. And I consider that probably the word mattar should be supplied. In line 12, assuming that we have the lingual and not the dental d, we have kodangeyan, as the accusative of a word kodanige. This word has not been translated by Mr. Rice. I take it as the older form of the kodage, kodige, a gift, & grant, of Dr. Kittel's Dictionary, and of the later kodagi, which is given in the Kisamwâr Glossary as meaning 's grant of land' (p. 144), and (a) 'lands having an invariably fixed rent, not liable to any change on account of the seasons, etc., and saleable,' and (b) lands granted for service in connection with the restoration or construction of tanks, or of their maintenance in good order' (p. 91). It seems sufficient to translate it here by allotment.' In line 12, again, we have a word balasidor which Mr. Rice, apparently taking it from balast, 1, 'to go in a circle or round; to circumambulate; to surround,' etc., has translated by "those (? who own the land) surrounding." I notice that the Kisamwår Glossary, p. 15, gives balasu in the sense of husbandry, cultivation;' and, even apart from that, I see no difficulty about taking balasu as a variant of belasu,' to cause to grow, to raise (s orop),' eto. : and I therefore translate the word by 'those who have cultivated;' finding in that meaning an equally good means of defining exactly the grant that was made. As a matter of fact, the photograph shews before the b & mark which might justify our actually reading b[@]?asidor. That, however, does not seem to be really necessary-In respect of orthography, the only points calling for notice are (1) the use of the guttural nasal min [gaunda]rige, line 8-9, narasingayyanum, line 10, kodangeyan, line 12, and mangala, line 16, as contrasted with the use of the amusara in koguni, line 1, rdchamallange, line 4. patfangattid, line 4-5, and rajyam-geyyuttams, line 7-8; and (2) the use of s for é in suddha, line 6.
The inscription refers itself to the time of & prince Nitimârga-Rachamalla, plainly of the family of the Western Gangas of Talakad, in whom we have a third Râchamalla, not previously recognised. And it is dated, without a reference to any era, in the sixth year of his rule, on a day specified by certain details to which we shall advert farther on. It is & non-sectarian record, registering & grant of land by private persons to a private person.
The following places are mentioned in the record, in addition to Kiriya-Maguli and PiriyaMagaļi :
Palmedi. This is mentioned again in an inscription of A.D. 959 (P 958) at Uppahalli, Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI., Om. 42. I cannot find its representative in the mape.
1 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
Bennoyur. This is probably the Bennur at which there is an inscription of A.D. 1538, ibid., Cm. 127. I cannot find it in the maps.
Maltavûra. This is probably a village which is not shewn in the Atlas sheet, but is entered as Mattavara,' somewhere close on the south of Chikmagalur bat without an indication of its actual site, in the map of the Kadûr district in Mysore, revised edition, Vol. II. p. 367.
Urpavalli. This must be the Uppahalli at which there are inscriptions of A.D. 959 (2 958) and later dates, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Cm. 38 to 43. I cannot find it in maps. Regarding the proper attribution of one of these records, Cm. 42, and the question of its actual date in A.D. 959 or 958, see page 56 below, and note 1. According to the published reading, another of them, Om. 38, is dated (see the Kanarege text, p. 171) in the Paridhävin saṁvatsara coupled with Vikragdlan 1070, which (see the transliterated text, p. 103, the translation,
38, and Introd. p. 15) is supposed to mean Vikrama-kalan 1070, giving the Vikrama year 1070 (current), which was the Paridhävin samvatsara, = A.D. 1012-13. But anything of that kind would of course stamp the record as a spurious one.
Indayûrs. This must be the Indavara' of the Atlas sheet, two miles west-by-north from Chikmagalur, and, I suppose, the 'Ind&våra' at which there are inscriptions, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Cm. 30 to 86. Its name is given as Indâvâra above the Kanarese text of Om. 30; bat the record itself gives it as Indavara according to the transliterated text, and as Indapara according to the Kanarese text, line 10. The inscription Cm. 36, of A.D. 1292, gives it according to the transliterated text as Inda üra, but according to the Kanarege text as Indavüra, in line 9, and according to both the texts as Indavura in line 10. The Uppahalli inscription Cm. 38, which purports or is supposed to be dated in A.D. 1012-13, appears to give the name as Indayûra.
The record is certainly & Western Ganga record. This is established partly by the locality to which it belongs ; partly by the emblem of the elephant at the top of the stone; and partly by the personal name Rachamalla, and the epithet Nîtimârga, of the reigning prince, and by his titles, Konguộivarman, lord of Kuva!åla, and lord of Nandagiri. For the rest, the interest of it centres in the question of the period in which we are to place it.
Mr. Rice originally, in 1884 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 188 b), brought this Chikmagalur inscription to notice as being "dated in the 6th year after Madhava Mahârâjâdhiraja had enfeoffed Racha-Malla ;" which explanation of it would have the effect of placing it, according to the fictitions Western Ganga pedigree and chronology, before at any rate A.D. 466, and perhaps before A.D. 248 (see my Table in Vol. III. above, p. 161). Subsequently, however, in 1886 (Ooorg Inscrs. p. 5), having apparently recognised meanwhile that it does not really mention a Maharajadhiraja Madhava, he referred it to a Nitimârga-Rachamalla who, according to his views, was ruling from A.D. 902 to 909. And in his last treatment of it, in 1901 (Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI. Introd. p. 8), endorsing that view with only the alteration that the record should be placed in or aboat A.D. 899, he has grouped it along with the following other records :
(1) An inscription at Gañjigere in the Kadar district, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Cm. 133. This record is dated, without any mention of the Saka year, in the first (year of the rule of a Nitimarga whose personal name is not mentioned in it.
(2) An inscription at Hiro-Båsûr in the Kadûr district, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Kd. 141. This record refers itself to the time of a Nitimârga whose personal name is not mentioned in it. It contained A-date in the month Chaitra of a Saka year which Mr. Rice has assumed to be the year 822 (current), with the result of A.D. 899 (loc. cit. Introd. p. 8, and translations, p. 26). But all that remains extant of the passage containing the date is ...... nura [rppatt

Page #64

CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III.
No. 7.]
eradaneya varisuda Chaitra-masa.., "[of] the month Chaitra of the year hundred and twenty-two," and there is nothing whatever to fix us to the year 822.
53
(3) An inscription at Hirêmagalûr in the Kaḍûr district, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Cm. 8. This is a record of a Niti[mårga], whose personal name is not mentioned in it, but who, we are supposed to learn from it (see the translation, p. 36), had the biruda Jayadutta [ramga]. It does not present any date at all.
(4) An inscription at Añchavâḍi in the Mysore district, Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Ch. 134. This record is dated, without any mention of the Saka year, in the first year of the crowning of a Nitimarga whose personal name is not mentioned in it.
(5) An inscription at Gaṭṭavâḍi in the Mysore district, Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 97. This record, however, is dated in the fifth year of the crowning, not of a Nitimârga, bat of a Satyavakya. And it does not include any mention either of a Nitimârga, or of a Râchamalla, or of the Saka year.
(6) Another insoription at Gaṭṭavâḍi, on the back of the same stone, Ep. Carn. Vol. III., Nj. 98, which is dated, without any mention of the Saka year, in the fifth year of the crowning of a Nitimârga whose personal name is not mentioned in it.
(7) An inscription at Kûligere in the Mysore district, Ep. Carn. Vol. III., MI. 30. This record refers itself to the time of a Nitimârga whose personal name is not mentioned in it. And it is dated in the Saka year 831 (expired), A.D. 909-910.
(8) The inscription at Dodḍahundi in the Mysore district, Ep. Carn. Vol. III., TN. 91; edited by me in Vol. VI. above, p. 43. This record commemorates the death of a Nitimârga whose personal name is not mentioned in it, and speaks of his eldest son Satyavâkya, whose personal name, also, is not mentioned. It does not present any date at all.
And Mr. Rice has thus arrived at "P 899 A.D." as the date of this Chikmagalur record; Bee Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Classified List, p. 1, and translations, p. 35.
Mr. Rice's arrangement, however, will not stand the test of examination. In the first place, from his incongruous grouping we have to dismiss the first Gaṭṭavâdi inscription (5). As remarked above, it is a record, not of a Nitimârga at all, but of a Satyavâkys. And it does not help in any way in connection with the Chikmagalûr inscription.
In the second place, we must dismiss the Dodḍahundi inscription (8). This record is shewn by a paleographic detail to be appreciably earlier than A.D. 899. And, as has been explained by me in Vol. VI. above, p. 43, it is to be placed roughly about A.D. 840, and the Nitimârga of it is Ranavikrama, son of Sripurusha-Muttarasa.
And we must further dismiss the other inscription at Gaṭṭavâḍi (6). This can only be a record of Nitimârga-Ereyappa, to whom I have already referred it (Vol. VI. above, p. 70), falling probably in A.D. 912-13.
We need not give any attention to the Gañjigere inscription (1) and the Añchavâḍi inscription (4). These records do not throw any light on the date of the Chikmagalûr record. And there is nothing at present to identify the prince or princes mentioned as Nîtimârga in them, or to enable us to refer them to any particular period; as in the case of many other records, nothing can be done with them until we have facsimiles or ink-impressions of them, unless perhaps an index, when we have one, of all the miscellaneous proper names mentioned in the records of the Western Ganga series, may furnish any clues.
The Kûligere inscription (7) does certainly give a date for a Nitimârga in A.D. 909-910. But it does not contain anything tending to identify that Nitimârga with the Nitimârga

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. VIII
Râchamalla of the Chikmaga!år record. And, as has been shown by me in Vol. VI. above, p. 69, it is a record of Nitimårga-Ereyappa.
And as regards the Hire-Basûr inscription (2), in the first place, the extant remnant of its date may be understood to mean Saka-Samvat 922 (expired), in A.D. 1000, quite as well as S.-S. 822 (expired), in A.D. 900.And in the second place, its date cannot be A.D. 899 or 900); because there was then ruling, not a Nitimârga, but Satyavákya-Batuga I.: see my remarks in Vol. VI. above, p. 68 f., and my Table, ibid. p. 59. It is highly probable that the Hire-Bâsür inscription really is another record of the Nîtimârga-Rachamalla of the Chikmagalur record ; but, if so, then its date is certainly S.-S. 922 expired, in A.D. 1000.
There remains the Hirêmaga!ûr inscription (3), the published text of which gives a Nitimârga), with the biruda of Jayadutta(ramga]. It is quite possible that this is another record of the Nîtimârga-R&chamalla of the Chikmaga!ûr inscription. But that point depends a good deal upon whether the biruda which has been read in it as Jayadutta[ranga] should rather be read Jayadanka[kâra), or whether a biruda in an inscription at Elkúru in the Mysore district (Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Ch. 10; and see note 4 on page 56 below), which has been presented to us as Jayadankakara, should rather be read Jayadattaranga. And, in any case, this Hiremagalûr andated record does not help us to arrive at a date for the Chikmagalur record.
In coming now to my own determination of the real period of this Chikmagalûr inscription, I may premise that this is not the first occasion on which I have had the matter ander consideration. In August, 1899, Mr. Rice sent me the texts of the dates of this inscription, and of the spurious Jávali copper-plate record (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Mg. 36) which purports to register a giant made by Sripurusha-(Muttarasa) in his twenty-fifth regnal year, on a specified Coasion in the month Vaisakha, Saka-Samvat 672 expired. I had not then received the photograph of the Chikmagalûr inscription. All that I could say at that time, was, that the inscription might be a record of the Rachcha-Ganga who ruled between Batuga II. and Marasimha II.; that is to say, between A.D. 949-50 and 963-64 as matters then stood, but, as we know now (see Vol. VI. above, pp. 59, 71), between A.D. 953 and 963-64. Disregarding the nakshatra, and calculating for the full-moon, I found that the only possible result, for that period, is Monday, 5th November, A.D. 960, on which day the full-moon tithi, of the second Kerttika if we take Karttika itself as the intercalary month, or of the only Kårttika if we take Bhadrapada as the intercalary month, began at about 4 hrs. 41 min. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain). This result was not altogether satisfactory, inasmuch as there was no apparent reason why the tithi should have been used with the day opon which it began. But I communicated the result, such as it was, to Mr. Rice, in September, 1899, and sent him at the same time the result for the Javali date, the details of which are quite correct for Monday, 20th April, A.D. 750. And this leads me into a short digression, for which I must be excused. Mr. Rice has not mentioned the suggestion that I then made about the Chikmagaļur record; which, however, is not a matter of any importance. But he has quoted my result for the Jâvali date, in Ep. Oarn. Vol. VI. Introd. p. 7, and note l. It is not, however, to be thought, though it might easily be so imagined from the way in which the matter is there put, -that the opinion is mine, that the date of Sripurusha-Muttarasa is now fixed by this result of my own calculations (see loc. cit. p. 29, line 23 f.), or that "this confirmation of an exact date is important” (loc. cit. p. 7, line 5 f.). There are the facts, that, amidst all the mass of information about Mysore which we have now available in Vols. III. to VII. and XI. of Mr. Rice's Epigraphia Carnatica, and in his books entitled Mysore Insoriptions, Coorg Inscriptions, and Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, the earliest instance that is forthcoming, of the use of the Saka era in Western Ganga records the authenticity of which is or seems to be
It could equally well menn Saks-Sarhvat 722 (expired), in A.D. 800, but for a point, stated by me on page 56 below, about the period of the adoption of the Saks era in the Western Gange records.

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No. 7.)
CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III.
anquestionable, is in the Husnkteru inscription, from the Mysore district, of Satyavákya-Rajamalla, grandson of Sripurusha-Muttarasa, which is dated in the Saka year 792 (expired),=A.D. 870-71 (Ep. Oarn. Vol. III., Nj. 75), and that the era was not used by any means freely in that series of records even after that time; which facts indicate pretty plainly that the Saka era was not adopted at all by the Western Gangas until long after the alleged date of the Javali plates, and probably was not even known at that alleged date in the southern parts of Mysore, and are sufficient in themselves, even apart from other considerations, to cause any thoughtful person to hesitate before accepting a Saka date of more than a century earlier, even though it does work out correctly. Further, we who are accustomed to handle Hindê dates, know quite well that the fact that a date has been recorded accurately does not prove the authenticity of a record, any more than an incorrect date proves that the record in which it is put forward is spurious, and it will be obvious, to anyone who reflects, that a Hinda, wishing to set up any particular date with acouracy, could, even in ancient times, by going to a proper person, get it correctly computed for him just as surely, though not so quickly, as we can now test it. And the case about the Javali date simply is that the accuracy of its details would be important, if the record were a genuine one, which it certainly is not. Beyond that, Mr. Rice took the opportunity to make certain obseryations in a foot-note (loc. cit. p. 7, note 2) and in a postscript (loc. cit. p. 29 f.), about which I cannot well avoid saying something, though it does not seem necessary that I should say much. As regards his foot-note, its tone speaks for itself; and I have only to add that the modifications and corrections which I could not make in Vol. V. above, pp. 151 to 180, but which I made in Vol. VI. above, p. 58 and p. 67 ff., were in respect of details in which I had been misled through relying on Mr. Rice himself, and notably in connection with the spurious Suradhenupara plates (see Vol. VI. p. 58). As regards his postscript, the same remark as to tone applies; and also, anyone who may care to take the trouble can see, by means of the extracts and references given by me in Vol. VI. above, p. 74 ff., and p. 80 ff., that Mr. Rice did attempt to make out a case, against my views on the subject of the invention of Puriņic genealogies, by means of garbled extracts from my writings. It is a matter for regret, because of the complications to which it leads, that Mr. Rice, in spite of the exceptional opportunities available to him, is still bent on trying, and by methods which may be ingenious but are certainly not commendable from any other point of view, to bolster up the fictitious early history of Mysore which he has put together from a credulous acceptance of spurious records and imaginative legends and from a resulting failure to deal properly with even some of the genuine records, instead of joining in the much more profitable and really interesting task of working out the true early bistory and accounting for the existence of the sparious records. But unfortonately that is the case; and it furnishes the explanation of the differences between Mr. Rice and me. I would add, though it is hardly necessary, that, if anything should ever come to light to justify such a course, I should not hesitate for a moment about abandoning my present views in respect of the Western Gangas, and cancelling anything in my writings about them which would then be wrong. But nothing of that kind has happened yet. It is true that, - assuming the reliability of a record which I have no means of judging by either a facsimile or an ink-impression or a photograph,- an inscription at Âgandi in the Kadur district (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Kd. 145) does shew that Sriparusha-Mattarasa really had a son named Vijayaditya. That fact, however, is scarcely sufficient to establish a whole series of other things which are impossible in themselves.
We return to the subject of the Chikmagalur record. Such way my opinion in 1899 : that it might be placed between A.D. 949-50 and 963-64, and perhaps in A.D. 960. But now more light can be thrown upon the matter.
In the first place, we must notice an inscription at Uppahalli in the Kad or district (Ep. Oam. Vol. VI., Om. 42), which refers itself to the time of a Satyavákya whose personal name is

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56
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
not mentioned in it, and is dated in A.D. 959, or possibly 958. Mr. Rice (ibid. Introd. p. 8 f.) has attributed this record either to the well known Ereyappa, or else to his immediate predecessor: which of the two he intends, is not clear; but the doubt is unimportant, because the record does not really belong to either of them. And, by the way, in connection with the mention of Ayyapadêva along with Ereyappa in the Bêgûr inscription (see Vol. VI. above, p. 47), Mr. Rice has in the same place referred to the same period, and has proposed to date in A.D. 929, an inscription at Kuppehâļu in the Kadûr district (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Kd. 6) which registers & grant made by the order of a certain Ayyaparasaya. But there is here a very peculiar confusion. The declensional and conjugational forms in the Kuppehâļu inscription mark that record, quite unmistakably, as at least several centuries later than A.D. 929. And Ereyappa, who was moreover a Nitimârga, not a Satyavâkya, died before at any rate A.D. 940 (see Vol. VI. above, p. 70); and so the Uppahalli inscription Cm. 42, dated in A.D. 959 (P 958), cannot be attributed to him, and much less to his predecessor. That record can be properly ascribed only to Rachcha-Ganga, who ruled between A.D. 953 and 963-64. And it marks him as a Satyavâkya, and shews that the Chikmagalûr record, of a Nitimârga, is not one of his records.
In the second place, the photograph of the Chikmagalur record, which reached me in January, 1900, shews that the record presents, and no less than four times, the later type, and that type only, of the initial short i. And this feature, in a Mysore record, is practically absolute proof that we must not place it before A.D. 982.3
On the other side, it must be placed before A.D. 1022 at the latest, if we put any reliance upon records published in Ep. Carn. Vol. V., Hassan district, which indicate that in A.D. 1022-23 (Mj. 43), A.D. 1026 (Ag. 76), and A.D. 1027 (Mj. 44), that part of Mysore, to which this record belongs, was in the hands either of Nripakâma-Poysala, or of a RâjêndraChôla who may be either the Chôla king or a Kongalva prince.
Further, an inscription at Elkûru in the Mysore district (Ep. Carn. Vol. IV., Ch. 10),— overlooked by me in 1899,- shews (see my Table in Vol. VI. above, p. 59, and remarks on p. 57), that Satyavâkya-Râchamalla II., with a final date in A.D. 984-85 (see Vol. V. above, p. 173, note 6), was not the last Western Ganga prince; after him there came at any rate a Nitimârga, proper name not disclosed, with apparently the birudas Jayadankakâra and Komaraveḍenga, for whom the Elkûru inscription gives the date A.D. 999-1000.
1 The actual details of the date given in this record are not satisfactory. Either the original presents an inaccurate date. Or there is some substantial mistake in the published reading.
Both the transliterated text, p. 104, and the Kanarese text, p. 172, give us Ashadha bahula panchami Brihaspativâra, and the Siddhartthin samvatsara. And in the 888 eradaneya of the Kanarese text we have, no doubt, a misprint for 882 as given in the trausliterated text.
According to the so-called southern luni-solar system, Siddharthin was Saka-Samvat 882 current,-A.D. 959-60. And in that year the given tithi ended at about 3 hrs. 3 min. after mean sunrise on Tuesday, 28th June, A.D. 959, and did not touch a Thursday at all.
According, however, to the so-called northern luni-solar system, Siddharthin was S.-S. 881 current, A.D. 958-59. And in this year the given tithi began at exactly 22 hrs. 28 min. after mean sunrise on Wednesday, 7th July, A.D. 958, and ended at exactly 20 minutes after mean sunrise on the Friday; and it was thus an adhikatithi covering the whole of the Thursday. This, therefore, may possibly be the real date of the record; namely, Thursday, 8th July, A.D. 958.
The times given above are, as usual, for Ujjain. But they are practically just the same for Chikmagalur. In view of the time of the year, July, when the sun was rising just about 5-30 A.M., a determination of the tithi according to actual sunrise would not make any difference in the week-days.
Even the other date suggested elsewhere, "? 1169 A.D.,"-see the translations, p. 2,- is far too early.
On this point, see my remarks on the initial short i attached to my paper on an inscription at Dêvagêri, in the Dharwar district, which will appear in a subsequent number of this Journal.
The Kanarese text (p. 4) of the Elkúru inscription presents jayadamkatára-kóviraveḍamgam. The transliterated text (p. 2) presents jayad-ankakdra komara-vedengam. Such discrepancies as these are not very assuring. And, if we take this record in connection with the Hirêmagalur inscription, mentioned as (3) on pages 53, 54 above, it remains quite possible that the first biruda here ought to be read jayaduttaranga.

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No. 7.]
CHIKMAGALUR INSCRIPTION OF RACHAMALLA III.
37
It seems reasonable, in these circumstances, to identify the Nitimårga-Rachamalla of this Chikmagalar inscription with the Nitimarga, personal name not disclosed, for whom the Elkůru inscription supplies the date of A.D. 299-1000, precisely in the period to which we are independently brought for the Chikmagalûr record. And, if we assume that the rule of this Nitimårga only began in A.D. 1000, then the Chikmagalur record, dated in the month Kârttika of the sixth regnal year, cannot be placed later than A.D. 1005. While, on the other side, with A.D. 984-985 as the final date of Satyavákya-Rachamalla II., it cannot be placed before A.D. 989.
Thus, the extreme limits for this Chikmagalûr inscription are A.D. 989 and 1005. And it gives us @ new Western Gangs name, that of Rachamalla III., with the appellation Nitimârga, whose sixth regnal year was current at some time during that interval.
A precise result cannot be arrived at just now, simply because the details of the date of the record are erroneous in one respect or another. They couple the Mala nakshatra with the full-moon tithi of the month Kârttika; whereas, though the moon is often according to the unequal-space systems of the nakshatras, but rarely if ever according to the equal-space or ordinary system, in Mala in the course of the new-moon tithi of Karttika, she cannot ever be anywhere near Mala on the full-moon tithi of that month. And, until we obtain some further guide, we cannot decide whether we should discard the nakshatra and accept the full-moon, or whether we should regard the mention of the full-moon as a mistake and should take the new-moon and the Mula nakshatra.
The following results, however, which tend to reduce the above-mentioned period to A.D. 991 to 1004, may be stated, to be utilised and examined more closely hereafter when we obtain some further guids, in the shape either of a Saka date distinctly coupled with the name of Rachamalla III., or of another regnal date which will be free from ambiguity :
(1) On the supposition that we must discard the nakshatra and calculate for the full-moon. With the tables in Sewell and Dikshit's Indian Calendar, I have the following results :(a) During the above-mentioned period, the full-moon was first connected with a Monday
in A.D. 991, in which year the tithi ended at about 2 hrs. 20 min. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain) on Monday, 26th October. This result would place the commencement of the first year of Nitimârga-Rachamalla III. on some day from Karttika kļishna 1 in A.D. 985 to the full-moon day of Kârttika in A.D. 986; leaving a short but sufficient period, about eight to twenty months, for some Western Ganga prince, whose name would not be Rachamalla, standing between
Rachamalla II. and Rachamalla III. (6) Other years in which the full-moon tithi ended on a Monday were A.D. 994, 997,
1001, and 1004. In A.D. 1003, it may have begun very shortly before the actual sunrise at the end of a Monday ; bat in that case, of course, it could not be con
nected with the Monday for any practical purposes. (2) On the gupposition that we should regard punname as a mistake for amavase, and should calculate for the now-moon and the Müla nakshatra. Here, the results are as follows: (c) In this case, again, during the above-mentioned period, the new moon was first con
nected with a Monday in A.D. 991, in which year the tithi ended at about 4 hrs. 58 min. on Monday, 9th November. The moon entered the Mula nakshatra according to the Brahmasiddhanta system at about 17 hrs. 7 min., and according to the Garga system at about 22 hrs. 6 min., on the Monday; but according to the ordinary system she did not come to that nakshatra until about 10 hrs. 18 min. on the Tuesday. This result, in A.D. 991, would place the commencement of the first

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
year of Nitimârga-Rachamalla III. on some day from Margadirsha sukla 1 in A.D. 985 to the new-moon day of Karttika in A.D. 986; leaving just about the same short but sufficient period indicated under 1, a, above, for some Western Ganga prince, whose name would not be R&chamalla, standing between Rachamalla II.
and Rachamalla III. (d) Other years in which the new-moon tithi, ending or beginning, and with or without
the Mâla nakshatra, was connected with a Monday, were, A.D. 994, 998, and 1001. In view of these facts, this Chikmagalur record ought to be placed in A.D. 991, 994, 997, 998, 1001, or 1004, unless the details of the date given in it have been altogether inaccurately recorded.
TEXT. Om Svasti Niti märggs-Komguņi.
varmma-dharmmamaharajadhirdja Kuvajála-paravar-e vara [Nanda)giri-nátha Srimat Rachamallamge [pa]ttar-gattid-Araneya varshada Karttika-ma[sa]da suddha punnameyu[m] 8ômaváramu[m] Mula-nakshatramum-age Pemmanadigal
prithuvi-rajyam-ge. 8 yy[n]ttam-ire Kiriya-Muguļiya
Pemmådig(au ? ]. 9 [pda]iges kotta nilpanya iņņa (nnuru Pemmadiyu[m] Nilabe10 ya[m] Narasingayyanum Kesavayyanu[m] [Pa ?]nne-ðjaru[m] 11 [Ma ?]dhukammôjarum
Bennegêsiyum
Ereyamman(um] 12 int-ivar-ildu koţtor i(i) kodangeyam
balasidor 13 nalgimunda-Biyalanum
Piriye-Muguliya
[Koma 14 rayyanu[m] Palmadiya Mendammanu[m] Benneyura Deva15 [gapa ? ]nu[m] Mal[t]avûrada Pemmådigamuşdanu[m] Urppavalliya 16 Chamayyanun Indavürada Vi[ţi P]yyanu[m] mangaļa Om
TRANSLATION. Om! Hail! When it was the full-moon tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Kårttika of the sixth year of the crowning of the Dharmamaharajadhiraja NitimárgaKongunivarmsn, the lord of Kuvalla the best of towns, the lord of the mountain Nandagiri, the illustrious Bachamalla, and when it was Monday and the Müla nakshatra :
(Line 7)— While the Pemmanadi was ruling the earth, to Pemmådig[an]pda (P) of Kiriya-Muguļi there were given two hundred- [supply probably mattars]- of nilpanya-land.
1 Partly from the photograpb, and partly from the previously published Kanarese text; see page 50 above. • Represented by a plain symbol ; 80 also at the end of line 16.
The previously published Kanarese and transliterated texts both give konguwi, with the guttural A. But the photograph shows onmistakably kongumi.
• The second akahara of this word, the ma, was at first omitted by the writer, and was then inserted by him below the line, under the small space between the 16 and the ed. It is rather faint in the photograpb.
The previously published texts both give gondange ; and the translation presents the name as Pemmadi. Gauda. The period seems rather early for the form gaunda (Nee Vol. VII. above, p. 188); And we have the forin gdmunda in lines 18 and 16. I suspect that an estampage would show that the real reading here is gd[w]ndange with a damaged ww at the end of line 8.
Mr. Rice's transliterated text gives bere the long *; for wbich of course, in such a construction ma that which we have here, the short in a mistake. His Kapsrese text gives quite properly the short 1, which is shewa by the photograph to be most distinctly the real reading.
See note 5 above.

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No. 8.]
NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS
59
Pemmadi, and Nilabe, and Narasingayya, and Kêsavayya, and Panne-ôja (?), and Madhukammoja (?), and Beppogosi, and Ereyamma, these persone, being convened), gavo (them).
(Line 12)- Those who have cultivated this allotment (are) the Nalgámunda Biyala, and Komarayya () of Piriye-Muguļi, and Mendamma of Palmádi, and Devagaña (P) of Benneyûr, and Pemmådigåmanda of Maltavüra, and Chamayya of Urpavaļli, and Vitiyya () of Indavüra. (May there be) felicity! Om !
No. 8. - THE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE CAVES AT NASIK.
BY E. SENART ; Paris. For a description of the caves at Nasik, as well as for those at Kärle, it will be enough to refer to Burgess and Fergusson's Rock-cut Temples and to the Reports of the Archeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV. p. 37 ff. As for the inscriptions which these caves contain, the first publication of them goes back to Vol. VII. p. 37 ff. of the Journal, Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, and the first interpretation to Bhandarkar's Notices, published in the Transactions of the London Congress, 1874, p. 306 ff. To Bhagwanlal Indraji we are indebted for the reproductions on which are based Bühler's translations, printed in the Archeological Survey of Western India (AS.), and for the commentary written by Bhagwanlal himself and embodied in the volume devoted to Nasik in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI. p. 544 ff. (G.). These two translations, being based on thoroughly reliable documents, are the real tests of our present knowledge on the subject, and I shall constantly refer to them in this article. As in the case of Kärld, the epigraphs of Nåsik have been distributed by AS. into two different series, vis. "Kshatrapa and Andhra inscriptions" (Ksh.) and "Násik inscriptions of private individuals" (Pr.). The numbering adopted here is that which was used by Bhagwanlal in the Gazetteer.
No. 1, Plate iii. (Ksh. 16). On the back wall of the veranda of Cave No. 2.
TEXT. Sidha (1) raño Vasithiputasa (2) Siri-Puļumayisa samvachhare (3) chhathe gimhapakhe (4) pachame 5 divase (5) .....
REMARKS. (1) AS, sidhan.- (2) G. and AS. Vasathi°; but on the estampages the beginning of the i-curl is sufficiently discernible. -(3) G. and AS. savao. - (4) AS. gima', doubtless a simple typographical mistake.-(5) AS. divase 1. po. hs.ti.d. I can make nothing of the indistinct traces of letters which follow divase.
TRANSLATION. • "Sucoess! On the .. .. . day of the fifth-5th-fortnight of summer in the sixth oth-year of king Biri-Pulumsyi, son of Vasithi . . . . ."
The ilds of line 12 of this record is equivalent to the odanaiļd, being together, being in the company of each other, being convened, of various other recorda ; see a remark in Vol. VI. sbove, p. 68, note 6.
* See above, Vol. VIL p. 47 t.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VIII.
No. 2, Plate i. (Ksh. 18). On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 3, above the entrance.
TEXT. i Siddham (1) raño Vasithéputaso (2) Siri-Puļumayisa saviohhare (3) ekunsvige 19
gimhâņa (4) pakhe bitiye 2 divase terase 13 rajaraño Gotamiputasa Himavata
Meru2 Madara-pavatasamasårasa Asika-Asaka(5)-Mulaka-Suratha-Kukur-Åparanta(6)
Anupa-Vidabha-Åkaravati-râjasa Vijha-Chhavata-Parich&ta (7)-Sahya-Kaphagiri
Macha-Siritana-Malaya-Mahida3 Setagiri-Chakora-pavatapatisa
Bavarájaloka(8) madala (9) patigabitassanasa divasakarakara(10)vibodhitakamalavimalasa disavadanasa tisamudatoyapitavahanasa
patipunachadamadalasasirika4 piyadasanaga varavåranavikamachårdvikamasa bhujagapatibhogapinavata(11)
vipuladighasada · bhajasa (12) abhayoda kadânakilinanibhayakarasa svipapamåta
susûsâkasa (13) suvibhatativagadesakálass 5 porajananivisesasamasuk haduk hasa khatiyadapamânamadanaga (14) Saka-Yavana
Palhava-nisûdadasa dhamopajitakaraviniyogakarasa kitâparådbe pi satajane
apanahisaruchisa dija varakutubavivadha6 nasa Khakharátavasa (15) niravasesakarasa Satavahanakulayasapatithâpana(16)karaga
savamadalå (17)bhivaditacha • nasa vinivatitachâtuvanasa karasa anekasamarávaji
tasatusaghasa aparajita vijayapatakasatujanadupad hasaniya(18) 7 puravarasa kulapurisaparaparågatavipularajasadasa agamåna (19) nilayasa saparisanam
agayasa Siriy, adhithanasa apachâråna (20) pabhavasa ekakusaga ekadhanu
dharasa ekasûrana (21) ekabamhaņasa Råma8 Kesav-Ajana-Bhîmasena-talaparakamasa (22) chhapaghanusava(23) samâjakärakasa
Nábhaga(24)-Nahusa-Janainejaya-Sakara-Yayâti-Ram- barisa-samatejaga aparimitam akhayam achitam abhuta (25) Pavana-Garaļa(26)-Sidha-Yakha-Rakhasa
Vijâdhara-Bhâta-Gadhava-Châra a9 Chada-Divakara-Nakhata-Gaba-vichiņasamarasirasi jitaripusaghasa någa(27)varakhadha
gaganatalam abhivigadhasa kula vipulasirikarasa Siri-Sätakanisa matuya mahadeviya (28) Gotamiya Balasiriya Bachavachanadánakhamå (29)hiså(30)
niratâya tapadamaniya10 mopavåeataparêya râjarisivadhusadam (31) akhilam anavidhiyamânaya karita
deyadhams . . ... . (32) sikharasadise Tiranhupavatasik hare vim . (33)varanivisesamahidbika leņa eta cha leņa mahadevi maharajamata mahârâjap . tảmahî (34) dadati nikâyasa Bhadávaniyanam (35) bhikhusagbasa
(36) 11 etasa cha longas chitananimita (37) mahadeviya ayakåya sevakAmo (38) piyakamo
cha nat . .. .. . (39)pathesaro (40) pitupatiyo dhamasetusa dadati gâma (41) Tiranhupavatasa aparadakhirapase Pisajipadakam (44) savajâtabhoganirathi.
REMARKS. (1) G. siddha ra.- (2) G. and AS. Osithipu'.-(3) G. savachhare ; AS. samvachhare; i seems clear, and it must be remembered that savinchhala = samvatsara is found in the Sahasrîm edict. As to the change of a into i in Prakrit. comp. Pischel's Grammatik der PrakritSprachen, paragraphs 101-3. (4) G. and AS. gimhdna. -(5) G. Asika-Susaka". - (6) G. oparátao; ta is followed not only by such a blank as is frequent in this inscription, but by some traces which look like the rest of a letter. As, however, it cannot be a k, it is not easy to

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imagine what it could have been, and it is most probable, as has been admitted by the former editors, that these traces are nothing but accidental deteriorations of the stone. - (7) AS.
Parivata. -(8) The character lo is all but clear. - (9) AS. Omandala. -(10) The ka of the second kara, which falls into the flaw, is very indistinct. - (11) G. and AS. Opinavata. -(12) The ra restored by G. and AS. cannot be doubted, though injured by the flaw. - (13) G.
susurdo.-(14) The top of the na of dana seems to bear a horizontal stroke, and I am inclined to think that madan18a was intended. -(15) AS. Ovaṁsao. -(16) AS. patithapao; th is at least more probable, besides being more correct. - (17) AS. "mandala. -(18) AS. Opadhasasaniyao (& mere printer's mistake). - (19) G. Omanan. - (20) G. Ochúránan.-(21) AS. omits ekasurasa in the transcript. -(22) AS. oparáka'. -(23) G. chhanayanusa. -(24) AS. Nabhága. -(25) G. "bhutam. - (26) G. Garuda. -(27) G. pagao; AS. naga. -(28) AS. "deviya. -(29) d of "khamdseems to me at least doubtful. - (30) G. hims&o. - (31) AS. Cvadhúsadam. - (32) AS. restores [Kelása]pa[vata]". I feel no doubt at all about this restoration which is confirmed by the still visible e-stroke; but it must be understood that it is entirely conjectural. - (33) G. and AS. restore vima [na]', which is certainly right. - (34) G. Opatámao; AS. P[i]támao; the beginning of the s-curl of pita is still visible. - (35) AS. niyao; G. and AS. yana bhio. - (36) G. Osa nghasa. - (37) AS. chitando. - (38) G. sevakamo. - (39) AS. nasta . .. . Dakhin ijo. Except the t which has left some traces, the passage in brackets is nothing but a conjecture, although a more than probable one. — (40) AS. Opathisaro. -(41) AS. gúman.-(42) AS. Pisdo hi°; the final anusvára is at least doubtful.
TRANSLATION. “Success! In the nineteenth - 19th-year of king Siri-Puļumayi Våsithiputa, in the second-and-fortnight of summer, on the thirteenth - 13th day, the great queen Gotami Balasiri, delighting in truth, charity, patience and respect for life ; bent on penance, selfcontrol, restraint and abstinence; fully working out the type of a royal Rishi's wife; the mother of the king of kings, Siri-Satakani Gotamiputa, who was in strength equal to mount Himavat, mount Meru, mount Mandara; king of Asika, Asaka, Mulaka, Suratha, Kukura, Aparanta, Anupa, Vidabha, Åkarå vanti ; lord of the mountains Vindhya, Chhavata, Parichâta, Sahya, Kaņhagiri, Macha, Siritana, Malaya, Mahendra, Setagiri, Chakora; obeyed by the circle of all kings on earth ; wbose face was beautiful and pure like the lotus opened by the rays of the sun ; whose chargers had drunk the water of three oceans; whose face was lovely and radiant like the orb of the full moon; whose gait was beautiful like the gait of a choice elephant ; whose arms were as muscular and rounded, broad and long as the folds of the lord of serpents; whose fearless hand was wet by the water poured out to impart fearlessness ;' of unchecked obedience towards his mother; who properly devised time and place for the pursuit of the triple object of human activity); who sympathised fully with the weal and woe of the citizens; who crushed down the pride and conceit of the Kshatriyas ; who destroyed the sakas, Yavanas and Palhavas; who never levied nor employed taxes but in conformity to justice ; alien to hurting life even towards an offending enemy; the furtherer of the homesteads of the low as well as of the twice-born ; who rooted out the Khakharata race; who restored the glory of the Satavahana family; whose feet were saluted by all provinces; who stopped the contamination of the four varnas ; who conquered multitudes of enemies in many battles; whose victorious banner was unvanquished; whose capital was unassailable to his foes; who had inherited from a long line of ancestors the privilege of kingly music , the abode of traditional lore; the refuge of the virtuous; the asylum of Fortune ; the fountain of good manners; the unique controller; the unique archer; the unique bero; the unique Brahmaņa; in prowess equal to Råma, Keśava, Arjuna and Bhimasens ; liberal on festive days in unceasing festivities and assemblies; not inferior in lustre to Nábhága, Nahusha, Janamejaya, Sagara, Yayati, Rama and Ambarisha ; who, vanquishing his enemies in a way as constant as inexhaustible, unthinkable and marvellous,

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in battles fought by the Wind, Garuda, the Siddhas, the Yakshas, the Rakshasas, the Vidyadharas, the Bhûtas, the Gandharvas, the Châranas, the Moon, the Sun, the Asterisms and the Planets, (appeared to be himself) plunging into the sky from the shoulder of his choice elephant; (and) who (thus) raised his family to high fortune, caused, as a pious gift, on the top of the Tiranhu mountain similar to the top of the Kailasa, (this) cave to be made quite equal to the divine mansions (there). And that cave the great queen, mother of a Maharaja and grandmother of a Maharaja, gives to the Sangha of monks in the person of the fraternity of the Bhadavaniyas; and for the sake of the embellishment of that cave, with a view to honour and please the great queen his grandmother, her grandson lord of [Dakshinâ]patha, making over the merit of the gift to his father, grants to this meritorious donation (vis. the cave) the village Pisajipadaka on the south-west side of mount Tiranhu. Renunciation to the enjoyments of every kind."
For all the proper names which are enumerated in line 2, I must refer the reader to the short geographical index given at the end of the Nâsik chapter in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI. The names Surâshtra, Anûpa, Akaravanti, Kukura and Aparânta appear again in the Rudradâman inscription at Girnår. The observations to which they have given rise, will be found especially in Arch. Surv. West. India, Antiq. of Káthidwar and Kachchh, p. 128 ff., and Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 257 ff. This reference establishes the reading Akaravanti, and even in Sanskrit orthography the form Kukura. Of the other names, Asaka may be = Ashaka, or also Asvaka; but I am not prepared to admit for Asika the connection with the Arsacida which was proposed by Bhagwanlal. They are simply the Rishikas who are well known from the Epic, and for whom I may refer to the Zeitschr. für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Vol. II. p. 58 f. The verse from the Mahabharata (V. 81) which is noted there (Kámbójá Rishika yé cha Paschimánûpakáscha ye) very conveniently brings them into contact with the Anupa country. Seeing them here immediately associated with the Asvakas, one is reminded of the legends which were current of their marvellous horses. The Mulakas remain shrouded in obscurity. Bhagwanlal adduced the dynasty of the Mundakas, known from the Vishnupurana; and the way in which they are there mentioned together with the Sakas and Tukhâras is such as to commend the hint. But I am doubtful about the change of into nd.3 As to the names of mountains, I do not think there can be any hesitation in reading Parichata. It must therefore be admitted that the form Pariyâtra need not necessarily be proscribed as was done by Bühler, who otherwise agreed with Bhagwanlal in the identification of that range. As to Macha (apparently Mañcha), we have nothing to rely on but the conjecture of Bhagwanlal, too bold I fear to be really convincing. Cases like gahata = grihastha (K. 5) do not permit us to be quite as positive as Bühler regarding the impossibility of Siritana being Śristana. I am less inclined to consider seta = évéta in Seṭagiri. On the other hand, the name can hardly be connected, as Bhagwanlal wanted, with Sâḍagera, Sadakara, which in the Kuda inscriptions (1, 9) has no e in the first syllable, and which, as a family or tribal appellation, rather reminds of the name of Sata(or Sâda) karņi.
The compound savarája is slightly irregular; but in the somewhat loose style of Pråkrit we often meet with forms like savalokarájamadala or savalokamadalaraja. The transposition of abhayodakadánakilina (= abhayadanodakakilina), proposed by Bhagwanlal and Bhandarkar (Or. Congr. 1874, p. 313), would give a decidedly better construction and bring out more clearly the antithesis between bhayadána and nirbhaya; but it has no bearing on the general meaning. The attribute dhamopajita is meant to imply that the king not only levied taxes in strict accordance with the law, but used them exclusively for just purposes.
1 Compare also Mr. V. Smith's note in the Zeitschr. D. Morg. Ges. Vol. LVI. p. 674 f.
See p. 47 above.
Mr. V. Smith (loc. cit.) refers doubtfully to the Malikas and Maulikas of the Erihatsamhité, XIV. 8 and 23.

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To all appearance Bhagwanlal is right in supposing that after pataka the proximity of the initial sa in satu has caused the dropping of the genitive termination sa, which is required if the compound aparajitavijayapatáka is taken as an independent epithet of the king. Otherwise it would have to be taken as qualifying puravara, which would be a far-fetched sort of interpretation and against the phraseology of our inscriptions.
Bühler translated kulapurisao by 'who bore many royal titles descended to him from a (long) line of ancestors.' It seems to me certain that purusha implies descent by males. Besides, one cannot help comparing the second part of the expression vipularâjasada with a compound frequently used in more modern inscriptions : samadhigatapanchamahásabda ; the only difference is that samadhigata is here replaced by the more emphatic parampardgata. Vipula is used instead of the synonymous mahd only in order to prevent the misunderstanding which the vicinity of raja could have produced; for the adjective must refer to fabda or rájasabda, not to rája, the title maharaja by itself being too modest. If the comparison be correct, and I hardly think it can be doubted, we have to interpret the phrase here in the same sense as the more modern formula. Dr. Fleet (Gupta Inscr. p. 296, note 9, corroborated by Ep Ind. Vol. IV. p. 296, note 3) has conclusively discarded the translation which considered it as summing up certain royal titles. This qualification is generally applied to feudatories in order to enhance their importance; but Dr. Fleet has already pointed out cases where it is applied to paramount sovereigns, as one of whom Satakarņi certainly wanted to be considered.
The transcription ékánikušasya, proposed by Bhagwanlal, is I think decidedly to be preferred to Bhandarkar's correction ekakusalasa. Perhaps the epithet contains an allusion to the title " Gajapati," which by tradition is conferred on the principal regent of Western India (compare Lassen's Ind. Alt, Vol. II. p. 27 f.), and which our Gautamiputra may have claimed.
In spite of the form achitam instead of achi[in]tiyan, Bühler is certainly right in his explanation of those adverbs; but I think that they refer not only to jita", but to the following epithet, which is closely connected with them. Of nagararakhadhá nothing satisfactory can be made; the reading nagao gives a better sense. On his battle elephant the king appears as if he would rise to heaven. This is not only a hyperbolical way of describing the height of the animal, but implies more. The king is jitaripusamgha - he is seen in the glory of his triumph; besides, as he is seconded in his fights by the divine powers, Pavana and others, he appears in some manner in the sky and among the gods. The two epithets Pavanao jitao and någao 'vigádha complement each other conformably to the law which Benfey (Gasch, der Sprachwiss. p. 35) has rightly pointed out, and in virtue of which the more general term comes at the end, preceded by the determining word, - a rule which, to state it on passant, ought never to be lost sight of in the interpretation of inscriptions and may in more than one instance help to bring out the right shade of meaning in complicated constructions. One more point remains to be settled. Samarasirasi has been translated : ' in the foremost ranks in a battle ; ' and in fact this is the way in which, following some Hindu commentaries, it has been customary to interpret firas when compounded with some word meaning fight. But not one of the instances which are known to me necessarily requires this signification, and several would much rather, exclude it (e.g. Kathasaritsugara, 48, 138); on the other hand the idiom is used, as far as I know, only in the locative case, either simply Osirasi or, by way of a periphrase, sirasô madhye (Mahabharata, IV. 1131; VI. 4041), which comes exactly to the same. I have elsewhere (Mahavastu, I. 624), in connection with another idiom, noted the inclination of the Praksits to form periphrastic cases, and have drawn attention to the Pali use, in this case, of pitthe (prishthá) and matthake (mastake). Such apr'ogies strongly support & similar interpretation of firasi. It would indeed be puzzling i instances were limited to the expression ranasirasi and its equivalents. But such is in no way the case, and to sarahsirasi, i.e. 'in, or on, the pond,' which the St. Pet. Dict. cites from the Náradapanchar. I. 3, 56, other cases will, I believe,

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now be added after attention has been invited to this point. Of course the unsatisfactory explanation of ranafirah = sênágra, having once been suggested, may have contributed to enlarge the use of the word. Anyhow I consider that here samarasirasi means no more than samaré or samaréshu.
Kelasapavatasikhara being perfectly certain, vimana ought not to be interpreted as an unspecified palace,' but as one of the heavenly mansions of the gods residing on Kailasa. The Prakrit Tiranhu must, notwithstanding its irregular form, be= Sanskrit Trirasmi. The meaning of rasand is partially identical with rasmi ; this circumstance may have favoured the transition, especially the substitution of n for m. Besides, local names are subject to dialectic accidents, of which it is often difficult to state the origin and fix the measure. Of Bhadávaniya the etymologically correct form is that which we shall find in the next epigraph, viz. Bhadâyaniya "(-ka). Regarding that sect, a subdivision of the Sthaviras, comp. Rhys Davids in J. R. As. Soc.,
N. S., 1891, p. 411 ff., and 1892, pp. 5-7. As to the relation between the three genitives at the end of line 10 of the text, I may refer to my remarks on K. 13 above.
Chitananimita is translated : 'to allow (this cave) to be taken care of' by Bühler, who reads chitand and takes it to mean chintana ; and : ' for painting the cave)' by Bhagvanlal, who reads chitana and derives the word from chitrayats. This etymology, which is recommended by the ~, seems to me to be the only acceptable one, although Bhagwanlal probably limits the meaning too closely. Chitray may as well be taken in the general sense of ornamentation, embellishment. Bühler seems to have been influenced by the comparison of lenasa pațisatharane which, in the next inscription, sums up the object of the present donation. To be sure, the two expressions cannot contradict each other, but nothing requires a priori that they should be exactly synonymous. Chintana has the very definite and abstract meaning of thought;' it is not easy to introduce it here without some violence. We shall see on the other hand that the explanation for the repairs of the cave,' proposed for pafisantharane in N. 3, is far from being certain.
The restoration mata , . .. Dakhina]pathisaro is as probable as the translation of pitupatiyo proposed by Bühler is inadmissible. Dharmasētu, in religious phraseology, especially that of inscriptions till a rather recent period (above, Vol. III. p. 343; Vol. IV. p. 207, etc.), denotes figuratively a foundation as a bridge, a dam of merit,' which enables its author to get over the ocean of samsára. The way in which the word is used in 11. 12-13 of the next inscription could lead us to fancy that it is here transformed into a proper name, attached to that cave which has been dug out by the king's grandmother. Such a name, however, would be very vague and little significant. I admit that dhamasetu must be taken in its ordinary meaning, as an apposition to lena either expressed or understood, to mean the pious foundation of the queen. I cannot account for the curious idea of Bhagwanlal, who sees in it the personal name of some manager of the cave.' As to pitupatiyo, he transcribes it by paitripitrikah. He evidently thought of the analogy of pitsipaitámaha; but the two are in no way identical. It might be admitted that they are equivalent, and that pitripitsi=
father and father's) father. The insuperable difficulty lies in the reading. The stone does not bear pitupitiyo or pitupetiyo, but pitupatiyo. The i-vowel after the second p is decidedly excluded by the tail of the r in the preceding line, and no trace of an e-vowel can be discovered. It is pitupatiyo and nothing else that has to be explaived. Patti in the Buddhist Pali, i.e. prapti, is a technical term denoting the application to another of the merit acquired by good works, by a gift, by a foundation (Childers, .v.). It is probably through the intermediate meaning a part, participation,' that the word has come to be used in that way. Thus pitupattiyo or Ottiko means who is applying to his father the merit of his donations. The king speaks of his father only because his father alone is dead, and he begins by alluding to his mother, proclaiming his donation to be inspired by his veneration towards her and his wish to share in her views. It is therefore just as if he had said, with an idiom more familiar to the language of inscriptions, pitaram udditya. From this case I am inclined to conclude, without

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being able actually to verify the conjectura, that such an application of merit can be made only in favour of deceased persons. However that may be, it will now be seen by what very natural transition of thought the giver is led to use without any other preparation the name dhammasetu as given to the cave; he is inspired at this very moment by the line of religious thoughts which have suggested it and which explain it.
Bühler seems to entertain no doubt as to the identity of the village named here with that mentioned at the beginning of the following inscription. It is certain that the date of the donation mentioned there is exactly the same as in the present epigraph, and that this donation is made in favour of the same sect of Bhadâyaniyas. It is above all evident from the place it occupies, and from the fact that the following text has been compressed in order that it might be inscribed here, that that place has been chosen intentionally. It must, however, be stated that the village called here Pisâjipadaka, i.e. I suppose Pisâchipadraka, gets in the following epigraph the name of Sudisana, and that the description is not identical in both texts, Pisâjipadaka being located at the S. W. of Tiraphupavata, and Sudisapa at the south of the Govadhanahara. The two may after all be the same; but the difference in the name and description deserves to be noted, especially because a perfect agreement would naturally be expected. Further N. 3 brings in the Sramanas from Dhanakata, who are not mentioned in connection with the donation which No. 2 records. It is therefore impossible to affirm that the beginning of N. 3 refers to the present donation; nor is it absolutely impossible that the king should have consented on the same day to a double donation, although it would, in that case, be difficult to understand why he should not have combined the mention of both. It may, however, be remarked that the gift of the village is here recorded in a somewhat unusual style and summed up in an abridged form (savajátabhoganirathi), which looks like a simple mention, so hasty that it was left without a grammatical construction and the detailed indications which generally authenticate the gifts. Perhaps we have here the trace of some peculiar and, to us, undetermined circumstances which, if known, would explain why a new deed was substituted three years later, as commemorated in the following document.
No. 3, Plate ii. (Ksh. 10).
Engraved in continuation of No. 2, from which it is separated mly by a Svastika followed by another symbol.
TEXT.
•
65
11 Siddha (1) Navanarasvami Vasithiputo Siri(2)-Pulumavi Anapayati Govadhane Amacha (3)
12 Sivakhadila ya amhehi (4) sava 19 gi pa 2 diva 13 Dhanakaṭasamanehi (5) ya etha pavate (6) Tira(7). na dhavasetusa (8) lepasa patisatharape (9) akhaya (10) hetu etha Govadhanahâre dakhiņamage gâmo Sudisana (11) bhikhuhi devileṇavâsehi nikâyena Bhadâyaniyehi (12) patigaya (13) dato (14) etasa dânagâmasa Sudasanana parivaṭake etha Govadhanahare (15) puvamage (16)
13 gåma (17) Samalipada dadâma (18) etata mahaaïrakena (19) odena (20) dhamasetusa lepasa patisatharape (21) akhayanivihetu (22) gåma Samalipada (23) bhi uhi devilepa yena (24) Bhadâyanayehi (25) patigayha (26) oyapapehi (27) etasa cha gâmasa Samalipadasa (28) bhikhuhalaparihara (29) 14 vitarama apalasa anomasa (30) alopakhadaka arathasavinavika savajâtaparihârika cha etehi na parihârehi (31) pariharehi (32) eta (33) cha gâma Samalipada (34) panihâre cha (35) etha (36) nibadhâpehi (37) Bud na (38) gâmasa cha Sudasanana vinibadhakarehi apata (39) mahksena patina (40) Medhunena. nå (41) chhato batika kehi (42) hatha patika (44) sava 22 gi pakhe (45) diva 7
•
•
data to (43) takanina (46) kata
K

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svâmi
Govadhanavathavana (47) phâss. yo (48) Vinhupâlena (49) vananapata (50) nama (51) bhagatasapatipatapasa (52) Jinavarasa Budhasa.
-
-
REMARKS.
(1) AS. siddham. (2) G. Siri-Pu°. (3) G. and AS. amacha; & seems clear, though faint. (4) G. lana sumepa sa°; AS. °la ya amhepa sa°. The reading amhehi is required by the context. We might at the utmost read amhepi if amhehi were not morally certain. (5) G.. Dhanamka. It will be seen that I incline to read Benákata. (6) G. restores pa[va]te. I think I can read the three characters. (7) G. and AS. restore Tira[nhum hi ..](8) G....na etasatasa le°; AS. dhavásetisa le. I have no doubt that the text really had dhama. (9) AS. notes no lacuna between me and a°, and G. only points out an undetermined one. I admit not only that there remains room for one character, but that the back of the estampage seems to retain some traces of it, which might be mistaken for na. As, however, in the repetition which will follow, and the phraseology of which is the exact counterpart of this first formula, the reading tharane is certain and perfectly complete, it seems hardly possible that the text should have been different here. (10) G. and AS. restore [nivi]. (11) G. notes between mo and su° a lacuna which nothing compels us to admit, and reads Sudisana; AS. Sadasand. (12) AS. niyena; only a lapsus. - (13) G. patikhaya; AS. patikhaya. Here and in 1. 13 the letter looks like ga.. (14) AS. data. (15) AS. dhanáháre.-(16) G. vasime.. (17) G. and AS. gamo. (18) G. and AS. dadima. (19) G. maha; G. and AS. "kana.(20) G. odána. The back of
the estampage seems to warrant de. (21) G. samtha. (22) AS. heta.. (23) G.
1
padam. (24) G. bhikhuhi devilenṇavá[sehi niká]yena; AS. ta [ .bhi khuhi lena[vâsehi nika]y[e]na.(25) G. yaniyehi; AS. °yanayahi. (26) G. °gahya; AS. °tikhaya. (27) G. uyapa e; AS. uyapaya e°. The transcription u for the first character and ya for the last would, a priori and for purely paleographical reasons, be inadmissible. Besides, in the strokes which Bühler interprets as paya, I read with some confidence pehi. But the reading oyapápehi is warranted by the Kondamudi plates and by Karlê No. 19 (above, Vol. VI. p. 71, note 1). (28) AS. Sama. (29) G. haram. (30) G. anama.(31) AS. °rihare. - (32) AS. °harthi.- (33) G. datam cha. (34) G. padam; AS. malapada. (35) G. hârânam; AS. háre na. Although cha is not clear, the parallel passage leaves no doubt as to the reading. (36) AS. etha. (37) AS. badha la .. mi. ga°; G. bamdhapanam ga.(38) su and na appear to me certain, d[a] most probable. These elements lead almost irresistibly to the reading Sudasan [e] for the whole. It must be owned, however, that the third character does not give the impression of an s either on the front or on the back; but as it does not resemble any other known character, it must be admitted that its aspect has been altered by some damage of the stone. - (39) G. ánato; AS. °nibakáre°. The dha is not visible on the Plate, but at least very plausible on the back of the estampage, which at any rate warrants the presence of two letters between ba and re. I have no doubt that the direct examination of the stone has inspired Bhagwanlal correctly. (40) AS. senapa,- (41) G. °na [Satakani]nd. The visible traces make it a puzzle for me how Bhagwanlal could propose such a restoration. -(42) G. to Binikaṭavásakahi; AS. to patiká vásakehi. The reading bi (G.) can hardly be seriously upheld; pa of AS. is not much more likely. As to the sa on which both agree, it seems less probable on the back than it looks on the front. (43) G. hathachhata; AS. hathichhat. I feel little doubt that the top-carl belongs to the d of the preceding line, and that the i ought to be struck off. - (44) AS. °tá hina sa. (45) G. and AS. pa -(46) G. 7 Sátakaniná; AS. 7. Så kanena. (47) AS. vathavana.- (48) G. phásukayam; AS. phesakaye. The top of the first letter seems to bear a horizontal stroke on both sides, which would give pho; but the two strokes do not exactly face one another, and the one on the right is more clearly and deeply cut. Pro
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bably the stroke on the left is accidental, and we ought to read pha. -(49) AS. Vilnihu, which is a printer's mistake for Vinhuo; G. Venhu. - (50) G. sámivanananata ; AS. sámivanandnata. -(51) G. namo, which is perhaps right. - (52) G. bhaga[ua]tasao; AS. bhagatasao; G. opatipatipasa.
TRANSLATION "Success! The lord of Navanara, Siri-Puļumåvi Vasithiputa, commands Sivakhandila, the officer at Govadhana: The village of Sudisana here in the Govadhana district on the Southern road, which by us, in the loth year, on the 13th day of the 2nd fortnight of summer, ..... by the Samaņas of Dhanamkata who [dwell] here on mount Tiranha
....., has been given to be owned by the Bhikshus of that fraternity, the Bhadâyaniyas dwelling in the Queen's Cave, to produce a perpetual rent for the care of the cave meritoriously excavated, - in exchange for this gift, — the village of Sudasaņa, - we give the village of Såmalipada, here in the Govadhana district on the Eastern road; and this village of Samalipada, . . . . . by the Maha-Aryaka, you must deliver to be owned by the Bhikshus of the school of the Bhadâyaniyas dwelling in the Queen's Cave, to produce a perpetual rent for the care of the cave meritoriously excavated ; and to this village of Såmalipada we grant the immunity belonging to monk's land, (making it) not to be entered (by royal officers), not to be touched (by any of them), not to be dug for salt, not to be interfered with by the district police, (in short) to enjoy all kinds of immunities. With all these immunities you must invest it; and this donation of the village of Sa malipada and the immunities take care to have registered here at Sudasaņa. And by the officers) entrusted with the abrogation of the previous) donation of the Sudasaņa village it has been ordered. Written by the Mahasenúpati Medhuna .... ., kept (P) by the . . . . .of deeds (?). The deed was delivered in the year 22, the 7th day of the . . fortnight of summer; executed by.. .. .(?). With A view for the well-being of the inhabitants of Govadhana, Viņhupala proclaims the praise of the Lord : Obeisance to the Being exalted in perfection and majesty, the excellent Jina, the Buddha."
This inscription offers in its last part some difficulties which result from uncertain readings, and even more from lacuna. In order not to lengthen this commentary unnecessarily, I shall not dwell on differences of opinion in a few passages where former interpreters have decidedly gone astray.
From the comparison of Benákatasvami in the next inscription, which offers many analogies to the present one, I infer that Dr. Bhandarkar was right in understanding Navanarasvåmin =lord of Navanara, I suppose for Navanagara. Nothing in the other inscriptions entitles us to look in it for some hypothetical biruda.
The sentence beginning with ya amhehi rests on two propositions which are exactly balanced and throw light upon one another. The general construction is clearly determined by the symmetry which obtains between the relative proposition : ya amhehi . . . . . Bhadáyaniyehi patigaya dato on the one hand, and the principal one : eta cha.. . . . patigayha oyapapehi. They correspond link to link. The general similarity makes the more conspicuous the discrepancy which exists in respect of a single detail : instead of Dhanan kata samanehi y[e] etha pavate Tira . . . . . na, line 13 has mahaairakena odena. This disagreement is made worse by the lacuna and by the partial uncertainty of the reading odena. The obscurity of these two expressions is to my mind the only real difficulty in this part of the text. One useful result at least, although only a negative one, is gained from their comparison, namely, that the singular construction attempted by Bühler, who supposed samanchi and aïrakena to be governed by pafikhaya (as he read), must first of all be discarded. To connect, as he did, Dhanakațasamanehi and bhikhuhi which are separated from each other by a whole sentence, is too inadmissible to require a lengthy refutation. Either member includes two terms: first
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an instrumental, in one case osamanshi (followed by the relative proposition ya . . . which determines it more particularly, and the essentials of which have disappeared in the lacuna), on the other, aïrakena ; secondly another word which we read odena is the second case, and the last syllable of which, na, alone has been preserved in the first. Unfortunately both mahaairaka and odena are of doubtful meaning. One point is proved by the very difference between the two phrases : they must have referred respectively to each of the villages in question and must have contained some determination, whatever may have been its exact bearing, concerning not the nature or the application of the gift, but its object, which alone differs in the two, being in the first sentence the Sudisana village, and the village of Sâmalipada in the second. Bühler took odena to be an instrumental qualifying airakena. Besides the fact that this view has led him to a most unlikely translation, the circumstance of Code]na being in line 12 associated with samanehi seems to bear evidence to his error. To all appearance it is the instrumental, samanehi or airakona, which must be understood as dependent on odena orodána, whichever may be the true reading. As to this word - either & substantive or, more probably, a participle - it cannot well be anything but & nominative or accusative, agreeing with the preceding pronoun, ya or eta. The last inscription, which informs us of the original gift for which this one is substituted, makes no allusion to the monks of Dhanakata; as to the Mahaairaka, the part the monks are playing in the first sentence seems to point to the name being that of & religious personage. Even admitting that the title araka given to Yañasiri-Satakani by an inscription (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 96) be really dryaka, that would in no way prevent this epithet, which is commonly used with reference to Buddhist monks, being applied to some religious fanctionary. I am the more inclined to think so, because I find the similar title Chala-drya conferred on the Arya Buddharakshita, who is styled Arhat (Bargess' Buddhist Stúpas of Amaravati, Plate lix. No. 39, p. 104). What in any case appears to me above all doubt is that, contrary to the conjecture of Bühler, the title cannot be Pulumayi's. I refer to the observations on the title Mahásvámika, which follow the next inscription.
As to the letters which, besides ode, are comprised in the lacuna, no parallel passage helps us to fill them up with confidence. The writing is not regular enough to enable us to ascertain even the number of characters which have disappeared. Probably from seven to nine are missing. The two first, rhumhi, and the two last, ode, being known, it may at least be imagined that vasanti or pativasants would fill up the gap conveniently, and that the monks who dwell on moont Trirasmi' were meant here. On Dhapakata or Dhanamkata we have no other information than what has been collected by Dr. Bhandarkar (p. 349). Of course I cannot venture to hold my own against those who worked from the stone itself; I must own, however, that, considering the general similarity of b and dh, it seems very tempting to suppose that our Dhanakata is not different from the Bencikataka in the following epigraph. Of the two, the reading Bonúkataka seems to me to be the better secured one. I should incline to introduce it here. In No. 10, 1.2, we shall find a river Karabena. Several Benās are known Benakataka is therefore quite satisfactory. As to the hypothetical Dhanakataka, it could in no case be identified (as postulated by Bhandarkar) with the proper name (equivalent to Dharanikot or not) which we find again at Amaravati, as it has there the form Dhamaakataka (Burgess' Buddhist Stúpas of Amaravati, No. 53, p. 90).
I think I can explain with certainty one word at least which has led astray my predecessorg. The comparison of the two passages establishes the form patigayha, i.e. pratigrihya, and the preceding instrumental, as it cannot be construed with dato, can only be governed by this word, which is therefore the future passive participle - here pratigrihyah, and below pratigrinyan. It will be observed that the word is intimately connected with the expression parigraha which I have explained in K. 19, and that it is in the same way applied to s property assigned to a spec alot. The close etymological relationship of the two terms

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justifies their parallelism naturally enough. I have therefore no doubt that pratigrihya must mean here to be received as property by ...' As I have stated above (in K. 13), the construction nikúyena Bhadayaniyehi seems to imply that even where the reading mikayasa Bhadayaniyanan would rather suggest an interdependence of the two genitives, it must be admitted that the two terms are, as is necessarily the case here, 00-ordinated, and that the second follows the first as a kind of apposition.
Patisantharana is, as far as I know, an anak leyópevov. Its general meaning is evident. Bhagwanlal has aptly compared the Pali meaning of pafisanthára; but I fear he has from these exact premises elicited a conclusion which is inadmissible. Pafisanthara is by Childers translated friendly greeting, welcome, etc.' But the word, I think, points not so much to the feelings, as to the material care which is involved by the duty of hospitality. The etymological meaning must have started from the carpet which is spread out to socommodate the guests, and is in perfect agreement with the instances adduoed. If a term has been thus fixed in & certain sense, somewhat diverted from the literal bearing, it would evidently be imprudent to vindicate for secondary, simply analogous derivations an identical figurative meaning. Nothing authorises us to attribute to patisaitharana the precise sense of hospitality,' which would not suit either the construction of the sentence or the term chitana in the preceding inscription. Nor do I see on what ground could be maintained the too precise translation of repairs,' given by Bühler. It seems to me that the general meaning of care' is more conformable to what analogy requires.
The reading eta cha for the apparent etata, judiciously advocated by Bühler, is above all doubt. As to oyapapehi, I have, in commenting on K. 19, only been able to stato in an additional note that this transcription seems now to be secured by the Kondamudi plates where Prof. Hultzsch has made it out. His etymology from avayava is extremely ingenious. But I do not think, and to this effect our epigraphs seem to me to supply decisive arguments, that we onght to insist on the etymological shade of meaning. I would prefer to distribute, to bestow,' i.e. in fact to realise the gift.
This passage and the sequel agree with K. 19 and N. 4. It is enough here to refer to these two records. But in spite of the general symmetry, there are some divergencies for which we are left without the aid and control of direct analogies. First, if, after niba[n]dhápehi, we really mast, in spite of some difficulties, read Sudasana (and the characters Sud ..na at least appear extremely probable), the cha which follows after gámasa compels us to take gámasa with the sequel, and implies that Sudasana belongs to what precedes. Hence I am led to postulate the reading Sudasane, 'in the village of Sudasana;' but Sudasane for Sudasaneou, or rather for gume Sudasanesu, does not satisfy me entirely.
The sequel corresponds exactly with our No. 4, in so far as five different acts connected with the donation are enumerated in both places. In the next epigraph they are expressed by the words anata, chhata, uparakhita, data patiká and kata, of which the first, second, fourth and fifth are common to the present text as well. It is a priori probable that the third also is, if not identical in form, at least equivalent in bearing. The reading hathachhato gives no meaning which can be made to agree with uparukhita. Besides, chhato stands condemned by the fact that this word already figures in the same series. Although the transcription chh, especially if we judge from the back of the estampage, cannot be said to be impossible, the too angular tracing and the unusual place which would have to be assigned to the vertical stroke sur mounting the double ourl joins with the general aspect of the front to make it at least doubtful. The reading hatha (or hathe) guto, besides reminding of Rohanigutto which I have adduced in K. 19, would perhaps satisfy the desideratum of close agreement; but I must own that the actual traces of the estampage do not seem to favour it, and I put it here only as a provisional guess, to stand until a more acute reader or some evident analogy removes every uncertainty.

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The five different terms have been explained in K. 19. The same is not the case with the titles and names which are special to our text, and which the imperfect preservation of the latter renders more or less obscure. As for the first, as stated before, I join with some confidence in Bhagwanlal's reading vinibadhakarehi. He understood the word as 'document writer.' It is certain, on the testimony of the use of nibamdhapehi, that nibandha, as in N. 5, has to be taken here in some analogous sense. But how did Bhagwanlal dispose of the initial vi, which implies a meaning of suppression, or negation? We have seen besides (in K. 11) that nibandha more specially means 'investment.' The object of the deed is to unmake the gift of the Sudasana village by substituting the gift of another. I therefore explain vinibamdhakára by: who unmakes an investment,' and take it as an epithet applied to the officers entitled to register the withdrawal of the former donation, whichever may have been the proper qualification of these Dûtakas.
As to the Mahásénápati, the proper name alone seems obliterated or doubtful; but the lacuna may have contained something else than his name. Other inscriptions do not attribute to the Senapati the menial work of drafting, but perpetuate his name as that of a high officer entrusted with this charge at the end of the grant; see e.g. Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscr. Nos. 55 and 56. In a still higher degree the title of Mahásénápati, which comes near to that of Maharaja (ibid. p. 15, note), seems to place the person who is honoured with it above any such mean task. This is why I suspect that the obliterated letters, if exactly known, would let his part appear in a different light.
There remains the third qualification, of which the greater part is erased, and which begins with batika. Although this reading seems more likely than patiká, the two forms would be equivalent, and all I venture to say is that the first part of the title seems to refer to some function of an archivist, analogous to what is elsewhere expressed by akshapatalika and akshasálika. This meaning would suit the general bearing which, I think, points to the mention of such an officer. At the utmost I would note that the reading våsakehi, which G. and AS. have put in at the end of the word, reminds of sámiyehi (= suamikehi) which, in N. 4, closes the title of the Mahásvámikas entrusted with an identical task. I must add that the visible traces do not favour the restoration of the reading sámikehi.
It is most improbable that we should have to read Satakanind, and it would indeed be extremely puzzling if this royal name were borne by a simple engraver.
With kata the inscription proper comes to an end, as is indicated by the blank which is left after it. The difficulties in the following sentence are chiefly due to the uncertainty of several readings. It does not, however, seem to me impossible to do away with them. One point is certain, namely that the second part forms an adoration to the Buddha. The first ought to introduce and explain it. To this natural desideratum neither the translation of Bhagwanlal nor that of Bühler do justice. That of Bühler has the drawback of resting on the reading svámivachana, which is at variance with the original; it presupposes the name Vinhupdlana, which has to be explained as a mistake for Vinhupálita; lastly it has recourse, in explaining the supposed phesakaye, to comparisons and interpretations singularly open to controversy. The readings of Bhagwanlal are more plausible; but his translation: 'the description of the king has been given by Vishnupâla for imparting pleasure to the inhabitants of Govardhana' is certainly odd, as no 'description of the king' is given here. In fact the translation requires only a few slight alterations to become quite satisfactory. Phásu, from which the abstract phasuka is derived, means, in Buddhist style, not exactly satisfaction,' but health,' and thence well-being.' The interpretation of svámi involves a more essential modification. If we refer this title to the king, we are confronted with several difficulties. Could it not be a
1 [See my remarks on these two terms, above, Vol. VII, p. 107, note 4.-E. H.]

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denomination of the Buddha himself ? It would be & somewhat unusual application of the werd; but perhaps it could, to some extent, be explained by the necessity of avoiding here the names of Bhagavat, Buddha and Jina which follow later on. I take vannand in the sense which is now commonly reserved to varna, 'enlogy, glorification. If taken thus, the sentence introduces the invocation quite naturally. Viņhupâla, whatever may have been his position and the reason for his intervention (nothing enlightens us abont the matter; is the name perhaps only an equivalent of Viņhapalita in the following epigraph ?), proclaimed this praise of the Lord,' 1.6. adored the Buddha, 'in order to procure the well-being of the inhabitants of Govardhana.'
The beginning of the invocation itself seems puzzling. Bühler read patipatapasa; but this does not help us. He translates (perhaps by some inadvertency ?) as if he had read patipatasa = praptipráptasya ; but even thus the compound would be an error for práptapraptéh. It seems little credible that prapts, which, as seen in N. 2, has acquired a different technical sense, should have been used here in a way which is at least anusual even in reli. gious literature. Bühler and Bhagwanlal seem to have fallen into a common error by considering it beyond all discussion that bhagatasa must be a fault for bhagavatasa. We ought to be careful not to charge the engraver too rashly. All difficulties vanish if we admit: first, that the words must be separated otherwise, and secondly that the bh bore the vowel u which has disappeared, the stone being here much defaced. Thus we get 'bhugatasapalipatapasa = abhyudgatasampraptipratápasya, an excellent epithet to Budhasa, as will be seen from my rendering. Sampatti is well known in Pali (see Childers) not only in the sense of prosperity,' but with the special and more technical meaning of religious attainment. Nothing in this sentence betrays a later origin. It may be supposed that Vishņupala, being concerned in some way with the execution of the inscription, was led by his zeal to crown it by that pious manifestation,
No. 4, Plate ii. (Ksh. 13). On the east wall of the veranda in Cave No. 3, under the ceiling,
TEXT. 1 Sidhar sendye Vojayaṁtiye (1) vijayakhadhavara Govadhanasa
Benakatakasvâmi (2) Gotamiputo Siri-Sadakaņi (3) 2 ânapayati Govadhane amacha Viņhupalita (4) game Aparakakhadiye ya (5)
khetam Ajakalakiyam Usabhadatena (6) bhůtam niyatana (7)3 satâni be 200 eta ambakheta nivataṇasatâni (8) be 200 imesa pavajitâna
Tekirasiņa (9) vitarama etasa chasa khetasa paribara 4 vitarama apavesa (10) anomass (11) alonakhadaka arathasa vinayika
savajatapåriharika (12) cha etahi na parihårehi parihar hi (13) 5 ete (14) chasa khetaparihår. (15) cha etha nibadh åpehi (16) aviyena (17)
Iñatam amachena Sivagutens chhato Mah&s&miyehi aparakhito (18) 6 data patika savachhare 18 (19) vasapakhe (20) 2 divase i T&pasena (21) kata.
REMARKS. (1) AS.jayati.-(2) G. and AS. Otaká sva.-(3) G.'dakani.-(4) G. and AS. "litan.(5) G. odiyan yan kho"; AS.diya ya kheo. - (6) G. Ushabhadátena. -(7) AS. nivatane. - (8) AS. Csatánni.-(9) G. sina ; AS.sina. -(10) G. apáveo; AS.vesa. -(11) AS.masan.(12) G. tapari".-(13) G. riharahi; AS. Criharihi. -(14) AS, eta. -(15) G. and AS. "hare. - (16) G. and AS. nibadho lihi. The only point which in my reading seems subject to some material uncertainty is the vocal e of the syllable pe. - (17) G. suviy eņa; AS. aviyena. (18)

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G. "Khitd. -(19) AS. 14; bat Bühler bas corrected this reading to 18 in Die Ind. Ingchriften und die Kunstpoesie, p. 58. -(20) G. vasapakhe ; AS. vasapa[khe]. -(21) G. opasana.
TRANSLATION. "Success! From the camp of victory of the Vejayanti army, Siri-Sadakani Gotamiputa, lord of Ben&kataka of Govidhana, commands Viņhupalita, the officer at Govadhana: The Ajakalakiya field in the village of Western Kakhadi, previously enjoyed by Usabhadeta, - two hundred-200 - ivartanas, - that our field - two hundred - 200 - rivartanas - we oonfer on those Tekirasi ascetics; and to that fleld we grant immunity, (making it) not to be entered (by royal officers), not to be touched (by any of them), not to be dug for salt, not to be interfered with by the district police, and (in short) to enjoy all kinds of immunities; with those immunities invest it; and this field and these immunities take care to have registered here. Verbally ordered ; written down by the officer Sivaguta; kept by the Mahásámiyas. The deed was delivered in the 18th year, on the 1st day of the end fortnight of the rainy season ; executed by Tapasa."
Vejayantiye onght to be taken as a local name and as alluding to the town of Vejayanti (K. 1). Vejayanti is not identical with vijayanti, the feminine of the participle vijayat,
victorious.' The mention of the Vejayanti army' may have been promoted by the wish of recalling to mind the usual formula vijayaskandhavára in a way at once pleasant to the king and honourable for his troops, whose successes it commemorated.
I cannot discover the d which AS. and G. attach to the second k of Bendkataka. This is not to be wondered at, because it seems impossible to interpret Benákatakasvami otherwise than as a compound of the same form as Navanarasvami in N. 3. When svamin is prefixed as a title, it is placed before the king's name (såmi Siri-Poļumayi, K. 14; N. 25; s&mi Siriyaña-Satakapi, N. 24), and not, we would be the case here, if Bühler and Bhagwanlal were right, before his metronymic. As to the genitive Govadhanasa, it could certainly be explained as governed implicitly by Bendkafaka and pointing out the district where the place is situated. It seems however much more probable that it must be construed with skandhavárat. The sequence of words would then appear somewhat less regular; but the presence of another genitive, senaye Vejayantiye, may have caused Govadhanasa to be placed after khandhavára. As we know nothing about Ben&kataka (see the preceding inscription), its situation need not be considered here. But it is unlikely that the king, while dating his gift from his head-quarters, should not have stated the name, and, as the gift mentioned here was made by him verbally and personally, it is all but oertain that he was himself present at Govardhana.
Bühler and Bhagwanlal understand ajakálakiyan = Sanskrit adyakálikam, an adjective qualifying khetan, and which, determining the following Usabhadatena bhdtam, would mean 'till to-day.' This meaning would be excellent; it would have the advantage of dating positively the Southern conquest of Gautamiputrs, which probably brought about the dispossession of the Kshaharata Rishabhadatta in favour of the invader. But from the grammatical point of view - without taking into account the singularity of the form adyakalakiya= adyakálika,it would really be an odd way of speaking. It is, besides, necessary that the object of the gift should be precisely stated, the more so because, if Rishabhadatta had laid hand on possession in these parta, it is hardly to be believed that it would not have extended over more than one field. I, therefore, am inclined to think that Ajakálakiya is the name of a place, whatever may be its exact etymology which I have no means to state for certain,
I have no doubt that Tekirasina is the equivalent of Tiranhukánan and refers to the monks on mount Trirasmi. As to the phonetic change, I see nothing more convincing than the conjecture of Bühler, who corrects the word to Torasikanan = Trairqimikanári But it is really a desperate expedient 80 desperate that I may be allowed to ask a question.

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If really, as is supposed, the name Trirasmi, attached to the hill at Nasik, had been inspired by its triple top, would it be too bold to imagine that, under the influence of those Yavanas whose traces are rather common in these parts, a Greek equivalent Tpurepas could, by some accident, have obtained currency by the side of the native name?
For what follows compare K. 19.- No more than former commentators have I any means of determining the exact bearing of the title Mahásvámika. I would only note that it reminds strongly of Mahavihárasvamin, & term known from other texts, and which Dr. Fleet (Gupta Insor. p. 272, note) considers to denote a dignity superior to that which is expressed by the simple Vihärasvdmin. It would then point to a college of religious dignitaries. I feel tempted to compare with these the titles Mahd-dryaka and Chala-dryaka, which have been examined before.
No. 5, Plate ii. (Ksh. 14.) Engraved in continuation of No. 4, from which it is separated only by a Svastika.
TEXT. 6 Siddha (1) Govadhane amachasa Samakasa (2) deyo (3) rájanito (4) 7 raño Gotamiputasa Satakanisa (5) mahadeviya (6) cha jivasutâys råja
måtuya Vachanena Govadhane (7) . .cho (8) Samako arogavatavo tato
eva cha (9) 8 vatayo etha (10) amhehi pavate Tiraņhumhi mhadhamadane leņe
pativasatånar (11) pavajitâna bhikhûna gåme Kakhadisu pavakhetan
data ta cha kheta 9 .. kasate (12) 0 cha gåmo na vasati ovam (18) sati ya (14)
danietha (15) nagarasime rajakan kheta (16) ambasata kam (17) tato
etega (18) pavajitâna bhikhunań Teraņhukanam dadama 10 khetasa nivatapasatan 100 tasa cha khetasa parihåra (19) vitarama
apåvesa anomasa alopakhadaka arathasavinayika bavajatapariharika cha (20) 11 etebi na parihårehi pariharetha (21) eta chasa khetaparihåre (22) cha
etha (23) nibadhåpetha (24) avijena (25) amata pațihârakhiya Lotaya
chhato (26) lekho (27) Bavao hhare 24 12 vågåna (28) pakhe 4 divase pachame (29) 5 Sujiving (30) kata nibadho (31) nibadho Bavachhare (32) 24 gimhaņa pakhe 2 divase 10.
REMARKS. (1) AS, siddhan. - (2) G. and AS. Sama'.-(3) The initial de is probable, but not entirely certain. -- (4) G. rájanito; AS. rajans'. The syllable rd is very indistinct in the estampages. (5) G. Sata'. - (6) AS. "deviya. -(7) G. vadhana. -(8) G. restores very aptly [ama]cho. — (9) G. and AS, do not mention this cha, which I believe to discover in the estampage. - (10) AS. etha. -(11) G. and AS. osatana. -(12) G. vakasate ; AS. va kansate. The first letter in the line is very indistinct in the estampage. The traces agree more with the reading na which the sense requires, than with va. -(13) AS. eva. - (14) G. and AS. yan. -(15) AS. etha. - (16) G. and AS. Ichetan. — (17) AS. amao. - (18) G. etasa. -(19) G. Charan. - (20) AS. omits cha. -(21) G. Charatha; AS. 'heretha. -(22) G. parihara and AS. "hara. - (23) AS. etha. -(24) AS.dhd latha. -(25) G. swiye'. - (26) G. ldjaniyamata ; AS. Lofdya mata.- (27) G. and AS. lekhe. - (28) AS. [va)odo. - (29) G. pamcha'.-(30) G. pu[va]jitina; AS. Pujitind. - (31) G. 'badhd. - (32) AS, sanvachhare.
TRANSLATION. "Success! Order of the king, to be made over to samaka, the officer at Govadhana. In the name of the king S&takani Gotamiputa and of the king's queen mother whose son is living,

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Samaka, the officer at Govadhana, shall be addressed with the usual civility and then shall be told thus: “We have here on mount Tiranbu formerly given to the mendicant ascetics dwelling in the cave which is a pious gift of ours, a field in the village of Kakhadi ; but this field is not tilled, nor is the village inhabited. Matters being so, that royal village of ours, which is now here on the limit of the town, from that field we give to the mendicant ascetics of Tiranhu one hundred - 100 - nivartanas of land, and to that field we grant immunity, (making it) not to be entered (by royal officers), not to be touched (by any of them), not to be dug for salt, not to be interfered with by the district police, and (in short) to enjoy all kinds of immunities; invest it with those immunities, and take care that the donation of the field and the immunities are duly registered." Verbally ordered; the deed written down by Lota, the door-keeper ; (the charter) executed by Sujivin in the year 24, in the 4th fortnight of the rainy season, on the Afth-5th-day. The donation had been made in the year 24, in the and fortnight of summer, on the 10th day."
Rajánito is perplexing. Bühler's explanation does not convince me. The use of so deformed a word as niminta = niryata is quite improbable, and some parallel instances would be required to render the idiom admissible. Besides, I doubt very much that the gift could have been attributed in that way to Syamaka, even with the limitation which would be implied by rájánito, meaning as proposed : 'which proceeds from the king. The reading itself I do not consider as secured, at least to judge from the estampages. The genitive Såmakasa would be used in the sense of a dative governed by deya : 'which ought to be bestowed on Sâmaka, and the last syllables of the line would contain the substantive expressing what ought to b bestowed. Now I propose to read rájánati, and before it, deyd instead of doyo, the final vowe of which is far from clear. In this way we obtain a docket of the whole grant : & com mand of the king, to be conveyed to Sy&maka.' The vocalisation is here so nacertain that my conjectures cannot be called risky. The somewhat exceptional beginning would at least have the advantage of harmonising perfeotly with some other equally exceptional peculiarities of the inscription. First, as is shown by the following sentence, we have here not & command directly delivered to Sâmaka, but conveyed to him by some intermediary: raño . . . mahadeviya cha vachanena. This circumstance is worth remembering all the more because the sequel (1. 11) states that the command was & verbal one issued by the king; in fact the plurals pariharetha and nibadhapetha are accounted for by the circumstance that the command was not intimated directly to Samaka (in which case precedente would let us expect the singular), but to the intermediaries, whoever they may have been, that were delegated by the king. Further, in the ordinary form of deeds the engraver is mentioned at the end. In this inscription, however, the date of the execution of the grant is followed by another date, on which the donation had been prononnoed - 3 date naturally anterior to the despatch of formalities. This date was probably added by Såmaka because he wanted to state the interval which, owing to delays in transmission, intervened between the resolution of the two royal persons and the execution of their will.
It is but natural to suppose that the field situated at Kakhadi, which had been bestowed before upon the monks, is the same as that mentioned in the preceding insoription. Our epigraph is, by the very place it occupies, brought into close connection with the preceding one. It must, however, be noted that the king's mother does not play any part in the preceding gift, which is oontrary to the wording of the present one, and that Apara-Kakhadi as the name of the village looks like an intentional differentiation from the simple Kakhadi which we have here. At least the anterior deed did not state that the grant should conoern exclusively, as it is said this time, the monks of the cave bestowed by the queen - the Dharmasêtu. We must, however, remember the real nature of these epigraphs. They are not official documents, but, in some way, accidental commemorations of gifts, of which the records properly so called were kept among the charters of the monastery. So they may well abridge and sum them up;

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in this way it is easy to understand why they do not note many details which could not fail to appear in the official deeds themselves.
Though it is generally inadvisable to have recourse to the correction of supposed errors of the engraver, it is difficnlt not to agree with Bühler when he corrects pațihararakhiya. For other details see K. 19 and N. 3.
No. 6, Plate iii. (N. 8.) On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 6.
TEXT. 1 Sidham Viragahapatisa nyegamamsa (1) lepam (2) 2 deyadhama katumbiņiya (3) chasa Namdasiriya (4) ovara ko 3 ya chasa Purisadatáva ovarako eva leņam chatugabbam 4 niyuta (5) bhikhusamghasa châtudisasa piyachitan.
duhutu
REMARKS. (1) AS. °gamasa; the antsvara, although faulty, seems perfectly clear. -(2) G. and A8. lena. -(3) G. 'biniya. - (4) AS. °dasaraya. The reading siri seems sure. - (5) G. niyuta.
TRANSLATION "Success! This cave, a pious gift of the householder Vira, a merchant, a cell of his wife Nandasiri, and a cell of his daughter Purisadattå; the cave thus oompleted to four cells has been bequeathed to the universal Sangha."
I do not think gahapati ought to be taken as a part of the proper name, any more than in Nandagahapatind at Sailarwadi (CTI. p. 38, text 1. 5). At Junnar (CTI. and AS. No. 4) we meet again with a donor Virasenakasa gahapatipamughasa dhanmaniga masa. In spite of the close resemblance of the epithets, the writing of the two documents does not seem - unless, what is very possible, the difference be more local than chronological, - to entitle us to identify both. Anyhow it follows from the comparison that gahapati, just as negama, is a title. Besides, it may perhaps be concluded from it that Vira is only an abridgment of the real name which has to be completed by a second member like sena. Negama need not be explained; but it may be remarked en passant that its use here favours the opinion I have formerly stated, and which I must maintain against the doubts that have been raised by & learned opponent (Fick, Sociale Gliederung au Buddha's Zoit, p. 164), vis. that gļihapati is, in the Buddhist language, specially restricted to people of various castes, who are included in the large class of Vaisyas.
The writing nyene is the more noteworthy because we find afterwards niydohvita= miyatita. It looks as if this engraver had felt some peopliar inclination towards the palatalizing of dentals.
Niyuta was translated by Bühler in various ways: 'allotted, given,' and often, as now,' dedicated. The inscription No. 1 at Mabad reads. . . lena chetiyaghara ovaraka cha atha ti kaman niyutan . . and seems to settle the exact bearing of the word, vis. * executed, completed,' implying the notion of a plan, of an appropriation to some use or some object, which is conveyed by the verb niyuj. Niyuta is thereforo not ordinarily construed with a dative; it is generally followed by another participle, as here by niyatita, pointing to the donation which takes place after the work has been completed. It is needless to observe that when niyuta is accompanied by a dative (or a genitive fulfilling the functions thereof), as at: Junnar No. 15 (where we have to read niyutaka), this fact is no way irreconcilable with the translation I am advocating: made for the Sangha (residing) at Kapichita.
L 2

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No. 7, Plate iii. On the back wall of Cave No. 7, left of the doorway,
TEXT. 1 Bhayatta-Savasanam amteva2 siniya pavayitêya T&pasi3 niya cha deyadhama [leņa] 4 châtudisasa bhikhusaghasa datam.
REMARKS. This epigraph is missing in AS. I give the reading of Bhagwanlal rather than a transcription of my own. The estampages appear to be even less legible than the photographs. The letters are not deeply cut, so that the back of the estampages shows almost nothing. The direct examination of the stone may have enabled Bhagwanlal to see more than I can discover on the facsimiles. I can only abandon to him the honour and responsibility of the reading. Our facsimile is besides probably too short. For in the first line, where the visible traces indeed seem to confirm his transcription, the final vå which he has read is certainly wanting, and the following lines also, if compared with his readings, seem to be incomplete on the right. In the second line I am unable to make out pavayitdya, and even less Tápasio. The rest looks more probable. I must, however, except the last word. Besides the fact that no trace of data appears, it is not that participle, but nydtita, which is ordinarily used in that way. In l. 3 the cha must be wrong; to all appearance we have to do with a single gift.
TRANSLATION. “This cave, a pious gift of Tapasint, a female ascetio, a disciple of the reverend Savasa, granted to the universal Sangha of ascetics."
It is hardly credible that the name of the donor should be omitted, as the epigraph takes the trouble to commemorate the name of her religious teacher. So she must have been called T&pasini, admitting the reading to be correct. We have already met (in N. 4) with Tapasa as a man's name. As to that of the teacher, always supposing the reading to be correct, I do not see, among several possibilities, any Sanskrit transcription which can be safely admitted. The reading Sovasa is not impossible; it reminds of Sovasaka which in K. 20 seems to be an ethnic name, probably = Sanvarsha. Bhája (AS. No. 4) supplies another instance of the pluralis majestatis : theranan bhaanta-Dhamagirinan.
NO. 8, Plate viii. (N. 7.) On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 8, right of the doorway.
TEXT. Dasakasa Mugadásasa (1) saparivarasa lepa (2) deyadhama (3).
REMARKS. (1) AS. Mugudao. The is not quite distinct. The double stroke, however, accounts best for the crack, and besides the dis sure in the following number. -(2) G. lenan. Even the , much more the vh, is extremely indistinct. (8) G. odhanma.

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TRANSLATION . “This cave, a pious gift of Mugudase, & fisherman, together with his next."
It is, I think, too precise to translate saparivara by 'with his family. If such were his intention, the engraver would rather have used either special names of kinship or some generic word, as jati, which occurs elsewhere. Parivara may, together with the family or even excluding it, apply to companions of the donor, fellow-workers or caste-partners.
Whatever may be the exact meaning of dásaka, which I do not hesitate to identify with dásaka, as suggested by Bühler, our Mugûdâs& cannot well be different from the one who is mentioned in the next inscription, also with his surroundings (saparivdra). It is strange that the gift of the cave should thus be commemorated twice in two epigraphs, each of which is located on one side of the same door. Generally our formulas distinguish the lena from the cells (ovaraka, gabha) which are excavated in them. Although lena is here used in both cases, I am inclined to think that the word in our No. 9 points no more to the veranda, but to the cell which the same donor Mugadása must have added to his cave. This interpretation seems the more tempting as the second donation has for its object to supply with clothes the pavajita, i.e. the monk residing in the cell. However this may be, Mugadása has a namesake at Kuda (AS. No. 23), a maldkára or florist, whom nothing at least in the writing forbids to consider bis contemporary.
No. 9, Plate iii. (N. 6.) On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 8, left of the doorway.
TEXT. 1 Chetika-apåsakiyasa Mogudásasa (1) saparivkrasa leņam (2) deyadhama (3) tasa
leņasa (4) BodhiguteZoupasakasa putena Dhamanamdine datam (5) khetam (6) apariliga Kanhahiniya
eto cha khetato chivarikam (7) pavaitasa.
REMARKS. (1) AS. Maga'.-(2) G. and AS. lena. - (3) Perhaps dhamo; but the vowel-mark would then, contrary to use, be attached to the top of them. - (4) AS. lenasa.-(5) G. and AS. data. -(6) G. and AS, kheta. -(7) G. and As. chivarika.
TRANSLATION. « This cave, a pious gift of Mugudesa, of the lay oommunity of Chetikas, together with his next. To this cave has been given by Dhamanandin, son of the lay worshipper Bodhigute, a field in Western Kanhahini, and from this field (accrues) the providing of olothes for the ascetic (living here)."
Compare the preceding inscription. The only difficulty peculiar to this epigraph is connected with the words aparitiya Kanhahiniya. I have followed the translation of Bühler and Bhagwanlal, but without feeling so certain about its correctness as they appear to do. It presupposes an adjective aparila, equivalent to apara, which is unusual, and which in any case does not conform to the precedent Apara-Kakhadiye in No. 4 above. The analogy of that passage would rather induce us to look in the word following khetan for the particular Dame of the field. Anyhow the long vowel of li, which is quite distinct, remains somewhat puzzling; it would make mo think of some passive participle of the future a-paritiya, if the use of li with the prefis pari were testified to by literature or gave some clear and satisfaotory meaning.

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No. 10, Plate iv. (Ksh. 5.) On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 10, under the ceiling.
TEXT. Compare Dr. Hornle in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII. pp. 27 ff. and Dr. Bhandarkar,
ibid. pp. 139 ff.] 1 Siddhan rajñaḥ Kshaharátasya kshatra pasya Nahapanasya jâmâtrá (1)
Diniksputrena Ushavadátena trigobatasahasradens nadya Bårnåshyam suvarnadânatirthakarepa dovatâbhyah brahmapebhyascha shodasagrámadena
anuvargham (2) brahmanašatas&haeribboj&payitra 2 Prabhdee paṇyatirthe brahmapebhyah ashtabhâryâpradena Bharukachhe Dasapure
Govardhane Sorp&rage cha chatasalâvasadhapratigrayapradena äråmatadaga(3)udapânakareņa Iba-Parada-Damaņa-Tapi-Karabend-Dahanukd-nåvâpanyatarakarena
et&sam cha nadinám ubhatotiram sabhá3 prapäkarena Pimţitakavade (4) Govardhane Suvarnamukhe Sorpirage cha
Råmatirthe Charakaparsbabhyah grâme (5) Nânamgole dvåtrisatanáļigeramůlasahasrapradena (6) Govardhane Trirasmishu parvateshu dharmâtmanå idam leņam (7) kâritam ima oha podhiyo (8) [IS] Bhatáraká amñâtiya (9) cha gato smim (10) Yarshâratum (11) Malayehi (12) rudham Utamabhadram (13)
mochagitur 4 te cha MAlay& pranådeneva apay&ta Utamabhadrakanam (14) cha kshatriyanam
sarve parigrah kita tato smim (15) gato Poksharani tatra cha maya abhiseko krito tripi (16) cha gosahasrani datêni gråmo (17) cha [II] Data chânena (18) kshetram (19) brahmanasa Vårahiputrasa Asvibhůtisa hatho kipita molens (20) kahapanasahasrehi chatuhi 4000 ya sapitusataka
nagarasimaya utara paraya disaya (21) eto mama lepo vasa5 tånar (22) châtudisasa (23) bhikhuseghasa mukhkharo bhavisati.
REMARKS. (1) The reading trá is very distinct; the right side of the t however bears a slight trace of the vowel w, as if the form jdmatu had been present, along with the form jamátra, in the mind of the writer. - (2) AS. "varsha. - (3) AS. °tadága.-(4) G. Pindi. - (5) AS. grama. - (6) AS. sahasradona. -(7) G. and AS. lena. - (8) AS. podhiyo. - (9) The syllable ani (for the anusvára is quite visible) has been added between kå and Aid, probably in order to point out that the initial a has been absorbed into the d of ka. The d of Ad is doubtful; the vowelmark is not ordinarily, as would here be the case, placed at the top of the vertical line. - (10) AS. omi. The antsvara is doubtful. If it exists, it is of course a mistake. -(11) The u is subscribed in two ways, the one very similar to T, as here and in putrasa in the next line, the other in the shape of a small horizontal stroke, as in mochayitum, pitu. (12) Between ye and hi there is a blank, which seems to have been filled up by two or three characters that would have been effaced. - (13) AS.bhadran. The a does not appear to be quite certain. -(14) AS."kanán. - (15) AS. krità tato smi. The antsvara, though faulty, seems to exist on the stone. - (16) AS. tini gosao. - (17) AS. gamo. -(18) G. cha nena. -(19) AS. kshetra. -(20) G. and AS. múle. - (21) G. disão. - (22) G. and AS. Ctána. -(23) G. Otudisao.
TRANSLATION. "Success! UshavadAta, Dinika's sou, son-in-law of king Nahapana, the Kshaharata Kshatrapa, who has given three-hundred-thousand cows, who has made gifts of money and lirthas on the river Barnasa, who has given sisteen villages to the gods and Brahmaņas, who

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causes one-hundred-thousand Brâhmaṇas to be fed the (whole) year round, who has given eight wives to Brahmaņas at the religious tirtha of Prabhasa, who at Bharukachha, Dasapura, Govardhana and Sorpdraga has given the shelter of quadrangular rest-houses, who has made wells, tanks and gardens, who has out of charity established free ferries by boats on the Iba, Parada, Damana, Tapi, Karabend and Dahanuka, and erected on both banks of these rivers shelters for meeting and sach for gratuitous distribution of water, who has given thirty-twothousand stems of cocoa nut trees at the village Nânamgola to the congregation of Charakas at Pinditakávada, Govardhana, Suvarnamukha and the R&matirtha in Sorparaga, -inspired by (true) religion, in the Trirasmi hills at Govardhana, has caused this cave to be made and these cisterns. And by order of the lord I went to release the chief of the Uttamabhadras, who had been besieged for the rainy season by the Malayas, and those Malayas fled at the mere roar (of my approaching) as it were, and were all made prisoners of the Uttamabhadra warriors. Thence I went to the Pokshara tanks, and there I bathed and gave three-thousand cows and a village. A field has also been given by him, bought at the hands of the Brahmara Asvibhati, son of Varahi, for the price of four-thousand - 4,000 - kahd panas, which (field) belonged to his father, on the boundary of the town towards the north-western side. From it food will be procured for all monks, without distinction, dwelling in my cave."
The beginning of the ingeription till ashtabháryápradona is, except one or two insignificant discrepancies, but the reproduction in Sanskfit orthography of the beginning of No. 13 at K&rld. It will suffice to refer to this fact.
Dasapura is the only one among the four towns mentioned here which remains unidentified. I see no means of choosing between the Daśapara in Rajputana (Bühler), that in Malwa (Bhagwanlal), or others which might be added, as Mandasôr, etc. In No. 26 we see that some Sakas dwelt in that place; this is at least a hint that it ought to be searched for towards the north,
As for the river names, Bühler's and Bhagwanlal's views agree together. Dr. Bhandarkar proposed to restore opanyao and to separate ova-apanyatarao. Such a correction would be rash; but the general meaning would come to the same. Punyatara must be compared with punyatirtha which we have met before. As it characterises the Prabh&satirtha as a religious place, punya qualifies the ferries by boats established on those rivers as religious, charitable or meritorious ones, 1.6. as gratuitous. The phraseology whioh so constantly associates sabhd and prapa (compare Mahabharata, Anusasanikaparvan, vv. 1635, 1671 and 6685; Santiparvan, v. 1492, etc.) proves, contrary to Dr. Hoernle's ingenious, but too artificial conjecture, that the two words have to be taken as a dvandva.
Pimditakávada and Suvarnamukha ere, as far as I know, unidentified. In Nanamgola it is at least tempting to see with Bhagwanlal Nargol near Sanjan. The communities of Charakas to whom the gift has been made seem to be identioal with the Charakas who are named in a stereotyped formula of Buddhist (e.g. Mahavastu, III. 412 : anyatarthikacharakapariprajaka) and Jaina texts, namely & certain special category of Brâhmanical ascetice. To take charaka for 'Brahmapical students' would leave the gift too undetermined, and if the Charaka-sakhå of the Yajurvêda were meant, the expression would have been made more definite.
The real stumbling-block here is the compound dvdtritata. All interpreters understand by it a gift of a thousand coins) representing the value of thirty-two cocoanut trees. Bhagwanlal alone has translated 'who has bestowed as a gift thirty-two-thousand cocoanut trees.' This text cannot be considered independently from another, perfectly parallel one in N. 12, where we read : game Ohikhalapadre datáni naligeräna mulasahasrani atha 8000. The same difference exists there between Bühler's and Bhagwanlal's translations. First of all it must be owned that the gift of a capital amounting to the value of thirty-two cocoanut trees, to be distributed among at least four religious fraternities, would be, especially from so mighty and liberal a donor, extremely

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improbable. Secondly, what could be the use of specifying so accurately, as is done in the two cases, the village in which those trees would have been alienated, if the donees were only concerned with the proceeds of the sale ? The fact itself, that the king's son-in-law should have sold a few cocoanut trees in order to provide himself with funds for his private charities, is the more unlikely as gifts in kind are the more usual ones; or, if money is intended, it is a consolidated investment (see N. 12), a foundation of a perpetual rent. We see below that the same donor buys a field in order to secure food for the monks, but not the reverse. If we follow Bühler, we must admit, in spite of the general parallelism of the two phrases, that the number of trees would have been noted in our case, while in N. 12 the sum of money alone would be stated, as representing the coooanut trees (ndligerâna), the number of which would be undefined. In N. 12, If only we read malan for müla, we may well construe the word in apposition to sahasáns. Such an expedient is here out of the question, and this is a very strong reason for taking in N. 12 mulasahasani as a compound. This must be the spontaneous impression of every unprejudiced reader; even here, where the compound is certain, its resolution into a first member ending with múla and being in apposition to sahasra (which would be excluded by the compound mulasahasáni in N. 12) is, although possible, certainly too remote to appear probable at first sight. Lastly, in N. 12, if a gift of 8,000 karshapanas were really intended, it is not easy to see why it should have been consigned to the third place, without any details regarding the mode of foundation, while the inferior gift of 3,000 kárshápanas, previously mentioned, is treated quite differently. From all these facts I conclude that Bhagwanlal is certainly right, and that we have here to do with a gift of 32,000 Cocoanut trees, and in N. 12 with one of 8,000, the first at the village of Nânamgola, and the second at the village of Chikhalapadra. The only difficulty lies in the use of můla, which seems to imply roots of cocoanut trees' instead of simply "cocoanut trees.' Such an idiom is surely not more pazzling than if, in French, we reckon trees by "pieds' and say 32,000 pieds de cocotiers.'
The locatives Govardhane Trirasmishu parvateshu have been generally construed in immediate connection with karitan and dharmatmand, which was considered as an independent epithet, meaning religious, charitable,' and would have been introduced here into the midst of the sentence without any special signification. The general plan of the construction does not seem to favour such an interpretation. The words beginning with Govardhane and ending with dharmatmand are exactly symmetrical with the analogous groups which precede this one. These groups make up the bulk of our epigraph and end uniformly with a laudatory epithet, preceded by such determinatives as it requires. It seems difficult to admit that the analogy created by guch a concatenation of instances should be disturbed in this only case, and that the strict correspondence which is warranted by the whole structure should here be fallacious. Besides it would be the only case where to the mention of the mountains in which the cave was excavated would be added the name of the neighbouring town of Govardhana, which is perfectly superfluous in this place, the only one too where, in order to commemorate, on the site itself, the name of the hill in which it has been dug, the plural would be used. These two particularities rather suggest the idea of some fact which is more general, less strictly localised, and concerning not the cave itself, but the region as a whole. I must add that all the donations previously mentioned are bestowed without any exception on Brahmans or Brahman institutions, while the gift which our epigraph records, and which this part of the sentence introduces, is, on the contrary, made in favour of Buddhist monks. I have previously, in connection with the term dhanma. Yavana in K. 10, expressed the idea that dhamma has to be taken in the sense of Buddhist religion, and the same is, I believe, the case here as well. This is why I understand the passage to mean imbued at Govardhana in the Trirasmi hills with (true) religion. I dare not decide if this phrase implies an express conversion to Buddhism, or only puts a first gift in favour of Buddhism in contrast with the previous grants which were inspired by Brahmaņical feelings. I do not think the wording allows us to settle this shade of meaning. On the strength of this

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explanation I propose in N. 18 to take dhammátmand in a similar way. I believe the reading 'tmaná, not otmano, is certain, and the manner in which the construction is interrupted after the preceding genitives confirms the impression that dharmatmand is intentionally put forward, in order to dwell on the fact of a change having taken place in the religious belief or inclination of the donor Indrågnidatta.
NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
I consider varsharatum intimately connected with rudham. Besides the fact that the accusative commonly denotes duration, I beg to insist once more upon that rule of Sanskrit construction which requires the determinant to precede the determined, and to which it is so important to pay attention in the, so to say, amorphous style of inscriptions. I have unfortunately nothing to add to the explanations, though little conclusive, which have been given by others respecting some other topics in this first postscript. Of the Uttamabhadras we know nothing, and as to the Malayas, though it seems natural to look for them in the inhabitants of the Malaya or southern hills, it must be owned that if, as seems possible, they were on the way or at least in the direction towards Pokhara, i.e. Ajmer, the equation Malaya Malava, proposed by Bhagwanlal, would be well worthy of consideration. Of course 'mountaineers' of the same region may also be meant.
=
81
In the second additional paragraph, the principal difficulty lies in yasapitusataka. Bhagwanlal divides: yasa pitu sataka, 'belonging to whose (Asvibhuti's) father.' Bühler transcribes ya sa(sva)pitusa (m) taka and translates 'which belongs to my (Asvibhuti's) father; and he is of course obliged to connect the epithet sapitusataka with nagarasimdya. It is evident to my mind that Bühler was mistaken, and that the adjective, which, if applied to nagarasimâya, would be meaningless, must be referred to the field. As to the grammatical analysis, the matter is different. The relative ya is construed less naturally with Advibhutisa which is far off, than with kshetram, the idea of which pervades the whole sentence. I, therefore, divide ya sapitusataka svapi, sva being applied to Asvibhûti's father. It is just because the field does not belong to this Brahman himself, and because he plays in this transaction the part of a representative only of his father, that the epigraph uses the expression Asvibhutisa hathe instead of the ablative case: at the hand of Asvibhuti,'- a shade of meaning which ought not to have passed unnoticed.
On account of the proximity of mama lene vasatanam and châtudisasa samghasa, this inscription is one of those where the exact meaning of châtudisa samgha is most clearly brought out, as I have tried to show in K. 13.
No. 11, Plate vii. (Ksh, 10.)
In the veranda of Cave No. 10, over the doorway of the left cell.
TEXT.
1 Sidham (1) râmão (2) Kshaharâtasa kshatrapasa Nahapanasa dihi2 tu Dinikaputrasa Ushavadatasa kuḍumbiniya Dakhamitraya (3) deyadhammam (4) ovarako.
REMARKS.
(1) G. and AS. sidham.-(2) G. ráño; AS. raño.-(3) AS. mitâya.- (4) G. dhammam. This epigraph is repeated twice, with, as it seems, only slight graphical differences; compare N. 13 below. Although AS. refers to the facsimile on Plate lii., the way in which the lines are cut proves that the transcription was made, not from the estampage which corresponds with our N. 13, but from that which we transcribe here, and which figures on the accompanying Plate vii.
M

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[VOL. VIII.
TRANSLATION "Success! This cell, the gift of Dakhamitra, wife of Ushavadata, son of Dinika, and daughter of king Nahapana, the Kshaharata Kshatrapa."
No. 12, Plate v. (Ksh. 9.) Immediately below the preceding inscription.
TEXT. 1 Sidhar Vase 42 Vesakhamase råño (1) Kshaharátase kshatrapasa
Nahapanasa jâmâtara Dinikapatrena Ushavad&tena samghasa châtudisasa
imam leņam (2) nig&titat data chênena (3) akshayanivi kâhâpanasahasra2 ni trini 3000 samghasa châtudisasa je imasmim lene vasarntånam (4)
bhavisati chivarika kasapamûle (5) cha ete cha kâh&paņå prayuts Govadhanavathavasu srepisu (6) kolikanikâye (7) 2000 vridhi (8) padikasata
aparakolikanika8 yo (9) 1000 vadhi payunapadikaśata (10) etecha kab&papa apadidátava
vadhibhojå eto chivarikasa hasrâni (11) be 2000 ye padike sate eto mama lene Vasava thâna bhikhunam visaya ekikasa chivarika bårasaka ya (12)
Bahasra prayutam rayonapadike (13) fate ato kusada 4 müla (14) Kapurdharo cha game Chikhalapadre datáni naligerana mulasahasrani
atha 8000 eta cha sarva (15) sråvita (16) nigamasabhaya nibadba (17) cha phalakavdre charitratoti bhayo nena datar vase 41 Katika udhe
Panaraca (18) puváka vase 45 5 panarasa niyutara (19) bhagavatain devånarh brahmananamh cha karahapanasa
hasrapi (20) satari 70000 pachatrisaka (21) suvarpa (22) krita
dina suvarpasahasranam (23) mûlyar (24) 6 phalakavâre charitratoti.
REMARKS. (1) AS. rafo.-(2) G. and AS. ima lena.- (3) G. data nona ; AS, data chanena.(4) G. and AS. vasátäna.-(5) G. kusanamula.- (6) AS. śronisu. - (7) AS. kolika (8) AS. vadhi.- (9) AS. ®kolikao - (10) G. and AS. payana,- (11) G. Osráni.- (12) G. and AS. ya. (13) G. and As. payuna, - (14) G.Omula.-(15) G. sarvan.-(16) G. savita.- (17) G. nibadha.- (18) G. Orase.-(19) G. Oyuta.-(20) G. ordni. -(21) G. trimsaka. (22) G. suvarnan.- (23) G. Osrána; AS. Osranam.- (24) G, mulyan ; AS. omála.
TRANSLATION. " Success! In the year 42, in the month Vesakha, Ushavadata, son of Dinika, son-inlaw of king Nahapana, the Kshaharata Kshatrapa, has bestowed this cave on the Sangha generally; he has also given a perpetual endowment, three thousand - 3000-kåhápanas, which, for the members of the Sangha of any sect and any origin dwelling in this cave, will serve as cloth money and money for outside life (kusana); and those kahapanas have been invested in guilds dwelling at Govadhana,- 2000 in a weavers' guild, interest one pratika (monthly) for the hundred, (and) 1000 in another weavers' guild, interest three quarters of a padika (monthly) for the hundred ; and those kahapanas are not to be repaid, their interest only to be enjoyed. Out of them, the two thousand-2000-at one pratika per cent. are the cloth money out of them to every one of the twenty monks who keep the vassa in my cave, a cloth money of twelve (kdhápaņas). As to the thousand which has been invested at an interest of three quarters of a pratika per cent., out of them the money for kusaņa. And at the village of Chikhalapadra in the

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No. 8.)
NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
K&pura district have been given eight thousand - 8000 - stems of cocoanut trees; and all this has been proclaimed (and) registered at the town's hall, at the record office, according to custom."
"Again the donation previously made by the same in the year 41, on the fifteenth of the bright half of Kärttika, has in the year 46, on the fifteenth
the fifteenth . . . . . . been settled on the venerable gods and Brâhmaņas, vit. seventy thousand- 70000-kárshápanas, each thirtyfive making a suvarna, a capital (therefore) of two thousand suvarnas. (This is registered) at the record office according to custom."
Here the difficulties begin with the word kusana. Bhagwanlal's vague attempts at explaining it cannot well be considered anything but a failure, and the comparison with the Vedio krišana does not help us any more. Literary works do not seem to have supplied to this day any instance of the word. It is but to be wondered at that the use itself to which it refers is not only foreign, but contrary to the laws of discipline as they are laid down in the Scriptures. In fact I do not think any doubt can be entertained as to the custom to which the word kubana alludes. Several inscriptions at Kapheri (Arch. Surv. Vol. V.) commemorate various endowments with a double object : chivarska solasaka paliko cha mise utukåle (No, 15); chivarika bårasaka gimhdsu padiko mase (No. 18); chivarika solasaka padiko mi se cha utukdle (No. 21); chivarika ... solasaka utukåle cha (padiko mase] (No. 28). This series corresponds with our own epigraph in the first member; it is extremely probable that both correspond in the second as well, and that consequently kusana means a monthly stipend, assigned to every monk during & certain period of the year, and probably to be applied for his food. Such a proceeding of course is, from the point of view of principle, most incorrect, the monks being expected to live on alms and being precluded from even touching any money. The general interpretation seems nevertheless certain. The case is different as regards the precise meaning and etymology of the word. I know of no really probable conjecture I could suggest. Although rather numerous, the passages at Kanheri do not even state distinctly during which period of the year the supply was conceded. Most of them are content to speak of the situkála. As, however, the distribution of the kuśanamala appears to have been strictly parallel with that of the chivarika or money for clothes reserved for the varsha time (vasavuthanaris bhikhunan), this season' kar' Eoxhy must be the varsha. If No. 18 expressly mentions the bot season (githesu), this is due, I suppose, to the circumstance that at that time and in that place the annual retreat began already in Ash&dha, 2.e. still in summer.
The words vridhi padikašata and vadhi payunapadikafata look perfectly clear, and they have in fact been translated quite naturally : the interest amounts to one hundred' and 'to seventyfive pratikas.' The matter is, however, not quite so simple. Those expressions cannot be considered separately from others which do not admit of such an interpretation; I mean in this inscription sahasrani be ye padike sate and ya sahasraprayutan payunapadike šate, and at Kanheri, No. 15, kahapanani satáni be saghasa yeva hathe palike sate. It is clear from the first that & capital of 200 kárshápaņas cannot possibly bring in the same interest as a capital of 2000. On the other hand, the final e of padike and sate being secured by the threefold repetition, we must find an explanation for the double locative which the ordinary translations in no way account for. As to usidhi padikafata, the translation 'interest a hundred padikas' is excluded by the consequences it would involve. Bühler was led by reasons which on the whole are, if not cogent, at least very plausible, to consider pratika as an equivalent of karshapana. Of course he was obliged to acknowledge that those hundred pratikas were not sufficient to supply the expenses for the clothes of twenty monks, at twelve kårshapanas each, because they would in that case require 240 karshapanas in all. He was obliged to assume that bárasaka (Sanskrit duadataka) refers to some coins different from the kärshapana. But Kapheri No. 16, where the fee of sixteen keirshápamas' for cloth money is expressly mentioned, loaves no room for doubt;kárshápapas are
M2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
certainly meant. It follows therefore that the translation put forward for vridhi padikafata cannot be upheld.
The only safe way is to start from the locatives padike fate. In Kanheri No. 15, Bühler translated : 'two hundred bearing (a monthly interest of) one kärshápana.' Hence he seems to have taken sate as a dual. Such an interpretation is out of the question ; it is discountenanced not only by the grammatical inadmissibility, but also by the repetition of the formula in our own text, where the numbers in each case are quite different. Nevertheless, I think that Bühler was perfectly right as to the general meaning. In fact, if wo take, and we cannot well help doing so, tate as a locative, we are easily led by the two locatives to the translation : at one pratika per cent.' In India the rate of interest is generally stated monthly (compare Mami, viii. v. 141, etc.). So it would imply a yearly income of 12 per cent. which, conformably to the ideas of the country, is far from excessive. We shall actually find in N. 17 a capital of 100 kárshápanas bringing in annually the ccst of a chivarika of 12 kárshápanas. At this rate of interest the two-thousand karshapanas bear exactly the two-hundred-and-forty kárshápaņas required yearly to provide the twenty monks with robes at 12 pieces each. It is true that the 75 pratikas produced on the same terms by the other investment of 1000 kárshápanas are not quite sufficient to secure to the twenty monks as kufanamála one kärshapana monthly during four months, which would amount to eighty pieces. But this fact does not entail any real contradiction. If the kusanamúla at Kaņheri amounted to one pratika monthly, it does not follow that it must have been of exactly the same value at Nasik ; nor is it sure even that the varsha, which we know to have differed in length according to time and place should have here lasted four months, rather than three. The only remaining difficulty is purely grammatical. I dare not decide if we ought to correct padika- (and payunapadika-) tate, or to admit some irregular formation such as the familiar or technical language is apt to produce. Anyhow the meaning remains clear: 'interest at the rate of one (and three quarters of one) pratika monthly.' The ye which follows the number 2000 of course refers to chivarikasahasrani be; it stands for the neuter yani, exactly as in l. 2 the ye following chátudisasa. The sequel shows that we have to supply prayutáni or payutáni. As to dhára = district, compare Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscr. p. 173, note.
I have explainpd before (N. 10) why I understand múla not as = 'value, capital,' bat as meaning 'stem.' The phraseology used here and the way in which the words are separated seem to supply another decisive argument in favour of that interpretation. In phalakavara I prefer taking vára, not, like Bühler, as = 'number, multitude,' but as denoting the enclosure, the premises where the official documents are kept on boards (phalaka). There are no instances from literature, by which the real meaning can be tested. Anyhow archives seem to be understood. This inscription suggests a double formality : first the notification (frávita) of the gift, and secondly its registration (nibadha). As nigamasabhd seems to mean the public ball, the town's hall,' it has been generally admitted that the first locative, migamasabhaya, refers to the place where the proclamation had to be made, the second, phalakaváre, to the embodiment into the archives. But the sequel shows that phalakavdre charitrato forms a sentence complete in itself. On the other hand, I have repeatedly insisted upon the necessity of taking into consideration the law wbich in Sanskrit puts the determinative term before the determined one. For this reason I have translated the sentence as above. The last words, phalakavdre, etc., are only a compendious attestation of the fact that the whole endowment was recorded in the archives conformably to rule.
The same formula is repeated at the end of the final clause which follows, and which is fraught with such difficulties that Bühler did not attempt even a conjectural translation. Bhagwanlal has been bolder ; I believe that, except in some grammatical details, be bas on the whole been successful. We have before us a double date, 41 and 45, for the endowment,

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No. 8.]
NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
85
Two different stages of the same proceeding must accordingly be recorded here : the first characterised by datta, the second by niyukta, viz. first the donation, and afterwards its dedication to a special category of donees. Was Bhagwanlal justified in stating that the first word amounts to the same as sankalpita and means only the resolution to give ? Or most we believe that at the second date, the donor was led by some undetermined reason to modify in favour of new donees the original object of his investment? I dare not decide this point, as both conjectures have their own difficulties. In any case we are concerned here with a donation or the project of a donation-which goes back to a previous time (puvakan), and which led to a final dedication in the year 45. In this second part of the sentence panarasa is most perplexing. If it is the same ordinal pañchadasa as in the preceding line, we are obliged to admit either that the engraver bas omitted the name of the month and of the fortnight, or that he has erroneously repeated the foregoing panarasa. Though slightly facilitated by the fact that panarasa stands at the beginning of a new line, this conjecture is too easy to be confidently relied upon. Another expedient could also be attempted, vis, considering panarasa = punarasa, punar asya, and taking the genitive to be used in the function of the instrumental, which does not seem hard in this style. The translation would then be : the donation previously made in the year 41 has been again settled by him in the year 45, etc. But the proximity of the first panarasa makes this hypothesis extremely doubtful.
The only remaining difficulty concerns the words panchatrimsaka, etc. It is only formal. It is indeed perfectly clear that the text wants to state how the 70,000 kárshápanas given are equal in value to 2,000 suvarnas, the suvarna being worth 35 kárshápanas. But Bhagwanlal understands krita = ksitva, which I consider hardly admissible. The vocalisation is here very uncertain. I prefer to take krità as equal to ksita or ksitan, and panchatrintakan suvarnam kritar as a separate proposition, which comes very near to our own idiom : thirty-five (kárshápaņas) make one suvarna.'
No. 13, Plate viii. (Ksh. 10.) In the veranda in Cave No. 10, over the doorway of the right cell.
TEXT.
[Compare No. 11.) 1 Sidhar raño Kshahardtass kshatrapasa Nahapana2 88 dihitu (1) Dinikaputrasa Ushavadatasa 3 kudumbiniya (2) Dakhamitrảya deyadhanman (3) ovarako.
REMARK. (1) G. dihitu. -(2) G. kufun-(3) G. odhaman.
TRANSLATION. « Success! This cell, a gift of Dakhamitra, wife of Ushavad&ta, son of Dinika, daughter of king Nahapana, the Kshaharata Kshatrapa."
No. 14a, Plate vi. (Ksh. 7.) On the right wall of the court in Onve No. 10.
TEXT. 1 . .
kshatra pasa Nahapanasa jama2 . . . . . . . . Bakase UshavadAtasn netyskesu 3 . . . . . . . P Chechimie (1) Dahanukanagara (2) Kekapure

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[VOL. VIII.
4 .... ... Po (3) Anugimimhi Ujeniya Sakhaya 5 . . . . . . . . to brahmana bhujate (4) Batasaha6 . . . . . vatâ (5) brahmananam gavam satasa
. . . bhagavatá (6) devåna brâhmapanamh cha data 8 .. .. .. .. Chetrasudhe panarasa (7) Kshahar & ? . . . . . . . . . .gavam Ptasahasradena (8) Usha10 . . . . . . . . . . . (9) nadiye Bandsaya (10) da11 . . . . . . . . . . svaņa tithe (11) che ñayate (12) tasa 12 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (13)
REMARKS. (1) AS. [ . . . . . Sorpára]ge Vechinne. The reading ve seems possible; but not, I think, the reading ge.- (2) G. and AS. Ogare.- (3) G. and AS, [ . . . Bharuka]chhe anu'. I cannot make out the chh.-(4) G. bhunjate.- (5) G. [ . . . . bhagavatám] bráo ; AS. (ri
. . . ] brao. The characters vatan seem to be still discernible on the estampage. (6) G. and AS. [hasra . . . . . . . bhagava]tå.-- (7) G. Crase.-(8) G. and AS. gavárn data'. The f is very doubtful; we could as well read 8. Before ga I think I can make out an n, probably the ending of 'dena.- (9) G. (vadátena]. .. . . brahma...nao-(10) AS. odiya Bandsåya ; G. Anasaya.-(11) AS vanati-(12) G. cha fayate. This reading, especially cha, is quite possibie. (13) G.. . . . . . . . . . chati. I can see nothing of these characters.
TRANSLATION. " [Success!) By permanent charities of Ushavadata, the Saka, (son of Dinika), son-inlaw of king Nahapana, the (Kshahara]ta Kshatrapa, one hundred-thousand holy Brahmana, dine (the whole year round] at . . . . . . . . Chechiñña, at the town of Dahanûka, at Kekapura, .....at Anugâmi, at Ujeni, at sakh. (By the same, three)hundred-thousand cows have been given to holy Brâhmaņas, (and sixteen villages] have been given to the holy gods and Brahmayas. [In the year. . . . . ], in the bright half of Chaitra, on the fifteenth day . .... by Usha vadata] money and a tirtha have been bestowed in the Barnáså river . . . . . "
The lost characters in the beginning of several lines can be easily and safely filled in from K. 13 and N. 10. The first line, the restoration of which is certain, proves that every line has lost about eight letters.
1 [Sidhan raño Kshahara] 2 (ta Dinikaputasa] 5 [anuvåsam bhagavam] 6 [si . ... bhaga] 7 [hasani tiņi datâni]
8 (solasa gåmå vase . . ]. Unfortunately this restoration supplies nothing but known elements and is consequently of little interest. We can restore neither the date nor the local names in 11. 3, 4, nor can we say definitely what is missing at the beginning of l. 11. I am equally unable to state how and under what circumstances the word Kshaharata was introduced in line 8, because other epigraphs mention that name only among the titles of Nahapana. The 10th line began of course with the letters vadátena, completing Usha in the preceding one, and they were probably followed by some epithet. The word tigosatasahara dena of N. 10 would fit as to length; but this gift has already been mentioned in the foregoing lines, independently of the gift of one-hundred-thousand cows, he mention of which immediately precedes. It seems indeed certain that the donations end

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No. 8.)
NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
87
merated in 11. 3-5, 6-7,7-8 correspond to the first three commemorated in N. 10, while, on the other hand, 11. 10 - 11 allude to the gifts made on the Barnasa river (1. 1 in N. 10). It may be remarked, en passant, that the three words suvara titha cha in l. 12 prove that the interpretation I have advocated for the compound in K. 13 is correct.
I do not believe that notyaka, Sanskrit naityaka, must be understood, as taken by Bühler, in the sense of daily rites. No daily rites performed by Ushavadata, on the occasion of which the Brahmaps would have been fed, oan be intended here, as those distributions are extended to a number of different localities. Regular continuous works and gifts are meant here in opposition to special and exceptional foundations. One doubt only remains : are we to trang. late among the regular liberalities,' or is the locative used for the instrumental :by (in virtue of) regular liberalities?' The vague character of the syntax in this style (many analogous cases may be found in my commentary on the Maháva stu) does not exclude the second interpretation, which in itself seems to be the more satisfactory of the two.
Bühler gave up the interpretation of the last words : chefayate tasa; and Bhagwanlal's translation of Adyate by 'is known' does not convey any real meaning. The vowel signs are rather uncertain in this part of the inscription. I feel little hesitation in reading cha. As to what follows, a double hypothesis offers itself to my mind : either to read hay[u]te (tam) tasa. . . . . or ayat[]ta sa . . . . . ; in either case we have to admit an irregular transcription of niya or niyuo by faydo or fayto. It would be exactly the same graphical peculiarity as is found already at Girnar in the eighth of Piyadasi's edicts, which reads (1.1) flaydsu = niyydsu. In N. 6 we have already met with an irregular palatalisation of t to ch in the same word, which is there written niyachita instead of mydlita. To tell the truth, it is towards the restoration of flaydtita rather than rayuta that I should incline. Ushavadâta seems to use the word with some predilection (as in N. 12), and it fits in better with the first at least - suvandni- of the two substantives on which it would bear. Anyhow, and in spite of the uncertainty resulting from the sudden interruption of the text, the general meaning seems clear.
No. 146, Plate vi. (Ksh. 8.) Immediately below the preceding inscription.
TEXT. 1 . . . . . . . gavatá brábmaps 2 . . . . . . . . . ?pi pamchagam .000 (1) 3 . . . . . . masaya tîrthe (2) 4 . . . . . . deya da japa (3).
REMARKS. : (1) G. (sahajarani panchasa 50000 ; AS. do sahasa 2000.AS. does not succeed any more than I in making out the traces that G. interpreta as srd, which is graphically very unlikely. AS. interprets as do the character which G. reads ni, and this reading seems at least probable. In the following letters the position of G. appears to me much stronger than that of AS. But the joined to ta is at least as probable as that which seems to be appended to pa. As to the number, the thousand is clearly visible, and also a bracket on the right which has caused the whole to be interpreted as 2000. But the do sahasa cannot be upheld, and pathchása is at least likely ; on the other hand, it seems indeed as if the sign for thousand 'were followed by some exponent, too much erased to be confidently made out, which probably expressed the number of thousands. If Bhagwanlal took it for 50, I must own that the visible traces do not seem to favour this reading. But it is commended by his reading of the foregoing word. (2) AS. mdsiyasi tithe. Tirthe seems certain, especially on the back of the estampage.

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(VOL. VIIL.
- (3) G. oyanajapa; AS. Che [?] yảna ja. . The differences in reading show how doubtful all these letters are, except perhaps the na.
It results from the information supplied by Bhagwanlal (G. p. 576) that it cannot even be decided if these fragments are connected with the preceding epigraph or independent from it. In such a condition of things, I wish to express only one conjecture, vis., that in l. 3 we ought to read násaya, and that consequently this postscript, which certainly commemorated both a gift of money to Brahmans and the creation of a tirtha, may have contained some details about the donation on the Barnäså river,' of wbich it was the principal object of the preceding inscription to state the exact date.
No. 15, Plate vii. (Ksh. 12.) On the left wall of the court in Cave No. 19.
TEXT. 1 Sidhan råjõab Madhariputrasya (1) Sivadatt-Abhiraputrasya 2 Abhirasy-Esvarasenasys samvatsare (2) Davama. (3) 3 mhapakhe chothe 4 divasa trayodasa 18 (4). . 4 ya puvaya (5) Sak-Agnivarmmaņa) duhita (6) gapapaka. (7) 5 Rebhilasya bharyaya (8) gapapakagya (9) Visvavarmasya. 6 trå Sakanikaya (10) upåsikâya Vishņudatåyå (11) sarvasatvahi7 tasuk hârtham (12) Triraśmiparvatavihâravasta vyasya châturdisa (13) 8 bhikshusamghasya (14) gilânabheshajártham (15) akshayanivi prayukta . . . .
våsta (16) - 9 vyagu agatånågatåsu (17) frenishu (18) yataḥ kularikagrepy& haste karshapana10 sahagra 1000 odayamtrikasrenya (19) sahasrani dve (20) . . . . 1 Dyab (21) Satani pamcha 500 tilapishakagren . . . (22) 12 ete cha karshapaņå chatâlep& . . (23).
REMARKS. (1) AS. leaves a blank for the two first characters of Madhari, which are certainly not quite clear, but on the estampage sufficient traces of both are still discernible, especially of dha. I may mention that, as appears from the comparison of the two facsimiles, this epigraph seems to have suffered very much since the time when it was examined by Bhagwanlal. In addition to the cases which I shall expressly mention, many readings would be risky if they could not be ascertained from the context.- (2) AS. savao; G. Otsara.- (3) AS. navame [9]; G. navama[gi]. In reality the last character is indistinct. AS. has [gi] at the beginning of 1. 3.-(4) Of the fa and of the number I cannot make out anything.- (5) AS. yd puváya.- (6) AS. duhitra.-(7) AS. ganapao - (8) G. and AS. bharyaya.-- (9) AS. gandpao.- (10) AS. . . gásákánika. - (11) G.odattaya.-(12) G. 'sattvao; AS. Osukhartha.- (13) AS. chátudisa[ya]. The end is much damaged. - (14) AS. bhikhusaghasya.-(15) AS. gilina'.- (16) AS. Oktà .va .na .. The reading vasta is little more than a conjecture. It seems indeed that traces of va and na are visible.-(17) G. dgatásná]gatásu ; AS. Sugatágat asu.-(18) AS. srenishu.-(19) G. odayantrikafrenyah sao ; AS. douyatrikafrenya[ro] sao. I dare not decide absolutely if da or da must be read. Both letters are too similar to be distinguished with certainty in so defaced an inscription. At least I can discover no reason for excluding the reading da. (20) G. dve 2 . . . . .[re]. The figure is entirely illegible.-(21) AS. nyá[m].-- (22) G. Srenya sata . . . . ; AS. "srenyá[mm] sata
. . It will be seen from the comparison of Plate vü, that in this line and the next one some haracters that are still visible have not been included in the estampage I have before me.-(23) AS. [chatá]lopa. The two first letters, especially the first one, are certainly most doubtful

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Nasik Inscriptions. -
Plate VII.
OLL hatuu LUGLANZ
DELEATHE
SCALE 1
SCALE 12
16
SCALE 1
a
+
b این
E. HULTZSCH.
Collotype by Römmler & Jonas, Dresden.

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No. 8.]
NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
G. and AS. add fragments of one more line: sya ma (AS. masa sarva[i]) rakshati (AS. rakshati) vidya (AS. Vishn[udata]) can discern nothing on the estampages.
89
TRANSLATION.
"Success! In the ninth year of king favarasena, the Abhira, son of Sivadatta, the Abhira, son of Madhari, on the thirteenth-13th-day of the fourth-4th-fortnight of summer on the above, by the lay devotee Vishnudatta, the Sakani, mother of the Ganapaka Visvavarma, wife of the Ganapaka Rebhila, daughter of Agnivarman, the Saka, for the well-being and happiness of all beings, in order to provide medicines for the sick of the Samgha of monks of whatever sect and origin dwelling in this monastery on mount Trirasmi, a perpetual endowment has been invested for all time to come with the guilds dwelling [at Govardhana], vis. in the hands of the guild of Kularikas, one-thousand- 1000-kárshápanas, of the guild of Odayantrikas, two-thousand, of the guild of.... . five-hundred-500-, of the guild of ... and those karshapanas.
oil-millers
sarva (AS. Of all this I
Bühler asserts that "gandpaka means 'protector or leader of a gana,' which consists of three gulmas or battalions, and may be taken as an equivalent of colonel." According to Bhagwanlal "it appears to be a professional name or a surname .... ganapaka means the head of a group." Neither of them gives references for this word which I do not find in the lexicons, and the analysis of which, as proposed by them, seems in no way self-convincing. What is most certain is the statement of Bhagwanlal that its meaning in this passage is not clear. It is no use comparing such ecclesiastical titles as ganáchárya, for example in Junnar No. 22. The only correct derivation of the word seems to be from ganipayati, a normal equivalent of ganayati, so that ganapaka would be an equivalent of ganaka, meaning 'accountant' or 'astrologer;' compare for instance the ganakas who are mentioned as important functionaries in the Mahavastu, III. 42, 9; 44, 5. It need hardly be added that this meaning is very hypothetical, because we have here a title, i.e. a consecrated form which does not well admit of variations.
The word vihara occurs in 1. 7, and this inscription is found in the court of a real vihara which contains not less than sixteen separate cells. The restoration Govadhanavástavyasu is hardly conjectural. As to the word which AS. writes Sugatágatásu, the stone certainly leaves sufficient space for one letter between td and ga, and it seems even that traces of it are visible on the accompanying Plate; I therefore consider the transcription ágatánágatásu as certain, Bhagwanlal appears to have made out the meaning correctly, and I do not see why the expression seems to have puzzled him. A perpetual rent is intended, which will have to be paid by the guilds mentioned indefinitely, such as they actually are in virtue of their past constitution, and such as they will be under the modifications which may be brought about in future. Unfortunately the names of these guilds are not so clear as we should wish. For kularika at least I see nothing better than Bühler's conjecture, taking it to be kulala, a potter.' The same is not the case with odayamtrika, which I take to be a derivative audayantrika, from udayantra (compare jalayantra, variyantra, tôyayantra, etc.), workers fabricating hydraulic engines,
water-clocks or others.'
No. 16, Plate vii. (N. 5).
On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 11, right of the doorway.
TEXT.
After chatâle (1. 12) the traces of the inscription are too scarce to allow of any solid hypothesis. The part of a protector,' which the text, as proposed by AS. for 1. 13, would attribute to Vishnudattâ, is in any case very unlikely.
1 Sidham Sivamitalekhakaputass
? Ramampakasa lepam deyadhammam (1).

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[Vol. VIII.
REMARK. (1) G. dhamam.
TRANSLATION « Success! This cave, a pious gift of Ramanaka, son of the writer Sivamita."
No. 17, Plate viii. (N. 4). On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 12.
TEXT. 1 Velidatapatasa (1) nekamasa Ramanakasa 2 Chhakalopakiyase lenam deyadhammañ chatudi(2)3 sasa bhikhusamghasa niyatitan data cha 4 nens akhayanivi kahapanasata 100 5 samghasa hathe eto Vasavathasa pavaïtasa chivari6 kam d&tavam bårasakań.
REMARKS. (1) G. datao; AS. Velidata, (2) . and AS. chátudio.
TRANSLATION. "Success! This cave, a pious gift of the merchant Ramanaka, son of Velidata, from Chhakalepa, bestowed on the universal Sangha of monks generally; and by the same have been given as a perpetual endowment one-hundred-100- kahapanas in the hands of the Sangha, Out of this a cloth money of twelve kahdpaņas is to be given to the ascetic who keeps the vasen (here)."
Chh&kalepa or Chhagalepa, a village or a town, & region or & clan, has not yet been identified ; on chivarika and the sum of twelve kárshápanas, either as interest for an investment of one-hundred kárshápanas, or as the amount of the chivarika, compare above, No. 12.
No. 18, Plate V. (N. 3). On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 17.
TEXT. i Sidham otarahasa Datamitiyakasa (1) Yonakasa Dhammadovaputasa
fdrägnidatase (2) dhammâtman (3) 2 imam (4) leņam pavate Tiramnhumhi khånitam abhamtaram cha lenasa
chetiyagharo podhiyo (5) cha matapi3 taro udisa ima leņa (6) karitan sava-Budha-pujáya châtudisasa
bhikhûsamghasa (7) niyåtita sa4 hs patena Dhammarakhitona.
REMARKS. (1) G. and AS. Dantami,- (2) G. Indragnio; AS. Iado; but the Sanskrit ris per fectly clear.-(3) The stroke which, rising perpendicularly, makes the a look somewhat like, is thinner and certainly accidental.-(4) G. and AS, ima te -(5) G. rodinyo ; AS pondhiyo. (6) AS. lenan.-(7) G. bhikhuo.

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Nasik Inscriptions. - Plate VIII.
SCALE 1
SCALE 13
SCALE 12
26
SCALE 1
E. HULTZSCH.
Collotype by Römmler & Jonas, Dresden.

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No. 8.)
NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
TRANSLATION. Success! (The gift) of Indrågnidatta, son of Dhammadova, the Yavana, a northerner from Dattåmitri. By him, inspired by true religion, this cave has been caused to be excavated in mount Tiraṇhu, and inside the cave a Chaityagriha and cisterns. This cave made for the sako of his father and mother has been, in order to honour all Buddhas, bestowed on the universal Sangha of monks, together with his son Dhammarakhita."
It is very fortunate indeed that a várttika on Panini (IV. 7, 104) has preserved the tradition of a word auttaráha, for which the etymology from uttara seems to indicate the meaning
northern.' The derivation of the word would, otherwise, have been the more puzzling because, as far as I know, analogous formations are wanting.
Bühler (AS. p. 38) and before him Bhandarkar have already conjectured that Dattåmitri would be an Indian adaptation of the Arachosian Demetrias, a name mentioned by Isidore of Kharax. The reading dharmatmand is sure. It may be an error of the engraver for mano; but I cannot find this very admissible in an inscription so carefully written. On the other hand, it would be surprising if the participle khánitan had to be construed with a genitive in the place of an instrumental. I prefer to take the first words as far as Idrágnidatasa as a complete clause, meaning a gift' or 'a cave of Indrågnidatta ... A new sentence would begin with dhanmatmaná, and, as has been intimated before (N. 10), this construction would imply that the donor had undertaken the work and made that grant under the impression of his recent conversion to Buddhism.
Chaityagriha means an oratory at the end of which a stúpa is erected as the object or the centre of cult. Compare for instance the Kuda inscriptions 13 and 20.
No. 19, Plate iii. (Ksh. 4). In Cave No. 18, on the fifth and sixth pillars of the right-hand row.
TEXT. 1 Rarimacha-Arahalayasa Chalisilaņakasa (1) duhutuya Mahahakusi2 r.. ya Bhatapálikaya (2) râyâmachasa Agiyatanakasabhamdákarika3 yasa bhâriyâya (3) Kapaņaņakamatuya chetiyagharam pavato 4 Tiranhuni nithapåpita.
REMARKS. (1) G.cha Lisila", but the comparison of the li of pálikedya in the following line seems to prove that we have to read li; AS. olisdlana'.- (2) Gorirayabha; AS. ori[y]yaya Bha', adding a note: the first letter may also be read ri; the second which looks like rá is certainly mutilated." It seems indeed impossible to doubt that the first traces visible on the left express an r. The vowel is entirely uncertain, but what precedes necessitates the reading ri or ri. Between r and ya I can discern nothing; at the utmost would the back of the estampage point to the vowel i before the y, the consonant remaining undetermined. However this may be, the space between the initial r and the ya seems too large to be conveniently filled up only by Bhagwanlal's rá. (3) G. oya Satáriyao.
TRANSLATION. "By Bhatapálika, [grand-daughter] of Mahhakusiri and daughter of the royal officer Arahalaya from Chalisilaņa, wife of the royal officer Agiyatanaka, of the treasure office, mother of Kapananaka, this Chaityagriha has been caused to be perfected on this mount Tiranhu."
To judge from many analogous cases, it does not seem that Chalisilanaka can be anything but an adjeotive pointing to the origin or residence of Arahalaya. I have no means of
N 2

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identifying that village or clan. Bhagwanlal and Bübler are certainly wrong in admitting, after the initial rd or ri of 1.2, the loss of one character only. That ri (the foregoing si does not allow any other reading) was undoubtedly separated by two letters from the ya which formed the end of the word. This being admitted, and no real and significant traces of the letters being preserved, we are left to fill up the lacuna entirely by conjecture. The direction in which we have to look, however, is quite clear. It is sure that Bhatapálike is the name of the donor. The reading of Bhagwanlal, who sought for it in the beginning of l. 3, cannot be accounted for. The qualifications which the donor receives are therefore distributed into two groups: the second relates to her husband and her son, and the first must concern her descent. As the first link mentions her father's name, the second cannot well have pointed to anything but a brother or grandfather. There is no room for ri[bhagini]ya; I am therefore inclined to think that, when uninjured, the stone bore ri[nati]ya, from naptri. If this Mah&hakusiri is really the same as the Kumára Hakasiri at Nänåghat, two generations would not be too much to explain the difference in the forms of the letters which exists between our epigraph and the Nânaghât inscription. Of course local peculiarities may have played their part too.
In whichever way bhandákarikayasa be taken, either as a proper name as Bühler has done, or as the name of a function with Bhagwanlal, a regular form can only be obtained by reading karikiyasa. Bhagwanlal escaped all difficulties by dividing the compound after ya and applying the epithet to the donor. But the word bhariyaya which follows does not suit such an explanation. He is however certainly right in looking here for the name of some appointment, and I take bhandákärikiya as a derivative of thándagárika, pointing to a charge in the king's treasury.
Nishthåpeti evidently conveys, as in Páli, the idea of finishing, bringing to perfection. It suits the fact that the inscription N. 20, which is engraved over the door and relates to its ornamentation, is cut in letters more archaic than this one. It is therefore certain that the cave had been begun and excavated to some extent before the present donor put the last hand to it.
No. 20, Plate vi. (Ksh. 8). Under the arch over the doorway of Cave No. 18.
TEXT. Dhambhikag&masa dånam.
N &sikakanam
TRANSLATION « The gift of the village of Dhambhika of the Nasik people." Bhagwanlal understood : " gift of the village of Dhambhiks by the inhabitants of Nasik," and wondered, quite naturally, how such a community could have made the gift. Nothing of the kind is meant. It is clear that the gift consists of the ornated arcade which rises above the door, and at the base of which the inscription is engraved. This can be seen even from the care with which the architectural line is adhered to. I cannot make out how Bühler understood the inscription. His rendering : "the gift of Dhambhikagema, of the inhabitants of Nasika," seems somewhat ambiguous. I do not think however that any doubt can really be entertained. We have met with more than one instance of a genitive joined to the name of a donor, to indicate the community, district or clan to which he happened to belong. I suppose the case is the same here, and the Dhambhika village, which had contrived at the common expense (nothing is more frequent than the paying of such religious expenses from the resources of the community) to decorate the entrance to the cave, must have belonged to the general population or to the town ship of Nâsik.

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No. 8.]
NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
No. 21, Plate iii. (Ksh. 3). Above the image of a Yaksha in Cave No. 18.
TEXT.
bena cha (1).
ni
cha veika (4) yakho cha kârita (5).
be made."
•
REMARKS.
(1) The traces preceding be make one think of a f. Is it the rest of kutumbena? Above the traces of this hypothetical t, the rest of sidham, which began the epigraph, are still discernible in the preceding line.- (2) AS. °ni. e .. ya; G. yacha.- (3) G. Nadasi°.- (4) G. veyika. (5) G. kârito.
yava (2) Nadasiriyâva (3)
TRANSLATION.
and by Nadasir! the rail pattern and the Yaksha have been caused to
No. 22, Plate vi. (Ksh. 1).
On the upper sill of the right window in Cave No. 19.
TEXT.
1 Sadavahanakule (1) Kanhe råjini Nasikakena 2 Samanena mahâmâteņa lepa kârita (2).
REMARKS.
(1) AS. kula. (2) G. karitam.
TRANSLATION.
"Under king Krishna of the Satavahana family this cave has been caused to be made by the officer in charge of the Sramanas at Nasik."
93
I can hardly believe that the apparent readings kakena, mapena, tena can all be - correct. Samana as a proper noun seems little likely, the more so as in our epigraphs the adjective expressing the origin or the town of the donor is generally placed after his name. I consider it easier to admit that, for instance, samanena ought really to be read samananam, and that the functionary here meant conformably to the precedent of Asoka, of which Bhagwanlal reminds us in connection with this very text, was entrusted with the inspection of the monks in the Nasik district. Hence my proposed translation, which is of course hypothetical.
No. 23, Plate v. (N. 9). Over the doorway of the last cell in Cave No. 20.
TEXT.
1 Deyadharmmo yam upasi2 kaya Mammaya layanam.
TRANSLATION.
"This gift, a cave, of the lay devotee Mamma."
No. 24, Plate i. (Ksh. 22).
On the back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 20.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TEXT.
1 Sidham raño Gotamiputasa sâmi-Siriyaña-Satakanisa samvachhare (1) sâtame 7 hematâņa pakhe tatiye 3
[VOL. VIII.
2 divase pathame (2) Kosikasa mahâsenâpatisa Bhavagopasa bharijaya mahâsenâpatiņiya (3) Vasuya lepa
3 Bopakiyatisujamâna apayavasitasamâne (4) bahukâņi varisâņi ukute payavasâņa (5) nito (6) châtudi
4 sasa cha bhikhusaghasa Avâso dato ti.
REMARKS.
(1) G. and AS. savachha. (2) G. padhame; AS. pathame. The central dot of tha seems certain on the back.--(3) AS. sendpatiniya.- (4) G. and AS. manasa pa°; AS. yavesita (5) G. and AS. payavasine.-(6) G. niîte.
O
TRANSLATION.
"Success! On the first day of the third-3rd- fortnight of winter, in the seventh7th-year of the king, the lord Sriyaña-Satakani, son of Gotami, the Mahúsenápatní Vâsu, wife of the Mahasenapati Bhavagopa, of the Kausika family, has completed and given, as an abode to the universal Samgha of monks, this cave which had been excavated for many years, but, after having been created by the ascetic Bopaki, had remained uncompleted."
Bühler gave up the interpretation of the third line, and Bhagwanlal's tentative translation was only arrived at by unaccountable devices. I think it absolutely necessary to co-ordinate the different links sujamâne, samâne, ukute, nito, the combination of neuters (eam) and masculines (supposing the readings to be certain) being here in no way surprising. The different epithets express with precision and in the most satisfactory manner the succession of events which concern the cave. The initial date cannot refer to anything but the finishing and consecration of the cave; it follows that the whole epigraph must be construed as a single sentence, which ends with the present donation after having enumerated the successive circumstances which explain it. The reading apaya instead of sapaya is important for understanding the passage. It is well known how similar the initial a and the s are in this script. We have here one more instance in the fact that Bühler wavers so much between the transcriptions tisuja and tiaja. The necessary antithesis between payavasana nito and apayavasita seems to place my correction above all doubt. The reading jamane also appears to be better supported by the traces visible on the estampage. It is after all of little importance, as the function and meaning of the word would in either case be just the same. The function is stated by what has been said above. As to the meaning, the matter seems more perplexing; but it is clear in a general way. The work must have been begun by the yati Vopaki (compare Vôpadêva). But srijati means to create, to produce' only in a half philosophical acceptation, and, it must be owned, such a use of the word here does not look very likely. As for ukute, I take it not utkrita which gives no good meaning, but utkritta, cut, hewn,' i.e. 'excavated.'
=
No. 25, Plate vi. (Ksh. 15).
On the front wall of an unfinished cave beyond Cave No. 23.
TEXT.
1 Sidham raño Vâsiṭhiputasa sâmi-Siri-Pulu
2 mâisa sanivachhare 2 hemamtâ pakhe 4 divase ? (1)
3 etiya puvaya kutumbikena Dhanamena ipa
4 kâritah saha m.. pituhi saha
. (2).

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No. 8.]
NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
REMARKS. (1) G. 6; AS. divase 8.- (2) After saha I think I can discern some traces of the syllables bhagine,
TRANSLATION. "Suocess ! On the eth (or 8th) day of the 4th fortnight of winter, in the year 2 of the king, the lord Siri-Pulumai, son of Vásithi, on the above, the husbandman Dhanams has caused this to be made, together with his father and mother, with . . . . .."
Ina = idan, as advocated by Bhagwanlal on the testimony of grammarians, is, as far as I remember, a lonely instance in the language of the caves. But the restoration lena seems to be out of the question.
No.26, Plate viii. (N. 1). On the ruined back wall of the veranda in Cave No. 24.
TEXT. 1 Sidhan Sakasa Damachikasa (1) lekha kasa Vudhikasa 2 Vishnudatapatasa (2) Dasapuravatbavasa lepa po3 dhiyo cha do (3) 2 ato ekâ podhi ya aparadha sa (4) me måtå 4 taro udisa.
REMARKS. (1) G. Dama'.- (2) G. putrasa.-(3) G. de.- (4) G. apara esa ; As. apara[dha] sa. The dh at least seems rather distinct.
TRANSLATION. 4 Success! (The gift) of the Saka Damachika Vudhika, a writer, son of Vishņudata, an inhabitant of Dasapura, the cave and the two-2-cisterns. Out of them the one cistern which has a small opening is on behalf of my father and mother.'
The bearing of Damachika, a clan or district, is entirely unsettled. Bhagwanlal asks if that Saka could not be a Greek from Damascus. This idea is more ingenious than probable. What seems likely is that Vudhika is the personal name of the donor. In spite of its correct look it does not, as a professional name, answer to any known handicraft. I do not think that the man's name, supposing Dåmachika to express it, could have been separated by professional names from the epithets which relate to his descent : Vishnudataputasa, eto. The reading aparadha or aparadhá being most probable, Bhagwanlal's tentative translation, based on another reading and by itself little satisfactory, must be given ap. As to Bühler's interpretation, who takes aparadha adverbially : 'on the west,' such a way of distinguishing two small cisterns excavated near one another seems in itself very unlikely; and to Bühler himself this use of aparadhd appeared rather puzzling as he proposed the reading aparato. The idea which the final dhå suggests is rather that of some adjective or participle connected with yd. We obtain it by reading aparandha (which is hardly & conjecture; for the anusvára may be actually expressed by one of the dots which appear above the head of the r) and explaining the word by alparandhrd, ' with small opening or cavity.' Unfortunately the original state of things has been so altered that any actual verification of the fact is impossible, and we are unable to ascertain which of the two cisterng-the one which bears a special epigraph (N. 27) or the other, which has none, was really characterised by more reduced dimensions.
No. 27, Plate vi. (N. 2). On one of the two cisterns to the right of Cave No. 24.

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TEXT. 1 Sidhar Sakaśa Dâmachikasa (1) 2 leghakas Vudhikasa podhi (2).
REMARKS. (1) G. Dama . – (2). G, pögth, As. podkj.
TRANSLATION. “Srocess! A cistern, (the gift) of the Saka Dâmachika, the writer Vudhika."
No. 9.-DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN :
PARIJATAMANJARI-NATIKA BY MADANA.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCE, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). This inscription was discovered recently at Dhør (west of Mhow), the ancient capital of the Paramâra kings of Malava and the present chief town of a State in Central India. The news of the discovery reached me through Mr. K. K. Lele, Superintendent of Education, Dhår, who was good enough to send me a copy of his well written Summary of the dramatio inscription found at the Bhoja Shala (Kamal Maula Mosque), Dhar, O. I., in November 1903.' According to Mr. Lele," the slab of black stone (5 feet 8 inches by 5 feet) upon which this interesting Sanskrit inscription is engraved, was attached to the northern wall of the principal mihrdb in the mosque, with the writing turned inside." -"The slab was taken out in November 1903, and is kept framed at the mosque." Oo receipt of Mr. Lele's 'Summary,' I requested Mr. Marshall to send me mechanical copies of the inscription. In compliance with this request, Mr. Marshall kindly instructed Dr. Vogel to forward me an inked estampage. Subsequently Mr. Cousens sent me two excellent inked estampages, one of which is reproduced on the three accompanying Plates.
The insoription consists of 82 lines. On the whole it is well preserved; but the end of lines 70-80, the first few letters of 11. 63-68, and the first letter of some other lines are broken away.
The alphabet is an early variety of Nagari and exhibits several peculiarities. In the old Brahmi alphabet the initial i consisted of three points. In the subjoined inscription the two apper points are represented by circles, and the lowermost one by a symbol which consists of & vertical line and of a flourish (see e.g. iva in l. 2); but in five instances (kahai, 1. 56, indranila, 1. 62, mandabháinin, 1. 64, si, 1. 66, and mandabháinie, 1. 80) there are two distinot flourishes instead of one, and in a single case (itthíu, I. 22) one of the two oiroles is omitted. Tho initial i occurs once in vanassainan, 1. 40). The initial whas two different shapes: The loop attached to it is turned either downwards or upwards; both forme may be seen together, e.g. in 1. 22, where chaütthie shows the second and itthíu the first form. The initial ooours foar times in riu, 1. 19, namiona, 1. 81, nihariúna, 1. 85, and kalauda, 1. 51), and the initial ri three
1 The stone seems to have suffered additional damage since the first estampage had been prepared. The first letter of some lines is still partially visible in the latter, while it is missing in the two fresh estampage.
As the three photographs overlap one another, line 28 appears both at the bottom of Plate L and at the top of Plate II, and likewise 1. 54 both on Plates II, and III. Through the carelessness of the Hallo printer (not of Gebr. Plettner, who prepared only the collotypes), the figures on the left of the second and tbird Plates have been placed near the top of the corresponding lines, while they ought to stand opposite the centre of overy sooond line.

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No. 9.]
DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN.
97
times (in rishabha, 1. 22, and riju, 11. 34 and 81). The initial e resembles the letter pa ; compare e.g. mae, 1.4, with prapa in the same line. The initial o ends with the same flourish as į and the first form of « (see e.g. loo, 1. 6); it bears a little hook at the right top, which is omitted, perhaps accidentally, in two cases (chdo, 1. 44, and osaht, l. 63). The initial au occurs once in autsukyam, 1. 57).
Among the consonants, jha closely resembles the initial ri. It occurs seven times singly and four times in combination with ; (e.g. in majjhanna-samjha, 1. 30). The consonant tha either has its usual shape, or its vertical portion is crossed by a thin carved line (e.g. in kanthirava, 1. 7). The primary form of na consists of a horizontal line to which three vertical lines are attached, the middle one being slightly shorter ; but the secondary form of na resembles that of la. The doubling of na is marked by a horizontal cross-line in four cases (nishanna, 1. 26, sunnan, 1. 52, kanndharana, 11. 52 and 75); the primary and the secondary forms are combined in one instance (ayannehi, 1. 21); and, if my reading is correct, the secondary form is improperly used twice in another (thenna, 1. 75). The last mode is generally adopted if the doubling takes place after r (e.g. in 'vatirnnasya, 1. 1); but the cross-line is then used in five cases (6.g. nirvaranayami, 1. 62), and the primary combined with the secondary form once (in akarnnanta, 1. 1). The usual form of tha is not very different from nua (see e.g. kathamchid, 1. 1). The same form is employed four times after t (e.g. in hatthe, 1. 17); but in the majority of cases the secondary form of tha is identical with that of chha ; compare e.g. ittha and sthané, 1. 6, with uchchhavammi, 1. 16. If my readings are correct, there are three instances (thakka-thakkida, 1. 5, and thenna, 1. 75) where even for the primary tha the same symbol is used as for the primary chha (seo chhachcharana, 11. 5 and 75, and lanchhanan, 1. 16). The group kkha is written in two Ways: In viyakkhana, 1. 45, the kha is regularly attached to the k; but in pariklchalanta, l. 42, the kha seems to be ingerted between the two loops of the k. The group ddha looks like dva in most cases (e.g. yuddha, 1. 17); but in two places (=Ddhard-, 1. 32, and muddhdo, l. 47) its dha is distinguished from va by an additional horizontal line. Similarly, ndh looks like nu in tandhun, 1. 14, but not in samvandh-ochita, 1. 32.
The viráma is employed below l (11. 10 and 61), t (e.g. 1. 9) and (e.g. 1. 20). The avagraha occurs five times- twice after 8 and three times after a (11. 1, 2, 3). If at the end of a line there was no space left for the next akshara, the engraver filled up the line by a symbol which looks either somewhat like a reversed Någari ta, or like & narrow U;' in the transcript these signs are denoted by vertical line in round brackets. Finally it has to be noted that the apper portions of a few letters of the first line are ornamented with scrolls or flowers.
The engraver has done his work with considerable care and has committed comparatively few real mistakes, part of which he has corrected himself on second thoughts. As regards orthography, it must be stated that b is nowhere distinguished from v. The dental is used instead of the palatal sibilant in Sarada, 1. 3, Hiranyakasipu, 1.7, kdemira, 1. 20, aṁsa, 1. 21, and spásena, 1. 33 f.; the visarga instead of the lingual sibilant in chatuhpatha, 1.3, nihkrámati, 1. 58, and nihkrárta, 11. 15, 28, 31, 39, 58, 81 and 82; and t instead of d in atbhuta, 1. 49. The spelling of ujvala, 1. 13, datva, ll. 13 and 21, and patra, 11. 25 and 61, is not correct, but frequent in inscriptions and manuscripts.
The languages of the inscription are Sanskrit and Pråkpit. There are 76 Terses ; the remainder is in prose.
* In four cases (og. martharan, 1.4) the top-line of this form of tha is indistinct.
The kkof pachchakkho, 1. 64, reems to be a modification of the same type. • The second variety occurs only in 11. 22 and 42. • I have added a Sanskrit translatiou of the Prakrit panager at the end of the toxt on p. 117 ff.

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The inscription contains the two first acts of a hitherto unknown natiká, i.e. a drama of four acts, entitled Pårijatamañjari or Vijayasri (1. 4). This drama had been composed by the king's preceptor (rajaguru) Madana, whose family hailed from Gauda (Bengal), and who was a descendant of Gangadhara (1. 3 f.). It was acted for the first time at the spring-festival in the city of Dhårå (1. 3)— the modern Dhår.
The opening verse (1) contains the following statement :
“On this pair of blank slabs is being written with difficulty the power to be absorbed by the ear- of the virtues of Bhoja himself, who has become incarnate in the form of Arjuna."
Of the two slabs here mentioned, only the first is now available. The second must have borne the two remaining acts of the nafika.
The last verse (76) on the preserved slab runs thus:
“This panegyric (prasasti) was engraved by the artist (tilpin) Rámadóva, the son of the excellent sculptor (rúpakara) Sihaka."
Here the inscription is called a panegyric. Hence it is very probable that it was composed and engraved in the lifetime of the prince whom it celebrates. This was Arjuna (v.1) or Arjunavarman (1.7 and v. 19), king of Dhårå (1. 9 and v. 6). He belonged to the Paramara family (1. 13) and was a descendant of the emperor (sarvabhauma) Bhojadeva (1.7). The poet represents him as the equal of his ancestor Bhojadeva (v. 6), and even as an incarnation of Bhoja (v.1). In verse 3, Bhojadeva himself is compared to the god Krishṇa and to the epic hero Arjuna :
« Victorious is Krishna ; like Krishna, Arjana; (and) like Arjuna, the glorious king Bhôjadêva, who was able to defeat (his enemies) by leaping arrows;' who afforded protection to the whole earth ; who assumed the radh&6 which distressed his enemies) by wounds from roaring, terrible arrows;S (and who) had his desires speedily fulfilled for a long time at the festive defeat of Gang@ya."
The last few words of this verse imply that king Bhôjadêva defeated a prince named Gangeya, just as the epic hero Arjuna killed Bhishma, whose metronymio was Gångêya. As the well-known Paramára king Bhôjadêva of Dhårå was reigning in the first half of the eleventh century, his enemy Gångêya must be identical with the Kalachuri king Gångeya of Tripuri, whose reign fell into the same period.
Arjunavarman, the hero of the drama, is in one place (v. 10) styled the son of king Subhata.' This enables us to identify him with the Paramára king Arjunavarman, who was the son of Subhatavarman, and whose copper-plate grants are dated in A.D. 1211, 1213 and 1215. The same three grants prove that the new drama was composed in the reign of this
* See the definitions in the Dakardpakam, III. Verse 40, and in the Sahityadarpana, Nirnaya-Sågara Press edition, p. 345, where the Ratnaralt und Viddhaldlabhanjikd are quoted as examples. Others are the Priyadarfikd, Karnasundarf, Kamalinikalahansa and Vrishabhánuja. The prototype of all of them is Kalidasa's Malavikdge nimitran, which has however fire scts and is therefore styled andakam.
• On the formation of Gangddhardyani (without oriddhi of the first rowel) see Pâqini, IV. 1,160.
• Vasantotsava, v. 8 and 1. 27. As this festival takes place on the first tithi of the dark fortnight of the pernimanta Chaitra (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 187), it is also called Chaitrotsava (v. 9), Madhitaava (l. 15) and Chaitraparsan (1. 3).
• The word bdna, an arrow,' may refer also to the Bina king.
"A particular attitude in shooting (standing with the feet a span apart)."- Monier-Williams.
• In the case of Kțishṇa we have to translate :-"who was able to defeat the leaping (deanon) Baņs; who afforded protection to all the cows (by lifting up the mountain Govardhana); who made Radha distressed by being smitten with manifest love." In the case of Arjuus, Radha is the foster-mother of his opponent Karna. 1 Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 232 f.
Ibid. Vol. II. p. 302. Prof. Kielhorn's Northern List, Nos. 106, 197 and 198,

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Arjunavarman; for they were composed (rachita) by the same rajaguru Madana,' who was the author of the drama (1.4).
Arjunavarman's grants report that he defeated Jayasimha. The same enemy is referred to in the drama (1. 7), with the additional information that he was a king of Gurjara (1. 7, vv. 10 and 18) and belonged to the Chaulukya family (v. 7). Hence he seems to be identical with the Chaulukya king Bhimadeva II. of Anahilapstaka, whose grants are dated between A.D. 1199 and 1238. Although these grants do not apply to Bhimadeva II, the name Jayasimha, they call him the new Siddharâja,' and Siddharâja' had been the surname of his ancestor Jayasinha. Hence I believe that Bhimadeva II. is meant both in the drama and in the grants of Arjunavarman. It is, however, not absolutely impossible that the Jayasimha whom Arjunavarman defeated was the temporary asurper Jayantasimha Abhinava-Siddharåja, who ruled in the place of Bhimadeva II. in A.D. 1223. At any rate, as noted by Bühler, Mêrutunga's Prabandhachintamani places both the conquest of Gujarat by Arjunadeva of Målava and an attempted invasion? by his father Subhata in the lifetime of Bhimadêva II. himself.
The drama locates the decisive battle between Arjunavarman and Jayasimha on the borders of the land at the foot of a mountain called Parvaparvata (1.7). The name of Arjunavarman's minister is stated to have been Nårāyana (v. 8). To Arjunavarman himself the drama applies the surname Trividhavirachûdamaņi (1. 7 and v. 9). Even this detail is corroborated from two different sides. The same surname occars as Trivid havira in the grants, and as Virachûdamaņi in the colophon of the Rasikasanjivini, a commentary on the Amaru atakam. This commentary is attributed to king Arjunavarman, who at the beginning of it calls himself the son of king Subhatavarman' and 'the light of Bhoja's family, '10
In his commentary on the first verso of the Amaruśatakam (p. 2) Arjuna varman quotes a Sarda lavikridita verse of the preceptor (upadhyaya) Madana whose other name was Balasarasvati.'ll The same person seems to be racant by the upadhyaya' who is quoted as the author of an Arya (p. 15) and of two Anushtabh verses (pp. 16 and 44). The upadhyaya Madana is of course identical with the rajaguru Madana, the author of the Parijatamañjari and of Arjunavarman's grants. The quotations in the Rasikasanjivini show that he produced other poetical works besides these," and it is not unreasonable to suppose that he aided his royal pupil very materially in the compilation of the commentary on the Amarusatakam.
Finally the drama mentions a few localities within and near the city of Dhårå. According to the prologue, the first performance of the drama took place in a temple of the goddess Sarasvati. The scene of the first act is the top of the royal palace (v. 8), and that of the
Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. V. p. 379; Journ. Am. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. pp. 29 and 33. * Ibid. p. 26, verse 17.
This was already suggested by Dr. Hall, ibid. p. 39 f. • Prof. Kiel horn's Northern List, Nos. 188 and 216. Ibid. No. 205.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 187. * This invasion is alluded to in the grants of Arjayavarman; Jour. 4m. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 26, Verse 14 • Loc. cit. verse 19.
Kavyanâlâ edition, p. 69. 10 Ibid. p. 1, verse 5. On p. 28 Arjunavarman quotes a verse of our ancestor Muijadora whose other han was Vák patirája. Compare Zeitschr. D. M. G. Vol. XLVII. p. 98.
Viorel op 11 Bâlasarasvati-Madana was taught poetry by the Jains Afadhara, a contemporary of the MAlava king Arjuna and of his two successors Dovapala and Jaitugidêva (Jayasimba). See Dr. Bhandarkar's Report for 1888-84, p. 104 2.; Bühler in Zeitschr. D. M. G. Vol. XLVII. p. 94 ; and Prof. Kielhorn, abovey Vol. App. p. 82, note 8.
11 See the two first lines of this page.
11 Prof. Oppert's Lists of Sanskrit Manuscripts mention three MSS. of the Balasarasvatkyam, a kdoyan by BAlasarasvati, which Prof. Aufrecbt (Catalogus Catalogorun, Vol. I. p. 426) signs to the upddhydya Madina. 1. Saradadêvi, 1. 3, or Bharati, 1. 6.
02

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second act a pleasure-garden (lilody anam or pramadódy anam) on the Dhårêgiri, a hill near the city (11. 6, 12, 31, v. 80, U. 36 and 75).
The dramatis persons are: The stage-manager (sútradhára); the actress (nat); king Arjunavarman; the jester Vidagdha; queen Sarvakald; her maid Kanakalékhả; the royal gardener Kusumakara; his wife Vasanta!fle; and the heroine Pårijatamañjari or Vijayasri. The king and Kusumåkara speak Sanskrit, the remaining persons Pråkpit-Saurasêni in the prose passages, and Mah&r&shtri in the verses. The pretty verses of the bards, which are recited behind the stage, are also in Prakrit.
In the prologue (amukham, 1. 15) the stage-manager informs the actress that, when the army of Jayasimha took to flight and the victorious Arjunavarman was still seated on his war'. elephant, a cluster of blossoms of a celestial tree (parijáta-mafjari) fell on his breast and, on touching it, was transformed into a beautiful maiden, while a voice from heaven spoke thus :
"Enjoying this lovely, auspicious Vijayasri, thou, O lord of Dhård, shalt become equal to Bhojadeva" (v. 6).
The stage-manager further explains this miracle in a somewhat complicated verse (1), which has probably to be translated as follows:
“The Chaulukya king's daughter, (who was an incarnation of) the goddess Jayasri (i.e. the goddess of victory) herself, (and) who, having found her death in the defeat, caused to be irrigated the young forest of tamála-trees, which was the grief of (her) father, through the waves of the tears of the harem,- she (is) this cluster of blossoms of the celestial tree (svardrumamafijari), which, after being hidden in a bud, developed into a lady."
To shelter her from the public gaze, the king placed her under the care of his chamberlain Kusumákara, who was in charge of the royal gardens, and whose wife Vasantalila waited on her in an emerald pavilion on the Dharà giri hill.
The first act bears the title the spring-festival' (vasantôtsava, 1. 81). It describes the king viewing bis sporting subjects from the top of his palace in the company of the jester, the queen and her maid.
In the introductory scene (vishkambhaka, 1. 39) of the second act, Kusumákara and Vasantalila compare notes on the mutual passion of the heroine and the king.
The title of the second act is 'the reflecting ear-ring' (tada nika-darpana, 1. 82). The king, accompanied by the jester, repairs to the pleasure-garden, in order to witness a ceremony performed by the queen: the marriage of a mango-tree to a spring-creeper. Vasantalild and the heroine watch the proceedings from behind a tree. Bending aside the branches, the former reveals to the king the image of his beloved, reflected in the queen's ear-ring. The king's delight and confusion arouse the suspicions of the queen, who leaves abruptly together with her maid. The heroine and Vasantalila also withdraw. At the advice of the jester, who reminds the king of the proverb that killed and eaten comes to the same' (1. 59), both follow them to the emerald pavilion. The king's tête-à-tête is interrupted by the appearance of Kanakalêkha, who is the bearer of the ear jewel and of an ironical message from the queen. The king tries in vain to hide Parijatamañjari behind his back. At the end he leaves her in order to pacify his jealous queen. The heroine also departs, threatening to commit suicide, and Vasantallla follows her.
The foregoing summary of the two preserved acts will remind the reader of another, well-known drama--the Ratnávali. The poet Madana, no doubt, derived the plot of his work from this or similar natikas. But, as the hero of the new drama was a living and reigning king, it is unlikely that the chief persons who appear on the stage together with him were pure inventions
1 Vv. 17-19 and 28 ; but vv. 72-74 are in Sanskrit.

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of the poet. It would have been a poor panegyrio that made Arjunavarman move among fictitious characters. Hence I believe that, as stated in the drama, his chief queen was actually named Sarvakalal and was the daughter of the king of Kuntala (v. 11),-who is perhapa identical with the then reigning Hoysala king Vira-Ball&ļa II., and that Parijatamañjaris or Vijayasri. happened to be Arjunavarman's favourite at the time when the drama was oomposed. Her miraculous appearance and her fanoiful connection with the vanquished king of Gujarat may have been suggested to the poet by her real name. They could not fail to please the king, and his mistress, and could perhaps be risked all the more easily because the lady wag not of royal blood, but owed her elevation only to her personal charms.
Another instance in which the wedding of the favourite queen of a reigning sovereign forms the subject of a romantic story is that of Chandaladevi in the Vikramarkadévacharitam. In this case, contemporary inscriptions and Kalhapa's Rajatarangini prove that the heroine's name was not invented by the poet Bilhapa, but that she was actually one of the wives of Vikramaditya VI. Vidyanatha's Pratáparudriyam deserves to be mentioned in the same connection, as it includes a drama that resembles the Pdrijatamañjari in being the panegyrio of a reigning king.7
TEXT.8 1 भों: ॥ ओं सरस्वत्यै नमः ॥ अत्र कथंचिदलिखिते अतिलेचं लिख्यते
शिलायुगले । भोजस्यैव गुणोर्जितमर्जनमूर्त्या ऽवतीण्णस्य ॥ १ ॥ तत्तादृक्सुमनोमनीहरतनुर्वामांगशृगारिणी मुष्टिस्वीकरणीयमध्यमधुरावष्टभनमावतिः । माकान्तनटखटाक्षविशिखव्यापारधन्या जयत्यन्या चापल
तेव चंद्रसुदी 2 देवस्य कान्ता रतिः ॥ २ ॥ अपि च । वलाहाणजयक्षमो विजयते
नि:शेषगोत्राणवत्कृष्णः कृष्ण इवार्जुनो ऽर्जुन इव श्रीभोजदेवो नृपः । विस्फूर्जविषमेषुवेधविधुरी राधां विधत्ते म यस्तूरण पूर्णमनोरथश्चिरमभूहांगेयभंगोत्सवे ॥ ३ ॥ नांद्यते सूत्रधारः । पायें । इतस्तावत् ।
प्रविश्य नटी । पाणवेदु" भनी । सूत्र । प्रिये । पा3 दिष्टो ऽसि तत्रभवत्या परिषदा () यथा ऽद्य त्वया सिबेव चैच
पर्वणि [चतुरशीतिचतःपथ"सुरसदनप्रधाने धारापुरीयुवतिशृंगारमुक्तास्रजो जगज्जडतांधकारमातनशरचंद्रिकायाः "सारदादेव्याः समनि सकल दिगंतरीपागतानेकपैविद्यसहदयकलाकोविदरसिकसुकविसंकुले गौडान्वयगंगापुलिनरा.
Iv. 11,37,56,62 and 1781 Samastakala in v. 30.
See the Table of the Hoysalas in Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, p. 493. •LL.28,29,83,85,38,48,44,48,59,64.78,801 Kusumairt ial. 13,and Kusumamatijart in1.76. Vv.6,15,65 and 1.89% BJayasri inv.70.
Bühler's edition, p. 88 11. of the Introduction. • Dr. Fleet's Dynasties, p. 449 and note 4. 1Compare Ind.ant. Vol.xXI.p.1982. •From three inted estampages.
Canoel the visarga, the syllablo oth is expressed by a symbol resembling the ne employed at the beginning of the Bhopal plates of Udayavarman, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 264, Plato. ___WRend वरूपहाच.
Bee p. 117 below A. ____Rand 'चतुप'.
" Read शारदा'.

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4 [जहंसस्य [गंगाधरायणे मंदनस्य राजगुरोः कृतिरभिनवा समस्तसामाजिक
मधुव्रतानंदमकरंदप्रपा पारिजातमंजरीत्यपराख्या विजयश्री म नाटिका नाटयितव्या । तदाविर्भाव्यतां रंगमंगलसंपदा संप्रदायः । नटी [*] सहर्ष । जे भज्जो पाणवेदि । किं च मए वि सुणिदं (0) अधा
मलयानिलमंदमंदंदोलणमहमहंत6 मायंदमउलमयरंद[पिंडिद[परायपुंजपिं] जरिज्जतमंजरीकवलपरप्परोप्पणकलिपज्जा
उलकलयंठमिहुणमधुरकलयलहेलावह स्थिदविहत्यमाणंसिणीमाणं पि (1) परिमलतरंगचंगचंपयचसयमहु[य] क[] विदछच्चरणचारणरणझणकारमुहलं पि
(6) जंतकंजरकरसीयरासारसयसरसविसं6 [त] विविहविडवकुडंगवइंधयारं पि (1) धारागिरिलोलोजाणं परिहरिय
कोहलपंफुललोयणो भारहीभवणहुत्तं सहस त्ति परावडिदो ज्नेव लोगो त्ति । ता कहि केरिसं इत्य कधासंविहाणयं । सूत्र । भाकारी । किमाचक्षते भवंतः । स्थाने सुमनसां स्त्रीत्वं मृद्दीनामतिसंदरं ।
याश्चैत्रं कांतमासाद्य विभति स्मितमा7 धुरी । [४ ॥*] तहोः साधतां । नहीं प्रति च । आर्ये [*] श्रुतं
त्वया । सुमनसा स्त्रीत्वमिति । नटी । अधई। सूत्र । प्रिये [*] शृणु तर्हि । त्रिविधवीरचूडामणे: सार्वभौमश्रीभोजदेवान्वयमूईन्यस्य राजः श्रीमदर्जुनवर्मदेवस्य गूर्जरपतिना जयसिंहेन सह पर्व
पर्वतोपत्यकापरिसरेण हिरण्यकसिपुकदनकुपितवैकुंठकठीरवकंठ8 नादचकितदिग्वारणेद्रमुक्ता विश्वंभरानिपतनोद्देलसप्ताणवलहरिसंफेटतुल्यतुमुलकोला.
हल: कलहो बभूव ॥ नटी । प्रज' [*] जहिं चउरंगवलजुअलधूलीकडप्पेहिं कवलिदम्मि मञ्चंडमंडले सयंवरकोदुहलहल्लुप्फलमिलंतसुरसुंदरी
मुहयंदचंदायवेण नियपरविहामो संजादी सुणीयदि । 9 सूच । आर्ये [*] एवमेवैतत् । नटी । तदो २ [*] सूत्र ।
ततश्च प्रतिवले पलायमाने जयसिंधुरस्कंधाधिरूढस्य धनुष्भतो धारापतेस्तत्कालोपसंहृतनाराचदुर्दिनस्य पुरंदरपुरहारकवाट विकटे वक्षसि लोकोत्तरपरिमलामीदवासितदिगंतरा विस्मरबंदारकहंदकुसुमहष्टिमध्यादेका पारिजातमंजरी पपात ॥
See p. 117 below, B.
• Read 'पफुल. • The engraver has lefta blank space between the two akshara Tand रा.
The pisarga bad been omitted by the engraver and was inserted by him on revision. See p. 117 below, C. • Read कशिपु.
1 See p. 117 below, D. • Read 'मंद (९).
•see p.117 below, E.

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10 नटी । सकौतुक । तदो' २ [*] सूत्र 1 ततख । अन्योन्यं गलइस्तनोपनतयोर्द्वद्देन बच्चोजयोः कर्णोल्लंघनजांघिकेन नयनद्वंद्वेन हेवाकिनी 1 वक्त विश्वविलोचनोत्पलवनीचंद्रोदयं विश्वती साभूद्दाल्यजिगीषुयौवनसुरामाद्यत्तनुः कामिनी ॥ [५ ॥*] तदैव चाकाशवाक् प्रादुरासीत् । मनोज्ञां निर्विशत्रेतां कल्या
[ ६ ॥ * ]
11 णीं विजयश्रियं । सदृशो भोजदेवेन धाराधिप भविष्यसि ॥ नटी । अन्न' [*] ता किं दिव्यमाणुसीए सा कधा । सूत्र । प्रिये । न वेवं 1 किं तु । या चौलुकामहीमहेंद्रदुहिता देवी जयश्रीः स्वयं भंगे मृत्युमवाप्य 'वाष्यसलिलेरंत:' पुरस्योर्भिलैः । वसुः शोकतमालवालविपिनं चक्रे नदीमाढकं (1)' सेयं स्वर्दुममंजरी कि- (1)
1
12 सलये संक्रम्य जातांगना ॥ [ ७ ॥ *] नटी । सकरुणाचर्य । तदो' २ सूत्र । ततश्च (1) देवेन जयकुंजरकं भस्थलादाकृष्य तस्याः कुचस्थले दृष्टिं संचारितवता महाजन लज्जया सा कुसुमश्री[:*] कंचुकिन: कुसुमाकरनामधेयस्योद्यानाधिकारिणः समर्पिता । तेन चानीय धारागिरिगर्भमरकतमंडपे वसंतलीलां खग्टहि
13 णीं योगक्षेमकारिणीं दत्वा' स्थापिता । नेपथ्ये 1 इत इतो देव: । सूत्र । तत्रावलोकितकेन । प्रिये [ 1 *] पश्य । नारायणेमात्यशची निवेश्य सौराज्यभारं स्वयमारुरोह । देवो वसंतोत्सवकौतुकेन नवीन - रत्नोज्वल'हम्यंमृगं ॥ [ ८ ॥ *] अहो रामणीयकं परमारमूर्द्धन्यस्य । हयाननतरंगितत्रिविधवीरचूडामणि
14 प्रगीतरसरंजितां रतिमवेक्ष्य मोहायिते । यदीयविरुदं स्मरः परपुरंधिवन्धुं जगौ स एष नृपसुंदरी जयति जैत्रचोत्रोत्सवे ॥ [ e ॥ *] सविस्मयं । अंतःपुरवनिताश्च द्दिरदघटावा गूर्जरेंद्रस्य । श्रृंखलिता यदनीकैः स एष सुभटक्षितींद्रसुतः ॥ [१० ॥ *] नटी । पासे " उण अंतेउरिया विय कावि एसा । सूत्र । समुच्चयेन या 15 सृष्टा कलानां परमेष्ठिना । कुंतलेंद्रसुता सेयं राज्ञः सर्वकला प्रिया ॥ [११ ॥ *] तदनया सहितो मानयतु मधूत्सवं देवः । भावामप्यनंतर
1 See p. 117 below, F. The risarga was inserted by the engraver on revision.
This mark of punctuation seems to have been cancelled by the engraver himself.
1 Read दवा.
10 See p. 117 below, I.
See p. 117 below, H.
• Read चर्चचीस.
See p. 117 below, G.
Read: बाघ'
• Read 'रबोवल'.
103

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104
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vot. VIII.
करणीयाय सजीभवाव[: ।"] इति नि:क्रांतावामुष ॥ ततः प्रविशति विदूषकेण सह वसंतवेषरमणीयो राजा (1) साख्या' सह रानी च ।
राजी । सहकारमंजरी दर्शयित्वा ( सलीलखितं । मज्जउ16 त [*] नोहलियं गेगह एदं । कोइलसरवाहुल्लेण मणहरा पढम
मंजरी एसा । तुझ उच्छवम्भि हु मए विणिउत्ता गायणी जहा ॥ [१२ ॥*] राजा । सहर्षादरं (0) हस्तयन रहीवा । देवि । त्वयोपनीयमानीयं सहकारांकुरो मया । पात्तः पुष्पायुधस्येषुराजास्वीका
रलांछनं ॥ [१३ ॥"] अपि कुसुमे नव फलिकाव्यपदेश: पेशलांगि युक्तस्ते 17 । फलमेव कुसुममपि मे प्रसबया यच्चया दत्तं । [१४ ॥*] विदूषकः ।
साकूतं । महो' प्रचरियं [*] भायधेएण वयस्मस्म कुसुममंजरी फलत्तणेण हत्थे चडिदा । राजा । सीत्कंठमालगतं । या मन्मथस्म जयिनोभिनवास्त्रदेवी मूर्ती पपात हृदये मम युद्धभूमौ । भंग्या
मनोहरतनुं विजयश्चियं तां प्राणेश्वरीमयमुदाहरते वय18 स्यः ॥ [१५ ॥*] किं च । या शारदी शशिकलेव कलवरं में संग्राम
डामरसमुनसितप्रतापं । लावण्यकांतिसुधया सपयांचकार सा मे हदि सूखलति मन्मथविह्वलांगी ॥ [१५ ॥*] नेपथ्ये वैतालिकाः । सुपहायसिरीसहिदो सूरो वि तुडुच्छवेण कीलती । वालायवसिंदूरं दियंगणाणं
मुह खिवर ॥ [१७ ॥] जं सीमंताहिंती हियं तए गुज्जरिंदर19 मणीणं । मबे सिंदूरणं तेण चिय रमद तुह लोभो ॥ [१८ ॥*]
वाणेहिं अहनारी विसमसरणावि नियरिङ रही । अज्जुणवम्म तए उण अवल चिय विरमा रिउणो ॥ [१ ] * ॥ विदू ॥ कलकलमाकरW (0) नेपथ्य[*]वलोकितकेन । वयस्म [*] पेच्छ २ पहरि
सकीलिदं नायरजस्म । राजा । सहकारमंजरी विदूषकस्यार्प- (0) 20 यित्वा (0) सकौतुकं पश्यन् । सखे [*] किमुच्यते । रात्री प्रति च ।
दैवि [0] प[य] २ [*] सिंदर क्वचिदहासनिनदैरुइंडमुण्डीयते कस्तुरीनिकरः क्वचित्वचिदपि श्रीखंडरणकरः । कास्मीरद्रवशीकरैर्दतिमुखोन्मुक्तीरतिव्याकुल: पौरैः खैरमनेकधायमधुनारब्धी मधोरुत्सवः ॥
[२० ॥] अपि च । पौष्यैराभरणैमनोजतनवः 21 खैरं दधत्वोधुना सेंदूरीमरुणीकतालकलतां लेखां ललाटीतटे । नृत्यं त्यो
मदवितलं लयविसंवादेषु पौरांगनाः क्रीडामौरजिकखकांतवदनान्याIRead निक्रांती । चामुख. • Rend सख्या .
.see p. 117 below, J. •see p. 117 below, K. - Read मन्मयख.
• Kend संग्राम Reep.116 below,A. •see p.118 below, B.
• Read कामौर'.

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No. 9.]
DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN.
105
लोकति स्मिताः ॥ [२१ ॥*] राजी [1] कर्ण दत्वा (0) सोलासं । अज्जउत्त' । एदं पि भायण्णेहि (1) समयसुहावयं हिंदीलयं । राजा । प्रिये [*] किमुच्यते । सन्यासग्रहकतपद
ता- () 22 डितं मंद्रभूमौ षड्वं तन्वन् ऋषभरहित धैवतेनापि हीनं । हिंदी
लाख्यः सुखयति दधन्मध्यमं तारदेशे कंपं विधकिमपि रुचिर षडुके पंचमे च ॥ [२२ ॥*] विदू । वयस्म [*] जाणिदं मए वि । एसो सो हिंदोलमो () जहिं हिंदोलयचउत्थीए इत्योउ कीलंति । राजा । स्मितमभिनीय () सोपहासं । नूनमभिन्नो
भवान् ग्राम- (1) 23 रागेषु । विद । सदर्प । कध' गेयं न जाणामि । जदा मे
वंभणी बहुवियड[८]तसुंदरं मुहं पसारिय मंगला गाएदि तदा # गोरिगयगहिली हरिणी व पाणे दाउमिच्छामि ॥ इति विदूषकं विहाय सर्वे हसति । राजा । स्मित्वा [*] सखे । एतावता गीते सम्यगभिन्नो भवान् । कनकलेखा' अंचलपिहितां
सिंदूरमुष्टिं रानी24 हस्तेयति । रानी ग्रहीत्वा स्मितमभिनीय च () राजो मस्त
कमुलयितुं मुष्टिमुत्क्षिपति । राजा । शिरो नमयन् सस्मितं । सिंदरीहलनायैष मूर्दा नमीक्वती मया । एष एवं प्रणामञ्च तविषेधाय दर्शितः ॥ [२३ ॥"] रात्री (1) सलीलम्मितं () सख्याः सिंदूरमर्पयति । कनकलेखाविदूषको परस्परं सिंदूरीजूलनं नाट
यतः । विदू ॥ 25 कस्तूरीक्षोदमर्पयन् । वयस्म [*] तुमं पि देविं भरहि । [रा]जी (1)
विशृंखलचरणारविंदमपसरति । राजा । देवि त्वमखमुन्नसत्परिमलं स्मेरा[२] विंदभ्रमाउँगाणासुपसेदुषां प्रतिमया स्निग्धेद्रनीलत्विषां । संजाते मगनाभिपत्र"मकरीश्रृंगारलीलायिते चेतीहारि करोति कः पुनरिदं
कस्तूरिकापंकिलं ॥ [२४ ॥१] उपसत्य (1) लला26 [2 ] खेदमुत्युंसयन् । पतं संभ्रमण [*] अपनीयतां श्रमः । इदानीं
हि । "संभोगोत्कलिकामिलमहचरीशृंगावमशंद्रवत्कस्तूरीमगमीलितेक्षण
Bead दत्त्वा.
See p. 118 below, C. • Corrected by the engraver from yol. . See p. 118 below, D.
See p. 118 below, E. • Read 'लेखांचस.
1080 p. 118 below, P. °लिका looks almost like लिंबा.
. Read mo. • Read तन्वन्नृषभ.
Read गीवी. " Read °प .

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106
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VIII.
-
झरत्तीषाश्रुमिश्रोहमः । गीतकातनिषसकिनरवधूकंदर्पकेलिकमस्वेदच्छेद- . विचक्षणी विचरति श्रीखंडशैलानिल: । [२५ ॥*] विदू । वयस्म ।
जदि तुम एदाए दासीधूपाए क27 [ण*][य]लेहाए सह मम पाणिमाहणं करावेसि (1) तदा अहं पि
तमं व नायरियनारीसहिदी वसंत्तसर्व माणमि । राजा (0) राजी च मयते । कनक । सनासासंकोचं विचिकित्सते । राजी [1] स्मृतिमभिनीय । पज्जउत्त' [*] पाणिग्गहणवयणेण संभराविद हि । मए माहवीलदाए सहयारस्म पाणिग्गही कारिदवी [*] तुम्हे वि
तहिं (0)
28 [णि*]मंतिदा चिट्ठध । ता दाणि उवसंभारसंपादणकब्जेण उजाणं गमिमं ।
राजा । यदभिरुचितं देव्यै । इति सख्या सह राजी नि:क्रांता' । राजा । सखे । क्व सा नवफलिका पारिजातमंजरी । न न [] विस्मृतं [1] सहकारमंजरी । विदू । सस्मितं [*] वयस्म । ण खु एदं विंभरणं । संभरणं जेव एदं । इति सहकारमंजरी
समर्पयति । रा29 [जा*] । गृहीत्वा (1) सकरणमात्मगतं । परिवावामिमां दृष्ट्वा नूतना
चतमंजरीं । स्मरामि विरहलांतामंत: प्राणेश्वरी नवा ॥ [२१] इति तादात्म्यमभिनीय शून्यमवलोकते । विदू । वयस्म'. । मबे पारिआयमंजरीसणाहं पि दे सुन हिययं । राजा । सखे [] किमुच्यते । राग सांध्यमिवाद हत्यविरलं शून्यखमासेदुषि प्रोन्मीलनववि
प्रयो- () 80 ग*][तमसि व्योम्नीव सा मे हृदि । वाला चांद्रमसी कलेव वसति
स्तोतव्यनव्योदया पंचेषोर्जयिनः प्रतापमसमं साक्षाविधत्तेपि च ॥ [२७॥ नेपथ्ये । सहयारिणी भोदु मझवसंझा देवस्म । तिसियाण काणणसं तुह रिउ[२]मणीण विवणनिहेण । वयणाएं हारमुत्तासु सलिलकज्जेण
व विसंति । [२८. ॥*] विदू' । वयस्म" [1] देवेणाहवनिज्जिदाण 31 सहसा वंदीकदंतेउरं दितेणं समिदा विश्रोयषियणा जाणं वसंतुमामे ।
एदे ते णमिऊण पायजुवलं दंडप्पणामण दे पत्तिच्छत्तभरण भूमिवइणो वच्चंति वासालयं । [२८ ॥*] ता किं दध विदेण । एहि [1]

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No. s.]
DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN.
107
धारागिरिलीलीजाणं जैव गच्छामी । राजा । सप्रत्याशं सोत्कंठं
च । यदभिरुचितं वयस्यायेति नि:क्रांती । वसंतोत्सवी नाम 82 प्रवमोकः ॥*॥ श्री[:*] ॥ प्रविश्य कुसुमाकरः । देव्या समस्तकलया
मलयानिलेन चूतातिमुक्ताकलतामिथुनोत्सवेन । वारांगनाममृणमंगलगीतरंगारागिरिः कमपि सम्पदमातनोति ॥ [३० ॥*] अद्यैव च । मत्तानां मलयानिलविटपिनां यूनां स्मितश्रीमतां संवन्धोचितनर्मणामिय
वलादाकष्टकेशांशुकान् । भूभंगेन वि. 33 [त्य] पल्लवकरान् रोमांचितान् कोरकरस्पंत्या कुलपाणिकंकणझणकारेण
वारांगनाः ॥ [३१ ॥*] केवलं वत्मा पारिजातमंजरी राजदर्शनोत्कलिकापरंपराभिरुत्ताम्यंती मर्मणि व्यथयति । सा हि ॥ सायं कोकवियोगदर्शनदलमर्मेक्षणा. पक्षिण: किं नोड्डीय मिलत्यमी द्रुतमिति लांता
मुहुः पृच्छति ॥ सीतारामकथासु कंपितकुचा खा. 34 []न शून्योहम हुंकारं ददती करोति करुणाविमारितार्थी सखीं
॥ [३२ ॥*] किं वहुना । तन्वी तापातिरकेण धत्ते यस्मादिहस्ततां । प्रवालहस्तै []धन्ति तस्येंदोरातपं लताः ॥ [३३॥] नेपथ्यावलोकितकेन । कथं प्रिया मे वसंतलीला ॥ सप्रणयादरं । प्रिये [*] अयमहमित इतो भवती । निर्वयं । नूनमियमिदानीं । ऋजुम्लथभु
जेनाधोहस्तेनाकाशले35 [खिनी । नतानना मंदगतिस्तश्चिंतामेव गाहते ॥ [३४ ॥*] ततः प्रवि
शति यथानिर्दिष्टा वसंतलीला । कुसुमाकरः । उपसृत्य । प्रिये [[*] कथमास्ते वत्मा पारिजातमंजरी । वसंत । उत्तंग थणमंडलस्स सिहरे पोहप्पवालप्पहापुंजं कंजरगामिणी वहदि सा चिंतानमंता
णणा । अंतो नीहरिजण सासलहरीसत्येण पज्जू सुनं दूरारोहनिहालि36 [*][प्पिययम रत्तं व चित्तं नियं ॥ [३५ ॥*] कुसुमा । सकरुणचिंता
वात्सल्प' । प्रिये [*] तकिमर्थमागतासि तामेकाकिनी वाला विहाय । वसंत । रायागमणपउति उवलंभिदं । कुसुमा । प्रिये [*] . साधूतां । कथितं हि मे राज्ञो नर्मसुहृदा विदग्धेन यवाद्य माधवीसहकारविवाहारंभदर्शनापदेशेन देवो धारागिरिलीलोद्यानमागत्य - युद्धांतशुद्धांतक्ष-10
! Read वयस्थाय । इति निक्रांती. • Corrected by the engraver from भाव. .See p. 119 below, A, Read यथाद्य.
. Read प्रथमोड • Read रथं त्या
• Read श्वासेन. - Read °वात्सल्य.
* See p. 119 below, B. 10 पांव was corrected by the engraver from इंत.
P2

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108
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Voz. VIII.
37 [*]सहचारिणी प्राणेश्वरीमवश्यमेकांते संभावयिथतीति । वसंत । पाच
सिति । कुसुमा । प्रिये । एवं च कथितं । देवः परिजनस्योतीरजातार्थोपि चिंतया । प्रभ्युपैति कांताय शून्यं कंपितमस्तकः ॥ [२६ ॥*] किं तु । नी संभावयति प्रसादविभव त्यांचकोराविजानु
जासं निदधाति नो कुषलये नो वाहिनीभर्तरि । राजा सर्वकला38 [श्रितोपि दिवसमाये वियोगे प्रियां तामेव क्षणदामभीप्सति नवामापांडि.
मानं गतः ॥ [३७ ॥*] तदमुना संविधानकेन त्वया सविशेषमावास्य परितोषणीया वत्मा पारिजातमंजरी । यतः । विरहे नूनमेकस्य दुःखेन लभते सुखं । सुखेन चेतरो दुःखं प्रेम्णो हि कुटिला गतिः ॥ [३८ ॥*] वसंत । जं' पाणवदि पिपयमी । कुसुमा । पह
मपि एतत्का39 र्यानुरूपखाभिप्रायज्ञापनाय विदग्धहितीयस्य राजः सकाशमेव गच्छामीति
- नि:क्रांती । विष्कंभकः ॥ ततः प्रविशति राजा विदूषकश्च । राजा ।
समंतादुद्यानमालोक्य । सखे । तस्या एव मुखेन निर्मलनिजज्योत्स्नाभिराप्याधिताः अंकमी तरवी मनोजमरणच्छायाभिरायामिनः । सौरभ्यं
कुसुमोत्करण दधतस्तस्यैव सं- (1) 40 [स्कारजं झपालंपट'माजयंति मधुलिटसंतानमुच्चस्तरां । [३८ ॥*] विदू ।
वयस्म [*] शुत्तमखुमाणं ते । जदो वणमईणं चंदो राया । राजा (1) दक्षिणाक्षिस्पंदनं सूचयित्वा (1) सप्रत्याशमुत्कंठते । नेपथ्ये (1) मंगलध्वनिः । [राजा । आकषिर्णतकेन । सखे । मध्यादुगत्य तारं स्पृशदलघुकुचाकंपकष्टेन यासां खासैनैवावरूढं व्रजति यतिविदा सप्तकं
41 [मे]व । ताभिर्याम्योपि गीतध्वनिरयमधुना माधवीमंगलार्थ वारस्त्रीभिः
प्रयुक्ती गमयति गमकै गरत्वं मनोः ॥ [४. ॥"] तदेहि [*] देवीं प्रत्युपसर्पाव[: ।*] इति परिक्रामतः । विदू । वयम' । जधा एस समकालुकंठिदकेलिदीहियाकलहंसकूदकरंविदी 'असमंजभमं.
जीरकलयलो जधा य थोउम्हायमाणकप्यूरपरिमलुम्मीसिदो किलं. 42 [तकुसुमामोो पञ्चासबो हवदि तधा (थणम) पढमियामिलंतीहिं
वियडनियंवीरभरपरिक्वलंतचलणारविंदाहिं दाहिणानिलंदीलिरवसंतमाला- Read अभ्युपैति.
See p. 119 below, C. ___ I Read अहमप्येत. Read गच्छामि । इति निक्रांती. •Corrected by the engraver from °संपाट. •gee p. 119 below, D. 1 See p. 119 below, E.
• Read असमंजस These three akaharas are due to a mistake of the engraver; they occur again in their proper place is part of the compound थोरथ पामंड° in the same line.

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DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN.
109
मणहराहिं थोरथणमंडलुब्वहणपरिस्म[मस]सिदमंदपञ्चायमाणतम्मीलरसार्षि वारविलासिणीहिं सेविजंती अभुडिदा देवी । राजा । निर्वर्ण्य ।
सखे [*] किमुच्यते । वारांगनामुख- (1) 48 [ज्यो]लालंघनोत्कंधरद्युतिः । देवी दुग्धारणवे लक्ष्मीपलसंतोव लक्ष्यते ॥
[४१ ॥"] ततः प्रविशति यथानिर्दिष्टा राजी । विदू । वयम' [1] इदी वि पेच्छ [*] जधा एस कुसुमायरी मम सम्मुई सर्च करदि तधा अ[संसयं] पारिआयमंजरिं वसंतलीलाए सह रध जेव संचारइस्मादि । राजा । निर्वर्ण्य (1) किंचिदाश्वस्य च । क्लाती
विरहदावेन तामेव प्रति44 [धावति । अंतःकरणपक्षी मे लावण्यामृतवाहिनीं । [४२ ॥*] ततः
प्रविशति विटपांतरिता पारिजातमंजरी वसंतलीला च । राजी' उपसृत्य (1) राजानमवलोक्य स्मितेन संभावयति । विदू [१] ससंभ्रमं । अहो' परिहमरिहुं । चूची चंपयकुसुमेहिं चंपनी पाडलापसूणहिं। वउलो सिरीसउप्फेहिं वियसियो हंत पञ्चरियं ॥ [४३ ॥"]
राजा । सस्मितं । धिमूर्ख [*] नेदमरिष्टं किं तु देव्यायमस्माक46 [माचार्यकण चित्रप्रयोगो नाम वृक्षायुर्वेदभेदः प्रदर्शितः । कनकलेखा ।
विहस्य [*] भट्टा' [*] ण खु एसो वियक्वणतणेण वियडी किं तु विसेसेण दट्टा' त्ति । इति सर्वे हसति । नायिका । राजानं सस्पृहमवलोक्य (0) अपवारितकेन [*] अब्जे' [*] अबपायवे पबकुसुमेहिं वियसाविद् अस्थि मे कोदुहलं । वसंत । वच्छे [1]
एसो जेव राया तुह उवामी हविस्मदि । नायिका ॥ 46 []ष्णं निश्वस्य (1) सवितर्कमात्मगतं । कत्ती प्रम्हाणं तारिसा भायधया ।
राजी । पन्नउत्त । एदं तं माहवीसहयारमिहुणं । [राजा । देवि [*] साधु दर्शितं । पूर्वामुखालकतयोर्माधवीसहकारयोः । कापि वैवाहिकी लक्ष्मीरियमाबादतेतरां । [४४ ॥*] किं च । धन्यीय सहकारसुंदरयुवा चैत्रानिलांदोलनरुद्युक्तः परिरिप्सते प्रियतमा वामांगविचंभिणी । "एषाप्पाईसुवासिनी नवसता
18eep.119 below, F. • See p. 119 below, H. Tsoe p. 119 below, I. "See p. 119 below, L.
'Read राज्यपी. 'Read दडी. •Beep. 119 below, J. 1 Rond एषाम्यई.
See p. 119 below, G. • Read लोक्यापी. •see p. 119 below,r.

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110
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
47 [ननीभवंती भृशं निर्वधन 'परामुखी न सहते वैयात्यवार्तामपि ।
[४५ ॥*] वसंत । नायिका प्रति । अव्वो' [*] एवं जेव तुम्हारिसीपी मुद्धामी दूर गाढुक्कंठिरीओ पियसयासे परंमुहीमी हवंति । नायिका । किंचिदिहस्य () सासूयमिव । पन्ने [*] तं अन जेव किंपि जंपन्ती चिट्ठसि । अहं उण एत्तिगं जेव भणामि जं अनपायवे
अन्नकुसुमहिं वियसाविदं पथि मे कोदुहनं । वसंत । स्वगतं । देवी' 48 [जा]व उत्तरामुहडिदा माहवीसहयारमिहुणं अणुरायभिंभला भत्तुणो पच्छि
मासुहडिदस्म दंसयंती चिट्ठदि (1) ता मुहुत्तं पारिजायमंजरिं पायर्ड करमि (1) जधा देवीए कहिंपि आहरण पडिविंविदं पच्छदि णं राया । इति विटपपल्लवानपसार्य नायिका प्रकटीकरोति । राजा । राजीताडके प्रतिविंवितां नायिकामवलोक्य (1) सहर्षावहिस्थमात्मगतं ।
अये जितं मनोरथैः ।। 49 [य]दियं वलधूलिधोरांधकारदुःसंचरसमरसंकेतनवाभिसारिका में प्राणखरी
प्रथमप्राणखरीताडंकदर्पणे लोचनगोचरं गता । सवितर्कात्भुतं च । नूनमियमस्मान् पश्चिमेन विटपांतरे वसंतलीलया केनचिदुल्लेखलंपाकेन वचसा नर्ममर्मणि स्पृष्टा सस्मितमसूयते । सद्यः "साव्वसधूसरेण विक
सबैलक्ष्यलक्ष्मीस्पृशा करतालसदृष्टिनाधरपुटोविस्मि50 [त] श्रीमता । []क्षणेाभिनय कुंसभृकुटीसौभाग्यशृंगारिणा तन्वीयं वद.
नंदुना मम दृशोर्दत्ते सुधाचर्वणां ॥ [४६ ॥*] सकरुणानुरागं च । प्रतिविमिषादेषा [व]यं दौत्यमुपागता। अत्यंतदुर्वलैरंगै—ते विरहदुर्दशा । [४७ ॥*] इति कोमलांगुलिग्रहेण करणं कृत्वा "साविलासमवलोकयति । राजी (1) सरोमांचमवनतमुखी स्पर्शसुखानुभवं नाटयति । वसंत ।
ताडंके नायि61 [का प्रतिक्विं निर्वण्ण्यं राज्ञश्चेष्टया चित्तोपलक्षितकेन (1) अपवार्य साकृतं ।
वच्छे [*] पेच्छ देवीए ताडंकस्म रामणिज्जयं (1) जं राया सावहित्थमेक्कदिहीए पच्छंतो चिट्ठदि । नायिका । राज्ञीताडके स्वप्रतिविवं राजानं च निर्वर्ण्य (1) सवितर्कप्रत्याशमात्मगतं । अम्म० [*] किं एसो राया मै पडिविवं पच्छदि (0) पादु देवीए ताडंक जैव । ताप दाव अमयकालऊडाण अंत
1 The two white lines across the are dae ton fault in the inked estampage from which the Plates were prepared, and are absent in the two other copies of the inscription. See p. 119 below, M. ISee p.120 below, A:
• See p. 120 below, B. • Read °वडतं. • Read साध्वस.
- Read सवि. B Read °कैमाप. • See p. 120 below, C.
10 800 p. 120 below, D. 11 Corrected by the engraver from T.

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No. 9.]
DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN.
111
62 [राले दोलाइद म्हि । इति चिंतां नाटयति । वसंत । नायिका
याश्चित्तमुपलक्ष्य । वच्छे [*] मा अन्नहा मवेहि । देवीए ताडके कमाहरणाहिदेवयं व तुमं । संकाणुरायनिहुश्री पच्छद्र पडिविषियं राया ॥ [४८ ॥*] जड़ उण न पत्तियसि ता खणद्धं तुमं पनवंतरिदं करेमि (1) जधा पडिविंवसुमं ताडंक पेच्छंतस्म केरिसी दिही
भत्तुणो भोदि त्ति जाणासि । इति नायिका पुनः पल्लवांत53 [रितां करोति । राजा (1) सखेदावहित्यं शन्यदष्टिरालोकते । वसंत । .
वच्छे [*] पेच्छ २ । ताडंके तुह पडिमं अणियंती झत्ति भत्तुणो दिही । विम्भरियनिहाणहाण व सुबपज्जाउला जाया ॥ [४८ ॥*] राजा (0 सावेगं पृष्ठतोवलोकते । साह्वादमात्मगतं । येनायोधनदर्शनो. त्सवजुषां वैमानिकीनां 'सुखान्यजानीव निशाकरण गगने नीतानि
विच्छायतां । भूयो दृष्टः । 64 [मि*][८] तदेव सुतनोः स्मेरं किमप्याननं विच्छेदातपलीढलोचनसुधा
निष्पंदिचंद्रातपं ॥ [५० ॥*] नायिका (1) ससाध्वसं राजानमपांगनावलोक्य (0) लज्जयापसतमिच्छंती परिक्रामति । वसंत । तां रुणद्धि । राजा । निर्वयं सस्पृहमात्मगतं । उच्छासि स्तनयोईयं तदपि यत्सीमाविवादोल्वणं लीलोलेखि गतं तदप्यनुप[मं] श्रीणिचिया मंथरं । दीर्घ
दृग्युगलं तद55 [ प्यनुगतं लास्येन किंचिदभवोरेतस्यास्तन मध्यमं विजयते सौभाग्यवीज
वयः ॥ [५१ ॥*] सखीविदूषको विदितराजनायिकावृत्तांतो परस्परं साकूतमवलोकयतः । राजा स्मृतिमभिनीय (2) सातंक (1) पुनस्तथैव ताडंकमवलोकयति । सविमर्शपक्षपातम[१] । अज्ञातदोषा ताडक 'मदृष्ट्वालिंगितं प्रिया । धत्ते निश्चलमा[द्यापि' प्रीत्या मदनुवृत्तये
॥ [५२ ॥"] रानी (1) द. 56 [क्षिणाक्षिस्पंदितकेन (0) अधृतिमभिनीय सोगमुमुखी सखीमुखमीक्षते ।
तच्चेष्टा परिकलय्य () सासूयवितर्कमात्मगतं । अथी' [*] कुदी उण से पदासाए पन वियदृसंसुही सवियारा दिही । सविमर्शमात्मगतं । पडिहाई" भन्नउत्तो स[व्भा] वसिणेहसुंदरसहावो । अमुहं पि व कह। पुणो दाहिणनयणं फुरतं मे ॥ [५३ ॥*] कनक । राजी सवि-1 (1)
18ee p. 120 below, E.
ISee p. 120 below, F. • Corrected by the engraver from सुचन्य. • Read महच्या
- Read मद्यापि. •see p.120 below,Gread पवी. See p. 120 below, H.
Against the metre. • Read 'पातम् । पहा. • Read 'कनाधुति. 11 Read ?

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112
[VoL. VIII.
67 [ल]च्यस्मितमीक्षते । राज्ञी । भौत्सुक्यमभिनीय (1) साकूतं । [स]हि' [*] किं तए हसिदं । कनक । सविलच्यं' जोषमास्ते । राजा । विदूषकं प्रति अपवारितकेन । सखे । नूनमनया दासीपुच्या दानसंमानपूर्ण चिरनिवारितयाप्पा' सर्व प्रकाशिष्यते । विदू । अपवार्य । अध हूं । राजा (1) दृष्टिसंज्ञया कनकलेखां प्रसादयति । रानी (1) राजचेष्टां परिकलय्य तं भ्रूभंगेन त
58 [जे]यंती कनकलेख [ i ] हो' धृत्वा सावहेलं परिक्रम्य नि:क्रामति' । नायिका । सर्वेषां चेष्टा: परिकलव्य सदैन्यमात्मगतं (1) राजानं प्रति । चंदम व तुह मेहंतरम्मि खणदंसणेण जा ससिया । सीयामि सा चोरि व्व पुणवि तह अंतरिज्जते ॥ [ ५४ ॥ *] प्रकाशं । पन्ने' [it] नूर्ण देविं पसादिदं गमिस्सदि राया । ता एहि [1*] गच्छम्ह [*] इति निःक्रांत" । राजा । सप्रत्याशं पृष्ठतोवलोक्य
59 [ना* ]यिकामदृष्ट्वा विदूषकं प्रति सवैलच्यं [*] सखे [1"] दृष्टं त्वया यन्ममापतितं । अपि सर्वकला देवी यदर्थेभूत्पराङ्मुखी । सापि जाता दृशोर्दूर" विजयश्री प्रिया मम ॥ [ ५५ ॥ *"] तत्किमत्र कर्त्तव्यं । विदू । व[य]स्म" [1] मारिदा भुंजिदस् य एक्कं जेव णामं । थोभो वह वा अव [ रा ] हो अवराहो ज्जेव । ता संभावेहि महाभाइणिं पारिचायमंजरिं । राजा । सोत्कंठं । सखे [*] एवं करोमि । - 60 [] परिक्रामतः । विदू । वयस्म " [ 1 *] पेच्छ [1"] एदं तं रविरहतुरंगमकंतिसच्छायं मरगय मंडवं । राजा । दक्षिणभुजस्पंदनं सूचयित्वा (1) सप्रत्यार्थं । सखे [*] साधु दर्शितं I एतच्चेतो हरति पुरतः पार्वतीकांतकंठच्छाया कांतं मरकतशिलामंडपं श्लक्ष्णमच्णोः I येनोषांः तैर्द्युतिकिसलयैर्निहुतानामलीनां" मालात्मानं खलु विवृणुते मंजुना गुंजितेन ॥ [५६ ॥ *] इति परिक्रामतः "
61 [रा]जा । तस्या लोलदृशः स्तनौ सहृदयो सम्यक् प्रमाणोचतावु
निजदोषमप्रतिहतावाक्रांतकक्षांतरी
1 संरध्वौ"
नवपत्रभंगिरचनारंमेण
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
• Read सवैलक्ष्यं.
See p. 120 below, J.
" Bead निष्क्रामति.
Bee p. 120 below, I.
• Read 'याप्यद्य.
● Read नाही.
See p. 120 below, K.; the is
is quite clear and regular in the two other copies.
spoiled in the inked estampage from which the Plates were prepared, but
10 Read fta.
• Read प्रत्यप'.
● See p. 120 below, L..
11 Corrected by the engraver from दशेर्दूरे.
18 See p. 121 below, B.
14 The engraver has erased an anusvdra above the मा of ताना'.
11 See p. 121 below, A.
1 Read संरब्धी नवपत्र :

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No. 9.]
DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN.
113
पादस्थले [माध्यस्थ्येपि ययोर्वलित्रयमधस्तस्थौ तनुप्रातिभं ॥ [५७ ॥*] इति परिक्रम्योपसत्य नायिकां पश्यन् सहर्षासं धृतिनिखासं विमुच्य ।
उपधाय वयस्था[वं स्नानत]ल्योत्पलांकुरा । वियोगयोगनिद्रायामियमास्ते 62 [प्रि*][या] मम ॥ [५८ ॥*] तद्भवतु [*] निर्वयामि तावत् । ततः
प्रविशति यथानिर्दिष्टा नायिका सखी च । राजा [*] स्वगतं । अहह । मुखज्योत्स्नांकुरैरस्या: पीते तमसि मांसले । इंद्रनीलांश[व]: शेषाः परभागं दधत्यमी ॥ [५८ ॥*] सकरणच[मत्कारं । मरकतमयमेदिन्यां भाति] प्रतिविविता वांगीयं । अंतर्जलशयनीयं तापेन निषेवमाणेव । [१० ॥*] वसंत । सकरुणमाकाशे ॥ छ (1) . [वा] वलभाई व मयरडय जयसि सम्हमज्झाए । तं चिय हंत कुणंतो णिज्नीवं होहिसि कहं व ॥ [११ ॥*] नायिका । व[संतलीलां वाष्यामवलोक्य (1) सगह[८] । पज्जे । तस्मिं सहाव सु]हए सबकलासंगयम्मि दिठे वि । धिप्रेमि पोसही विय सो दूरं दुलहो राया । [१२ ॥"] राजा (1) कुसुमान्यवचित्य (1) च्छवं 'छनमुपसत्य
सैर्नायिकामेकैकेन प्रहरति । नायिका । स- () 64 . . . विग (1) राजानमवलोक्य । हदी । एस णिहमी पञ्चकडो नेव
कुसुमाउहो मं मन्दभाइणिं पहरेदि । ता परित्तायदु २ मजा [*] इति वसंतलीलामालिंगितुमिच्छंती मूर्च्छति । राजा [*] सहसोप[स]त्य । हा प्रिये पारिजातमंजरि [*] देहि मे प्रतिवचनं [11] इति सकरणं नायिकाहदयस्पर्श नाटयति । वसंत । राजा
नमवलोक्य (0) नायिका वीजयंती साखासं 65 [सकर*][f] च । वच्छे' [*] समस्मस २ [*] ण खु एसो कुसु
माउहो [*] तुह हिययवसहो खु भट्टा' एसो । नायिका (1) संज्ञा लभते । राजा । साखास निर्वयं । यत्सद्यः पुटभेदसालसलसत्पमाचले चक्षुषी सोकंपस्तनया प्रसीदति धुतिखासश्रिया यन्मुखं । यच्चायं पुलकः पुरा परिचितस्पर्थोपलंभात्तनौ तेनेयं सुतनुवभूव विधरे जीवागला
मे इदि ॥ [१३ ॥"] नायिका (1) राजा66 [नमुपलभ्य () ससाध्वसमुत्थायात्मानं पर्यवस्थापयति । तिनि:खास
. सुत्सृज्य (1) वसंतलीला प्रत्यपवा[रितकेन । पजे [1] पर बल
Bend' . • Read जछि. fe n. 121 below, F.
See p. 121 below,c. • Read छत्र
Corrected by the engraver from WTET.
•Bee p.121 below, D.: • See p. 121 below, E. •see p.121 below,G.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vot, VIII.
68
वि परब्बसे जणे केरिसो वारं वारमणुवंधनिबंधी । ता एहि [1] गच्छम्ह । इति राजानं सलज्जाभिमानमपांगेनावलोक्य पराखी परिक्रमितुमिच्छति । राजा । . सौत्सुक्यं (1) वाही कृत्वा नायिका .
निर्णयन् स्वगतं । उत्थानं क67 [थमप्य*]जायत गतिस्तंभस्तु मामीहते वैलच्याइदनेंदुनैव वलितं दृष्टिस्तु
सार्दा मयि । अंगान्येव परानखानि पुलको मत्यक्षपाती 'पुनर्मानप्राथमकल्पिकी सुगदृशश्चेष्टैव चित्रीयते ॥ [६४ ॥*] अपि च ॥ तल्येंदीवरमुद्राभिरंकितानि मृगीदृशः । सुरभिस्वेदविंदूनि मदयंत्यंगकानि मां ॥ [६५ ॥*] सस्पृहातिरेकं । उत्थानं जघनेन विनितमभूदस्या: क
[क]री नीवोरक्षणसौविदलपदवीं वामः प्रकामं गतः । नीरंगीसिचयांचलं कुचतटे वध्नाति वामेतरस्तन्वंग्यास्त्रपयावगंठितमिदं लीलायितं जुभते ॥ [६६ ॥*] प्रकाशं । अयि शशिमुखि' मानं मुंच दृष्टिप्रसादैरुपजनय सुभिवं मेरनीलोत्पलानां । अपि भवतु भवत्याः कोमलालापभंग्या झगिति गलितगो वल्लकीनां निनादः । [१७ ॥"]
इति प्र- (1) 69 [णमति] । नायिका (1) हस्ताभ्यां राजानं किरीटेन प्रेरयंती सस्मितम
पसरति । विदू । मा कहवि कोवि इह देवीए परिचणी संचरदि । ता आसासहि कंठगहण तुरियं जेव महाभायं विजयसिरिं । राजा [*] आलिंग्य (1) मुहर्त्तमिवानंदमुद्रां नाटयित्वा (1) स्वगतं । शीघ्रमंतर्मुखैर्भूत्वा विलीनं नवनीतवत् । करणैः स्पर्शलाभान्भे मुखाईते
मनः स्थितं । [६८ ॥"] 70 []पि च । उमीलत्पुलकांकुरस्तनतटस्खे'दावुजवालितश्रीखंडप्रभविष्णुसौरभगुण
ग्राही हठालिंगने । पानंदाश्रुतरंगसंगमचमत्कारथिया शीतली विच्छेदज्वरमावयोईतिभव:: खासानिलः पीतवान् ॥ [१८॥*] ततः प्रविशति ताडंकहस्ता कनकलेखा ॥ कनक । सचिंतासंभ्रमं । मए' महारा
यस्म . . . . . . . . . . 71 [ल']हा ण उण इथि त्ति अज्ज जाष भट्टिणी विप्पलड़ा । अज्ज उण
देवीए सयं जेव उलिहिय सव्वं उवलई । अहं णिमित्तमतं जाद म्हि । अव्वो सामिणिमीम अवस्संकरणिज्जदा [*] जेण ज्जेव देविं
Corrected by the engraver from y969. Corrected by the engraver from 0. See p. 121 below, H,
• Corrected by the engraver trom खै. The engraver has struck out a secondery i before the w, and another before the , of °*®. • Beo p. 121 below, I.

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No. 9.]
.
DHAR PRASASTI OF ARJUNAVARMAN.
वंचिदं चम्भविदा तं जेव महारायं देवीए निधोरण उठियां पुरोवलोक्य । एदं तं मरगयमंडवं । []
72 राजानमवलोक्य खगतं । अम्मा?' [1] कत्ती आसासो भट्टिणीए (1) जीए वल्लहो अनंगणाणवरंगसिणेहवाउराणिवडिदहित्रयहरिणो एवं हिंडदि । उपसृत्य (1) बेलचां' नाटयंती प्रकायं । जयदु २ भट्टा । सर्वे शंकते । राजा | नायिकां पृष्ठतः कृत्वा (1) कनकलेखाहस्ते ताडंकम [व] लो [] (() खगतं । अ[थे]
.
1 See p. 121 below, J.
See p. 121 below, L.
Read संप्रत्युभय.
•
•
73 . त्या देव्या दोषोहट्टनेन निपुणमुलुंठिताः स्मः | प्रकाशं । भद्रे । श्रद्य खल्वकारणकुपितापि देवी प्रसादनीयेति त्वामेव प्रतिपालयतामस्माकमत्र दिनमतिक्रांतं । वसाहायकमापेक्षा" होतत्कार्य I कनक 1 सनस स्मितं । भट्टा° [i*] जा एसा अम्हाणं दुदीया भट्टिणी तर पि दिवेग रोमाविदा चिदि (1)
74 [राजा खित्वा । कनकरी
तत्किं प्रष्टव्यं भवत्या । कनक स्वगतं । कलंकरणं देव्या ताडंक: प्रतिभाति मे ॥ [ ७० कप्रेषणे 1 कनक 1 एदं
115
[1] उभयमप्येतत्कार्य त्वय्येवायतते 1 | ताडंकमर्पयति । राजा । गृहीला विवस्थानं जयचियः । संप्रत्युभयथाप्येष ॥ * ] प्रकाशं । किं पुनः कारणं ताडंकारणं । एस ताडंको अज्ज ग[रु ]
73[] कथाहरणं देवीए धारिदं । पण सु वसंतलोला विषडगोडीमहुमतसवणजुअल[स्स] अहिणव[सो ] हग्ग[सुं] देरमणहरकुसुममंजरीरसम्मि [घेण्ण] - छञ्चरणच [रि]दस्त भत्तुणो धारागिरिपमदुज्जाणे जेव सव्वो दियो अदिहंतो रयणी उण मए विणा कथं गमिस्सदि ति विर[ह]
See p. 121 below, K.
• Rend सापेचं.
9 See p. 121 below, N.
76 [पे ]सिदो 1 वसंतलीलाविदग्धौ (i) सभयमन्योन्यं पश्यतः 1 राजा 1 स्वगतं । पये वक्रोक्तिपरिपाटीपाटवज्ञापनं 1 यदि वा (1) देवीं सर्वकलामधिकृत्य स्तोकमेतत् । किं तु [*] देवी प्रसादनीयेत्येनां मुंचामि कातरां विरहे । वह्रदयमयोति जातो व तु सुकोम हृदयात् ॥ [७१ ॥ * ] नेपथ्ये ! [ अ ]
• Read वैलक्ष्यं.
See P. 121 below, M.
Q 2

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116
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. VIII.
=
___77 . णि प्राची कोकिलम चकेन तमसा मालिन्यमालंवते । या प्रात: परिरंभ
निर्भरक[२] दोषापलापक्षम. लग्ध्वा रागिणमेव वक्ष्यति मुखं सरं प्रसादश्रिया ॥ [७२ ॥*] अपि च । विस्फर्जत्करदीपिकांकुरमाांधावतं जगडाणप्राणमपलमं विदधत: कर्पूरभंगानिलैः । सिंहहारि नि[वा]
78 . [तवंदिपाठतुमुलं ताम्यति शृंगारिण: ॥ [७३ ॥*] किं च । नासीरचंद्रातप
दीपिकाभिः पूर्वाचलेनांतरितीनुमेयः । अपीदुरुत्ताम्यति राजभावामइलाखंडल सेवितुं त्वां ॥ [७४ ॥*] नायिका । वसंतलीला, प्रति सकरुणं । तए' वि देवीए भएण मंदभाणी पारिपायमंजरी परिहरि
दव्वा । पदो ज्ने व] . . . . . . . . . . 79 . [ज*णे केरिसो वारं] वारमणुवंधणिव्वंधी' । वसंतलीला नायिका [मा].
समालिंगति । राजा । अपवारितकेन नायिका चिवुके स्पृष्ट्वा । प्रिये [*] अलमन्यथा संभावनया । मुहर्तमास्थानमधिष्ठाय प्रतिनिवृत्त एवा.. स्मि । वसंतलीला प्रति । पार्ये । भवत्यामहृदयं गतया लालनीयेयं
तावद[स्म] . . . . . . . . . . 80 . [विदूषककनकलेखाभ्यां सह परिक्रामति । सकरुणं पृष्ठतोवलोक्य (0)
स्वगतं । आः प्रिये पारिजातमंजरि । उद्भिद्यमानचंद्रांशदंष्ट्राकराले निशाचरीमुखे मुच्यमानासि । नायिका । साखं । महाभाय [*] इत्तिगं दिही सि मए मंदभाइणीए । राजा । सव्यथमात्मगतं ।
किमपि मम . . . . . . . . . . 81 . हृदयशिलायां विखशृंगारशिल्पी । तव ऋजुगुणसूत्रन्यासरेखांकिता
लिखति विशिखटंकैः पुष्पकेतुः प्रशस्तिं ॥ [७५ ॥*] इति नि:क्रांतः । नायिका । सानुतापमुहीविकावलोकितकेन । कध' लोयणपहं अदिक्कतो परव्यसो जणो । स्वगतं । ता' दाणि जं देवीए कारिदव्वं तम
सयं व [करमं मं]द[भारणी । 82 []ति सोहेगमुद्भांतहृदया परिक्रामति । वसंत । सौत्सुक्यं । नूणमे
दाए' किंपि प्रमंगलमजवसिदं । ता सव्वधा धारहस्म ॥ इति नि:क्रांताः सर्वे [*] ताडंकदर्पणो नाम द्वितीयोङ्कः ॥ श्री: ॥ * ॥
ICorrected by the engraver from °यां मेव. ..See p. 122 below, A.
• The same passage has occurred before in line 66. • See p. 122 below, B.
Read निक्रांत:.
See p.122 below, C. See p. 122 below, D. .see p. 122 below, E.
• Read नितांता:. 10 The visarga was inserted by the engraver on revision.

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रूपकारप्रकांडस्य सीहाकस्यांगजन्मना । प्रशस्तिरियमुत्कीर्ण रामदेवेन शिल्पिना ॥ [७६ ॥"] * ॥
SANSKRIT TRANSLATION OF THE PRAKRIT PASSAGES. A.-Text, line 2.-प्राज्ञापयत्वार्यः । ___B-Text, 1. 4.-यदार्य पाजाययति । किं च मयापि श्रुतं यथा मलयानिलमन्दमन्दान्दोलनप्रसरगन्धमाकन्दमकुलमकरन्दपिण्डितपरागपुञ्जपिचर्यमाणमञ्जरीकवलपरस्परार्पण केलिपर्याकुलकलकण्ठमिथुनमधुरकलकलहलापहस्तिताविहस्तमानवती'मानमपि परिमलतरंगचार चम्पकचषकमध्ववसर विलम्बित षट्करणचारणरणझणत्कारमुखरमपि यन्त्रकुञ्जरकरशीकरासारसे कसरसविकसविविधविटपकुडाबहान्धकारमपि धारागिरिलीलोद्यानं परिहत्य कौतूहल प्रफुल्ललोचनो भारती भवनाभिमुखं॥ सहसति परापतित एव लोक इति । तत्कथय कीदृश"मत्र कथासंविधानकम् ।
c.-Text, 1. 7.-अथ किम् ।
D.-Text, 1. 8.-पार्य । यत्र चतुरङ्गबलयुगलधूलीनिकरैः कवलिते मार्तण्डमडले स्वयंवरकौतूहलाकुलत्व"मिलत्सुरसुन्दरीमुखमन्दचन्द्रातपेन निजपरविभागः संजातः श्रूयते ।
E-Text, 1.9.-ततस्ततः । F.-Text, 1. 10.-ततस्ततः । G.-Text, I. 11.-आर्य । तत्किं दिव्यमानुष्याः सा कथा । म.-Text, 1. 12.-ततस्ततः । 1.-Text, 1. 14.-पाचे पुनरन्तःपुरिकेव काप्येषा । J.-Text, 1. 18.-आर्यपुत्र । नवफलिकां रहाणेताम् ।
कोकिलखरबाहुल्येन मनोहरा प्रथममचर्येषा ।
तवोत्सवे खलु मया विनियुक्ता गायन्या यथा ॥ १२ ॥ K-Text, 1.17.-महो पाश्चर्यम् । भागधेयेन वयस्यस्य कुसुममञ्जरी फलत्वेन हस्ते चटिता ।
1 The following abbreviations are used in the footnotes :-D H émachandra's Dilludmamald, ed. by Prof. Pischel-HANS- Hala's Saptalatakam, ed. by Prvt. Weber.:-Hem-Hemachandra's Prakrit Grammar, ed by • Prof. Plechel.-Jacobi - Prof. Jacobi's Ausgenodilte Erzählungen in Maharashtrl.-Pd. Dhanapala's Pdiyalach. GAM Namamala, ed. by Prot. Bahler.-Pinebel-Prof. Pischel's Prakrit Grammar Hom. IV.78. . Hem. I. 63.
• Rap. 631,.... avakatthia. For mdnansinf=mdnavat' see ibid. p. 99.
Der. III. 1. 1 DAf. V.24.
Hem. IV. 259.
• Rem. I. 117. and II.99. 10Gaidaraho, verse 107 HEI. VIII. 70.
M Pischel, $ 121. " Des. II. 18.
"With hallupphala compare hallapphalia, Dá. VIII. 59; halla phala, Hálr, p. 27 f.; and hallonata, Jacobi, p. 156.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VIII.
A.-Text, 1. 18.
सुप्रभातश्रीसहितः सूर्योपि तवोत्सवेन क्रीडन् । बालातपसिन्दूरं दिगङ्गनानां मुखे क्षिपति ॥ १० ॥ यत्सीमन्तातं त्वया गूर्जरेन्द्ररमणीनाम् । मन्ये सिन्दूरणं तेनैव रमते तव लोकः ॥ १८ ॥ बाणैरर्धनारी विषमशरेणापि निजरिपू रचितः ।
अर्जुनवर्मस्त्वया पुनरबला एव विरचिता रिपवः ॥ १८ ॥ B.-Text, 1. 19.-वयस्य । प्रेक्षस्व प्रेक्षस्त्र प्रहर्षक्रीडितं नागरजनस्य । C.-Text, 1.21.-आर्यपुत्र । एतमप्याकर्णय समयमुखापर्क' हिन्दीलकम ।
D.-Text, 1. 22.-वयस्य । ज्ञातं मयापि । एष स हिन्दोलको यत्र हिन्दोलकचतुर्थी स्त्रियः क्रीडन्ति । ___E-Text, 1. 23.-कथं गैयं न जानामि । यदा मे ब्राह्मणी बहुविकटदन्तसुन्दरं सुखं प्रसार्य मङ्गलानि गायति तदाहं गोपीगेयग्रहिलो हरिण इव प्राणान्दातुमिच्छामि। ___F.-Toxt, 1. 25.-वयस्य । त्वमपि देवीं पूरय ।
_G.-Text, 1. 26.-वयस्य । यदि त्वमेतया दासीदुहित्रा कनकलेखया सह मम पाणिग्रहणं कारयसि तदाहमपि त्वमिव नागरिकनारीसहितो वसन्तोत्सवं मानयामि । ___H.-Text, 1. 27.-आर्यपुत्र । पाणिग्रहणवचनेन स्मारितास्मि । मया माधवीलतया सहकारस्य पाणिग्रहः कारयितव्यः । युवामपि तत्र निमन्त्रितौ तिष्ठथः । तदिदानीमुपसंभारसंपादनकार्येणोद्यानं गमिष्यामि ।
I.-Text, 1. 28.-वयस्य । न खल्वेतहिस्मरणम् । स्मरणमेवैतत् । J.-Text, 1. 29.-वयस्य । मन्ये पारिजातमञ्जरोसनाथमपि ते शून्यं हृदयम । K-Text, 1. 30.-सुखकारिणी भवतु मध्याह'संध्या देवस्य ।
बषितानां काननेषु तव रिपुरमणीनां बिम्बननिभेन ।
वदनानि हारमुक्तासु सलिलकार्येणेव विशन्ति ॥ २८ ॥ L.-Text, 1. 30.-वयस्य ।
देवेनाइवनिर्जितानां सहसा बन्दीकतान्तःपुरं ददता शमिता वियोगवेदना' येषां वसन्तोमे ।
Compare sundvei-sukhayati in Hála and in the Galldavaho. * With gahilla for grahila compare gamthilla for granthila; Pischel, $ 595.
Compare bhareï in the Gaüd avaho, verse 291, and Jacobi, p. 133, 8. t. bharidna. • Pischel, 313, end.
Hem. II. 84. . For dinta = dadat see Jacobi, p. 117, 8. o. dei.
Pa. p.96.

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एते ते नत्वा पादयुगलं दण्डप्रणामेन ते
पानीछचभरण भूमिपतयो व्रजन्ति' वासालयम् ॥ २८ ॥ तस्विमिह स्थितेन । एहि । धारागिरिलोलोद्यानमेव गच्छावः । A.-Text, 1. 35.
उत्तुङ्गे स्तनमण्डलस्य शिखर पोष्ठप्रवालप्रभा. पुत्रं कुञ्जरगामिनी वहति सा चिन्तानमदानना । अन्तर्निर्दृत्य श्वासलहरीसार्थेन पर्युत्सुकं
दूरारोहनिभालित प्रियतमं रक्तमिव चित्तं निजम् । ३५ ॥ B.-Text, 1. 36.-राजागमनप्रवृत्तिमुपलब्धुम् । c.-Text, 1. 38.-यदानापयति प्रियतमः । D.-Text, 1. 40.-वयस्य । युक्तमंनुमानं ते । यतो वनस्पतीनां चन्द्रो राजा ।
E-Text, 1. 41.-वयस्य । यथेष समकालोत्कण्ठितकेलिदीर्घिकाकलहंसकूजितकरम्बितो समयसमजीरकलकलो यथा च स्तोकोभायमाणकर्परपरिमलोमिश्थितः कान्तकुसुमामोदः प्रत्यासत्रो भवति तथाहंप्रथमिकामिलन्तीभिर्विकटनितम्बोरुभरपरिखलच्चरणारविन्दाभिर्दक्षिणानिलान्दोलनशील वसन्तमालामनोहराभिः स्थूल स्तनमण्डलोबहनपरिश्रमश्वसितमन्दप्रत्याय्यमानताम्बलारसाभिरविलासिनीभिः सेव्यमानाभ्युस्थिता देवी ।
F.-Text, 1. 48.-वयस्य । तोपि प्रेक्षख । यथैष कुसुमाकरो मम संमुखं संज्ञा करोति तथासंशयं पारिजातमंजरी वसन्तलीलया सहेहैव संचारयिष्यति । G.-Text, 1. 44.-अहो अरिष्टमरिष्टम् ।
चूतश्चम्पककुसुमैश्चम्पकः पाटलाप्रसूनैः ।
बकुलः शिरीषपुष्पैर्विकसितो हन्ताश्चर्यम् ॥ ४५ ॥ H. Text, 1. 45.-भर्तः । न खल्वेष विचक्षणत्वेन विदग्धः किं त विशषेण दग्ध इति ।
I-Text, 1. 45.-आर्य । अन्यपादपानन्य कुसुमविकासयितुमस्ति मे कौतूहलम् । J.-rext, 1. 45.-वत्से । एष एव राजा तवोपाध्यायो भविष्यति । K.-Text, 1. 46.-कुतो ऽस्माकं तादर्श भागधेयम् ।। L-Text, 1. 46.-पार्यपुत्र । एतत्तन्माधवीसहकारमिथुनम् ।
M.--Text, 1. 47.-अव्यो । एवमेव युभादृश्यो मुग्धा दूरे गाढोत्कण्ठाशीलाः प्रियसकारी पराख्यो भवन्ति ।
• Hem. II. 45. .
1 Hem. IV:226.
Pa. p.79. •Pischel,8596.
●Hem. I. 124 and 255. • Witb tammola compare tambóla, Hém. I. 124. • Hem. II. 40.
• Pinchel, 5197.
Jacobi, p. 149. 10 Hein. II. 204

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII. A.-Text, 1. 47.-आर्ये । त्वमन्यदेव किमपि जल्पन्ती' तिष्ठसि । महं पुनरे तावदेव भणामि यदन्यपादपानन्यकुसमैर्विकासयितुमस्ति मै कौतूहलम् ।
B-Text, 1. 47.-देवी यावदुत्तरामुखस्विता माधवीसहकारमिथुनमनुरागविला' भतः पश्चिमामुखस्थितस्य दर्शयन्ती तिष्ठति 'तावन्मुहर्त पारिजातमज्जरी प्रका' करोमि यथा देव्याः कुत्राप्याभरणे प्रतिबिम्बितां प्रेक्षत एनां राजा । . ___-Text, 1. 51.-वत्से । प्रेक्षस्व देव्यास्ताडङ्गस्य रामणीयकं वद्राजा सावहि. त्यमेकदृष्ट्या प्रेक्षमाणस्तिष्ठति ।
D.-Text, 1. 51-अम्महि । किमेष राजा मे प्रतिबिम्ब प्रेक्षते ऽथ वा' देव्यास्ताडामेव । सत्तावदमतकालकूटयोरन्तराले दोलायितास्मि । E-Text, 1. 52.-वत्से । मान्यथा मन्यत्र ।
देव्यास्ताड कर्णाभरणाधिदेवतामिव त्वाम् ।
शहानुरागनिभृतः प्रेचते प्रतिबिम्बितां राजा ॥ ४ ॥ यदि पुनर्न प्रत्येषि तत्क्षणार्ध त्वां पल्लवान्तरितां करोमि यथा प्रतिबि. म्बशून्यं ताडछ प्रेक्षमाणस्य कीदृशी दृष्टिर्भवतीति जानासि । F.-Text, 1. 53.-वत्से । प्रेक्षस्व प्रेक्षख ।
ताडले तव प्रतिमामपश्यन्ती झदिति" भर्तुर्दष्टिः ।
विस्मृतनिधानस्थानव शून्यपर्याकुला जाता ॥ ४८ ॥ G.-Text, 1. 36.-पव्यो । कुतः पुनरस्था हताशाया पद्य विसंवाद"संमुखी सविकारा दृष्टिः । म.-Text, 1.56.
प्रतिभात्यार्यपुत्रः सद्भावस्नेहसुन्दरस्वभावः ।
असुखमपीव कथयति" पुनर्दक्षिणनयनं स्फुरन्मे । ५३ ॥ I.-Text, 1. 57.-सखि । किं त्वया हसितम् । J.-Text, 1. 37.-पथ किम् । K.-Text, 1. 58.
चन्द्रस्येव तव मेघान्तर क्षणदर्शनेन या सस्मिता ।
सीदामि सा चकोरीव पुनरपि त्वय्यन्तयति ॥ ५४ ॥ L.-Text, 1. 58.-भार्ये । नूनं देवी प्रसादयितुं गमिष्यति राजा । तदेहि । गच्छावः ।
IPiachel,296. • Hem. I. 271.
Pischel,5:56. Hem. IV.181..
Rem. II. 157. 'Rem. I.44
Hem. I. 131. 1 Rem.L42.
• Piachel,5209. • Hem. IV. 284 • Pischel,8281. MP4. Verse 248
"T-TV9

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=
A-Text, 1. 59.-वयस्य । मारितस्य भुक्तास्य चैकमेव नाम । स्तोको बहुर्वापराधी उपराध एव । तसंभावय महाभागिनी पारिजातमचरीम ।
B. Text, 1. 60.-वयस्य । प्रेक्षख । एतत्तद्रविरथतुरंगमकान्तिसच्छायं मरकत. मण्डपम् । C.-Text, I. 63.
. . . . वलयानीव मकरध्वज जयसि सक्षण'मध्यया ।
तामेव हन्त कुर्वनिर्जीवां भविष्यसि कथमिव ॥ १ ॥ D.-Text, 1. 63.-आर्ये ।
यस्मिन्वभावसुखदे सर्वकलासंगते दृष्टेपि ।
दीप्य' पोषधिरिव स दूरं दुर्लभी राजा ॥ १२ ॥ E-Text, 1. 64.-हा धिक् । एष निर्दयः प्रत्यक्ष एव कुसुमायुधो मां मन्दभागिनीं प्रहरति । तत्परित्रायता परित्रायतामार्या । ___F.-Text, 1. 65.-वत्से । समाश्वसिहि समाश्वसिहि । न खल्वेष कुसुमायुधः । तव हृदयवसभः खलु भर्तेषः ।
G. Text, 1. 66.-पार्ये । पयि वझमेपि परवरी जने कीदृशो वार वारमनुबन्धनिर्बन्धः । तदेहि । गच्छावः ।
H. Text, 1. 69.-मा कथमपि कोपीह देव्याः परिजनः संचरत् । तदाबासय कण्ठग्रहण त्वरित मेव महाभागां विजयश्रियम् । ____I-Text, 1. 70.-मया महाराजस्य . . . . . . . . . . लब्बा न पुनः स्त्रीत्यद्य यावहिनी विप्रलब्बा । पद्य पुनर्देव्या खयमेवोमिख्य सर्वमुपलब्धम् । पहं निमित्तमात्र' जातासि । पब्बो खामिनियोगस्यावश्यंकरणीयता । येनेव देवों वञ्चयितुमभ्यर्थिता तमेव महाराज देव्या नियोगेनोण्डियामि ।
J.-Text, 1.71.-एतत्तम्मरकतमण्डपम् । K-Tort, 1.72.-पम्पहे । कुत पावासी भहिन्या यस्था वनभो न्यानानवसेहवागुरानिपतितहदयहरिण एवं हिण्डते । L.-Text, 1. 72.-जयतु जयतु भर्ता ।
M. Text, 1. 73.-भतः । यैषामाकं हितीया' भटिनी त्वया पृष्ठं ददता रोषिता तिष्ठति • • • • • • • • • •
N.-Text, 1. 74-एतत्कारणम् । एष ताडो ऽद्य . . . . . . . . . कर्णाभरणं देव्या धारितम् । पद्य खलु वसन्तलीलाविदग्धगोष्ठीमधुमत्तत्रवणयुग
1 For sanha (which is here written with the dental :) soe Pischel, $ 815. Hem. I.223. Hem. II. 192.
•Pischel,196. •Hem. I. 29.
Hem. IV.172.
Hem.L81. • Hem. L.94
•Hem.I.35and 129.

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[VOL. VIJI.
लस्याभिनवसौभाग्यसौन्दर्य'ममोहरकुसुममलरीरसे सैन्यषहरणचरितस्य भतर्धारागिरिप्रमदोद्यान एव सर्व 'दिनमतिक्रान्तम् । रजनी पुनर्मया विना कथं गमिथfar far .......... Afaa: 1 A.-Text, 1. 78.--calfa
99 Hifat uifTeta ufiyaa 0 ..........gâ cuit and arthgaafu dat: B.Text, 1. 80.- ETHIT | Saragetfr HUT RHTRT C.-Text, 1. 81.- 1979apa: ait 07: D. --Text, 1. 81.-afferit a una ac
frufa मन्दभागिनी ।
E.-Test, 1. 82.-47Aur PHRAF wafeah I treat araferet i
No. 10.-KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.;
SAKA-SAMVAT 1508.
BY H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A. The village of Kårkaļa, which is mentioned as Karakala in this inscription (text line 14) and other connected ones, is 18 miles east-south-east of Udipi, the head-quarters of the talaka in which it is situated, and 10 miles north of Mûdabidure. It is the largest Jaina settlement in the South Canara district of the Madras presidency and contains, besides the colossal image of Gummata, a number of Jaing temples which are ruined and out of repair with the single exception of the Chaturmukhabasti. This temple is situated opposite to the Jaina matha at Karkala, on a hillock? half as high as the hill on which the colossus stande. Hiriyangadi, i.e. the big bdsår, which is now a few furlonga distant from Karkala, but appears, from its very name, to have once formed the commercial quarter of the town, contains, besides some bastis, a beautifully
1 Pischel, 176.
Compare Pischel, 357.
Hêm. II. 156. • A photograph of this colossus is given above, Vol. VII. Plate facing p. 112.
. For a detailed description of this temple by Mr. Walhouse sce Ind. Ant. Vol. V, p. 39 f.; Mr. Sturrock's South Canara Mandal, Vol. I. p. 89 f. and the Government Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1900-01, paragraph 6.
The Jains matha at Karkaļa is presided over by a pontiff, just as the mafhas at Yudabidure, Sravana. Belgola and Humcha. He bears the title Lalitakirti and is reported to be the trustea of the Jaina temples at Karkala and in its neighbourhood. In the inscriptions at Hiriyangudi near KArkas, the teachers to whose pontifi. cate Kårks!s and the surrounding country belonged are generally called Lalitakirti-bhattårskadeva, with the word Maladhari prefixed to it in two of them, viz. Nos. 68 and 70 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1991. No. 67 of the same collection makes Lalitakirti the vichdrakarted or supervisor of the charity recorded therein; and No. 70 says that these teachers belonged to the Kundakunda division, were lords of the lineage of Panasok and members of the Kajågragans. In v. 4 of the subjoined inscription, which does not mention their division (anvaya), it is stated that the Lalitakirtis belonged to the Desigans. Perhaps Kå!ôgragans was a Local branch of the Desigaņa. Panasoka has been identified with Hanasoge in the Mysore State ; see above, Vol. VII. p. 110, note 1.
The inscription gives this hill the name of Chikkabetta (i... the small hill') in order to distinguish it from the higher hill on which the colossus is set up.
• See Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 40.

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KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.
preserved Jaina pillar (mânastambha). A lithograph of a similar pillar at Vênûr is given in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. Plate facing p. 39. Prof. Hultzsch, who has published three of the inscriptions at Karkala, asked me to edit the subjoined record. The black granite slab on which it is engraved is set up on the proper right of the western entrance into the sanctum sanctorum of the Chaturmukhabasti. At the top of the slab are, in relief, the following sculptures. In the centre, within a mandapa surmounted by a triple umbrella, is a Jaina figure squatting on a raised seat; the mandapa is flanked on both sides by a lampstand, and beyond the lampstand is the disk of the sun on one side and the crescent of the moon on the other; below the moon is the figure of a cow suckling its calf. The inscribed surface of the slab, including the erased lines at the end measures roughly 4' 4" by 3' 2".
123
The record is written in Kanarese characters of the period to which the inscription belongs, between two margins which are marked out on both sides of the slab by two double lines with a space of " between them. These double lines are entered on either margin up to 1. 42 where the main portion of the inscription ends. It contains eight Sanskrit verses (11. 1 to 8, 1. 15 f. and 1. 49 f.) and four short sentences (11. 1, 3 and 8) in the same language. The remainder of the inscription is in Kanarese prose. At the end is a diagram, consisting of a square bounded by a double line. Within this is another square, similarly bounded by a double line and sub-divided into 25 minor squares with single letters written in each. The diagram is inserted between 11. 42 and 49 just in the centre of the slab, thereby dividing 11. 43 to 48 into two equal halves. About a dozen syllables in 1. 42, the second halves of 11. 43 to 46, the diagram itself and the remainder of the inscription are faintly engraved. A few lines at the end of the inscription are completely erased. Although comparatively modern, the Kanarese characters in which the inscription is written differ in many points from those of the present day. Aspirates are not generally distinguished by a vertical stroke added at the bottom of the letter, except in pha of phala (1. 38); da is distinguished from dha, as in old Kanarese. by a small opening at the right side of the letter; in bha the aspiration is marked by the talekattu and a small projecting stroke at the bottom of the left side, which seems to be the origin of the vertical stroke of the modern bha; kha, gha, and tha are distinguished, by their very form, from the corresponding unaspirates. Chha, dha and tha do not occur in their primary form as independent letters, but only in their subscript secondary forms. Cha is differentiated from ba sometimes by the talekattu alone (e.g. cha of aicharu in 1. 40), and in other cases by the talekattu and a slight indenture at the middle of the left side (e.g. cha of chandra, 1. 13); in modern Kanarese this indenture is projected out into a horizontal stroke. In cases, however, where the i-curl is added to cha, this horizontal stroke is necessarily introduced. The same remarks hold good as regards the indenture in the middle of ka. The loop on the left side of da is not fully developed. Ta and fa still preserve their older forms. Sha is, as in old Kanarese, written like pa, with a small slanting stroke cutting its left side in the middle. Ra, which is now altogether replaced by the common ra, occurs in 11. 12 (twice), 17, 25, 27, 28,
1 South Canara Manual, Vol. I. p. 19.
See above, Vol. V. p. 171, note 5. The manastambhas, which are generally graceful, high and imposing, have to be distinguished from other Jaina pillars neither so tall as the former nor bearing any mandapas ou their tops. These latter are called Brahmadêva pillars and appear to be usually set up in front of colossal statues. The Tyagada-Brahmadêva Pillar (figured on Plate facing p. 33 of the Introduction to Mr. Rice's Sravana-Belgola Inscriptions) is set up opposite to the colossal statue on the Doddabetta hill at Sravana-Belgola; the Kuge Brahmadêva pillar at the entrance into the bastis on the Chikkabetta bill of the same village, indicates perhaps the existence of the unfinished colossus on that hill (ibid. p. 29, note 1); and the colossi at Karkala and Vênur have similar pillars in front of them, bearing an image of Brahmadèva on their tops (Government Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1900-01, paragraphs 6 and 7).
Above, Vol. VII. p. 109 ff.
A tentative transcript and translation of it was published by Mr. Walhouse in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. pp. 40
R 2

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[Vol. VIII.
30, 32, 34, 37, and 43; la is written in its proper form but looks like a hook with the talekaṭṭu attached to it. Among vowels, initial u and a which occur in 11. 37 and 9, respectively, are written exactly as in modern Telugu. The vowel-signs i and are not always distinguished; and where they are, is represented by a loop at the end of the i-curl; e resembles in almost every respect, except that, before being added, it makes a small angle with the letter, which the i-curl does not. The angle perhaps is meant for the talekattu which represents the a-sign, and this with the i-curl attached to it gives the compound e-sign. O and ô (the latter being occasionally distinguished from the former by a loop at the end of the o-curl) are expressed, as in Telagu, by attaching to the top-stroke of the letter two small semi-circular curves, the second of which is bent down a little lower than the first. Exception is, however, made in the case of ma, ya and certain conjunct consonants where, as in modern Kanarese, o is denoted by +û. Many of these remarks are found, on comparison, to be applicable also to the Harihar stone inscription of Achyutaraya of Saka-Samvat 1460 (=A.D. 1538-39) which is photo-lithographed in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. Plate facing p. 362. It may be remarked that to this day the Jainas use an older Kanarese script than other Kanarese people, and that their way of writing bha, la and ka and of affixing i, e and o-curls to consonants is not very different from what we find in this inscription. As regards orthography: The nasals preceding other letters of their class are invariably changed into an anusvára; of double nasals of the same class, the first always becomes an anusvára, provided it does not come after an r, the only exception being nni of pánni (1. 7); and the doubling of the consonant after an r is common. A hiatus between two vowels, which is not allowed by the rules of samdhi, occurs in traû for trava (1. 9), °ranes for raney (1. 18), and sthat for sthay (1.26). Sal- for sal- (1. 19) and sita for sita (1. 41), double dental n for the double lingual n, the aspirate for the unaspirated letter and vice versá are purely graphical errors. Among words deserving particular mention are certain special phrases of Jaina ritual (háladháre, ashidhnika, siddhachakra, etc.), some fiscal terms peculiar to the South Canara district (mûde, hane, kuḍute, háda, beṭṭu, bâlu, etc.), and some expressions which are not intelligible to me (e.g. adipina-müliti, bajakala, kambula, etc.). The use of the Kanarese word ágara instead of the Sanskrit ágára in v. 7 is a mistake. The construction of the Kanarese passages is often complicated.
The inscription opens with an invocation of Vitaraga and the verse frimat-paramagambhira, etc., with which almost all Jaina inscriptions begin. It then invokes (verses 2 and 3) the blessings of the Tirthakaras (Jina, Jinapa, Jinêndra or Tirtha), of Dorbali, and of the goddess Padmavati of Pombuchcha on the donor Bhairava or Bhairavendra, called also BhairarasaVodeya and Immadi-Bhairarasa-Vodeya in the Kanarese passages (11. 48 f. and 13 f.). We may at once call this chief Bhairava II.1 in order to distinguish him from his maternal uncle and namesake Bhairava I. referred to in the inscription as Bhairavaraja (1. 6) and BhairarasaVodeya (1. 12). The record goes on to state that, at the advice of the Jaina teacher Lalitakirti of the lineage of Panasôge and of the Desigana (v. 4), Bhairava II. built (1. 19) the temple of the three jewels' (11. 7, 8 and 17), by which evidently the Chaturmukhabasti is meant. Verse 6 and the Kanarese prose passage which follows it give the date of the foundation and consecration of the temple, viz. the Sali-(or Salivahana-) Saka year 1508, the Vyaya-samvatsara, the sixth tithi of the bright half of Chaitra, a Wednesday, when the nakshatra was Mrigasirsha or Mrigasira (11. 8 and 9) and the lagna Vrisha or Vrishabha (loc. cit.). This date has been calculated by Prof. Kielhorn and is found to be correct in all details for Wednesday, 16th March A.D. 1588. The Kanarese passages in 11. 10 to 14 and 17 to 18 contain a string of
1 The distinction applies only to this paper, because there have been in this family many chiefs bearing the same name prior to the donor of our inscription. The Jaina chiefs belonging to other families on the western coast also frequently called themselves Bhairava. Writers on the history of the northern portion of South Canara invariably refer to the Karkala chiefs as "Byrasu Wodears."
List of Southern Inser. No. 993.

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The Chaturmukha - Basti at Karkala.
LU
E. Hultzsch, photo.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle.

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No. 10.)
KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.
125
birudas of Bhairava II, and furnish the name Tribhuvanatilaka-Jina-Chaityalayal (1.17) for the temple, which is described as being auspicious on every side (sarvatábhadra) and as having four symmetrical faoes (chaturmukha). It was built on the Chikkabetta bill in the vicinity of the blessed Gummateśvara at Pandyanagari in Karakaļa (1. 14 f.). Pând yanagari, just like the modern Hiriyangaļi, was apparently another suburb of Kårkala and comprise within itself the Chikkabetta hill, on which the Chaturmukhabasti is built, the colossal statue, and the long narrow street that runs between them, containing a few Jaina houses and the matha. It probably received its name from Påndyaraya or Vira-Påndye, who set up the famous colossus. In 11. 19 ff. we are told that Bhairava II. set up the images of the three Tirthakaras Ara, Malli and Munisuvrata on each of the four faces of the temple and consecrated at the same time the images of the 24 Tirthakaras and those of the Jinas together with Brahma and Padmavati.
Ll. 22 to 42 record the grant of the village of Tejara, which yielded a revenue of 700 made of rice. Besides this, 238 pagodas (gadyana or varaha, I. 28) from the siddhaya (i.e. the established revenue) of the villages Rañjala and Nalluru were also granted. The income was to be utilised for the requirements of worship in the four symmetrical central shrines of the temple and in the subordinate shrines, by fourteen families of Sthånikas appointed for that purpose. Provision was also made for temple servants and musicians. The four groups (tanda) of Jaina mendicants who had quarters in the temple were supplied annually with 8 blankets, to protect themselves from cold, and with 1 blanket to receive the daily doles of rice which they collected from door to door. They were also given the necessary requirements for oil. baths, vid. oil, soap-nut and fuel. Ll. 43 to 47 record two additional grants, perhaps by the same chief, for the daily offerings (1) to Chandranatha in the basti situated within the quadrangle of the hiriya aramane (i.e. the big palace),' and (2) to Pârsvanátha in the basti on the Govardhanagiri hill.10 The inscription ends with a puzzle (v. 8), wbich was composed by the author of the inscription in order to celebrate the power of the five syllables Srivítarága (i.e. Jina), which the donor Bhairava II. is said to have affixed to the inscription with his own hand in token of his approval of the charities recorded therein. The four erased lines at the end of the inscription may have contained the clue for the right interpretation of the puzzle.
Perhaps so named in imitation of the HoBabasti at Mudabidure, which according to the inscriptions of that temple was called Tribhuvanachudimaņi-Chaityklaya and was built in Baka-Samvat 1951, i.e. 157 years prior to the construction of the Chaturmukhabasti.
This attribute given to the temple appears to have suggested the insertion of the puzzle in the sarvatóbhadra vorte at the end of the inscription.
+ Chaturmukhabasti, the present popular name of the temple, is derived from the fact that the temple w constructed with four symmetrical faces (chaturmukha). Above, Vol. VII. p. 109 f.
"Same as Suvrata mentioned in v. 3. • These two deities are different from the Brahmapical gods of the same name. Brahms and Padmavati in Jaina mythology are two demigods (yaksha and yakshin) who attend invariably upon the Tirtha karas.
1 The allotments made for the worship at each gate' are very carefully recorded, and from these it appears mit the western gate, which enjoyed the largest share of the gift in money, was the primary one, while the three other symmetrical gates were only of secondary importance. This is also proved by the fact that at this particular gate slone the images of the 24 Tirtha karas were consecrated (11. 20 and 89). + The Jains priests are now generally known by the name Indra (Government Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1900-01, paragraph 6). The name Sindulka given to them in the inscription appears to be used in imitation of the name given to a section of Brahmaņas in South Canars, whose sole profession is temple service. See Mr. Sturrock's South Canara Manual, Vol. I. p. 164.
This might be the name of one of the palaces of Bhairava II. himself, which was probably situated either at Pandyanagari or Hiriyangadi, both of which are still covered with ruins of buildings.
10 This is perhaps one of the many small hills that surround Karkale. I was informed wbile there, that one of these bears at its top Jaina basti even now. It will be too fanciful to connect the name with Govardhanagiri in the Shimoga district, which is said to have been fortified by Jipadatta' (the mythical founder of a Jaina line of Ming's in the south), (Myrore Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 45).

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[VOL. VIII.
The donor Bhairava II. belonged to the lunar race (v.e5 and 1. 11), to the Kagyapagôtra (1.11) and to the family of Jinadatta or Jinadattaraya (ll. 6 and 12) and was the son of Gummațâmba (11. 6 and 13) and of Vira-Narasimha-Vanganarendra (1. 13). Gummatâmbâ was the sister of Bhairava I. (v. 5), the son of Honnanâmbikå (1.12). Some of the titles of Bhairava II. were: (1) ariraya-gandara-davaņi, (2) the lord of Patti. Pombuchcha the best of cities,' and (3) he who has obtained excellent boons from the goddess) Padmavati of Pombuchcha.' The second and third of these, coupled with his professed descent from Jinadatta, connect Blairava II. with the Santars chiefs of Pombuchcha, who also traced their ancestry to Jinadatta and were worshippers of the goddess Padmavati of Pombuchcha. Mr. Rice in the Introduction to Vols. VI. and VII. of bis Epigraphia Carnatica mentions a number of records which he assigns to the early members of the Santara family, most of whom, as stated therein, were feudatories of the Rashtrakûtas and were ruling the Sântaļige country. Pombuchcha, the capital of the Såntaras, is spelt in early records as Pombulcha or Patti-Pombushchapura and is identical with the modern #umcha or Hombucha in the Nagar tåluka of the Shimoga district; it is mentioned in connection with the Sintaras even in their earliest records. The alleged descent of the Sântaras from Jinadattaraya, the mythical founder of the line of Jaina kings in the south, is not warranted by any of these carlier inscriptions. A long account of the Sântaras which connects them with Jinadatta, brst appears in a record of A.D. 1077 at Humcha itself. The Baligami record of A.D. 11496 makes no reference whatever to the mythical Sântaras ; the stone inscription from Panêdaha!li7 dated in A.D. 1287, connects Jinadatta with the Chalukya family. In any case the
In No. 993 of Professor Kielhorn's List of Southern Inser., which deals with the date of this record, Changannröndra has to be corrected into Vangunarendra, and the title supreme lord of Patti-Pombuchchapara'there applied to Bhairava I. should, according to the present interpretation of the passage, be transferred to his son Bhairava II.
? See below, note 5.
The Santaras of Pombuchcha and the Kadambas of the western coast appear from these records to have been related to exch other in some unex: ined way. This fact is cleared up in one of the later Sântara inscriptions at Bulagimi, which states that the såntara chief Jogaddeva, who was a feudatory of the Western Chalukya Jagadėkamalla II., and the Kadamba chief Jayakésin, who was the son of Vijayadityadeva, were sons of two uterine sisters (Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 458 and note 2). The Aļupas of the western coast, some of whose early inscriptions are found at Udiyåvara near Udipi, may have had some connection with Pombulcha, since in two unpublished inscriptions from that village (Nos. 97 and 98 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901) Pombucha and Udayapura (i.. Udiyavara) are mentioned together with reference to certain tolls and wakaras (trading classes ?) of the two pla es; another (No. 108 of the same collection states that Svētaváhana. who was the loril of Patti (Pafti odeyon=), (i.e. fatti-rajya, the province of which Humche was the capital). fell in battle while entering (e. capturing) Udavapurs; and Mr. Rice's Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Kp. 37 refers to the reign of Chitravábana, evidently an Aļuva king, over Ponbuchcha.
The exact position of this territorial division is not fixed. Dr. Flect places it somewhere west of the Mysore State (Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 306), and Mr. Rice states that it corresponds with the present Tirthahalli tluka of the Shimoga district (Ep. Carn. Vol. VII. Introduction, p. 17). As however Humcha in the Nagar taluka was the capital of the Sintara chiefs who were ruling over the Sântalige one-thousand country, as the earlier Santara records found in the Shikarpur taluks of the Shimoga district mention certain villages of this taluka as belonging to the Santalige country, #alas Sécuvinabidu or setu, the capital of the Sântara chief Jagaddēva in A.D. 1149, would be located by Mr. Rice somewhere in Canara' (Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 458, note 1), it may be assumed that Santalige included the western portion of the Shimoga district, i.e. the Shikarpur, Nagar and Tirthahalli talnkas, and probably also a portion of the South Canara district.
Ep. Carn. Vol VIII. Np. 35. This record makes Jinadatta a member of the family of Ugra-vanka and the hereditary lord of Uttara-Madurâ. It gives also the story of the goddess Padmavati, who, being plenged with Jinndatta's prowess, built for him the city of Pomburchs or Kanakapura. One of his descendants, VikramaSántara, is stated to have fixed the boundaries of the Santaļige thousand province (J. R. A. $. for April 1905, pp. 295 and 298).
6 No. 32 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1892. 7 Ep. Carn. Vol. VII, Sk. 312.

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claim which Bhairava II. puts forth to belong to the family of Jinadatta implies nothing more than his connection with the Sântaras and the Jaina creed which he followed.
KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.
127
Vol. VI. of the Epigraphia Carnatica contains also a number of inscriptions of a family called by Mr. Rice Kalasa-Karkala. He gives an account these chiefs in his Introduction to the same volume, pp. 19 to 21. The texts published by him show that they had no connection whatever with the Sântaras of Humcha, and that of the records prior to the time of the Vijayanagara king Dêvaraya II. only a single one may be assigned to the family, viz. Mg. 65 dated in A.D. 1209, where the chief Vira-Balludeva receives the title mandalika-gandara dávani, which in the slightly altered form ariraya-gandara-dávani was assumed by almost all the subsequent members of the family. From the time of Dêvaraya II. downwards the records are more definite and furnish a connected account of the chiefs, a list of whom is given by Mr. Rice on p. 20 of the Introduction. The donor of the subjoined grant figures as the last person in that list. We gather also from these records that the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs followed the aliya-santano law of inheritance and were Jainas in religion, though most of their inscriptions found at Kalasa and Koppa record grants to Siva temples. As a rule they seem to have acknowledged the Vijayanagara kings as their overlords. But in Mg. 48, dated in Saka-Samvat 1424 (= A.D. 1501-2), which was about the period of the overthrow of the Saluva usurpers at Vijayanagara and of the acknowledgment of the Tuluva Narasa-Nayaka as sovereign, the Kalasa chiefl Vira-Bhairarsa-Oḍeya seems to have been semi-independent, as no mention is made of any overlord in the inscription. The memorable battle of Tálikôța dealt the death-blow to the Vijayanagara empire, and the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs were not slow to take advantage of the opportunity to openly assert their independence. Accordingly, in a Koppa inscription (Kp. 57), dated in Saka-Samvat 1510 (= A.D. 1588-89), Bhayirarasa-Voḍeya, son of Vira-Gummaṭadevi, who is no doubt identical with the donor of the subjoined inscription, is represented as ruling his kingdom undisturbed (sthira-samrajya). The subjoined Chaturmukhabasti inscription of this chief, which is dated two years earlier, contains a long string of high-sounding birudas, and this fact may be taken to show that Bhairava II. had then already declared his independence. But this state of things did not continue long; for in Saka 1531 (= A.D. 1609-10), Bhayirarasa-Voḍeya, the son of ViraBhayirarasa-Vodeya, was ruling the Kalasa-Kârakala-rajya as a fendatory of the Vijayanagara king Venkata I. (Mg. 63). From the above records we further learn that the country over which these chiefs originally ruled was called the Kalasa-rajya, which included one thousand villages (see e.g. Mg. 88), and the chief town of which was evidently Kalasa above the ghauts. But in Baka-Samvat 1438 (A.D. 1516-17), Karkala seems to have been. added to it; for Yimmaḍi-Bhairarsa-Oḍeya, who in Mg. 39 is stated to have been ruling over Kalasa-rajya in the dvitiya-Sravana of Saka-Samvat 1438, was, according to Mg. 41, ruling over the Kalasa-Karakala-rajya in the (nija)-Sravana of the same year, and in Saka-Samvat
1 I bave intentionally used the term 'Kalasa chief; for, as will be seen in the sequel, the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs became rulers of both Kalasa and Karkala only in A.D. 1516-17. Prior to this their dominion was limited to the Kalasa country; and the name Kalasa-Karkala applied to their family prior to A.D. 1516-17 is to be understood as being used only for the sake of uniformity.
This inscription supplies the interesting information that, during the reign of the great Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara, Bhujabala-Maharaya led a campaign against the Tulu-rajya and was encamped at the bhuvana-idle in Mangaluru. On this occasion the Kalasa-Karkala chief Yimmadi-Bhairarsa-Odeya, being dispossessed of (or not being sure of the stability of) his territory, prayed to the god at Kalasa that the invading forces might leave the Tulu country and that he might be undisturbed in his kingdom. This desire being fulfilled, he made certain gifts to that god in his capacity as the ruler of the Kalasa-Karakala-rajya. Bhujabala-Maharaya, who led the campaign, must be identical with Krishnaraya's elder brother Busbalrao,' mentioned on p. 110 of Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire. The facts recorded in the inscription show that the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs, who, as already noted, were trying to get independent of the Vijayanagara kings, and had, perhaps, also an ides of extending their dominious below the ghauts, were now threatened to be dispossessed, but, perhaps, on promise of submission were left leunmolested.

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1446 (A.D. 1524-25) the same chief was ruling the kingdom below and above the ghants' (Mg. 62). With the extension of the kingdom the capital also seems to have been removed to Karkala from Kalasa; for in an inscription of Saka-Samvat 1452 (= A.D. 1530-31) Vira-Bairarasa-Vodoya is said to have been ruling from his throne at Karakala (Kp. 47). It will be scen in the next paragraph how the Kalasa chiefs managed to add to their dominions the Karkala country below the ghauts; but for the present it may be enough to conclude from the Koppa and Madgere inscriptions published in Mr. Rioe's Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. that Bhairava II, of the subjoined inscription was a direct descendant of the Kalasa family, and that his hereditary ancestral dominion was the Kalasa country. His name, his title ariraya-gandaradávani and the existence of an inscription of his in the Koppa tâluka (Kp. 57) all point to the same conclusion.
Turning now to the inscriptions at Karkala itself, from which further information may be expected about the ancestors of Bhairava II., we find that the colossus there was set up by ViraPåndya or Pånd yaraya, the son of Bhairavêndra of the lunar race in Saka 1353, and that in Saka 1358 the same chief, who is here said to have been the son of Bhairava of the family of Jinadatta, set up the Brahma pillar in front of that colossus. An unpublished inscription at Hiriyangadi near Karkals, dated in Saka-Samvat 1379 (= A.D. 1457.58), records a grant to the temple of Némináthasvamin, while the arirtya-gandara-davani, the lord of Patti-Pombuchchapura, who had obtained excellent gifts from the goddess) Padmavatidēvi, and who was the uplifter of the ocean which was the family of Jinadattaraya- AbhinavaPandyadeva-Odoya, was ruling over Pațţi-rajya. A second inscriptions in the same village, dated in Saka-Samvat 1514 (= A.D. 1593-94), records grants to Chandranathasvamin, while ariraya-gandara-davani Pandyappa-Vodeya, the son of Vira-Bhairarasa-Vodoya, was ruling his country undisturbed (sthira-rajya). This chief is no doubt a son of Bhairaya II. and apparently enjoyed the independence which his father also possessed. The earliest of the Karkala inscriptions, which is dated in Saka-Samvat 1256 (=A.D. 1334-35), belongs to the time of Lokanatharasa, who, though only a mahamandalesvara' who had acquired the five grent sounds,' bears the royal titles samastabhuvanásraya, prithvivallabha and maharajadhiraja. He also calls himself 'the lord of Uttara-Madhura,''the jewel of the great Ugra-vamsa,' the lord of Patti-Pombuchchapura,' the worshipper of the goddess) Padmavatidêvi' and the pupil of (the Jaina teacher) Charukirti-Panditadova. These titles make Lokanatharasa dacidedly a San tara chief. The existence of this record at Hiriyangadi makes it certain that the descendants of Jinadatta ' removed the capital first to Sisila or Sisukali and then to Karkala, both in S. Kanara' (Mr. Rice's Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 456). It will now be easy to see how the Kalasa chiefs, of whom Bhairaya II. was one, came to be connected with the Såntaras, traced their ancestry to Jinadatta, became more zealous Jainas than their ancestors at Kalasa, and eventually stepped into the place of the Såntaras in the Kårkala country. From the fact that the hereditary titlo ariraya-gandara-dávani of the Kaļasa chiefs and the prominent Såntara titles of Lôkanatharasa are found combined in the inscription of the chief Abhinava-Pandyadêva-Odeya as early as Saka 1379, I conclude that the Kalasa chiefs must have entered into close relationship of intermarriage with the descendants of the Santara Lokanatharasa, about Saka-Samvat 1379 (= A.D. 1457-58), if not a little earlier. Further it may reasonably be assumed that it was by virtue of this viationship with the local Sântaras that the Kalasa chief Yimmadi-Bhairarsa-Odega, mentioned in the previous paragraph, extended his rule to the territory below the ghauts in A.D. 1516-17.
As regards the territory ruled over by Bhairava II, and his anoestors, a rough idea of its extent may be formed from the name given to it- Kalasa-Karakaļa-rajya. To ascertain its exact
Above, Vol. VII. p. 109 #f. No. 70 of the Goveroment Epigraphist's collection for 1901. No. 68 of the same collection. No. 71 of the same collcetion
See above p. 120 note 5

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boundaries, further places below the ghauts and in the neighbourhood of Karkala will have to be examined. But an inscription in the Koppa talaka (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Kp. 47), dated in Saka-Samvat 1452 (=A.D. 1530-31), states that, while Vira-Bairarasa-Voḍeys was ruling on the throne at Karakala, his younger sister Kalaladevi was in charge of (the district) Bagufiji-sime. Mg. 40, dated in Saka-Samvat 1474 (= A.D. 1552-53), records that PânḍyaVodeya was on the throne at Keravase while a certain Bhayirarsannâji was in charge of Kalasa. The same fact is mentioned also in Mg. 60, dated four years later. The district Bagunji-sime apparently derived its name from the modern village of Baggañji in the Bâle-Honnâr taluka, about 8 miles north-east of Sringeri ; and Keravase is identical with Keravâse, 8 miles east of Karkala (Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 232). Müḍabidure and Vênûr, two other important centres of Jaina religion in the South Canara district which are not very far from Karkala, do not appear to have been included in the Kalasa-Karakala-rajya. The former of these two villages was in the possession of a family of local chiefs called Chautar, who were under the direct control of the Vijayanagara viceroys at Mangalore, while the second belonged to another petty Jaina principality, known as Puñjali- or Puñjalike-rajya, and was ruled over by the Ajilar. Besides, the villages Madabidure and Vênûr were included within the religious. sphere of the Jaina teacher Charukirti, while Kârkala and its chiefs were subordinate to Lalitakirti. It may, therefore, be provisionally assumed that the territory of the KalasaKarkala chiefs extended from Bagguñji above the ghauts to Karkala below the ghauts, including between them the towns of Keravase and Kalasa. This comprises almost the whole of the present Bâle-Honnûr taluka3 of the Kadûr district in the Mysore State and the south-eastern portion of the Uḍipi taluka in the South Canara district.
KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.
129
The village of Telara, which was granted to the Chaturmukhabasti, is situated about 3 miles north-east of Karkala and is marked on the Madras Survey Map of the South Canara district as Tellàr. The two other villages, Rañjala and Nallûru, which together contributed a sum of 238 varaha, are situated quite close to each other at a distance of about 4 miles due east of Karkala and are marked on the same map as Nallur and Renjala. Several nameless streams are marked on the map round Tellàr, and these may have to be identified with the four boundary streams mentioned in 1. 24. Two other proper names which occur in 11. 43 and 47, vis. Arûru and Kelavase, are identical with Arur' and 'Keravase' (Keravâse) on the same map, in the Uḍipi tâluka.
The requirements for the daily and annual worship in the temple, for which provision is made, call for a few remarks. The complicated calculations are very carefully worked out, and we are enabled to infer that, in measuring rice, 1 mûde was 50 hane, and 1 hane 74 kuḍute, and that, in counting money, 1 ga was 10 m. Twelve háda of oil cost 8 ga 4 m, and 1 háda cost 7 m.
See the Government Epigraphist's Annual Report for 1900-01, paragraph 5, and above, Vol. VII. p. 114 and note 1. It may here be noted that in an unpublished inscription at Karkala (No. 69 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901), dated in the cyclic year Vilambin, a certain Bhairarasa-Vodeya, son of Vira-Bhairarasa-Vodeya of the Kalasa-Karkala family, presided over the settlement of a dispute, in which the Chautaru, Ajilaru, Desingarasaru and Sifiladarasara (6.e. the chief of Sisila) acted as arbitrators (madhyastha).
From the earliest inscription at Karkala referred to above, it appears as if the Jainas at that place were, about Saka 1256, the lay-disciples of Kumudachandra-Bhattarakadêva, a pupil of Bhanukirti-Maladharidêva of the Kandrgans and the Malasangha, while the ruling chief Lokanatharass himself was the adherent of Charukirtipanditadeva. Perhaps the Lalitakirtis of Hanasoge replaced the Bhanukirtis at Karkala subsequent to Saka 1256. The inscriptions of the Kalasa-Karkala chiefs found in the Koppa and Mûdgere talukas are chiefly confined to three villages: Kalasa, Baggufiji and Narve. The first two villages are now included in the newly formed BâleHonnur taluka, and the third is on its borders, but included in the Koppa taluka.
In the inscriptions at Vênûr we find a milde 50 bala (No. 75 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901) or sometimes 40 bala (No. 84 of the same collection).
⚫ Compare the Sanskrit grain measure ddhaka which is equal to 4 prastha or 16 kuduva; and also the Tamil ádam which is even now used in measuring oil and ghee in the Southern districts.

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According to the Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. II. p. 508, 1 made of corn in South Canara varies between 56, 50, 48, 45, 40 and 35 seers in different localities. The hane, which at Karkala and in the surrounding country was equal to th of a muḍe, may therefore be taken to be almost equal to our modern seer (i.e. 80 tolas). Kudute (coodtay), according to the same authority (loc. cit.), is used only for measuring liquids and is equal to 12 rupees' weight. The late Dr. Kittel in his Kannada-English Dictionary explains kudute as the palm of the hand hollowed or held as a cup.' This may have been the unit which the South Canara people used for measuring both liquids and grain in the latter half of the sixteenth century; for, 1 kudute in liquid measure being equal to 12 rupees' weight, and 73 kudute in grain measure being equal to 1 hane (.e. 80 tolas, as already pointed out); the above supposition will give us 1 håne = 7 kudute = = nearly 86 tolas, which is not a serious difference.
The abbreviated form ga used in the money calculations denotes a varaha, as stated in text line 28; and Mr. Brown in his Telugu-English Dictionary says that in arithmetic it stands for gamdu, i.e. a pagoda; ' and under gandu he says that among tradesmen it is a cant word for varaha. In the Kanarese inscriptions at Karkala it is used as an abbreviation of gadyana1 and its variants varahagadyana or gadyánaka, which are all synonymous with varaha, 'a pagoda equal to Rupees 3.' In Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Mg. 48, ga is used to denote a honnu, which according to Dr. Kittel is a gold coin, the half of a varaha.' The next coin of lower denomination is always written in the inscription after ga, with a final m preceding it, but there is no indication anywhere as to what this m stands for. The expression ga 765 (Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Mg. 48) is explained in words as 7 honnu and 5 hana, the symbol being evidently introduced to separate the two denominations honnu and hana. This symbol (6) is used even now by village accountants and merchants of the Kanarese and Maratha countries in their business books to separate the money columns in calculation, even annas from rupees. Mr. Walhouse in his transcript of this inscription has throughout taken m for this symbol. But I do not know whether the symbol 6, which is now used to separate different denominations of Indian and English money, and which was used in Saka 1424 to separate honnu from hana, is also meant by the letter m inserted between the varaha (ga) and the tenths of ga. I have therefore retained the final m and not transcribed it by the symbol 6. The fraction is represented in the inscription by the symbol which, in older inscriptions, is used for 9.' The modern method of expressing the fraction one-half is by two vertical strokes (II), each of which represents. One-eighth is represented by a horizontal stroke (-). In current hand, however, the two vertical strokes that represent are often merged into one. Consequently the symbol for used in the inscription must be a completely reversed variant of the modern form. In 11. 39, 40 and 42 the symbol is used only as a mark of punctuation, and not as explained above to represent two-eighths, which would in this case be expressed by one vertical stroke, and not by two horizontal ones.
The puzzle contained in the Sarvatôbhadra verse in the Indra vajra metre at the end of the inscription calls for a short remark. Sisupalavadha, XIX. v. 27 is a verse of the same kind, but it is written in the Anushṭubh metre. Mallinatha's commentary on the verse explains how the letters which form such verses are to be arranged so that, read from any direction in a given order, they may constitute the same verse. I have not found any other Sarvatôbhadra verse in the Indravajra metre.
1 The Madabidure inscriptions mention three different types of gadydpas, viz. the Barakandra-gadyana, the Mangalûra-gadyana and the Kathari-ankusa-gadyana (Nos. 52 and 55 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901).
It is not impossible that the symbol 6 has been derived from the final m; for in old Kanarese inscriptions the formation of this letter is not far different from the symbol in question; compare above, Vol. III. 1. 15 on the Plate facing p. 194.

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1 Sri-Vitarigaya lâmchhanam
KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.
TEXT.1
namaḥ ||
| jiyât-[t]railokyanathasya éâsanam
Srimat-parama-gah[bh]Ira-ayâ[dvâd]-3âmôgha
131
2 Jina-éâsanam [1] A-chamdr-ârk[k]am sthiram bhayad-Ayuh-sri-jaya-sampa dah (da) Bhairavêmdra-mahi-kâmta[b] śri-Jinêmdra-prasâdataḥ [1][2] 3 Avighnam-asta || Bhadram=astu Tirt[th]-aughab [8]ukham-akshayaṁ cha kurutâch-chhri-Parsvanatho balam kirttim Nêmi-Jinaḥ Suvira-Jinapa
4
6-ch-ayub sriyam Dôrbbaliḥ kalyânâny-Ara-Malli-Suvrata-Jinâ [b] PombuchchaPadmavati châ-chamdr-ârkkam-abhishta-da-stu suchiram éri-Bhairava-kshmâ5 patêḥ 1 [3] Srimad-Dési-ganê khyâtê Panasôg-âval-isvaraḥ | | yô=bhl= Lalitakirtty-Akhyas-tan-man-imdr-ôpadêsataḥ [4] Śrimat-Soma-kul-âmpit-âmbudhi
vidhuḥ
6 ri-Jainadatt-Anvayaḥ
érimad-Bhairavaraja-tumga-bhagini-sri-Gum [ma]tamba-sutaḥ
śrimad-bhôgi-Surêmdra-Chakri-mahima-sri-Bhairavêmdra-prabhuḥ śri7 ratna-traya-bhadra-dhâma-Jinapan-nirmmapya samsi [d]dhibhak || [5] Śrimach-ChhaliSak-åbdakê cha galite någ-ábhra-ban-êmdubbis-ch-âbdê sad-Vyaya-namni Chaitrasita-shash [th]y&
8 m Saumya-várê Vrishê I lagnê
san-"Mrigasirsha-bhê chirataram
Bhairavêmdrėna tê éri-ratna-traya-bhadra-[dh]âma-Jinapa bhâmtu pratish[th]âpitâb [6] Jinaya namaḥ [*]
9 Svasti sri [1] Salivahana-Saka-varsha (1)7 1508neya Vyaya-samvatsarada Chaitra[6]uddha-shashṭhiyû Budhavara Mrigasira-nakshatraû (va) [Vrishabhalagnadalla Kaliyug-âbhinava
ôdaka-pa
vitrikrit-ôttamâmga aruvattaru-mamḍalîkara-gamḍa
sri
10 Bharatêsvara-chakravartti Gutti-hamnibbara-gamḍa [Pa]tti-Pombuchcha-puravarâdi(dhi) svara mare-hokkara-kava Mâr-âmta-vairi mamna (ne)ya-raya-mastakasû(su)la shad-darśana-s[th]â
11 pan-âcharyya Soma-vamsa-sikhâmani Kasyapa-gôtra-pavitrikarana-daksha PombuchchaPadmavati-labdha-vara-prasada samyaktv-âdy-anêka-guna-gan-âlamkrita Jina-gamdh
12
Hom[na]mambika-priyakumara
Bhairarasa-Vodeyar-aliyar-enipa érimaj-Jinadattaraya-vam sa-sudhâ13 mbudhi-pûrnna(rnpa)chamadra Srimad-Vira-Narasimha-Vam[ga]narêmdra-sri
Gummatamba-kula-dipaka-priyasûnu ariraya-gamḍara-dâvapi śrimadh(d)-Immadi
Bhairarasa
14 Voḍeyaru tamage abhya[d]aya-ni[h]érêyasa-lakshmi-sukha-samprâ [p]ti-nimittav-agi Karakalada Pâmḍyanagariyalli śri-Gummaṭéévarana samnidhânadalli Kailasagiri-sa
1 From two inked estampages prepared in 1901.
The 4 of syd has an indenture at the top, which makes it look like the 6-sign attached to 16 of trailékya in the same line.
The whole of this line is engraved so close to the projecting top section of the slab as to make the letters on the estampage look faint and broken; but every syllable can be made out from the back of the impression.
The syllable 8, here and in the sequel, is written in a peculiar way. The w-sign is first affixed to a and the é-curl then attached to the former.
The ri of mri is represented by a and ri.
The five syllables Jindya namah are reversed and written from right to left.
7 Here and in what follows the enclosure of superfluous vertical strokes in round brackets does not, as elsewhere, represent a correction, but indicates that they have to be omitted.
Thee of re is formed in the same way as in ne, note 4 above.
The syllables ttdru are corrected from ttandiku, the subscript t, a portion of n and the subscript & being still visible. A similar biruda, held by certain Chola chiefs of the Anantapur district, has aruvattunálku, perhaps correctly; see below, p. 135, note 8.
s 2

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15 mnibha-Chikkabeṭṭadallû || Sri-kamta-kulavēsma kim vara-yadaḥ-kamta-pramodh(d)Agaram bhâ-kâmta-rati-sadma saj-jaya-vadha-krid-Aspadam kim punah sya16 tkâr-ôjva (jjva)la-sam-naya-dvayamayi śri-Bharati-ramga-bhub sva[b]-sri-mukti-Ramasvayamvara-griham éri-Jaina-gêham vrishê II [7] Imt-appa sakala-jan-ânamda-mam
17 dirav-åda
sarvvatobhadra-chaturmmukha-ratna-tray. -rapa-Tribhuvanatilaka-JinaChaityalayavanu Ro[dda]da-gova nikalamka-malla bamtara-bhâva para-nârisahodara
18 nuḍidu-bhashege-tappava-rayara-gamḍa su[va]rana (rppa)-kalada-sthapan-"â[ch]aryyar= nija-papy-innbadi (dhi)-panyada
âdakârapa dharmma-samrajya-nayakar-âgi
prispel(i)
19 da tamaga taj-Jina-bhavana-prêkshakar-åda sakala-gila-gupa-sampahnar-aha chatus-samghakků sakshat-svar-mmôksha-lakshmi-svayamvara-sâ (64) l-opamav-âgi nirmmâpisi anamta-su
20 khada samprâpti-nimittav-âgi (1) & nålku-dikkinalla Ara-Malli-MunisuvrataTirtthakara-pratimegalant s[th]&pisi | & paschima-digbhagadalli chaturvvimsatiTirtthakara-pratimega
21 Jan & bahir-vvalayada gumḍamgal-olage Jina-bimbamgalanů yeḍa-baladalli Brahma-Padmavati-sahitav-âgi samsthâpisi [1] sa-vidhânadim pratishthâpisi || 22 & nålku-dikkinalla hadinâlku vokkalu sthanikaru naḍasuva abhisheka-puje. mumtâdavakků (1) mêle naḍava amga-ramga-vaibhav-Adikamgaliga & Bhairarasa23 Voḍeyaru nija-samtoshadim [da] rajyavan-âluv-âga A TribhuvanatilakaJinachaityalayadalli & pratishthâ-samayada punya-kâladalli tamage punyårtthav-âgi ma
24 da Mukkaḍapina-hole temka Yempeya-hole" paduva Pollakaliyada-hole | badaga Balimeya-hole i nålku-holegalanu mêrey-âg-ulla | nidi(dhi) nikshops | akshiņi âgå
25 mya jala påshapa | siddha sadhyamgal-emba (1) ashta-bhôgamgalig-olagada Telara-grâmavanů | adar-olage akki mâḍe 700a | Ramjaja-Nallura siddhayadalla ga 238
26 nû dhârâ-pârvvakav-âgi A-chamdr-Arkka-sthâi(yi)y-appamte dêvargge må[d]i-koṭṭa dharmma-kahêtradha (da) vivara A kshetrada chatub()-may-olag-ula Haravar-i()-mumtâdavara
27 lli sa[1]luva gêni-siddhaya badḍiya-bhatta huraliya-akki jolakke-kaṭṭidaakki homna-baddiy-akki saha sa[1]luva akki hâne 50ga lekkada mâde 700kkam Nallû
28 ru-Ramjâladalli vokkalu-tarkkaney-âgi bitta siddhaya ga 238 varahakku sahav-agi naḍava dharmma | Paduvana-bâgilalli vokkalu 2kke magu-hotti
29 na dévapûjege charu hâne 9 mêlu-charu hâne 3 akshate-akki hâ[n]e 1 tôye payass tuppa kalasumêlôgara talila mumtâda parcha-bhakshakke akki håne 2
30 kuḍute 2 amtu akki hane 15 kuḍute 2ra lekkadalli varsha (1) 1kke akki made 110 [1] udayada pamchâmritad-abhishekakke ga 7 m 2 pamchakhajjayakke ga 7 siddha.
31 chakrada Arâdhanege ga 12 pa (pha)la-vastuvige ga 1 m 2 baigina haladhårege ga m 4 gamdha-dhupakke gam 3 yempe hâda 12kke ga 8 m 4 ashtâhnika 3kke ga 3 32 varsh-Abhishêka 1kke ga 6 amtu ga 47 || || Badagana-bagila vokkalu 2kke mâru-hottina devapûjege dina lkke charavige akki hâne (1) 9 mêlu-[cha]ruvig[e]
33 akki häne 3 akshatege akki hâne 1 tôye påyasa tuppa kalasumélögara tålila murtada pamoha-bhakshakke akki håne 2 kuḍute 2 amtu akki
1 In ro, as in re of 1. 10, the w-sign is first affixed to r. and the o-curl is then attached to the former. The d of stha looks like 6 on account of an indenture in Fe middle.

Page #150

No. 10.]
KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.
84 dina lkke håne 15 kuḍate 2ra lekkadalli varsha (1) 1kke mûde 110 [1] udayada baigina håladhårege ga 1 m 3 pamchakhajjâyakke ga 7 pa(pha)la-vastu
35 vige ga 1 m 2 gamdha-dhûpakke m 8 yempe hâḍa 12kke ga 8 m 4 ashtâhnika 3kke ga 3 varsh-Abhishekakke ga 6 amtu ga 28 m 7 || 1 lekkadalli mada-bagila vokka
133
36 lu 2kke akki mûde 110 ga 28 m 7 || & temka-bâgila vokkalu 2kke akki(kki) můḍe 110 ga [2]8 m 7 || amtu bâgilu 4kke vokkalu 8kke varsha (1) Ikke akki made 440 ga 133 37 m 1 ||| Paduva-bagila yeḍa-balada gumḍa 2kke vokkalu Ikke charuvige akki hâne 5ga
lekkadalli mûde 36 akshatego akki mâde 4 ubhayam maḍe 40 hâla
38 dhâre 4kke ga 3 m 1 phala-vastuvige ga 1 m 2 gamdha-dhûpakke m 3 yempe hâḍa 5kke ga 3 ashtâhnika 3kke m 5 varsh-Abhishekakke ga 1 amtu ga 10 m 1 [1] i lekkadalli
39 baḍaga (1) maḍa temkana gumdamgaliga padavana Tirtthakaru BrahmaPadmavatigaligû saha vokkalu 5kke akki mûde 200 ga 50 m 71 ubhayam
vokkalu
40 6kke akki made 240 ga 60 m 9 [1] Brahma-Padmavatiya aicharavige akki muḍe 4 amtů vokkalu 14kke akki mûde 684 ga 194 ||| Dola-nagasara-kombinavara jana
41
6kke ga 36 aḍipina mûlitiyara jana 2kke akki mûde 16 bastiy all-iha tapasvigala tamḍa 4kke si(si) ta-nivâraneya-hachchada 8kkam kaiyy-akkiya tumbava sûsuva ha42 chohada lkkam saha hachchada 9kke ga 5 m 2 mamḍeya tola-vare yemņeya hâḍa 2kke
ga 2 adagabbu sigege saha m 8 amtu ga 8 = amatu akki mûde 700 ga 238 [*] 43 Hiriya-aramaneya nålku-chau(vu)kada volagana bastiya Chamdranathasvamiya amritapaḍige Årûr-All[ana]bajakaladalli Biliyara
44 sara gutta Jimnappanimda akki made 20 Bagilarasara guttu Mâmḍarppâ[di]yında akki made 10 abhayam mûde 30 Nallura
45
46 Parsvanadha (tha) svâmiya amritapaḍige Mallilada-kambaladalli akkiya made 30
& mêlapa dadḍi-marugalalli made 4 [Nallû]ra Nam [bi]betti-Narananalli
47 a[kki] made 6 am[tu] ma[de] 40 [Kellavaseya seți-bettina hittila [pha]ladalli [ga] 8 m 2 [11] [I]du pamcha-samsara-kâl-oraga-dashta-gadha-marchchhi[ta-nâ]na-samsari. jiva-prabodhanaka
Bikkirupâmḍiya-balinalli ga 7 Jattikôṭiya-bâlinalli ga 3 Pam[ja]ladalli kambuvabâlinalli ga 7 amtu ga 18 | Gôvarddhanagiriya-bastiya
48 ra-pamoha-maha-kalyana-[bi]j-opama[v-âda] Jina-mamtra-pât-âtmana | Srivitaråga | yemba pamchakshariyann pamchaviméati-mala-vidara-parama-sa[mya]g-drishtigal=âdakarana
& Bhairara
49 sa-Voḍeyarê sva-hastadimda vo [ppa koṭṭu]dadakke Imdravajra-[vritta]dimda [chatarvithsaty-akabarn-likhita-padhch-Akshara-rupa-Sarvvatobhadra-chitra-prabadhdhadith [da] rachisida chi[t]ra-sloka || Sri-vita-vir-â]gata-viga-vitam éri-raga-vitam ga
50 ta-råga-ragam śri-[ga]m tatam rågatar-amga-râ[mgam] śri-Vitarâgam tata-vi[ra]-gam tam 1111* [8*]
1 The two horizontal strokes here and in 11. 40 and 42 denote punctuations.
The impression has clear but faint traces of the syllables chatur-. The verse contains 44 syllabies, while the diagram inserted in the inscription has only 25. I am not sure if chaturviniaty has to be corrected into chatufchatvarimiaty or panchavimfaty=.
The reading ra is pretty certain; but as this curious verse is purely made up of the five syllables contained in the word frivitardga by permutation or combination, I think the author has evidently committed a mistake in inserting the short ra (not found in irteltarága) here; ta or ga might take the place of ra if either of them would give a better sense.
I cannot trace on my copy of the inscription the syllables fri frt given at the end of Mr. Walhouse's transcript (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 42), but find that the continuation of this line and the four following lines are completely erased, and that traces of the beginnings and ends of these lines are still visible on the estampage.

Page #151

134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
TRANSLATION (Line 1.) Obeisance to the blessed Vitaråga. (Verse 1.) [For the translation of this verse see above, Vol. VII. p. 113.)
(V. 2.) May king Bhairavêndra live permanently as long as the moon and the sun (exist), (blessed) with abundance of age, prosperity and victory, by the grace of the blessed Jinêndras !
(L. 3.) May there be no obstacles ! May there be happiness!
(V. 3.) May all Tirthas (i.e. Tirthakaras) grant for a very long time endless happiness to the glorious king Bhairava: (vis.) the blessed Parávanátha, strength; the Jina Nêmi, fame : the Jinapa Suvira, long life; Dôrbali, prosperity ; (and) the Jinas Ara, Malli and Suvrata, fortune! And may (the goddess) Padmavati of Pombuchcha grant (his) desires as long as the moon and the sun (last)!
(V. 4.) [For the translation of this verse see above, Vol. VII. p. 110.]
(V. 5.) The moon in the ocean of nectar of the glorious Face of the Moon, the glorious chief Bhaira vêndra, (who belonged to the prosperous family of Jinadatta, (who was) the son of the glorious Gummatâmba, the renowned sister of the illustrious Bhairavarija, (and) whose greatness was equal to that of) the blessed and happy lord of gods (i.e. Indra) and Chakrin (Vishnu), having set up the Jinapas in the blessed abode of the three renowned jewels,' fulfilled (his) object (in life).
(V. 6.) May those Jinapas of the blessed abode of the three renowned jewels, set up by the glorious Bhairavêndra while the prosperous year of the Sali-Saka (counted) by the elephants (8), the sky (0), the arrows (5) and the moon (1)-(i.e. 1508) had dropped (i.e. passed away), and in the excellent year named Vyaya, on the sixth tithi of the bright half of Chaitra, on Wednesday, in the Vpisha-lagna, (while) the nakshatra (was) the auspicious Mrigasirsha,- shine for a long time!
(L. 8.) Obeisance to Jina.
(L. 9 f.) Hail! Prosperity! In the Salivahana-Saka year 1508 which corresponded to the Vyaya-samvatsara, on the sixth tithi of the bright half of Chaitra, on Wednesday, (the day of) the nakshatra Mrigasira, the lagna (being) Vsishabha,- the full-moon in the nectar-ocean of the prosperous family of Jinadattaraya, the dear son who illuminates (both) the families of the famous GummatâmbÅ and of the glorious Vira-Narasimha-Vanganarendra, the tyingrope of cattle (viz.) heroical hostile kings (ariraya-gandara-dávani), the glorious ImmadiBhairarasa-Vodeya, (who is) known as the nephew of Bhairarasa-Vodeya the dear son of Honnamâmbikâ, (who is) the fresh Bharatêsvara-chakravartin of the Kali age, the chastiser of the twelve (chiefs) of Gutti, the lord of Patti-Pombuchcha the best of cities, the protector
1 Vitarága is synonymous with Jinépdrs which occurs in v. 2 ; see also above, Vol. VI. p. 165, note 4.
[Parsvanátha, Némi (Arishtanêmi) and Suvira (Mahavira) are the 23rd, 22nd and 24th Tirthakaras. Dôrbali (Bahubalin, Bhujabalin) is the same as Gummata; see above, Vol. VII. p. 108. Ara, Malli and Suvrsta (Munisuvrata) are the 18th, 19th and 20th Tirthakaras; see e.g. Bhadrabâ hu's Kalpasitra, translated by Prof. Jacobi, p. 280.-E. H.]
The three jewels (ratna-traya) of the Jainas are: samyag-dariana, samyag-jdna and samyak.charitra; see above, Vol. III. p. 184, note 3, and p. 207, note 3. The 'abode of the three renowned jewels' is the Chaturmukhabasti itself, which in l. 17 of the text is described us being the embodiment of the three jewels;' the Jinapas herein consecrated are Ara, Malli and Munisuvrata mentioned in 1. 20.
+ I have taken this to be the name of Bhairava's father ; but it may as well be a biruda of Bhairava himself.
. This is the mythical emperor who, according to Jsing mythology, was the brother of the saint Bahubalin, Bhujabalin or Gummata; see Mr. Rice's Snapana-Belgola Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 25.
It is impossible that either Bhairava Il. or his ancestors could have had anything to do with the well known Gutti in the Anantapur district. The reference is perhaps to the Gutti thirty-four kampaņa, the Gôre-Getti kingdom or the Gove-Chandragutti kingdom' mentioned by Mr. Rice ou p. 89 f. of the Introductiou to Ep. Cars. Vol. VII. Chandragutti is a hill fortress in the Sorab taluks of the Shimoga district.

Page #152

No. 10.]
KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.
of those who seek refuge (with him), the deadly enemy of Mâra (Cupid ?), a spear on the heads of respectable kings, the teacher (áchárya) who has established the six darsanas,1 the head-jewel of the race of the Moon, the powerful purifier of the Kasyapa gôtra, (he) who has obtained excellent boons from (the goddess) Padmavati of Pombuchcha, who is adorned by numberless and various (good) qualities, samyaktva, etc., whose head is purified by the sweet-scented water (which has been used for washing the image) of Jina,3 (and who is) the lord of sixty-six mandalikas, in order to obtain for himself prosperity, final emancipation, richesland happiness,*at Pandyanagari (a suburb) of Karakala, in the presences of the blessed Gummatesvara, and on the Chikkabeṭṭa (hill) resembling the Kailasa mountain
-
135
(V. 7.) Is this the noble abode of the lady Śri (Lakshmi) ? (Is this) the excellent pleasurehouses of the lady Fame? (Is this) the house of amorous enjoyment of the lady Earth? (Or) again, is this the sporting-place of the virtuous woman Victory ? (This) prosperous Jaina abode (is indeed) the stage consisting of the two excellent doctrines resplendent with the word syât, (whereupon) the glorious (goddess) Bharati (Sarasvati) (dances), (and is) the house where (the ladies) Heavenly bliss, Salvation and Prosperity choose their husbands.
.7
(L. 14 f.) (This Bhairarasa) Bôddada-gova, Nikalanka-malla, the soul of warriors, the brother of the wives of others (and) the chastiser of kings who do not act up to the words which they utter, because he was the foremost in setting up golden pinnacles (on temples), became (as it were) the ruler of the empire of charity, (and) actuated by merit (which was) the outcome of his good deeds (in previous births), caused to be made for (the use of) himself and the (members of the) four sanghas who possessed all noble qualities and were (habitual) visitors of that abode of Jina, the Tribhuvanatilaka-Jina-Chaityalaya (temple), which is thus10 a mansion giving pleasure to all people (who look at it), (which is) auspicious on every side (sarvatôbhadra), has four faces (chaturmukha) (and) is the embodime it of the three jewels, 19
1 I cannot understand how a Jaina chief like Bhairava II. could claim to have established the six systems of philosophy, all foreign to his own. Perhaps he tolerated the study of these systems in his petty dominions.
Samyaktva may refer to the possession of the three qualities (ratna-traya) referred to on p. 134, note 3, each of which begins with the word samyak.
The same epithet is applied to the Dandandyaka Baladeva in Nos. 52 and 53 of Mr. Rice's Śravana-Belgola Inscriptions.
The predicate of this sentence is the past participle nirmmdpisi which occurs in 1. 19.
The Chaturmukhabasti, though at a considerable distance from the colossus of Gummatêsvars, is here represented as being in its presence; for the latter was perhaps considered to be the presiding deity of Karkala and its suburbs. Besides, as the Chikkabetta hill is just opposite to the hill on which the colossus stands, it is literally true that the temple "stands in the gaze of the colossus;" Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 89.
Agara seems to be used here, as in Kanarese, for the Sanskrit dgdra, which would not suit the metre. A derivative from 4+ grt is ágara which means hallosing. This does not suit the sense of the verse.
7 I do not understand the meaning and the construction of the word rrish at the end of the verse. Some word like nanam or dhruvam, which characterises an utprékahdlamkdra, is required. Or can it only be a mistake for erisham excellent ?-[Perhaps the word Vrishé is repeated by mistake from verse 6.-E. H.]
Mr. Rice (Ep. Cars. Vol. VII. Introduction, p. 39) translates this epithet by 'guardian of Rodda' or Gova of Rodda' (ibid. Vol. XII. Translation, p. 91). Elsewhere (ibid. Vol. III. Introduction, p. 16) he mentions Rodda among the conquests of the Hoysala king Vishnuvardhana and identifies it with Rodda on the northern Pennår in the Anantapur district, west of Penukonda.' If this is the correct explanation of the epithet Bóddadagova, Bhairava II., whose territory was far away from Penugonda, could only have borrowed the title from some other family. A local line of Chola chiefs "in the country round Hêmavati and Nidugal" (in the Anantapur district) is described on p. 7 of the Introduction to Ep. Carn. Vol. XII. These chiefs flourished about the 12th century A.D. and invariably bore the titles Roddada-góva, niga fankamalla, aruvattundlku-mandallkara-talegonda-ganda, bantara-bdea and marevoge-káva, which are almost the same as those assumed by Bhairava II. Pesides, the Chola chiefs of the Anantapur district belonged to the same Kasyapa gótra as Bhairava. 10 I.e. as described in v. 7.
I.e. Nishkalanka-malla, 'the spotless wrestler.'
n The temple has four doors, each of which opens on three identical stone images of the Tirthakaras Ara, Malli and Munisu vrata.
13 See above, p. 134, note 3.

Page #153

136
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
jast as if it verily were a hall wherein the glorions (goddess of) Heavenly emancipation was to choose her husband.
(L. 19 f.) And in order to acquire endless happiness, (he) set up on the four sides of that (temple) the images of the Tirthakaras Ara, Malli and Munisuvrata; on the western side of that (temple) (he set up the images of the twenty-four Tirthakaras; and in the niches (gunda 1) (at each entrance of the outer enclosure of that (temple) (he) set up images of the Jinas together with Brahma and Padmavati to the left and Mght (respectively); (and) conse crated (them all) according to rule.
(L. 22 f.) (And) for the bathing, worship, etc. (of the images) performed by fourteen families of Sthånikas (living) in the four directions of that (temple), and for the anga-rangavaibhava, etc. which follow after (worship), that Bhairaraga-Vodeya, while ruling (his) kingdom with true delight, on the auspicious occasion of the consecration in that TribhuvanatilakaJina-Chaityklaya (temple), conferred on (that) god for bis own merit, so as to last as long as the moon and the sun (exist), with libations of water, 238 gad from the established revenue of Ratijala and Nallûru, also the village of Tears subject to the eight enjoyments known as deposits, hidden treasures, permanent profit, futare profit, water, stone, established income and feasible income, (and) having for its) boundaries four streams, viz. Mukkadapinghole to the east, Yompeya-hole to the south, Pollakaliyada-hole to the west (and) Balimeyahole to the north, and 700 made of rice in that (village). The following are the details of the land (thus) granted.
(L. 26 f.) From the 700 múde of rice caloulated at 50 hane (for each made), accruing from the tribute on contracta due from the Haravars and such others that live within the four boundaries of that village, paddy (in payment of) interest, rice (in lieu of) gram, rice commuted from millet, and rice (in lieu of the interest (payable) in money; and from the ga 238 varaha of established income granted subject to the personal observation of the tenants of Nalloru (and) Rafjala together, the following) charities are to be managed.
(L. 28 f.) To the 2 families who have to worship three times (each day) at the western gate, (the following allotment has been made): 7 9 håne (for) the rice offering ; 3 håne (for) the superior rice offering ; 1 hane (for) consecrated rice; 2 hâne (and) 2 kudute of rice for töye, pdyasa, io ghee, kalasumélôgara," taţila and others (together with) the five kinds of cake; thus, at the rate of 15 hane (and) 2 kudute of rice (altogether for one day), the rice (required) for
11.e. all kinds of enjoyments ; see South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 70, note 5.
This word is here used in the collective sense for the three gods Ara, Malli and Munisuvrata. * This is an abbreviation of gady dna.
• The details herefter specified are not those of the 'land granted, but of the 700 mide of rice which was the revenue in grain realized from Telara, and of ga 288 which was the income in coin from Rajals and Nalluru.
On this ethnic name, which is perhaps the same as Parava, see Mr. Sturrock's South Canara Manual, Vol. I. p. 179.
• According to Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, tarkano means personal observation. The sense appear to be that the tenants of the two villages were beld directly responsible for the regular payment of ga 288 msigned to the temple by the king from the revenue of those villages.
"The grain allotments of this paragraph are to be taken we made at daily rates. This specification, which is omitted here, is inserted in its proper place in the next paragraph.
. Charw means an oblation of rice, barley and palae) boiled with butter and milk for presentation to the gode or manes ;' see Mouier-Williama' Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.r.
• A dish prepared of boiled split pulse.' 16 . A dish (or oblation) of milk, rice and sugar, eto. 11 A mixture of boiled vegetables to wbieb pepper, salt, etc. are added.' * This is perhaps the Jains spelling of tafada or tdsida, which means "boiled and seasoned vegetables.'

Page #154

No. 10.)
KARKALA INSCRIPTION OF BHAIRAVA II.
137
1 year (is) 110 múde. For bathing (the images) with panchampital in the mornings, ga 7 m2; for the five pleasant articles of food (pañchakhajjaya), ga 7; for the worship of the Siddhachakra," ga 12; for fruits (and other similar) articles, ga l m 2; for the evening hdladháre, ga m 4; for sandal (and) incense, gam 3; for 12 hada of oil, ga 8 m 4; for 3 ashtdhnikas, ga 3; for 1 annual bathing, ga 6; total (for one year) ga 47.
L. 32 t.) To the 2 families who have to worship three times (each day) at the northern gate, (the following allotment has been made): for 1 day 9 häne of rice for the rice offering; 8 håne of rice for the superior rice offering; 1 hâne of rice for consecrated rice; 2 hdne (and) 2 kudute of rice for tôye, payasa, ghee, kalasumélögara, táļila and others (together with the five kinds of cake; thus, at the rate of 15 hâne (and) 2 kudute per 1 day, the rice (required) for 1 year (is) 110 múde. For the morning and the evening haladhare, ga 1m 3; for the five pleasant articles of food (pafchakhajjaya), ga 7%; for fruits (and other similar) things, ga 1 m 2; for sandal (and) incense, m 8; for 12 häda of oil, ga 8 m 4; for 3 ashfahnikas, ga 3; (and) for the annual bathing, ga 6; total (for one year) ga 28 m 7.
(L. 35 f.) At this rate, 110 mude of rice (and) ga 28 m 7 for the 2 families at the eastern gate; (and) 110 made of rice (and) ga 28 m 7 for the 2 families at the southern gate. Thus (altogether), for the 8 families at the 4 gates for 1 year, 440 made of rice (and) ga 133 m l.
(L. 37 f.) For 1 family (worshipping) at the 2 niches to the left and right of the western gate (the allotment is as follows): at the rate of 5 häne of rice (per day) for the rice offering, 36 mide (for one year); 4 múde of rice for consecrated rice; the two together (amount to) 40 múde. For 4 haladhdres, ga 3 ml; for fruits (and other similar) articles, ga 1 m2; for sandal (and) incense, m 3; for 5 hada of oil, ga 31; for 3 ashtáhnikas, m 51; (and) for the annual bathing, ga l; in all, ga 10 m 11 (for one year).
(L. 38 f.) At this rate, for the 5 families in all,- (viz. those who worship) at the niches in the northern, eastern and southern (gates), (those who worship the images of) the Tirthakaras of that western (gate), and those who worship the images of) Brahma and Padmavati,- (the allotment comes to) 200 made of rice (and) ga 50 m 7. (Thus) for the 6 families altogether (the total is) 240 made of rice (and) ga 60 m 9.4 múde of rice (have been also allotted) for the five rice offerings to Brahma and Padmavati. Altogether, for the 14 families, 684 mudel of rice (and) ga 194.
(L. 40 f.) For 6 persons who have to beat the drum (and to blow the pipe (and) the horn, ga 36 (have been allotted for one year); (and) for the 2 málits-women of the adipu,8 16
1 The five nectarious substances : 'milk, curde, ghee, honey and sugar.'
? Here and in the subsequent money calculations of this paragrapb, the allotments appear to have been made for the whole year, though the daily rate is not specified.
* This word is more commonly spelt with the una pirated k; it means the five pleasant articles of food (mixed together),' vie avalakki (flattened rice), gingelly seeds, kadle (Bengal gram fried and aplit), dried keruel of cocoanat, and jaggery.
• Siddhachakra, hdladhdre and ashtáhnika Are apparently technical terms of Jning worship, wbich are unknown to me. Askțdhnika may perhaps correspond to ashtabidh-drehans, which occurs frequently in Mr. Rice's SraranaBelgola Inscription, c.g. in Nos. 80, 81, 86, 87.
It is strange that two Adladh dres both in the mornings and evenings are provided for at the nortbern, southern and eastern gates, wbile st the western gate, which was the most iinportant one and received the largest allotment of money, provision was made for only one adladhdre.
This number includes the 8 families at the four main gutes and the 6 families mentioned in this parsgraph;
The total 684 is arrived at by adding together 440 mide allotted for the 4 gates ; 240 made allotted for the niches, Tirthakaras, and Brahms and Padmavati; and 4 mide specially allotted for the five rice offerings to the two last-mentioned images.
. I do not understand the meaning of adipina mdlitiyars. This may perhaps refer to certain maid-servants of the temple, such as cooks, ofc.

Page #155

138
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
.
(Vol. VIII.
mude of rice. For the 4 groups of aceties who dwell in the basts, 8 blankets to ward off cold and 1 blanket for receiving (and) spreading (e. drying P) hand-ricel altogether, for 9 blankets, ga 5 m 2 , for 2 háda of oil for the head and arms (of the ascetics), ga ; and for fuel (and) soap-nut (for the same), m 8; altogether, ga 8. In all (the allotments come to) 700 múde of rice (and) ga 288.
(L. 43 f.) For the rice offering of Chandranathasvamin of the basti within the four squares (ie. the quadrangle) of the big palace :- in the Allaqabajakaļa (field P) at Årüru, 20 mide of rioe from Jianappa, the lesseed (P) of Biliyarasa, (and) 10 múde of rice from M&ņdarpadi, the lesseed of Bagilarasa; both (together), 80 made. From the land held (balu)" by Bikkirupândiya (i.e. Vikramapandya) of Nalluru, ga 7, from the land held by Jattikoti, ga 3, (and) from the land held by Kambura at Panjala, ga 7: altogether, ga 18.
(L. 45 f.) For the rice offering of Pargvangthasvamin of the basti (on) the Govardhanagiri (h:71), from the Kambala (field P) at Mallila, 30 mude of rice, from the enclosing hills beyond, 4 made, from Nambibetçi-Narana of Nalläru, 6 made of rice; altogether, 40 múde. From the produce of the backyard of Seti-bettu at Kelavase, ga 8 m 2.
(L. 47 f.) Inagmach as that Bhairarasa-Vodoya, possessed as he was of that excellent right perception wbich keeps aloof from the twenty-five imparities, himself with his own hand aflixed in token of approval (of the grant) the five syllables (pafichakshari), vis. Srivitardga of Him wbone soul is purified by the recitation of) the Jina-mantra- which may be compared to a seed (that can produce) the five great virtues and can awaken the soul, (passing through) varied transmigration and heavily stupefied by the bite of the black viper, (vis.) the fivefold samsdra, this wonderful (chitra) verse (was) composed in the style of the Sarvatóbhadra puzzle (chitraprabandha), consisting of five letters combined as twenty-four (different) syllables, in the Indravajra metre.
[Verse 8 contains the puzzle alluded to above and is not quite clear to me.]
No. 11.-NAGPUR MUSEUM PLATES OF
MAHABHAVAGUPTA I. JANAMEJAYA.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Mr. Venkayya sent me one set of ink-impressions of this unpablished inscription, with the following remarks :
"The Curator of the Nagpur Museum says, the locality from which the plates containing this inscription came is unknown. There are three copper-plates, of which only the second bears writing on both sides. The plates are broader in the middle than at the top or at the bottom.
This probably refers to the rice collected by the Jaina mendicants in begging from door to door. It is customary even now in India to give haadful of rice' to beggars that call at the door. This seems to be the reason why such rice is called kaiy-akki.
. Amrita padi in the sense of rice offering is tot given in Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary. It corresponds to the anadupadi of Tamil inscriptions.
1 Guttu appears to be used bere in the sense of gettigeddra, a lesgee. Or, the meaning might be that Biliynrara's losse, (vir.) 20 mide of rice, was to be collected from his tenant) Jinnappa.
Compare Dr. Fleet's remarks on balasidor on p. 51 above.
* Seti-beltw, or more correctly otti-bettw, means the bettu of the merchant. According to Mr. Sturrock's South Canara Manual, Vol. I. p. 86, bet ineins: '& walled enclosure with colossal statue.' The word here cannot be meant for the fiecal term belf l and capable of producing one crop of rich annually-(ibid. p. 122); for, in this case the backyard (Miltilo) mentioned in connection with it would not be intelligible.

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No. 11.]
NAGPUR MUSEUM PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTA I.
139
At the broadest part they measure nearly 9 inches. Their height varies from 5%" to 51". They are held together by a ring, which has been cat by me with the permission of the Curator. The ring, which is not quite circular, measures about 3' in diameter. Its ends are secured in the base of a circular seal measuring 11 in diameter. The seal bears, in relief on & connterspnk surface, an image of Lakshmi, seated apparently on a lotus and flanked by two lampstands, of which the one on the left is not quite distinct. The lotus extends on both sides to the height of the shoulders of the goddess and is surmounted on each side by an elephant with uplifted trunk. This is the usual representation of the goddess Gajalakshmi. The base of the seal is slightly damaged, and a nail seems to have been driven in to fix the seal to the ring."
The inscription records a grant of land, made by king Mahabhavagupta (I.) surnamed Janamêjaya in the eighth year of his reiga. The alphabet resembles that of the grants of the same prince which have been published by Dr. Fleet. Initial o and au occur in Odra (1. 16), ojjha (1. 44) and Autathya (1. 15), and the rare letter jh occurs in ojjha (1. 44). The letter of patu (1. 5) differs in shape from that of kutumvi (1. 10), etc. The group ta is throughout written as ţa, except in asphottayanti (1. 28), where it is wrongly employed. A final form of t is used in samvat (l. 41), and the virama in dadyat (1. 27), vráhmanin (1.9), étán and párthivêndrán (1. 35); elsewhere the virama is omitted. The decimal figures 1, 2 and 8 ocour in l. 41.
The language is Sanskrit. There is one verse in 11. 3-6, and 11 of the customary verses occur in 11. 23-38; the remainder of the record is in prose. The visarga is omitted in several cases. The rules of Saudhi are neglected in sriman (1. 4), ochchhinnah and Agirasa (1. 15), odhyayine (1. 16), dadyat (1. 27) and ashtamé (1. 40). The orthography is defective in many respects. The vowel i is mixed up with i, and u with i. In nopūra (I. 1) for napura and dyōtaka (1. 41 f.) for dútaka, 8 is used instead of a. The vowel ri and the syllable ri are mixed up in samdhatri (for Chartri') and sannidhatri (1. 11), tridata (1. 4) and Trikalinga (11. 8 and 39). In krichhna (1. 5) and samvachchharé (1. 40), ts is represented by chh. The dental n takes the place of the lingual n in punya (11. 19 and 30), hiranya (1. 20), grihnati (1. 29 f.) and Sangråmøna (1. 44). Of sibilants, . is used for sh in nisiddha (1. 14), and 6 for s in salila, purastara, sama (1. 18) and vafeta (for vasét, 1. 26). Ay is inserted in fákhya (1. 16) for sakha, and dyðtakr (1. 41 f.) for dátaka. The consonant b is always represented by v, which must have been pronounced as b just as in Bengali. This may be concluded from the spellings sámura (1. 14) for sdmra, tâmura (1. 19) for támra, "dattám=vd (1. 32), samvachchharé (1. 40) and samvat (1. 41). Other irregularities are vuvdha (1. 38) for buddhud, triyarishaya (1. 15) for tryårshéya, Kaivildsa and utkirita (1. 44) for Kailasa and utkirna.
The inscription opens with the words: “Oh. Hail! From the prosperous Murasiman, where flights of merry pigeons rise up at the sound of the anklets of many beautiful maidens, (and) whose fame is spread by bards coming from all quarters." Another grant of Mahabhavagupta I. is dated from the same Murasîman, which is there spelt with a long 4 in the first syllable,- apparently by mistake, as Mura is a well known word, and as d is used erroneously for u in many other instances. The next word of the same grant, -samdväsita, may be meant for-samdväsitaḥ. As, however, it would be difficult to imagine that the king resided at one place and issued bis grant from another, I prefer to correct -samdvasitát and to take the following word kataka to mean a camp,' and not the city of Cuttack. Thus the inscription of the sixth year is dated" from the prosperous camp of victory, pitched at Marasiman." With the
Above, Vol. III. p. 341. * Professor Kielhorn kindly refers me to three very similar instances in inscriptions from Northern India :
1.- Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 360, text lide 8 f irmad-Viskupur-dodrita-fri-vijaya-katakd. 2.-Ibid. Vol. IV. p. 131, text line 28,fri Padariha-grdna.sandudsita-vijaya katakd. 8.-10id. Vol. II. p. 309, text line 83, and Vol V. App. p. 58, note 4,-Praydga-samdvdsita.friniad.
vijaya-kalakat.

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140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
same alteration, the three inscriptions of the 31st year are dated" from the prosperous camp of victory, pitched at the prosperous Arama."
Lines 3-6 contain a verse which celebrates the king under his surname Janamêjaya- ontracted into Janmējaya' for the sake of the metre- and states that he claimed descent from the race of the Moon (80m 1-vanta). The same verae occurs in the grant of the sixth year, where it is placed at the end of the whole document (11. 43-45).
Then follows the preamble of the grant itself (1. 6 ff.) :
"This Paramabhaffaraka Mahárdjádhiraja Paramédvara, the ornament of the race of the Moon (8ôma-kula-tilaka), the lord of Trikalinga, the glorious Mahâbhavaguptarâjadeva,who meditates at the feet of the P. M. P., the glorious Mahasivaguptarjadáva, being in good health, having worshipped the Brahmaņas in the village of Satallamå attached to the KasalodA district (vishaya), commands the ryots residing in that (village), the inhabitants of that district at the time, (and) all servants of the king, (via.) collectors, attendants, irregular and regular soldiers, spies, staff-bearers, eunachs, favourites of the king, etc."
The king then states that he granted this village (viz. Satallama, l. 9) by a copper-plate edict (tamra-doana, 1. 19) "to the Bhattaputra Sånthakara, son of Dhritikara (1. 17 f.), who belonged to the Gautama gôtra, who had the three pravaras of Gautama, Angirasa and Autathya, who studied the Vájasanêyi-Madhyandina fákhd, who had immigrated from the village of Purushamandapa in the Oąra country (déta), (and) who resided in the village of Murujunga.” Of the proper names mentioned in this passage I can identify none besides Odra, which is the Sanskrit form of Odda, i.e. Orissa.
11 verses from the Dharmasastra are quoted in Il. 23-38. Then follows the date of the grant:-"In the victorious reiga of the P. M. P., the ornament of the race of the Moon, the lord of Trikalinga, the glorious Janamêjayadeva,- in the eighth year, in the second half of the month of Karttika, on the twelfth tithi and in figares : San vat 8, Kårttiks sudi 12." The Dataka was tho Mahdm ahattama Bhafta Sadh&rans, son of Sobhana (1. 41 f.). This person must be the same as the donee of three other grants of Mahabhavagupta I., where he is called the Bhafta Mahattam. Sadharana, son of Bhafta Sobhana, and he seems to have been the prime-minister of the king.
According to II. 42-44, "this edict was written by the Kdyastha Allava, son of Kailasa, who was attached to the Mahasandhivigrahi Ranaka Malladatta, son of Dháradatta." The same minister is referred to in the remaining published insoriptions of Mahabhavagapta I. In the three grants of the 31st year he is called Malladatta, while the grant of the sixth year has Malladhdradattasuta," which, as the new grant suggests, is meant for Malla[datta], son of Dharadatta.
The inscription ends with the statement that it was engraved by Sargråma, son of Rayaņaojjha.
1 Above, Vol. III. p. 847, text line 1. • The other grants of Mahabhavagapta I. omit the word mand before Sivagupta's name, • Odra-daba is mentioned aloo in an inscription of Mabasivaga pts II. ; above, Vol. III. p. 353, text line 33. • Ibid. p. 348, text line 19 1.
Ibid. pp. 846 and 850. • Ibid. p. 850.
Ibid. p. 844, text line 42. . Compare ibid. p. 818, note 2. According to Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, 6ja (or edja) means (1) s teacher,' and () an artifloor.' In Tamil we have the forms spachoha and Gehehasee South Ind. Insor. Vol. II, p. 299, note 2. The word is evidently a tadblada of wpddhydyo ; compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 393, note 23. A similar honorific term, also applied to artisans in Southern India, is doldrya; mo above, Vol. VII. p. 168, note 8.

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8
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
স্বণে কণ বেলা সেনা এক পেনা ব কলা কলার কলেজ মতে সানির জীন্তে সামলে गा Cगान : (বা গ্রান্ধন ঃ সানা (
... कঃ
।
(বय
Nagpur Museum plates of Mahabhavagupta I. Janamejaya.
SUT (লাশ ফল ছিল ক
ii a.
ত্রিশ (
হল মা গ্রামের মালা নাম হলে লাখ सी
ऊान 4 ( জसान सायंग्राम सविधिঃसायवितः सर्वे नायविवर्जितः सादा यसका
17.
: মনে মयেय वायवालयमा
कम माउस ग्राम
লা
কোন সনে যিনি সমতার
E. HULTZSCH.
মহারাজা
सियासमें जो नाय यह नलवाया तथा कुश तूच अकिद खाँदा जमिन जादि किया यखाय या शुभ
SCALE -7
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
2
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
22

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24 খুন হব। হযec সাবরণ( ফাকা কলসতঘরবণgয়াললে এর প্রয়োত্ম।
নবনুরের ২০ লাহফিলবক্সখান্তাজ তথনজের বােস জানাতে
। থলে স্ত্রর উর্নরীহ হাওতঃসনেমা বটবলে বনলক (
বসুকেনিৰ যুৱজেলকেলিস ( সাঃ কসহ (জনীজুঃসহ স্বলফস্থিতি বজলজ
জেঠর জল ফেলেজারে@বওয়ালি | জালাওঠো C(সলো ঐখতাজg(ইমন গ)জে (বসুদেব নাথ হরলিয় 2 হ্যাট্রিকস জন্য মুফাতোজন: ৪* ৫(সবন (ব্র গর্জন দুন সাজেসুত্তোল 24
36
3৪
লিয়নেয়oৈ: বাংলঃত্রে এ
তেখেকােহলে স্ত্রী কঙ্গলবল(স্বত্রভুল। ৪০ ল এহসান্তম্ভ জ করুস লজ হন। मिडिय विपरकाया (दला माया मदा।
যQব বলেখেপেসেঞ্জ ( লাল হত। 40 ইজলেসভাক্সেস বজলসে। সহ-অসত্নেবতাত্রংবেল ?
জব)? 42 | জামাল নজঙ্গল সাধঠো(কসু লওঁ ত্বক।
প্রাকার (এএজৰ(লকপল্লাহ যুবদল, যুবক ৷ ** এবএল(সাঃ3@
Gহলাৰণ(3ীন

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No. 11.]
NAGPUR MUSEUM PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTA I.
141
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 मो खस्यनेकवरविलासिनीचरणनोपूररवोद्धान्तमत्तपारावत' १ कुलात सकलदिगन्तरागतवन्दिजनविस्तारितकीर्तः श्रीमतो मुरसिम्बः [*] 3 पस्ति क्षोणीखराणाममलमणिरुचामन्वयात कौस्तुभाभः शौर्यत्यागा4. 'म्युराशि]विरचितविधिवदान(1)शम्भीकतामः [*] 'श्रीमान्जन्मेजयाख्यस्तुदश-' 6 पतिसम[:"] का भोक्तकामः प्रख्यातहेषिवंशप्रविदलनपटुर्भुपति" सो6 मवंशे [*] सोयं "परमभटारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीमहा-३ 7 शिवगुप्तराजदेवपादानुध्यात्परमभटारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमे-" 8 वरसोमकुलतिलकतुकलिङ्गाधिपतिश्रीमहाभवगुप्तराजदेवः कु9 अली "कपलोडाविषयप्रतिवदसतसमाग्रामे "ब्राह्मणान् सम्पुज्य त10 प्रतिनिवासिकुटुम्विजनपदान तहिषयीययथाकालाध्यासिन[:*] समा11 चिसविधाविचाटभटपिशुनवेत्रिकावरोधजनराजवल्लभादीन स
Second Plate; First Side. 12 न राजपादोपजिविन समाज्ञापयति [*] विदितमस्तु भवत[1] यथा18 भाभिरयं ग्राम[:"] सनिधिः सोपनिधि: "सर्ववाधाविवर्जित: सर्वोपरिकर14 करादानसहित: “साम्बमधुक[:] सगर्तोषरः प्रतिनिसिद्धचाटभटप्रवेश16 चतुःसीमावच्छिन: गौतमगोत्राय गौतमाङ्गिरसमौतथ्यचियारिषयप्र-20 16 वराय वाजसनेयेमाध्यन्दिनशाख्याध्यायिने प्रोड्रदेशे पुरुषमण्डपग्राम17 "विनीगंताय सुरजुंगग्रामवास्तव्याय भटपुत्रश्रीसान्यकरनाने ति18 करसुताय "मलिलधारापुरम्मरमाचन्द्रतारकार्कचितिसमकालाप-38
I Prom aret of ink-impressions supplied by Mr. Venkayys.
Expressed by a plain symbol. • Bad भूपुर. • Read °कुखात्.
- Read °सौख:• Read यात् 1 Read बुराशि.
• Read श्रीमान • Read °खिदश. - Read कत्लगां भी
n Read भूपति:n The Rof भटारक in corrected by the engraver from क; read भट्टारक. . The of पर wa inserted subsequently.
" Read पादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारक. " Read "पिकलिला.
Read प्रतिबद्ध.
Read ब्राध. 18 Rand सम्पूज्य. " Read 'कुटुबिजनपदान्.
• Read इसन्निधात Ther of 'वरोध is written on an erasure ; read 'दौन्.
" Read - Rand पजीविन:__ Read °बाधा.
2s Read साब. *Read "निधि M Read प्रवेशचतुः
WRead चिकनी. Bead Ca ; compare above, Vol. III. p. 45, note 4. WRead वाजसनेय. NRead शाखाध्यायिन.
Read विनिर्ग.
• Read भट्टपुष. * Read afur"; the use of oyrere is written as ta.
• Read 'चिविसमकाखीप'.

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142
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VoL. VIII.
19 भोगार्थ मातापिचोरात्मनश्च 'पुन्ययशोभिधये 'ताम्वशासनेनाकरिकत्य' 20 प्रतिपादित इत्यवगत्य 'समुचितभोगभागकरहिरन्यादिकमुपनय-5 21 जिभवद्भिः सुखेन प्रतिवस्तव्यमिति [*] भाविभिश्च भूपतिभिर्दत्तिरियमस्म22 दिया' धर्मगौरवादस्मदनुरोधाच्च वदतिरिवानुपालनीया [*] तथा चोक्तं ध23 मशास्त्रे] [*] 'बहुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिस्मगरादिभियस्य यस्य यदा
भुमि
Second Plate ; Second Side. 24 स्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं [*] मा भुदफलंशङ्का वः परदत्तेति
पार्थिवाः [*] | 25 स्वदानात्फलमत्यन्तं परदानानुपालने [॥*] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्ग 26 मोदति भुमिद:13 [*] पाक्षेप्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वरीत"
[*] अग्नेरप[न्यं] प्र27 थमं स्ववर्ण भुवैष्णवी "सुर्यसुताच गाव: [*] यः काञ्चनं गां च महीं
च दद्यात्" 28 दत्तास्त्रयस्तेन भवन्ति लाका: [*] प्रास्फोहयन्ति पितरः प्रवला (य)न्ति
पिताम29 हाः [*] भुमिदात्ता कुले जात: स नस्त्राता भविष्यति [*] भुमि
यः प्रतिग्रहा30 ति यश्च भुमि प्रयच्छति [*] उभौ तौ "पुन्यकर्माणी नियतं स्वर्गगामि. 31 नौ ॥*] तडागानां सहस्राणि वाजपेयशतानि च [*] गवां कोटिप्र
दानेन भूमिहर्ता 32 न शुध्यति [*] खदत्तां परदत्ताम्वा" यो हरेवसुन्धरा [*] स
विष्ठायां कृमि त्वा प33 यते पितुभिः सह [*] आदित्यो वरुणो विष्णुब्रह्मा सोमो हुताशनः
[*] शुलपा34 णिस्तु भगवानभिनन्दन्ति भूमिदं [*] सामान्यीयं धर्मसेतुर्नृपाणां काल
1 Read पुण्य.
. Read ताम. • The 7 of was inserted subsequently. • Read °र्भिवमिः
7 Read दौया. • Read बहुभि.
10 Read "भि: । यस्य. 10 Read भूदफलशङ्का.
" Read भूमिद:. - Read सुवर्ण भूब
10 Read सूर्य 18 Read लोकाः .
- Read आस्फोटयन्ति. 21 Read भूमि.
- Read गहाति. • Read पुण्य.
• Read सहसेय. 1 Read °दत्ता वा.
s Read हरत बस. • Read शूल.
- Read °णि.
I Read करोकव्य. • Read °हिरण्या. • Read खति . II Read भूमि. " Read वसेत्. 11 Rend दद्याद. • Read भूमिदाता.
Read भूमि. 6 Read शतेन. " Read विद्याब्रह्मा.
Read काले.

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No. 12.]
BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF CHARUDEVI.
143
Third Plate. 35 काले पालनियो' भवद्भिः [*] सर्वानेतान् भाविनः पार्थिवेन्द्रान 38 भूयो भयो याचते रामचन्द्र[ः ॥] इति कमलदलाम्खुविन्दलो37 [वं] श्रीयमनुचित्य मनुष्यजीवितंञ्च [*] सकलमिदसुदाह[तंञ्च 38 वुधा न हि पुरुषैः परकीर्तयो विलोप्याः [॥*] परमभटरकमहा89 राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरसोमकुल[तिलकतुकलिङ्गाधिपति40 श्रीजनमेजयदेवस्य विजयराज्ये सम्बच्छरे अष्टम कार्तिकमा41 सद्वितीयपक्ष तिथौ हादश्यां यत्राइतोपि सम्वत्" ८ कार्तिक शुदि १२
[*] द्यो42 तकच महामहत्तमभटरीसाधारण[:*] शोभनसुत: [*] लिखितमिदं शासन 43 महासान्धिविपहिराणकत्रीमल्लादत्तधारदत्तसुतप्रतिवद्देन का[य] स्था . 44 लवेन कै(वि)लास सुतेनः उत्किरिता संग्रामेन" (1) रयणाओमासुतेन:'
No. 12.- BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF CHARUDEVI.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTzsoH, Pa.D.; HALLE (SAALE). This inscription was first edited 25 years ago by Dr. Fleet in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. IX. p. 100 ff. On account of its archaic alphabet and of its language, which is not only Sanskrit verse (plate iii. lines 12-15), but chiefly Prakrit prose, it has attracted much attention. Bühler succeeded in deciphering some additional portions of it, and a few corrections were suggested by M. Senart and myself.20 At my request, Dr. Fleet was good enough to send me a set of ink-impressions of the plates, with the help of which it has been possible to make ont with some probability those portions of lines 3 to 7 which Bühler considered utterly unintel. ligible.' The only item which appears to be irretrievably lost is the figure of the regnal year at the end of the first line.
The original copper-plates, which were secured by Sir Walter Elliot, are now in the British Museum. For their finding-place and for a detailed description of them see the prefatory
1 Read पालनीथी. • Read 'दलाम्बुबिन्दु
- Read °लो श्रिय. • The two akshara, fara are engraved over an erasure.
• Cancel the anusrdra. • Read बुडा. - Read भट्टारक.
• Read चिकलिङ्गा • Read संवत्सरे ऽष्टमे. 10 Read °पचे.
" Read संवत् " Read दुतकर M Read भE.
• Read प्रतिबद्धेन. • 16 The visarga is meant for siga of punctuation compare South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 111, note 1, and above, Vol. VII. p.198, notes. " Read उत्की - Read "मेण.
18 See note 15 above. "Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p., note 2. 30 Above, Vol. VI. p. 88, note 10, Vol. VII. pp.87 and 69.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
remarks of Dr. Fleet's article, which was accompanied by photo-lithographs of the inscription (on the back of the Plate) and of the seal (on the front of the Plate). The present facsimile of the inscription has been prepared, under Dr. Fleet's superintendence, from fresh ink-impressions made for him, in 1903, in the British Museum. The seal has been reproduced from a plaster cast taken by Mr. Griggs from a sealing-wax impression which was made at the same time in the British Museum. The sealing-wax impression shows, in the centre of the seal, a standing animal which faces the proper right and looks like a deer, but must be meant for a bull,1 the crest of the Pallavas, and over the back of the bull, a few indistinct symbols which may be taken for the sun, a crescent, and perhaps one or more stars.
144
The characters of the inscription resemble those of the Hirahaḍagalli plates of ŚivaSkandavarman, but are less ornamental and more irregular. This seems to be due to the fact that the engraver mechanically copied a draft which had been written in a pronounced running hand. Instances are the va in line 14 and the vám of gavám (1. 15), the subscribed of savva (1. 11) and the subscribed ch of bahubhisch [a]° (1: 12), the vowel i of gameyiká (1. 10) and of pibati (1. 15). The group tta, while in most cases resembling nna, has two other shapes: in uttare (1. 6) the upper t has a fully developed loop, as in Tamil, and in chhettam (1.7) and datta (112) the lower t is fashioned in the same manner. The initial á of ayu (1. 8) differs from that of Atukassa (1. 6), ayutta (1. 10) and ánatti (1. 16). In the nd of nivattand (1. 9) the n is placed in a slanting position, and the a fills up the right upper corner. Another peculiar letter is the tha of pariharatha and pariharápe[tha] (1. 11). A rude final form of m occurs at the end of 11. 13, 14, 15. Marks of punctuation are used after siddha on the left margin of plate i. and at the end of the inscription. In 11. 12-15 every odd pada of the two slokas is divided from the next by a blank space. Plates ii. a and ii. b are marked like the pages of a book by the numerical symbols 2' and '3' on the left margin, and the numerical symbol '4' occurs in 1. 9.
While in the Andhra inscriptions every double consonant is expressed by a single letter, the orthography of Chârudêvî's grant is in accordance with that of the literary Prakrit. In the word samvvachchhara (1. 1), v is doubled after anustura. As to the language of the inscription, noteworthy words are Bharaddaya (1. 2) for Bharadvaja, talaka, het [th]a, pániya (1. 5) and chhetta (1.7).7 Instances of the nom. plur. neutr. are the three words nivattana chattari sampadattá (1. 9 f.). The abl. sing. [kû]pát (1. 5 f.) is due to a relapse into Sanskrit. Pronominal forms are amham (1. 8) and amhehim (1. 9), the genitive and instrumental of asmad, and tam (1. 10), the acc. sing. neutr. of tad. Verbal forms are the gerunds katuna (1. 9) and natûna (1. 10) and the imperatives pariharatha pariharupe[tha] (1. 11).
The inscription is dated in some year of the reign of the Maharaja Vijaya-Skandavarman, the figure or figures of the date being illegible. It contains an order by the queen of the heirapparent (Yuvamaharaja) Vijaya-Buddhavarman, who was one of the Pallavas and, as such, a Bharadvaja or member of the Bharadvaja gôtra. I read the queen's name as Chârudêvi, and that of the prince whose mother she claims to have been as [Bu]ddhi[yam]kura or, in Sanskrit, Buddhyankura. In favour of my restoration of this damaged word it may be stated that ankura, a sprout,' is synonymous with pallava, and that other Pallavas bore the similar surnames
1 Compare Dr. Fleet's Dyr. Kan. Distr. p. 319, note 5.
2 Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 2 ff.
These two words were already noted by Bühler, ibid. p. 2, note 2.
Compare e.g. nivattaná (1. 9) with bhagavannd" (1. 8).
In this respect the two grants of Siva-Skandavarman (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 4, and Vol. VI. p. 86) occupy an intermediate position.
The same form occurs in the two grants of Siva-Skandavarman.
On the four last words see Prof. Pischel's edition of Hemachandra's Prakrit grammar, I. 202; II. 141; I. 101; II. 17.

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Plates of Vijaya-Skandavarman and Vijaya- Buddhavarman.
WATa , ఇలా గాక తను
ARTIES ARE
sta.
J. F. FLEET.
FULL-SIZE.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH,
FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS MADE BY MR. HENRY OLDLAND.

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Габа урезата
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No. 12.]
BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF CHARUDEVI.
145
Nayánkurs, Tarunankura and Lalitánkura. Thus the first plate of the inscription supplies the following short Pallava genealogy :
Maharaja Vijaya-Skandavarman. Yuvamahârâja Vijaya-Buddhavarman, married Charudêvi.
Baddhyankura. The syllables which follow the word Chårudeví at the end of the first plate can be read and restored with the help of the corresponding portions of four cognate inscriptions.
Nasik, No. 3, 1. 11 (p. 65 above), and No. 4, 1. 2 (p. 71 above) - Anapayati Govadhane amacha[r].
Mayidavõlu plates, 1. 3 f. (above, Vol. VI. p. 86)- Dhanñakade vapatan anapayati. Kondamudi plates, 1. 6 f. (ibid. p. 316 f.)- Anapayati Kadúre vápatan.
On the strength of these analogous cases I propose to read at the end of line 4- Ka[dake] viya., to correct the second word to viya . ., and to restore viyapatan, which is another possible Prakrit form of vápatan in the Mayidavõlu and Kondamadi plates. It is true that the verb ảnapayati is missing in our inscription; but the same is the case in the first sentence of the Hirahadagalli plates. As in that document, we seem to have here & sort of official preamble, corresponding to the address of a modern letter Chårudêvî to the official at Ka[daka].' As regards this Prakrit word, its Sanskrit equivalent is Kataka, but the name cannot refer to the town of Cattack in Orissa, which is far to the north of the Pallava territory. Besides, it must be borne in mind that the second and third syllables of Kaldake) are injured, and that the true reading of the word may after all be a different one.
The remainder of the inscription refers to a gift of land made by Charudêvi. This land must have been situated in Ka[taka), to the officer in charge of which place the order was addressed. The grant consisted of a field near the King's Tank. The recipient was a temple of Narayana (Vishạn) at Dâlûra (1. 7), a place which I am unable to trace. The Ajnapti (or Dataka) was Rôhiņigupta (1. 16).
TEXT. First Plate.
Siddha || 1 Siri-Vijaya-Khandava[m]ma-mahârâjassa samyvachchhar[a] .. [1"] 2 yuvamaharajassa Bhâraddâyassa Pal[ljavd3 path si[r]i-Vijaya-Buddhavammassa devi [Bujddhi. 4 kura-janavjo Charudevi Ka[dako] viya . .? [1"]
Second Plate ; First Side. 5 Rajatalâka-het[th]e påņiya. 8 8 påd-uttare påse Âtukassa kasita." 7 chhetta Dalure Kali-Mahåtaraka-devakula[48]
South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. pp. 3 and 5; Vol. II. p. 341; above, Vol. VI. p. 320. Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 5, text lines 1-6.
From ink-impressions received from Dr. Fleet. • On the left margin of the plate.
The subscribed 1 of the second syllable of Pallavd- in line has obliged the engraver to place the syllable ddli too low, the top of the i being on a level with the top of the broken syllable bu.- Rostore Buddhiyamkura.. Read janani.
7 Read viydputar. Restore pániya-kúpád-,
• Restore kasitartan. Read Mahátáraka-; Mahdnaraka, which is another possible reading, would be a very unusual name for a temple.

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146
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
Second Plate; Second Side. 8 bhagavan-Narayanassa amham Aya-bala-vaddhani9 yam katûna bhumi-nivattaņå chattåri 4 amhehim 10 sampadatta [1] tam nâtûna gåmeyi(ya) kA Ayutta 11 savva-parihårehi pariharatha pariharåpe[tha] [1]
Third Plate. 12 Bahubhir-yva[6]udha datta bahubhis-ch=[8]napalita [1] 13 yasya yasya yada bhūmihi tasya tasya tada phalam [llo] 14 SPA-dattar Para-datter và yê• haratta vs8n[n]dharầm [1] 15 gavam sata-sahasrasya hantuḥ pibati dushkpitam (11"] 16 Âņatti Rohan[i]gustt]&-ttis 11
TRANSLATION. Success! (Line 1.) The years .. (of the reign) of the glorious Maharaja VijayaSkandavarman.
(L. 2.) Chårudêvi, the queen of the Yuvamaharaja, the Bharadv&ja, the glorions VijayaBuddhavarman of the family) of the Pallavas, (and) mother of (Buddhyan]kura, (addresses the following order) [to the official at] Ka[taka] :
(L. 5.) “The field to be ploughed by Ataka on the northern side of the drinking-well below the King's Tank (Rájatadáka), (containing) four-4-nivartanas of land, has been given by Us, making (it) a means for increasing Our length of life and power, to the god Nárayana of the Kaļi-Mahat[&]raka temple at Dalûra.
(L. 10.) “Knowing this, ye, the villagers (and) officials, exempt (this field) with all immunities, (and) cause (it) to be exempted!"?
[Lines 12-15 contain two of the customary verses.] (L. 16.) “The Ajñapti8 (is) Rôbiņigupta."
No. 13.-NILAMBUR PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN. BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A. (MADRAS), AND G. VENKOBA RAO (OOTACAMUND).
This set of copper-plates was discovered by a Kurumban, while he was washing for gold, on the banks of the Châliyâr stream adjacent to Nilambûr.10 The exact spot where they were
The anusedra is distinctly visible after the af at the end of the preceding line. • Read Osimisatasya.
Read -dattan.
• Read yo hardta. . Read guttontti-Thef of Rohani has an unusual shape; perhaps the sra of sahasrasya in the preceding line interfered with ita proper execution. The ttd of guila - looks almost like oud.
• The Sanskrit equivalent of the words amhanh dyw-bala-vaddhantyan occurs in the Uruvupalli grant Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 52, text line 27 f. Instead of raddhanfyan, the corresponding portions of the Hirahadagalli, Mayidavala and Kondamudi plates have nadhanike.
1 The corresponding Sanskrit phrase sarova-pariharaih pariharata pariharayata cha occurs in the Mingaļür grant; Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 156, text line 30.
. On dşatti see above, Vol. VII. p. 185 and notes 4 and 5.
In Rohanigutta, Róhani is a vulgar form of Rbhipt, which occurs above, Vol. IV. p. 295, text line 6; the usual form in Tamil inscriptions is Urófani.
10 This picturesque place belongs to the Ernad (Eranada) taluks of the Malabar district and is situated at the foot of the Karkar Ghât on the road from Ootacamund to Calicut. Near it are the tenk plantations started by Mr. Conolly, Collector of Malabar, in 1840 ; see Mr. Logan's Malabar, Vol. II. p. 308 1.-2. H.]

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No. 13.]
NILAMBUR PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN.
147
found is popularly known as “ Grâmam Kadava." The plates were made over by the discoverer to the Raja of Nilambůr, Mr. Tachcharakkâvil Mânavikraman Tirumalpåd, who very kindly presented them to us for publication,
The plates are three in number; the first and last of them are engraved on one side only. The average length and breadth of the plates are 7" and 28" respectively, and each plate is about
t" thick. The edges of the plates are neither thickened nor raised into rims. The weight of these three plates is nearly 10% oz., including the ring, which alone weighs 1 oz. The oval ring is about it thick, with 2" and 14" for diameters. When the plates were discovered by the Kurumban, the ring bore & seal with distinct writing on it. He broke it open in the hope of finding gold encased in it, but threw it away in disgust when finding none. Thas the seal hae been lost.
Though the letters are cut deeply and very distinctly, they do not show through on the back of the plates. The water of the stream, in which the plates had lain apparently for a long time, has corroded them on the margin and caused the loss of several inscribed portions, which are now broken away. The characters are similar to those of the Kadgere plates of Vijaya-Siva-Mândhâtfivarman (above, Vol. VI. p. 12), of the plates of Vijaya-SivaMrigosa varman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37), and also to those of the Halsi plates belonging to the reigns of Ravivarman and Harivarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. (pp. 25-32). On the first side of the second plate, between lines 7 and 8, there is an addition in somewhat more modern characters, which reads: paschimatas-cha Na[nda]ra[sa]. Probably this clause was added at a later period, when the existing specification was found insufficient for describing the spot ; compare the pa, ma, na of this addition with the corresponding letters in the body of the inscription. As regards individual letters in the record itself, attention may be drawn to the Dravidian r and ļ. The former occurs once, in the word Kirupasáni (1. 6), and the latter twise, in the words Multagi (1. 7) and Malkavu (1. 8). As noticed by Prof. Kielhorn (above, Vol. VI. p. 13), the subscript t of the conjuncts kta, tta occurring in the words uktan-cha (1. 14) and Kárttika (1. 6) has the common curvilinear form, whereas in nta and stya of the words Kuldbhyantarao and svasty=astu (11. 11 and 16 respectively) it is represented by a looped sign. The language of the record, excepting one benedictory verse in l. 14 f., is Sanskrit prose.
The inscription belongs to the Afth year of the reign of the Dharmamaharaja Ravivarman of the Kadamba family. While at Vaijayanti (i.e. Banavâsi), the king made a grant, on the full-moon tiths of the month of Karttika, of two hamlets (palli) named Multagi and Malkavu to a Brâhmana named Gôvindasvâmin of the Kasyapa gôtra, who had mastered the Yajurveda. The two hamlets were situated on the east of the village named Kirupasaņi in the Mogalûr district (vishaya).
As regards the places mentioned in the inscription, it may be noticed that Multagi is represented in the Merkara plates of Kongați-mahdhirajal ag forming the eastern boundary of the village Badaņeguppe, granted to the Sri-vijaya-Jinalaya of Talavananagara. Talavana. nagara is the modern Talakad on the Kêvêri, and Bada veguppe is 5 or 6 miles south of Talakad on the other side of the river. Mogalûr is perhaps identical with either Mugûr or Mullûr, also near Talakad.
TEXT.
First Plato. 1 [fet factuàsteraut HATETE]TTATGTUIGW[at]. 2 भिषिक्तानाम्मानव्यसगोत्राणां हारितीपुत्राणां प्रतिक्कतखा See Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, p. 293. From the original copper-plates.
U2

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148
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
3 ध्यायचर्चापाराणामखमेधावभूथनानपवित्रीकता4 [न]घानामाश्रितजनांबानां कदंबानां श्रीरविवर्माधर्ममहा
Second Plate; First Side. । [राज[:] पात्मनः प्रवर्धमानविजयसंवत्सरे पंचमे 6 कार्तिकपौर्णमास्यां मोगलूविषये किलपासाणिनाम7 धेयग्रामस्य पूर्वदिग्विभागे मुगिनामधेयप8 [सी]म्मासहितां काश्यपसगोत्राय यजुर्वेद[पा]
Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 [रगाय गोविन्दवामिने स्वपुण्याभिवषये सहिरण्यं] 10 [स]पानीयपातं सर्वपरिहतपरिहारं संप्रदत्त]11 [वान्] [*] तदवधायं यः कदंबकुलाभ्यन्तरगतोन्यो वा [राग]12 [देष]लोभादिभिरभिभूतो हर[त स पञ्चमहापातक]
Third Plate. 18 [सं]यु[को] भवति [*] योभिरक्षेत्म सत्पुण्यफलभाग्भ[वति] [*] 14 उक्तञ्च ॥ बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिमगरादिभि[:] [1] 16 [यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिः तस्य तस्य तदा फलमिति [*] 16 [व] त्यस्तु गोब्राह्मणेभ्यः प्रजा[भ्यो मङ्गलं] [*]
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Hail! Tho glorions Ravivarmen, the virtuous (and) mighty king of the Kadambas,- who were anointed after meditating on the lord Mah&gêna and the group of the Mothers, who belonged to the lineage of the Manavyas, who were the sons of Hariti, who were well versed in repeating the sacred writings one by one, who were sinless (on account of being purified by the bath after (the ceremony of) the horse-sacrifice, and who were (like tunto) mothers to people (who were) dependent (on them),-at the prosperous (and) victorious (city of) Vaijayanti, on the full-moon tithi of the month of) Kârttika in the increasingly victorious Afth year of his (reign), gave to Govindasvamin, belonging to the lineage of Kalyapa (und) well versed in the Yajurveda, the hamlet named Multagi along with Malkavu, (situated) on the eastern side of the village named Kirupasani in the Mogalur district, with all exemptions, with the pouring of water, (and) with (a present of gold, towards the increase of his own merit.
1 Cancel the visarga.
- Read भूमिस्तस्थ. This epithet, met with in almost all the Kadamba grants, has been adopted by all the kings of this dynasty from Mayurasarman (i... Maydråvarman), the founder of the dynasty. Compare above, p. 82, v. 22 - Shaddnanan yanmabhishiktardswanadhydya sendpati mdtridhisagaha.
• This passage has been translated in various ways. Prof. Kielhorn (above, Vol. VI. p. 15) tranalates it by studying the requital (of good or evil) as their sacred text. As the passage might as well apply to any student of the sacred writings, it is taken in its general sense thus :-prati pratysk as krita anushthitd yd opddhydyasya. chared sktya santaram uktin tdi paraganti iti.

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FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. T. A. GOPINATHA RAO.
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Teគួរ EXបារាំ ឌូ ខំបាន \3d0g 20
THJUNIYENNY
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TTLAUSDROTBIFE OF 只 TRYHOTEL SORRE
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JJJJ
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
Nilambur plates of Ravivarman.

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33 Pillor el premio OBJU 53 . of Prof FERESPUPUTE FIER IROBIPPER
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No. 14.]
.
FIVE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA.
149
(L. 11.) He who, whether he be a member of the Kadamba family or an alien, knowing this, influenced by passion, hatred, greed, etc., takes away (this grant), is saddled with the guilt of having committed) the five great sing. He who protects (it), shares the reward of its merit.
(L. 14.) And it has been said :- "The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; to whomsover, at any time, the earth belonge, to him for the time being belongs the reward (of the grant)." May blessings rest upon cows and Brahmaņas! (And let) prosperity (rest) upon the subjects !
No. 14,-FIVE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS
OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF KANAUJ.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. At Professor Hultzsch's request I shall give an account here of five morel copper-plate inscriptions of the GAhadavala king Gôvindachandradeva of Kanauj, the originals of which are now in the Provincial Museum of Lucknow, and of which ink-impressions were supplied by the Government Epigraphist. Before doing so, I take the opportunity of submitting a few general remarks.
While only three stone-inscriptions, of very small importance, have been hitherto discovered of the Gahadavala kings of Kananj, the number of their known copper-plates amounts to no less than fifty-five. The details are as follows:
One plate of the Maharajadhiraja Madanapala, recording a grant that was made by his
father, the Maharajadhiraja Chandradeva. One plate of Madanapala and his queen Prithvi rika(P). Three plates of Govindachandra, of the reign of his father Madanapala. Twenty-six plates of the Maharajadhiraja Govindachandra. Two plates of Govindachandra and his mother Ralhaņa (Ralba)-devi. One plate of Govindachandra and his queen Nayanakolidevi. One plate of Govindachandra and his queen Gosaladevi. One plate of Govindachandra and his son, the Yuvardja Asphôţachandra (below, C.). Two plates of Govindachandra and his son Rajyapala (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 21, and
below, D.). One plate of the reign of Govindachandra, recording a grant made by the Singara prince
Vatsaraja. Two plates of the Maharájádhiraja Vijayachandra and his son, the Yuvardja
Jayachobandra. Fourteen plates of the Maharójádhiraja Jayachchandra,
1 Bee above, Vol. IV. p. 97 tf.; Vol. V. p. 112 ff.; and Vol. VII. p. 98 ff.
* The plates were found by contractor at Benares near the Bhadaini temple at a depth of about 5 feet from the surface in the course of excavations for the water-works conducted ou the spot in April 1899." See Mr. Venkuyya's Annual Report for the year ending with May 1905, p. 6.
* There can hardly be any doubt that of a royal family of which we possess 56 copper-plates, there must bave existed also considerable number of stone-inscriptions. The stones on which these inscriptions were engraved have been probably used for building purposes or lie buried in the ground. The same may be said regarding the records of e.g. the Maitrakas of Valabhi, of whom we have 40 plates and only & single, most insignificant stone-inscription; and of the E. Chalaksu of Vengt, of whom 29 copper-plate inscriptions have been published, and not # single stone-inscription.

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150
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
All these plates were issued during the ninety years from A.D. 1097 to A.D. 1187. Excepting the genealogy of the family and dates for each king from Chandradeva to Jayachohandra, there is in them no historical information of any particular value. But the plates are of great interest on account of the very large number of districts and villages mentioned in thom. Nearly all these localities remain to be identified; and it is with the view of perhaps inducing others, especially residents of the United Provinces, to help in the work of identifcation, that I give here an alphabetical list of all names of districts that ooour in the plates. So far as I can judge, most of these districts would have boen called after larger villages or towns, some of which undoubtedly are still in existence.
List of districts mentioned in the plates. Amyu(mbu) All-pattala; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 188, line 20. (The insoription grants the village of Dêùpålt on the banks of the D[ai]vah. DaivahA apparently is the modern Dooha' which according to Thornton's Gazetteer, p. 333, is another name of the river Gogra.)
Antarala-pattald; Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XXXI. p. 123. Asurésa-pattala; Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 11, line 20. Bhaïlavata-pattala(); Jour. Roy. As. Soo. 1896, p. 787. Bhimamayatåsn . -pattald; above, Vol. V. p. 117, line 13. Dayad&mi-pattald; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 140, line 18. Dévashali-pattals; ibid. Vol. XV. p. 7, line 14. Dhan@saramaus-pattala; ibid. Vol. XVIII. p. 11, line 8.
Goyars-pattala (in Opavala-pathaka); above, Vol. V. p. 114, line 15. (Gôyara perhaps is the Gowra' in Indian Atlas, sheet No. 102, long. 83° 20', lat. 26° 47'.)
Haladoya-pattald ; above, Vol. IV. p. 101, line 14; and Jour. As. Soo. Beng. Vol. XXVII. p. 243.
[HAP]thanna-pattalA; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. D. 21. JAra[ttha)-pattala; ibid. p. 141, line 18; and p. 142, line 16. JiÂvai-pattall; above, Vol. IV. p. 119, line 14; or, which is the same.Jiâvati-pattale (in Pañchala-desa); Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 103, line 10; and Ep. Ind.
Vol. II. p. 360, line 8. Kachchhôha-pattalá; above, Vol. IV. p. 116, line 12; and p. 129, line 19. Kangali-pattala; ibid. p. 127, line 17. Kați-pattalà ; ibid. p. 102, line 13. [Kesauré ?1-pattala; bid. p. 105, line 12. Kosamya(mba)-pattala; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 137, line 18. K[thô]takoţiávarahôtta[ra]; above, Vol. IV. p. 108, line 11. Mahash-pattala; ibid. p. 122, line 18; or, which is the same, Mahasøya-pattala; above, Vol. V. p. 115, line 12. MA[na]ra-pattalA; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 131, line 20. Nandini-pattal&; below, p. 155, line 13. Nandivåra-pattala; below, p. 154, line 12 Navagâma-pattalA; Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. LVI. P. I. p. 109, line 14; and above,
Vol. IV. p. 113, line 13. Ndulasat&visika; above, Vol. IV. p. 110, line 9.
1 The plates generally state that Yasovigrahs, the reputed founder of the GAhadavala family, caine when the lines of the protectors of the earth born in the solar race had gone to heaven.' The kings thus referred to are the Pratihêras of Kansuj who, we now know, derived their descent from the San. The Gahadevils king who first took possession of KanaDj was Yafovigraha's grandson Chandradêra, for whom we have a date in A.D. 1097.
1 The data visild of this name is derived from the Prikrit sattdelaan's or Sanskrit naplavishlati, twenty. seven.'-Compare, in other plates, names of districts like Nakohisapura-chaturafitika, eto.

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Pandala-pattalà (in Govisklaka that belonged to Dudhali in Saruvara); above, Vol. VIL
p. 99, line 15. Pakchimachchhapana-pattala (in Antarveda): Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 135. line 20. Parðha-pattald; Jour. As. Soc. Bong, Vol. LVI. P. I. p. 120, line 11.
Sa Pool, oh [R&na P]-pattala; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 362, line 13. Radamauavayálisi-pattala ; above, Vol. IV. p. 112, line 12. Sigarðdha-pattalA; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIIL p. 16, line 12 Sirasi-pattala (in Omavala-pathaka in Saru våra); above, Vol. V. p. 114, noto 4; and Vol
VII. p. 99. (Siraal probably is the Sirai' in Indian Atlas, sheet No. 87, S. E.long.
89° 9', lat. 26° 32'.) Têmishapachottara-pattala; above, Vol. IV. p. 115, line 14. Ughapatêrahottara-pattalê;: ibid. p. 106, line 12. Unva(mba râla-pattala; below, p. 159, line 11. Ungvisa-pattala; above, Vol. IV. p. 124, line 20. Vajaimbachchh&sathi-pattal&; * ibid. p. 125, line 17. Valaura-pattala; below, p. 157, line 13. Vri(bri)hadgrihkamisárs-pattalA; above, Vol. IV. p. 121, line 19. Vri(bri)hagrihe[ye P]varatha-pattald; ibid. p. 104, line 13. [Y& P]vaala-pattala; Jour. As. 800. Beng. Vol. LVI. P. I. p. 115, line 13.
I may add that, besides the villages granted and the districts in which they were situated, the plates also mention a fair number of places where the donations recorded in the plates were made. In no less than 33 instances this was done after bathing in the Ganges at Benares. Other places on the Ganges, mentioned in a similar way, are :
Isapratishthana (P); Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XXVII. p. 243. Khayar&; above, Vol. IV. p. 108, line 16. Madaprotihara (P); sbid. p. 101, line 18. Mudgagiri (i.e. Monghyr on the southern bank of the Ganges); above, Vol. VII. p. 99, line 21. Rájyapalapura; below, p. 158, line 18. Rapdavai; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIIL p. 140, line 22; p. 141, line 22; and p. 143, line 20. Vishnupura; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 860, line 6. Two donations were made after bathing in the Yamuna at
Âgstika (or AsatikA); Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 103, line 9; and ibid. Vol. XVIII. p. 16. line 17 (where the king is stated to have bathed at the Maraïtba(?)-ghatta); and one was made after bathing in the Vêņi (ie, at the confluence of the rivers) at
Prayaga (i.e. Allahabad); above, Vol. IV. p. 122, line 22. Other places where donations were made, not connected with any rivers, are : Déyasthåns (); above, Vol. IV. p. 105, line 15; and Vadaviha; ibid. p. 121, line 23.
And of rivers, in addition to those already given, in which the king had bathed when making a donation, the plates mention the Sati (with the Svapnêdyara-ghatta); above, Vol. V, p. 114, line 23.
Of Benares the following specific localities are referred to in the plates
The Adikkavarghatta, Tour. Roy. As. Soc. 1896, p. 787; and Jour. As, 800. Bong. Vol. LVI. P. 1. p. 109, line 19; and (the) Adidava (temple); Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 232; above, Vol. IV. p. 119, line 18, and p. 124, line 24. **
Chha pana in this name probably to the Prakpit chiappannan or Sanskrit antpachd sat, flity-six.' · Vayalist would be the Prakrit Ddydliath of Sanskrit dudohatodrivat, forty-two. • Toraha in this name probably is the Prikrit terata or Sanskrit trayodafon, thirteon.
• Chadiathi apparently is the Sanskrit safhash, sixty-wix. - Prof. Haltzsch suggests that the varala of KA[th]takoçiavaralotta(31. may be the Prakrit odraha or Sanskrit duddaton, 'twelve'; and pacha of Témishapachottara- the Sanskrit panchan, Ave.

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The Kapálamochana-ghatta ; above, Vol. IV. p. 110, line 13. The Trilochana-ghatta; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 11, line 12 The Vedddvara-ghatta; above, Vol. IV. p. 114, L. The Avimukta-kshetra; ibid. p. 114, L., and p. 113, line 18. The Köți-tirtha; below, p. 159, line 15.
(The temples of) Aghôrêsvara, Indramadhava, Landêsvara and Pañchomkara (below, p. 153, lines 18 and 19), Ksittivisas (above, Vol. IV. p. 126, line 22), and Lolarka (above, Vol. V. p. 118, line 18).
Of Prayaga (the temple of) Gangaditya is mentioned, above, Vol. IV. p. 122, line 22.
Of the new inscriptions the most interesting is O., because it records & grant by Gôyindachandra's son, the Yuvarája Åsphôţachandra, who was unknown to us before. And the inscription A. is peculiar in recording the gift of a house at Benares, not the grant of a village. The three grants recorded in C., D. and E. were made in favour of one and the same Brahman, & sun-worshipper and student of the Jyôtiḥsastra. The taxes specified are the bhagabhôgakara (mentioned in 50 plates of this family), the pravanikara (mentioned in 44 plates), the turushkadanda (mentioned in 23 plates, but not in any of the plates of Jayachchandra), the kumaragadianaka (mentioned in 10 plates), the hiranya (mentioned in 9 plates), and the jalakara and gôkara (mentioned together in 4 plates only).
A.-PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF [VIKRAMA-) SAMVAT 1171.
This is a single plate, which meas res about 1'3" broad by 1' 1' high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about " in diameter; and to the plate belongs & circular seal, about 2" in diameter, which bears in high relief, across the centre, the legend Srimad-Gavindacha[m] draddva[*), in Någari letters about "high; above the legend, the figure of a Garuda, squatting down and facing to the proper right; and below the legend, a conch-shell. The plate contains 21 lines of generally well preserved writing. The size of the letters is between and". The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v; the dental sibilant is often employed for the palatal, and the palatal occasionally (as in rafika, 1. 3) for the dental; and the worda vana and tâmraka are written vansa and tånuraka, 11. 2 and 21. I may also point out that the sign of avagraha is used in and tud semábhir, 1. 18.
The inscription is one of the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramédvara Ghôvindachandradeva, who records that, on Monday, the full-moon tithi of Magha of the year 1171 (given both in words and in figures), after bathing in the Ganges at Benares, he granted a dwelling-place (avasa') to the Mahattaka Dayimśarman, son of the Thakkura Mahakara and son's son of the Thakkura Kaka, [a Brahman] of the Bharadvája gotra, whose three pravaras were Bharadvája, Angirasa and Barhaspatya. The dwelling-place so granted was at Benares itself, and lay to the east of (the) Aghôrêsvara and Pañchômkâra, and to the west of (the) Indramadhava and Laudeśvara (temples).- The grant (tâmraka) was written by the Karanika Jalhana. It contains no imprecatory verses.
1 The original has ardsa and treate this word as a neuter noun, Compare adganikd for dedsa nikd, frequently used in the Siyadoni inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 168.
* Compare the name Ddyr (Dayika), above, Vol. IV. p. 171.
The same Jalhana wrote the grant of [Vikrama-samvat 1172, published above, Vol. IV. p. 105, where he is described utrl-Vditanyakul-6dbdta-kayastha-thakkura. The term karapik-odgata of the present grant describes bim literally as descended from a Karanika,'Chitragupta, with whom he is compared, is one of Yama's sitendants (recorder of every man's good and evil deeda).'

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The date appears to be slightly irregular. In Vikrama-samvat 1171 current the fullmoon tithi of Magha ended on Thursday, the 22nd January A.D. 1114; and in Vikramasamvat 1171 expired the same tithi commenced 10 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 11th January A.D. 1115. This Monday most probably is the day intended by the grant, but I should have expected it to be connected with the 14th tithi of the bright half, not with the fall-moon tiths.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT. 14 . . . . . 1-srimad-Govindachandradêvô vijayi 119 Srimad-Varanesyâm
nivåsi15 nô nikhila-(janapa]dán-upagatân=api cha råja-rajñi-yuvarkja-mantri-purohita
pratibâra-sênâpati-bhåpdågarik-ekshapatalika-bhisha16 g-naimittisk-]ntahpurika-data-karituragapattanakarasthanagôkuladhikari-purushån-ajña
payati vô(b)dhayaty=&disati cha yatha 17 viditam-asta bhavatâm=@kasaptatyadhik-aikadasa-samvatsare Maghe mâsi
sukla-pakshe paurņņamisyam-amke=pi samvat 1171 Magha-su18 di 15 8ôme | Sri-Vârâņasyam Gangayam snåtvå småbhir-gôkarupa-kusalata
půta-karatal-Odaka-purvvam sri-Varanasyam-dv-Âghôrêsva19 ra-Panchômkarayoḥ pûrvvê I tath-Êndramadhava-Laudêsvarayôh pabchime
avåsam-idam. Bharadvája-sagôtråya Bharadváj-Amgirasa-Va(bà)20 rhaspatya-trih pravaraya tha Sri-Kaků-pautrayal ta(tha) | Sri-Mahakara-putraya
mahattaka-srf-Dayimsa (sa)rmaņê pradattam? matva sa[r]vvair=821 pi parip&layitavyam-iti I Karanik-odgató v idvärg-Chitragupt-opamo
gupaih yabast Jalhapa[bo] frim&n=aliskha*]t=t&mvrakam mud[A] ||
B.-PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF VIKRAMA-JSAÅVAT 1187.
This also is a single plate, which measures about 1' 67" broad by I'l" high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about 16" in diameter ; and to the plate belongs a circular seal which is similar to that of the inscription A. The plate contains 24 lines of generally well preserved writing. The size of the letters is between and 7" The characters are Någari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the letter bis throughout denoted by the sign for v, and the dental sibilant is frequently employed instead of the palatal.
This is another inscription of the Paramabhaftáraka Maharajadhiraja Paramédvara Govindachandradêva, who records that, on Sunday, the Agrahayani or full-moon tithi of MArgasira of the year 1187 (given in figures only), after bathing in the Ganges at Benares, he granted the village of Palasaundi in the Nandivåra pattald to the Prandcharya Bhafta Pandita Khônagarman, son of the P. Bh. P. Ravidhara, son's son of the P. Bh. P. Gôhada and son of the son's son of the P. Bh. P. Mangala, a Brâhman of the Påråvasalo gôtra whose
Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandra, publisheri above, Vol. IV. p. 100 f. The main differences are that the present plate adds the words sa cha before the word paramabhattaraka- of line 11, and omits the passage afdapati.. . . . .. Vdchaspati in linea 13 and 14 of the Kamauli plate.
· This sign of punctuation and all the others in lines 15-20 are superfluous. . Read -aikadafafata..
* Read pafchima dodsam=idath (or, correctly, pafchima dodsdayan). The constructiou of mirol and paschimd with the genitive case is contrary to the rules of grammar. * Read -tripratardya.
. I.e. thakkura. 7 Read pradattamaiti (or, correctly, pradatta itt). • Metre: ślka (Anushtubh), the first Pada is faulty.
. Read t&mrakan. 10 So the name is given in the plate, but I am not sure that it is correct.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIIT
three pravaras were Kånkayana, Kaubika and Dhaumya, and student of the Sankhayana-1 Bahyficha sakha. The taxes specified (in line 20) are the bhagabhôgakara, hiranya, pravanikara and turushkadanda. The writer's name is not given.
The title prandcharya which, with bhatta and pandita, is prefixed to the names of the donee and his ancestors, I have not met elsewhere, and I cannot give its exact meaning.
The date, for Vikrama-samvat 1187 expired, corresponds to Sunday, the 18th November A.D. 1130, when the full-moon tithi of Mårgasirá commended 3 h, l1 m. after mean sunrise.3
The localities I am unable to identify.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT: 12 . . . . . . 4-srimad-Govindachandradevo vijayi 116 Nandivara-pattaliyah 15
Palasaumdi-grâma-nivåginð nikhila-janapadån=u pagatân=a[pi) (cha) raja-rajñi-yava. 13 [ra]ja-mantri-purohita-pratibâra-sênapati-bhåmd&gårik-akshapatalika-bhishaka(g)-na imi.
ttik-Antabpurika-duta-karituragapattanakarasth&na[g]okaladhikari-puru14 [shajn samajñápayati vỐ(bô)dhayaty-&disa (sa)tiva(cha) yathả viditam=astu
bhavatám yath=óparilikhita-gråmah sa-jala-sthalaḥ sa-10ha-lavan akaraḥ sa-matay
Skaraḥ 98-gartt-ösharaḥ sa-ma15 [dha]ka-chůta-vana-våţikå-vitapa-tripa-pa (ya)ti-gôchara-paryantas=vatcha)turåghâta-visu
(su)ddhaḥ s[v]a-simå-paryanta) S-ôrddhv]-adhab samvat 1187
Merggasi(si)ra-må[se] Ågrahani-pürņņima16 [sy]am Ravi-dine srimad-Vârånåsyim Gangapi(yan) endtvå vidhivan
marntra-dêva-muni-manuja-bhata-pitri-gåpåms-tarpayitva timira-patala-påtana
pa[t]u-mahasam-Ushñarðahisham=upasthå17 y-Aushadhipati-sa(sa)kala-sê(48)kharam samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-tråtar
Vasudevasya půjåm=vidbaya? prachura-påyasena havishả hayirbhujam butve
mâtâpitrôr-&tmanas-cha punya-yasd(68)18 [bhi]vriddhayê Påråvasa-gotraya 19 Kakayana-10Kansilsi) Ma-Dhaumya-tripravåraya | Sikhyâyana vashthacha-sakhinoil
pråņ&ch&rya-bhatta-pathựita-Srt-Mangalaprapautraya Ipråņách&19 rya-bhatta-pamţita-eri-Ghada-pautrâya 1 pra acharya-bhatta-pamita-sri-Ravidhara
putrayal prip&charya-bhatta-pamạita-sri-Khônasa (ta)rin mape vrl(bra)hmaņay
âsmabhiḥ gôkarona-kusala20 tậ-pûta-karatal-odaka-půryvam-&-chandr-erkkar yavat' Baganikritys pradattahl 1
iti matva yathadiyamâna-bhagabhôgakara-biraaya-pravapitara-turushkadaņda. prabhsiti-samast-à
The plate has Sikhyayana-, apparently for Sankhydyana. which occor (for sanblagaha-) Also in Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 17, line 19.
2 I.e. of the Rigveda.
Compare the date of Raiwân plate of Govindachandra (in Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 872, No. 193), which apparently corresponds to Monday, the 17th November A.D. 1130, when the full-moon tithi of Mårgasira ended 1 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise.
Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandrs, published above, Vol. IV. p. 100 f. In verse B, sijayatd has been erroneously engraved between vijayate and sijas, in verse 8 we have -paddh. instead of -gandhand in the prose passage that follows the verses, sa cha was engraved before the first paramabhattáraka, but seems to have been struck out again. These signs of punctuation are superfluous.
Read-ndoa Agrahdyani-paurnamdaydrh. Bead puja vidhaya. # The reading is certain, but I am not sure that it is correct. • The signs of punctuation in lines 18-20 are superfluous.
This name is quite clear in the impression. 11 Read Sankhyana-baloricha-fokhind. 12 Read hirm, Rend ydeachechkäsa
Read dafta iti,

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21 day&n=&jikvidhéyibhůya dasyath=ôti 11
| Bhayanti
ch=&tra
sló(418)kah
11
0.- PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA AND THE YUVARAJA MAHÅRÅJAPUTRA
ÅSPHÔTACHANDRA OF VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1190. This algo iş a single plate, which measures about l' 31" broad by 1' 11" high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about $" in diameter; and to the plate belongs a circular seal, about 24" in diameter, which bears in high relief, across the centre, in two lines, the legend
maharajaputra-frima
d-Asph [6]tacha[]drad[6]va) || in Någari letters between and t" high; above the legend, a conch-shell, and below the legend, a spear or tow pointed towards the proper right. The plate contains 28 lines of well preserved writing. The size of the letters is about t". The characters are Någari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regarde orthography, the letter bis denoted by the sign for v, except in the word babhramurs; and occasionally the deptal sibilant is employed for the palatal, and the palatal for the dental.
The inscription is of the reign of the Paramabhaffaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramédvara Govindachandradeva. With his consent, the Maharajaputra (or son of the Mahiraja) Asphôtechandradeva, endowed with all royal prerogatives and anointed as Yurarája (or heirapparent), records that, on Friday, the third tithi, the Akshaya-tfitiya and Yugadi, of the bright half of Vaisakha of the year 1180 (given both in words and in figures), after bathing in the Ganges at Benares, he granted the village of Kanduta in the Nandiņi pattala to the Pandita Damodaraśarman--son of the Pandita Madanapala, son's son of Lôkapala and son of the son's son of Guņapalara Brahman of the Kasyapa gôtra, whose three pravaras were Kaśyapa, Âvatsara and Naidhrava, who was a student of the V&jasaneya sakhe (of the Yajurvêda) and a sun-worshipper (saura), and who knew the five siddhantas of the Jyotihftstra.The taxes specified (in line 22) are the bhagabhôgakara, pravanikara, turushkadanda and kumara. gadiánaka. The grant was written by the Thakkura Gågeka.
The date, for the Karttikadi Vikrama-sativat 1190 expired, corresponds to Friday, the 30th March A.D. 1184, which was the proper day of the Akshaya-tfitiya and the (Trêta-) yugadi, because the third tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha ended on it 13 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise.
The localities I am unable to identify.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT. 12 . . . .
. . . -Srimad-Govinda13 chandradevo vijayi | Tad-êtat-sammatga samastarajaprakriyopêta-yauvarajya
bhishikta-maharajaputra-srimad-Asphtachandradevo vijayi || Namdiņi-pattalà14 y Kopauta-gråma-nivåsino nikhila-janapadán=apagatån=api cha raja-rajmi.
09[n]tri-purðhita-pratihara-sêngpati-bhåndagArik-Akshapatalika.
Here follow the six verses commencing B mish yaḥ pratigrihnali, Sankharh badr-daanan, Sarvdelana bhdpisah, Bahubir-parudha, Suvarnamakath, and Tadd gandit sahasrana.
. Gagôks most probably is identical with the Gaguka who wrote the grants F., G. and H., treated of a beve, Vol. IV. p. 107 tt
The proper time for the Akshaya-tritty and the Trétâyugâdi is the forenoon; soe Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI.
• Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandra, published above, Vol. IV. p. 100 f.
This sign of punctuation is su perfluous.
p. 179.

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[VOL. VIII.
15 bhishan-naimittik-ântaḥpurika-dûta-karituragapattanâkarasthânagokulâdhikâri-puru s h â n samâjñâpayati vô(bo)dhayaty-âdisati cha [ Viditam=astu bhavata [m] Jath-6
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
16 parilikhita-grâmaḥ sa-jala-sthalaḥ sa-lôha-lavan-akaraḥ sa-parpp-âkaraḥ sa-garttôsharaḥ sa-madhûka-chata-vana-vitapa-vâtika-tripa-yati-gôchara-paryantaḥ s-ôrddhv-â17 dhas-[cha]turâghâța-visuddhaḥ sva-sima-paryantaḥ navatyadhik-aikadaśasatasamvatsarêshu Vaisakhê mâsi sukla-pakshe akshaya-tritlyâyâm yugadau Sukra-dinė
18 ankatô-pi samvat 1190 Vaisakha-sudi 3 Sukre érîmad-Vârânasyam Gamgâyâm snâtvâ timira-paṭala-pâtana-patu-mahasam-Ushparochisham=upasthây= [Au]shadhi
19 pati-sakala-sekharam samabhyarchchyn tribhuvana-trâtur-V vâsudêvasya
vidhaya prachura-payasêna havisha havirbhujam hutvå måtâpitrôr-âtmanas= cha punya-yasô(sô)
gokarppa]-kusalata-pûta-karakamal-ôdaka-pûrvvam-asmAbhiḥ
20 dhi(bhi)vriddhay
21 nê
Kidyapa-girlys Kadyap-Avatar-Ne(nai)dhruva-tripravarkys Vajaanlyn-k()khiGuyspala-prapastriya Lokapala-pautraya pandita-tri(il)-Madanapala-putriya pandita-sri-Dâmôdarasarmmanê saura-vrâ (brå)hmapaya
jyotib[śâ]stra-siddhânta
pamchaka-vide (da)
pradatto matva yathâdîyamâna
22 A-chamdr-ârkkam
yavach-chhasa (sa)nikritya
bhagabhogakara-pravnikars-turushkadadıda-kumaragadi&paka-prabhgiti-mama-dyn
âjñâvidhê
23 yîbbûya dasyatha || Bhavanti ch=âtra paurâpikâḥ ślôkâḥ ||
28
Gâgêkên-êti Subham ||
půjâm
¦ [i]ti || Tri(éri) [||] Likhitam thakkura-tri (érî)
D. PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA AND THE MAHARAJAPUTRA RAJYAPALA OF [VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1203.
This also is a single plate, which measures about 1' 2" broad by 11" high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about in diameter; and to the plate belongs a circular seal, about 2" in diameter, which bears in high relief, across the centre, in two lines, the legend
madárijap[n]tra-drimad-Rajyapáladiva[4]
in Nâgari letters about high; above the legend, a conch-shell; and below the legend, a spear or arrow pointed towards the proper right, with below it some device that looks like another conch-shell. The plate contains 30 lines of generally well preserved writing. The size of the letters is between and " The characters are Nâgari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v, and the dental sibilant is occasionally employed for the palatal. Besides it may be noted that the words prakshálita, sékhara, punya and támra are spelt prakhyalita, 1. 6, séshara, 1. 19, punya, 11. 20 and 23, and támora, 1. 30, respectively.
These signs of punctuation are superfluous; read -paryanto nava". 2 Read -paksha-kahaya.. Read -diné-kató.
Here follow the seven verses commencing BAdmin yaḥ pratigrihudti, Sankham bhadr-deanam, SartanRead -pradatta iti matrd. étán-bhavinah, Bahubhir-vasudhd, Gámaékám, Sva-dattám para-dattám vd, and Fat-ábhra-vibhramam.
Between nd and ti there is a letter which has apparently been erased by the engraver.

Page #180

No. 14.]
FIVE GRANTS OF GOVINDACHANDRA.
157
This inscription also is of the reign of the Paramabhaftáraka Maharajadhiraja Paramêsvara Govindachandradêva. With his consent, the Maharajaputra (or son of the Maharaja) Rajyapaladêva, endowed with all royal prerogatives, records that, on Wednesday, the 5th of the dark half of Magha of the year 1203 (given in words and figures), after bathing in the Ganges at Rajyapalapura, he granted the village of Chamaravami- with Harichandapált and two or three other patakas the names of which are doubtful- in the Valaura paltala, to the Pandita Dåmodaraśarman who has been already mentioned as donee of the grant C.- The taxes specified (in line 22) are the bhagabhôgakara, pravanikara, jalakara, gôkara and turushkadanda. The grant (támra-pattaka) was written by the Karanika, the Thakkura Vivika.
The date, for Vikrama-samvat 1203 expired and the purnimanta Mágba, corresponds to Wednesday, the 25th December A.D. 1146, when the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 8 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise. On the same day the Uttarayaņa-samkranti took place 2 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise, and the donation andoubtedly was made on account of that Sankranti, even though this is not actually stated in the grant. The localities I am unable to identify.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT. 12 . . . . . . . . . . -grimad-Govindachandradêva-pådapadma-sarmatya
88mastarajaprakri13 yopêta-maharajaputra-grimad-Rajyapaladêvô vijayi 15. Valaura-pattalâyârn 1
Khasi Pjla[pindi PJnaya[napali P] Cha[dhuha P]pall Harichandapall
éshu patakoshu saba? Chamaravámi-gra14 ma-nivAsino skhila-janapadan-apagatân=api cha raja-rajni-yuvaraja-mantri-purðhita
pratihära-sê[napati-bhåndjagarik-Akshapatalika-bhishag-naimittik-&ntahpu15 rika-data-karituragapattanákarasthanagô kuladhikari-parushanaji & payati
v0(b) dhayaty=&disati cha yathå viditam=astu bhavatâm yath=ôparili[khi"]ta
gramaḥ sa-[ja]16 la-sthals[bo] sa-lôha-lavap-Akara[h] Sa-matsy-8 kara[ho]" bha(sa)-gartt-8shara[ho]
8&-madhûka-châta-vana-vitapa-vâţika-triņa-yhti-gochara-pa[ro]yantah -ôrddhy.
Adhaś=chaturåghếta-vi[6]uddbah sva-(sima)17 paryantah varshatrayadhika-dvadesašata-samvatsare Maghemasi kfishna
pakshe pamchamyam titho(thau) Vu(bu)dha-dine yatr-enké-pi samvata(t) 1208 M&gha-vedi 5 Vu(bu)dh[@] 10 a[dy=ha fri].
Above, Vol. IV. p. 120, 1. 22, I have wrongly altered jalakara to jdtakara. Jalakara is the proper reading also in the GagahA plates, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 20, and most probably ibid. Vol. XV. p. 8, 1. 22.
ne grant of Vikrams-samvat 1199, recorded in the Gagah plates, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 20. He is possibly identical also with the Akshapatalika shakkura Viviks who wrote the grants of (Vikrams-]sam vat 1281 and 1282, treated of above, Vol. IV. Pp. 124 and 126 ff.
* Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandra, published above, Vol. IV. p. 100f., the main differences being that in the present plate the words sa cha have been inserted before the word paramabhattdraka- of line 11 of the Kamauli plate, and that the phrase sijabhujópdrjita of the same line has by mistake been omitted here.
• The 8-stroke of désa is corrected from a which originally had been engraved after chandra.- As regards the construction, one would have expected something like - Gópindachandraddod vijay ! Tad-dat-pdda padma. sarmatyd, as in the plate C., above, p. 155.
- This and the other signs of punctuation in this line are superfluous. • The reading is very doubtful; possibly two names (Ehdilapat and Nayanapali P) may be intended, * Read &bih patakaih saha.
* The sign of anusodra has been engraved over the akahara toyd, over the rite of the following -garttouhara["], and over the kd of the following -odfika..
. This and the other signs of punctuation in this line are superfluous road paryants. 10 Read Budhd-dy-dha.

Page #181

158
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
18 mad-Rajyapalapurê Gamgâyâm snåtvå vidhivan-mantra-dêva-muni-manuja-bhûtapitri-gapams-tarppayitva timira-paṭala-pâṭana-patu-mahasa [m=U]shparochisha[m=
a]pastha
19 y-Aushadhipati-sakala-sêsha (kha) ram samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-trâtur-Vvâsudevasya pûjam vidhaya prachura-payasêna havisha havirbhujam hutvå måtâpi[tr]ôr= âtmanas-cha
[VOL, VIII.
20 punya (pya)-yasô-bhivriddhayê Kasyapa-sagôtraya | Kasyap-Avatsara-Naidhruvatripravaraya I Vajasanêya-sakhine pamḍita-sri-Gupapala-p[r]apautraya | pa[m]dita-sri-Lokapala-[pautraya | pamḍita-śrî]
21 Madanapala-putraya | pamḍita-6ri-Dâmôdarasa [r] mmanê vrå (bra)hmanây=âsmâbhir= ggokarppa-kusalatâ-pûta-karatal-ôdva (da)ka-pûrnpa(rvva)m = &- cha mdr-arkkam yavach-chhiaalkritys prada[t] [matv]
22 yathadiyamâna-bhagabhôgakara-pravanika[ra]-jalakara-gokara-turushkadamda-prabhritidasyarth-8ti || Bhavanti ch=àtra dharmm
sa[m]ast-âdâyân-âjñâvidhêyîbhûya
ânu[sam (sa)]sinaḥ
23 ślôkâḥ 116
30
Likhitam ch-êdam tâmyra-pattakam karapika-thakkura
sri-Vivikên-êti |||||
E. PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA OF [VIKRAMA-JSAMVAT 1207.
This also is a single plate, which measures about 1' 5" broad by 1' 11" high, and is engraved on one side only. In the upper part it has a ring-hole, about " in diameter; and to the plate belongs a circular seal which is similar to that of the inscription A. The plate contains 26 lines of generally well preserved writing. The size of the letters is between and ". The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the letter b is denoted by the sign for v, except in the word babhramur=; occasionally the dental sibilant is employed for the palatal, and the palatal for the dental (as in sahasra, twice); and the word hamso is written hansô, in line 25.
This is another inscription of the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramésvara Govindachandradeva, who records that, on Monday, the 5th of the bright half of Pausha of the year 1207 (given in words and figures), on the occasion of the Uttarayana-samkranti, after bathing at the Kôți-tirtha at Benares, he granted the village of Lôlirupâdâ,7 together with Tivayi-kshetra, in the Umbarala pattala, to the Pandita Dâmôdarasarman, known to us already as the donee of the grants C. and D.- The taxes specified (in lines 17) are the bhagabhôgakara, pravanikara and turushkadanda. The grant (tamra) was written by Vidyadhara, the son of (the Karanika) Dhandhuka.
The date, for Vikrama-samvat 1207 expired, corresponds to Monday, the 25th December A.D. 1150, when the 5th tithi of the bright half commenced 3 h. 33 m., and the Uttarayanasamkranti took place 3 h. 48 m., after mean sunrise.
The localities I am unable to identify.
1 This and the other signs of punctuation in lines 20 and 21 are superfluous.
2 The akshara vrá is engraved over fri which had been originally engraved. Read pradatta iti matva. Read dasyathmeti.
Here follow the eleven verses commencing Bidim yah pratigrihnati, Sankham bhadr-dsanam, Bahubhir rasudha, Sarvdn-étán-bhavinah, Shashtim varsha-sahasrani, Gam-ékám, Taddgdnám sahasréna, Sva-dattám para-dattdim vd, Vari-hinéshewaranyéshu, Yan-tha datidni and Vát-ábhra-vibhramam.
7 Or, perhaps, Lolikapâda; see the note on the text.
Read támra..
This was perhaps a potaka of Lôlirupâḍa.
Dhandhaka wro e the grant of Vikrama-samvat 1201, treated of above, Vol. V. p. 115, and is most probably identical with the Thakkura Dhadhuka who wrote the grant of Vikrama-samvat 1197, noticed above, Vol. VI. p. 114.

Page #182

No. 15.]
PIKIRA GRANT OF SIMHAVARMAN.
159
11
.
.
.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT.
grimad-Gôvindachandradêvô vijayi 119 Umvarala-pattalâya 1 Tivâyi-kshetrêņa saha SLôli[ru]påå-gråma-nivåsinô nikhila-janapadá n-apagatân=
spi cha råja-rajñi-yuvara12 ja-mantri-purðhita-pratîbâra-sênåpati-bhåndagårik-Akshapatalika-bhishag-naimittik-antah
parika-data-karitrragapattanákara[sth]anagôkuladhikari-puruyà(shå)n = à jū& pa yati
| vô(bộ). 13 dhayaty-disati cha yath viditam=astu bhavatam yathparilikhita-gråmab sa-jala
sthalaḥ sa-lôha-lavaņå karaḥ sa-matsy-âkarab sa-gartt-ôsharaḥ sa-madhûk-amra-vana.
vâţikâ-vitapa-tri14 pa-(yu]ti-gochara-paryantaḥ s-ôrddhv-ådbag-chatarágháța-visuddhaḥ sva-sîma-paryantah
samvatsaranam saptadhika-dvadasasatéshu Paushe masi sukla-pakshe
pamohamyam ti[th]au Sôma-dine snke-pi samvata(t) 1207 15 Pausha-sudi 5 Sômé(ma) uttarayaņa-samkrant&v=ady-êha Srimad-Varanasyam
Kôţi-ti[rthê sn]åtvå måtåpitrôr=&tmanag=cha pu[oyal-yasô-bhivriddhayê-smábhir
ggå(ggő)karnya-kusalatå-pata-karatal-odala-pů-6 16 ryvar Kagya(Gya)pa-gótråya Kasya(6ya)p-Avatsara-Naidhți(dhru)va-tribpravarậya?
Vajasan@ya-sa[kh]ine paụdita-sri-Lókapala-pautrâya 1 pamạita-bri-Madana på la
patraya | pandita-sri-Damodarafarmma17 ne vra (bra)(hmalnky-[AR]-chandr-arkkamyâvach-chhasa niksitya pradatta matva
yathadiyamâna-bhagabhôgakara-pravaņikara-turush kadaşda-prabhfiti-sarvv- & då yå no
A[jo]ávidhêyibhûya dåsyath=êti || chha || Bhavanti ch=&tra 13 slokaḥ 11°
. . :.
Il chha | 10 Bhu-bharttur-asya karane 25 sarassiva hans811 Dhandhûka ity-aritamisra-divákarð-bhût tasy-âtmajồna gupin=edam -
alakhi tam ram Vidyadharêņa dharanitala-bhashayena || Yåvad-giran Dhanapatêr
vvasati Smarárir-yåvan-nis&pati. 26 r=amushya lalaţa-patto krođe kuranga-sisur-asya cha yavad=etat-tavat-sthiribhavata
$âsanam-asta-vighnam 11 11
No. 15.-PIKIRA GRANT OF SIMHAVARMAN.
BY PROFESSOR E. HOLTZSCH, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Two sets of ink-impressions of this copper-plate grant were sent to me by Mr. Venkayya, who had received the original on loan from the Superintendent, Government Central Museum, Madras, to whom it had been despatched by the Collector of Nellore. It was "originally sent by
Up to this the text is practically identical with that of the Kamauli plate of Govindachandra, published above, Vol. IV. p. 100 f.
1 Theme two signs of panctuation are superfluous; read vijayy=Umbardla. • This name may Osvibly have to be read Lolika pddd.. • These two signs of punctuation are superfluous.
Read -odaka pa. ..The signs of punctuation in this line are snperflsous. 7 Read Pripravurdya.
Rend pradatta iti natud • Here follow the twolvo verses commencing Blimin yas pratigrindaiSanthash bhadr.deanam, Sards dlån=bMdina). Bahubhir-rasudhd, Odmakedoh, Taddgdud sahasrana, Sua-datta da para dat din vd, Shashtin varshasahasrdni, Vari-Sindakowaranyésku, Na vishar, Yanalha daftani and Val-dbhra-vibhramam. 10 Metre here and below : Vasantatilska.
" Read hathao.

Page #183

160
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VIII.
the village Munsiff of Nelatur, Ongole tâluka, now part of the Guntur district, to the Deputy Tahsildar of Addanki and formed part of the unclaimed property of a dend Bairagi."
Mr. Venkayya furnished me with the following description :--" There are five copperplates on a ring, weighing together 70 tolas. The outer sides of the first and the last plates, which bear no letters, as well as the edges of the plates, are smooth. The plates measure almost 7' in length and 19" in height. Plates ii. to iv. are a little thicker than i. and v. Part of the writing on plate i. shows through on the blank side of it. The ring was cut by me and rivetted subsequently. The diameter of the ring is 23" and its thickness" on the average. The ends of the ring are secured in the base of an almost circular seal, which measures 13" in diameter. The seal is very much worn, but bears, in relief on a countersunk surface, an animal with mouth open and facing the proper left. It is represented sitting on a horizontal line which is in relief, and it resembles very closely the animal represented on the seal of the Uruvapalli grant (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 50). The tail of the animal is not seen, neither are its forelegs."
The engraving of the inscription is on the whole carefully done and well preserved. The language is Sanskrit prose, and three Sanskřit verses of the Rishi (Vyåsa) are quoted at the end of the inscription. The alphabet closely resembles that of the Uruvapalli and Mångalûr grants. But there is one point in which the three grants differ. In the Uruvupalli grant ta has a loop on the left, as in Tamil, and na has none. In the Många!ûr grant both the form with the loop and the one without it are used in the case of ta, while na has no loop except in kratûnam (1. 16). In the new inscription the forms with and without loop are used for both tu and na, though in the majority of cases ta has a loop and na has none. A final form of m occurs five times (Il. 13, 18, 23, and twice in l. 24). Plates i., ii.b and iv. b are marked on the left margin with the numerical symbols 1, 2 and 4, while plates iii. 6 and v. are not numbered.
The inscription opens with the same invocation of Bhagavat (Vishạn) as the Uravapalli and Mangaļor grants. It records the grant of the village of Pikira in the district named Munda-rashtra (1. 14) in the fifth year of the reign (1. 18) of the Pallava Maharaja Simhavarman (1. 14), who was the son of the Yuvamahardja Vishņugôpa (1. 9 f.), the grandson of the Maharaja Skandavarman (II.) (1.7), and the great-grandson of the Maharaja Viravarman (1.3). To the name of each of these four princes are prefixed a number of laudatory epithets which resemble those used in the Uravupalli grant, where, however, they are differently arranged and applied to the Pallava Yuvamaharaja Vishộugopavarman, his father Maharaja Skandavarman (II.), his grandfather Maharaja Viravarman, and his great-grandfather Maharaja Skandavarman (I.). In the Mangaļur grant the epithets differ, but the kings are, as in the Pikira grant, the Pallava Maharaja Simhavarman, his father Yuvarája Vishộugôpa, his grandfather Maharaja Skandavarman (II.), and his great-grandfather Maharaja Viravarman.
The date of the Pikira grant is the fifth year, and that of the Mangaļur grant the eighth year, of Simhavarman's reign. The Uruvapalli grant was made by the Yuvamaharaja Vishņugopavarman, but is dated in the eleventh year of the Maharaja Simhavarman, whose relation to the donor is not stated. Dr. Fleet concluded from this that the Sinhavarman of the Uravupalli plates was an otherwise unknown elder brother of Vishụugopa. I would propose another solution of the difficulty. The term Yuvarája or Yuvamaharaja, which is prefixed to Vishņugôpa not only in his Uruvupalli grant, but in the two grants of his son Simhavarman, suggests that he never ascended the throne, but that the succession passed from his father Skandavarman II. to his son Simhavarman. The reason of this need not have been premature deuth. If it is
Edited with photo-lithographs by Dr. Fleet in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 50 ff. and p. 154 8.

Page #184

Pikira grant of Simhavarman,
gਨ 308 ਅਨੁਮਾਨਤ ॥
ne 20 ਲ ਵ ਖ ):੫॥ : ਲਈ ਉਤੇ ਹੋ ? 83 ਝਾਕਾ: 1 4 ਤੇ 539
ਤੱ neya-3083g. 36 37 3,47ਵ੪ ੨੦੧੪ ਨੂੰu) ੬29773 : 2) ਪਲ ਨਾਨ੪ਕਬਰ 833 2038
ਹੀ ਕਰਨਾ | 2 ਏaf 8 - ਨਾ ਕੁ |
ਵੀਹ ਸਬੂਤ ਹਨ ਮਨ ਦਾ
Rਰ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ 33 ਵ੫ge 8 ਦਾ ਕਾਰਨ ਹੈ, ਕਾਕਾ ..
.
10
E. HULTZSCH.
FULL-SIZE
W. GRIGGS. PHOTO-LITH
FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED CYMRV VENKAYYA

Page #185

14
16
18
iiib.
20
22
சீர்சுசததபூவலியில் மால் க UG81F0R08 அதிரF08314 121:271090 அவரி 897119ங் குசலாரைய
8
08
iva
24
fga}AMமகியாசலைககனவகவச TC வர்த்தாவாம் வலங்கைய செவதுgžற+பது RM JYz
ib.
98னவி சாரிகள் சகளங் தங்கரங்கு வருகஅதுதய்வதிருவூராடு P1:78432 34வி:ரிகச}"18zAN81332J;
V.
கிறவனாகித•ை ஆங்கி Dடி சாவவலவும் சிறுாயவிவைறுக்கு.மமிட லுத்தும்விரிய சந்திதத்கவழக்கள் ஆசையகல் சம்ந வாதிடு ஓல
16
18
20
22
24

Page #186

No. 15.]
varman, to whose eleventh year I would assign-lághavát as an Indian philosopher would saythe Uruvupalli grant.
PIKIRA GRANT OF SIMHAVARMAN.
The Pikira grant was issued from the camp at Mên mâtura (1. 1), the Mangaļûr grant from Dasanapura,1 and the Uravupalli grant from the residence (sthana) Palakkada. I am unable to identify Mênmatura. As regards the two other names, I have shown that Dr. Burnell's identification of Palakkada with the modern Palicat is untenable." Dr. Burnell was further inclined to consider Palakkada the Telugu equivalent of the Sanskrit name Dasanapura. As stated by Dr. Fleet, this derivation is equally unsound. For the Telugu word for 'a tooth' is not pala, but pallu (genitive panti), and kada does not mean 'a town,' but a place, a side.' Nor is it safe to connect Dasanapura with its synonym Dantapura which, according to the Jataka and the Dáthávamsa, was the capital of Kalinga and may be meant for Kalinganagara, the modern Mukhalingam in the Ganjam district,?- far to the north of the Pallava territory. Thus the three ancient local names Mênmatura; Dasanapura and Palakkada are still awaiting identification. In his Annual Report for 1904-05, p. 47, Mr. Venkayya has shown that they may have to be looked for in the present Nellore district.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 Om [1] Jitam-bhagavata [1] Svasti [1] Sri-vijaya-skandhavárán Mênmatur-Avisa kat-parama-brahmanya
2 sya
sva-bahn-bal-ârjjit-órjita-kshatra-tapô-nidh[*]r=vvidhi-vihita-sarvva
maryyadasya
3 sthiti-ethitasy-m[i]mand maharajasya prithivi-tal-aika-virasya áriViravarmmaṇaḥ prapautrô=
Second Plate; First Side.
pravri
4 bhyuchchita-akti-siddhi-sampannasys bhagavad-bhakti-sadbha
5 va-sambhavita-sarvva-kalyapasy-Aneka-go-hirapya-bhamy-Adi-pradanaiḥ
6 ddha-dharma-alchayneys prajå-pålana-dakshasya lökapálända palichamaya
pratap-panata-rāja-mauḍalasya
Second Plate; Second Side.
7 16kapalasya mahatmano maharaja-ér[i]-Skandavarmmanaḥ pautrô dêva-dvija8 guru-vriddh-âpachayino
vivriddha-vinayasy-ânaka-samgrama-såhas-âva
9 mardd-ôpalabdha-vijaya-yasaḥ-prakāśasya satyatmand yuvamaharaja.
1 In the Darsi fragment, Dasanapura is called a residence (adhishthdna); Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 398. * Loc. cit. note 4.
South-Ind. Pal. sec. ed. p. 36, note. Vol. VII. p. 66, s. v. Dantapura.
Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 318, note 12.
Edited by Prof. Bhys Davids (Journal of the Pali Teat Society, 1884), II. 57, 98, 100; III. 2. 7 Above, Vol. IV. p. 187 ff.
161
From ink-impressions supplied by Mr. Venkayys.
Expressed by the same symbol as in the Mangalur grant.
10 The photo-lithograph of the Uruvupalli grant (1. 4) reads prapantrasyadohchita, which may be meant
for =óchchita-.
11 Corrected by the engraver from-deanata..
12 Read-6pachdyinó, as in 1. 6 of the Uruvapalli grant.
13 A superfluous hook is attached to the right of the ma and of the rdd6.

Page #187

162
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Third Plate; First Side.
10 fr[i]-Vishnugopasya putrah kaliyuga-dosh-âvasanna-dharmm-8ddharaṇa[i]tya-annadhasya
11 prihaplya-parkramb
rajarshi-guna-sarvva-sandoha-vijigishur-ddharmma
vijiglahub
12 bhagavat-pâd-ânuddhyâtô bappa-bhâṭṭaraka-pada-bhaktab parama bhagavató Bharadvajaḥ
Third Plate; Second Side.
13 sva-vikram-Akrânt-ânya-nripa-dri-nilayânâm yathâvad-Ahrit-ânêk-âévamêdhânâm 14 Pallavanan-dharmmamahârâja-sri-Simhavarmma Munda-rashtré Pikirê 15 mêyakân-atr-adhikrit&n=sarvvådhyaksha-vallava-sasanasañchâripas-ch =âj ñâ
grâmê grå
payaty-Ayam grâmaḥ
yam
Fourth Plate; First Side.
Vilâsasarmmape
dêva
16 Kasyapaya Taittiriyaya 17 bhoga-hala-varjjam-asmad-ayur-bala-vijay-abhivriddhayê 18 vijaya-rajya-pañchama-sa[m*]vatsar-Asvayuja-sukla-paksha-tri tiya
samêdhamâna
22 vidyatê [1] yaḥ
sarvva-parihar-ôpêtô
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
19 brahmadêyî-k[ri]ty- [A] småbhis-samprattas Tatas-sarvva-parihârair= a[ ya] m grâmaḥ parihartta
20 vya[b] par[i]barayitavya-cha [1]
Yas-ch-ôdam-'asmach-chhâsanam=
atikråmêt sa pâpas-sa
21 riran-danḍam-arhaty="Api ch=[*]tr=ârshâb sloka bhavanti || Bhumidâna-saman=dânam=[i]ha lôiên xa
[VOL. VIII.
Fifth Plate.
prayachchhati bhumith sah [11] Bahubhir-vvasudh[a] dattá
23 bahu[bh]is-ch-[A]nupâlità [1] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya [tada] phalam [11]
24 Sva-dattâm para-datta [m] vå y[8] harê [ta]
hi
sarvva-kâmân-dadâti
g[avi][m] [sata]-sahasrasya hamtuḥ pibati kilbisham [11]
1 Read gishur.
Read -vallabha-, as in 1. 18 of the Mangalûr grant. Here follows a symbol which I cannot make out. vacant space at the end of the line.
vasundharam [*]
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION.
(Line 1.) Om. Victory has been achieved by Bhagavat? (Vishnu). Hail! From the prosperous camp of victory pitched at Mênmatura,
(L. 3.) the great-grandson of the glorious Mahárája Viravarman, the only, hero on the surface of the earth,
(L. 7.) the grandson of the glorious Mahdrája Skandavarman (II.), (L. 9.) the son of the glorious Yuvamahdrája Vishnugopa,
Read -bhattáraka-.
Perhaps it is a flourish which serves to fill up the * Read édam,
Corrected by the engraver from marhati.
7 On the expression jitam bhagavatá see Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inser. p. 25, note 4.

Page #188

No. 16.]
UNDIKAVATIKA GRANT OF ABHIMANYU.
163
(L. 12.) he who meditates at the feet of Bhagavat (Vishpa), who is devoted to the feet of the lord (his) father, the fervent Bhagavata, the Bharadvája, the glorious Simhavarman, the rightful Mahardja (of the family) of the Pallaves, who are the abodes of the fortanes of other kings overcome by their own valour, (and) who according to rule have performed many horse-sacrifices, addresses (the following) order to the villagers in the village (named) Pikira in Munda-rashtra and to the general overseers (sarvadhyaksha), the favourites (vallabha) and the official messengers ($dsanasamohárin)* who are appointed to this (distriot).
(L. 15.) This village has been given by Us, having made (it) & Brahmaddya, to Vildsalarman of the Kafyapa (gôtra) (and) of the Taittiriya (såkhá), accompanied by all immunities, with the exception of the cultivated land enjoyed by temples (dévabhôga-kala), for the increase of Our length of life, power and victory, on the third (tithi) of the bright fortnight of Agvayuja in the fifth year of (Our) reign of growing victory.
L. 19.) "Therefore this village must be exempted and caused to be exempted with all immunities. And that wicked man who will transgress against this Our edict, is liable to corporal punishment. And with reference to this there are also the following) verses of the Rishi (vis. Vy&sa)."
[LI. 21–24 contain three of the customary verses.]
No. 16.-UNDIKAVATIKA GRANT OF ABHIMANYU.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). These copper-plates formed part of the collection of Dr. Bhau Daji; but there is no information as to where they came from. The inscription on them was already published by the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Journ. Bombay Branch, R. As. Soc., Vol. XVI. p. 88 ff., and was oritically examined by Dr. Fleet in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XXX. p. 509 ff. At his desire I here re-edit the text, to accompany the Plate now published, from excellent ink-impressions supplied by him. Dr. Fleet contributes the following remarks :
"The present facsimile of the plates has been prepared, under my superintendence, from ink-impressions made by me in 1886, when I obtained the original plates on loan, for that purpose, through Major F. H. Jackson, Baroda. The goal has been done from a photograph of it which was made on the same occasion.
"The copper-platos are three in number, each measuring about 6" by 21". They are quite smooth, without any rims either fashioned or raised. They are fairly thick; and consequently the letters, though fairly deep, do not show through on the reverse sides at all. The engraving is good; except in a few letters, where the strokes were not firm and deep enough to finish them off properly. The interiors of some of the letters shew marks of the working of the engraver's tool. At several places on plates ii.b and iii. the surface has split and broken away, so that the writing is damaged there; the remainder of the record is in good order.
1 On dappa-bhattdraka-pada-bhakta see above, Vol. IV. p. 143 and noto 7. ? Compare above, Vol. VI. p. 88 and note 8.
• The synonymous torm djidaanchdrin occurs in Gupta Inor. p. 287, text line 21; p. 246, text line 24; and above, Vol. III. p. 261, text line 18.
I supply this word from the Uruvupalli grant which reads (1.28 f.) - farminwpishayd sar podyuktakda sarovanaiyy6k4 (!) rajasallabhd) sacharantakaiacha. In both case the district of Mupd-rashtra is meant.
. Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 167, note 1, and above, Vol. VII. p. 66.

Page #189

164
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
“The ring is oval, about thick and l" to 1" in diameter. It had been cut before the time when it came into my hands. The seal is not of the customary kind. It was formed by Alattening out part of the ring to a thickness of only about }"; thus producing a six-sided surface, about 1" by 1}", carved like the opposite part of the ring. The emblem on it - which I take to be & sinha, couchant to the left (proper right), with jaws open and tongue protruding between them,- W&B done in outline, rather roughly, in that surface. The weight of the three plates is 101 OL.; and of the ring and seal, 1 oz. : total, 11 or."
Dr. Fleet assigns the inscription, on palæographical grounds, to approximately the seventh centary A.D. The upadhmaniya occurs thrice (11. 5, 7 and 13). A horizontal dash is used as a mark of panctuation in four cases. The language is Sanskrit. The genealogical portion contains 2 verses, and two other verses are quoted at the end. The remainder of the inscription is in prose. The Sandhi rules are neglected before u in 11. 15 and 16. The vowel ri and the syllable ri are mixed up in drishta (1. 6) and tripargga (1. 8). Other irregularities are varita for varsa (1.5), punya for punya (1.7), and Jayasingha for Jayasinha (1. 18).
The inscription is of historical importance because it contains the earliest mention of Rashtrakata kings. These princes seem to have belonged to a branch distinct from that of the Malkhøy family, whose crest was the Garuda, while the seal of this grant bears a lion. The genealogical portion opens with the statement that "there was a king named Månanka, who W&the ornament of the Rashtrakūtas, whose glory is adorned with a multitude of many virtues." His son was Devaraja (1. 3 f.). He had three sons (v.2), - among them Bhavishya, whose son was Abhimanyu (1. 11). While the latter resided at Manapuram (1. 12 f.), he granted a small village (grámaka) named Undikaveţika (1. 15).
If we look for the name of the donee, we are confronted by two genitives : Dakshina-Sivasya (1. 14 f.) and Jafabhara-praprajitarya (1. 15 f.). Dr. Fleet connected the first with the following word Undskavafokd and translated the second by" (the god) who has left his home (at the place belonging to him as Dakshina-Siva) and has gone abroad to (and settled at) Jatabhåra," which he identified with a temple called 'Jutta Shankar,' s.c. Jata-Samkara. To this may be objected that the time-hallowed technical meaning of pravrajita is one who has left home to become a religious mendicant,' and that this word would hardly be used with reference to an idol instead of the ordinary pratishthapita. The two genitives can be explained by taking the first as the name of the donee and the second, as was done by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji,as the name of a Pabupata ascetio in charge of the temple, to whom the grant was made over on behalf of the temple by pouring water into his band. Hence I would translate 1. 12 ff. as follows:
"He who was adorning Manapuram by residing at (it), gave, in order to increase the religious merit of (his) mother and father, the small village named Undikavâţika to (the temple of) Dakshiņa-Siva belonging to [Petha)-Pangaraka, by pouring water into the hands) of the ascetic JatábhAra. Towards this (grant) nobody should practise deceit."
According to 1. 18 the grant was made" in the presence of Jayasinha, the commanders (of the fort) of HarivatBakotta." The inscription ends with two of the customary verses.
As regards the localities mentioned in this record, the 'Dakshiņa-Siva (temple) belonging to [Pétha)-Pangaraka' had been identified in the Bombay Gazetteer with the Mahadeva temple
Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 886. • Atter patdkd, 1. 6, praoridd dd, 1.7, badmindthd4, 1. 9, and at the end of 1. 19. ... 1. Val YYY n. 810. 611. 818.

Page #190

Untikavatika grant of Abhimanyu.
3. கல்தாம் - 3 - உடது). AT AT இந்த பாரதி R373
நகட்டில் வைத்தது -
லால் அறுப AND IRS P
J. F. FLEET.
w. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FULL-SIZE.

Page #191

1b.
دورة : 82 3 رام 1
ان 1 ل ت ) والتي ل
اسلا م ل ا . قیام 85 طنز
G
علي لا قلت ليك n و هم مجبور در ایران
م 1
2 8
= را الي اخته الت
امکان و
فک
*
3
*

Page #192

No. 16.)
UNDIKAVATIKA GRANT OF ABHIMANYU.
168
near Pagåra, which is about four miles north of Pachmarhi. In endorsing this identification, Dr. Fleet suggested that Undikavâţika, the village granted, may be one of two villages named
Oontiya' in the same neighbourhood. He was inclined to identify Manapuram with Manpur near Bandhogarh ' in Rewa, provided that the Manapuram of the inscription was to be understood as the capital of Abhimanya, not as a temporary camp of his. That the former alternative is correct, may perhaps be concluded from the name Manapuram itself, which seems to be derived from Månånka, the name of Abhimanya's great-grandfather, and to mean the town or capital of Måns or Månånka.'
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om
svagti [II] Aneka-guna-gan-Alankita-yasaskih 2 Rashtrakatána[m] [t]ilaka-bható Mananka iti r&ja 3 babhava [1] tasya vigrahavan-iva Dôvaraja(jo) Déva4 râj-êti Bunuh [io] Yasy-"Anya-bha mipatibhir vvijit-A[bh]i5 månair-uchchhrdyi-vangs-nihit&s=8VA-yasab-pe
Second Plate; First Side." 6 taka | dri(dpi)shta chirar pratidinah nanu drisyatd cha 7 Gang-dva punya (nya)-Balila puratah-pravri(djdhAh? (II) [10]
Tagy-åtma8 já jita-ripor=vvijita-tri(tri)varggå jAtag=trayas-sakala
9 råjaka-bhumináthAh! yais-sangardshu samapátta-ma30 dA[n ]sapatna[-*]jitvå hfita Baha bhavá vipula
npipa-brish || 2*] 11 Tashan Bhavishyasya guto-Bhimanyuh
Second Plate; Second Side. 12 sauryy-8[r*]ja-ra pais=sadfig-Bhimanyo [io] Tons Mana13 puram-adhyâsanên-Alankorvvata
matapitröhepu14 nya-nimitt-abhivriddhaya (Petha)-10Pangarakiya-Dakshiņa15 Siva[s]ya [O]pdikavatika nama gråmako Jatabhara16 právra [ji]tasya adaka-pürvyako dattaḥ [1] (a)tra na
k[e]n17 chikils vydjaḥ karttavyaḥ [l*)
Third Plate. 18 Harivatsakoçta-nigraha-Jayasinghe-lamaksham [1] 19 anyach-cha (1"] Ba[h]ubhir-yvasudh bhukta rajabhiḥ
[8a]gar-&[a]ibhiḥ 1
Ind. Ant. Vol. XXX. p. 611 and note 16.
• Ibid. p. 514. - From Dr. Fleet's ink-impressions.
• Expressed by a symbol. Metre of verses 1 and 8: Vaantatilaka.
Reed -asha-rihitd roa. Cancel the pisarga.
• The second half of this Indravajrá verse is missing. . As pointed out by Dr. Meet (Ind. Ant. VoL XXX. p. 609, note 1), the correct expression would be puny-dbhiosiddhi-nimittad.
1. This word is much damaged.
11 Dr. Fleet (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXX. p. 509, note 2) read. Dotikandfibd, but the subscript d of the second syllable of Updio differs in shape from the ot drishfa (1.6), kofta (1. 18) and shashfi (1. 201.). 19 Bead chit or, more correctly, olid,
Read -Jayaridha..

Page #193

166
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
20 yasya yasya yadá bh[m]is-tasya tasya tad& phalaria (11"]
She21 shţi-varsha-sahasråņi vargge modati bhQmi-daḥ [1] 22 Achchhêtts ch=Anumanta cha tany-dva narakê vase[t] [ll]
No. 17.-EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH.
BY J. Pa. VOGEL, LIT.D.; LAHORE. In the course of excavations carried on by Mr. F. O. Oertel in the winter of 1904-05 at 8&rnáth near Benares, & considerable number of epigraphs, besides a wealth of other archeological materials, have come to light. Mr. Oertel intends giving a full account of his explorations in the Annual Report of the Archeologioal Survey for that year. But as it will be some time before this is published, it seems desirable to render the most important of his epigraphical discoveries at once available to European scholars. It is hoped that this early publication of the inscriptions will not only be welcome, but that it may attract a discussion of the new finds among experts and thus lead to a solution of the various problems which will be indicated in the course of the following pages.
I.-INSCRIPTIONS ON THE ASOKA PILLAR,
a, b, c, d, -Inscription of Asoka. Earliest in date is an inscription in Brahmi of the Maurya period, cut on the shaft of a monolith of highly polished and fine-grained limestone. Its appearance agrees well with that of the pillar "bright as jade" which, according to Hiuen Tsiang, marked the spot where Sakyamuni began to "turn the wheel of the Law." Unfortunately only the lower portion of the shaft was found in situ. Evidently the pillar had been wilfully thrown down and mati. lated, probably in that same "great final oatastrophe," of which Major Kittoe received so vivid an impression in the course of his Sárnáth excavations. Besides large portions of the upper part of the shaft, a Persepolitan capital of excellent workmanship was unearthed. It bears four sitting lions, carrying a wheel, another indication of the pillar being identical with that described by Hiuen Tsiang.
That its height cannot have reached the 70 feet of Hiuen Triang's pillar does not seem a serious objection, as the figure is only approximate, and it must be remembered that there is always a tendency to overestimate the height of monuments. What is more inexplicable is that Hinen Tsiang neither connects its origin with Asoka nor mentions the fact of its being inscribed. As to the latter point, I agree with Mr. Oertel's explanation that at the time of Hinen Tsiang's visit most of the inscribed part of the shaft must have been under ground. This was certainly the case at the moment of its destruction. For, in order to lay bare the inscription, Mr. Oertel had to cut through several concrete floors, superimposed one above the other, as the ground gradually rose above the original level. It is due, indeed, to this circumstance that most of the inscription has been preserved.
Mr. Oertel succeeded in recovering three inscribed fragments, from which it may be inferred that the destroyed portion consisted only of the first three lines of the epigraph. It will be seen that of the uppermost line of the main portion still in situ (i.a on the Plate), several of the letters are injured and the concluding part is broken off. This missing part of twelve aksharas is supplied by one of those three fragments (i.d), which also contains the end of the preceding
1 Si-yu-ki (Beal), Vol. II. p. 46.
4. 8. R. Vol. I. p 126.

Page #194

No. 17.]
EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH.
167
line, consisting of two fragmentary and nine entire aksharas. Of the former we find the minging upper portions on another small fragment (i.c), which contains one entire akshara besides, and thus adds three to the nine aksharas mentioned. It will, moreoyer, be noticed that between the two lines of fragment i.d there runs a dark line, which indicates where the uppermost floor met the shaft and left its mark upon it. There can be no doubt as to the original position of these two fragments, which fit exactly to the lower part of the shaft preserved in situ.
This is not the case with the third fragment (1.b), which has the first two syllables of three lines. But below its third line we find the same traces of the floor as are found on frag ment i.d. This shows that in this third line wo have the two initial syllables of the same line, the end of which is preserved on fragments i.c and i.d. Above the first line of i.a enough open space remains to make it unlikely that there was another line above it. We see, moreover, that the two syllables preserved read devd, which, if continued -nam-piye Piyadasi lújd, would form the well-known opening formula of several of the Asoka edicts. We may, therefore, assume that fragment i.b contains the beginning of the first three lines of the original epigraph. It follows from this that the appermost line in situ is the fourth line of the whole inscription which, consequently, consisted of eleven lines. Their average length is 60 cm., but the last line measures only 21.5 om. The size of the letters varies from 13 to 2.8 om. They are cut very clearly, and are legible throughout, except in portions of the third and fourth lines.
It is a question of primary importance whether we are justified in attributing the inscription to Asoka. That the Dharmaraja would erect a memorial pillar on the spot where the Master preached his first sermon-as, indeed, we know he did on the place of his birth and on that of his parinirvana- seems à priori most plausible. The fine monolith with its splendid capital and well-engraved inscription in the Maurya character would seem to point to no lesser founder than the great Buddhist emperor. But the epigraph itself affords a moro positive proof. I need not quote as evidence my explanation of the first two aksharas of i.l, which, though plausible, is hypothetical itself. The same remark applies to a conjectural restoration of pilgu in the third line of the same fragment to Púfalipute the only word of the Asoka inscriptions beginning with those syllables.
The following two points seem to me to be decisive. In the sixth line we read : Hevan-devananpiye-cha- "Thus speaks His sacred Majesty." And in the eighth line mention is made of the Mahúmatas, evidently no others than the Dhammamahúmatas or superintendents of the sacred Law' whom, according to the fifth rock edict, Asoka had appointed thirteen years after his anointment. In the seventh pillar edict it is, moreover, stated that these officials would be occupied with the affairs of the Sangha also, and it is clear that to these the Sârnáth inscription refers. We read in the fifth line: hevan-iyan-sdsane bhikhra-8amghasi-cha bhikhuni-sainghasicha vinna payitaviye- "Let thus this order be brought to notice in the congregation of the monks and in the congregation of the nuns." And the monks themselves are evidently addressed in the following pagsage (1. 6 f.): "Not only has such an edict been laid down for you. But you must also lay down exactly such an edict for the lay-members."
It would follow from the above that the Sárnáth pillar was erected after the institution of the Mahamatas, i.e. not before the fourteenth year of Asoka's abhish&ka (about B.C. 255). It seems not unlikely that its erection took place on the occasion of Aśôka's pilgrimage to the holy places of Buddhism in 249 B.C. It may at first seem surprising that the epigraph- at least
1 It is, of course, also possible that the Instrumental case was used, w in the Rummindel (or Padariya) and Nigliva pillar inscriptions : Devdnan-piyena Piyadasina ldjina ; se above, Vol. V. p. 1 ff.
1 Rock edict V. 7. The word is only found in the Girnår inscription, while the other versions substitute ia, hidat, hidd, here;' se Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 453. • Ibid. pp. 458 and 467.
• Ibid. p. 289 ft. • V. A. Smith, The Early History of India (Oxford 1904), p. 189.

Page #195

1 68
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
its preserved portion does not contain any reference to the event which, in all probability, it was meant to commemorate. But at the time of its erection such a reference must have appeared superfluous. It is noteworthy that, though the Rummindet inscription twiee refers to the Baddha's birth, the reference is, in reality, incidental. The pillar was erected, not to commemorate this fact, but to record Agoka's visit and his liberality on that occasion.
The language of the Sarnath insoription presents the same characteristios, peculiar to the MAgadut dialect, as are found in the rock ediots of Kalei, Dhauli and Jangada, the pillar edicts of Radia, Mathia and Rampärva, the Rapnåth, Bairat and Sahasram odiots, and in the Barabar cave inscriptions. These characteristios are the Nominative Singular Masculine ending in e, the substitution of 1 for r and of n for the exclusive use of the dental sibilant, and of forms like hevan for fuam and hedise for idrida:
It will be seen that our epigraph contains several words not met with in any of the other A80ka inscriptions & point which, though adding to its interest, increases the difficulty of its interpretation. On the other hand, the fact that in the beginning we find a passage correspond. ing to the fragmentary Kosambi-Sanchi edict, and at the end one which recurs in the Råpnáth ediot, is important for the interpretation not only of the Sarnath inscription, but also of the parallel passages quoted.
In publishing my version of the inscription I wish to acknowledge thankfully the great benefit derived from a number of explanatory notes which I owe to the kindness of Prof. Kern, who has authorised me to give them publicity here. Dr. T. Bloch has also favoured me with some valuable remarks to be noticed in the sequel. In my transcript I have followed Dr. Bühler's system of joining by a hyphen such words as are written continuously in the original.
TEXT. 1 Deva[nath-piye Piyadasi 1Aja*) 2 e [la'] . . 3 Pata[lipute]. . . . . . .ye-kena-pi samghe-bhetave-e-chur-kho 4 [bhikh-vs-bhikhani-va] sathgham-bh[i]khati se-odatâni-dus[2]ni samnandha
payiy&-Andvasasi 5 Avasayiye [1] Hevam.iyath-sdsane bhikha-samghasi-cha bhikhuni-samghasi-cha
vinnapayitaviye [1*] 6 Hevan-devanan-piyo-aha [l*) Hedisi-cha-ika-lipf tuphakartika-huvå-ti samsala
nasi-nikhita [1] 7 Ikan-cha-lipim-hedisam-eva apasakanantikan-nikhipatha [lo] Te-pi-cha-upåsak &
Anuposathan-gåva 8 etam-eva-sâsanam visvamsayitave (1) Anuposatham-cha-dhuvaye ikike-'mahâmåte
posathaye 9 yâti etam=eva-skaanam vispatsayitave Ajánitare-cha [lo] Avatake-cha
taphAkan-ahale 10 avata-vivåsayatha-tophe etena-viyamjanena [*] Hem-eva-savesu-kota-visavesu
etena 11 viyamjanena vivas&payatha [ll"]
The meaning of this letter is doubtful. It resembles most the sign for I, but the stroke to the proper right is slanting downward, and not horizontal w in saralanari (1. 6).
It will be noticed that initial ( is exprewed here in another way than in iyan (1. 6), ika (16) and ikan (1.7). In the latter two dota are beroath and the third above; in ikike (for (kaika) we have just the reverse. It is posible that in the second came bus to be read. We find post-consonantic in lip (1.6).

Page #196

No. 17.]
EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT SARNATH.
169
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.)-[His sacred Majesty king Piyadasi] .... (1.3) at Pataliputta....
Whatsoever (1. 4) monk or nun begs his food(?), let him be provided with clean (or white) cloths and reside in another residence (or monastery). (L. 5.) Thus should this order be made known in the congregation of the monks and in the congregation of the nuns. (L. 6.) Thus speaks His sacred Majesty. Not only has such an edict been laid down (by me) for you so that you should remember “So be it!" (L. 7.) Bat you must also lay down exactly such an edict for the lay-members. Let the lay-members also go on each sabbath (1. 8) in order to familiarize themselves with this order. Also on each sabbath regularly will each superintendent go to the sabbath (service) (1.9) in order to familiarize himself with this order and to understand it. And as far as your district (reaches), (1. 10) walk ye everywhere according to this proclamation. In like manner cause (others) in all towns and provinces (1.11) to walk according to this proclamation.
REMARKS. Line 3. bhetave.- Dr. Bloch remarks: “I felt inclined at first to explain this word as bhéttavyaḥ or bhéttum from bhinatti, and I supposed that the order (Adsanam) in the beginning contained injunctions against quarrelsome monks or nuns, who tried to cause schisms in the Sangha (Pali: sanghan bhinditui). I tried to get out of bh[i]khati some similar word of the same meaning, and to translate the sentence: "A monk or nun who cause schisms in the Sangha, let them put on white cloths (instead of the ordinary yellow robe) and take their living in some other place" (anúvásasi=any dvasé). This would enable us to translate the end of the edict, from Avatake-cha-tuphakan-dhale (1. 9) thus: "As far as your district (? áhâle) goes, everywhere turn yé ont (vinasayatha) [a monk or nun creating disturbances] with this mark (etena viyamjanena, viz. white cloths)." But I confess that I cannot see how bhikhati, or whatever the reading may be, can be made to convey a similar meaning."-Chuth-kho, as Dr. Bloch notes, "stands for chu-kkho (Skr. tu khalu), the group ikh baving taken the place of kkh (Prkt. kkho), as we have nna for nna in viina payitaviye (1. 5)."
L. 4, bhikhati.- The vowel-stroke of the first syllable is broken, but from the little that remains I feel inclined to read rather i than o. On the Allahabad pillar the akshara is missing, but was restored by Bühler as bho on the strength of the SAñchi inscription. But in the latter also, judging from the facsimile, the vowel-stroke is far from certain and can as well be read bhi. Another difficulty is presented by the word sanghan, which Bühler took to be a Nominative used as an apposition with bhikhd-va-bhikhuni-vd," the community, both monk and nun." In the light of the Sárnáth inscription this interpretation can hardly be maintained. It should be noticed that the word saghan is connected with the following bhikhati, and not with the preceding bhikhú-va-bhikhuni-va. Dusdni is the Plural of dusan, Pali dussa, Skr. dúshya.
Samnandhapayiya (for which Kosambi and Sañohi have sannandhápayitu) belongs, according to Prof. Kern, to the causative of sannandhati=Skr. samnahyati. Compare Pali pilandhati=Skr. pinahyati, originally pinadhyati, from the root nadh (past participle naddha, and Latin nodus from noddhus*); cansative pilandhápeti. "The difference in meaning," Prof. Kern remarks," between pilandhápeti and sannandhåpeti cannot be great. We may, therefore, ronder it by to provide with' (cloths in the Accusative case)."
L. 5, vinnapayitaviye (Skr. vijnápayitavyam), from vinnapeti, Pali viftfiapeti (Skr. vijñápayati), the causative of Sanskrit-Pali vijanati. It should be noticed that Asoka, in making his wishes known to the Sangha, uses the respectful term vinnapeti, and not dnapets (compare anapitáni in pillar edict VII.). For the transition of vijna to oinna- compare chhandannani in pillar edict IV. for Skr. chhandojñiani.

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L. 6, tuphakantikam, and updsakána intikam (1. 7) contain the Genitive Plural of tuphe (Nom. Plur.) and updsaka combined with the postposition antikarh (see Childers, s. v.), 'penes tos' and penes laicos.' Prof. Kern adds that we might assame an etymological spelling tuphakamanitikan in which the anusvára became elided." For such an elision of anusvára between two vowels is found in the Vedic metrical system, in the metrical portions of the Pali texts, and in the Sanskritized Buddhist gáthás, just as 6.g. in Latin templum Apollinis becomes templápollinis. Roth has rightly remarked (s. v. samana) that samanova (Rigu. VI. 75, 4 and elsewhere) represents samanam iva. In the same way we have devamáneva chitram (Rigv. X. 107, 10) for dåvamånam iva chitrám, and not for devamånd iva chitrám as explained in the Padapatha." Another interesting instance is pointed out by Prof. Kern in Rigu. VIII. 59, 2. "The traditional reading indran tam fumbha puruhanmann ávusé is metrically impossible, as the last four syllables must be u-u Now what has happened? The words of the poet were manavase, which stands for manam avase. The diaskeuasts took puruhanmano for a Vocative, and as they did not understand the á in 'ávase, they shortened it. In applying the Sandhi rule of Sanskpit grammar, they changed man into mann and omitted the accent of puruhanmanam which they took for a Vocative, but which in reality is an epithet of indram, meaning who has slain many.' In this manner they gave birth to the Rishi Puruhanman!"
Huvá Prof. Kern derives from the Skr. Conj. Aor. bhuvat, the a being lengthened on account of the following ti.- Sansalanasi is the Locative of samsalanan, which both Prof. Kern and Dr. Bloch explain as the equivalent of Skr. samsmarana, remembrance. The expression samsalanasi nikhita (Skr. samsmarané nikshipta) would, therefore, mean –pat to memory.'In l. 7 yavu is the 3rd Pers. Plur. Opt. of yati.
L. 8, visvamsayitave.- From the manner in which the words are connected it is evident that visvansayitave (again in 1. 9) is to be regarded as one word, and not as the adjective visvan (Skr. vifuam) + a verb savitave. Prof. Kern and Dr. Bloch agree in interpreting visvamsayitave as corresponding with Skr. visvasayitum, to be taken in a reflexive sense, "to make oneself familiar with. As instances of a similar use of a causative verb Prof. Kern quotes darsayitum, which sometimes has the meaning to show oneself.' For aso instead of uso he compares the Jaina Prakrit niyansei and niyamsávei=Skr. nivasayati, whereas we have the reverse in visa=Skr. vimsa', tisa=Skr. trimsat, chattálisa=Skr. chatvárimbat.
Anuposatham-cha-dhuvaye occurs also in pillar edict V.: dhuraye-cha-anuposathan, constantly on each fast-day,' where Bühler (Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 264) explains dhuvdye=Skr. dhruvaya. Compare also Kálsi rock edict I. : no-dhuve, 'not regularly' (in the Shahbâzgarhi version no dhruram).
L. 9, dhale.- Prof. Kern is of opinion that dhâle cannot correspond here with Skr. áhára. * Childers," he says, "has ahdro='food, nourishment; cause' (more correctly : 'ground, basis '). But there are in reality two different words which have coincided in form, namely, dháro, 'food' (=Skr. dhara), and áháro, 'ground' (=Skr. adhara). It seems to mean 'territory' in the compound sahára (Mahavagga, VI. 30, 4), ' with all the territory. In any case dhale here equals adhára, and its meaning must be territory, field of business,'” In his rendering of the Rūpnáth edict M. Senart has adopted the meaning food' for dhale ; but the concluding sentence of the Sárnáth inscription leaves little doubt about the correctness of Prof. Kern's interpretation. It will be seen from the above that Dr. Bloch has arrived independently at the same conclusion. I may add that in later inscriptions also the word has the meaning of *& territorial division.' Compare Burgess, Buddhist Cave Temples (London 1883), p. 113, fontnote 4,
L. 10, cavata. Compare rock edict II, (KAlbi): savata vijitasi, everywhere in the empire.'-Viyanjana (Skr. vyafljana) must here (and in l. 11) have a different meaning from that

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assigned to it by Bühler in the expression hetuvatd-chd viya mjanate-cha (rock edict III.), both according to the letter and according to the spirit. The sense attached to it by M. Senart in the Rūpnåth edict is evidently the one to be applied bere also. The Sârnâth inscription, more. over, places it beyond doubt that M. Senart's reading of the corresponding passage in that edict is correct. The original meaning of vyanjana is manifestation, from which that of a royal proclamation can be easily derived. In connection with the Rûpnath legend this interpretation seems to me preferable to that suggested above by Dr. Bloch.
Vivasayitha is the 2nd Plur. Imper, of viváseti. Compare vivasetavaya in the Rūpn&th edict, which M. Senarto translates : il vous faut partir en mission. But as in the Sarnath inscription apparently no reference is made to missionary duties, I feel inclined to assign to it a more general meaning, either to go about for inspecting purposes' as suggested by Prof. Kern, or 'to conduct oneself,' a meaning which could be derived from that of' to spend one's time'attached to Skr. vivasati. That, in any case, vivasayatha, though a causative in form, can hardly have a causative meaning, appears from the following vívásápayatha (1. 11), the 2nd Pers. Plur. Imper. of a verb vivásåpeti which can be nothing but a causative of vivaseti. This prevents me from accopting the interpretation suggested by Dr. Bloch.
L. 11, kota-visavesu.-Prof. Kern agrees with me in explaining visavest as the equivalent of Skr. vishayeshu and quotes the following parallel cases : ussava avasyaya; pavachchhati, v. l. pavechchhati= prayachchhati; tavatinsa =trayastriméa ; kuldvaka=kuldyaka ; kedsdva=kashaya. In the Asöka inscriptions we bave avuti (pillar edict IV.)=Skr. dyukti, and the terminations of the 3rd Pers. Sing and Plar. Opt. ova (Skr. oyat) and ovu (Skr. 'yur), e.g. pdpova (pillar edict IV.)=Skr. prápnwyát.
It is more difficult to explain kota. Prof. Kern proposes to render the compound either by 'territory belonging to the resort of a capital' or by rural district,' as in Tamil kottam has the meaning of an agrionltural town or village. I have translated it as & dvandua compound. That kota, 'a fort, can be used to designate a fortified city, is evident from placenames like Nagar-kot (i.e. Kangrå city) and Pathån-koţ (for Pratishthana-kota).
0,1.- Additional inscriptions on the Agôka pillar. Besides the Agôka ediot, the Sarnath pillar contains two records of a later date, each consisting of only one line. The older of the two (i.e) is incised partly beneath the Asöka inscription, continuing, as it were, its last short line. Though the engraving of the letters, which measure from 1 to 7 cm., is inferior to that of the principal record, there can be little doubt about the reading, with the exception of the first word which is partly destroyed. The length of the line, as far as preserved, is exactly 1 m. I read it as follows :3
....rpårigeyhe rajña Asvaghoshasya chatarise savachhare hematapakhe prathame divase dasame.
"[In the fortunate reign] of Rajan Asvaghosha, in the fortieth year, in the first fortnight of winter, on the tenth day."
It will be seen that the sign for anusvåra is omitted throughout (read: chatarimse, samyachhare, hemantapakhe), and that the long d of rájfia and chatari[mn]de is not indicated, unless the very slight extension to the proper left of the top of rand 1 is meant to serve that purpose. It is probable that at the beginning there was some expression equivalent to the vardhamana-kalyana-vijaya-rdjye of later inscriptions.
1 See Senart, Les Inscriptions de Piyadasi (Paris, 1886), Vol. II. pp. 169ff, and 103 f.
Ibid. p. 182 ff. • The beginning of this inscription is shown on the Piste containing the Aboks adint, and the continuation of i on the second Plate of Sarnath inscriptions. The first letter of Alvaghoshasya appears on both Plates.-E..] • For geyha see Prof. Pischel's Grammatik der Prdlerit-Sprachen, 572.
z 2

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The title rajan added to the name Asvaghosha forbids us from identifying him with the eighth Buddhist patriarch and author of the Buddhacharita. It is true that in later India worldly titles are not uncommonly applied to spiritual worthies. Thus the term sarighardja is the modern title of the principal ecclesiastical functionary in Burma. But it is doubtful whether that onstom can be referred to the period to which our inscription belongs. Nor does it seem over to have been the custom to date documents after the pontifical reign of the head of the church. It is more likely that the date refers to the era of Kanishka, and that the name of the local ruler of the time was added to the Genitive according to the established custom.
The characters well agree with this supposition. The angular ga and fa approach the forms of the Maurya Brahml. But on the whole the script resembles most closely that of the Kushana period. Compare e.g. the akshara sya with that of the Kanishka inscription beneath. Some of the letters, like re, pa and sa, show a somewhat later type. Thug the epigraph may be assigned to the reign of Huvishka. The language, a mixture of Prakrit and Sanskrit, points to the same conclusion.
Another inscription (i.f.) of a still later date is engraved to the proper left of the Asoka inscription and above that of Asvaghosha's reign. It consists of one line, 52 cm. long. The size of the letters varies from 1 to 5 cm. It is evidently not the work of a professional stonecutter. Some of the characters are moreover injured, which makes their reading somewhat doubtful. My reading is as follows :
Â[cha]ryyana Sa[mmi]tiyanam parigraha Vatsiputrikanan. " Homage of the masters of the Sammitiya (?) sect (and) of the Våtsiputrika school."
On account of its characters, which resemble those of the early Gupta records, this epigraph may be attributed to the fourth century A.D. The language, it will be noticed, is more Sanskritic than that of the previous inscription. But the long 8 is not everywhere indicated (read: acharyyanam Sammitiyana). In parigraha the last syllable ought to be ho.
Unfortunately the second syllable of the second word is uncertain. If the proposed reading be correct, it would afford an interesting proof of the correctness of a Tibetan tradition, according to which the Våtsiputriyas were & subdivision of the Sammitiys sect. As stated by Hiuen Tsiang, the large convent which once stood at Sarnath accommodated fifteen hundred monks of this sect. Vatsiputra was one of the fathers of the Buddhist church, who, according to a Tibetan source, collected the words of the Lord two hundred years after his parinirvana.
II.-FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF ASVAGHOSHA'S REIGN. It is curious that the name of Rajan Asvaghosha occurs again on the fragment of a stone slab (height 16.5 cm.), which Mr. Oertel discovered, almost at the surface, some 70 feet to the north-east by east of the vihara which formed the centre of his explorations. It contains the first portions of two lines of a well engraved inscription, which I read :
1 RAño Asvaghosha[sya) . . . . . 2 Upala he[ma][mtapakhe P] . . . . "[In the reign) of Rajan Asvaghosha, [Upala (®), [in the fortnight of winter PJ
T'he characters are the same as those of Ašvaghosha's inscription on the Asoka pillar.
* See Childers, Dictionary of the Pali Language, .. . sangho.
See Senart, Journal Asiatique, série 8, Vol. XV. (1890), p. 127 f. * See Prof. Ken's Gorchiedenis, Vol. II. PP. 854 and 443 .

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M.-INSCRIPTIONS OF THE THIRD YEAR OF KANISHKA. These inscriptions are incised on a colossal standing Bodhisattva statue, and on an octagonal stone shaft which once carried an ambrella placed over the image. That the two objects belong together is evident from their epigraphs, both of which record the donation of a Bodhisattva and of an umbrella with a shaft (chhatra-yash(t) on the same date and by the samo donors. The inscriptions are dated in the third year of Maharaja Kanishka (spelled Mahúraja Kanishka), the third month of winter, the twenty-second day, and thus are the earliest records in which the name of the great Kushaņa ruler occurs. They supply, however, no absolute proof that at that time Kanishka's rule extended as far as Benares, as there is no evidence that the donors were inhabitants of Kåst. On the contrary, it will be seen in the sequel that the latter came more probably from Mathura and erected the image on the occasion of a pilgrimage to the sacred sites of Buddhism.
What adds considerably to the interest of these inscriptions is the fact that the chief donor, Frier Bala, a master of the Tripitaka and fellow of Friar Pushyavuddhi, must be identical with the donor of the śråvasti image in the Calcutta Museum, to which Dr. Bloch devoted an excellent article in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengul. If the identity of the names alone (that of the monk Pushyavnddhi is partly missing in the Srávasti inscription) were not considered sufficient proof, the striking similarity of the two inpages in style and workmanship and of their inscriptions in language and script canuot leave any doubt as to the correctness of my conclusion. It is not a little curious that we meet the name of Friar Bala for the third time on an inscribed Bodhisattva image from Mathura, preserved in the Lucknow Museum, as the spiritual preceptor of the nun Buddhamitra whose name is also found among the donors of the Sårnåth image. The Mathura image is dated in the reign of Maharaja Huvishka in the year 33, which makes it exactly thirty ycars posterior to the Sårnåth one.
Two names found in the Sârnâth inscriptions, to wbich a considerable amount of interest attaches, are Kharapallâns and Vanaspara (or Vanashpara). On the umbrella shaft they are mentioned among the persons who took part in the donation, Vanasparn being mentioned first and bearing the title of Kshatrapa. But on the image it is distinctly stated that Kharapallana, here called Mahakshatrapa, erected the Bodhisattva together with the Kshatrapa Vanashpara. As, however, Friar Bala's name is connected with the image in a manner which wonld indicate him as the donor, it is not altogether patent wbat part the two satraps took in the donation.
The question has been raised how mendicants, who have to beg for their food and are not allowed worldly possessions, could make donations which would necessarily involve a considerable expenditure. Perhaps the Sårnáth inscriptions afford an explanation. We may suppose that the two satraps supplied the necessary funds, but that the work was carried out under the supervision of Friar Bala, who thus was fully justified in calling the gift his own. Such guidance on the part of one well versed in the holy scriptures would be needed, to make sure that the works were completely orthodox. We need not go far afield to find parallels, or quote the case of Fra Angelico, who adorned San Marco at Florence with his famous frescoes. On the very
1 The earliest inscription of Kanishka's reign hitherto found is that of his fifth year; Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 881, No. 1.
1 Vol. LXVII. Part I. (1898), p. 274. Compare Anderson's Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 194.
• Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 2 and Plate; and Lüders, ibid. VOL XXXIIL. P. 39, No. 9. The exact And-spot is stated to be the Chaubara mound.
The word ddnath, though not used in the Sarnath inscriptions, is found on the Srivasti image.
Kern, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 40. That the former practice was not strictly adhered to, kas toen pointed out by M. Foucher, L'art Gréco-bouddhique du Gandhdra, Vol. I. (Paris, 1905), p. 169; but the ralo forbidding monks to touch money is still observed, at least in Burma.

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borders of India the quaint paintings which cover the walls of the dgon-pas are executed up to the present day so I was told in Lahul- by those of the lamas who possess the most accurate knowledge of their stupendous pantheon.
This much, at any rate, is certain, that the Sârnâth and the Śrâvasti image were made by the same master, if not by the same workmen. The style is that of the Mathurà school; the material is the red sandstone of the Agra quarries. All this points to the conclusion, already referred to above, that the donors of these images had their home at Mathura where, as early as the reign of the satraps Rajula (or Rañjubula) and Soḍâsa, a school of sculpture flourished, which was strongly influenced by the Graeco-Buddhist art of Gandhara. Seemingly this Mathura school created a Bodhisattva type, specimens of which found their way to other famous centres of Buddhism. And all evidence now available points to the fact that these were the very first images of the kind set up at those places. For where else but at these sacred spots, hallowed by the presence of the Buddha himself, should we expect to find such images? And yet not a fragment of anything earlier than these has been found there. On the other hand, would Friar Bala and his companions have carried those gigantic statues from Mathura to Srâvasti and far-off Benares, if there had been local artists capable of converting a block of stone into a sacred image? Would he have thought it necessary to mention expressly that the image represented a Bodhisattva, if such images had been familiar to the pious? Let us bear in mind the numberless images of Medieval India, all evidently made locally, those of Sârnath in Chunâr sandstone, those of Gaya in basalt,- among which we hardly ever find one marked with the name of the deity which it represents. Among the numerous inscribed Buddhist images of the early Gupta period Dr. Bloch can quote only three examples in which the subject is mentioned.
Then, if Friar Bala was a monk of Mathurâ, who were his patrons, the great satrap Kharapallâna and the satrap Vanaspara? That they were Buddhists is evident; and it may be inferred from their titles that the former was the latter's father, and from their names that they were of foreign extraction. As to the latter point, it is impossible at present to arrive at a definite conclusion. For though these two names have a distinct Iranian sound, I need only refer to the instance of the Mughal rulers of later days, to demonstrate the unsoundness of inferring anything therefrom as to their ethnographic origin. Perhaps from their connection with Friar Bala we may hazard the conjecture that their seat of government was at Mathura, where a line of foreign rulers is known to have existed only about a century before. It is true that on the Kshatrapa coins found in and round that city the names of Kharapallâna and Vanaspara do not occur. But this fact can easily be accounted for on the assumption that Kharapallâna, though possibly a descendant of the independent satraps of the 1st century B.C., now owed allegiance to Maharaja Kanishka, in whose reign the inscriptions are dated, and consequently used the Kushana coinage. May we go a step further and assume that his son Vanaspara, who in the umbrella inscription is mentioned before Kharapallâna, resided at Benares and ruled the eastern portion of the province governed by his father?
The Sarnath inscriptions partly confirm and partly modify Dr. Bloch's conclusions regarding the Śravasti epigraph. They show that he is undoubtedly correct in his interpretation of
1 That statues already existed in India at an earlier period is proved by the Parkham image (4. S. R. Vol. XX. p. 40 and Plate vi.) with its inscription in Maurya Brâhmi. But apparently it has no connection with Buddhism.
2 A. Foucher, Étude sur l'Iconographie Ronddhique de l'Inde (Paris, 1900), pp. 4 ff. and 7 ff. Regarding the Mathura sculptures the author remarks: "Elles sont tout de suite reconnaissables à la belle couleur rouge tachetée de jaune du grès des Vindhyas."
The ending dna is also found in Hagana (Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India, p. 87) and in Nahapana (4. S. R. Western India, Vol. IV. p. 99). For the first member of the name Kharapallana we may compare Kharamosta and Kharaosta (Bühler, J. R. A. S. for 1894, p. 532, and Rapson, Indian Coins, p. 9).

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chhatram dandas-cha as meaning an umbrella and a stick.' It is curious that these objects were not recovered with the Srâvastî image, which Cunningham found standing in a small temple, and not in the open. The name of Friar Bala's spiritual preceptor, which in the Sråvasti inscription was only partly legible and had been restored by Dr. Bloch as Pushyamitra, appears from the epigraph on the umbrella post to be Pushyavuddhi, corresponding to Sanskrit Pushyavriddhi. Finally, the Sárnáth inscriptions establish beyond doubt that the Srâvasti image belongs to the early Kushapa period.
Conversely the Sråvasti inscription helps to elucidate some doubtfal points in the Sârnâth legends. Thus we may safely assume that the chhatra-yushti of the Sárnáth inscriptions, which corresponds with the chhatram dandas-cha of the Sråvasti epigraph, is to be taken as a dvandva and not as a tatpurusha compound, and to be rendered by an umbrella with a staff' and not by an umbrella staff.' Again we should be doubtful how to explain the connection between the Genitive bhikshusya Balasya trepitakasya and the following Nominative, if the Sråvasti record did not give us the clue that the word danam is to be supplied.
Dr. Bloch's remarks regarding the characteristic features of language and script of the Śråvastî inscription apply equally to those of the Sárnáth ones. But in view of the date of the latter falling in Kanishka's reign, it is impossible to maintain for the peculiar script which both exhibit the designation of " Northern Kshatrapa" in contradistinction with the so-called Kushana script of a later period. Its more correct name would be "early Kushana," and it shows indeed & transition between the script of Sodasa's epigraphs and those of the later Kushaņas. The formerl is marked by more archaic forms and stands nearer to the Maurya type. In it we find post-consonantic a, e and o commonly expressed by horizontal, and not by slanting strokes as are found in the Kushana inscriptions. The ya is still semi-circular at the bottom, and its middle vertical stroke sometimes exceeds the side ones in length. On the other hand, the similarity between the script of the Mathura satraps and that of the early years of Kanishka is so striking, that the two can be hardly separated by more than one century. If the former are to be placed in the first century B.C., palæographical evidence would point to the conclusion that the commencement of Kanishka's reign has been rightly supposed to fall in the first century A.D.
It is only natural that the later Kushana inscriptions, e.g. that on the Mathura Bodhisattva image of the year 33, above referred to, and still more that on the Kaman Buddha image dated in the year 74,9 should exhibit a further development in respect alike of script and of language. Here we find the ya in kya and sya regularly expressed by a loop, and not by its full sign. Thus it approaches visibly the form peculiar to the early Gupta period. The language of the later inscriptions, though not yet pure Sanskrit, is decidedly more Sanskritic than that of the early Kushana records. Compare, for instance, matapitánária (Kiman) with sahi matapitihi (SarnathMathura), and parigrahe (Kaman) with parigahe (Śråvasti). On the other hand, we find pratishthápita already in the Sârnâth inscription, whereas at an earlier period pratithápita is used.
The inscription is ont on three sides of the octagonal umbrella post, and consists of ten lines of 33 cm. in length, except the last line, which measures only 9 cm. The size of the aksharas varies from 1 to 6 cm. The letters are regular and clearly out, but the disintegration of the surface of the stone has caused their shape to become indistinct in places, more especially towards the junction of the faces of the shaft. On the whole, however, the inscription is very well preserved, and wherever the reading appears at all doubtful, a comparison with contemporaneous epigraphs has enabled me to arrive at results which may be considered final.
1 See Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199, No. II.
• Bübler, ibid. p. 212, Plate, No. xlii. The image must belong to the reign of Vasudeva. Compare Y. A. Smith, J. R. 4. S. for 1903, p. 12.
The looped ya is found already in the Inscription of Kanishka's 5th year, referred to above.

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TEXT OF iii. a. 1 MahArajasya Kanishkasya sam 9 he 3 di 29 2 etaye purvaye bhikshusya Pushyavuddhisys saddhyeyi. 3 hârisya bhiksbusya Balasya trepitakasya 4 Bodhisatvo chhatrayashți cha pratishthâpito 5 Barinasiye Bhagavato charkame saha mat[A]6 pitihi saha upaddhyâyâcherehi saddhyevihari7 hi antev&sikehicha saha Buddhamitraye trepitika8 ye sahå kshatrapena Vanasparena Kharapalla9 nens cha sahi cha[tn]hi parishahi sarvasatvanan 10 hitasukharttham.
REMARKS. Line 1.- It is doubtful whether the depression at the top of the ra represents an a-stroke or not. The form maharajasya, however, is quite distinot in the Bodhisattva inscription. The spelling Kanishkasya with lingual has already been noticed above.
L. 2 f.- There can be no doubt as to the reading saddhyevihari, with e in the second syllable, here and also in line 6. At first I felt inclined to read sarddhyavihari, which would yield an etymologically more intelligible form; but pre-consonantic r is expressed by a perpendicular and not by & slanting stroke. See e.g. purvaye (1.2) and sarvasatvanan (1. 9). In the Sråvasti image inscription also I should prefer to read saddhyeviharisya.
L. 3.- The third akshara of trepitakasya resembles tha, which is evidently due to the stone being worn. Compare trepifikaye (1.7 f.).
L. 4.- The vowel-stroke of the last syllable of pratishthapito is indistinct. In one of the Bodhisattva inscriptions we have clearly .to.
L. 5.- The first letter of Baránasiye is open at the top and would, therefore, represent pa. But there can be little doubt that this is due either to the disintegration of the surface or to a clerical error. The vowel-stroke also cannot be said to be absolutely certain. For the ending compare Savastiye in the Sråvasti inscription. It is doubtful whether the inscription has chankrame or chankame. I have chosen the Pråkrit form which is found in the Srävasti inscription.
L. 6.- For the reading wpaddhyaydcherehi I am indebted to Prof. Kern, who remarks that the form âchera for Skr. acharya occurs also in the Jataka (ed. by Fausböll), Vol. IV. p. 248, 1. 9, in a verse, i.e. in a dialect different from Pali.
L. 8.-Is perhaps Vanaspharena to be read? The Bodhisattva inscription has clearly Vanashparena.
L. 9.- The letter (or letters P) following the second cha is indistinct. At first I felt inclined to read sahá cha sardhi parishdhi, but finally chose the expression sah& chatuhi parishahi, which occurs also in the Mathura inscription of Dhanabhùti. Compare Cunningham, A. S. R. Vol. III. p. 36, No. 21, Plate xvi., and Senart, Journal Asiatique, série 8, Vol. XV. p. 119.
TRANSLATION In the 3rd year of Maharaja Kanishka, the 3rd (month) of winter, the 22nd day, on this date specified as) above, was (this gift) of Friar Bala, a master of the Tripitakal and
1 The Mathura inscriptions afford many variants of this expression such as etasya perorayam, atyda por vvaya and the like. See Bühler, Kp. Ind. Vol. I. p. 37 ff. and Vol. II. p. 195.
* On the term trepitaka (Skr. traipitaka), Fem, trepitiked, compare Bloch, l. c. p. 280.

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fellowl of Friar Pushyavuddhi, (namely an image of) the Bôdhisattva and an umbrella with a post, erected at Benares, at the place where the Lord' used to walk,- together with (his) parents, with (his) masters and teachers, (his) fellows and pupils, and with (the nan) Buddhamitra versed in the Tripitaka, together with the satrap Vanaspara and Kharapallana, and together with the four classes, for the welfare and happiness of all creatures.
The image referred to in the inscription is 10' high and 3' wide across the shoulders. It was found in three pieces, the head and feet being broken off. The right arm is lost; presumably it was raised in the attitude of protection (abhaya-mudra). The left hand rests on the hip and holds the upper garment, which leaves the right shoulder bare. A double flat girdle fastened round the loins keeps in the plain lower garment, which reaches beneath the knees. The head, which measures 3' in circumference, is unfortunately much mutilated. The top is broken, so that it is impossible to decide whether it had the protuberance of the skull (ushnisha). Nor is there any trace of the mark between the brows (úrna), another characteristic of the Buddha. We can, however, be certain that the hair was neither arranged in the wavy locks peculiar to the Graeco-Buddhist school of Gandhåra, nor in the schematic carls of medieval images. It is treated in such a way as to present the aspect of a plain, close-fitting cap, which was probably meant to render the shaven head of the Buddhist monk. It is interesting to note that this treatment of the bair is very common in the Matharâ images which can be assigned to the Kushana period. Another point of similarity is the treatment of the halo. In the case of the Sârnâth image only the lower part of it remains on the back of the torso. Along its border runs a repeat of semicircles. In Gandhåra the haloes are plain, except in a few instances where we find a border showing & conventional development of the radiate nimbus. Of this the Mathurá halo seems to be a later development, which thus forms a transition from the plain Gandhâra one to the highly ornamental halo of the Gupta period, of which Mr. Oertel's excavations have revealed some very fine specimens.?
Between the feet of the Sarnath image is a figure in relief of a lion facing, and on the side of the left foot a naturalistic representation of leaves, buds, flowers and fruits in bas-relief. Whether these are merely decorative or have some symbolical meaning, I cannot decide.8 un later Buddhist art the lion, if meant as váhana and not merely as an indication of the simhasana, is peculiar to the Bodhisattvas Mañjasri and Simhanâda-Lokêsvara. But it is questionable, whether at the period to which the Sârnâth image belongs it can bave borne that signification. More probably it indicates that the statue represents sakyasimha, the lion among the Sakyan.'
1 On the meaning of saddhyevihari see Kern, Manual, p. 84; Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 379; Bloch, l. c. p. 279; I-tsing (Takakusu), p. 116, and Childers, Pali Dictionary, #. 0. saddhivihdri.
. On the use and meaning of Bhagavat see Kern, Manual, p. 63.
• The word ante udsin occurs also in the 2nd Siddâpura edict (Bühler, above, Vol. III. p. 138): Hemeva antedsind dcháriye apachá[yiltaviye ("moreover the pupil should honour his teacher"), and in a Mathura inscription, 2nd series, No. I. (Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 198). The feminine form antecasint occurs in the Mathurs Bodhisattva inscription (p. 182 below), where the bhikshuni Buddhamitrd is called the antevasint of Friar Bala. In another Mathura inscription, 2nd series, No. XXI. (Bühler, l. c. p. 205), we find the form antevasikini.
The four parishade are bhikshus, bhikshunle, wpasakas and updsikás. Sometimes five or eight parishads are spoken of. Compare I-tsing (Takakusu) and Childers, Pali Dictionary, s.c. parisá.
. The same expression is also found in the Anyor Buddha inscription ; Cunningham, 4. S. R. Vol. XX. p. 49 and Plate V. No. 5.
• Compare Grünwodel-Burgess, Buddhist Art, fig. 143.
"That these are to be assigned to the Gupta period, may be inferred from the inscribed Buddha image in the Mathuri Municipal Museum. Compare Growse, Mathura, a District Memoir, p. 115.
* Mr. Griessen, Superintendent of the Tåj Garden at Agra, to whom I sent photograph of the sculpture, is of opinion that the bas-relief possibly represents the flower, bud, leaves and seed-pods of "Rhododendron arboreum" (Flora Br. Ind. Vol. III. p. 485), A plant that is used in Nepal as an offering at Buddhist temples. • Foucher, Iconographie Bouddhique (Paris, 1900), p. 116, and Vol. II. (Paris, 1905), p. 81.
2 A

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I may add that in Mathura we often find a cluster of lotus flowers between the feet of the image. Dr. Bloch noticed between the feet of the Sråvastî image" a peculiar object of uncertain meaning."
It has already been noted that the image is curved on the back. Unlike medieval images it is in the round and not in relief. This circumstance makes it probable that it never stood in a temple, but was placed in the open, sheltered only by its umbrella, a probability that is strength. ened by the discovery of all the fragments of the image and of the umbrella in the open space between the Asoka pillar and the vihara excavated by Mr. Oertel.
The Sarnath image, though an important addition to our materials, only complicates one of the problems of Buddhist iconography. Had it not been inscribed, no one would have hesitated to call it a Buddha image. Both the royal dress and ornaments which were hitherto thonght to characterise the Bodhisattva are absent, and the figure wears only the plain attire of a Buddhist monk, such as is invariably associated with statues of the Buddha. But the inscriptions alike on the umbrella post and, as will be seen presently, on the image itself, are quite explicit in designating it a Bodhisattva.
What then are the distinguishing features of the Bodhisattva ? Can it be, as Dr. Bloch holds, the bare right shoulder ? Such a theory seems hardly tenable. For there are numerous bareshouldered images which represent Säkyamuni at the moment of the Bodhi, and we find among Gandhåra sculptures the uncovered right shoulder regularly combined with that position of the hands which expresses the turning of the wheel of the Law' (dharmachakra-mudra), and which can only indicate an omniscient Buddha.
To decide on this point, it would be necessary first of all to compare the two images of Anyor and Kaman, which belong to the same period and are designated by their inscriptions as Buddha images. That of Kaman (Bharatpur Stato, Rajputâna), as noted above, must be 71 years posterior to the Sârnâth statue, assuming that the date is expressed in Kanishka's era, which in the light of its palæographical evidence seems most plausible. The Anyor Buddha image must be nearly contemporaneous with the Bodhisattvas of Sârnâth and Sråvasti. This is evident from the similarity both in the script and language and in the wording of their inscriptions. Unfortunately no photographs of either of these two statues are at present available. Of the Káman image I only find the statement that it represents Buddha seated.
Anyhow, these four are among the earliest Buddhist images hitherto found in India proper; or more correctly I should say that no image has been found, which on epigraphical evidence can be assigned to an earlier period. The fact that it was thought necessary to indicate the subject in the inscription makes it indeed highly probable, that at the beginning of Kanishka's reign statues of Sakyamuni- either as Buddba or Bodhisattva- were a novelty, at least in Gangetic India. We noticed, however, in describing the Sârnâth Bodhisattva certain fostures which seem to be borrowed from the Graeco-Buddhist school of Gandhara. This fact not only confirms the theory that the practice of making Buddha images originated from the north-west, but also indicates that the flourishing period of the Gandhára school must be anterior to Kanishka's reign. Thas we should be led to the conclusion that the Graeco-Buddhist school of Gandhara flourished, not under the Kushana kings, but under the earlier Yavana and Saka rulers. This conclusion,
1 This practice was also known in Gandhara. Compare Foucher, L'art Gréco-bouddhique, Vol. I. p. 191:"1 faut dire cependant, pour étre tout-à-fait exact, que quelques-unes d'entre elles se contentaient, comme abri, d'un parasol."
2 Grünwedel-Burgess, Buddhist Art, p. 182: "The Bodhisattva representation of later art is that of a royally attired young man . . . . . Thus we may claim these youthful figures in rich attire, so frequent among Gandhårs sculptures, 48 Bodhisattvas."
* Compare 4. S. R. for 1902-03, p. 171.
• To the same period belongs the Sánchi image of the year 70 in the reign of Vasushka, but from its inscrip tion it is not evident what it represents.

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in my opinion, would well agree with the evidence of the coins which, starting from purely Hellenistic types, manifest a constant deterioration ending in the barbarous issues of the Kushanas. And in like manner the sculptures which owed their origin to the same Hellenistic influence must have had a parallel history of gradual Indianisation.
The Sârnâth image has two inscriptions: one, as in Gupta sculptures, carved on the front of the plain pedestal, the other on the back of the image between the feet. The former (ii, b, c) is divided into two halves by a vertical, semi-circular groove. It consists of two lines, each half being nearly 24 cm. in length. The size of the letters varies between 1 and 5 cm. In the second half of the first line the sixth akshara is slightly damaged, and at the end one or two aksharas are lost. I read it :
1 Bhikshusya Balasya trepitakasya Bodhisatvo prat[i]shthápito . . .
2 mahakshatrapena Kharapallånens sahâ kshatrapena Vanashparena.
"(This gift) of Friar Bala, a master of the Tripitaka, (namely an image of) the Bôdhisattva, has been erected by the great satrap Kharapallâna together with the satrap Vanashpara.”
The inscription on the back of the image (iii. d) consists of three lines. The proper left side of the inscribed surface, which measures 40 by 17 cm., is defaced, and at the bottom a piece is broken, causing the loss of the concluding word. On an impression taken immediately after the discovery of the image, the upper parts of the aksharas of this word were plainly visible. But it seems that in removing it a piece of the stone has chipped off. The missing portion of the inscription can thus be restored with certainty. The size of the letters is 1 to 4-5 cm. The following is my reading :
1 Maharajasya Kaņi[shkasya] sam 8 he 3 di 2[2] 2 etaye purvaye bhikshasya Balasya trepita[kasya]
3 Bodhisatvo chhatrayashți cha (pratishthäpito).
“In the 3rd year of Maharaja Kanishka, the 3rd (month) of winter, the 22nd day, on this date specified as) above has (this gift) of Friar Bala, a master of the Tripitaka, (namely an image of the Bodhisattva and an umbrella with a post, been erected."
No. 18.-TWO INSCRIPTIONS ON BUDDHIST IMAGES.
BY T. BLOCH, PA.D. The first of these two inscriptions comes from Srivasti and has already been edited by me in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVIII., 1898, Part I. pp. 274 to 290. I re-edit it here partly in order to publish a facsimile of it, and partly to correct the statement made by me (loo. cit. p. 278) in regard to its date. The second inscription comes from Mathura and has recently been edited by Prof. Lüders (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 39, No. 9) from the imperfect facsimile pablished by Growse (ibid. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 2 and Plate). If I edit it here again, it is because, having read the inscription from the original during a visit to Lucknow in October, 1904, and with the help of two paper impressions kindly supplied to me by Dr. Vogel, I have been able to supply the three proper names mentioned in the inscription, which in Prof. Lüders' transcript remained doubtful. The first of these is the most important one. It is clearly Balasya trepifakasya, not [Maha]sya as Prof. Lüders proposed to read. This person cannot be separated from the trepitaka Bala of the Sråvasti inscription, and of the recently discovered Sårnáth inscriptions of the third year of Kanishka, of which Dr. Vogel has just
1 Two of them have also been read by Dr. Vogel in his article on discoveries at Skruath, p. 173 above.
2 A 2

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published an edition. It thus appears that the date assigned to the Sravasti inscription in my previous paper was wrong, and that the missing name of the king should be restored either as Kanishka or as Huvishka, most probably the former one.
A.- SET-MAHET IMAGE INSCRIPTION
OF THE TIME OF KANISHKA OR HUVISHKA. This inscription is on the pedestal of a colossal standing figure of a Buddha or Bodhisattva, which was found by General Cunningham inside & small masonry building at Set-Mahet. It has since been removed to the Indian Museum, Calcutta. The pedestal measures 3 feet in length and 6 inches in height. Its right corner is broken, and about two-thirds of the first line of the inscription have become illegible.
The size of the letters varies between 1 and 14 inches. The writing is archaic and resembles more the type used in the Kshatrapa inscriptions than the Kasbaņa type. The letter ya as part of a compound (samyuktákshara) is expressed by its full form, and only once, in Pushyao (1.1), by a cursive form. The upper cross-bar of sha fills only the right half of the letter and does not reach to the left vertical line. Further details of palæography will be found in my previous paper (p. 277) and need not be repeated here. The language is a mixed form of Sanskțit and Prakrit of the same type as that employed in other Kushapa inscriptions. Here again no details are required, as my previons paper contains a full statement of facts (p. 279).
The inscription records that the statue, on the pedestal of which it has been engraved, and which it describes as a Bodhisattva, together with an umbrella and a stick (1. 2: bodhisatvo chhatran dúndas-cha) was put up at Sråvasti, at the place where the Lord used to walk (1. 2: Bhagavato chankame), inside the Kosambakuti (1. 3), as the gift of the monk Bala, who know the Tripitaka and was a companion (saddhy[e]viharisya, 1. 2) of the monk Pushya[vuddhi), and that it was the property of some teachers of the Sarvâstivadin school of Buddhists.
As I have shown in my previous article (p. 286), the Kosambakutt was a building inside the Jetavana park near Srâvasti. The term Bhagavato cha nkame may either have been used as another name of the Jetavana, or more probably it may have denoted a separate place within the park, where Buddha used to take exercise, and which was kept up as such by tradition, like the Buddha's walk' north of the great temple of Budh-Gaya. It is, however, likely that the place where Cunningham found the statue does not mark its original site, and that the ancient city of Sravasti lay further to the north, near the borders of Nepal.
The date of the inscription is illegible, with the exception of the numerical figures 10 and 9, meaning the 19th day. As the missing space is too long for a mere enumeration of the numbers of the year and season, the date must have been determined by the name of the ruling king. From the second inscription and the Sarnath inscriptions published by Dr. Vogel, which mention also a trepitaka Bala, who must have been identical with the person of the same name and title referred to in this inscription, we may confidently restore the beginning of the first line as : [Maharajasya deva putrasya Kanishkasya (or Huvishkasya ?) sam . . . . d1) 10 9, and it is beyond doubt that the inscription belongs to the time of the Kushana kings, either of Kanishka or Huvishka, not of the Kshatrapas Rañjubula or Sodasa, as I suggested in my previous article for paleographical reasons. As will be shown later on, the reign of Kanishka is more likely to be the true date of the inscription than the time of his successor Huvishka.
1 That is Pushyadriddhi. Sarnath No. III.a shows that the name should be restored thus, not u Prahya. mitra m I proposed originally. See Dr. Vogel's article, p. 176 above,
* See Cunningham's Mahabodhi, p. 8 fr.
See Vincent A. Smith, J. E. 4. 8. 1898, p. 620, snd 1900, p.1.

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From photographs.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale.
Inscribed Buddhist image from Set-Mahet.

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The statue to which the inscription belongs is shown on the accompanying Plate. It is called a Bôdbisattva. Unfortunately the head is broken, and it is impossible to say whether it wore some sort of a diadem, as the so-called 'Bodhisattva' figures in the contemporaneous art of Gandhåra. There are, however, no necklace or other ornaments of the body, and the feet are naked. The left hand rests on the hip, and the broken right hand probably was uplifted in the Act of granting protection (abhaya-mudra). The right shoulder is bare, and between the feet stands some indistinct round object, which I am unable to explain. The girdle around the waist is the only mark of difference between this state and the ordinary type of a Buddha image. The term Bodbisattva is likewise applied to the Mathura image to which the second inscription belongs, and which was a seated figare. Unfortunately it is broken, and not much can be said in regard to its general appearance.
From Dr. Vogel's account it appears that the recently excavated Sarnath image is very similar to that from Sråvasti. He also suggests that all these three images were made at Mathura. The Srêvasti image is 11 feet 8 inches high. Its material is the red sandstone from the quarries near Fathpur-Sikri.
TEXT. 1 [Maharajasya devaputrasya Kanishkasya (or Huvishkasya) sam . . .
. .di] 10 etaye purvaye bhikshusya Pushya[vu). 2 [ddhis]ya! Saddhy[e]viharisya bhikshusya Balasya trepitakasya dânam
B[o]dhisatvo chhatram d&p das-cha Savastiye Bhagavato chamkame 3 Kosambakuţiye acharyyârâm Sarvastivadinam parigahe.
TRANSLATION. (In the ...th year of the Mahar&ja, the Dêvaputra Kanishka (or Huvishka P), in the . ..th month of . . . . . ., on the] 19th [day], on the date specified above, a Bôdhisattva, an umbrella and a stick, the gift of the monk Bala, who knows the Tripitaka, a companion (saddhy[e]vihárin) of the monk Pushya[vřiddhi], (have been set up) at Sråvasti, at the place where the Lord (i.e. Buddha) used to walk, in the Kosambakuti, as the property of the teachers of the school of Sarvástivadins.
B. - MATHURA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 33 OF HUVISHKA.
This inscription is on the broken pedestal of a seated Buddha image from the Chaubârå mound near Mathura. It is now in the Lucknow Provincial Museum. It measures 3 feet by 2 inches. The size of the letters varies between and 14 inches. The end of the second line is damaged and cannot be restored completely.
The writing is of a later type than the Set-Mahet image inscription. The ya in the compound letter sya is expressed by the cursive form in deva putrasya, Huvishkasya and trepitakasya (1.1), and by the full form of the letter in bhikshusya Balasya (1.1), while an intermediate form, with a loop attached to the left-hand side of the central line, is found in maharajasya (1.1). The old form of sha with a small apper cross-bar occurs only once, in bhikshusya (1. l), if the impression can be trusted. The later sa with a loop in the left-hand lower corner is found in maharajasya, devaputrasya, sarh (1. 1), as has been pointed out already by Prof. Lüders (loc. cit. p. 40). The language is the ordinary mixed dialect of Sanskrit and Präkfit employed in the
See above, p. 180, note 1. * So with Sarnath No. III. a, lines 2 and 6. The surface of the stone above ddhy is damaged.
The one is added in small letters at the top of the line.

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Kushana period and calls for no particular remarks. But it may be noted that in bhikhuniye (1. 2) we have the Prakrit form instead of the usual bhikshuni, and that the gen. sing. of feminine nonns ending in i retains the long i in bhikshuniye (1. 1), bhagineyiye, bhikhuniye, Dhanavatiye (1.2); the corresponding vowel of antevúsin[i]ye (1.1) is doubtful. The later Prakrit form pratithavito (1.2) seems certain.
The inscription records that a Bodhisattva was set up by the nun Dhanavati, the sister's daughter of the nun Buddhamitra, who knew the Tripitaka, a female disciple (antevasini) of the monk Bala, who knew the Tripitaka. There can be no doubt as to the identity of this monk with the monk Bala mentioned in the Set-Ma het and Sarnath inscriptions, and the three inscriptions thus cannot be far removed from each other in date. The Mathura inscription refers itself to the reign of Huvishka, the year 33, the 8th day of the 1st month of summer. However, the Set-Mahet inscription, like that from Sårnâtb, probably belongs to the reign of Kanishka and is somewhat earlier than the Mathurå inscription, which records a gift by the sister's daughter of the nan Buddhamitrå, whose name occurs already in the third year of Kanishka in connection with the name of Bala, the donor of the Sârnâth statue.
The Mathurå statue, like those from Sârnâth and Set-Mahet, is called a Bodhisattva. Unfortunately nothing but its lower part, showing the crossed legs of a seated figure, is preserved (see the accompanying Plate). The place where the statue was set up seems to have been [M&jdh[u]ravaņaka, the first part of which may have been derived from Madhura or Mathura, the name of the town where the statue actually has been found.
TEXT. 1 Maharajasya devaputrasya Huv[i]shkasya sam 30 3 gril di 8
bhikshusya Balasya trepitakasya antev[&]s[i]n[i]ye bhikshuniye trepitikalye
Buddhamitryo 2 bhàgineyiye bhikhuniye Dhanavatiye Bodhisatvo pratithavito [Ma]dh[u]ravanake
saha måtâpitihi . . . . . . . . . .
TRANSLATION. In the year 33 of the Maharaja, the Dêvaputra Huvishka, on the 8th day of the Ist summer (month), a Bodhisattvs was set up at (M&jdh[u]ravaņaka by the nun Dhanavati, the sister's daughter of the nun Buddhamitra, who knows the Tripitaka, a female pupil of the monk Bala, who knows the Tripitaka, together with her mother and father . . . . :
No. 19.- DHULIA PLATES OF KARKARAJA; SAKA-SAMVAT 701.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A. The plates which bear the subjoined grant were found deposited in the record room of the Collector's kachéri at Dhulia, Khandesh District, Bombay Presidency. They were sent for inspection to Mr. H. Cousens, who has kindly asked me to publish a paper on the inscription. A summary of it has already appeared in the Progress Report of the Archeological Survey of Western India for the year ending 30th June 1904, p. 60.
She occurs again in Sarnath No. III. a, 1. 7. From the original stone and from paper-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. Vogel. The quantity of the last i is uucertain.

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Inscribed pedestal of Buddhist image from Mathura.
From a photograph supplied by Mr. G. D. Ganguli.
als marina
E. Hultzsch.
Scale one-fourth.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale.
From a rubbing supplied by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel.

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No. 19.]
DHULIA PLATES OF KARKARAJA.
183
These are three copper-plates, the first and third of which bear writing on one side only, and the second on both sides. They measure each l' 2" long by 7" broad. Their edges are slightly raised into rims for the protection of the inscription. On the left side of each plate there is a ring-hole, but the ring and the seal which must have accompanied the plates are both lost. A portion of the right side of the second, and of the lower corners of the first and third, plates have been broken off. The letters bear the usual marks of the working of the engraver's tool, throughout. Their size is about $" -The language is Sanskrit throughout. Excepting ll. 24-26, the inscription is in verse up to line 28; and the rest is in prose, excluding ll. 33-4 and the benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end (11. 42-8). All the verses of the genealogical part of this grant excepting five (vv. 6, 7, 9, 17 and 18) occur in other Rashtrakūta records. The characters belong to the southern variety of alphabets. For some of the forms of individual letters, attention may be drawn to the two forms of kh, one in khadga (1. 4) and the other in fikharani (1.9); to the two forms of g, one in mandalagrô (1.2) or Oganaih (1. 13), and the other in or=Ggovindarajao (1. 3) or kar-agrão (1.5); to i in Subhatungao (1. 20); to j in otmajo jao (1.6) and dvijánán (1. 8); to t in kant-enduo (1.1); to n in vaitánao and Onichayai) (1. 8); to bh in
bhôgikao (1. 29); to m in m=abhimukhin (1.3); to the two forms of initial a or d, one in asio (1.2) or asvamédha' (1. 44), and the other in ankén=api (1. 31); to the secondary i in malinya” (1. 14) and rirddalitao (1.25); to the subscript i in odhúmao (1.8); to the two forms of the subscript şi, one in kritam (1.1), and the other in oksit-anukritih (1.7); and to the visarga expressed by three dots in vishay-ántarggataḥ (1. 38), and by one dot and one short stroke in gramah (1.40).-As regards orthography, the sign for v throughout serves for both v and b. The consonants following r are, as a rale, doubled, though indifference in this respect is in some cases observable; thus m is doubled in onirmmathao (1. 22), but not in osúnur=mahipatih (1. 18). Cha is used instead of h in rajasigha (1.3); final n before a consonant is no less than five times wrongly changed to an anusvára, e.g. in yan-nabhi-kanaalam (1.1) and yasmin prasásati (1. 8); t is doubled before r, e.g. in gôttrao (1. 7); and anusuára is changed once to the dental jasal before s in likhit-ansa-pithah (1. 11). The rules of Sandhi have been frequently disregarded, and in many a place aksharas have been omitted by the writer.
The inscription records a grant by the Rashtrakûts chieftain Karkara ja or, as he is described in lines 28-29, “ Suvarnavarsha Pratâpasilal bri-Karkaraja who has obtained the five great sounds." Karkaraja is spoken of as a son of śri-Dhruvardja, younger brother of Gôvinda (II.) or, as he is described in lines 25-6,“ Prithvivallabha Maharajadhiraja Paramosvara friPrabhůtavarsha." The inscription refers itself to the prosperous reign (pravarddhamana-rajya) of Govinda (II.) and is dated in the year 701 (in words and figures, 1. 31 f.), expired, of the Saka era, on the tenth tithi of the bright half of Pushya. The charter was issued by Karkarâja while staying at Sindinagara, on the occasion of a sankranti, to a Brahmaṇa whose name is lost, son of Bhatta Chandråditya, of the Kausika gôtra, and student of the Katha school. The grantee appears to have been a man of deep erudition ; for he is represented to have mastered the Veda, Veduriga, Itihasa, Purana, Vyakarana, Mimiinsa, Tarka, Nirukta and Yajflavidyd. The village granted to him was Rakkhulla-grâms situated in the province (vishaya) of Nâsikka. The boundaries specified are to the E. Chêbhatika, to the s. the Godavari, to the w. Vatamukha, and to the N. Vaţapura. All the localities mentioned in this grant are to be found in the Nâsik district. That Nâsikka is Nâsik goes without saying. Sindinagara, where the royal grantor resided at the time of making the grant, is known to us from the records of the earlier Yadavas, and has been identified with Sinnar, the principal town of the taluka of the same name. Rakkhulla-gråme, the village granted, is Lakhalgåmy to the north of the
1 [The same surname occurs in l. 48.-E. H.]
Prof. Kielhorn kindly informs me that "the date of this inscription, for Saka-samvat 701 expired, regularly corresponds to the 22nd December A.D. 779. On this day the Makara. or Uttarayana-sankranti took place 4 b. 80 m., and the 10th tithi of the bright half of Pausha commenced 6 h. 44 m.after mean sunriso."-E.H.]

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Godavari, Chebhatika Chodl, and Vatamukha probably Odhêm. Chehdi is in the Niphad, and the rest in the Násik, tdluka of the Násik district.
As the inscription expressly refers itself to the reign of the Rashtrakața sovereign Govinda II., no doubt can now be reasonably entertained as to his having sat on the throne. I have elsewhere! adduced reasons why we should consider Govinda II. to have actually reigned. Dr. Fleet based his different opinion on the words jyêshth-ollarghana of a verse occurring in the Waņi and Rådhanpur grants. But these words, as Professor Kielhorn has remarked, by no means necessitate the conclusion that Dhruva immediately succeeded Krishna I. to the exclusion of his eldest brother Govinda II. from the succession. The new grant places it beyond all doubt that Govinda II. did succeed Krishna I. and did reign. Consequently Dr. Fleet's view has no grounds to stand upon, unless it can be conclusively shown that this grant is a forgery.
Although many Rashtrakata records have so far been published, they have supplied us with but few dates prior to the time of Govinda III. We have Śaka 675 for Dantidurga, the founder of the dynasty, furnished by his Sâmângad plates. The Alas copper-plate charter, issued by Govinda II. when Yuvarája or prince-regent, gives the date saka 892 for his father Krishna I. And our plates give a third date, viz. Saka 701, for Govinda II. himself. A fourth date is supplied by the Jaina Farivansa, which was completed in Saka 705 when Srivallabha, son of Krishna, was ruling over the South. There can be no doubt that this Krishna is Krishna I. of the Rashtrakūta family. But it is by no means easy to decide whether by Srivallabha is meant Govinda II. or his brother Dhruva, as both had this epithet and were sons of Krishna I.
TEXT.8
First Plate. 1 to [1] # TUTTTH 10arti i Tele
ata acum Fheie [*] 2 ret[feaf]fach Awant safei Baiafaret
() : wafa[y]far 3 afe[1] [attaffanston fa try trofea [2] Cena
मभिमुखीं सुभटाहा[सामुबामि]4 "मितं स[पदि येन] रणेषु नित्वं । दष्टाधरेण दधता भृकुटि ललाटे खङ्गं
To tu [ fa]
1 Journ. Bo. Br. R. 4.. Soc. Vol. XX. pp. 133-4.
Dynasties of the Kanarest Districts, p. 393; above, Vol. VI. pp. 171 and 172. # Above, Vol. VI. pp. 240-1. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 108 f. . Above, Vol. VI. p. 208 ff. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 142. 1 Early History of the Dekkan, p. 197; above, Vol. VI. p. 197.
& From the original copper-plates.- A few emendations in the text and in the notes are due to Mr. H. Krishna Sustri, B.A., who read the first proof-sheets. Verse 17 remains unintelligible.-E.H.] • Expressed by a symbol. 10 Read af
11 Read mu. 12 Read refu. 1 Read Tufo
14 Read 'fo:. 15 This fe is superfluous.

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DHULIA PLATES OF KARKARAJA.
185
5 जं च स[त्वं] [ १.] खङ्गं करायान्मुखतच शोभा मानो 'मनस्तम.
ममेव यस्य [*] महाहवे [नाम नि]. 6 माम्य' सद्यः वयं रिपूणां विगलत्यक[*]ण्डे ॥ [४] तस्यात्मजो
जगति विश्रुतदीर्घकातिराततिहा7 रिर[विवि] क्रमधामधारी । भूपंस्तुविष्टपक्वतानुक्चतिः कतन्नः श्रीककराज इति
गोचम8 णिव्वभूव ॥ [५] यस्मि' प्रशासति महानरपे हिजानां वैतानधूमनि
चयैः परिकवुराणि । संध्यास सौ9 धशिखराणि विलोक्य केका[:*] कूजति वेश्मभिखिनी जलदागमीका:
[॥ *] यस्य हिनजनाक्रान्तशांति10 वाचनवारिणा [*] प्रत्यहं गुल्फदधेन य[*]चरति मंदिरे [ *] तस्य
प्रभिबकरटच्युतदानदंति[द]. 11 सप्रहाररुचिरोलिखितान्सपीठ: [*] मापः क्षितौ क्षपितशत्रुरभूत्तनूजः
सद्राष्ट्रकूटकनका12 दि" इवेन्द्रराज: [n c"] सेवासमायातवृहबरेन्द्रवृन्दाभिवन्याघयुगस्य तस्य । अब्बा .
Second Plate; First Side. 13 नवक्वार्थिगणैः प्रवीणैः [सं]सेव्यते श्री[:] खजनरजन ॥ [*] तस्योपा
जिंतत . . . . . 14 तदधिवलयमालिन्या: [*] भोता भुवः शतक्रतुसदशः श्रीदंतिदुर्गराजो.
भूत् [॥ १.*] प . . . .. . 15 महीतनिशातशस्त्रमन्त्रातमप्रणिहितार्थमपतय [1] यो वनभ सपदि द. ... 16 वा राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतामवाप [११] काञ्चीयरलनराधिपचीलपांच
श्रीर्ष] . . . 17 विभेदविधानदक्षं [*] कर्णाटक "वलमचित्यमजेयमन्येभृत्ये कियनिरपि यः
18 जिगाय ।। १२] तस्मि दिवं प्रयात वनमराजे सति" [1] श्रीक-राजसूनु
महीपतिः छष्ण
IRead सत्वं. • Rend कीर्तिराषि
Read यचिम्प "Read 'रोधिचितास. - Read 'बसं. "Boad वचिन्दिवं.
• Read मनतझम.
- Read °शस्य सद्यस्त्रब. • Read भूपत्रिविष्य
• Read °शिर्मभूब • Read 'कर्वराषि.
• Read 'कानी ॥ Read 'द्विरिवे.
- Readqr and°वन्द्यांधि " Read खमचिंय.
WRead "मचैत्वैः. 17 A few letters have been inadvertently omitted after af

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19 राजीभूत् ।। १३] यस्य खभुजपराक्रमनि:शेषीमादितारिदिशकं । क्षण
स्यैवा' चरितं 20 श्रीकृष्णराजस्य ।। १४*] शुभतुङ्गतुंगतुरगप्रवृचरेणूरुहरविकिरणं [1]
ग्रीष्मपि [न]21 भोमण्डल' प्रावृट्वालायते स्पष्टं ।। १५"] दीनानाथप्रणयिषु यथेष्टचेष्टमजलं'
[*] तत्क्षणम22 कालवर्षों वर्षति सर्वातिनिर्मथवः [॥ १५*] येन निजराज्यमूजितमशेष.
भूपालपालित23 मनन्तं [*] श्रीराष्ट्रकूटविश्रुतचरितं कष्णराजस्य ॥ [१७] तस्य
सुत[:] सकलमहीमण्डलप. 24 रिपालनक्षम[:*] शूर:"] [*] जितवीरवैरिवर्गो नाना गोविन्दराजीभूत ॥ [१८] यस्य प्रवलप्र-6
Second Plate ; Second Side. 25 'वलप्रद्योतिताशामुखनिईलितवीरवैरिवर्गस्य पृथ्वीवल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपर. 26 मेश्वरश्रीप्रभूतवर्षस्य सकलमहीमण्डलैकतिलकस्य प्रवईमानराज्ये [1] तस्यानुजः 27 श्रीध्रुवराजनाना महानुभावो विहितप्रताप[*] [*] प्रसाधिताशेषनरेन्द्र
चक्र[:*] चूडाम28 णि' वालार्कवपुर्वभूव ।। १८*] तस्य सुत: समधिगतपंचमहाशब्दसुवरण
वर्षप्रतापशी-1 29 लश्रीकर्कराजस्तदान्जया सर्वानव राजसामन्तभोगिकविष[य*]पतिराष्ट्रग्राममह30 तराधिकारिका समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं मातापिचो: पुण्ययशोभि81 वृध्यर्थमार्मनश्च शकनृपकालातीतसंवत्सरगतेषु सप्तकोत्तरेषु अंकेनापि 32 संवत्सरशत ७०१ पुष्यमासे शुक्लपक्षे दशम्यां संक्रान्तौ सिन्दीमगरावस्थितेन
38 कर्कराजेन [*] तेनेदमध्रुवमसाखतमप्रतिष्ठ" स्वप्नेन्द्रजालजलवीचिचलखभा 34 वं [1] मत्वा जगत्तरवि पक्षवतोयतुच्छं संसारसागरसुखात्तरण विचिन्त्य
[॥ २०] श्रीन • •
1 Read चखेवाव. • Read चन:7 Read चल. " Rend बाला' and °बभूव, "Read qार्थमात्मनः "Read सुखीत.
I Read नभी निखिलं.
Read er • Read 'नामा. n Bend शब्द MRoad "मशाश्वत
• Read 'चष्टं समौदिसमवसं • Read प्रबल. • For चूडामवि read क्रमेय " Read 'कारिकान्. " Baad लगत्तदपि.

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No. 19.]
DHULIA PLATES OF KARKARAJA.
187
35 तवास्तव्यस्यानकशास्त्रावगाधसंशुचवुचिप्रभावाभिभूताखिलवि' 36 दं वेदवेदांगेतिहासपुराणव्याकरणमीमांसातर्कनिरुताय[] विद्या .
Third Plate. 37 पारगाय तचैविद्यसामान्यकौशिकसगोचकठसव्रह्मचारिण- भज 38 भट्टचन्द्रादित्यसुताय ॥ नासिक्कविषयान्तर्गतः रक्खुलनाम्ना' प्राम[*] प्रति]
पादि . . 39 दकपुरस्मरं दत्तः। यस्य पूर्वती चेभटिकानामग्रामसीमा। दक्षिणतो गोदाव[री] . 40 श्चिमतो बटमुखं नाम ग्राम[:*] । उत्तरती वटपुरं नाम ग्राम[:] ॥ एवं
चतुराघाटवि[श] . . 41 ट्रं[ग]: सपरिकरः अचाटभटप्रवेश भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेन दत्तः । तथा च
व . . . 42 नोक्तं ॥ स्व' दातुं सुमहसक्यं दुःखमन्यस्य पालनं [*] दानं वा पालन
वेत्ति दानाच्छु । 43 नपालन] [। २१*] स्वदत्तां परदत्तो वा यो हरेत वसुन्धरां । षष्ठि'
वर्षसहस्राणि विष्टा(?) . 44 जायते कमिः ॥ [२२] [तडागा]नां सहस्रेण प्रखमेधशतेन च । गवां कोटि
प्रदानेन भूमि] . . 45 न शुध्यति ॥ [२३] षष्ठिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*]
आच्छेत्ता चानुमंता च तान्येव नर . . . . [॥२४.] 46 [दत्तानि] यानीह पुरा नरेन्द्र: दानानि धर्मार्थयशस्कराणि । निर्माल्य
वांत (:) प्रति[मा] . . 47 [नि] को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत ॥ [२५] वहुभि: वसुधा भुत्ता"
राजभि[:*] सगरादि[भि]: *] . . 48 यस्य यदा भूमि: तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥ [२६*] लिखितं च मया श्रीप
तापशीलान[या] . . 49 न दुग्गडिसुतेनोवलशासनमालिलख"।
- Read गाढ' and 'बुडि. • Read "प्रवेश्यी.
Read षष्टि. • Read बहुभिर्व " Read श्रीप्रताप.
• Read .
- Read 'नामा. • Read स्वं.
• Read इचय. *Read षष्टि'
• Read °न्द्रेर्दा. Read भुक्ता.
Read भूमिस्तस्य. " Read भोजवलशासनम् and omit the letters following.
-22

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No. 20.-TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZ8CH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). These two sets of copper-plates belong to the Ratlam Darbar and were lent to Messrs. Marshall and Cousens in December 1902 by the Dewan of the Rutlam State in Central India. Mr. Marshall has communicated to me a letter of the Dewan of Ratlam, from which it appears that the plates had been found in 1891 at Nôgåwå, a village 10 miles north of Rutlam, while a well near a Brahman's house was being repaired. Each set consists of two copper-plates. To both sote is affixed a single seal, whose ring was found broken or cut, and of which it cannot be said to which set it belonged originally. The goal is elliptical, measures about 21" by 2" in diameter, and bears, on a countersunk surface, in relief, a bull couchant which faces the proper right, and below the bull, the legend Sri-Bhatakkah.
In the Annual Report of the Archæological Survey of India for 1902-03, p. 232 ff., I have already published the second of the two grants (B.), with facsimile. In now editing the first (A.), I reprint the text of the second as well, because the grant portions of both are closely connected and throw light on each other.
A.-NOGAWA PLATES OF (GUPTA-]SAMVAT 320. This inscription is edited from two sets of ink-impressions prepared by Mr. Cousens in 1903, and from rubbings supplied by Mr. Marshall in the same year. It is engraved on two copper-plates which bear writing only on their inner side. There are two ring holes at the bottom of the inscribed side of the first plate, and two corresponding ones at the top of that of the second plato. To judge from the impressions, each of the two plates measures about 9 inches in height and about 11 in breadth.
The alphabet resembles that of other Maitraka insoriptions of the same period. The jihrámúliya occurs once (1. 37), and the upadhmaniya also once (1. 38). The numerical symbols for 300, 20 and 5 are used in the date portion (1. 52). The secondary form of a is very often omitted. The anusuára is represented by guttural before and h* (11. 3, 5, 22, 45, 48), and by dental n before in three cases (11, 14, 28, 32), while the anusvára is employed in three others (sar sakta, ll. 1, 5, and sarokára, 1. 34).
The language is Sanskrit. Almost the whole of the inscription is in prose; but three of the customery verses are quoted in 11. 49-51. The rules of Sandhi are often disregarded - even in compound words.
The inscription records & grant of land to two Brahmaņas by the Maitraks king Dhruvasêng (II.), who issued this edict from (his capital) Valabbi (1.1). His genealogy is described in the same words as in his grant of San vat 310* and has been translated by me elsewhere. The grant portion runs as follows:
(L. 36.) The fervent worshipper of Mahdsvara (siva), the glorious Dhruvasêna (II.) whose second name was Bal&ditys, being in good health, issues (the following) command to all according as they are concerned :'
(L. 37.) “Be it known to you that, for the increase of the spiritual merit of (My) mother and father, I have given in Málavaka, in the said distriot (bhukti), at the eastern boundary of
Dr. Fleet kindly informs me that this village is entered Naugama' on the Indian Atlas sheet No. 36, N. E. (1895)
* In cashbatd, 1. 12, the ha is corrected from tha. * See niedai-sohyandna, 1, 38 f. and 1. 40, and ord maya-4gninndwind, 1. 89 f. • Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 18 f.
Bp. Ind. Vol. I. p. 89.

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No. 20.]
TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II.
the village Navagråmaka, one hundred bhaktis (of land) to the Brahmana Agnisvamin, who has come from [U]dumbaragahvara, resides at Agastikagrahara, belongs to the Chaturvedins of the said (place), to the gôtra of the Pârâsaras and to the school of the Vajasanêyas, (and is) the son of the Brahmana Kumarasvamin, and to the Brahmana Sangaravi, who has come from Jambusara, resides at Ayanakagrahara, belongs to the Chaturvedins of the said (place)," to the gôtra of the Kausikas and to the school of the Vajasaneyas, (and is) the son of the Brahmana Mahêévara.
(L. 42.) "The boundaries of this (land are):-to the east, the boundary of the village Varahôṭaka; to the south, a river; to the west, La[k]shmana's pattika; (and) to the north, the boundary of the village Pulindanaka.
189
(L. 43.) "(I have given), as a meritorious gift, with libations of water, these one hundred bhaktis, thus defined by (their) four boundaries, with the udrasiga, uparikara (and) bhutavátapratyaya, with the income in grain and in gold, with the dasáparddha, with (the right to) eventual forced labour, not to be meddled with by any royal officers, excluding gifts previously made to temples and to Brahmanas and the twentieth (share due) to Brahmanas, according to the maxim of bhúmichchhidra, to last as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean, the earth, the rivers and the mountains, (and) to be enjoyed by the sons, grandsons and (further) descendants (of the two donees)."
Ll. 46-51 contain the usual admonitions and imprecations.
(L. 51.) "The messenger (dútaka) for this (grant is) the Rajaputra éri-Kharagraha. This (edict) has been written by the chief secretary (divirapati) Skandabhats, the son of the chief secretary Vatrabhaṭṭ[i], who is charged with peace and war. The year 300 (and) 20; (the month) Bhadrapada; the dark (fortnight); the 5th (tithi). (This is) My own signature."
The two donees resided at Agastikagrahara and Ayanakagrahara and had emigrated from Udumbaragahvara (1. 38) and Jambusara (1. 40). Udumbaragahvara occurs also in B. (1. 41) and in a grant of Dharasena IV. Jambusara is the modern Jambûsar between Kaira and Broach.
The expression in Malavaka, in the said district' (Málavaké uchyamána-bhuktau, 1. 41 f., and Malavaké uchyamdna-vishayé in B., 1. 44) is a little puzzling. When publishing B. alone, I suggested that the word uchyamána may refer to Dasapura, which occurs three lines earlier in the description of the donees. This idea has to be given up because A. does not mention Dasapura at all. In the description of the donees the word uchyamána is used twice with reference to the immediately preceding village names Agastikagrahara (1. 38) and Ayanakagrahara (1. 40). Consequently the word uchy amâna before bhuktau and vishayé can only refer to the preceding locative Málavakê, and Malavaké uchyamána-bhuktau or -vishayé comes to the same as Málavaka-bhuktau or -vishayê. At any rate the two grants prove that Dhruvasêna II. was in possession of Malwa, or at least of a portion of it.
To this province belonged the land granted in Navagråmaka, which was bounded in the east by Varahotaka, in the south by a river, and in the north by Pulindanaka. In his letter to Mr. Marshall, the Dewan of Rutlam identified Navagråmaka with the modern Nogawa where the two grants were discovered, Varahotaka with Bharoda in the east, and Pulindânaka ith Paldûna in the north. On a map of the Rutlam State which he annexed to his letter, a small river is also marked on the south-east of Nogawa, as required by the description in the grant.
1 I.e. of Agastikågra hârs.
Compare Bühler's remark in Ind, Aut. Vol. XV. p. 337. Ind. Ant. F.
I.e. of Ayanakagrahara.
See page 195 below.
• Compare ibid. Vol. VII. p. 241.

Page #221

190
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vou. VIII.
The Dataka of this grant, prince (raja putra) Kharagraha (1.51) is perhaps the same person who later on ascended the throne as Kharagraha II. The writer of the inscription, the Divira pati Skandabhata, occurs again in other grants of Dhruvasêna II. and Dharasépa IV.; his father Vatrabhatti in grants of Siladitya I. and Dhravasóna II.;" and his son Anahila in grante of Dhruvasena III., Kharagraha II. and SilAditya II.'
The year of this inscription, [Gupta-]Samvat 320 (s.e. A.D. 630-40), is the same as that of the Bhaunagar plates published by Mr. Jackson.
TEXT.7
First Plate. - 1 भी स्वस्ति [*] वलभितः प्रसभप्रणतामित्र[*]णां मैत्रकाण मतुलबल
सम्पब्रमण्डलाभोगसंसक्तप्रहा[र]2 शतलब्धप्रतापात्प्रतापोपनतदानम[]नाजयोपार्जितानुरागादनुरक्तमौलभृतश्रेणीबला
वाप्तराज्य3 श्रियः परममाहेश्वर(:) श्रीभटार्कादव्यवच्छिबराजवङ्गान्मातापिचरणारविन्दप्रणति
प्रविधौताशेषकल्मष[:] 4 शैशवाप्रभृति खगद्वितीयबाहुरेव समदपरगजघटास्फोटनप्रकाशितसत्वनिकष:
तत्प्रभावप्रणतारातिचूडार(नप्रभासंसक्तपादनखरश्मिसइति: सकलस्मृतिप्रणीतमार्गसम्यक्षरि
पालनप्रजाहृदयर-1 6 जनान्वर्थराजशब्दो रूपरान्तिस्थैर्यगाम्भिय्यबुद्धिसम्पद्भिः स्मरशशाङ्कादिराजोदधि
त्रिदशगुरूधने शानति-15 7 शयान :] शरणागताभयप्रदानपरतय[*] तृणवदपास्त[*] शेषस्वक[*]र्यफल
प्रस्य॑नाधिकार्य (1) प्रदानानन्दित8 विद्दत्सुहृत्प्रणयिहृदयः पादचारीव सकलभुवनमण्डलाभोगप्रमोदः परममाहेश्वरः
श्रीगुहसन9 स्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादनखमयूखसन्त *]न विमतजावी]जलौघप्रक्ष [*]लिताशेष
कल्मष: प्रणयिशतसहस्रोपजीव्य
The same prince is mentioned in B. below, 1. 63 f, and in Journ. Bombay Br. R. A. S. Vol. XX. p. 9, text line 21.
B. below, 1, 51, and Journ. Bombay Br. R. 4. S. Vol. XX. p. 9, text line 22.
Ind. Anti Vol. VII. p.75, and Vol. XV. p. 340. • Tbid. Vol. VI. p. 16, Vol. Ix. p. 239, and Vol. XIV. p. 328.
Ibid. Vol. VII. p. 79, and Vol. XI. P. 309; Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 85, and Vol. IV. p. 75. • Journ. Bombay Br. R.4. S. Vol. xx. p.9. 1 Prom ink-impressions and rubbings.
• Expressed by a symbol. • Read °वंशा: 10 Read °सत्त्व.
1 Read 'संहतिः . * Read °सम्यकपरि', WRead रूपकान्ति
1. Read "गाम्भीय • Read ° गुरु.

Page #222

No. 20.]
TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II.
191
10 मानसम्पद्रूपलोभादिवाश्रितः सरभसम[r*] भिगामिकैर्गुणैत्महजशक्तिशिक्षिा] विशेष_ विस्मापिताखिलधनु-1 11 ईरः प्रथ()मनरपतिसमतिसृष्ट[*]नामनुप[*] लयिता धम्मदायानामपाकर्ता
प्रजोपघातकारि12 णमुपप्लव[*]नां दशयिता' श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिपासस्य संहतारातिपक्ष
लक्ष्मीपरिभोगदक्षविक्रमी विक्रमोपसं.. 13 प्राप्तविमलपार्थिवश्री: परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादानुध्य[*]त:
सकलज[गदानन्दन[*]त्यद्भुत (1)14 गुणसमुदयस्थगितसमग्रदिन्मण्डल[:] समरशतविजय[शोभासन[*]थमण्डलाग्र
द्युतिभासुरतगन्मपीठोदूढ16 'गुरूमनोरथमहाभ[*]र: सर्वविद्यापरावरविभागाधिगमविमलमतिरपि सर्व
तस्मुभ[*]षितलवेनापि सखोपपा16 दनीयपरितोष: समग्रलोकागाधगाम्भीर्यहृदयोपि सुचरितातिशयसुव्यक्तपरम
कल्या*]णस्वभाव: खिली17 भूतकृतयुगनृपतिपथविशोधनाधिगतीदयकी[त्तिद्धमानु परोधोज्ज्वलत रिकृत *]
Nसुखसम्पदुपसेवानिरू18 ढधर्मादित्यहितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीशीलादित्यस्तस्यानुजस्तत्प[*]द [*]
नुध्य[*]त: स्वयमुपेन्द्रगुरुणेव गुरुण[]19 त्यादरवता समभिलषणीयामपि राजलक्ष्मि स्कन्ध[*][][*] परमभद्र इव
धुर्यास्तदान[*]सम्प[*]दनक[२]सतयेवोहह20 "नवेदसखररि[भ्य] [*]मन[*]य[*]सितसत्वसम्पत्तिः प्रभावसम्पदशीकत नृपति
शतशिरोरत्नच्छायोपगूढपादपीठोपि 21 परावज्ञाभिम[*]नरसानालिङ्गितमनोवृत्ति: प्रणतिमेका परित्यज्य प्रख्यात
पौरुषाभिमानैरप्यरातिभिरनासादित22 प्रतिक्रियोपायः कतनिखिलभुवन[*]मोदविमलगुणसङ्कातिप्रसभविघटितसकलकलि.
विल[सितगतिर्वीचजना-13 23 धिरोहिभिरशेषेर्दोषैरन[*]मुष्टात्यव्रतवदयः प्रख्यातपौ[क]षास्त्रकौशलातिशयगणतिथ.
विपक्षक्षितिषतिलक्ष्मी
मर
+ Red महज
. Read धर्म • Read °धिवासस्य ; the ka of संहता is corrected from aha. • Read रांस'.
1 Read ° गुरु. , Red°लमों.
10 Read 'रतिभ्या. 11 Read 'मेका.
#Rend संहतिः
I Read दर्शयिता. • Read दिमण्डल:. • Rend कीर्तिईम्रो sud 'तरीकता. 1 Read सत्त्व. " Real 'तितिपति.

Page #223

192
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VIII.
24. 'खयग्रहप्रक[*]शितप्रवीरपुरुषप्रथमसंख्याधिगम[:] परमम[[*] हेखरः श्रीखर
ग्रहस्तस्य तमय25 'तत्यादा[नुध्य][*]तः सकलविद्य][*]धिगमविहितनिखिलविद्वज्जनमनःपरि
तोषातिशयः सत्वताम्पद[*] त्व[*]गौदा[यें]26 स च विग[][r"] नु[सन्धान[*][श]म[हिता[*]तिपक्षमनोरथाक्षभतः सम्य
गुपलचित[]नेकयास्त्रकलालोकचरित
Second Plate. 27 गाविभागोपि प्ररमभद्रप्रकतिरक्वत्रिमप्रमयविनयशोभाविभूषण: समरशतजय
पताकाह28 रणप्रत्यलोदप्रबाहुदहविध्वन्सितनिखिलपतिपक्षदर्योदयः [ख]धनु[:"]प्रभावपरि.
भुतास्त्रको[शखाभिमा29 [न]सकनृपतिमण्डलामिन[न्दि]तशासना' परमम[7]हेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनस्तत्या.
नुजस्तत्पाद[*]नुष्य[*]त: सच्चरितातिशयित30 स[क]लपूर्वनरपतिरतिदुमाधानामपि प्रसाधयिता विपयाणां' मूर्तिमा[नि]व
पुषि]कार: "परिवृहंगुणानुराग31 [निर्मरचित्तत्तिभिर्यनुरिव खयमभ्युपपनः प्रचतिभिरधिगतकलाकलापः
का'][न्तिमा[वि] तिहेतुरकरा: 32 [कुमुदनाथः मान्यप्रतापखगितदिग[न्त] राखप्रध्वन्धितध्वा[न्तराथिमततोदित
सविता" प्रतिभ्यः परं प्रत्ययम38 "खवन्त]मतिबहुतियप्रयोजनानुबन्ध[*]गमपरिपूर्ण विदधानः "वन्धिविग्रह
समासनिषयनिपुण: [व]निनु-" 34 "रुपमादेयं ददावधिविधानजनितसंस्कारम[*]धूना" राज्यसाखातुरीय[तन्त्र
योरुभयोरप निशात 35 प्रबष्टविकमोपि "विरासदुदयः श्रुतवानप्यगर्वितः कान्तोपि प्रशमी
खिरसोडदखोपि निरसिता दो. 36 षवतासुदयसमयसमुपजनितजनतानुरागपरिपिहितभुवनसमर्थितप्रथितबालादित्यहि
I Rend'खच •Bad'प्रत्रय TRadमासमः
Radपरािब " Rand पूर्ण * Rand . Read IV.
Read 'सत्पा . •Read 'विसिव •Read 'वस्था HBad प्रपंसिव "Bend सन्धि - Read पूना
• Read सखसण्यदा. • Read परिभूता. • Read विषयाचा - Read'बंद. "Read स्थाने 18 Read merg
and ef.

Page #224

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Page #225

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Page #226

No. 20.]
TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II.
295
37 तीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीध्रुवसेनङ्कशली सर्वानेव यथासम्बध्यमानकान्म
म[*] ज्ञापयेत्यस्तु' व38 संविदितं यथा मया मातापित्री पुण्याप्य[]यनायः दुम्बरगहर[विनिग्ग
तागस्तिकाग्र ()हार()[निवासिउ[च्य]39 मानचातुबिद्यसामान्यपाराशरस गोवाजसनेयसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणकुमारस्व[7] मि
पुत्रब्राह्मण40 अग्निस्वामिने तथा जम्बूसरविनिग्गतायानकाग्र()हारनिवासि[उ]च्यमान[चा]तु
बिद्यसामान्य कौशिकस41 गोत्रवाजसनेयसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणमहेश्वरपुत्रब्राह्मणसंगरवये मालव उच्चमा.
नभु42 तो नवग्रामकग्रामपूर्व[दी] नि' भक्तिी]शतं यस्याघाटनानि पूर्वतः वराहो
टकग्रामकट: दक्षिणतो 43 नदी अपरत: 'लमणपट्टिका उत्तरत: पुलिन्दानकग्रामककटः [एवमेतच्चतु
राघाटनविशुद्ध भक्तीशतं 44 सोद्रङ्ग सोपरिकरं सभूतवातप्रत्यायं सधान्यहिरण्यादेय सदश[*]पराधं
सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिक सर्वराज45 कीयानामहस्तप्रक्षपणीयं पूवं प्रत्तदेव ब्रह्मदेयब्र[*]ह्मणविङ्गतिरहितं भूमिच्छिद्र
न्य[*] येन[*]चन्द्र[*]निर्ण[वक्षि]46 तिसरित्पर्बतसमक[*]लीनं पुत्रपोत्रान्वयभोग्य" उ[द] कातिसगर्गेण धर्मादायो
निसृष्टः यतोनयो(च) रुचितया 47 ब्रह्मदेयस्थित्या गुञ्जतो: वषतोः कफयतोः प्रदिशतोर्वा न कैश्चिवार[*]सेध
वर्तितव्यमागामिभद्रनप48 तिभिरय्यस्महङ्गाजैरण्येा अनित्य [*]न्यैश्वर्याण्यस्थिरं म[*]नुष्य स[*].
म[*] न्यञ्च भूमिदानफलमवगच्छद्भिर[य]49 मस्मह[*]योनुमन्तव्यः परिप[*] लयितव्यश्चेत्युतञ्च ॥ बहुभिर्वसुध[r*] भु
त[*] राजभिस्मगर[*]दिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यद[*] भूमस्त [स्य]"
1 Read "पयत्यस्तु.
Read °यनायोदम्बर° and compare B., text line 41. The name of the donee is spaced out. It may have been filled in subsequently, or substituted for an eraseri longer name. • Read पूर्वसौखि.
• Read लाय. • Read सीद्रा * Resdu.
*Read °विष्टिकं. • Read प्रक्षेपणीय पर्व'. 10 Read °विंशवि.
Read पौवान्वयभीग्यं. 1 Read भुखतो. " Read कर्षयती..
- Read रप्यमहंशजरन्या . 1s Read मानुष्यं. 1 Read °युक्तच.
Read भूमिस्तस्य.
20

Page #227

194
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
50 e 22[*] [1] []tute (1*]fig [TR][-] af
[TR]ga tera[1*]fa [18] [1*] fan[t]fa afr*7
ITA * g[a]51 Tuleta afga [d]e [t*][fr] arif farefa yht: [i*] -
a[1*]? [T*]7A[][T*]® a[1*][a]' T a []f&fa ga
ayritetas[:*] 52 fafcaf 09fafque[ro]ycafefatafira Tagufęfata fere HÈ II
# Roo PO [T*]zuca R H
B.-NOGAWA PLATES OF (GUPTA-]SAMVAT 321. The text of this inscription, which is here printed for the second time, is based on two sets of ink-impressions and one set of estampages, prepared by Mr. Cousens. The estampages are very excellent and show many letters wbich, owing to the corroded condition of the original, appear only imperfectly in the ink-impressions.
The copper-plates are two in number and bear writing only on their inner side. There are two ring holes at the bottom of the inscribed side of the first plate, and two corresponding ones at the top of that of the second plate. To judge from the impressions, each of the two plates moasures about 9' in height and 11}" in breadth.
The jihvámúliya occurs twice (11. 34 and 40), and the upadhmaniya once (1. 53). The date portion contains the numerical symbols for 300, 20, 1 and 3 (1. 54). As in A., the anusvára is represented by guttural i before & and h (11. 3, 5, 12, 23, 48, 50), and by dental na before s in three cases (11. 15, 29, 34), while in three others (11. 2, 5, 36 f.) the anusvára is employed.
The language is Sanskrit. Almost the whole of the inscription is in prose; but, as in A., three of the customary verses are quoted in ll. 51-53. The language of 11. 41-43 is incorrect. The name of the first donee, Dattasvúmi (1. 42), although it has no case-ending, is joined by the particle tatha to the following Kumárasvâmi (1. 43), to which the dual case-ending bly ám is affixed.
The text of the grant B. is practically identical with that of A., excepting the place of issue, the names and the description of the two donees, the description of the granted land, and the date. The grant was issued from the victorious camp pitched at Va[n]ditapalli" (1.1), which I am unable to identify. The two donees were "the Brahmana Dattasvâmin, who hos come from Udumbaragahvara, resides at Ay[á]nakågrahara, belongs to the Trivedins of Dasapura, to the gôtra of the Pårågaras and to the school of the Madhyandina-Vajasanêyas, (and is the son of the Brahmana Budhasvâmin, and the Brahmana Kumarasvâmin, who resides at Agastikagrabara, belongs to the Chaturvedins of the said (place), to the gôtra of the Pârâšaras and to the school of the V&jasan yas, and is) the son of the Brahmaņa
- Read फलं. • Read ery:. 7 Read TT. 10 Read fana " See page 188 above.
Read दारिद्रा * Read reta. . Read oH*. 11 Read #feo and see B., text line 54. 13 I.e. of Agastikågrahara.
Read af. Beod farfa #f:. . Read are

Page #228

No. 20.]
Budhasvamin" (11. 41-43). The grant consisted of "a field measuring one hundred bhaktis at the southern boundary of the village Chandraputraka in Malavaka, in the said district (vishaya). The boundaries of this (field are):-to the east, the boundary of the village Dhammanahaḍḍika; to the south, the boundary of the village Devakulapataka; to the west, the boundary of the field of the Mahattara Viratara-maṇḍalin; at the north-western corner, the small tank (called) Nirgandi; (and) to the north, (the field of) Viratara-mandalin" (11. 44-46). The date of the grant was "the year 300 (and) 20 (and) 1; (the month) Chaitra ; the dark (fortnight); the 3rd (tithi)" (1. 54).
4
TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II.
Each of the two donees is called a son of Budhasvamin, a student of the Vâjasanêya sakha, and a member of the Pârâéara gôtra. This suggests that they were sons of the same father, and that the epithet 'who has come from Udumbaragahvara,' which is applied to the first donee (1. 41), holds good for the second as well. The first donee is stated to have resided at Ayânakagrahara and to have belonged to the Trivedins of Dasapura. From this I conclude that Ayânakâgrahara was a quarter or suburb of Dagapura. The second donee, who was probably the brother of the first, resided at, and belonged to the Chaturvedins of, Agastikagrahara, which may have been, another hamlet of Dasapura. This town is the modern Dasôr or Mandasôr, the chief town of a district of the Scindia's dominions, about 52 miles north of Rutlam.
As in the inscription A., the land granted belonged to the province of Malavaka. It consisted of a field in the south of Chandraputraka and was bounded in the east by Dhammanahaḍḍika and in the south by Dêvakulapâṭaka. In his letter to Mr. Marshall, the Dewan of Rutlam thought of identifying these places, successively, with Chandodia, Dhamnod and Divel Khedi three villages in the south-west of Nôgåwå where the two grants were discovered. But the phonetical correspondence of each of the three pairs of names is only superficial; besides, Dhamnod is not in the east, but in the south-west, and Divel Khedi not in the south, but in the north-west, of Chandodia. Hence the Dewan's identification must be rejected. Dr. Fleet has very kindly searched the maps with the following result:
C
195
"Eleven miles south-south-east from Mandasôr, there is a large village which is shewn as Dhamnar' in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 35, S.E. (1891), and as Dhamnár' in the Bhopal and Malwa Topographical Survey sheet No. 38 (1882). I suspect that this is the Dhammanahaḍḍikâ of the record. But neither of the maps shews anything answering to any of the other names; unless Devakulapâṭaka may be found in the Dilauda' of the maps, four miles west-south-west from 'Dhamnár,' and in quite the right position to be on the south of Chandraputraka, Dhamnár' being taken to be the village on its east. And, of course, a possible identification of only one place is not sufficient to conclusively locate the record."
The date of this inscription, [Gupta-]Samvat 321 (i.e. A.D. 640-41), falls between that of the first Nôgåwå grant- Samvat 320-and the earliest date of Dharasêna IV.- Samvat 3266 and thus extends the known period of the reign of Dhruvasêna II. by one year.
1 See the remarks on page 189 above.
2 See above, p. 189 and note 5.
See Dr. Fleet's Gupta Insoriptions, p. 79 f., and above, Vol. V. p. 88 f.
Dr. Fleet informs me that these villages are given on the Indian Atlas sheet No. 36, N. E. (189b), as Chandoria, Dhamnod, Dibal and Kheri.
"There is also another 'Dilauda,' which gives its name to a station on the Holkar and Neemuch State Railway, three and a half miles north-north-east from this one, and two and a half miles north-west-by-west from Dhamnar.""
See Prof. Kielhora's Northern List, No. 481.
202

Page #229

196
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 औं स्खस्ति [*] विजयस्कन्धावाराहन्दि] तपल्लीवासकानसभप्रणतामित्राणां
मैत्रकाणामतुलबलसम्पत्रमण्डलाभोग2 संसक्तमहारमतलब्धप्रतापात्प्रतापोपनतदानमानार्जवोपार्जितानुरागादनुरक्तमौलभृत
श्रेणी3 बलावाप्तराज्यश्रियः परममाहेश्वरश्रीभटार्कादव्यवच्छिन्नराजवङ्गामातापितृचरणा
रविन्दप्रणति4 प्रविधौताशेषकल्मषः शैशवात्प्रभृति खङ्गद्वितीयबाहुरेव समदपरगजघट[1]
स्फोटनप्र[का]शि[त]5 'सत्वनिकषः तत्प्रभावप्रणतारातिचूडारत्नप्रभासंसक्तपादनखरश्मिसङ्गतिः सक[ल]- स्मृतिप्रणी6 तमार्गसम्यक्परिपालनप्रजाहृदयरञ्जनान्वर्थराजशब्दो रूपकान्तिस्थैर्यगाम्भीर्य्यबुद्धि
सम्पनि[:*] स्मरश7 शाह्याद्विराजोदधिचिदशगुरुधनेशानतिशयानः शरणागताभयप्रदानपरतया तुणवद
पास्ताशेषस्वकार्य8 फलप्रार्थनाधिकार्थप्रदानानन्दितविहत्महत्प्रणयिहृदयः पादचारीव सकलभुवन
मण्डला[भोगप्रमोदः 9 परममाहेश्वरः श्रीगुहसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादनखमयूखसन्तानविसृतजाह्नवीजलोघ
प्रक्षालि[ता शेष-' 10 कल्मषः प्रणयिशतसहस्रोपजीव्यमानसम्पद्रूपलोभादिवाश्रितः सरभसमाभिगामि
कैर्गुणै:*] [स]हनll शक्तिशिक्षाविशेषविम्मापिताखिलधनुईरः प्रथमनरपतिसमतिसृष्टानामनुपालयिता
धर्मदा[याना]12 मपाकर्ता प्रजोपघातकारिणमुपलवाना दर्शयिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिवासस्य
"सतारातिपक्षल[सी]13 परिभोगदपविक्रमी विक्रमोपसप्रप्तवि[म]लपार्थिवश्री: परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधर
सेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्यादानु
T and th of
From two ink-impressions and an estampage.
An indistinct symbol is engraved above the line between - Read °वंशा.
• Read °सत्त्व - Read अलीध.
• Read'प्रधाना.. • Read 'संप्राप्त.
* Expressed by a symbol. arteko
• Read °संहतिः. • Read संहता.

Page #230

No. 20.]
TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II.
197
14 ध्यातः 'सकलजगदानन्दनात्यभुतगुणसमुदयस्थगितसमग्रदिमण्डलः समरसत
विजयशोभास15 नाथमण्डलाग्रद्युतिभासुरतरान्सपीठो[ढ]गु[क]मनोरथमहाभा[२]: सर्व विद्या]
परावर[विभागाधिग16 मविमलमतिरपि सर्वतस्मुभाषितलवेनापि मुखोपपा[द]नीयपरि[तो]ष: समग्र
लोकागाधगाम्भी17 र्यहृदयोपि सुचरितातिशयसुव्यक्तपरमकल्याणख[भाव: खिलीभूतकृतयुगनृपति
पथ[वि]शोध18 नाधिगतोदग्रकीर्तिईनुिपरोधीज्वल[तरीकतार्थसुखसम्पदुपसेवानिरूढधर्मादि]
त्यहिती[य]नामा पर19 ममाहेखरः श्रीशीलादित्यस्तस्यानुजस्तत्पादानुध्यात: [ख]यमुपन्द्रगुरुणव गुरु
णात्यादरवत[7] समभिल- . 20 षणीयामपि राजलक्ष्मी' स्कन्धासतां परमभद्र इव धुर्य्यस्तदाज्ञासम्पादनक
___ रसत[ये वोहहम्मेदसुखरतिभ्या21 मनायासितसत्वसपत्तिः प्रभावसम्पदशीकतनृपतिशतशिरोरत्रच्छायोपगूढपादपीठोपि
परावज्ञाभि22 मानरसाना[थङ्गित]मनोवृत्तिः प्रणतिमेका' परित्यज्य प्रख्यातपौरुषाभिमानैरप्य
रातिभिरनासादितप्रति] क्रियो]23 पायः कतनिखिलभुवनामोदविमलगुणसङ्कतिप्रसभविघटितसकलकलिविलसितगति
बी[चजनाधि24 रोहिभिरशेषहरिनामुष्टात्युबतहदयः प्रख्यातपौरुषास्त्रकौशलातिशयगणसिथ
प्रख्यातपौरुषास्त्रकाशलातिशय विदच[क्षि]तिपाति25 लक्ष्मीस्खयंग्रहप्रकाशितप्रविरपुरुषप्रथमसेम्याधिगमः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीखरग्रह- स्तस्य तनयस्तत्पादा26 नुध्यातः स[क] लविद्याधिगमविहितनिखिलविहन्ननमनःपरितोषातिशयः "सत्व
सम्पदा त्यागौदार्येण च 27 विगतानुसन्धान[*]शमाहितारातिपक्षमनोरयाचभः सम्यगुपलचिताणकथा[ख]-2 28 कलाथोकचरितगहरविभागोपि परमभद्रप्रकृति[]कषिमप्रच[यविनय]
I Read "वडत. • Read द.. - Read मेकां. 10 Read 'प्रवौरपरुषप्रथमसंख्याधिगमः * Read 'कबालीक.
• Rand 'राम. • Read 'सत्त्वसंपत्तिः . • Raad 'संहति. ॥ Bend सत्त्व'.
• Rad 'ली. • Read मासिविता • Read 'विपचितिपति. WRend तानेक.

Page #231

198
36 विदधानः
29 शोभा विभूषण:
30 निखिलप्रतिपक्षदपदयः
31 ण्डलाभिनन्दितशासनः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेन [: * ] तस्यानुजस्तत्पादानुध्य [T*]
त[: *] सच्चरितातिशयितस
विधानजनितसं
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
32 कलपूर्व्वनरपतिरतिदुस्साधानामपि प्रसाधयिता विषयाणां मूर्तिमानिव पुरुषकारः परिवृद्धगु
33 णानुरागनिर्भरचित्तवृत्तिभिर्मनुरिव स्वयमभ्युपपन्नः प्रकृतिभिरधिगतकला कलापः
कान्तिमा
34 निर्वृतिहेतुरकलङ्कङ्कुमुदनाथः प्राज्यप्रतापस्य [गि] तदिगन्तरालप्रध्वन्सितध्वान्तराशि:
सततो
35 दितस्सविता
प्रकृतिभ्यः परं प्रत्ययमर्त्यवन्तमतिबहुतिथ प्रयोजनानुबन्धमागम
परिपूर्ण
सन्धिविग्रह समास निश्चयनिपुणः स्थानेनुरूप [मादे]शं
ददहुण्हडि
'राज्यसालातुरियतन्त्रयोरुभयोरपि
निष्णातः प्रकृष्टविक्रमोपि
करुणामृदुहृद
38
यः श्रुतवानप्यगर्व्वितः कान्तोपि प्रशमी स्थिरसौहृदय्योपि निरसिता दोषवतामुदर्यसमयसमुप-'
37 स्कारस्ाधूनां
Second Plate.
समरशतजयपताकाहरण प्रत्यलोदग्रबाहु दण्डविध्वन्मित ' स्वधनुःप्रभावपरिभूतास्त्र कौशलाभिमान सकलनृपतिम
[Vol. VIII.
Read विध्वंसित".
39 जनितजनतानुरागपरिपिहितभुवनसमर्त्यतप्रथितबा [ला] दित्यद्दितीय नामा' परम
यथासम्बध्यमानकान्समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वस्तंविदितं यथा
माहेश्वरः श्री
40 ध्रुवसेनङ्कुशली सर्व्वानेव
मया मातापित्रोः
41 पुण्याप्यायनाय 'उदुम्बरगह्वरविनिर्गताय [T *]नकाय (1) हारनिवासिदशपुर चैविद्य
सामान्यपाराशरस
42 गोत्रमाध्यन्दिनवाजसनेयसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणबुधस्वामिपुत्र ब्राह्मणदत्तखामि तथागस्ति
काग्रहारनिवासि
48 [] च्यमान चातुर्व्विद्यसामान्यपाराशर सगोत्रवाजसनेयस ब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणबुधस्वामपुत्रब्राह्मणकुमारखामिभ्या'
2 Read प्रध्वंसित.
• Read 'समथिंग,
Read शालातुरीय
• Read मुदय'.
• "तायानका ° is the reading of A text line 40.
7 Read बुधखामिपुत्र'. The syllable या is entered on the margin of the plate; read "भ्यां.

Page #232

No. 20.]
TWO GRANTS OF DHRUVASENA II.
199
44 मालवके उच्यमानविष[ये] चन्द्रपुत्रकग्रामे दक्षिणसीनि भक्तीशतप्रमाणक्षेत्र
यस्याघ[*]टनानि पूर्बत: धम्मणह45 डिडकाग्रामकस्ट: दक्षिणतो देवकुलपाट[क] ग्रामकङ्कट: अपरत: वीरतरमण्डलि
महत्तरक्षेत्रमादा उत्तरपश्चि46 मकोण निर्गण्डीसडाकिका उत्तरत: वीरतरमण्डली एवमेतच्चतुगघाटनविशुद्धं
भक्तीशतप्रमाणक्षेत्रं शो-1 47 द्रङ्ग सोपरिकर सभूतवातप्रत्यायं सधान्य हिरण्या देयं सपशपराध सोत्पद्यमान
विष्टिकं सर्बराजकीयानामह48 स्तप्रक्षेपणीय पूर्वप्रत्तदेवब्रह्मदेयब्राह्मणविङ्गतिरहित भमिच्छिद्रन्यायनाचन्द्रार्का
एणवक्षितिसरित्पर्ध49 तसमकालानं पुत्रपौत्रान्वयभोग्यं उदकातिसर्गेण धर्मदायो निसृष्ट[:*] यतो
नयोचितया ब्रह्मदेयस्थित्या भुञ्जत' 50 कषतः कर्षयतः प्रदिशतोळ न कैश्विद्यासधे वर्तितव्यमागामिभद्रनृपति
भिरण्यस्महङ्गजैरन्यैर्वा अनित्यान्य[व]Uण्य51 स्थिरं मानुष्यं सामान्यञ्च भूमिदानफलमवगच्छनिरयमम्महायोनुमन्तव्यः परि
पालयितव्यचेत्युक्तञ्च ॥ बहुभिर्वसुधा भु52 ता राजभिस्मगरादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा
फलं [*] यानीह दारिद्र्यभयावरेन्द्र ईनानि धर्मायतनीकतानि []
"निभुक्तमाल्यप्रति53 मानि तानि को नाम साधु पुनराददीत ॥ षष्टिवर्षसहस्र[*]णि स्वर्गे
तिष्ठति भूमिदः ।*] माच्छेता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसे
दिति । दूतकोत्र राज54 पुत्रश्रीखरग्रह[*] लिखितमिदं सन्धिविग्रहाधिवत दिविरपतिवचभडिपुत्रदिविर
पतिस्कन्दभटेन ॥ सं ३.० २.१ चैत्र ब ३ वहस्तो मम ॥
दात
| Read सी. • Read 'पौयं.
Read at:. M Read पाता .
. Read °कर, • Read 'विपति - Read °शी
• Resd सदभापराभ. • Read 'कालीन • Read निर्भुत

Page #233

200
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII
No. 21.-JAINA INSCRIPTIONS AT THE TEMPLE OF NEMINATHA
ON MOUNT ABU.
BY PROFESSOR H. LÜDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK. Inked estampages of the numerous inscriptions in the various temples on Mount Abû were prepared by Mr. H. Cousens, Superintendent of the Archäological Survey of the Bombay Presidency, in 1902, and sent by Professor Hultzsch to Professor Kielhorn, who made them over to me for publication. The 32 inscriptions edited below are from the temple of Nêminátha and refer to the erection and endowment of that building by Tējahpala, the minister of the Chaulukya king Viradhavala. At present this sanctuary seems to be known by the name of
the temple of Vastupala and Tējahpala ;' but as the inscriptions clearly show that appellation to be erroneons, the foundation being ascribed to 'i'ejahpala alone, I should prefer either to call it after the saint to whom it was dedicated, or to use the original name which, as again shown by the inscriptions, was Lūpasimhavasahikå or Lūpavasahika.
No. I. is engraved on a black slab built into a niche in the corridor of the temple. A translation of it was published as early as 1828 by H. H. Wilson in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI. p. 302 ff. The text, together with a translation, was first edited in 1883 by Professor Abaji Vishnu Kathavate in his edition of Somèsvaradeva's Kirtikatumadi, Appendix A. And a second edition, again accompanied by a translation, appeared in the Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions published by the Bhavnagar Archæological Department, p. 174 ff.
The writing covers a space of about 3' 11" broad by 2 71" high. It is beautifully engraved and generally in an excellent state of preservation. The size of the letters is". The characters are Jaina Någari. As ba is distinguished from va only by a very minute dot in the centre, which easily disappears in the impression, it is in some cases almost impossible to decide which character was meant. The language is Sanskrit, and apart from the introductory syllable om, a few connecting phrases in ll. 17, 26 and 30, and the concluding remarks in 1l. 46 and 47, the whole inscription is in verse. The text was composed by Sômêśvaradeva, the wellknown purðhita of the Chaulukya kings and author of the Kirtikaumudi; but although some of the verses undoubtedly vie in elegance with those of the larger work of the poet, it cannot be denied that the poem as a whole is disfigured by rather tedious repetitions, and sometimes by a certain want of connection between single stanzas. As regards lexicography, attention may be drawn to the architectural terms balanaka in 1. 37 and khattaka in 1. 40. The former apparently is identical with Marathi balani, which according to the Dictionary of Molesworth and Candy means * a raised seat along the walls of the gabhárå or sabhámandapa of a temple. The word khattaka I cannot trace in any dictionary accessible to me; judging from the context, it seems to have the meaning of pedestal' or 'throne. Proper names frequently appear in their Praksit form. Under the influence of the metre even the vulgar form Tejapála, instead of Téjahpala, is used in verse 56.
After an invocation of Sarasvati (v. 1) and Gaņēša (v. 2), the inscription gives first an account of the family of Téjahpåla. Their native town was Anahilapura, the residence of the Chulukya kings (v. 3). The ancestor of the family was Chandapa (v. 4). His son was Chandaprasada (v.5), who again had a son named Soma (v. 6). Sôma's son was Ašvaraja, whose wife was Kumaradevi (v.7). They had eleven children (vv. 8-24)-four sons: Lûpiga,
1 [On parahi, Jaina temple, which is to be derived from * casathi, another form of the Sanskrit vasali, see Prof. Pischel's Grammatik der Prakrit. Sprachen, $ 207. The Kannada equivalent basadi or basli is a tadbhava of rasati itself-E. H.!

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who died when he was still a youth (v. 8), Malladéve, Vastupala and Tejahpåla, and seven daughters : Jlhů, Mad, Sad, Dhanadêvî, Sobaga, Vayajuka and Padamaladevi. The family professed the Jaina faith (vv. 7; 10) and belonged to the lineage of the Prågvatas (v. 4). The four brothers are all called ministers (mantrin, sachiva), and of Vastapala it is expressly stated that he was in the service of the Chulukyas (v. 14). Special praise is bestowed on Vastupala and Têjabpala, who seem to have been connected by the ties of sincere brotherly affection (vv. 19. 24); but these verses contain no historical allusions.
The text then turns from the ministers to their lords, the Chaulukyas as they are called here (vv. 25; 28). Only the members of the so-called Våghêlå line are mentioned here, vis. Arņôraja (v.25), his successor Lavaņaprasada (v. 26), and the son of the latter, Viradhavala (v. 27). Two verses (vv. 28; 29) are added in praise of the services rendered to Viradhavala by the brothers Vastupala and Têjahpåla, and of the implicit confidence by which the king rewarded their attachment to his person.
Abruptly a description of the Arbuda mountain, the modern Mount Abů, is introduced (vv. 30; 31), after which follows, equally abruptly, a genealogy of the Paramaras of Chandravati (vv. 32-42). That these verses are inserted here because Têjabpala built a temple on Mount Å bû and this mountain was situated in the province governed by the Paraméras, can be gathered only from the contents of the last section of the inscription. The account of the Paramaras begins with the legend of their origin. Their ancestor, from whom they took their name, is said to have sprung from the altar of the sacrificial fire of Vasishtha and to have received the appellation of Paramira from that sage on account of the delight he took in killing his enemies (para-marana) (v. 32). In that family there arose first Dhûmarája (v. 33), who was followed by Dhandhuka, Dhruvabhata and others up to Ramadêve (v. 34). With Râmadeva begins a coherent pedigreu which may be tabulated as follows:
Ramadêva.
Yasodhavala.
Dhåråvarsha,
Prahladada Somasimhadêva.
Kțishộarajadêva. Besides the genealogy the inscription furnishes several items of historical value. Yasodhavala is said to have quickly killed Ballkla, the lord of Malava, when he had learned that he had become hostile to the Chaulukya king Kumarapala (v. 35). From the wording of the verse we may conclude that Yaśódha vala was a fendatory of Kumarapala when he waged war against Ballala, just as Yaśôdhavala's son Dhâråvarsha appears as a feudatory of Kumarapala's grandnephew Bhimadova II. in a Mount Abû inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 1265. It is no wonder, therefore, that elsewhere we find the destruction of Ballâla attributed to Kumarapala himself. In Somêsvaradêva's Kirtikaumudt (II. 48) Kumâra påla is said to have seized in battle, out of passion, the heads of the kings Ballala and Mallikarjuna like the breasts of the goddess of victory. And in the Somnath pattan inscription of Bhava Bțihaspati, dated in Valabbi. Samvat 850 (A.D. 1169)," he is called a lion to jump on the heads of those) elephants-Ballala, king of Dhara, and the illustrious ruler of Jångala. The latest epigraphical date for Kumarapala's predecessor Jayasim hadeva is Vikrama-Samvat 1196. The earliest inscription of the reign of
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 221. ? Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. III. p. 8. * Ind, Ant. Vol. X. p. 159 ff.
2 D
.

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Kumarapala himself is dated in Vikrama-Samvat 1202. According to Mêrutunga's Prabandhachintamani Jayasimhadêva reigned until Vikrama-Samvat 1199, and in the same author's Vicharaérênt the date of his death is given as the third day of the bright half of Karttika of Vikrama-Samvat 1199, and that of his successor's coronation as the fourth day of the bright half of Mârgasira of the same year. Ballâla, therefore, must have found his death between A.D. 1142 and 1169, the date of the Sômnâthpattan inscription. No king of that name, however, is found among the Paramâra rulers of Målava of this or, in fact, of any other period, and it is altogether improbable that Ballâla belonged to this dynasty. The question who he was and how he came to acquire the kingdom of Målava cannot be answered at present, but I wish to draw attention to the fact discussed at length by Professor Kielhorn that after the death of Yasôvarman, which must have occurred between A.D. 1135 and 1144, the Málava kingdom was for some time in a troubled state apt to rouse the ambitions of a conqueror or usurper.
[VOL. VIII.
Dhârâvarsha, who seems to have been extraordinarily fond of hunting expeditions (v. 37), was an enemy of the lord of Kaunkana or Konkan (v. 36), but no particulars are added. I have quoted already above the Mount Abû inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 1265 (A.D. 1209), where Dhârâvarsha, the lord of Chandrâvati, the Sambhu to the Asuras-the provincial chiefs (mendalika),' is mentioned as the feudatory of Bhimadêva II.
Bhirnagar Inser, p. 155 ff.
1 See the end of sarga III.
His younger brother Prahladana is called he' whose sword was dexterous in defending the illustrious Gûrjara king, when his power had been broken on the battle-field by Samantasimha' (v. 38). The Gurjara king who was saved by Prahladana from Sâmantasimha, of course, was Bhimadeva II., but it is difficult to say who that Sâmantasimha was. No further details being given and the name being not uncommon in this period, it is hardly possible to identify that prince with certainty. The person who in my opinion has the best right of being considered the Samantasimha of the inscription is the Guhila chief of that name mentioned in two inscriptions on Mount Abû and at Sâdadi. In the former inscriptions he takes the fifth place after Vijayasimha, who must have flourished about A.D. 1125,9 and the fifth place before Têjaḥsimha, whose Chitorgadh inscription is dated in Vikrama-Samvat 1324 A.D. 1257.10 He thus appears to have reigned about A.D. 1200, which would well accord with the fact that his adversary Prahladana was yuvaraja in A.D. 1209.11 Also from a geographical point of view there is no objection to my identification, as Médarâța, the country of the Guhilas, bordered the district ruled by the Paramâras of Chandrâvati. It would be quite natural therefore to find Prahladans defending his suzerain against the attack of a Guhila chief. That the relations between the Chaulukyas and the Guhilas were not always of a friendly nature is proved by a grant of Visaladeva, the son of Viradhavala, where the king is given the epithet Médapat akadéśakalusha-rajya-ralli-kand-ochchhedana-kuddula-kalpa, 'he who resembled a hoe for rooting out the bulb of (that) creeper-the turbulent government of the Mêdapâtaka country.' 12
Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 162.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 348.
The latest inscription of Yasôvarman is the Ujjain plate of Vikrama-Samvat 1192, and the earliest in-cription of his son Lakshmivarman is the Ujjain plate of Vikrama-Samvat 1200. See Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 349 and n. 352 f.
6 Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 347 f.
1 Bharnagar Inser, p. 114 ff.
The Sâdadi inscription, which is considerably later, slightly differs in its list of rames.
Vijayasimha's daughter was the Kalachuri queen Alhanadevi, whose Bléra-Ghât inscription is dated in the year 907 of the Kalachuri-Chêdi era A.D. 1155; see Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 7 ff.
10 Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LV. Part I. p. 46 f.
11 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 222.
sa Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 210.

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Besides his military achievements Prahlâdana's learning is repeatedly alluded to (vv. 39; 40). This praise appears to be not unfounded. There has come down to us a vydyoga, called Párthaparakrama, written by him when he was yuvaraja, and several single verses of his are found in the Sarngadharapaddhati.
MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS.
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As regards Sômasimhadêva, it is perhaps worth mentioning that he is stated to have remitted the taxes of Brahmans (v. 41).
After the genealogy of the Paramaras the text returns again to the family of Tejaḥpala. Vv. 43-46 are devoted to Têjaḥpâla's brother Vastupala, his wife Lalitâdevi and, particularly. their son Jayantasimha or Jaitrasimha. Vv. 47-49 are in praise of Tôjaḥpâla himself, after which follows a description of the paternal lineage of Anupamadevi, the wife of Tejaḥpåla (vv. 50-54). The account begins with Gâgâ, who belonged to the Prâgvâța family and was an inhabitant of Chandrâvati (v. 50). His son was Dharaniga (v. 51), who was married to Tribhuvanadevi (v. 52). Their daughter was Anupamadêvî (vv. 53; 5). The son of Têjabpala and Anupamadêvi was Lavanyasimha or Lûpasimha (vv. 55-57). V. 58 contains a short note on the family of Têjaḥpâla's elder brother Malladeva: Malladêva and his wife Lilukâ had a son Pârpasimha, who was married to Allapâdêvî and had a son of the name of Pêthaḍa.
Vv. 59 and 60 record that Tejaḥpâla built on the mountain Arbuda this temple of Nêminâtha for the religions merit of his wife Anupama and his son Lavanyasimha, and the following verses (61-64) give some particulars about the edifice. The temple, built of white marble, was provided with a lofty mandapa in the front, with fifty-two shrines for the Jinas on the sides of it and a balánaka or stone seat in front of it (v. 61). There were besides ton statues representing Chandapa, Chandaprasáda, Soma, Asvaraja, Lûpiga, Malladêva, Vastupâla, Têjabpåla, Jaitrasimha and Lavanyasimha, mounted on female elephants (vv. 62; 63). Behind these statues the images of those ten persons were placed once more, together with their wives, on khattakas of white marble (v. 64). The description concludes with some verses in honour of Vastupala and Têjaḥ pâla, extolling especially their numerous charitable institutions (vv. 65-68).
This is followed immediately by an account of the lineage of the priests of Vastupâla's and Têjabpâla's family (vv. 69-72). They belonged to the Nagendra gachchha, and their names, in chronological order, were: Mahendrasûri, śântisûri, Ânandasûri and Amarasûri, Haribhadrasûri, Vijayasênasûri, Udayaprabhasûri. The last, as shown by v. 71, was renowned for his poetry, specimens of which are preserved in some Girnår inscriptions.
The last verses of the inscription (72-74) contain some benedictions and the statement that Sômésvaradeva, whose feet are honoured by the Chulukya king, composed this eulogy of the temple. The name of the engraver of the inscription, Chandêsvara, the son of Dhândhala, the son of Kêlhana, and the date of the consecration of the temple by Vijayasenasûri, the Jaina priest mentioned above, are added in prose (11. 46, 47). The consecration took place on Sunday, the third day of the dark half of Phalguna, in the year 1287 of the glorious Vikrama. It is true the first two syllables of the name of the month are effaced, and it would be possible, therefore, a priori to restore the name of the month to Sravana, as done e.g. by Professor Kathavate; but as the date is repeated in the inscription No. II., the reading Phalguna is beyond
1 Report on Sanskrit MSS. 1872-73, p. 4. Kielhorn, Report on the search for Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1880-81, p. 84.
2 Nos. 748, 765, 1058 and 1071; compare Aufrecht's collection, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XXVII. p. 49.
In the inscription No. II. Amarasûri is called Amarachandrasûri.
Kielhorn, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 31, note 1. Udayaprabhasari was also the author of an astrological treatise called Arambhasiddhi; see Weber, Verzeichniss der Sanskrit-und Prakrit-Handschrif ten der Kgl. Bibliothek in Berlin, No. 1741.
2 D 2

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all doubt. The date corresponds, as shown by Professor Kielhorn, to Sunday, 3rd March
A.D. 1230.
Of the inscription No. II. only a short account was published by H. H. Wilson in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI. p. 309 f. It was edited in full by Professor Abaji Vishnu Kathavate as Appendix B. to his edition of the Kirtikaumudi. It is engraved on a white slab built into a uiche in the corridor of the temple. The writing covers a space of about 2' 11" broad by 1' 10" high. The size of the letters is ". Near the beginning and at the end of 11. 1 and 2 and at the end of 11. 3 and 4 the text is mutilated, portions of the slab being either cut off or broken off. The characters are of the same type as in No. I. The initial & in ôm (1. 1) differs from the corresponding sign in Oisavala (11. 15, 17, 24) and Orásá (1. 27) by the addition of a cross-bar. The letter ba is expressed by the sign for va everywhere, except in Srimátâmahabu in 1. 27 and Arbudas in the last but one line. The writing of the last two lines, however, shows also some other peculiarities. The characters are partly larger, and generally executed with far less care, than those in the preceding portion of the inscription. As regards single letters, the divergences are especially prominent in the signs for ra and sa and medial é and ô, the latter being expressed by means of a stroke above the line six times, in bhéjáté, bhavané, pámthé, súrér, tayôh and rilôkyamáné, whereas only three instances of this mode of writing are found in the preceding 31 lines, in varské (1. 1), -dévéna (1. 26) and Gôsala (1. 13). There can be little doubt, therefore, that those two lines are a later addition, and this, as will appear later on, is fully borne out by their contents.
The inscription is in the Sanskrit language and, with the exception of one verse in 1. 30, in prose. As usual in records of this period and of this part of the country, the language is largely influenced by the vernacular idiom. Proper names generally appear in their Prakrit form, and even instead of Skt. putra we find here the abbreviation u°, which stands for Prakrit utta or, perhaps, a half-Sanskritized utra2 (11. 10-25). Also the form kumara instead of kumara in 1. 26 is due to Prâkrit influence. The single members of Dvandva compounds are frequently joined by tatha (11. 8, 9, 12, 19, 27). As regards lexicography, the following words may be mentioned: apabhára, m., 'a burden' (1. 29); ashtâhika, f., a single day of a festival lasting eight days' (11. 12, 14, 16, etc.); kalyanika, n., 'name of a certain feast' (1. 26); tathajñátiya, 'belonging to the tribe mentioned before' (11. 10 ff.); mahajana, m., a merchant, banker' (1. 10); rathiya, m., which seems to denote a certain class of officials (1. 28); varshagranthi, m., 'an anniversary' (1. 12); satka, 'belonging to' (11. 3, 7, 10); sára, f., 'care, supervision' (1. 9). In line 6 pratishthita is used in the sense of pratishthapita.
The inscription contains the official record of the erection of the temple of Nêminâtha, and regulations for the festivals connected with it and for the protection and maintenance of the building.
In lines 1-5 it is stated that 'to-day on Sunday, the third day of the dark half of the common Phalguna, in the [Vikrama] year 1287, while in prosperous Anahilapaṭaka the maharajadhiraja Bh[imadêva], the royal swan on the lotus of the Chaulukya family, who is adorned by a complete line of kings, is reigning victoriously, . . . . . while the mahamandalêsvara rájakula, the illustrious Sômasimhadeva, born in the family of the illustrious
1 List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 30.
This form is actually found in a Chauluk ya grant of A.D. 1207, plate i. 11. 14, 15; pl. ii. ll. 4, 5, 6. See Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 338.
See below, p. 206.
Compare Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 279, note 46. The word occurs in this sense in the Chaulukyn grant of A.D. 1207, mentioned in note 2 above, plate ii. 1. 10. In 1. 14 of the present grant the abbreviation mahdjani" is found. Compare Marathi varshagdmtha, the anniversary of a birth-day.'
See below, p. 205, note 2.

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Dhûmarajadeva who had sprung from the sacrificial fire of the altar of the holy Valishtha, is reigning victoriouely,' Tejahpala caused to be made in the village of Doulavade on the top of the holy mountain Arbuda the temple of the holy Néminátha, called Lupasimhavasahika, adorned by all shrines (dévakuliká) and embellished by a large elephant-hall (hastisála), for the increase of the glory and merit of his wife Anupamadevi and his son Lùnasimha. The inscription gives the same pedigree of Tējab påla as No. I., and he is besides described here as
conducting the whole seal business of the mahamandalesvara ranaka, the illustrious Viradhavaladeva, the son of the mahamandalesvara ranaka, the illustrious Lavaņaprasådadêva, born in the family of the illustrious Chaulukyas, in the province (mandala) of .... råtrå, [obtained] by the favour of the aforesaid maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Bhimadeva.'
This passage is of special interest as revealing the nature of the relations between Bhimadeva II. and the members of the Vaghel& dynasty, which in Somêsvaradêva's account remains rather obscure. The inscription leaves no doubt that Bhimadêva II. was considered lord paramount, while Lavaņaprasåda and Viradhavala contented themselves with the rank of a mahûmandalesvara and the title of ranaka. Unfortunately the name of the province governed by Viradhavala is lost with the exception of the last two syllables, .... rútre, which I am unable to restore.
As regards the Paramaras of Chandravati, the inscription shows that in A.D. 1230 the reigning prince was Sómasimha, and not Kfishộarâja as might easily be supposed from the text of No. I. I would also point out that the legend told in No. I. of Paramára is here ascribed to Dhûmaråja.
The date corresponds, as mentioned already above, to Sunday, 3rd March A.D. 1230. The shrines and the elephant-hall mentioned in the description of the temple are identical, of course, with the fifty-two shrines for the Jinas and the hall for the statues of the members of Tėjahpåla's family spoken of in vv. 61-64 of the inscription No. I.
The record of the erection of the building is followed by that of its consecration by Vijayasênasûri (1.6). The pedigree of the latter perfectly agrees with that given in the former inscription. Haribhadrasûri is here called the lord of the frontlet decoration (pattálankaranaprabhu) by the illustrious Anandasûri and the illustrious Amarachandrasuri,' which apparently means that he had received his patábhisheka from the hands of those two suris.
The purport of the next section (11. 6-9) is indicated already by the heading: "And the names of the fravaka trustees appointed for this temple (are) as follows.' Here it is set down that all bathing, worshipping, supervising, etc., in this temple is to be done and carried on for ever by the brothers Malladeva, Vasta pala and Têjahpåla and their descendants, as well as by all the male members of the family of Lupasimha's mother Anupamadevi and their descendants. On this occasion & pedigree of Anupamadevi's family, which resided at Chandravati and belonged to the Prågvâţa jñati, is inserted.
The following section (11. 9-25) consists of rules for the festival to be celebrated on the anniversaries of the consecration of the temple. It was to begin on the third day of the dark half of the month Chaitra, holy to the god, and to last for eight days. During this festival the ceremonies of bathing, worshipping, etc., were to be performed by the laymen (Sravaka) of
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 190, Dr. Bühler bas endeavoured to define the boundaries of the territory raled by the Våg held braneh.
? The word aard occurs again in the Chaulukys grant of A.D. 1207 in the phrane: asya dharmastha naaya ... Mair=ashtablir-goshthikai rdüla-Uchchadeva-sabitair-a-chandr-arkas rárd karanfyd; Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 838, plate ii. 11. 3.6. It has possibly a more special meaning than supervision.
* This seems to be the meaning of dipaklya.

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[VOL. VIII.
the country of Chandravati, each day being assigned to a certain local community. The inscription enumerates many of these laymen by name, adding in each case the name of the father and the nati. About half of them belonged to the Prágråtas; the rest was divided between the Uesavalas or Oisavalas, the Srimalas and the not very numerous Dharkatas. The places inhabited by them were the villages of Umbaraạiki, Saraüli and Kasahrada, Brahmana, the village of Dhaüli, the great tirtha Mundasthala, the villages of Philiņi, Handgüdra and Davani, Gadahada, Sahilavada.
In a subsequent clause (1l. 25, 26) it is stipulated that the five kalyiinikas of Nóminathaders, i.e. the feasts on the anniversaries of the conception, birth, initiation, enlightenment and final deliverance of the suint, are to be celebrated annually on the fixed days by all the laymen (Grivaka) iesiding at Déülavada on the holy mountain Arbuda.
The names of the persons to whom the care of the temple was entrusted are recorded in the next section, which runs as follows (11. 26-30): Thus is this agreement: The lord of the prosperons Chandravati, the illustrious rijalula Sômasimbadeva; again his son, the illustrious rija[kula] Kaphadadeva, and the other princes, all royal persons; again the sthanapatis thaffärakas, etc., of the prosperous Chandrå vati, kavilása: again the Guguli Brahmans, all the trustees (who belong to the case of the) merchants; again all persons, (viz.) sthunapatis, ascetics, Guguli Brahmana, rathiyas and others, residing at the temples of) the holy Achaleśvara (and) the holy Vagishtha on the mountain Arbu da anl in the neighbouring villages, (viz.) the village of Deülavada, the prosperous village of Srimátámababu, the village of Åbuya, the village of Oråse, the village of Utarachha, the village of Sibara, the village of sala, the village of Héthaüñji, the village of Akhi, Kotadi belonging to the holy Dhandhalesvaradeva, and others-twelve villages (in all); again all the rajaput ras belonging to the race of the illustrious Pratihäres, residing in the villages of Bbålibhada, etc., baving sat down one by one in the holl of the temple of) the holy Nêminâthndêva, took upon themselves, each according to his own wish (and) for his own delight, from the mahan[ta, the illustrious Tejabpala, the whole burden of the care of this temple called the holy Lùnasihavasahika. Therefore, acting up to this promise of their own, all of them, as well as their descendants, have to take care of this temple as long as the sun and the moon (endure). For
What need is there of alms-bowl, water-jar, clothes of bark, white (or) red garments (and) tufts of twisted hair, (since) this splendid vow is performed by the noble-minded ?'
Prince Kanhadadiva mentioned in line 26 is identical, of course, with the Paramâra Krishnarajadêva spoken of in the former inscription.
The last line (31) records that the mahürijakula, the illustrious Sômasim hadeva, in this holy Lañasi havasahika, presented by an edict the village of Davåņi in Vahirahadi to the holy Nêminathadeva, for his worship and personal allowance, and the inscription concludes with Samasiin haueva entreating the future kings of the Pramâra race to protect his gift as long as the sun and the moon will last.
1 I take the term the body of the bracakas, namely, all the merebants, all the trustees of Jina temples, ete. belonging to Chandravati' as the collective designation of tie es in ennmented in detail later on.
? [Accrding to Forbes, Rós Mali, p. 66, Kásahrala is the pre-ent Kasindra-Paladi near Ahmadabad; sec Bühler, E). Iud. Vol. I. p. 229. It is mentioned in two Rashtrakūta grants, ibid. p. 57 (Kasadrala), aud Zud. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 202 (K &inhrnda).-E. H.]
Perhaps kavildsa is a proper name; at any rate, I do not know its meaning.-(Can it be meant for Kailasa - E. H.)
The Gugulis, or Guglis as they are enlled now, are a class of Brahmans wlie At present are found chiefly in Dvorka. They are Vaishnavas y religiou and mostly m áris or priests in the temples of Krislins; compare Gazetteer of the Bowbay Presidency, Vol. VIII. p. 146, aud Vol. IX. l'art I. p. 9 f., where also an account of the legende relating to their origiu is giveu.

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No. 21.]
Of the localities mentioned in the inscription I have been able to identify the following ones The village of Déülaváḍâ on the mountain Arbuda is the Dilwara of the Indian Atlas, situated lat. 24° 36' N.; long. 72° 43′ E. The village of Umbaranik! is the Umarni of the map, 7 miles south-south-east of Dilwara. The village of Dhaüli is Dhauli, 8 miles west-south-west of Dilwara. The great tirtha of Munḍasthala is perhaps identical with the Murthala of the map, 8 miles south-east of Dilwara. The village of Gaḍahaḍa may be identified with the Gadara of the map, 11 miles south-south-west of Dilwara, supposing Gadara to stand for Gadara (Gaḍada). Sahilavâḍâ is Selwara, 8 miles west-north-west of Dilwara. Among the villages expressly stated to be in the vicinity of the mountain Arbuda, Abuya is the Abu of the map, 1 miles south-west of Dilwara. Útarachha is Utraj, 5 miles north-east of Dilwara. Sihara is Ser, 8 miles north-east of Dilwara. Hêṭhaüñji is Hetamji, 2 miles south of Dilwara. Kôṭaḍl may be the Kotra of the map, 7 miles east of Dilwara. Såla possibly is identical with Salgaon, 1 mile east-south-east of Dilwara. Orâsâ bears a certain resemblance to Oria, the name of a village 3 miles north-east of Dilwara, although an identification of the two would be possible only by assuming the form of the name, as given in the map, to be incorrect.
MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS.
207
The last two lines of the inscription, which, as stated above, are a later addition, contain two Sanskrit verses in praise of Mount Abû by Nayachandrasûri, a descendant of the holy rishi Krishna, and a short notice in the vernacular, recording the fact that some pilgrim visited the sanctuary to worship there.1
The shorter inscriptions Nos. III.-XXXII., all of which are edited now for the first time, are written in Nagari characters of the Jaina type and composed in the Sanskrit language, although proper names mostly appear in their Prakrit form. Once, in Chamḍapa in No. IV. 1. 1, da shows the peculiar shape given in Bühler's Indische Palaeographie in Plate V. col. XVI. 1. 22, from an inscription of Bhimadêva I.
4
No. III., which is engraved on the lintel of the doorway to the main shrine, records that Téjapâla caused to be made the great shrine (mahâtirtha) of the holy Nêmiuâtha in this Lûpavasa hikâ for the religious merit of his son Lûnasiha on Monday, the third day of the bright half of Phaguna (Phalguna) in the year 1287 of king Vikrama. According to Professor Kielhorn, who kindly calculated this and the following dates for me, the date is incorrect for both V. 1287 expired and V. 1287 current. It would correspond, for V. 1287 expired, to Friday, 7th February A.D. 1231, and for V. 1287 current, to Sunday, 17th February A.D. 1230.
The inscriptions Nos. IV.-XXXII. prove that Têjaḥpâla in the following years also did not cease to enlarge and embellish the sanctuary which he had crented. They are engraved on the lintels of several cell shrines in the corridor of the temple and record the erection of those shrines, or of images of Jinas and tirthakaras, by Téjaḥpâla for the religious merit of various members of his family.
Of general interest are the titles occurring in these inscriptions. The one most frequently used is maham, the abbreviated form of mahanta. It is borne by Têjaḥpâla and most of the members of his family, both men and women. But in the pedigrees contained in Nos. XXIV. and XXVI.-XXXI. Têjaḥpâla's ancestors Chanḍapa and Chanḍaprasâda, his father Asvarâja or Asaraja, and his mother Kumâradêvî are given the title of tha, which stands for thakkura, whereas Sôma, the son of Chandaprasada and father of Asvarâja, is constantly styled maham.3 This clearly shows that there must have been some distinction between the two titles, though the difference cannot have been very great, as Chanḍapa and Asvarâja are called also maham' in
1 I do not fully understand this sentence. Records like this are not infrequent on Mount Âbû. Wilson has noticed them only in a general way in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI. p. 310, No. XX. The pedigree in No. II. 1. 3 f. shows the same distinction.

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208
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
Nos. III.-VIII., X.-XVIII., XXI.-XXIII. and XXXII. In No. XXXII. we find thakurájni as the title of Samtosha, the mother of Tējahpåla's second wife Suhadâdevi, whose maternal grandfather and great-grandfather are called thao. As shown by Nos. XXVI., XXVII. and XXX., Vastupala, the elder brother of Tēja »påla, bore the title of sanghapati.2 From the ninth sarga of the Kirtikaumudi it appears that he had earned this title by organising and conducting a great pilgrimage to the tirthas of Satrumjaya, Raivataka and Prabhaga. The title itself is alluded to in sarga IX. verse 12, where it is said: 'He dined when all (others) had dined; he went to sleep when all the other) pilgrims had fallen into slumber; he was the first to awake. In this manner he performed the vow of being a sanghaprabhu.' Seven times female relatives of Téjab påla are given the title of bái (Nos. IV., XI., XXVI., XXVII., XXIX-XXXI.)
No. XXXII. mentions the Modha jiti in Pattana as the tribe to which the family of Suhadådôvi, the second wife of Têjabpala, belonged.
The saints whose images were set up are the Jina Sapârsva (No. XII.), Mani Suvrata (No. XXI.), Varisêņa (No. XXIV.), Chandranana (No. XXV.), the eternal Jina Rishabba (No. Xxx.), the eternal Jina Vardhamana (No. XXXI.), and the tirthakaras Simamdharasva. min (No. XXVI.), the Jina Yugamdharasvâmin (No. XX VII.), the Jina Bahu (No. XXVIII.), and Subábu (No. XXIX.).
Nos. IV. XVIII. are dated in the Vikrama year 1988; Nos. XIX.-XXIII. in the Vikrama year 1290; Nos. XXIV. and XXV. on the seventh day of the dark half of Chaitra in the Vikrama year 1993; Nos. XXVI.-XXXI.? on Friday, the eighth day of the dark half of Chaitra in the Vikrama year 1293, whicb, for the Karttikadi V. 1293 expired and the púrnimanta Chaitra, regularly corresponds to Friday, 20th February A.D. 1237; No. XXXII. is dated on Thursday, the fourteenth day of the dark half of Vaisakha in the Vikrama year 1297, which, for the Kárttikadi V. 1297 expired and the púrnimânta Vaišákba, regularly corresponds to Thursday, 11th April A.D. 1241.
NO. 1.8
TEXT. 1 ओं ॥ वंदे सरखतीं देवीं याति या विमानसं । नी[यमाना
[f a]a (UTWAT] [a]tfa[T 1] | 3: []ifaat[1071[T: प्रकोप शांतोपि दीप्त]: स्मरनिग्रहाय । निमीलिताक्षो[पि समग्रदर्शी स व: शिवायास्तु शि.
1 Similarly in the pedigree of Téjubpálu's wife Anupainadevi in No. II. 1. 7f. four persons are called mahan, while the rest is styled thao.
? The same title is applied to Vastupala in No. II. 1. 4.
* The title of sanghapati occurs also in the Satrunjayamáhálmya. According to XIV. 84 ff. it was c-nferred by PÅrsva op his relative Hastin, who afterwards undertook a pilgrimage to various holy places.
• The correct Sanskrit forin would be Várishdna.
• The four tirthakaras are distinguished by the epithet viharamana, the exect meaning of which is unknown to me.
The Jins Simard barasvâinin is koowa from Hêmachandra's Sthavira ralicharita, IX. 95 fr. and the Satrumjayamahatmya, I. 163.
1 Of No. XXVIII, the first line (containing the date) is lost, but it is almost certain that the inscription was dated in the same year.
. On a black slab built into a niche in the corridor. No. 1740 of Mr. Cousens's list. • Expressed by a symbol.

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No. 21.]
MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS.
209
2 [वातनूजः ॥ २ अणहिलपुरमस्ति खस्तिपा प्रजा[नाम]जरजिर[घतुल्यै]:
पा[ल्यमानं चु[लुक्यैः] । [चिरम तिरमणीनां य[त्र व दु[मंदीकत
इव [सि]तपक्षप्रक्षयेयंधकारः ॥ ३ तत्र प्राग्वाटान्वयमुकुटं कुटजप्रसून. 3 विशदयशा: । दानविनिर्जितकल्पद्रुमषंडचंडपः समभूत् ॥ ४ चंडप्र[साद.
सं[]: स्वकुल[प्रासादहमदंडो ऽस्य । प्रसर[त्कीर्तिपताक: पुण्यवि. पाकेन सूनरभूत् ॥ ५ आत्मगुणैः किरणैरिव सोमी रोमोहम
सतां कु4 बन् । उदगादगाधमध्याहग्धीदधिबांधवात्तस्मात् ॥ ६ एतस्मादजनि
जिनाधि[नाथभक्तिं बिभ्राण: स्वमनसि शखदखरा[ज]: । तस्यासीहयिततमा कुमारदेवी देवीव त्रिपुररिपोः कुमारमाता ॥ ७ तयोः
प्रथमपु- ॥ 5 पो ऽभून्मंत्री लूणिगसंनया । देवादवाप बालो. ऽपि सालोक्यं [व]r
सवेन [स]: ॥ ८ पूर्वमेव सचिव: स कोविदैर्गण्यते स्म गुणवत्सु लूणिगः । यस्य निस्तषमतेर्मनीषया धिक्कतेव धिषणस्य धीरपि ॥ ८
श्रीमनदेवः श्रि6 तमणिदेवस्तस्यानजी मंत्रिमतल्लिकाऽभूत् । बभूव यस्यान्यधनांगनासु लुब्धा
न बुद्धिः शमलब्धबुद्धः ॥१० धर्मविधाने भुवनच्छिद्रपिधाने विभिन्नसंधाने । सृष्टिकता न हि सृष्टः प्रतिमल्लो मल्लदेव- ॥
नीलनीरदकदम्बकमुक्तखेतकेतुकिरणोडरणेन । मलदेवयशसा गलहस्ती हस्तिमल्लदशनांशुषु दत्तः ॥ १२ तस्यानुजी विजयते
विजितेंद्रियस्य सारस्वतामृतकताअतहर्षवर्षः । श्रीवस्तु8 [पाल इति भालतलस्थितानि दौस्थ्याक्षराणि सुक्ती कृतिनां विलुपन् ।
१३ विरचयति वस्तुपालचलुक्यसचिवेषु कविषु च प्रवरः । न कदाचि.
दर्थहरणं श्रीकरणे काव्यकरणे वा ॥ १४ तेज:पालः पालितस्वा9 मितेज:पंजः सोयं राजते मंत्रिराजः । दुवंत्तानां शंकनीय: कनीयानस्य भ्राता
विश्वविधांतकीर्तिः ॥ १५ तेजःपालस्य विष्णोच कः स्वरूपं निरूपयेत् ।
स्थितं जगत्रयीसूत्रं यदीयोदरकंदरे ॥ १६ जाल्हूमाऊसाऊ10 धनदेवीसोहगावयजुकाख्याः । पदमलदेवी चैषां क्रमादिमाः सप्त सीदर्यः ॥ १७
एते ऽखराजपुत्रा दशरथपुत्रास्त एव चत्वारः । प्राप्ताः किल पुनरवनावेकोदरवासलोमेन ॥ १८ अनजन्मना समेतस्तेजपा:- ।
These strokes well as those at the end of 11.4,6, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17,20,21,20,31, 33,30, 30,41, 427 merely intendod for filling up the line.
28

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[VOL. VIII.
11 लेन वस्तुपालो ऽयं । मदयति कस्य न हृदयं मधुमासो माधवेनेव ॥ १८ पंथानमेको न कदापि गच्छेदिति स्मृतिप्रोक्तमिव स्मरंतौ । सहोदरौ दुईरमोहचौरे संभूय धमाध्वनि तौ प्रवृत्तौ ॥ २० इदं सदा सो12 दरयोरुदेतु युगं युगव्यायनदोर्युगश्रि । युगे चतुर्थेप्यनघेन येन कृतं कृतस्यागमनं युगस्य ॥ २१ मुक्तामयं शरीरं सोदरयोः सुचिरमेतयोरस्तु । मुक्तामयं किल महीवलयमिदं भाति यत्कीर्या ॥ २२ए ।
13 कोत्पत्तिनिमित्तौ यद्यपि पाणी तयोस्तथाप्येकः । वामो ऽभूदनयोर्न तु सोदरयोः कोपि दक्षिणयोः ॥ २३ धर्मस्थानांकितामुखी सर्व्वतः कुर्व्वतासुना । दत्तः पादो बलाद्दधुयुगलेन कलेर्गले ॥ २४ इतचौलुक्यवीरा । 14 णां वंशे शाखाविशेषकः । अराज इति ख्यातो जातस्तेजोमयः पुमान् ॥ २५ तस्मादनंतर मनंतरितप्रतापः प्राप चितिं क्षतरिपुर्लवणप्रसादः । स्वर्गापगाजलवलक्षितशंखशुभ्रा बभ्राम यस्य लवणाब्धिमतीत्य कीत्तिः
15
॥ २६ सुतस्तस्मादासीद्दशरथ ककुस्थ प्रतिक्कृते:' प्रतिमापालानां कबलितबलो वीरधवलः । यशः पूरे यस्य प्रसरति रतिक्लांतमनसामसाध्वीनां भग्नाऽभिसरण - कलायां कुशलता ॥ २७ चौलुक्यः सुकृती स वीरधवलः क- । 16 सेंजपानां जपं यः कर्णेपि चकार न प्रलपतामुद्दिश्य यौ मंत्रिणौ । आभ्यामभ्युदयातिरेक रुचिरं राज्यं स्वभर्तुः कृतं वाहानां निवहा घटाः करटिनां बहाव सौधांगणे तेन मंत्रिद्दयेनायं जाने जानूपवर्त्तिना । वि.
॥ २८
17 भुर्भुजद्दयेनेव सुखमाश्लिष्यति श्रियं ॥ २८ इतश्च ॥ गौरीवरश्वशुरभूधरसंभवो ऽयमस्त्यर्बुदः ककुदमद्रिकदंबकस्य । मंदाकिनीं घनजटे दधदुत्तमां [गे] यः श्यालकः शशिभृतो ऽभिनयं करोति ॥ ३० कचिदिह विहरंती- । क्षमाणस्य रामाः प्रसरति रतिरंतर्मोक्षमाकांक्षतो ऽपि । वचन मुनिभिरर्थ्या पश्यतस्तीर्थवीथीं भवति भवविरक्ता धीरधीरात्मनो ऽपि ॥ ३१ श्रेयः श्रेष्ठवशिष्ठहोम हुतभुक्कुंडान्मृतंडात्मज प्रद्योताधिकदेहदीधितिभ
19 रः कोप्याविरासीन्नरः । तं मत्वा परमारणैकरसिकं स व्याजहार श्रुतेराधार: परमार इत्यजनि तन्नामाऽथ तस्थान्वयः ॥ ३२ श्रीधूमराजः प्रथमं बभूव भूवासवस्तत्र नरेंद्रवंशे । भूमीभृतो यः कृतवानभिज्ञान् पचद्दयोच्छेरिपुद्दिपघटाजितो ऽभवन् ।
20 दनवेदनासु ॥ ३३ धंधुकघुवभटादयस्ततस्ते
यत्कुले ऽजनि पुमान्मनोरमो रामदेव इति कामदेवजित् ॥ ३४ रोदःकंदरवर्त्तिकीर्त्तिलहरीलिप्तामृतांशद्युतेरप्रद्युम्नवशी यशोधवल इ- ।
10 ककुस्थ would be more correctly written ककुत्स्थ
210
18
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.

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No. 21.]
MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS.
211
21 त्यासीत्तनूजस्ततः । यचौलुक्यकुमारपालपतिप्रत्यर्थितामागतं मत्वा सत्तरमेव
मालवपतिं 'बल्लालमालब्धवान् ॥३५ शत्रुश्रेणीगलविदलनोबिद्रनिस्तंशधारों
धारावर्षः समजनि सुतस्तस्य विश्वप्रशस्यः । क्रोधाक्रांतप्र- । 22 धनवसुधानिश्चले यत्र जातास्योतवेत्रोत्पलजलकणाः कौंकणाधीशपत्न्यः ॥ ३६
सोयं पुनर्दाशरथिः पृथिव्यामव्याहतीजाः स्फुटमुन्नगाम । मारीचवैरादिव
यो धुनापि [मृगव्यमव्यग्रमतिः करोति ॥ ३७ साम23 तसिंहसमितिक्षितिविक्षतीजाश्रीगुज्जरक्षितिपरक्षणदक्षिणासिः । प्रसादनस्तदनजो
दनुजोत्तमारिचारित्रमत्र पुनरुज्वलयांचकार ॥ ३८ देवी सरीजासनसंभवा
किं कामप्रदा किं सरसौरभयो । प्रज्ञादनाकारधरा 24 धरायामायातवत्येष न निश्चयो मे ॥ ३८ धारावर्षसुतो ऽयं जयति
श्रीसोमसिंहदेवो यः । पितृतः शौर्य विद्यां पितव्यकाहानमुभयतो जगहे ॥४. मुक्ता विप्रकरानरातिनिकराविजित्य तत्किंचन प्रापत्संप्रति
सोम. 25 सिंहनृपतिः सोमप्रकाशं यशः । येनोर्वीतलमुज्वलं' रचयताप्युत्ताम्यतामी
य॑या सर्वेषामिह विहिषां न हि मुखामालिन्यमुन्मूलितं ॥ ४१ वसुदे.
वस्येव सुतः श्रीकृष्णः कृष्णराजदेवो ऽस्य । मात्राधिकप्रतापो यशोद26 यासंश्रितो जयति ॥ ४२ इतच ॥ अन्वयेन विनयेन विद्यया विक्रमण
सुक्कतक्रमेण च । क्वापि कोपि न पुमानुपैति मे वस्तुपालसद शो दशोः पथि ॥ ४३ दयिता ललितादेवी तनयमवीतनयमाप सचिवेंद्रात् ।
नाना जयंत- । 27 सिंह जयंतमिंद्रात्पुलोमपुत्रीव ॥ ४४ यः शैशवे विनयवैरिणि बोधवंध्ये धत्ते
नयं च विनयं च गुणोदयं च । सोयं मनोभवपराभवजागरूकरूपी न
कं मनसि चुंबति जैत्रसिंहः ॥ ४५ श्रीवस्तुपालपुत्रः कल्पायुरयं जयं28 तसिंहो ऽस्तु । कामादधिकं रूपं निरूप्यते यस्य दानं च ॥४६ स
श्रीतेजःपाल: सचिवचिरकालमस्तु तेजस्वी । येन जना निश्चिंताश्चिंतामणिनेव नंदति ॥ ४७ यच्चाणक्यामरगुरुमरयाधिशक्रादिकानां प्रागुत्पादं
व्यधित भुवने 29 मंत्रिणां बुनिधानां । चके ऽभ्यासः स खलु विधिना नूनमेनं विधातुं
तेज:पालः कथमितरथाधिक्यमापैष तेषु ॥ ४८ पस्ति स्वस्तिनिकेतनं तनभुता श्रीवस्तुपालानुजस्तेजःपाल इति स्थिति बलिकतासींतले पाल
यन् । आत्मीयं बIPossibly the reading is वलालम्. Read 'मिस्त्रिंश. Read पुनरुजवली. - Read 'लमुळ्वलं.
202

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च
कामंदकिचाणक्यपि चमत्करोति न
30 हु मन्यते न हि गुणग्रामं हृदि प्रेक्षास्पदं प्रेच्य यं ॥ ४८ ॥ महं श्रीतेजःपालस्य पत्न्याः श्रीअनुपमदेव्याः पितृवंशवर्णनं ॥ प्राग्वाटान्वयमंडनेकमुकुटं श्रीसांद्रचंद्रावतीवास्तव्यः स्त31 वनीयकीर्त्तिलहरिप्रक्षालितक्ष्मातलः । श्रीगागाभिधया सुधीरजनि यद्वृत्तानुरागादभूत्को नाप्तप्रमदो न दोलितशिरा नोहूतरोमा पुमान् ॥ ५० अनुसृतसज्जनसरणिर्धरणिगनामा बभूव तत्तनयः । खप्रभुहृदये ।
32 गुणिना हारेणेव स्थितं येन ॥ ५१ त्रिभुवनदेवी तस्य त्रिभुवनविख्यातशीलसंपद्मा 1 दयिताऽभूदनयोः पुनरंगं द्देधा मनस्त्वेकं ॥ ५२ अनुपमदेवी देवी साचाद्दाक्षायणीव शीलेन । तद्दुहिता सहिता श्रीतेज:
पालेन
33 पत्याऽभूत् ॥ ५३ इयमनुपमदेवी दिव्यवृत्त प्रसूनव्रततिरजनि तेजःपालमंत्री. पत्नी | नयविनयविवे कौचित्यदाक्षिण्यदानप्रमुखगुणगणें दुद्योतिताशेषगोत्रा ॥ ५४ लावण्यसिंहस्तनयस्तयोरयं रयं जयनिं ।
34 [द्र] यदुष्टवाजिनां । लब्धापि मीनध्वजमंगलं वयः प्रयाति धम्मैकविधायिनाऽध्वना ॥ ५५ श्रीतेजपालतनयस्य गुणान मुष्य श्रीलूणसिंहक्कृतिनः कति न स्तुवंति । श्रीबंधनोहुरतरैरपि यैः समंतादुद्दामता त्रिजगति क्रि35 यते स्म कीर्त्तः ॥ ५६ गुणधननिधानकलश: प्रकटो ऽयमवेष्टितच खलसः । उपचयमयते सततं सुजनैरुपजीव्यमानो ऽपि ॥ ५७ मनदेवसचिवस्य नंदनः पूर्णसिंह इति लीलुकासुतः । तस्य नंदति सुतोयमङ्कणा
36 देषिभूः सुकृतवेश्म पेथड: ॥ ५८ अभूदनुपमा पत्नी तेज:पालस्य मंत्रिणः । लावण्यसिंहनामायमायुष्मानेतयोः सुतः ॥ ५८ तेजः पालेन पुण्यार्थ तयोः पुत्रकलत्रयोः । हम्र्म्य श्रीनेमिनाथस्य तेने तेनेदमर्बुदे । 37 ॥ ६० तेज:पाल इति क्षितींदुसचिवः शंखोज्वलाभिः ' शिलाश्रेणीभिः स्फुरदिंदुकुंदरुचिरं नेमिप्रभोर्मदिरं । उचैर्मडपमग्रतो जिन [वरा] वासद्दिपंचाशतं तत्पार्श्वषु बलानक च पुरतो निष्पादयामासिवान् ॥ ६१ श्रीमचंड38 [प] संभव: [सम ] भवश्चंड प्रसादस्ततः सोमस्तप्रभवो ऽवराज इति तत्पुत्राः पवित्राशयाः । श्रीमणिगमल्ल देवसचिव श्रीवस्तुपालाह्वयास्तेजः पालसमन्विता जिनमतारामोन्रमवीरदाः ॥ ६२ श्रीमंत्रीश्वरवस्तुपालतनयः श्रीजे
39 सिंहाय स्तेजः पालंस्तच विश्रुतमतिर्ज्ञावण्यसिंहाभिधः । एतेषां दश मूर्त्तयः करिवधस्कंधाधिरूढाश्चिरं राजते जिनदर्शनार्थमयतां दिग्नायकानामिव ॥

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40 लाश्मखत्तकगता: कांतासमेता दश । चौलुक्यक्षितिपालवीरधवलस्याइतबंधु:
सुधीस्तेज:पाल इति व्यधापयदयं श्रीवस्तुपालानुजः ॥६४ तेज:पालः सक
लमजोपजीव्यस्य वस्तुपालस्य । सविधे विभाति सफल: 41 सरोवरस्येव सहकारः ॥६५ तेन भ्रातृयुगेन या प्रतिपुरग्रामाध्वशैलस्थल
वापीकूपनिपानकाननसर:प्रासादसत्रादिका । धर्मस्थानपरंपरा नवतरा
चक्रे ऽथ जीयोडता तत्संख्यापि न बुध्यते यदि परं तद्देदि- । 42 नी मेदिनी ॥६६ शंभोः श्वासगतागतानि गणयद्यः सन्मतिर्यो ऽथ वा
नेत्रोन्मीलनमीलनानि कलयेन्मार्कडनाम्नी मुनेः । संख्यातुं सचिवहयोवि.
रचितामेतामपेतापरव्यापार: सुक्कतानुकीर्तनततिं सोप्युज्जिहीते यदि । 43 ॥६७ सर्वत्र वर्ततां कीर्तिरश्वराजस्य शाश्वती । सुकर्तुमुपकर्तु च
जानीते यस्य संतति: ॥६८ आसीचंडपमंडितान्वयगुरु गेंद्रगच्छश्रियथूडा
रत्नमयनसिद्धमहिमा सूरिर्महेंद्राभिधः । तस्माहिस्मयनोयचारुचरितः श्रीशांति44 [सूरिस्त]तोप्यानंदामरसूरियुग्ममुदयचन्द्रादीप्रद्यति ॥ ६८ श्रीजैनशासनवनीनव
नीरवाहः श्रीमांस्ततो ऽप्यघहरो हरिभद्रसूरिः । विद्यामदोन्मदगदेष्वनव
द्यवैद्यः ख्यातस्ततो विजयसनमुनीश्वरो ऽयं ॥७. गुरी[स्त] 45 स्या ि[श]षां पात्रं सूरिरस्त्युदयप्रभः । मौक्तिकानीव सूक्तानि भांति
यत्प्रतिभांबुधः ॥७१ एतधम्मस्थानं धर्मस्थानस्य चास्य यः कर्त्ता । तावड्यमिद
मुदियादुदयत्ययमबंदो यावत् ॥ ७२ श्रीसोमेश्वरदेवथुलुक्यनरदेवसेवितांहि. 46 युगः । रचयांचकार रुचिरां धर्मस्थान प्रशस्तिमिमां ॥ ७३ श्रीनमरम्बिका
याच प्रसादादर्बुदाचले । वस्तुपालान्वयस्थास्तु प्रशस्तिः स्वस्तिशालिनी ॥ ७४
सूत्र केल्हणसुतधांधलपुत्रेण चंडेश्वरेण प्रशस्तिरियमुत्कीर्मा [1] 47 श्रीविक्रम संवत् १२८७ वर्षे [फाल्गुणवदि ३ रवी श्री[नागेंद्रग]च्छे [श्री
विजय सेनसूरिभिः प्रतिष्ठा कता ॥
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) Om. I worship the goddess Sarasvati who enters the mind of the poets, being carried (thither), as it were, by her own swan (which serves her as) a vehicle.
(V.2.) May the son of Sivas grant you welfare,-he who, though patient, is red in anger; who, though calm, is burning to restrain love ; (and) who, though his eyes are closed, sees everything
(V. 3.) There is the oity of) Anahilapura, a place of happiness to the people, protected by the Chulukyas equal to Aja, Raji and Raghu, where even at the close of the bright half of the
- Read मचादिका.
In order to understand the full meaning of the verse, it is necessary to observe that the word used for mind is manara, which is also the name of the well known lake haunted by the swans in the breeding season.
•IO.Grapesa. •Aja was the grandfather, and Raghu the great-grandfather, of Rama. Raji was the grandson of Purdravan.

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month darkness is delayed, as it were, for a long time by the moonlike faces of the exceedingly beautiful women.
(V. 4.) In that (town) there was Chandapa, the crown of the family of the Pragvatas, whose fame was as white as kutaja flowers, (and) who surpassed in liberality the group of the wishing-trees.
(V. 5.) In consequence of the maturing of his good actions there was (born) to him a son named Chandaprasada, a golden staff on the palace of his family. provided with a streaming banner, his fame.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(V. 6.) From him, who was not shallow-hearted,' (and) who resembled the ocean of milk, sprang Sôma, who by his own virtues caused thrills (of joy) to the good, as (the moon causing thrills) by her beams (sprang from the ocean of milk which is deep in the centre).
(V. 7.) From him was born Asvaraja, who constantly bore in his heart devotion to the lord of the Jinas. His beloved wife was Kumâradêvi, as Dêvi, the mother of Kumara, (was the wife) of the destroyer of Tripura.?
(V. 8.) Their first son was the minister called Lupiga. By fate he obtained, though being (still) a youth, a residence in the same world as Vasava.3
(V. 9.) That pure-minded minister Luniga, whose intelligence despised, as it were, even the wisdom of Dhishapa, was ranked foremost among eminent persons by men of judgment.
(V. 10.) His younger brother was the illustrious Malladêva, the paragon of a minister, who had taken refuge with Mallidêva, who had attained wisdom by subduing his passions, (and) whose mind did not covet either the money or the wives of others.
(V. 11.) As to performing religious duties, as to clothing the bareness of people, (and) as to repairing what has been broken," the Creator did not create a rival of Malladeva.
(V. 12.) The fame of Malladêva, surpassing the beams of the moon freed from the masses of dark clouds, has seized by the throat the rays of the teeth of Hastimalla.7
(V. 13.) Long live the younger brother of him who had conquered his senses, called the illustrious Vastupala, who caused marvellous showers of delight by the nectar of his poetry, (and) who, in practising liberality, effaced the letters of misery found on the foreheads of the learned!
(V. 14.) Vastupala, the foremost among the ministers of the Chulukyas and among poets. never commits a fraud of money in his secretaryship or a plagiarism in composing poems.
(V. 15.) Brilliant is that chief among ministers, his younger brother Tejaḥpala, who watches over the abundant splendour of his master; who is to be dreaded by the wicked; (and) whose fame spreads in all directions.
(V. 16.) Who can fathom the natures of Têjaḥpâla and Vishnu, as the rules (of conduct) for the three worlds are in the deep interior (of the first) and the string of the three worlds in the cavity of the belly (of the second)?
(V. 17.) These (brothers) had the following seven sisters, called, in due order, Jâlhû, Mâû. Sâû, Dhanadêvî, Sohaga, Vayajuka, and Padamaladêvî.
1 The word madhya appears to be used here as a synonym of antara which, according to Amara III. 3, 186 has also the meaning of antaratman.
2 I.e. Siva.
Le. in common parlance, he died.
I.e. Brihaspati.
5 Mallidêva is the name of the nineteenth Jina of the present Avasarpiņi.
I believe that the terms bhurana-chchhidra-pidhána and ribhinna-samdhana refer to MalladAva's works of charity, but they may be rendered also by veiling the weak points of people and reconciling those who have fallen out with one another.'
7 Ie. Indra's elephant.
The poet seems to conceive the three worlds as pearls strung together.

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(V. 18.) Surely, these sons of Asvarâja are the four sons of Dasaratha who have returned to the earth out of a desire to live in one and the same womb.
(V. 19.) Does not this Vastupâla accompanied by his younger brother Têjaḥpâla delight everybody's heart like the first month of spring followed by the second ?
(V. 20.) Remembering, as it were, the precept of the law-books that one should never go alone on a road, the two brothers have set out together on the path of virtue infested by the robber of infatuation.
(V. 21.) May it constantly rise, this blameless pair of brothers, the magnificent pairs of whose arms are as long as yokes, (and) who made the Krita age appear even in the fourth age!
(V. 22.) May the body of these two brothers, by whose fame this circle of the earth looks as if it consisted of pearls, be free from disease for a very long time!
(V. 23.) Although the two hands (of a man) are due to springing from one (body), yet one of them is left (or bad); but of these two brothers neither (was so, although they had sprung from one father), as both were honest (or right).
(V. 24.) By marking the earth everywhere with religious establishments, that pair of brothers forcibly put their foot on the throat of the Kali (age).
(V. 25.) Now, there was born in the race of the Chaulukya heroes a powerful man, the front-ornament of his branch, called Arnórája.
(V. 26.) After him Lavanaprasada obtained the earth, whose splendour was not concealed, who destroyed his enemies, (and) whose fame, as white as shells polished by the waters of the celestial river, roamed beyond the salt sea.
(V. 27.) The son of this (king), who was the image of Dasaratha and Kakutstha, was Viradhavala, who swallowed the troops of hostile kings. When the flood of his fame was spreading, the skill in the art of amorous visits on the part of unfaithful women, whose minds were tormented by love, was foiled.
(V. 28.) The wise Chaulukya Viradhavala did not even lend his ear to the whispers of the slanderers when they were talking about those two ministers, (and) they made the rule of their master brilliant by a profusion of prosperity (and) tied up herds of horses and troops of elephants in the court of his palace.
(V. 29.) By this pair of ministers approaching his knees the prince, I am sure, easily embraces the goddess of fortune, as by a pair of arms reaching to the knees.
Again
(V. 30.) There is this (mountain) Arbuda, the peak of a range of mountains, the son of the mountain that is the father-in-law of the husband of Gauri, who, carrying the Mandakini on his top plaited round with clouds, personates the moon-bearer (whose) brother-in-law (he is), (as the latter carries the Gangå on his head covered with thick braids).
(V. 31.) In one place on this (mountain) love enters even him who strives after deliverance, when he beholds the lovely women enjoying themselves; in another even the mind of a frivolous man becomes indifferent to the world, when he sees the line of sanctuaries to be visited by ascetics.
(V. 32.) From the altar of the sacrificial fire of Vasishtha distinguished by virtuousness5 there arose a certain man who possessed a splendour of body surpassing the radiance of the son
II... the Ganga.
2 Compare Ram. I. 1, 10.
Z.e. the Himalaya, the father-in-law of Śiva.
Le. Śiva.
I take freyaḥ-éréshtha- to stand for éréyasi freshtha- and freyas to be a synonym of dharma, as taught by Amara I. 4, 24, Halayudha I. 125, and Hemachandra, Anékárthas. II. 580, and Abhidhanach. 1372.

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of Mpitaņda. Knowing that he would take delight only in killing his enemics, that receptacle of sacred knowledge named him Parsmára. From that time his family received that name.
(V. 33.) In that linenge of kings there was first the illustrious Dhumaraja, an Indra on carth, who made the kings acquainted with grief at the destruction of both flanks (of their armies, as Indra made the mountains feel the pangs of having their wings cut of).
(V. 34.) Then there were Dhandhuka, Dhruvabhata and others, who defeated the hosts of hostile elephants. In their lineage there was born a beautiful man, surpassing the god of love, Ramadeva by name.
(V. 35.) From this (king), who bathed the light of the moon in the waves of his fame abiding in the cavity between heaven and earth, sprang a son called Yasôdhavala, who was not subject to the god of love, (and) who quickly killed Ballkla, the lord of Malava, when he had learned that he had become hostile to the Chaulukya king Kumarapala.
(V. 36.) To him was born a son to be praised by all men, Dhårdvarsha, the edge of whose sword was indefatigable in cutting the necks of the hosts of his enemies. When he, inflamed with anger, held his ground on the battle-field, the wives of the lord of Kaunkaņs shed drops of tears from their lotus-like eyes.
(V. 37) Evidently it is the son of Dasaraths that has been born again on earth as this (prince) of unchecked strength, (and) out of hatred, as it were, against Maricha' even at the present time eagerly devotes himself to hunting.
(V. 38.) His younger brother Prahladans, whose sword was dexterous in defending the illustrious Gurjara king when his power had been broken on the battle-field by Samantasimha, again displayed on earth the behaviour of the greatest enemy of the descendants of Dann.
(V. 89.) I am not certain whether it is the goddess sprung from the lotus-seated (Brahman)' or the celestial cow granting (every) wish that has come to the earth in the form of Prahladana.
(V. 40.) Long live this son of Dharavarsha, the illustrious Somasimhadeva, who inherited bravery from his father, learning from his paternal uncle, and liberality from both of them!
(V. 41.) Having remitted the taxes of Brahmans and having vanquished the hosts of his foes, king Sômasimha Hoon obtained that fame the splendour of which in a certain way resembled that of the moon, as, though it brightened the surface of the earth, it did not remove the gloom (or the spottiness) from the face of all his enemies here who were fainting with envy.
(V. 42.) Long live his son Krishnarajadêva, whose splendour is beyond all measure, who is endowed with fame and compassion, (and) who (therefore) resembles the glorious Krishna, the Hon of Vasudeva, who is united with Yasodå, (and) whose splendour is augmented by his mother!
Again
(V. 43.) No man equalling Vastupala in family, in manners, in learning, in valour, and in the constant practice of charity comes anywhere within the range of my eyes.
(V. 44.) From the excellent minister Lalitâdevi, his beloved wife, obtained a son by name Jayantasimhs, who was not wanting in prudent conduct, as the daughter of Paloman (obtained) Jayanta from Indra.
(V. 45.) Who ig not touched in his heart by this Jaitrasimha, whose beauty is eager to defeat the god of love, (and) who even) in childhood, which is averse to good manners and destitute of wisdom, shows prudence and politeness and the display of virtues ?

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(V. 46.) May he live for & Kalpa age, this Jayantasimha, the son of the illustrious Vastapala, whose beauty shows itself superior to the god of love, and whose liberality is seen to exceed the wish (of the suppliants)!
(V. 47.) May he enjoy his power for a long time--that minister, the illustrious Tējahpala, who resembles the gem of desires, as people rejoice, being freed by him from cares !
(V. 48.) Sarely, it was done for practice by the Creator in order to create him, that he formerly made appear in the world ministers who were the abode of wisdom, such as Chåņakya, the preceptor of the gods, Marudvyâdhi, Sukra, and others. Otherwise, how should this Tējabpila have obtained his superiority over them?
(V. 49.) There is the younger brother of the illustrious Vastupala, called Têjahpåla, an abode of prosperity to (all) living beings, who maintains the order established by Bali on the surface of the earth; seeing whom, abounding in sagacity, Kamandaki does not think much of his own numerous accomplishments and Chanakya also ceases to wonder at (his own) intellect.
Again, an account of the paternal lineage of the illustrions Anupamadevi, the wife of the illustrious Maham Têjahpala
(V. 50.) There was born a wise man, called the illustrious Gågå, the only diadem adorning the Prâgvâța family, an inhabitant of Chandravati fall of wealth, who cleansed the surface of the earth by the waves of his praiseworthy fame. Which man has not experienced pleasure (or) nodded his head (or) felt the thrill of his bair out of delight in his conduct ?
(V. 51.) His son was Dharaniga by name, who followed the path of the virtuous, (and) who, being endowed with virtues, dwelled in the heart of his master, as a necklace (strung on a thread, rests on the heart of its owner).
(V. 52.) His beloved wife was Tribhuvanadêvî, gifted with virtues renowned in the three worlds. The body of these two was twofold, but their mind was (but) one.
(V. 53.) Their daughter Anupamadêvî, who on account of her virtues resembled Devi, the daughter of Daksha, in person, was united with the illustrious Tejahpala as husband.
(V. 54.) This Anupamadêvî, a creeper bearing the heavenly flower of good conduct, who illumined her whole family by the moon-like group of such qualities as prudence, modesty, judgment, deportment, kindness, liberality and others, became the wife of the excellent minister Tējahpala.
(V. 55.) Their son, this Levanyasimha, restraining the impetuosity of the vicious horses of the senses, walks on the path that produces only religious merit, although he has attained the age the auspicious sign of which is the fish-bannered (god of love).
(V. 56.) Who does not praise the virtues of that pious man, the illustrious L arasimha, the son of the illustrious Têjahpala, which, though being very eager to fetter the goddess of fortune, made his fame perfectly unbounded in the three worlds
(V. 57.) This vessel (filled with a money-hoard of virtues, which is not concealed and not surrounded by the serpents of wicked men, is continually increasing although good people subsist on it.
(V. 58.) The son of the minister Malladeva, begotten on Liluka, was called Půrnasimha. Flourishing is his son, begotten on Ahlapadêvi, this Péthada, an abode of virtues.
(V. 59.) Anupama was the wife of the minister Tējahpåla. Their son was this long-lived (youth) called Lavanyasimha.
1.e. Brihaspati.
[1.6. Pavanavy Adhi or Uddhava, the counsellor of Krishņa.-E. H.] • Sukra was the teacher of the Asuras.
* The belief that treasures hidden underground are guarded by serpents is alluded to also in the Kirlikannudh II. 13.
2

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(V. 60.) For the religions merit of that son and that wife the said Têjahpala built this temple of the holy Nômináths on the mountain) Arbuda.
(V. 61.) The minister Têjahpåla, a moon on earth, erected the temple of the lord Nêmi, which shines by lines of stones as white as conch-shells (and) is resplendent like the moon and jasmine flowers, & lofty hall (mandapa) in front (of it), fifty-two shrines for the best of the Jinas on the sides of it, and a seat (balánaka) in the front.
(V. 62.) The son of the illustrious Chapdapa was Chandaprasåda; from him (was born) Soma; his son was Aśvaraja by name; his sons, gifted with pare hearts, who are rising clouds to the garden of the doctrine of Jina, are the men called the illustrious Lupiga, the minister Malladhva and the illustrious Vastupala, together with TôjabpÅla.
(V. 63.) The son of the illustrious excellent minister Vastapála is he named the illustrious Jaitrasimha, and Tējahpâla's son, whose intelligence is renowned, is Lava yasimha by name. The statues of these ten (men), mounted on the shoulders of female elephants, will for a long time shine like those of the guardians of the quarters approaching to see the Jina.
(V. 64.) Behind the statues placed on the backs of female elephants, this wise man called Tējahpala, the matchless friend of the Chaulukya king Viradhavala, the younger brother of the illustrious Vastupala, caused to be made here ten images of those persons mentioned above) together with the wives on khattakas of spotless stone.
(V. 65.) By the side of Vastupala, on whom all people subsist, the successful Tdjahp&la appears as a mango tree laden with fruit by the side of a lake affording a livelihood to all creatures.
(V. 66.) Of the uninterrupted series of religious establishments, such as tanks, wells, fountains, groves, ponds, temples, alms-houses, and so on, which were either newly constructed or repaired by that pair of brothers in every town and village, on every road and mountain-top, one does not even know the number; it is at best but the earth that knows it.
(V. 67) The sage that would be able to count the expirations and inspirations of Sambhu or to calculate the openings and closings of the eyes of the saint called Markanda, might also set himself to reokon up this multitude of records of benefactions' drawn up by the two ministers, provided he abandon other ocoupations.
(V. 68.) May the fame of Aśvaraja, whose descendants understand how to do good and to help, perpetually spread in all directions !
(V. 69.) There was a sage (suri) called Mahendra, the preceptor of the family adorned by Chandapa, the crest-jewel of the fortune of the Nagendra gachchha, who had acquired his greatness without effort. After him (came) the illustrious Santisuri, of admirable good conduct. After bim (there was) a pair, Ananda(suri) and Amarasuri, whose splendour was as bright as that of the rising moon and the rising) sun.
(V. 70. After them there was the illustrious Haribhadrasuri, the purifier from sin, who was a new cloud to the park of the holy Jaina doctrine. After him there was this famous excellent sage Vijayasêna, an irreproachable physician for the diseases of those who are intoxicated with the liquor of learning.
(V. 21.) The receptacle of the benedictions of that teacher is the sage (odri) Udayaprabha. His beautiful verses are brilliant like pearls from the ocean of his intelligence.
(V. 72.) This religious building and the founder of this religious building-may these two rise as long as this (mountain) Arbuda rises !
1(1.. Markaņdêys, who according to the Mahabharata (VII. 183, 43) was many thousand years old, though he looked only twenty-five.-E. H.]
The term sukrit-dwukirtana seems to have about the same meaning - dharmaathana-prafasti occurring in . 73.

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(V. 78.) The illustrious somesvaradeva, whose feet are honoured by the chulukya king, composed this charming eulogy of the religious building.
(V. 74.) By the grace of the holy Némi and Ambika on the mountain Arbuda may the eulogy afford abundant happiness to the family of Vastupala !
(Line 46.) This eulogy has been engraved by the mason Chandesvara, the son of Dhandhala, the son of Kelhana.
(L. 47.) On Sunday, the third day of the dark half of Phalguna, in the year 1287 of the glorious Vikrama, the consecration was performed by the illustrious Vijayasênasuri of the illustrious Någêndra gachchha.
No. II.1. 1 ओं ॥ ओं नमः ..........[संवत् १२८७ वर्षे लौकिकफाल्गुनवदि ३
रवौ अद्येह श्रीमदणहिलपाटके चौलुक्यकुलकमलराजहंससमस्तराजा
वलीसमलंकतमहाराजाधिराजश्रीभ .... 2 विजयिराज्ये त . . . . . . . . . . . . . श्रीवशिष्ट कंडयजनानलोड़तश्रीममराज
देवकुलोत्पन्नमहामंडलेश्वरराजकुलश्रीसोमसिंहदेवविजयिराज्ये तस्यैव महाराजा
धिराजश्रीभीमदेवस्य प्रसाद] ..... 3 रात्रामंडले श्रीचौलुक्यकुलोत्पवमहामंडलेश्वरराणकथीलवणप्रसाददेवसुतमहामंड
लेश्वरराणकश्रीवीरधवलदेवसत्कसमस्तमुद्राव्यापारिणा श्रीमदणहिलपुरवास्तव्यश्री
प्राग्वाटजातीयठ श्रीचंड[प] ...... 4 चंडप्रसादात्मजमहं श्रीसोमतनुजठ° श्रीआसराजभार्याठ श्रीकुमारदेव्यीः पुत्र
महं श्रीमल्लदेवसंघपतिमहं श्रीवस्तुपालयोरनुजसहोदरभ्रातृमहं श्रीतज:
पालेन स्वकीयभार्याम श्रीअनुपमदेव्यास्तत्कुचि[सं] .... 5 वित्रपुत्रमहं श्रीलूणसिंहस्य च पुण्ययशोभिवृदये श्रीमदर्वदाचलोपरि' देउलवाडा.
ग्रामे समस्तदेवकुलिकालंकृतं विशालहस्तिशालोपशोभितं श्रीलणसिंह.
वसहिकाभिधानश्रीनेमिनाथदेवचैत्यमिदं कारितं ॥ छ [1] 6 प्रतिष्टितं श्रीनागेंद्रगच्छे श्रीमहेंद्रसूरिसंताने श्रीशांतिसूरिशिष्यत्रीपाणंदसूरिश्री
अमरचंद्रसूरिपट्टालंकरणप्रभुत्रीहरिभद्रसूरिशिष्यैः श्रीविजयसेनसूरिभिः ॥ छ ।
पत्र च धर्मस्थाने कृतश्रावकगोष्ठिकानां नामा7 नि यथा ॥ महं श्रीमन्नदेवमह श्रीवस्तुपालमई श्रीतेजःपालप्रभृतिमातृत्रय
संतानपरंपरया तथा मह° श्रीलूणसिंहसकमातकुलपक्षे श्रीचंद्रावतीवास्तव्यप्राग्वाटजातीयठ श्रीसावदेवसुतठ श्रीमालिगतनुजठ ।
श्री.
1 On a white slab built into a niche in the corridor. No. 1741 of Mr. Cousens's list. • Expressed by a symbol.
• Restore 'श्रीमीमदेव.. Read °वशिष्ठ'. • Restore श्रीचंडपसत • Restore संभूतपP Read श्रीमदर्युदा.
• Road प्रतिष्ठितं. The of q@ seems to have been corrected out of c.
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[VOL. VIII.
8 श्री सागरतनयठ° श्रीगागापुत्रठ श्रीधरणिगभ्रातृमहं श्रीराणिगमह श्रीलीला तथा ठ° श्रीधरणिगभार्याठ श्रीतिडुणदेविकुक्षिसंभूतमहं श्रीअनुपम देविसहोदरभ्रातृठ' श्रीखीम्वासीहरु श्रीश्राम्बसीहठ' श्रीऊदल'
तथा महं° श्रीलीलासुतमहं श्रीलूसीह तथा भ्रातृठ जगसीहठ रनसिंहानां समस्त कुटुम्बेन' एतदीयसंतानपरंपरया च एतस्मिन् धस्थाने सकलमपि स्रपनपूजासारादिकं सदैव करणीयं निर्वाहणीयं च ॥ तथा । सत्कसमस्त महाजनसकलजिन चैत्यगोष्टिकप्रभृतिश्रावक समुदायः ॥ तथा 'उंवरणीकीसरउलीग्रामीयप्राग्वाटज्ञा' श्रे' रासलेट' आसधर तथाजा' माणिभद्रड थे आल्हण तथाज्ञा श्रे देल्हणड खोम्बसी - "
10 श्रीचंद्रावत्या:
12 ल्हा
11 धर्कज्ञातीयश्रे नेहाउ साल्हा तथाज्ञा धडलिगड आसचंद्र तथाज्ञा' श्रे वहुदेव सोम प्राग्वाटज्ञा श्रे सावडड' श्रीपाल तथाज्ञा श्रे जींदाउ पाल्हण धर्कटना श्रे पाड' सादा प्राग्वाटज्ञातीयपूनाड' सातथा श्रीमालज्ञा' पूनाउ' साल्हाप्रभृतिगोष्टिका" । अमीभिः श्रीनेमिनाथदेवप्रतिष्टावर्षग्रंथियाचाष्टाहिकायां देवकीयचैत्रवदि ३ तृतीयादिने स्वपनपूजाद्युत्सवः कार्यः ॥ तथा कास दग्रामीय ऊएसवालज्ञा18 तोयवे' सोहिउ पाल्हण तथाज्ञा' श्रे सलखण्ड वालण प्राग्वाटमा श्रे सांतुयड देल्हूय तथाज्ञा श्रे गोसलड आल्हा तथाज्ञा श्रे कोलाड आम्बा' तथाज्ञा पासचंद्र पूनचंद्र तथाज्ञा
220
9
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
जसवीरड' ज
14 गा
तथाज्ञा " ब्रह्मदेव राल्हा श्रीमालना' कडुयराउ कुलधरप्रभृतिगोष्टिका : " । अमीभिस्तथा ४ चतुर्थीदिने श्रीनेमिनाथदेवस्य द्वितीयाटाहिकामहोत्सवः कार्यः ॥ तथा "ब्रह्माणवास्तव्यप्राग्वाट ज्ञातीयमहाजनि 15 अमिगड' पूनड ऊएसवालज्ञा महा धांधाउ सागर तथाज्ञा महा साटाउ वरदेव प्राग्वाटज्ञा महा' पाल्हणउ उदयपाल ओसवालज्ञा महा आवोधनउ' जगसीह श्रीमाला महा वीसलउ पासदेव प्रा-3 16 ग्वाट महा' वीरदेव अरसीह तथाज्ञा श्रे धणचंद्र रामचंद्रप्रभृतिगोष्टिका : " । अमीभिस्तथा ५ पंचमीदिने श्रीनेमिनाथदेवस्य ततीयाटाfearमहोत्सवः कार्यः ॥ तथा धडलीग्रामीयप्राग्वाट ज्ञातीय सा
1 Read श्रीखोम्ब मोहट° श्रोभाम्बसौह°. The line is filled up by a sign resembling a book. 2 Read कुटुम्बेन
* This stroke as well as the stroke at the end of 1. 29 is merely intended to fill up the line.
• Read संगरणीको.
• Read बोम्बसी
● Read 'प्रतिष्ठा'.
10 [Read ब्रह्मदेव.
11 Read 'गोष्ठिका:
13 The line is filled up by the sign used at the end of 1. 8.
• Read गोष्ठिक.
Read 'गोष्ठिकाः.
श्रे
● Road भाम्बा.
12 Read ब्रह्माण
14 Boad "गोष्ठिका..

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17 जणउ पासवीर तथाज्ञा' थे वीडिउ° पूना तथाज्ञा श्रे जसडुय
जेगण तथाजातीय। साजनउ भोला तथाज्ञापासिलउ° पूनुय तथाज्ञा
। राजुयउ सावदेव तथाना दूगसरणउ साहणीय पोरसवाल-1 18 जा थे सलखणउ मह जोगा तथाज्ञा' [*] देवकुयारउ भासदेव
प्रकृतिगोष्टिकाः । अमीभिस्तथा षष्टीदिने श्रीनेमिनाथदेवस्य चतुा
टाहिकामहोत्सवः कार्य: ॥ तथा मुंडस्थलमहातीर्थवास्तव्यप्राग्वाटजातीय19 ये संधोरणउ° गुणचंद्रपाल्हा तथा वे सोहियउ पाखेसर तथा श्रे जेजाउ
खांखण तथा फीलिणिग्रामवास्तव्यत्रीमालज्ञा वापलगाजणप्रमुखगोष्टिकाः
अमीभिस्तथा ७ सप्तमीदिने श्रीनेमिनाथदेवस्य पंचमाष्टाहिकाम20 होत्सवः कार्यः ॥ तथा इंडाउद्राग्रामडवाणीग्रामवास्तव्यश्रीमालज्ञातीयत्रे पाम्बु
यउ जसरा तथाना [*] लखमणउ आसू तथाज्ञा श्रे भासलउ'
जगदेव तथाज्ञा श्रे° सूमिग धणदेव तथाज्ञा थे जिणदेव जाला 21 प्राग्वाटज्ञा आसलउ सादा श्रीमालना श्रे° देदाउ वीसल तथाज्ञा
श्रे' पासधरउ° भासल तथाना' थे थिरदेवउ वीरय तथाज्ञा श्रे
गुणचंद्र देवधर तथाचा थे हरियाउ हेमा प्राग्वाटना श्रे° लखमण22 उ कड्याप्रभृतिगोष्टिकाः । अमीभिस्तथा ८ अष्टमीदिने श्रीनेमिनाथ
देवस्य षष्टाष्टाहिकामहोत्सवः कार्य: ॥ तथा [ग]डाहडवास्तव्यप्राग्वाटजातीय देसलउ ब्रह्मसरण तथाना जसकरउ | धणिया
तथाज्ञा[*] श्रे 23 देल्हण आल्हा तथाज्ञा श्रे' वालाउ° पद्मसीह तथाना श्रे° °मांवयउ
वोहडि तथाज्ञा श्रे वोसरिउ पूनदेव तथाज्ञा[*] श्रे° वीरयउ साजण" तथाना । पाहुयां जिणदेवप्रभृतिगोष्टिका: । अमोभिस्तथा ।
नवमीदिने 24 श्रीनेमिनाथदेवस्य सप्तमाष्टाहिकामहोत्सवः कार्यः । तथा साहिलवाडावास्तव्य
मोइसवालजातीय। देल्हा पाल्हण । नागदेव "आम्वदेव श्रे'
काल्हणउ' भासल ये वोहिथङ लाखण श्रे' जसदेवउ वाहड वे 25 सीलणड' देल्हण वे वहुदा महघराउ धणपाल में पूनिगउ'
वाघा । गोसलउ वहडाप्रभृतिगोष्टिका: । पमीभिस्तथा १० दशमीदिने
• Read °गोष्ठिकाः
1 The line is filled up by the sign used at the end of 1. 8. - Read षष्ठीदिने.
• Read गोष्ठिका:Read पाम्बुधः.
• Read गोष्ठिका.. •Beed ब्रम
• Read बाबु 11 Read 'गीष्ठिकाः .
WRend पाम्ब
| Read षष्ठाटा. 10 Read साजण (2). M Read गीष्ठिका:

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श्रीनेमिनाथदेवस्य पष्टमाष्टाहिकामहोत्सवः कार्यः ॥ तथा 'श्रीअर्बुदो.
परि देउलवा26 डावास्तव्यसमस्तवावकैः । श्रीनेमिनाथदेवस्य पंचापि कल्याणिकानि यथा
दिनं प्रतिवर्ष कर्तव्यानि। एवमियं व्यवस्था श्रीचंद्रावतीपतिराजकुलश्री.
सोमसिंहदेवेन तथा तत्पुत्रराज श्रीकान्हडदेवप्रमुखकुमरैः समस्तराजलो कैस्त27 था श्रीचंद्रावतीयस्थानपतिभट्टारकप्रभृतिकविलास तथा 'गूगुलीव्राह्मणसमस्त
महाजनगोष्टिकैश्च तथा प्रर्वदाचलोपरि श्रीअचलेश्वरश्रीवशिष्ठ तथा संनि
हित । ग्रामदेउलवाडाग्रामश्रीश्रीमातामहबुग्रामआवुयग्रामोरासाग्रामऊ-' 28 तरछग्रामसिहरनामसालग्रामहठउंजीग्रामाखीग्रामश्रीधांधलेश्वरदेवीयकोटडीप्रभृति
हादशग्रामेषु संतिष्टमानस्थानपतितपोधनगूगुलीव्राह्मणराठियप्रभृतिसमस्तलोकै.
स्तथा भालिभाडाप्रभृतिग्रामेषु संतिष्ठमानश्रीप्रतीहा29 रवंशीयसवराजपुत्रच आत्मीयात्मीयखेच्छया श्रीनेमिनाथदेवस्य मंडपे समुप
विश्योपविश्य महं श्रीतेजःपालपार्थात् स्वीयस्वीयप्रमोदपूर्वकं श्रीलणसीह
वसहिकाभिधानस्यास्य धर्मस्थानस्य सोपि रक्षापभार: स्वीकृतः । तदेतदा30 मीयवचनं प्रमाणीकुर्वभिरेतैः सर्वैरपि तथा एतदीयसंतानपरंपरया च धर्म
स्थानमिदमाचंद्रार्क यावत् परिरक्षणीयं ॥ यतः॥ किमिह कपालकमंडलुवल्कल
सितरतपटजटापटलैः। व्रतमिदमुज्वलमुव्रतमनसां प्रतिपबनिर्बहणं ॥ छ । 31 तथा महाराजकुलबीसीमसिंहदेवेन अस्यां श्रीलणसिंहवसहिकायां श्रीनेमि
नाथदेवाय पूजांगभोगार्थ वाहिरहद्यां डवाणीग्राम: शासनेम प्रदत्तः॥ सच
श्रीसोमसिंहदेवाभ्यर्थनया प्रमारान्वयिभिराचंद्रार्क यावत् प्रतिपाल्यः । 32 ॥ सिद्धिक्षेत्रमिति प्रसिद्धमहिमा श्रीपंडरीको गिरिः श्रीमान् रैवतकोपि
विश्वविदितः क्षेत्र विमुक्तेरिति । नूनं क्षेत्रमिदं इयोरपि तयोः श्रीअर्बुदस्तप्रभू भेजाते कथमन्यथा सममिमं श्रीआदिनेमी स्वयं ॥ १ संसारसर्व
खमि हैव मुक्तिस33 ॥ बखमप्यत्र जिनेश दृष्टं। विलोक्यमाने भवने तवास्मिन् पूर्व परं च त्वयि
दृष्टिपांथे ॥ २ श्रीकृष्णर्षीयश्रीनयचंद्रसूरेरिमे ॥ सं° सरवणपुत्रसं° सिंह. राजसाधू साजणसंसहसासाइदेपुत्री सुनधव प्रणमति ॥ शुभं ।
I Read चबुंदी.
* This sign of punctuation is superfluous. • Read 'ब्राह्मण.
• Read गोष्ठिकच.
• Read अर्बुदा'. 6 This sign of punctuation is out of place; read fufcere.
I Read बाबु • Read संतिष्ठमान' and 'ब्राधा
कुर्वनिरतः. 10 At the end of the line there is a symbol. 11 At the end of the line there is the same symbol as in 1. 81,

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No. 21.]
MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS.
No. III. 1
1 औ' ॥ नृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८७ वर्षे फागुणसुदि ३ सोमे अद्येह श्रीदाचले श्रीमदणहिलपु
2 रास्त प्राग्वाटज्ञातीयश्रीचंड पश्रीचंडप्रसादमहं श्रीसोमान्वये महं° श्रीआसरासुतमहं मालदे -
3 वम श्रीवस्तुपालयोरनुजभ्वामहं श्रीतेजपालेन स्वकीयभार्याम श्रीचतु पमदेविकुचि
4 संभूतसृतम बीलूसीपुण्यार्थ
अस्यां बोलूणवसचिकायां श्रीनेमिनाथ
महातीर्थ कारितं ॥
द ॥ छ ॥
No. IV.
1 ' ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे 'प्राग्वाटजातीयश्रीचंडपश्री चंडप्रसाद महं श्रीसोमम" श्रीपासरान्वये म श्रीमालदेवसुताबाई श्रीसदमलश्रेयो
2 महं श्रीतेजपालेन देवकुलिका कारिता कू ॥
No. V. 7
1 ' ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे प्राग्वाटज्ञातीय श्रीचंडप श्रीचंड प्रसाद महं श्रीसोममहं श्रीचामरान्वये मई श्रीमालदेवसुतम श्रीपुंनसीडीयभामह श्रीतेजपालेन देवकुलिका कारि
2 र्यामहं श्रीआल्हणदेवि श्रेयोऽर्थ
ता 11 छ ॥
2 का कारिता [["]
223
No. VI.9
1 औ" ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे" प्राग्वाटज्ञातीयश्री चंडपश्रीचंड प्रसादश्रीश्रासरासुतमहं श्रीमालदेवीयभार्यामहं [*]
मह
मह" श्री सोमाम्वये " श्रीपाथेयोऽर्थ मह
श्री तेजपालेन देवकुलि
No. VII. 13
1 " श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत्" १२८८ वर्षे प्राबाटजातीययीचंडप श्रीचंडप्रसाद
1 On the lintel of the entrance of the main shrine. No. 1742 of Mr. Cousens's list.
2 Expressed by a symbol.
• Read अर्बुदा
• Ou the lintel of cell shrine 1 in the corridor. No. 1666 of Mr. Cousens's list. Expressed by a symbol. • The ड of चंडप' has an abnormal forns.
7 On the lintel of cell shrine 2 in the corridor. No. 1667 of Mr. Cousens's list. Expressed by a symbol.
• On the lintel of cell shrine 3 in the corridor. No. 1668 of Mr. Cousens's list.
10 Expressed by a symbol.
1 Read वर्षे.
1 On the lintel of cell shrine 4 in the corridor. No. 1669 of Mr. Cousens's list. 14 Expressed by a symbol.
15 Read विकम
12 Real सीमान्वये.

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224
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VIII.
श्रीमालदेवीयभार्याम
महं श्रीसोमान्वये महं श्रीपासरासुतमहं
श्रीलीलूश्रेयोऽर्थ मई श्री2 तेजपालेन देवकुलिका कारिता [*] छ ॥
NO. VIII. 1 औं ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे प्राग्वाटवंशीयश्रीचंडपश्रीचंडप्रसादमहं
श्रीसोममहं श्रीपासरामहं श्रीमालदेवान्वये महं श्रीपूनसीहसतम
श्रीपथडश्रेयोऽर्थ महं श्रीते2 जपालन देवकुलिका कारिता ॥
No. Ix. 1 औ ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे प्राग्वाटवंशीयश्रीचंडपश्रीचंडप्रसादमह'
श्रीसोमान्वये महं श्रीमालदेवसुतमह श्रीपंनसीहश्रेयोर्थ मई श्रीतेजपालेन देवकुलि[का*] कारिता ॥ छ॥ छ ।
1
No. X. औं' ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे प्राग्वाटवंशीयश्रीचंडपश्रीचंडप्रसादमाई' श्रीसोमान्वये महं श्रीआसरासुतमहं श्रीमालदेवधेयोऽर्थ तत्सोदरलघुभ्रातमहं श्रीतेजपालन देवकुलिका कारिता ॥ छ।
No. XI. 1 भो ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे प्राग्वाटवंशीयश्रीचंडपश्रीचंडप्रसादमाई
श्रीसोममहं श्रीआसरामई श्रीमालदेवान्वये महं श्रीपुंनसीहसुतावाईश्री-॥ 2 वलालदेवियोऽर्थ महं श्रीतेजपालन देवकुलिका कारिता ॥ छ॥
No. XII.13 1ो श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत" १२८८ वर्षे श्रीमत्पत्तनवास्तव्यप्राग्वाटजातीयत्रीचंडप
श्रीचंडप्रसादश्रीसोममहं श्रीपासरासतश्रीमालदेवमहं'
HOn the lintel of call shrine 5 in the corridor. No. 1870 of Mr. Cousens's list. ? Expressed by a symbol. * On the lintel of cell shrine 6 in the corridor. No. 1671 of Mr. Cousens's list. •Expressed by a symbol.
The of °संवत् has not been finished. . On the lintel of cell shrine 7 in the corridor. No. 1672 of Mr. Cousens's list. TExpressed by asymbol.
• Between the last two signs of punctuation there is a symbol. . On the lintel of cell shrine 8 in the corridor. No. 1673 of Mr. Cousens's list, 10 Expressed by a symbol.
Read मुताबाई. 11 On the lintel of cell shrine 40 in the corridor. No. 1727 of Mr. Cousens's list. 19 Expressed by a symbol. Before this, but a little lower down, there is a reversed . " Read °संवत.

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No. 21.]
MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS.
225
2 श्रीवस्तुपालयोरनुजमहं श्रीतेजपालेन महं श्रीवस्तुपालभार्यायाः मई श्रीसोखु
कायाः पुण्यार्थ श्रीसुपार्श्वजिनालंकृता देवकुलिकेयं कारिता ॥ छ ॥ छ ।
No. XIII.! 1 ओं ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे श्रीपत्तनवास्तव्यप्राग्वाटजातीयश्री
चंडपथीचंडप्रसादशीसोममह° श्रीपासरासुतश्री2 मालदेवमहं श्रीवस्तपालयोरनुजमहं श्रीतेजपालेन मह 'श्रीवसूपालभार्या
ललतादेवियोऽर्थ देवकुलिका कारिता ॥ छ । छ ॥
No. XIV.. 1 ओं ॥ संवत् १२८८ वर्षे श्रीचंडपश्रीवंडप्रसादत्रीसोममहं श्रीपासरांगज
महं "श्रीवस्तपालसुतमहं श्रीजयतसीहश्रेयोऽर्थ 2 महं° श्रीतेजपालन देवकुलिका कारिता ॥
No. XV. 1 ओं ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे श्रीचंडपश्रीचंडप्रसादश्रीसीममई
श्रीपासरांगजमहं[*] श्रीतेजपालन श्रीजयतसीहभार्याजयतलदेवि2 श्रेयोऽर्थ देवकुलिका कारिता ॥
No. XVI.10 1 नृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे प्राग्वाटजातीयश्रीचंडपत्रीचंडप्रसादश्रीसोममहं
श्रीआसरांगजेन महं श्रीतेजपालन श्रीजयतसीहभार्यासूहवदेवि. 2 श्रेयोऽर्थ देवकुलिका कारिता ॥
No. XVII.11 1 भो ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे प्राग्वाटजातीयश्रीचंडपत्रीचंडप्रसाद
श्रीसोममहं श्रीपासरान्वयसमुद्भवमहं श्रीतेजपालेन महं श्रीजयतसी2 भार्यामहं श्रीरूपादेवियोऽर्थ देवकुलिका कारिता [1] छ ।
1 On the lintel of cell shrine 41 in the corridor. No. 1729 of Mr. Cousens's list. * Expressed by a symbol.
- Read श्रीवस्तुपाल. __+ Read श्रीवस्तुपाल. . On the lintel of cell shrine 42 in the corridor. No. 1731 of Mr. Cousens's list. • Espressed by a symbol.
IRead श्रीवस्तुपाल. . On the lintel of cell shrine 43 in the corridor. No. 1732 of Mr. Cousene's list.
Expressed by asymbol. 10 On the lintel of cell shrine 44 in the corridor. No. 1734 of Mr. Cousena's list. 11 On the lintel of cell shrine 45 in the corridor. No. 1736 of Mr. Cousens's list. 13 Expressed by symbol.
2G

Page #259

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. XVIII. 1
1 श्री श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८८ वर्षे श्रीचंडपत्रीचंडप्रसादम
श्रीसोममहं
श्रीआसरान्वये मह श्रीमालदेवसुताश्री सहजल श्रेयोऽर्थ महं श्रीतेजपालेन दे2 वकुलिका कारिता ॥ छ ॥
No. XIX.3
1 ओं ॥ संवत् १२९० वर्षे महं श्रीसोमान्वये मह° श्री तेजपाल सुतम श्रीलूणसीहभार्यामहं श्रीलषमादेविशेयोऽर्थ महं श्रीतेजपालेन देवकुलिका कारिता ।
1
No. XX.5
1 ॥ संवत् १२८० वर्षे प्राग्वाटवंशीयमहं श्रीसोमान्वये मह' श्रीतेजपालसुतम लूणसीभार्यारयणादे विधेयोऽर्थ श्री तेजपालेन देवकुलिका कारिता 電 शुभं भवतु ॥
महं
No. XXI.
1 र्षी 11 श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८० वर्ष श्रीपत्तन वास्तव्यमाखाशीयम श्रीचंडप श्रीचंडप्रसादमहं श्रीसोमान्वये महं' श्रीआसरासुतमहं श्रीमालदेवभ्रातृमहं श्री - वस्तपालयोरनुजम
बोजपालन स्वकीयभार्याम श्रीअनुपमदेविशेयोऽर्थ देवश्रीमुनिसुव्रतस्य देवकुलिका कारिता ॥ छ ॥
||
[Vol. VIII.
No. XXII. 9
मंवत् १२८० वर्षे प्राग्वाटजातीयम
प्राग्वाटज्ञातीयमहं श्रीचंडपश्रीचंडप्रसादश्री[स] मीरान्यसमुद्भूतम श्रीतेजपालेन स्मृतीसोहागरदेशि श्रेयोऽर्थं देवकुलिका कारिता |[*] छ ।
011
No. XXIII.12
1 श्र ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८० वर्षे प्राबाटज्ञातीयमहं श्रीचंडपग्रीचंडप्रसादश्रीसोममहं श्रीषामरान्वय[समुद्भूत] महं श्री [तेजपालेन ] स्वस्तावउलदेविश्रेयोऽर्थ देवकुलिका कारिता ॥
1 Ou the lintel of cell shrine 16 in the corridor. No. 173s of Mr. Cousens's list.
2 Expressed by a symbol.
s On the lintel of cell shrine 17 in the corridor. No. 1684 of Mr. Consens's list.
• Expressed by a symbol.
• On the lintel of cell shrine 17 in the corridor.
No. 1685 of Mr. Consens's list.
• On the lintel of cell shrine 18 in the corridor. No. 1686 of Mr. Couseus's list.
7 Expressed by a symbol.
# Read 'वस्तुपाल'.
• On the lintel of cell shrine 19 in the corridor. No. 1690 of Mr. Cousens's list. The of "समुडूत" is not quite finished.
10 Expressed by a symbol.
13 On the lintel of cell shrine 19 (side doorway) in the corridor. No. 1692 of Mr. Cousens's list.
1 Expressed by a symbol.

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No. 21.]
MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS.
No. XXIV.1
1 ॥ श्र ॥ श्रीनृ पविक्रमसंवत'
१२८३ चैत्रवदि ७ मधे 'श्री अर्बुदा
श्रीचंड प्रसादमहं श्री -
चलमहातीर्थ श्रीमाम्पाटातीयठ Artis सोमान्वये ठ° श्रीश्रासराजसु [त]
॥ मह श्रीमालदेवम श्रीवस्तुपालयोरनुजमहं श्रीतेजः पालेग' स्वभगिन्याः पद्मलाया: येथीर्थ श्रीवारिसेपदेवालंकृता देवकुलिकेयं कारि [ता] ॥
No. XXV.
1 t ॥ श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८२ वर्षे चैत्रवदि ० मधे श्रीचर्बुदाचलमहाती स्वयंकारितश्रीलू मोहवस हिकाख्यचीनेमिनाथदेवचैत्यजगत्यां मह श्रोतेज: पालेन
2 मातुलसुतभाभाराजपालभणितेन स्वमातुलस्य मह श्रीपूनपालस्य तथा भार्या - महं श्रीपूनदेव्याश्च श्रेयोर्थ अस्यां देवकुलिकायां श्रीचंद्रानन देवप्रतिमा कारिता
No. XXVI.9
10
1 " ॥ "स्वस्ति श्रीविक्रमनृपात् सं १२८३ वर्षे चैत्रवदि ८ शुक्रे अद्येह श्रीदाचल [ती]"
2 स्वयंकारिणी हवसहि काव्यश्रीनेमिनाथ देवचेत्य जगत्यां
श्रीमान्बाटजाती.
3 यठ श्रीचंडपठ श्रीचंडप्रसादमहं श्रीसोमान्वये ठ° श्रीश्रासराजठ श्रीकुमारदे4 यी सुतम श्रीमालदेवसंघपतिश्रीवस्तुपालयोरनुजम बीतेजःपालेन खभ5 गिन्या वाईजाल्हणदेव्या: " श्रेयो "विहरमागतोयं कर श्रीसीमंवरखामिप्रतिमा6 संकृता देवकुचिकेयं कारिता ॥ प्रतिष्टिता" श्रीनागेंद्रगच्छे श्रीविजयरीनसू[िरभिः ॥]
No. XXVII. 10
1 [ ओं]” ॥ "स्वस्ति संवत् १२८३ चैत्रवदि ८ शुक्रे अद्येह "श्रीश्रर्बुदाचलस्वयंकारितश्रीलू [सीह]
ती
1 On the liutel of cell shrine 33 in the corridor. No. 1715 of Mr. Cousens's list.
Read संवत्.
★ Read "अर्बुदा
2 Expressed by a symbol.
• The ते of 'तेजःपालन is only half finished.
• On the lintel of cell shrine 33 in the corridor. No. 1716 of Mr. Cousene's list.
057
7 Expressed by a symbol.
# Read "अर्बुदा
• On the lintel of cell shrine 26 in the corridor. No. 1707 of Mr. Courens's list.
10] Expressed by a symbol.
11 In this line the signs protruding above the upper line of the letters are more or less indistinct.
12 Road अर्बुदा
13 Read बाई.
Read सीमंधरखामि
15 Read प्रतिष्ठिता.
16 On the lintel of cell shrine 27 in the corridor. No. 1708 of Mr. Cousens's list.
17 Expressed by's symbol.
18 In this line the signs protruding above the upper line of the letters are more or less indistinct. 10 Rend अर्बुदा".
202

Page #261

228
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VIII.
2 ॥ वसहिकाख्यश्रीअरिष्टनेमिचैत्ये श्रीप्राग्वाटज्ञातीयठ श्रीचंडपठ श्रीचंड
प्रसादमई श्री[सो]3 ॥ मान्वये ठ° श्रीआसराजभार्याठ° श्रीकुमारदेव्योः सुतमहं श्रीमालदेव
संघपतिमहं ॥ 4 ॥ श्रीवस्तुपालयोरनुजमहं श्रीतेजःपालेन स्वभगिनीवाईमाउथेयोर्थ विहर
माण-॥ 5 ॥ तीर्थकरथीयगंधरस्वामिजिनप्रतिमालंकृता देवकुलिका इय' कारिता ॥' ॥ छ [1]
No. XXVIII. 1 . . . . . . . . . . [अद्येह श्रोअदाचले° स्वयंकारित
श्रील]2 [ण]सीहवसहिकाख्यश्रीअरिष्टनेमिचैत्ये श्रीप्राग्वाटज्ञातीयठ श्रीचंडपठ[] 3 श्रीचंडप्रसादमहं श्रीसीमान्वये ठ° श्रोत्रआसराजठ श्रीकुमारदेव्योः सतम[हं] 4 श्रीमालदेवमह 'श्रीवसुपालयोरनुनमहं श्रीतेजःपालेन स्वभगिन्या । सा[3]5 देव्याः योर्थ विहरमाणतीर्थकरथीवाहुजिनालंकता देवकुलिका कारिता ॥]
No. XxIx,10 1 ॥ ओं" ॥ "स्वस्ति श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८३ वर्षे चैत्रवदि ८ शुक्र
अद्येह श्रीअर्वदाचलमहातीर्थे स्वयं का]2 ॥ रितश्रीलूणसीहवसहिकाख्यश्रीनेमिनाथदेवचैत्यजगत्यां श्रीप्राग्वाटजातीयठ° श्री
चंडप3 ॥ठ श्रीचंडप्रसादमहं श्रीसोमान्वये ठ° श्रीपासराजठ श्रीकुमारदेव्योः
सुतमह° थीतेजःपाले4 न स्वभगिन्या "वाईधणदेविश्रेयसे विहरमाणतीर्थंकरश्रीसुवाहुविवालंकता"
देवकुलिका कारिता [॥*]
I Read °बाई.
Read 'कुलिकेयं. After this sign of punctuation there is a symbol. •On the lintel of cell shrine 28 in the corridor. No. 1709 of Mr.Cousens's list. * The first aksharas of this line are illegible. • Read °अर्बदा..
Read श्रीवस्तपाल.. . This sign of punctuation is supernuvus.
- Read °श्रीबा 10 On the lintel of cell shrine 29 in the corridor. No. 1710 of Mr. Consena's list. 11 Expressed by a symbol. 12 In this line the sigus protruding above the upper line of the letters are more or less indistinct. * Read अर्बुदा. - Read बाई.
" Read सुबाहुबिंबा.

Page #262

No. 22.]
NAUSARI PLATES OF SRYASRAYA-SILADITYA.
No. XXX.1
1 ॥ औ ॥ स्वस्ति श्रीनृपविक्रमसं[वत् १] २८३ वर्षे चैत्रवदि ८ शुक्रे ग्रेड श्रीभर्बुदाचलमहातीर्थे सयंकारितची लूवसोहवसहिकाख्यश्रीनेमिनाथ देव- ॥
2 ॥ चैत्यजगत्यां श्रीप्राग्वाटज्ञा [तीयठ श्रीचंडपठ' श्रीचंड प्रसादमहं श्रीसोमान्वये ठ° श्रीआसराजठ° श्रीकुमारदेव्योः सुतमहं श्रीमालदेवसंघप- ॥ ३ ॥ तिमहं श्रीवस्तुपालयोरनुजमहं' श्रीतेजः पालेन स्वभगिन्या बाईसोहगाया श्रेयोर्थ शाखत जिनश्रोऋषभदेवालंकृता देवकुलिका कारिता [ ॥ * ]
No. XXXI.4
1 ॥ श्र
॥ स्वस्ति श्रीनृपविक्रमसंवत् १२८३ वर्षे चैत्रवदि ८ शुक्रे प्रद्ये श्रीपदाचलमहातीर्थ स्वयंकारित बीलूपसीहवसहिकायां श्रीनेमिनाथदेवचेत्वे जगत्य"
2 | 'श्रीप्राग्वाटजावीयठ श्रीचंडपठ' श्रीचंडप्रसादमहं श्रीसोमान्वये ठ° श्रीआसराजठ" श्रीकुमारदेष्यीः सुतमई" श्रीमालदेवमह श्रीवस्तुपालयोरनुजम श्री तेजःपालेन स्वभगिन्या "वाईवयजुकायाः श्रेयोर्थ श्रीवर्डमानाभिधशाखत जिनप्रतिमालकता देवकुलिकेयं कारिता | शुभम् भवतु | मंगलं महायोः ॥" 11
3 11
No. XXXII.12
13
1 ओं" संवत् १२८७ वैशाखवदि १४ गुरौ प्राग्वाटज्ञातीयचंडपचंडप्रसादमहं [*] श्रीसीमान्वये महं[[ ] श्रीआसराजसतम [*] श्रीतेजःपालेन श्रीमत्यनवास्त व्यमोज्ञातीयठ जाल्लगमुतठ' आमासुतायाः ठकुरानीसंतोषाकुचिसंभूताया [[]] श्रीतंज पालद्वितीयभायमचं [] श्रीमुरडादेव्याः [वेयोर्थ] []
No. 22.-NAUSARI PLATES OF SRY ASRAYA-SILADITYA; THE YEAR 421.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE).
14
The copper-plates which bear this inscription come from Nausari, the head-quarters town of the Nausârî division of the Baroda State. The inscription was first published, with a lithograph, by the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal
1 On the lintel of cell shrine 30 in the corridor. No 1711 of Mr. Cousens's list, Expressed by a symbol. ● Read "अर्बुदा
* On the lintel of cell shrine 31 in the corridor. No. 1712 of Mr. Cousens's list.
229
5 Expressed by a symbol.
8. Read चैत्य जगल्या.
• Read संवत्.
• Read श्रीप्राग्वाटजातीय'.
Read अर्बुदा 10 Read बाई.
11 This sign of punctuation is followed by a symbol.
12. On the ornamental niche close to the entrance doorway of the main shrine. No. 17443 of Mr. Cousens's list. 15 Expressed by a symbol.
14 Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, 8. E. (1888), lat. 20°57', long. 72°50'

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230
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
Asiatic Society, Vol. XVI. p. 1 ff. It is now re-edited from an excellent ink-impression supplied by Dr. Fleet, who contributes the following remarks on the original :
"The present facsimile of the plates has been prepared, under my superintendence, from ink-impressions made by me in 1884, when I obtained the original plates on loan, for that purpose, from Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji. The seal has been done from a photograph of it which was made on the same occasion.
"The copper-plates are two in number, each about 8" long by 5' broad at the ends and 41" in the middle. The edges of them are here and there slightly thicker than the inscribed surfaces; but it would seem that this was accidental, and that the plates were intended to be smooth, without any fashioned rims. The plates are substantial; and the letters, though fairly deep, do not show through on the reverse sides at all. The engraving is good. The interiors of many of the lettere show marks of the working of the engraver's tool. The ring is about 1 thick, and 1}" in diameter. It had been cut before the time when it came into my hands. The soal, which is soldered on to the ring in the usual fashion, is circular, about 1' in diameter. It has, in relief on the surface of it, only the motto Sri-déraya. The weight of the two plates is 2 lbs.; and of the ring and seal, 5 oz.: total, 2 lbs. 5) oz."
The alphabet resembles that of other records of the early Chalukyas. The jihvamaliya occurs once (1. 12). Final forms are found of m (11. 1, 2, 20), t (1. 13) and (1. 17). The only mark of punctuation is a small vertical line after Suímantasvámi (1. 14). The date at the end of the inscription is expressed in words and numerical symbols.
The language is Sanskrit, mostly prose; two well known Anushțubh verses occur in l. 1 f. and 1. 19 f. Although the inscription is very well preserved, and though the engraving is neat and distinct, the text is full of serious blunders. As may be seen from the footnotes and from the brackets in the transcript, many letters and syllables are either omitted or corrupted. In line 15 a whole word seems to be missing, which cannot be supplied with certainty.!
The inscription opens with an invocation of the boar incarnation of Vishnu (1. 1 f.). It then states that in the family of the Chalikyas (1.5) was Pulaksi-Vallabha (1. 6), "who by the strength of his own arm had subdued the collection of all hostile kings, who resembled Rama and Yudhishthira, (and) who possessed true chivalry." His son was Dh[a]råśraya-Jays. simhavarman (1. 9 f.), "whose power had been increased by his elder brother, the glorious Vikramaditya-Saty[á]sraya-Prithivivallabha-Maharajadhiraja Paramésvara-Bhaffáraka, the fervent Máhêsvara, who meditated at the feet of his mother and father and of the holy Någavardhana, (and) who by unchecked prowess had overcome the Pallava family." His son was the heir-apparent (yuvarája) śryáśraya-Siladitya: (1.13), "who illuminated all quarters of the sky by the banner of (his) fame that was as pure as the great garland of the rays of the spotless full-moon in autumn, who was as liberal as Rajaraja (.e. Kuvėra), [who resembled) the god of love in being endowed with beauty, grace and loveliness, (and) who was as skilled in all arts (and) as brave as (Naraváhanadatta) the emperor of the Vidyadharas." While residing at Navasårikå, he granted to the Brahmana Bhögikkasvamin (1. 15) a village named Åsațţi-gráma (1. 16). The donee was an Adhvaryu (i.6. a student of the Yajurveda), the pupil (?) of Kikkasvamin, the younger brother of Matriśvara (?), and the son of (Samantasvåmin. The latter was the son of Agå misvâmin, who belonged to the Kasyapa gstra and resided at Navarárika. The village granted was included in tho district (vishaya) of Kanhavalahára, a subdivision of the Bahiriká district (vishaya). According to the two last lines of the inscription, " this edict) was written by the minister ([4]ndhivigrah [i]ka), the glorious Dhana[m]jaya,
See p. 232 below, note 14.
For this early variant of the name. Chalukya' see Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 336, note 3. * Ou the scal, Siladitya's surname Sryasraga is spelt Sri-díraya, without Sandhi.

Page #264

No. 22.]
NAUSARI PLATES OF SRY ASRAYA-SILADITYA.
231
on the thirteenth tithi of the bright (fortnight) of Magha, in the year four hundred increased by twenty-one-400 20 [1]."
Of the royal personages named in this grant, two belong to the Western Chalukyas of Badâmi. These are Pulakési-Vallabha, 1.6. Pulakésin II., and his son Vikramaditya-Satyaśraya-Prithivivallabha, 1.e. Vikramaditya I. The latter is said to have worshipped the holy Någavardhana, which may be the name of a temple or of a spiritual guide, and to have overcome the Pallava family. He is distinguished by the imperial titles Mahúrájádhírája, etc., from the remaining two princes of the Chalikya family that are referred to in the grant, riz. Dharâśraya-Jayasimhavarman and his son, the Yuvarája śryåśraya-siladitya, who were not of sovereign, but of mere feudatory rank. The former of them was a younger brother of Vikramaditya I., the son of Pula kesin II. The grant states that ** his power had been increased by his elder brother." This seems to imply that he was entrusted by Vikramaditya I. with the administration of a province, which must have included Navasárika, where his son resided at the time of the grant, and Âsaţți-grâma, the village granted by him. Another copper-plate grant of the same Sryasraya-Siladitya, which comes from Surat, mentions the villages Kårmanêya, Osumbhalâ and Allûraka. Bühler has identified Navasárika. Asalţi-grama and the three last with the modern Nausâri (where these plates were obtained), Astgâm, Kamrêj, Umbhel aud Alura-all south of the Taptî in Lata or Southern Gujarat.
Altogether the grants of this Gujarat branch of the Chalukya family are four in number: A.-The Nausari plates of Sryasraya-Siladitya, dated in the year 421. B.-The Surat plates of the same, dated in the year 413.
C.-The unpublished Balsár plates of his brother) Jayasraya-Mangalarkja, dated in the Saka year 653.6
D.-The Nausâri plates of Avanijanaśraya-Pulakésiraja, younger brother of JayasrayaMangalarasaraja, dated in the year 490.7
According to A. and B., Jayasimhavarman and his son, the Yuvarája silAditya, were contemporaries of Vikramaditya I. (A.D. 655 to 680) in the year 421, and of Vinayaditya (A.D. 680 to 696) in the year 443 of an unspecified era. This can be no other than the KalachuriChêdi era of A.D. 249-50. With this starting point the dates of the two grants of biladitya (4. and B.) correspond to A.D. 671 and 892. The Balsar plates of Mangalarája (C.), who seems to have governed Gujarat in succession of his father Jayasimhavarman after the death of the Yurarája Silâditya (probably an elder brother of Mangalarája), are dated in the Saka year 653=A.D. 731-32.10 Like the dates of A. and B., that of D. has to be referred to the Kalachuri era. Accordingly, Palakêśiraja, the younger brother of Mangalarasaraja (the Mangalaraja of the Balsår plates), was ruling in A.D. 739.11
It remains to be added that the Bâhiriki-vishaya and its subdivision Kanhavalahára, to which Āsatti-grå ma belonged, have not yet been identified.
See Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 123, and Journ. Bombay Br. R. 4. 8. Vol. XVI. p. 5. The name Nagavardhana appears twice in a grant of doubtful authenticity; Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 123 ff. and Dyn. Xan. Distr. p. 357 f.
- Compare South-Ind. Inger. Vol. I. p. 145, and Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 362 f. • Vienna Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, p. 211 AP.
• Dr. Fleet informs me that this is a large village seven miles east-south-east-south from Nauart, and remarks that " in the Bombay Portal Directory the name is spelt Ashtgam, which suggests Ashtagrams, not Åsatti
grama."
. Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII. p. 198. • Jour. Bombay Br. R. 4. 8. Vol. XVI. p. 5.
See note 8 above.
See Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 77; Vienna Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, p. 219 L.; Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, sec, ed., p. 55.
Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 364, No. 8, and p. 370, No. 6. 10 Ibid. p. 374, No. 11. 11 Ibid. p. 876, No. 6.

Page #265

232
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII
TEXT.
Firs! Plate. 1 Om svasti [11] Jayaty-avishkpitam Vishnör=vvârâham kshobhit-arnna va ]m [1!
dakshiņônnata-da[m]shtrágra-vi2 &&(srå)nta-bhuvana[m*) vapuh [11*] Srimatåın s akala-bhuvana-samstûya[mâna"].
Manavya-sagộtråņam(vim) 3 Hâritî-putrânâm
sapta-loka-mâtsibhis-sapta-Matribhi[r=abhi*]varddhitása (nar) Kárttikêya-pa4 rirakshaņa-prapta-kalyana-paramparâņam bhagavamn-Náraya[na*)-plasâda-samasådita
varaha-la5 íchhanikshanê rakshanê vašekpit-Asesha-mahibhritam Chalikyânâm-ânvaya nija
bhuja-bala-parajit-à6 khila-ripu-mahipåla-samêtiviramayudhishtôpamâna[be] satya-vikrama[b] śri
Pulakési-Vallabhaḥ [lo] Tasya 7 putrah paramamaheśvara-mâtâpit;i-ri-Nagavarddhana-pad-&nuddhyâta-S11- Vikramaditya
Saty[] - 8 sraya-Prithivivallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramamahôśvara-bhattara[k]êna(ņa)? anivärita
paurush-89 krata-Pallav-ánvayêna jyâyaså bhrátra sama[bhi*]varddhita-vibh atir-Ddhåräsraya
eri-Jayasimha10 varmm[à l') Tasya putraḥ sarad-amala-sakala-śasadhara-marichi-mall-vitânavisuddha-kirtti-pataka
Second Plate. 11 vibhâsita-lamanta-10dig-antarahah (ah) pradâtá Rô(r)jarâ ja [io]va rû[pa®]"lâvanga-sau12 bhagya-sampannab=Kámadiva sakala-kala-pravi(vi)nah paurushavân=Vidyadhara-chakra13 vartt-i(i)va Sryåśraya-sri-Siladitya-yuvaraja(jo) Navasarikâm-adhivasat(san) [1*]
Navasari14 kå-v[&*]stavya-Käśyapa-sagôtr-Âgâmisvâminah putraḥ Svå (sa)mantasvâmîl tasya
putra. 15 ya [l*] Måtrisvaviras b13 1*] tasy-ânuja-bhrâtrå(trê) Kikkasvâminaḥli Bhogikkasvamine
16 Adhvaryyu-[sa*]brahmachari16 P Bâhirika-lovishay-antarggata-Kaņhavalahára.17yishayé Åsaţți-gråmam s-draugam
sa-pa
From Dr. Flvet's ink-impressions.
• Expressed by a symbol. * Cancel the axusvára.
• Read -lañchhan-ékshana kshana-raftkrit. * Read manrayé.
Read probably -samiti Ráma Yudhishthir-8 panduan. * Real-paramdivara-bhattdrakánadnivdrita.
• Rend kranta.. . Read Ddhardfraya-and see Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 361, notu 4. 10 Read -sa masta. 11 Compare text line 15 of the Surat plates; Vienna Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, p. 226. 11 The particle ira may have to be supplied here. » Read either Matristharirah or, more probably, Mátrifraraḥ, for the latter see 1. 20 of the Surat plates. 11 Perhaps fishydya has to be supplieil here. 15 Here and in pis bayé (1.16) and rikaram (1. 17) the rules of Sandhi have not been observer.
16 The first letter of Bakirikt. closely resembles that of bala (1. 5), brahma (1. 15) and bahs' (1. 19). Dr Bhagwanlal Indraji read Tháhariká..
17 Dr. Bhagwanlal Iulraji read this word as - Kandavaldira; but the h is quite distinct. The third akshara may be either vs or dha.

Page #266

Nausari plates of the Yuvaraja Sryasraya-Siladitya.—The year 421.
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SCALE 75
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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Page #268

No. 23.)
CHENDALUR PLATES OF KUMARAVISHNU II.
233
17 rikaram udak-otsargga-purvvam mâtâpitror=&tmanaś=cha punya-yasd-bhivriddbaye
dattavan [1] 18 Vât-khâ(ha)ta-dipa-sikha-chanchala[n] lakshi(kshmi)m=anusmritya sarvrair=ågåmi
nfipatibhidhammaddâyo= 19 numantavyaḥ [ll*] Bahubhir-vvasudha bhukta raja(ja) bhi h*] Sagar-adibhi[b 1]
yasya yasya yada bhů. 20 miss tasya tasya tada phalam (11) Mâkba(gha)-suddha-trayödasy&m likhitam=
idam sandhivigrahaka-fri-Dhana[m]jayêna 21 samvatsara-sata-chatusbțayệš okavinsaty-adhike 400 20 [] [l*] Orio [w'*]
No. 23.-CHENDALUR PLATES OF KUMARAVISHNU II.
BY PROFESSOR E, HULTZSCH, P.D.; HALLE (SAALE). These copper-plates " were found buried in a pot full of paddy husk when a ryot of Chendalûr in the Ongole täluka of the Nellore district was digging his house-site for laying foundation. This was some forty years ago." The plates passed from the ryot to the Karnam of the village, and from the latter to Mr. N. Suryanarayana Rao, District Court Vakil, Nellore, who sent them through Mr. A. Butterworth, I.C.S., to Mr. Venkayya. The subjoined transcript is based on two sets of ink-impressions received from Mr. Venkayya, who also furnished me with the following description of the original :
“ The copper-plates are five in number. The first and last bear writing on the inner side only. The plates have no rims. In the upper and lower borders they are not as broad as in the middle. Their breadth accordingly varies from 8' to 8" The height is throughout 2". At a distance of 1" from the middle of the left margin of each plate is bored a circular hole, s'in diameter; and through these holes passes a circular ring (cut by me for the first time with permission and soldered), 31' in diameter and about thick. Its ends are secured in the base of an almost circular seal, which measures between 17" and 13" in diameter and beara in its middle an indistinct symbol in relief. Around the margin there seems to be a legend which is too much worn to be made out. The total weight of the plates with ring and seal is 95 tolas. The originals have been returned to Mr. Suryanarayana Rao.".
The inscription on the plates is well preserved ; only a few syllables at the end of 11. 2, 3, 4, 12 and 20 are obliterated. The sign of anusvára is so small that its existence on the plate remains doubtful in most cases where the context requires it. A final form of m occurs thrice (11. 28, 29 and 32). The letter t is distinguished from n by a loop; but in a single case (grâméyakunatra, 1. 15) the form with the loop is used for 1. The end of a verse is marked by a double vertical line in three cases (II. 28, 29 and 30), and the end of the inscription by five circles between double lines. Plates i., ii.b, iii.b and iv.b bear on the left margin the numerical symbols 1, 2, 3 and 4, while plate v. is not numbered at all. The language is Sanskpit probe, and four Sanskrit verses sung by Brahman' are quoted in 11. 26-32.
The inscription is an edict issued from Kanchipura (1.1) in the second year of the reign (1. 23) of the Pallava Maharaja Kumaravishņu (II) (1. 14), who was the son of the M.
? Read aripatibhir-ayam-ammad-da yox; compare l. 29 of the Surat plates. ? Read adadhirigrahika.. • Read -chaturtaya ekari intaty.
• The figure 'l' is bardly visible at all, but is secured by the preceding words and by the emp! space between 20' and 6m.
• Expressed by a symbol.

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234
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
Buddhavarman (1. 8), the grandson of the M. Kumaravishņu (I.) (1.6), and the great-grandson of the M. Skandavarman (1. 3). It records that the king granted to a Brahmapa a field in the village of Chendalúra (11. 14 and 16 f.) in Kavachak ra-bhoga (1. 16), a subdivision of the district of Karma[0]ka-rashtra (1. 14) or Kamma[n]ka-rashtra (1. 16).
Of the localities mentioned in this record Kåfichipura (1. 1) is Conjeeveram, the ancient capital of the Pallavas, and Chendalara is Chendalûr in the Nellore district, the village where the plates were unearthed. Karmab ka-or Kammanka-rashtra, i.e. the district named after) Karma or Kamma,' is mentioned as Karma-råshtra in two Eastern Cbalukya grants, and as Kamma-rashtra in a third one.
The wording of this inscription is very similar to that of three other Pellava grants, which belong to the reign of Simbavarman, via the Pikira, Mangaļûr and Uruvupalli grants. Nay, 11. 1-14 are almost identical with 11. 4-16 of the Urayapalli grant. The names of the kings, however, differ in those three grants on the one hand and in the Chendelor plates on the other, and no lineal connection can be established between both sets of kings. The name Skandavarman occurs in poth, but Kumaravishpu I., Buddhavarman and Kumaravishịu II., who were the three direct descendants of Skandavarman according to the Chendalár plates, are unknown to the three other grants. Nor do their names occur in the Pallava pedigree of the Kasakuļi plates, which begins with sim havishņu. Under these circumstances our only guide can be the palæography of those different records. The alphabet of the Chendalûr plates is more archaic than those of the Kuram and Kåsakuļi plates, but resembles those of the Pikira, Mangaļâr and Uruyupalli grants, from which it differs chiefly in the omission of the horizontal strokes at the top of letters, But a point which stamps it as more modern is the fact that r, k and subscribed 4 consist of two vertical lines of nenrly equal length, while in the Pikira, Mångalûr and Uravupalli grants the left line is still considerably shorter. Hence we may conclude that the four Pallava kings of the Chendalúr plates ruled in the interval between Simhavarman and Sinhavishpu. It is to be hoped that future discoveries will enable us to bridge some of the gaps in the direct succession of the Pallaras, one of which is now partially filled by the information contained in the Chendalûr plates.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Svasti? [ll] Jitam-bhagavata [11] Svasti (li*] Vijaya-Kanchi(p]urád-abhyachchita
sakti. 2 siddhi-sampannasya pratAp-panata-raja-mandalagya vasudhA-tal-aika-(vira)3 sya mahår&ja-tri-Skandavarmmaņaḥ prapautrô deva-dvija-guru-vsiddh-&()pa[ch]4 yino vivriddha-vinayasy-Aneka-gô-hirapya-bhu(bhd)my-adi-pradânaiḥ pravşiddha(dharmma-sa].
Second Plate; First Side. 8 fichayasya praja-pålana-dakshasya
18kapálânâm=&pañchamasya 6 18kapalasya satyâtmanð maharaja-ri-Kumâravishnôh pautrở bhagavad-bhakti-ba7 mbhävita-barvya-kalyatesy-Adi-raja-pratispa[ro]ddhi-guna-samudayasy=&mi8 tatmanð mahåråja-bri-Buddhavarm manaḥ putraḥ praja-samrañjana-paripálan-odyo
Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 187, text 1. 12, and Vol. XX. p. 105, text 1. 16. See p. 288 below.
Sep. 180 above. • Only the compound beginning with diraja is peculiar to the Chendaldr plates (1. 7).
South-Ind. Iner. Vol. II. p. 844, and Dys. Kan. Disir. p. 828. • From two sets of ink-impronions.
On the left margin of plate i. . Corrected from 16 kapdióname,

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Chendalur plates of Kumaravishnu II.
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E. HULTZSCH
SCALE THREE-FOURTHS.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FROM NIMEREGIONS SUPPLIED HYMRV VENKAYYA.

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No. 23.]
CHENDALUR PLATES OF KUMARAVISHNU II.
235
Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 ga-satata-satya-vrata-dikshitbanêka-samara-s&has-Avamardda-labdha10 vijaya-yasa[b]- prakágah Kaliyuga-dosh-Avasanna-dharmm-8ddharana-ni11 tya-kannaddhô råjarshi-guna-sarvva-sandha-vijigi(gl)shuraddharmma-vijigi.! 12 shur-bhagavat-påd-&mu[d]dhyatah parama-bhagavató Bharadvájo bappa-bhattarakapå[da-bha]
Third Plate; First Side. 13 ktah sva-vikram-Akrånt-&nya-nfipa-fri-nilayânâ[m] yathavad-Ahfit-înêk-abvamédhang14 m=Pallavânân-dharmmamaharaja[h] Sri-Kumâravishpub Karmmå[m]ka-rashtrê
Chendalûra15 gramê
gråmôyakan-atr-adhikrita-baryva-naiyogika-vallabham-ch-Ajõ[&]16 payati yath=&eminn=asmábhi[b] Kamma[m]ka-rashtra Kavachakara-bhoge Chendalů
Third Plate; Second Side. 17 ra-gråmê raja-vastu bhätvå sthitai-chatu[ro]digam-ashtalata-pattikh-sa. 18 mmitam [1] samudayat) dvåtri[m] sad-yukta-chatuslati(ta) -pațţiká-sammita[mn]
kshetra[m] 19 brahmanaya
Kaundinya-gðtraya=Chchhandoga-sâtråy=Åbhi20 rupa .. . . dvastavyâya Bhavaskandatråtâya brahmadê[ya)
Fourth Plate; First Side. 21 ma[r]yyadaya dôvabhoga-varjja[m] hala-nyayêna sarvva-parihår-ôpêtam-a22 smad-ayur-bbala-vijay-aišvaryy-Abhivriddhaya
pravarddhamana-vijaya. 23 rdjye dvitiye sa[m]vatsaré Ka[r]ttike mase tukla-pakshasya pañchamya[m] 24 sarvvam-êta[t=*]kshetra[m] samprattan-Tad=avagamya sarvva-pariharairaêtadbrahmadêya-kshetra
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 25 m-pariharantu pariharayantu cha [lo] Yas-ch-êdam=asmach-chhâsanam-atikrâmétsa på26 paś=fåriran-dandam=arhati [lo] Api ch=stra Brahma-gitaḥ $18kaḥ [ll"] Bhůmi
dani27 teparan-dananna bhûtan=na bhavishyati [l*) tasy-aiva haranat-påpan=na bhutan=
na bha28 vishyati || Sva-dattâm=para-dattám=vào 50 háréta vasundharâm [1] gavaria Satasahasra
Fifth Plate. 29 sya hantu[b] pibati kilbisham || På[ro]yvai[h] purvvatarais-ch-aiva dattâm?
bhůmim harêt=tu yaḥ [19] 30 B8 nitya-vyasang magn Darake cha vaset=puna[bo] II Bahubhir-yvasudha da31 ta bahubhis-ch=anupalita [1°) yasya yasya yada bhůmistasya tasya 32 tada phalam () Evam-Ajña (jña)ptam=iti [ll] Go-brahmanan-nandatu [io] Svasty
astu prajâbhya[bo] Ilogo [ll]
* The syllable fa Was en Jered subsequently below the line. 1 The syllable i stands below the line. . Here four aksharas are engraved on an erasure; they look like yulladru, • Originally smadada had been engraved. Subrequently the first 14 wus struck out. . The akshara mpa seems to have been corrected from wed.
Read -dattans ed. 7 The amusodra has failed to come out on the photo-lithograph.
22

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236
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Hail! Victory has been achieved by Bhagavat (Vishna). Hail! From the victorious Kåvchipura,
(L. 2.) the great-grandson of the glorious Maharaja Skandavarman, the only hero on the surface of the earth,
(L. 6.) the grandson of the glorious Maharaja Kumaravishņu (I.), whose mind was truthful,
(L. 7.) the son of the glorious Maharaja Buddhavarman, whose mind was immeasurable,
(L. 12.) he who meditates at the feet of Bhagavat (Vishnu), the fervent Bhagavata, the Bhäradvaja, who is devoted to the feet of the lord (his) father, the glorious Kumaravishņu (II.),- the rightful Maharaja (of the family) of the Pallavas, who are the abodes of the fortunes of other kings overcome by their own valour, (and) who according to rule have perforned many horse-sacrifices -- addresses (the following) order to the villagers in the village of Chendalúra in Karma [n]ka-råshtra and to all officers (naiyogika) and (royal) favourites who are appointed to this (district) :
(L. 16.) “In the village of Chendalgra in Kavachakara-bhôga, (a subdivision of this (district of) Kamma[n]ka-rashtra, the king's domain in the four directions amounts to eight hundred paffikás. (Of this) a field amounting altogether to four hundred and thirty-two patřikás has been given by Us as a Brahmadéya, with the exception of the land enjoyed by temples (dérabhôga), for cultivation, accompanied by all immunities, to the Brahmana Bhavaskandatráta of the Kauncinya gôtra and the Chhandôga sútra, who resides in Abhirûpå....this whole field (has been given), for the increase of Our length of life, power, victory and supremacy, in the second year of (Our) reign of growing victory, in the month Kârttika, on the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight,
(L. 26.) "Knowing this, they must exempt this Brahmadêya field with all immunities and cause (it) to be exempted. And that wicked man who will transgress against this Our edict is liable to corporal punishment. And with reference to this there ure) also the following) verses sung by Brahman."
[LI. 26-32 contain four of the customary verses.]
(L. 32.) “Thus it has been ordered by U's)." Let cows and Brahmanas rejoice! Let there be welfare to (all) men!
No. 24.-CHENDALUR PLATES OF SARVALOKASRAYA ; A.D. 673
By Propessor E. Holtzsch, Ph.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Like the Chendalûr plates of Kumaravishụu II. (No. 23 above), these copper-plates were found buried in a pot full of paddy husk when a ryot of Chendalûr in the Ongole täluka of the Nellore district was digging his house-site for laying foundation. This was somre forty years ago." The plates passed from the ryot to the Karnam of the village, and from the latter to Mr. N. Suryanarayana Rao, District Court Vakil, Nellore, who sent them through Mr. A
1 Literally that which stands- having become the king's property.'
? Pattikd seems to be the same as the Tamil pati, the Sanskrit equivalent of which is nirarlana: see South Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 359, note 12. Cumpare Lakshmana-partiká, i.e.' the pattiká (belonging to) Lakshmana in a Maitraka grant, above, p. 193, text 1. 43.
. Compare above, p. 49, note 2, and p. 148, text 1. 16

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No. 24.]
CHENDALUR PLATES OF SARVALOKASRAYA.
237
Butterworth, 1.C.S., to Mr. Venkayya. They are now edited from two sets of inked estampages received from Mr. Venkayya, who supplies the following description of the original :
“The copper-plates are five in number and have no rims. The first and the last plate bear writing on the inner side only. In the upper and lower borders the plates are not so broad as in the middle; their breadth accordingly varies from 910" to 97 The height too gradually decreases from either margin to the middle of the plate it being roughly 2,7" in the margins and 2}" in the middle. At a distance of " from the middle of the left margin of each plate is bored a circular hole, also y" in diameter ; and through these holes passes an oval ring (cut by me for the first time with permission and soldered), measuring 2)" by 3", and " thick. Its ends are secured in the base of an almost circular seal, which measures about 18". It bears, in relief on a plane surface, the legend Sri-Vijayasiddh[i] in the middle; below the legend is a sevenpetalled lotus in relief; and above the legend is the crescent of the moon between two symbols which may be taken to be daggers pointing upwards. The total weight of the plates with ring and seal is 84 tolas. The originals have been returned to Mr. Suryanarayana Rao."
The inscription is carefully engraved and on the whole well preserved. The alphabet resembles that of the two published copper-plate grants of Sarvalókågraya's father Vishsuvardhana II. A final form of t occurs in 11. 2, 33 (twice), 37, and one of m in l. 41. The lingual ! is used in Chalukyanam (1.5), lalita (1. 22), Koļļi" (1.29) and Kalabava (1. 29 f.), and the Telugu r in 11. 25 and 29. The first plate bears on the left margin the numerical symbol 'I'; but the remaining plates are not numbered.
The language is Sanskțit prose; two Sanskrit slókas sung by Brahman' are quoted in 11. 37-39. The rules of Sandhi are disregarded in the two compounds bhagavat-sri- (1.2) and asmat-sasanam (1. 33), and frequently between two words (11. 4, 6, 9, 11, 16, 19, 21, 22, 24, 26, 30, 31, 35).
The inscription records a grant of land by the Mahurija Sarvalókásraya (1. 24), son of the M. Vishnuvardhana (II.) (1. 16), grandson of the M. Indrabhattarakavarman (1. 10 f.), and great-grandson of the M. Vishnuvardhana (I.), 'who adorned the family of the Chalukyas' (1.5 f.). Some of the laudatory epithets bestowed on Indrabhattârakavarman and Vishnuvardhana II. were evidently copied from inscriptions or office records of the Pallavas,' who had been supplanted by the Eastern Chalukyas. Indrabhattárakavarman seems to have borne the sur. name Simhavikrama (1. 8), and Vishņuvardhana II. that of Makaradhvaja, Sarvalókåéraya's valour and royal splendour are praised in two compound words which fill five lines (16-21), but which contain nothing of any historical interest. His surname Vijayasiddhi, which occurs also on the seal of this grant, is alluded to in the next compound :* . he who has obtained the accom. plishment of victory (vijaya-siddht) by crushing the daring (of enemies) in many battles' (1.21 f.).
In later inscriptions of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty this king Vijayasiddhi or Sarvalokábraya is named Mangiyuvaraja. To his reign has to be referred the date at the end of the Bubjoined inscription (1. 39 f.): “(This) set of copper-plates (paffiká) was given to the donees) on the occasion of an eclipse on the full-moon tithi of Vaisakha in the second
See the Plates in Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 191, and Vol. VIII. p. 320.
. For the epithets अभ्युचित' and प्रतापीपनत in 1.6 f., अनेकगी' in 1.9t., खवा and विधिविहित in 1. 11t., see e.g. tho Pikira grant of Simhavarman, above, p. 161, text II. 4, 5 f. and 2.
Le.the god of love. The inscription justifies this surname by asserting that the king had seized the countries, earrings (P makara) and banners (dhuaja) of many mighty (tunga) enemies (1. 18 f.) :' compare above, Vol. VI. p. 345 and note 2
• The first part of this compound is found also in Pallavs grants; see e.g. above, p. 235, text 1. 9. * See above, Vol. VII. Appendir, p. 93, cote 6.

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238
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
year of the reign of increasing victory." According to Dr. Fleet, Mangiyuvarája reigned from A.D. 872 to 108. Hence his second year would correspond to A.D. 673, while Mr. Sewell's Eclipses of the Moon in India do not record any lunar eclipse in Vaisakha between A.D. 665 and 683. They do mention a total eclipse of the moon, not in Vaisakha, but in Jyêshtha, on Friday, 6th May 673. Prof. Kielhorn, to whom I submitted this difficulty, has solved it by showing (see his Postscript on p. 240 f. below) that by Brahmagupta's rule the month would not be called Jyéshtha, but Vaisakha. Accordingly, the European date of the subjoined inscription of Mangiyuvaraja's reign is the 8th May 878- & result which corroborates the correctness of Dr. Fleet's chronology of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty.
According to 1. 24 ff." the very pious one, he who possesses the dignity of Maharaja, the glorious Sarvalókásraya-Maharaja" informs "the villagers in the village of Chendafura in (the district named) Kamma-rashtra and all officers (naiyogika) and favourites gone to this (district)" that he has granted this village to six Brahmaņas, who were Chhandogas (i... students of the Såmavêda), and each of whom received two shares of it. Five of them belonged to the Kanndinya gôtra (1. 27) and one to the Kålabava gôtra (1. 29 f.). Curiously enough their proper names are not given, but only their native villages, followed in the case of the first donee by the Sanskrit word vastavya, residing in (1. 28), and in the case of the five other donees by the Telugu word bøya, which seems to be employed in the same sense. The six villages in question were Katüra, Vangra, Kollipuro (P), Pidena, Kurigida and Kodinki. The phraseology of the grant portion again resembles that of the Pallava copper-plates.
L. 34.-" And the Ajñapti for this (grant is) the sun among men (Narabhaskara) who resembles the sun crowning the peak of the eastern mountain (Udayagiri), the principal mountain of the circle of the earth (which is the family of Ayyaņa, he who has been victorious in the crush of many battles, the fervent Máhêśvara, the glorious A[na]ghavarman." The edict was written by Pambêya Sarvottama Atharvapa (1. 41).
The village granted, Chendarura, must be the same as the present Chondalur, at which the copper-plates were discovered. The district Kamma-rashtra, to which it belonged, is mentioned as Karma-rashtra in two other grants of Vishộuvardhana II. and Mangiyuvaraja.. In the Chendalår plates of Kumaravishņu II, the same village and district are named Chendalara and KarmA[]ka- or Kammâ [0]ka-rashtra.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 at afg[] staat erat [U]AITHTH [1]cut vraitz2 gyet fafaff athafrarat taquit]3 नारायणप्रसादसमुपलब्धवरवरालाछ[नाना 4 स्वामिमहासनपादानुध्यातानां अनेकाश्वमेधयाजि6 नां चकुक्यानां कुलमलंकरिष्णोः श्रीविष्णुवर्शनमहाराज-10
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 98.
The same seems to be the case in a grant of Vishnuvardhans II. Ind. Ant. Vol. VIL D. 187 f. * This epithet may imply that the Ajnapti was the governor of the fort of Udayagiri in the Nellore chstrict. • Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 187, text I: 12, and Vol. XX. p. 105, text I. 16.

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Chendalur plates of Sarvalokasraya.--- A.D. 673.
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E. HULTZSCH
SCALE FOUR-FIFTHS.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FROM INK IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. V. VENKAYYA

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No. 24.]
CHENDALUR PLATES OF SARVALOKASRAYA.
23)
Second Plate ; First Side. 6 स्य प्रपौत्रः अभ्युञ्चितशक्तिसिडिसंपवस्य प्रतापीपमतराज7 मण्डलस्य [प]रनृपतिमत्तमातंगकुंभस्थलविदारणविधिदर्शित. 8 सिंहविक्रमस्य सिंहविक्रमस्य रणभूषणायमान9 व्रणकिणालंकृतसळगावस्य अनेकगोहिरण्यभूम्यादिप्र]10 दानः प्रवधर्मसञ्चयस्य श्रीमती महाराजस्येन्द्र भट्टा
Second Plate ; Second Side. 11 रकवण: पौषः खबाहुबलार्जितोर्जितवापसपोनिधेः विधिवि. 12 हितसर्बम-दस्य 'प्रतापानुरागावनतसामन्तचक्रस्य 13 चक्रवर्तिलक्षणोपेतस्य ग्रहोतानकतुंगारिवसुधा14 मकरध्वजस्य मकरध्वजस्य स्खप्रभावाजितसकलसामन्त. 15 मकुटतटघटितमणिकिरणारणीकृतचरणारविन्दस्य
Third Plate; First Side. 16 श्रीविष्णुवईनमहाराजस्य पुत्रः निजभुजपराक्रमाव[नमितानेक17 शत्रुसामन्तानीतहिरदपतिमदधाराभिषेककई मितसप्त. 18 'दसुरभिरम्यांमणोपविष्टानेकराजयामितसमितिको. 19 ल[*]हलीभूतराजहार[:] मदालसमत्तकाशिनीजनघनपथी. 20 धरावलुप्यमानकुंकुमपंकावशेषशोभितकनकगिरिशि
Third Plate; Second Side. '21 लाविद्यालवक्षस्थलः पनेकसमरसाहसावमईलब्धविज. 22 थसिद्धिः जलधिरिव रम्यतरलजीशक्तिनिवास: मूर्स व व. 23 सन्तः समुह व गुणानां दृष्टान्त व भूमिपतीनां 24 परमब्रमण्यः महाराजानुभाववीसबलोकाश्रयमहाराज: 25 काराष्ट्र चेन्दरमामे ग्रामेयकानव गतसर्वमेयोगिक
Fourth Plate ; First Side. 26 वसभावानापयति [*] एष ग्रामीस्माभिः ब्रामणेभ्यः छन्दोगेभ्यः 27 कौण्डिन्यगोचेभ्यः षर्मनिरतेभ्यः सतताविच्छिन[प] चमहायन्न28 - क्रियेभ्यः कटूरवास्तव्याय रे पंश 0"] वंबीयाय रे [*] कोळिपु.
The 9 of CT seems to be corrected from 91. • Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 106, tout 1. 12 t. Rend and compare simplavadha, VI. BO. • The vủarga has not come out on the accompanying Plate, though it is quite distinct on the ink-imprensions

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240
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VIII.
29 Dोबोयाय हे [*] पिदेनबोयाय हे [*] कुरियिदबोयाय हे [*] काळ30 बवबोचाय' कोदिकिबोयाय हे अंश [*] एवमेतेभ्यः ब्र[]देय
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 31 मर्यादया सबंपरिहारोपेतो देवभोगहलवल पायुर्बल[वि]ज32 याभिवृदये सप्रत्तः [*] तदवगम्य परिहरन्तु परिहारयन्तु च [*] . 33 योस्मत्शासनमतिक[*]मेत् स पापः शारोरन्दण्डमईति [1] 34 अपि चाचाज्ञप्तिरु[द]यगिरिशिखरमकुटायमानभास्कर व नर35 भास्करः अय्यणान्वयधरणिमण्डलकुलप[वत]: अनेकसमर
Fifth Plate. 36 संघट्टविजयी पर ममाहेश्वरः श्रीमद[ण]घवा' [*] अपि चात्र ब्रह्म37 गीता श्लोके] भवतः [*] भूमिदानात्परन्द[*]नव भूतब भवि
थति [*] तस्यैव हरणात् 38 पापत्र भूतब भविष्यति [*] खदत्ता परदत्तां वा यो हरेत
वसुन्धरा [*] गवा शत39 सहस्रस्य हन्तुः पिबति किल्बिषं [*] प्रवईमानविजयराज्यसंवत्सरे हि40 तीये वैशाखपौर्णम[स्यां ग्रहणनिमित्तं' दत्ता पट्टिका [1] वस्त्य41 स्तु सर्वभूतेभ्यः [*] पांबेयेन सर्वोत्तमेनाधवणेन लिखितम् ॥ों -
POSTSCRIPT.
Br PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E. Vishộuvardhana II., the father and immediate predecessor of Mangiyuvarâja, according to Dr. Fleets's calculations, commenced to reign some time in February-March A.D. 663, and the traditional length of his reign is nine years. A date of the month of Vaisakha of the second year of Mangiyuvaraja's reign therefore would in the first instance be expected to fall in or near April A.D. 673%3; and I have no doubt that the proper equivalent of our date is Friday, the eth May A.D. 673 (falling in Saka-samvat 595 expired), when there was a total eclipse of the moon, from 13 h. 21 m. to 16 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise, and therefore visible in India. The question is, whether this day could have been described as the full-moon day of Vaisakha.
According to the rules now in force, the 6th May A.D. 673 'would have been the full-moon day of the month Jyeshtha (which follows upon Vaisakha); by the same rules the saka year 595 expired would have contained an intercalated month Ashadha. By the rules of mean intercalation and the ordinary manner of naming the months, the intercalated month in S.595
I Read यीनकासन
1 Read गोचाय.
Read संप्रत्त:• The [f] seems to be corrected from द; read श्रीमदनध'. • Read गौतौनीको. 7 The left top-stroke of is written upside down. • Expressed by a symbol.
• Read गा . Read 'नाथ ध्वयोन.

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No. 25.)
TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR.
241
:
expired (according to both the Arya- and the Sarya-siddhånta) would have been Jyêshtha, and the 6th May A.D. 673 the full-moon day of the first or intercalated Jyêshtha. But this very intercalated month, by an earlier-Brahmagupta's-rule, would have received its name, not from the following month Jyêshtha, but from the preceding month Vaisakha, 6.6. it would have been called Vaiba kha, not Jyêshtha, and, by the earlier rule referred to, the 6th May A.D. 673 would thus have been correctly described as the full-moon day of Vaisakha (or, more fully, of the second Vaisakha).
This date at once reminds us of the date of the Kaira plates of Dharasena IV. (Northern List, No. 484), which quotes a second Margasira,' and falls in A.D. 648 or Saka-samvat 570 expired. In the case of that date, by the rules of mean intercalation and according to the Aryaand Surya-siddh&ntas, a month was intercalated in S. 570 expired before the month Pausha. By the ordinary rule that month would have been called Pausha, so that there would have been two months called Pausha; but the date, in quoting the second Märgasira,' shows that there really were two months called Margasira, and that therefore the intercalated month, by the earlier rule, had received its name from the preceding M&rgafira.
I would besides compare the Chola date No. 33, of the 25th November A.D. 1033 (above, Vol. V. p. 21), where the given name of the month-Mårgasira, instead of Pausha--likewise can be accounted for only by the assumption that a month, by the rules of mean intercalation intercalated before Pausha, had taken its name from the preceding, not from the following month. In that Chola date the month Mårgasira which is quoted was the second Märgasira, just as in the date under discussion the month Vaisakha in my opinion was the second Vaisakha.
For a date of the 5th February A.D. 817, with a lunar eclipse), which proves the observance of the rules of mean intercalation, but is otherwise of no importance here, see my Southern List, No. 68.
No. 25.-TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR.
BY PROFESSOR R. PISCHEL, PH.D.; BERLIN. The two Pråkpit poems here edited were discovered at Dhår, in November 1903, together with the corresponding slab of black stone which contains the prašasti of Arjuna varman published above, p. 96 ff., by Professor E. Hultzech. Prof. Hultzsch was good enough to send me two inked estampages which had been forwarded to him by Dr. Vogel and Mr. Cousens, and one of which is reproduced on the three accompanying Plates.
Like the prasasti, the poems are on the whole well preserved; in the second poem, however, the beginning of lines 26-38 is broken away, as may be seen from Plate iii. The inscription consists of 83 lines and is engraved with great care. Only one serious mistake occurs in A. verse 65, where instead of chammakkanam anamaggo apparently must be read chakkammanan anamagge.
The alphabet is the same as in the prasasti and has been already discussed by Prof. Hultzsch. I would draw special attention to the initial i, u, 0; to tha, e.g. in thakkan, A. verse 40 (Plate i. 1. 16), tha, A. 58 (Plate i. 1. 23), tháhid, B. 2 (Plate ii. 1. 1), anathakkar, B. 40 (Plate iii. 1. 14), thdhavid, B. 87 (Plate iii. 1. 32); to kkha, e.g. in rakkhaü, A. 2 (Plate i. 1. 1); to jjha, e.g. in majjhe, A. 6 (Plate i. 1. 3); to sa, e.g. in Sivaya (Plate i. 1. 1), paramétvarao, frio, satam, mahasrih (Plate ii. 1. 42); and to siga, e.g. in kayani garuảna (Plate i. 1. 18) and mangalam (Plate ii. 1. 42). Ohchha and ttha, though resembling each other, are more clearly distinguished than in the manuscripts of the Jainas, where these two letters are constantly confounded ; compare, e.g. 'vittháro aud ochchhaya, A. 2 (Plate i. 1.1); sarichchhan and dttha, A. 15 (Plate i. 1. 6). There occurs in A. 87 (Plate ii. 1. 34) one letter about the roading of which I am not certain. It
21

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242
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
looks exactly like thd as given by Bühler on Plate v. l. 26, No. 19 of his Indian Palcography; but since tha in all other instances (B. 2, 78, 87) has quite a different form, the reading remains uncertain. Unfortunately there is a gap just in this place.
There is much inconsistency in writing the Anusvåra and the secondary forms of e and o. Thus in B. 16 (Plate ii. 1. 6) we read padihantam, but in B. 20 (Plate i. 1. 8) padihantan. In A. 52, 54 (Plate i. 1. 21), e in pariyattante kále ke ke and o in jo vi hu so vi hu are partly written in the ancient, partly in the modern fashion. Instead of the Anunåsika in combination with v the inscription uses throughout the group mv, which is also found in manuscripts (see my Prakrit Grammar, $ 179). Thus we have jaehim vi in A. 58 (Plate i. 1. 23); hontehim vi, A. 84 (Plate ii, 1. 32); kaehim vi, A. 86 (Plate ii. 1. 33); annehim vi, A. 92 (Plate ii. 1. 35): jaehim vi, A. 100 (Plate ii. 1. 38), etc. In B. 98, 103 (Plate iii. ll. 37, 38 f.) valayam va is wrong for valayan va. Similar mistakes, as jam mdi instead of janh mai in A. 58 (Plate i. 1. 23), have been noticed in the foot-notes on the text.
The orthography is that of the Jainas. Hence in the beginning of words, and generally when doubled, dental n is written instead of cerebral , with the single exception of nu, as remarked in the note on A. 5. Very often albo nha is written instead of pha. The ya-fruti shows the same inconsistency as in the manuscripts.
The language of the poems is Maharashtri. There occur, however, some forms which are Apabbramsa, such as laggavi, A. 92, milavi, B. 108, tha, B. 45, denan, B. 48, loa, B. 61, instead of loo. Blunders like tan ng instead of tan na and kayar garuana instead of kayan garudna in A. 43, which occur very frequently, I am inclined to attribute to the author himself, considering the numerous cases where hu is written instead of khu, as in A. 54, B. 8, 28, 36, etc. Even faults like thiam instead of thiar in B. 36, kinh ttha instead of kin tha in A. 95, gauravam in B. 62, gauravian in B. 92, gauravid in B. 105, where au is written instead of o (compare Hemachandra, 1, 1), may go back to the author himself. On the whole, however, the latter mnst have mastered the language fairly well. There oocur several forms and Doss-words which have not yet been met elsewhere. At the same time there is a great uniformity both of the language and of the contents, so much so that the author sometimes repeats a whole verse withogt any alteration, as in A. 23 and 28, 32 and 33, 98 and 101, or with very slight modifications, as in A. 10 and 55, 14 and 101, 93 and 94. The half-verse na ya jão nea jamnuihii occurs no less than five times (A. 10, 16, 48, 55, 85).
The poems consist of two odes, each of 109 stanzas in the Ary& metre, to the tortcise incarnation of Vishnu. They have no poetical value. In the first the author varies ad nauseam essentially two thoughts, vis, that nobody has carried the earth so well as the tortoise, and that no mother is so happy and worthy of praise as the mother of this tortoise. In the second it is said that even the tortoise has been surpassed by king Bhoja who now carries the earth. Though a very poor performance, the poems, owing probably to the flattering contents of the second ode, pleased king Bhoja so much that he allowed them to be ascribed to himself :__"Even to the tortoise rest has been granted by king Bhoja alone. By him this Karmafutaka has been composed after he had taken away all hope to the enemies" (A. 107), and :-"By whom the chief mountains, (nay) all the mountains here (on earth), have been reduced in weight, by this king Bhoja has this Sataka been composed" (B. 109). The very fact that in the second ode king Bhoja is several times directly addressed (B. 5, 6, 7, 11, etc.) would alone suffice to prove that he himself is not the real author. Tradition has it that Bhoja was a great friend and admirer of scholars and poets, and it is well known that in legendary works like Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani and Ballâla's Bhojaprabandha many famous poets of qnite different
The most complete list of the works ascribed to Blója has been drawn up by Prof. Aufrecht, Catalogue Catalogorum, Vol. I. p. 418, and Yol. II. p. 95.

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TWO PRAKRIT POEIS AT DHAR.
No. 25.]
centuries are placed at his court. be ascribed to the time of Bhoja. So far the new find is of some interest.
As yet no poems had been found which could with certainty
With the exception of a few stanzas, the poems are easily intelligible. It would have been a tedious task to translate them. I have therefore contented myself with mentioning in the notes all the difficulties and trying to explain them as far as possible. The abbreviation Gr. refers to my Grammar of the Prakrit Languages, where the remaining abbreviations are explained on p. 410 ff.
TEXT OF A..
[1] ओं नमः
शिवाय ॥
इच्छ[7]ए जस्म भुत्रणं धरिअं एक्काए असमसत्तीए । उप सो सुहाई तुम्हाणं पव्वईनाही ॥१॥
सो कुप्रो वीरकड कंपयदिकडारदेहवित्वारो ।
जो जरढमुचणवणीकंदच्छायं समुव्वर ॥२॥
जस्म भणिएण भुअणं कुम्मप्पमुहा वि धारयन्ति [2] इमं । सो धकलिज्जसरूपी ससिडी देउ सोक्खाई ॥२॥
243
उग्रह एत्य सा एक्का । पोहविषा ॥४॥ श्रड्डविया
कमढकुडुम्बे विउले वि पसविधा भुषणभर वि पट्टी जीए जाएण कुम्मेण को णु सरिसो विणा वि कज्जेण जेण एक्केण । जह निसुहा पट्टी तह दिखा [3] भुषणभारत ॥ ५॥ एक ]ि सा धवा मध्ये महिलाच पसविधा कमढी । अइदुव्वहो वि वूढो भुणभरी जीए जाए ॥६॥
चि[अ]
कमटकुले के न वृथा चप्पा वि दुब्बही परं ताथ विहु । अविरोल भुषणभरो उब्बूढो तेच एमेण ॥०॥
कमढकुले जायाचं संयं को सुपरकिंतु [4] सो एहो । आज भुचण[भ]रो उब्बूढो जेण एकेण ॥८॥
जो कह व परिग्ाहियो भारो कुम्मेण निग्रह तस्म गई । बीएण समं छह पमुकी पलयरी 12
१. As in many other cases, e.g. नोए, A. 6, जयबीए, 4. 46, धर बीए, 4. 49, etc., the final ए of इच्छा an] एकाए is metrically short; Gr. 585 375. असमसत्तीए = असमस्या.
२. कपयद्दि = कनकाद्रि जरढ', 'which exhibits the colour of dry earth and the bulbous root of a creeper, ' i.e. ' which is yellowish, or brown.'
४. Instead of कुडुब्बे read कुडुम्बे. For पट्टी compare Gr. 553, 358. ओडवर and ओढेइ occur frequently in this Sataka : compare 4. 18, 91-88, 36, 37. In 4. 44 there is a substantive ओोडवण. The verb means to place,' 'to set,'' to locate,' and is common in Pali. Compare Childers, s.v.; Ját. 1, 143, 20; 3, 184, 6; 330, 17; Anguttaran. III. 135, 4; Therig. 73, 357, etc. In Prakrit it must be restored in Hala, 642, 787.
. Observe the cerebral in the enclitic T here and elsewhere (B. 21, 23, 37, 60, 75, 105).
हुआ, Gr. 476. अविरील belongs to विरोलर, Ho. 4, 121, विरोलिय, P. 191, and means not tossing abont,' ' not shaking about, ' 'not agitated,' 'quietly.
२. गई,
संखा in A. 11, must be taken as Acc. Plur. Perhape we ought to correct them to हूं and संखं.
212

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244
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
पायामयं दाऊण भूषणमुवरिथं ।
तेण कमढेण सरिसो न य जाओ नेअ जम्मिहि ॥ १०॥ [5] मिचसुहको जमी जाये संखा वि ताए की मुद्र परकर सिली कुमकुम् परं दिट्टी | ११ धवा सि कच्छवि तुमं मम महिलाण पसविधा तं सि वीसामग्री वि जाओ जीए जायस्स न हु भुषणे ॥ १२॥ जेषि घरंति धरपि समं धरिए सा वि इस एरिस] [6] वयसाथ कुम्मो चिम एय उप्पणी ॥१३॥
1
ज जम्मो वि हु जाय ता जायउ कमढ तुज्म सारिच्छो । परडवयारेक्कफलो पेरंतं जाव जो पत्तो ॥ १४ ॥
निअजाईयसरिच्छं चरित्रं निव्वडर एत्थ पुरिसाए । निपपरजाविरु दोसर एडम कुप्रथा ||१५||
[7] निश्रयपसवा गवं एक पिच कमढिपी समुष्यच । जीए तण्यस्म सरिसो न य जाओ नेत्र जम्मिहि ॥ १६ ॥ नाव बोधी मुवि मेच उपवी एकलजुएच भुषणं कुम्मीएकी चित्र बहे सो विष युभद्र भारी पोथी संघ न ज घोडे[8] । कुम्मी पण समं पेच्ह जर भारसुब्बहर |१८||
सी पिच अद भारी पहिं जार को न परिकलितं । अत्रेण समं दूडी बूटी विसी पनिबूढो ॥१८॥ जाई देव्वायत्ता चरिचं पुण हो पुरिसमाहणं । अमवसायं पेच्छह केरिसओ सो हु कुम्मस्म ॥२०॥ रे देव्व [9] तं विडंवसु पुरिसो किं जादू तुह विडंवेडं । कुमो कभी कह त ता वि चरिभाई कह पेच्छ ॥२१॥ कुम्भेण धरा धरिचा लोभो जंपेइ नाइ इअ विलिओ । अंगाई अंगेसुं निजयाई उग्रह निण्हव ॥२२॥ परिकलिडं न चन्द्र अज्मवसाओ हु एत्थ हुए पुरि [10] माण | कुम्मस्म तं खु रू[अं] ववसाओ सो हु पुण
|
तस्म ॥ २३ ॥
१०. जम्मिहि, Gr. § 540. १०. = अद्यावधि अन्विष्टं Read एकलयुगेन, 'one yoked, i.e. ' quite alone.
B. 25,
[Vol. VIII.
११. Read डुम्बे.
१५. निव्वडर, Hc. 4, 62.
बोलो, Gr. 105. एकल is to be added Gr. $595; एकलजुए Compare A 74, 78, 92, and एक्कलघुरिश्री, 4. 106; compare also एचंती,
१८. Read शुभ and मोचो. For चोडेर compare note on 4. 4.
२१. Read 'डंबसू, डंबेलं, 'भार
२२. चइज्जइ, v. 8, 70 Hc 4, 88. The first verse of this stanza is repeated in A. 28.
१८. Read वुम्भइ.
२२. बिलिओ = ब्रीडित, Gr. $ 81.

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No. 25.]
TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR.
॥
एय पुरिसाण ।
पेच्छामो ।
चकमणविरहियाणं निमरिसणं वषसिअस्स सो क्षेत्र । पच्छड कम दोषि वि पेरन्तं नाव पत्ताई ॥२४॥ उवमाणं कह लब्भउ पेच्छह कुम्मस्स असमचरित्रस्म | न य जाओ न य य दीसह न य होही ज[11] सारिच्छी ॥२५॥ अत्रेण मणेण तए कुम्मो हयदेव्व सो विणिम्मविभो । अवहत्थिऊण तं पि हु चरि तमब्रहा जायं ॥ २६ ॥ तथाबहा पायारो सो रहयो भणचंक्रमणं च देव्व तं दिवं । कुम्मस्म ववसिएणं सयलं तुह मत्यए पडि ||२७|| परिकलितं न चाइ भवसाचो हु [12] कुम्भेण तं खु कलित्रं हिमए वि हु जन सम्माइ ॥ २८ ॥ कुम्मी बहेद्र भुमणं पुचं हि भुषणम उप्परे कुणसि । हयदेव साहचरिचं पुन्नड किं भए च ॥ २८ आयारो जाई वा ववसाए कारणं न मुणिकच्छवे निहालह ववसायं ता [13]ण पेच्छेह ॥३०॥ सोक्खं च [इ]ऊण नित्रं भुअणस्त वि चोडियो तहा रे साहु साहु कच्छव अनं वहुत्तणं लडं ॥३१॥ दुव्यजयो जंपर पड़ी कुम्भेण चीडिया भारे। पट्टी एवं पितेण कयं वोरणं भणसु जदू भणसु ॥ ३२ ॥ दुब्जणजो जंपर पट्टी कुमेण श्रीहिचा भा[14]रे । पट्टी बिहु ओडिज्जइ एवं निव्वडर कुम्मस्स ॥ ३३॥ नित्रसुहकज्जे सव्वो इह ववसइ तं खु कमढ तेण विणा । चिन्तंतेहिम्वि कच्छव न आणिचो तुह अहिप्पा ॥३४॥ रित्तं भुषणकडितं अच्छइ रेहाहि वज्जियं निग्रह | वत्तणा रेहा एक्का कमढस्त तत्य [15] विहिणा तारिसची चित्र [नो?] इअ कुम्मेणं पट्टी मोडविधा
तहा खंधो ।
हु
परं ॥ ३५ ॥
विडियो धरड के अवेण । भुषणभारत ॥३६॥
245
२४. निच = निदर्शनं. दोनि, :.. अणचंक्रमणं and बबसाओ P Compare a 23, 27.
२५. Read लम्भ.
२५. तख्म = तस्यान्यथा.
२८. जन्म is grammatically incorrect
read जं म. The first verse of this stanza has already occurred in A. 2. २८. The first letter of घुषं is not quite clear from धवलतं in 4. 89, where the same shape of the letter occurs "For thou, O fate, hast put the polar star above the earth."
it becomes certain that is meant. The sense is:
Compare A. 70, 72, 97. With compare etqft, Hc. 4, 334, and efti, Gr. § 148.
२१. For बीडियो compare note on 4. 4.
२२. One would expect जइ भयसि; compare 4. 74. Read बीए.
8. fefe is grammatically and metrically incorrect; read of fa. Gr. § 180. Rx. Read if or °f. ३६. मो is uncertain, धरउ is incorrect for धरिज्जउ

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246
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
भुषण
॥३०॥
होंतेहिं अवयवेहिं पट्टि घोडवर जदू न ता साहु | affया परि कुम्भो श्री केणावि जो न दिट्ठो खुत्रो न कया वि एत्थ सुड्डु नवो । पर [16]वयरणे मग्गो पढमो कुम्भेण निम्मवित्रो ॥ ३८ ॥
[VOL. VIII.
a
रे कुछ तं सि सि जाओ अवेहिं मुहा किमेत्य जाएहिं । जस्म समप्पिनभारं सुहेहिं भुअणं पि निवसे ॥३८॥ अवसितं चि जंन का वि को विसरिही। तं कुम्भे चित्र थक्कं इअरा इअर चित्र वराया ॥४०॥ [17] निश्रकज्जे जाण तणू ताणं संखं पि एत्थ को मुणउ । जी पिपरकाले जस्म पुणो सो कमढवई ॥४१॥ हु संधारहिया जाया येथे वितं पित कुछ। भङ्गीए पुणो भेश्रो अवो चित्र तुम्ह निव्वडियो ॥ ४२ ॥ अच्छउ भुअणुव्वहणं हिअरण वि तत्र जाइ चिन्तेउं । तंपि कम [18]ढेच कयइरपाच गई असावया 1820 पीए चोवणे लोभी भारा दुब्वहतं भम्मो न के के न एत्थ जाया के न मोसूण कमढरायं भण भुषणं सासेण जस्म भुअ[19]णं सयलं ऊससइ कमढरायस्स | की तय हो सरिसो जाभी जपणीए सो शेष ॥४५॥ वहुए वि एत्थ जाया तेहिं पि हु किं पि किं पि एत्थ कयं । भुषणवरणसमत्यो एको चिच कच्चयो जाची ॥४७॥ के के न एत्थ जाया चरियायारेहिं अत्थि ताण समा । कष्णवसरिच्छ एवं न य वाचो [20] मिहिर ॥४८॥
र कमडराया । सुणत्र के रिसयं ॥४४॥
ह
होता पणे तहिं पि गया । केण उपरि ॥४५॥
३०. Rend होंतेहिं.
२९. Read अहिं and सुहेहिं.
४०. For थक्कं compare Hc. 4, 16; Beiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen, 3, 258f.; 6, 84ff. 83. The second verse means: "In one way or another (P), however, another special lot has fallen to you."
४३. तन and कयङरु are grammatically incorrect for से न and कर्य गर
88. JJ apparently means to shout at," to applaud."
४५. For जगणीए with short ए compare Gr. § 385 and uote on A. 1.
४७. Read बहुए; the form is quite unusual and probably wrong. Compare सप, 4. 109, मदए, B. 34, and Gr. 5880.
४८. Read रेहिं. अत्थि is used in the sense of सन्ति ; seu Gr. 5499. For न य नाची etc. compare 4. 10, 16, 55,
6.

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No. 25.]
TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR.
सुत्यं भुषणं पि कयं संका धरणीए तह समुहरिया | किं किन किन विहियं कुम्म तर एत्थ जाए ॥ ४८ ॥ खेभो सोक्खव्महिओ भारुव्वहणे विहार कुम्मस्म । गरुथाण वयसिभायं को मन्मं जाणिडं तरह ॥५०॥ भुषणभरुव्वहपेण वि अर्थ सो विहार कमा । [21] जं रुच्च तं सुहयं परियते काले के
सी हु खणो एक्को चित्र धवा सि कच्छवि तुमं तह विहरे जेण तहा जयस्तसत्ती समुप्पुसिभा ॥५३॥
उभयारो गणियाणं जो वि हु सो वि [22] हु कुणेद्र इह लोए ।
[ग] वि उभयरिचं कुम्मेण परं एष
हु
जाबो सो विश्व वुश्चद्द जन्मो सहलो हु. तस्स एक्का 1 जस्म सरिच्छो भुषणे न य जाओ नेत्र जम्मिहि ॥ ५५ ॥ जमप्फली जम्मी जो जायरी हो किन्तेय | परभयरणा कए जो जमो सो फलनो [23] पोटभरणा कन्ने [जे जा]या ते सुभा हु तम्मि खणे । पर अयरणस्स कर जाणं जम्रो हु ते धना ॥५७॥ कमढव तं सि जाओ जाएहिम्बि एत्य किं थ अवेहिं । ਨ किं पि जेण विहित्रं प्रवाण मणे न जम्नाइ ॥ ५८ ॥ कमडवर किं भचित यो जम्रो तुम एक परउभयरण क [24] ए अप्पा जेणं तहा खविओो ॥५८॥ निधउपयरचा कए सतो पण पायरं कुणा । वत्थू परभयरणं अप्पा कुम्म तय शेष विडियो 1 कश्च वि जो न दिट्ठो न य सो मणी पढमं चि कुम्मेगं ए
1
अवा हु गई न सो क्वा ॥ ५१॥ खणा न खणा न एत्थ उप्पना 1
जस्मिं कुम्मो समुप्पवो ॥५२॥
धवो जाची वि तुम सोपो ।
निसुधो नेम अणुहवं पत्तो ।
कवियो ॥३१॥
8. is a blunder for, Gr. § 94. ५६. किन्ते is a blunder for किं तेण ५८. 'डिम्ब is wrong for f बि, Gr. 180, थ, Gr. ६०. तय= त्वया is wrong for त or तर, Gr. 9421.
se. Instead of fan fan read faifai . ५०. Read अहिषी विहार = विभाति. तर, Ho. 4, 88.
५२. जयासत्ती = जयस्त असती .. जगतीऽशक्ति:; compare Gr. 5995, 173. with विहरे = विधुरे supply the locative अमि or नए = जगति समुप्पुसिया belongs to पुस, Ec. 4 105, and means lns been wiped off' .. 'has been removed.'
247
५५. सहली = सफल :
५७. हु ते metri cawed for ते इ.
176. मधे Gr. 5 409. जनरis wrong for Page #287

248
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
जाओ कुम्म तुमं चित्र अबेहिं मुहा [25] किमत्य जाएहिं । पायाले मज्जन्तं भुषणं पि हु जेण उद्दरिअं ॥६२॥ के के न एत्य जाया ताणं मग्गो वि एस न हु फुरियो । परउपयरणुज्मात्री एको कुम्मो हु निष्फनो ॥६३॥ परउपयरणे पट्टा पढमं कुम्मेण एत्य कविषा । गरुएहिं कया मग्गा पच्छा सोक्वेण गम्मेति ॥६४॥ दन्तिकिरिपत्रएहिं देक्वा[26]वेक्खीए धारिआ धरणी।। चम्मक्कणमणमग्गो निव्वडिअं एत्य कुम्मस्म ॥६५॥ अणचकमणा अरे पढमो ववसाइआण इह कुम्मी । जेण रइए हु मग्मे वट्टा इअराण संपना ॥६६॥ अणचल्लिराण पढमो विहिणा कुम्मो हु एत्य निम्मविभो । ववसाइआण पढमो सो चित्र पेच्छेह कह जाओ [27] ॥६॥ धवा सि कच्छवि तुमं धबा जाई वि तुम्ह निप्फमा । जीए जाएण कयन्त किं पि न जाइ जं भणिउं ॥६॥ रे धरह धरं उद्धरह तिहुअणं पायडेह तह सत्तिं । देकवावेक्वीए कयं किरिपमुहा को न उअहसद ॥६६॥ कुम्मो धरेड भुअणं तए समं कीस तं सि धुत्र कहसु । लज्जसि न विप्फुरं[28] तो अह व अयासाण कह लज्जा ॥७॥ अणमग्गेण वि चलिरा धबा पावन्ति के वि गरुअत्तं । अणमग्गचलिरण वि कुम्मेण कहं जसी पत्ती ॥७१॥ अणकूलेणं विहिणा धुप तं जाएमु उपरि भुषणम्म । कुम्मेण वसिएहिं सब्वे तुम्हे तले विहिबा ॥७२॥ कच्छवि तुमं पसूपा अबानो पसविआ[29]ो वझाओ । जीअ तणएण तुलित्रं तइलोकं वीअनिरवेक्वं ॥७३॥
६२. Read अनेहि
६३. उभाषी, Gr.$155. ६४. Read गरुएहि. वहा वर्मा, Gr.8358.
4. agent, which occurs also in A. 69, apparently means: 'with regard to its being seen,' in orler that it may be seen,' =दर्शनापेक्षया. चम्म कणमणमग्गी is wrong for चक्कममणमणामग-चं क्रमशममार्ग, ' moving about where there was no path,' as it is clear from the preceding and following stanzas . = #T; compare He. 4. 161. निव्वडिश्र, He. 4,62. ६८. कयन्त is a blunder for कयं सं.
६९. For देखा compare note on A. 65. ७०. अयासाण-अवाससाम्, Gr.8186, 409. ०१. पावन्ति, Gr. $504. चलिर and पनिर, Gr.8488,596.
७३. Read बी .

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जय भारो विहु वुव्भद्र ता वुभइ एत्थ कुम्मभारसमो । एलजपण बूढो जेण मया वोषनिरवेो ॥७४॥
TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR.
कज्जेण एत्थ उचरिं जो जायद सो हु तत्य धुअ सच्चं । परिधि विहे जी यवसाय पशुको १०५ तं कुम्म एत्य जायो तर जिन्तं [30] सि एत्य र धनी । रे वोषधुरिण पंधी जम न केणावि उडुरिओ ॥७६॥
न हु एत्थ
बंभाषी पसविचाची वि मयलायो बि एस अमहिलाओ । विहित्राओ कच्छवेणं अनं भण्डिं न सम्झाइ ॥७७॥ अत्रे वहति भारं विणा न वीएण ते हु कइआ वि । एकलजुपण भारं एको कुम्मो चिम वहे ॥७८॥ दट्ठूण कुम्म [31] रूअं जम्मो उव्विस अत्तणो वि इहं । दहूण ववसिआई तस्म पुणे अहिअमुव्विसइ ॥७८॥ जम्भविणासाण कए जो जम्मो सो हु कम्म जम्मफलो पुण जन्मो जाचो पक्षw कुम् ॥८०॥ बोएच दिया पूढं जं बूढं तं खु एस्य सचिमयं । अन्नमुहं मुडं दहूणं जं मतं खु जाउ द्रहे ॥८१॥ वुभ [32] पंकमितं [] बुच न चयंति पर्व दाई म जह धरविधरणमि हिमयं जाणं जायं खु तेहिं समयं पि । उब्बूढो भुषणभरी पेच्य एजेण कुम्मेण ॥८२॥
मो वि दरिसिए इधरा
मग्गे
कमठनिम्नविधं ॥ ८२॥
कमडिपि तं सि पसूमा जीए जाएग सयलमहिलाओ । होतेहिवि पसविंझाची [33]ण विहिषाषी ॥८४॥
1
1
249
७४. Read बुम, Gr. 5541. For एकल see note on 4. 17. Read बोष Instead of the second बुझइ one wonld expect बुझउ; compare A. 32.
oy., Gr. § 107. 77, Gr. § 196.
9. Read for and a. The second verse means: "whose shoulder has not been freed from the burden by a second one able to bear a burden."
99. Read everywhere instead of, which is against the metre; compare Gr. § 85, 376.
see note on A. 17.
७८. Read बीएण. For एकल e. The meaning off
is not certain. It seems to mean 'gets tedious. I have not found the word else
where: ८१. Read and वुम्भड सश्चिमय occurs again in A. 102 and B. 9; it means 'real,' 'true' Sanskrit सत्यमय टू, Gr. 354; जा रहे = यातु हुदै seems to be a proverbial saying.
८२. Read चकमिषं तं चयंति, Gr. 8, 70; He 4, 86. ८२. Read तेहि. ८४. हो° wrong for होन्तेहिं वि, Gr. $ 180. Instead of वंझाची read उ.
21

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[के के न
न
एत्य
एत्थ जाया के न ह अच्छन्ति के न होहिन्ति । तह वि तु कुम तुझी न य जाभी ने जम ि॥५॥ कब्जएहिं कहिम्बि किन्तेहिं कहिं साररहिए ।
एवं पि खुतं कि वह विहियं एत्य कुम्मेष
दिट्ठे मग्गे जो विहु सो विहु पायडर निभयववसा [34] यं ।
केणावि हु अथाह (?) कुम्मो चित्र पयहो ॥८७॥ जाई परमयहीणा रूपं पुर्ण पौजिपि नजार
1
कुम्भेण वयसिएहि तह वि हु लहुईकया हई॥८८॥
.
धवला [35]ण गई एसा मुभा वि न सुधन्ति उह धवलत्तं । कुम्मस् मयस्स वि कप्परं पि भुभगं समुव्वहरू ॥८८॥ गरुआण गई एसा अन्ते वि [मुत्र ]न्त नेत्र अत्ता । कुम्मो मो वि पनि कर कह व धरणीए ॥८०॥ डब्बूढो भुषणभरो सुविधा धरणी कया जण समं । एन्हिन्तेहिं पि समं जं रुचद्र होउ तं कुम्भे ॥ ६१ ॥ उम्बूढो अबेडिम्बि भारो धरणीए किंतु मिलिएहिं । एक शुभा घडा सम्म [36]वि कुम्ग्रेस उपसा [४८२॥ ]
किरिकुम्मदियपमुहाचं निषड वयसि लोचा । अप्पा परस्त कन्ने आज जेहिं तह खविओो ॥ ९८३ ॥ किरिसेसकमढदिग्गयपसुहाणं निह ववसि लोभ । चइऊण निअयसोक्खं अप्पा जेहिं तहा खविभो ॥८४॥ कुम्भेण किं त्थ विहियं लोओ स [37] लहेद्र लोअभणिए [ ए ] । जेण ससा पुहई बूढा न उग्रह नोमेसा
•
लोषाणं कुम्म य जम्मो जमप्फलो विहार महं [1] कन्जेण पुणो दीन्ह वि विवरोधं अन्तरंग ॥24॥ विरण्ड धुअं देव्वो भुअणम्म वि उप्परे तहा वि वला । निचचरिएहिं पेछ कुमो चिम उप्परे जाचो ॥८७॥
4. The first verse is metrically quite incorrect. Read auf auf fa fai aft auf, Gr. § 180. ८८. Read बो ८e. For कप्परं compare note on B. 45.
et. Read of aft.
९९. Read अन्नेहि वि, Gr. § 180. For एकल see note on A. 17. लग्गवि, Gr. 58.
§
e. Read af or afe, Gr. § 180.
९५. Read थ instead of स्थ; compare A. 53. ९. Bend दोषह
[VOL. VIII.
२७. Read बला.

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TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR.
251
[38] जड़ जम्मो चिप लभइ ता लभउ कमढजम्मसारिच्छो । पफलेणं अवेणं लद्देण व होउ न ह कज्नं ॥४८॥ रे कमढ तुफ गोत्ते के न हुआ के न अस्थि होहिंति । सच्चेण पुण भणामो तुज्क सरिच्छो तुमं चैत्र ॥६॥ श्री कमढी चित्र जामो जारहिम्वि किं जणेहिं अबेहिं । जम्मम किं पि [39] सरिसं जीवंतेहिं न जेहिं कयं ॥१०॥ जडू जम्मो चित्र लभइ ता लभउ कमढजम्मसारिच्छो । लडेण व अवेणं न हु कज्जं तेण न हु कजं ॥१०१॥ पसवच्छलेण गम्भा सवित्रा सयलाण एस्य महिलाण । सच्चिममो पुण पसवी जामो कमढस्म जणणीए ॥१२॥ इझराण पसवित्रा[40]ण वि गभा सवित्रा हु सयलमहिलाण । सच्चेण पसविधा पुण एक चित्र कमढ तुह जणणी ॥१०॥ अवामो पसविामी वि नेत्र पसूआउ ताण गमचुई । जाया सच्चप्पसवा एक चित्र कमढिणी भुणे ॥१०४॥ भुषणे वि जा न जायी सरिसो ता किं करेउ सो परमी । एको चिप वहर भर [41] कुम्मो वो पपावन्तो ॥१५॥ एक्कलधुरिमी सो श्चिम भारेण समं पि एस्थ जो वीचं । उब्बहइ उपह भारं अबो उण भणिअमेत्तेण ॥१०॥ कुम्मस्स वि वीसामो दिनो एक्कण भोपराएण । हरिऊण वैरिभासं कुम्मसयं विरह तेण ॥१०॥ गाहासयं न एवं गाहाण सरहिं केवले[42]हिं कयं । सयवारं एकेक पटर जणो जेण तेण सयं ॥१०॥ एघार सयाई तए गाहाण सरहिं ने राई । सयवारं आवत्ती जेणं एमाण तेण सए ॥१०॥ ॥ ॥ ॥ इति महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीभोजदेवविरचितं भवनिकूर्मथतम् ।।
॥ मङ्गलं महाधीः ॥ ॥
१८. Read लभ and लभत.
. Read wteft fa fa pft, aud in the second verse for afe. १०१. Read खभर And समत.
१०२. Read गम्भा.
१०३. Read गभा. १०४. Read पन्नात 'चाउ and गर्भ'. १०५. वरची वराक:, Gr.880. Read बीर्ष १६. For एकल 100 note on A. 17. Read बौ. १०८. Read सरहिं लेhि, or twice fr.
8. Read एचारं सयार and सरhि, or the same without Anusvirs. सर must be taken in the sense of सवाई. Compare SYU, A. 47 (with note), and TET, B. 34. T=aul is rather singular here, since Bhoja has not be addressed in this ode.
22

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TEXT OF B.
[1] ओं नमः शिवाय ॥ भुषणाई वह कन्हो भइ तसेच निग्रह कंकाल । हिलाए जेण सो रह तुम्हाच थियो सिवं देव ॥१॥ कुलगिरिणो लहुवविभ्रा जलनिहिणो थाहि सकज्जेण । पच्छा धरिश्रा धरणी सुवहा जेणं हु सा कुलगिरिधरणीजलनिहिमेरुप्पमुद्दा नरेन्द [2] पढमं [1] लहु [४]विजयं पच्छा धरिचं भूषणं पिलाए ॥२॥
होइ ॥२॥
धरणि श्चिच ता गरुई ते गरुआ जे वहंति तं पि पुणो । हुविषं पढमं चित्र एवं सयलं तभी बूढं ॥४॥ धवली सो चिअ वुश्च भरधारणवावडेहिं [3] समयं पि । उच्चलइ जो हु भरं सो एक्को भोअ तं चेअ ॥५॥ लडुवविकणं स्थलं भुचणं भरधारएहिं समयं पि । पच्छा बुा भूवर की गुणो च विहि इह अप्पस्स सयासा वुब्भइ लहु इमेण विहिए । भण चडर को इह गुणो भूवर धरणीधरंतस्त्र ॥७॥ धरणि तुहं गरुअत्तं कुम्मप्पमुहेहिं एत्य जं दिनं । लीलाए तं हरिषं भोएवं अधरतेय ॥ 5 ॥ हु
॥५॥
भारत इह गुरुतं [4] धवलाहासेडिं चद्र चडवविधं । सच्चिमधवलेण हिश्रो भारी वि हु लहइ लघुवत्तं ॥८॥ गुरुत्तं करचरणविवज्जिएण वडविचं ।
कुम्मेण तुह
पच्छा सेसमुहेहिं भीएणं तं कयं पयडं ॥१०॥
[VOL. VIII.
१. Read rs, करहो, वुद्र.
२. लहुववद्र is a denominative from लघु according to Gr. 5559, =* लघ्वापयति ; compare $ 552 and लड़वी = लघ्वी
in § 139. It means to make light,' 'to reduce in weight,' 'to relieve
For चाहिचा compare थाह in Gr. $ 88;
it means — they have been fixed, made stationary' हु is wrong for खु.
३. पमुहा is Ace. Plur. Gr. § 89, 3674.
५. धवली, Desin 5,67, यी यस्यां जातावुत्तम: Read हि उच्चलद्र, 'to remove, Gr. § 488, 553. ६. Read एहि and बुर For इस compare Gr. 116.
3. Read बुभद्र. अप्पस सयासा लहुअं= आत्मनः सकाशाल्लघुकं, ' something lighter than oneself ;' compare B. 18.
चडडू here and in A. 9 means to be found,' 'to be;' compare Hc. 4, 206, Materialien, 3. v. cadas, and संचडडू, B. 17.
Read °हि, and खु instead of इ. For दूच see note on B. 6.
८. धवला = धवलाभास: चडवविश्रं is a double causative from चट् (note on B. 7), as दवावेड from दा (Gr. 5552); चडद्र चड° means it becomes increased, 'बडविश्रं of the next stanza. Read लहवतं.

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सथेण वि अहमदचा धरणी पडिहार चिन्तमााण ।
इह पुण एसा कलिया पडिहार भीच कह लह [5] चा ॥११॥ चिरपरिचिचाण पासा उहाल सहयवेसु तह धरणिं । तह वि तद् चित्र रत्ता अब्रस्म मुहं न पुलएइ ॥ १२ ॥ कुम्मकिरिसेसपसुडा एसो भारी हु तुम्ह पडिहन्तो । पुज्न सव्वं दिहं तुम्हाण वि गरुइमा मुणि ॥१३॥ तुम्हाच एस भारी पडितो कुम्मसेस किरिया । [6] पेच्छह इमस्स भारं भूरानो भणइ विहसन्तो ॥ १४॥ भारुव्वहणसमत्या अब्जावहि जे जयम्मि विक्वाया । ते वि उष हापयविं कुमप्यमुहा तर मीचा ॥१५॥ भारा दुव्वहतं पव नियडियम पडितं । भुवणेकधवल तं चित्र तए कह कह णु अवहरिश्रं ॥ १६॥ निचगरुइमाए लघु [7]चं भूषणं काऊथ वुब्भए पच्छा I तुह नहुअत्तमेषं अब्रस्म न कह व संचड ॥१७॥ धरणि तुमं अगर तुम सयासाची कच्छपो गरुथी । भीएच सी वि जित्तो गरुथाहिम्वि पथि गरुपयरा ॥१८॥ असरिच्छं धरणिभरं धारय वम्मेण सह बहतेष ।
TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR.
अस्थि गरुप्राण गरुआ जणवाओ इह तए हरिवो [8] ॥१८॥ अइदुव्वहो हु भारो धरणि त्ति जणस्स भोअ पडिहन्तं । कह चमेव सो विष तप हियो तं धरतेण ॥२०॥ अक्कमेण चित्र
कुम्मस्म सो हु दप्पो माहप्पो सो हु सेसपमुहाण । धरणिं घरंतपणं कह पु तर सी उप्पुसि ॥२१॥ हु धरणी त घरिया गरुतं कच्छवच्छ वरिषं । अकुणतेण व काइम्व तस्म त [9]ए पाडिया वट्टा ॥२२॥ कुमकिरिमपहा मथेन पर मए हु विवाया । अवह हिमयं ताणं न जाइ
सयसिक्करं कह णु ॥२३॥
253
१२. उद्दालसु, Gr. 8553.
१२, १४. पहिन्दी = प्रतिभान् in the sense of प्रतिभाति. १५. जयमि= जगति, Gr. 5395. १६. For compare note on 4. 5. १७. Read बुझए. नडुचत्त apparently belongs to बडुलो or पडलो, 'tortoise, Désin 4, 20 This thy tortoiseship is not at all found with any other."
१८. Read सयासाउ and compare note on B. 7. जित्ती, Gr. 194. Read गरुचाहिं वि and compare Gr. 5369. For fer see note on A. 48.
2. For cyfeit compare note on A. 53.
२२. Read काई व. For बट्टा see note on 4. 64,
२३. जादू जायते, Gr. 5487. सूर्य = शतशौत्कार.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VIII.
धरणिभर तर कलिए सो पगरयो वि पलहुप्रो कुम्मो । अणुभारंभवलम्गे को लायइ लेक्साए परे ॥२४॥ लहुवविऊणं भुषणं पच्छा एअंतमो वहन्तेण । को [10] गारो हु अप्पे को तस्मिं कहस निम्मविभो ॥२५॥ लहुवविजणं कुम्मं समयं धरणीए पुण वहन्तेण । अप्पस तह य ताणं पडतं कं तर विहिनं ॥२६॥ बहुतणस्म कले जामो कुम्मो हु एत्य धरणीए । तीए लहुपत्तकब्जे भीमः तुम एस्थ उप्पनी ॥२७॥ जं इह पसूहिं दिवं केचिरयावं तम निव्वा[11] हो । पुहर तुहं बहुत भीएणं मल पायडि ॥२८॥ लहुभविऊणं धरणिं पच्छा धरिभाए को गुणो चडइ । फलकज्जे सव्वो वि हु कब्जाई भोप विरएड ॥२८॥ कुलगिरिणो लहुवित्रा लहुप्रविमा सायरा तह मही । पच्छा भारी कलित्री लहुउब्वहणण किं हो ॥३०॥ पुहद [12] गरुअत्तण तुह केहिम्बि धीरकिरहिं पवित्रं । भीएण तमि कलिए अत्ताणं पच्छ कोडेण ॥३१॥ गरुअत्तणं पसूहिं धरणीए जं हु एत्य वविध । तं पयडिऊण पोरिसमज्जं भोएण लहुववियं ॥३२॥ को वि गरुअत्तकज्जे धरणोए एस्थ निम्भिो विहिणा । अबोह को वि विहिलो तीए वि ह ल[13]हमाकजे ॥३॥ एवं चित्र तह कम्यं जे गरुए लहुप्रवेसि ते चैत्र ।। एअस्मिं किज्जन्ते साह फलं किं तहं फलइ ॥३४॥ धरणिमुहे सयले विह लहुभावह कम्गलीए कि भणिमो । तुम्हे दि कुणह एवं पिसुणा उण किं करिसंति ॥३॥
२४. वलम्गे-पाढे, Phiyal. 2473; compare वलग्गर, He. 4, 206. I am not sure about the meaning of लायडू and hence of the sense of the whole second verse.
२५. For लहु see note on B. 2. गारपी, Gr. $61, 357. अप्पे, Gr.8401... २६. समयं=समक,... समं , "together with.' ताण, vir. the tortoise and the earth. २८. Read पहि. कैच्चिर', Gr. 8149. Read ख. पायडिप्रकटितं, Gr. 577. ३१. Read केहि वि एहिं. कोडेण= कौतुकैन, He. 4, 422, 9. ३२. Read खु. पब्ज, Gr. 8181.
३३. लहइमा, Gr.8358. ३४. गरुए, बहुए in A. 47, is quite a singular form of the Nomin. Plur. instead of गया and बहुबा. विज्जन्त in the Loo. of the Participle Praes. Paas., = क्रियमाणो. साह, Gr. $264.
२५. "मुई सयले are Ace. Plur. compare Gr.g857. कम्गलीए-काकल्या?

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मज्जावहि गरुषत्तं धरणीसरिनाहपव्वएमु ठिअम् । गरुपत्तण [14] नाम एन्हिं ताणं ह अस्थग्वियं ॥३॥ गरूपत्तणं र गरु एको वहिउं न जाव सोर । ता पुवेहिं विहत्तं तं पि तए लहुइचं कह णु ॥३७॥ मह गरुषतं सा तह य गरुइमा दो वि तह य हरिपाई । पइरडिरलहरिबाहिं सरिनाही निमह रोवे ॥३८॥ तर उप्पने भूवर गरुषत्तं ताण वि पलि जाव । पस[15]रंतनिरनिहा कुलगिरिणो ताव रोवन्ति ॥२८॥ जन्य पुरिसाण हिज्जा गरुमत्तं तस्य महिलाण कहं । अणथकं पुहई वि हु रोवर सरिमाण भंगीए ॥४॥ धरणीए तले कुम्मो कोलप्पमुहा वि लज्जिा लुक्का । जा लहुअत्तं तीए पुहईए कयं हु भोएण ॥४१॥ जा मरिऊणं धरिमा कुम्मप्पमुहहिं क[16]ह वि इह धरणी । सा विहिमा खेलणयं भोप तए इह धरन्तेण ॥४२॥ धरणीए समं धरिमा कुलगिरिपमुहा ह जाव तेण समं । जलनिहिणा तुडेणं अज्ज वेला तुहं गहिपा ॥४३॥ पुहईए गायत्तं अज्जावहि नेत्र केण वि निरुई । धरिऊण तए एचं लहुईलहु त्ति नाम कयं ॥४४॥ तहनमिपकप्पर[17]णं धरणी एह धारिश्रा कहं कह व । सा नीसंका अज्जं हसेर गिरिनिज्मरनिहेण ॥४५॥ लहुपाविमा हु धरणी कुलगिरिणो खविमा सरीनाहो । मणगहिरो निम्नविओ कस्म निमित्तस्म मह कहसु ॥४६॥ धरणी अज्जं हिट्ठा तर धरिमा भीष मन्त्रए एअं । पुरिसोत्तिमेण रहनं लहुअत्तं गइमभ[18]हि ॥४॥ कमठो धरह धरणिं पारणं गरुइमा वि अइलहुई । तद धरिभा पुण सा वि हु पेच्छसु के गरुइम पत्ता ॥४८॥
३६. Read ठिचं, एपिह, खु, पत्यमित्र.
३७. Read gand पुष्वेति. विह-विमनं. ३८. मिथक, He. 4, 181.
80. For we see note on A. 40. ४१. खुक, Gr.8586. Read खु.
४३. Read °मुहि . खेड,Gr.8 206. ४४. I think we must write at ष = षा and translate this by - lighter than light.' ४५. कप्पर=the shell of the tortoise, compare A.89. एक is dha =एषा, Gr.8263. ४६. For खबिधा from चपय (root चि) compare पब्वइ, Gr.6548. ४७. हिडा, Desin. 8,67. Rend भ. गरम गरम पभ, Gr.8178. ४८. चाएणं, Gr.1429.

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लहुअत्तं तुह दिवं मा मबस धरणि भोपराएण । तेण धरिमा सि एवं गरुपाण वि गरुइमं देव ॥४८॥ कुम्मविणासे खुहिआ अज्जावहि संकिआ ठिा धरणी। तडू धरिपा पु[19]ण एहिं सप्पसरा पण व सप्पसरा ॥५०॥ लहुआवित्रा वि पुहई अप्पं लहावित्रं न मवेद । न गणंति किं पि दइए रत्तुम्मत्ताओ महिलाओ ॥५१॥ लहवित्रा वि हु हई भोष तए मुणइ गरुममत्ताणं । महिलाण पिएण कयं सयलं लडहं पडीहाइ ॥५२॥ कुम्मेण धरा धरिआ लहुअं अप्पं सया [20] वि मन्वन्ती । तद धरिआ पुण एसा दूणं अत्ताणयं लहइ ॥५२॥ जी गारी हु दिनो पहिं सो होइ एत्य केरिसओ । लहुअत्तणं तइ कयं पडिहाइ महीए अइगरुअं ॥५४॥ लहुअत्तं गरुअत्तं भारस्म चडेड धारएण कयं । गरुपवित्रा कुम्मेणं धरणी लहुआवित्रा ह तए ॥५५॥ गरुअत्त[21]णं पि दिन पहिं पडिहाइ लहुइमभहि । तर दिवं लहुअत्तं पडिहायड गरुहमभहिरं ॥५६॥ मरिऊण जो धरिज्जइ भारो इह कुम्म सो हु केरिसी । अपलहआए तुम्हे इमीए कह कायरा जाया ॥५७॥ गरुएणं लहुअत्तं उग्रणीअं गरुइमं पि इह देइ । दूअ सायरपमुहा[22]णं हिपए खेत्रो न तणुओ वि ॥५८॥ दाऊणं लहुअत्तं सइ धरणीगरुइमा हु वडविआ । भवद् पुहईए तए इन तीए पट्टिो हरिसी ॥५॥ पेच्छंताण सरूअं पुहईसरिनाहकुलगिरिमुहाण । गरुअत्तं पडिहायइ तइ कलिए कह णु लहुअत्तं ॥६॥ लोभ पसिद्धीए कए गरुअत्तं पलहुए वि प[23]यडे । भारे कह तं सि पुणो गरुअं लहुअं हु पायडसि ॥६१॥ एआए गरुअत्तं तुम्हेहिं कुम्म पयडियं एत्य । खग्गग्गतोलिआए पच्छह रे गौरवमिमीए ॥२॥
५०. Read एरिहं. सप्प सरासप्रसरा.
५१. Real 'नाउ लाउ. ५२. लड=रयं, Desin.7, 17.
५४. Read पसूहि. ५६. The Anusvara in दिन is not certain. Read पसूहि and twice भहिनं, anal compare note on 1. 47.
62. My must be taken as Nominative according to Gr. 364. The Anusvåra in 1764 is not quite certain Read खु instead of हु. पायडसि Gr.577, 491.
(२. Read गीरव.

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1 गायत्तेण
तुलित्राए
।
केत्तिसमेत्ते भारे कन्ह तए पोरिसं पमोत्तूण । रूमसयाई कयाई लोए लहुवाविप्रो अप्पा ॥३॥ पुहई चेलयसरिसा कुलगिरि[24]पमुहा तहेअ पडिआणं । तोलिज्जर गरुअत्तं भुएण एवं तुमं कुणसि ॥४॥ भारस्म वहणकज्जे पट्टी सीसं दहं कयं विहिणा । मणिवलपो ब्व धरिन्जद भारो एसो नवा वहा ॥६५॥ जं जं गरुषं जं जं च दुव्वहं जं च जं च अणसक्कं । तं तं कुणंतएणं कन्हो लहुआवित्रो भो ॥६६ इमिणा [25] गरुषत्तेणं पुहर तए गरुइमा इमा लद्दा । पच्छेसु पलहुअत्तं प्रसिणा अप्यस्म तुलिपाए ॥१७॥ मा मज्जउ जलमज्मे मा सरिनाहा मिलंतु गोत्तस्म । इस तं दयाए धरणिं लोअम्म इमस्म उब्वहसि ॥६॥ धरणी घरंगणसमा कक्करसरिसा तहे कुलगिरियो । [26] . . . . . . . हीभारे कलिए तए भोत्र ॥६॥ सरिनाहपुहइपमुहा रूढा गरुअत्तणेण इह लोए । गरुपाणं लहुववणे किं हु फलं तुज्म सिनेइ ॥७॥ पारोविनवडत्ते भारे अप्पस्म गारवं लोआ । देन्ति तुमं पुण साहसु विवरीअं ताण ववहरसि ॥७१॥ लहुई करेसु ध [27] . . . . . . . . कुणसु अनं पि । तइ सा तहा वि रत्ता सयलं लडहं तुहं गण ॥७२॥ काऊणं लहुअत्तं भोग्गं अयं तुई पयासंती । धरणी करग्गहकए अप्पं तुह भोप ओप्पे ॥७३॥ धरणीए लहुमत्तं तं इह निम्मवस कुणसु जं महि । तुह सत्तीए इमीए पनं गरमत्तणं च... ॥७४॥ [28] ....गोरविचं लहुभं विउलं महिं धरतेण । कह. णु तए अरचीनं पनो चिच गारवो दिवो ॥७॥
(३. Read कर and °सयाई.
६४. परिचा=पतिताना belongs to गरुचतं. ६५. वहावरा ; see note on A.64.
१६. पणसर्वपशक्यम्. Rend करहो. (o. Between fe and T of fast kind of symbol is inserted 6., Read instead of . ०३. पयासंती प्रकाशयन्सी, Gr.8553.. चोप्पर, Gr. $104
७४. निवस, Gr.8558. महि= काहिसं ; compare note on He. 4,129. च . . . probably = चडि। compare B.7,9.
०५. घरचीच्य= पत्थकुतम् or भत्याश्चर्यम्, Phiyal. 1857 Dolin. 8, 14.

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मा मनसु धरणि तुमं महिआभारी हु जं महं गरुषो । भोएण तं सि धरिमा एसो भारी तुहं गरुषो ॥७॥ गरुषत्तं तं मनसि धरणि दहं जं पसूहिं तुह दिन । तुह ग [29] . . . . . . . . . . तुमं धरिआ ॥७॥ जलनिषिणो थाहवित्रा लहुचविआ कुलगिरी तहा धरणी । पन्न वि तं किं काहिसि न याणिमो भोत्र मह कहसु ॥७॥ पट्टीए वहा कुम्मो सेसो सीसेण तह रएण किरी । पत्रं तं बहु मवसु इस भीषो जं करे धरह ॥७॥ परभारिमा मए कि [30].........[कमढ मा गज्ज । उबहसु पेच्छ धरिमा भएणं कह इमा अब्ज ॥८॥ मा कमढ वहस गव्वं मा तं इह सैस उत्तुणो हो । धरणिभरो केत्तुलो गरुपाहिम्वि अस्थि गरुपयरा ॥१॥ कलियं भोएण महिं दहणं मा हु मुणह लहुन ति ।। कुम्ममुहा गरुअत्तं एआए तु.[31]........ [॥८२॥] । लहुवविउं गउरविउं भीष तुमं चैत्र एस्थ जाणेसि । लहुवविधा सा वि मही वहुविधा सा वि भत्तीए ॥८॥ धरणि पहिं दिवं गरुअतं तु विहार केरिसयं । लहुअन्तेणं दिवं भोएणं तं पि केरिमयं ॥४॥ हरिजणं पसुहत्था भोएणं धरणि जं. तुमं धरिया। ह . . [32]. . . . . . . सह सञ्चं तं तुहं दाउं ॥८॥ दुहत्तं न य विरयसि जंपसि न य किं पि कुणसि न विरुई । मउणेण वि गरुषत्तं गाणं कह तुम हरसि ॥८॥ लहुवाविना हु धरणीकुलगिरिणो सायरा वि थाहवित्रा । एत्तुलएण करणं किं विहिश्र होर मह कहसु ॥८॥ 1..[33]........... कातण कुलगिरिप्यमहो । भोप तए पढम चिष जा रच्च वासु ता एहिं ॥८॥ कमठकडाइटिपाए गरुषतं तुफ पुहर केरिसयं । सोधिपभोपभुपाए केरिसयं तं पि मह कहसु ॥८॥
00. Rend पति
०८. For चाहविचा see note on B. 2. ९. रएपरदेन. Read बहु. 5. Eg i , Delin. 1, 99; Beiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen, 18, 1. Read गरपारि वि and se note on B. 18.
८३. वह विधा"वडापिता from बडी=महान, Desin.7, 29, which has been retranslated into Sanskrit by बड़. ८८, Road एपिई.

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TWO PRAKRIT POEMS AT DHAR.
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धरणो ता लहुवविमा कुलगिरिणो सायरा इमं गय[f] । .... [34]. . . . . . . . . . . . तुह हिपयं कह व न हु धार 200 वडतं पसुदिन अवहरिऊणं महीए भीएण । अवं चिप गरुमत्तं दिवं जं माइ नहु हिपए ॥१॥ केरिसयं पसुदिन्नं दिवं पुरिसेहिं केरिसं होर । गरुअत्तं धरणि तुमं साहसु कह केण गौरविधं ॥२॥ धरणिमुहा लहुव[35][वित्रा].........ए[P] वि सयला वि । पच्छा भारो बूढो नरेन्द सच्चं नरेन्दो सि ॥३॥ गरुपाणं गरुअत्तं हरिऊणं रोविजं हु तं पप्पे । परगरुमाए गरुषो अप्पा भण केरिसो होइ ॥४॥ जो अप्पम सयासा भारो गरयो हु वुभए सो हु । धरणिवहणेण भूव को तुजा [36] . . . . . . . [ne५॥] कुम्मकिरिसेस दिग्गयपमुहे जिणिऊण भोप सयलपसू । कं पोरिसं विढतं पसुजिणणे होइ मह कहसु ॥८६॥ कुलगिरिसायरपुहईपमुह लहुववसि को निवारर । परलाहवकरणणं अप्पे भण को गुणो चडर ॥७॥ कह कह वि मर [37]............एस्य जाव सुहा । लहुवाविजण सा कह वलयब तए समुबूढा ॥॥ पज्जावहि गरुपत्तं लोए जाणं सुदरमारूढं । ताण वि कह लहुपत्तं केहर पच्छ पारुढं ॥2॥ लहुवावसु तं धरणिं पिसु दण्डेण कुणसु पर्व पि । जं रुच्च तं विरयम तह र [38] . ........॥१०॥ कमढकडाहं फर्स्ट किरिणो दाढा गया हु सयसाई । जीए भरेण महीए खम्गग्गे धरसि कह तं पि ॥११॥ गरएणं गरमत्तं पवहरि नेप का व फिढेर । तन्तम चित्र लहुर्ष पराण पुणो तह चेष ॥१२॥
R. Read gfcefs and it fer. ॐ Read खु instead of t.
५. For सयासा compare note on B.T. Read'कर. er face, Gr. 228, 286, 566. form is derived from the stem of the present forv., Gr. $ 478. १७. For चडर compare note on B.7.
२८. Read वलयं ब.. २६. कहर, Gr. $149.
poo. For for nee Weber oa Bala, 171. १०१. फर= फर्ण, Defin. 6,88, सर्पस्य सर्वशरीरं फषस. दाढा, Gr.876. गया सयसाईमवा: खदमार्च, "they grieve at their fate; compare Desin. 1, 6. १०१. फिर, H6.4,177. Rond संतम.
212

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260
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII
तर धरित्री धरणिभरो लहुओ वलय[39]म्व तुह भुए सहर । कुम्ापमहहिं सो वि हु चडिओ भारो व पडिहाइ ॥१३॥ धरणी महावगरुआ भोएणं धारिष त्ति अगरा । एहिं मीए समुहं को पेच्छह पच्छिउन्तर ॥१०४॥ अर्णिमालहिमाइगुण तुह आयत्ते मए हु विवायं । समाविमा वि धरणी क[40]णु तए सा वि गौरवित्रा ॥१०५॥ सहुधाविधा हु धरणी लहुवित्रं मनए न अप्पाणं । तर सरप त्ति एसा गरु अत्ताणयं मुणइ ॥१०॥ दियो वि हु कन्हेणं इमीए इह गारो हु खोणोए । पडिहाइ नेत्र गरुओ लहुअत्तं तइ कयं गरु ॥१०७॥ मिलवि [41] पहिं धरिआ संकिअवित्तासपिरी थक्का । धरणी कंपुम्मुक्का अज्जपरं भोप संपन्ना ॥१०८॥ कुलगिरिणो भूमिहरा सयला वि हु लहुदा इहं जेण । तेण सयं निम्मवियं एनं सिरिभोअराएण ॥१०॥ ॥
No. 26.- DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. BY PROFESSOR F. KILDOEN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from page 8.) From the Government Epigraphist's collection of inscriptions Mr. Venkayya again has sent me for examination large number of dates, of which I here publish 36 dates of Chôļa kings. The most important of them is No. 101, which has only quite lately been discovered by Mr. Venkayya. It is of the reign of Parântaka I. and, together with my date No. 55, proves that this king commenced to reign between (approximately) the 15th January and the 25th July A.D. 907. Of the other dates, one (No. 102) is of the reign of Rajendra-Chola I., and one (No. 106) of the reign of Rajaraja II.; 3 datos (Nos. 103-105) belong to Vikrama-Chola, 8 (Nos. 107-114) to Kulottuiga-Chola III. (Virarajendra-Choladeva, Tribhuvanaviradeva), 16 (Nos. 115-130) to Rajaraja III., and 6 (Nos. 131-136) to Rajendra-Chola III. These dates in every way confirm the correctness of the general results previously obtained; at the same time, they enable us to give within narrower limits the times during which some of the kings to whom they belong must have commenced to reign. Thus it may be aflirmed now that RajendraChola I. commenced to reign between (approximately) the 27th March and the 7th July A.D. 1012; Rajaraja II. between (approximately) the 27th March and the 11th July A.D. 1146%3; Kulottunga-Chola III. between (approximately) the 6ths and 8th July A.D. 1178, and Rajaraja III. between (approximately) the 27th Jane and the 10th July A.D. 1216.
१०३. Read वलयं व. सहर, He. 4, 100. Read °हि . १०४. Rend परिहं nhin समु% संमुखं. Read पेच्छिउं तर and compare note on A. 50. १.५. Read जीर'. १... Read कराई.
१.८. मिलवि, Gr. 5588. For या see note on A. 40. . ISee No. 102.
. .See No. 106. ISe No.108.
*Soo Nos. 120 and 119.

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No. 26.]
Mr. Venkayya has discovered and sent to me a third date of the king Farantaka I., which should admit of verification, and which I have examined but do not venture to publish yet. I am also keeping back a number of dates of Kulôttunga-Chôla II. and Rajadhiraja II, because I am not fully convinced of the correctness of my general results. The discovery of additional dates of these kings is highly to be desired and would be of considerable importance. Mr. Venkayya has kindly checked the readings of the original dates here published, after they were in print.
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
A. PARANTAKA I.
101.-In the Sivalôkanatha templo at Grȧmam.1
nålu
16 Svasti śri [*] Kali[y]uga-varsham nâlayirattu når[pa]17 ttu Madiraikonda kb-Pparakiaripagmag[nra] nal [i]rattu
18 ku yându 36âvadu Kali[y*Ju 19 painingandry inatte elu[la] 20 muppattu êlu
22
23 [gara-nyagru-Chobani-kkilamai
i[v]v-âṭṭai MaIravadi-n[â!].
perra
"(In) the Kaliyuga year four thousand and forty-four, the 36th year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman who took Madirai, on the fourteen-hundred-thousand, seven[ty] .. [thousand] thirty-seventh day... .... Kaliyuga. . . the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Saturday of the month of Ma[kare] in this year."
. On
261
For the current year 4044 of the Kaliyuga this date corresponds to Saturday, the 14th January A.D. 943, which by the Arya-siddhânta was the 23rd day of the month of Makara, and on which [the 6th tithi of the bright half of Magha ended 18 h. 21 m., while] the nakshatra was Rêvati for 9 h. 12 m., after mean sunrise. The preceding Makara-sam krânti, according to the Arya-siddhânta, had taken place 8 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 23rd December A.D. 942, when the ahargana, calculated by Warren's Table, was 1477014d. 8 h. 33 m. That Friday, therefore, was the 1477015th day of the Kaliyuga, and Saturday, the 14th January A.D. 943, the 1477037th day, the day which, without any doubt, was put down in the original date.
Above, Vol. VII. p. 1, I have stated that between A.D. 900 and 985 the Chola date No. 55, which is of the 40th year of the reign of Parântaka I., must correspond to either the 24th July A.D. 919 or the 25th July A.D. 946. The present dato No. 101, which is of the 36th year of the same reign and corresponds to the 14th January A.D. 943, shows that the second alternative given by me really furnishes the true equivalent of the date No. 55. And the two dates together prove that Parântaka I. commenced to roign between (approximately) the 15th January and the 25th July A.D. 907.
I may add that this is the earliest known Chôla date which can be verified, and that of the 136 dates hitherto examined it is the only one in which the era of the Kaliyuga is quoted. Among the same dates, 18 quote the Saka era; and of these, 12 are in Kanarese, 4 in Telugu, and only 2 (No. 6 of S. 1030, and No. 16 of S. 1119) in Tamil inscriptions. The Saka year 991 is quoted in the date of a Tamil inscription of Virarêjêndra, which does not admit of verification.
B.-RAJENDRA-CHOLA I.
102. In the Dârukávanésvara temple at Tiruppalâtturai,
śrî
[*] Tiru mann[i] valara
1 Sva[sti]
[Ppa][ra karipa[ama]r-âga ari-Rájéntra(ndra)-Chôļdēvaşka [hou
1 No. 735 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905.
2 Read Irévadi..
* No. 275 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903.
ko5ávads)

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262
[VOL. VIII.
ivv-âpḍu Mêsha-nâ[ya"]rru
Sev[vâ] [y]-kkilamai
petra Badaiya-stir[und]].
"In [the 5th year] (of the reign) of king Parakêsarivarman alias the glorious Rajendra-Chôļadeva,- on the auspicious (?) day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Tuesday of the month of Mêsha in this year."
2
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
According to the result previously found for the commencement of the reign of RâjêndraChôla I., this date will be expected to fall in A.D. 1016 or A.D. 1017. In A.D. 1016 the month of Mêsha contained no Tuesday on which the nakshatra was Satabhishaj. The date therefore apparently corresponds to Tuesday, the 28th March A.D. 1017, which was the 4th day of the month of Mêsha, and on which [the 11th tithi of the dark half of Chaitra ended 21 h. 33 m., while] the nakshatra was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system from 5 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise to the end of the day, according to Garga from 5 h. 55 m. to 21 h. 40 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta from 6 h. 34 m. to 19 h. 3 m., after mean sunrise.- I can give no special reason why the day should be described as 'the auspicious day of Śatabhishaj.'
The date would prove that the reign of Rajendra-Chôla I. could not have commenced before (approximately) the 27th March A.D. 1012.
C.-VIKRAMA-CHOLA.
103. In the Tyagarajasvâmin temple at Tiruvârûr.3
1 Svasti [śri 1] Pû-málai midaindu
5
ko-Pparakesaripanmar-âna Tribhu[va nachakravattiga! śri-VikramaSaladvarkku y[3]pu
6 nâlâvadu Isha bha-n]âyarru [p]û[rvva]-pakshattu tri[ti] yaiyum [Bu]dan-[ki]lamaiyu[m] perra Tiruvâdirai-nâ!.
"In the fourth year (of the reign) of king Parakêsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Chôladêva, on the day of Ardra, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 10th May A.D. 1122, which was the 16th day of the month of Rishabha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of Jyaishtha) ended 16 h. 22 m., while the nakshatra was Ardrâ, by the equal space system for 12 h. 29 m., and according to Garga for 0 h. 39 m., after mean sunrise.
1 Pâ-mâdu 2.
104. In the Tyagarajasvâmin temple at Tiruvârûr.* pu[pa]ra
ko-Pparakiaripan [ma]relas Tiriba vanachchakravattiga] [Vi]kkirama[8]ladvarkku ya
3 pdu [n]âlâvadu Rishabha-nayar[ru] a[para-pakshat]tu [trit]i[yaiyum Budha]n-kilamai. yum perra Tiruvâdirai-nål.
"In the fourth year (of the reign) of king Parakêsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, Vikrama-Chôladeva, on the day of Ardra, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the [third] tithi of the [second] fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
There can be no doubt that this date is identical with the preceding one, and that the reading in line 3 of the original should have been purva-pakshattu, not apara-pakshattu.
1 According to Mr. Venkayya the reading to all appearance is as given above; but he adds that 'tin nál may be intended.
2 See above, Vol. VII. p. 7. No. 564 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. No. 563 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.

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No. 26.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
105. In the Tyagarajasvamin temple at Tiruvârür.1
1 Svasti ár[i] [11] Pů-mâdu punara
2..
ko-Pparakiaripanmar-Ana Tribhuvanach [cha]k[ka]rava[tti]ga! Vi[k]kirama-ladóvarku yându 8âvadu Sing-gayar [a]pa[ra-ra]kkattu tritiyaiyum Sevvây-kkilamaiyum perra Rêvati-nâ[!].
"In the 8th year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, Vikrama-Chôladéva,- on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the third tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha."
1 || Svasti
5
The date corresponds to Tuesday, the 18th August A.D. 1125, which was the 22nd day of the month of Simha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the dark half (of Bhadrapads) commenced 0 h. 34 m., while the nakshatra was Rêvati from3 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise.
6 [a
263
D.-RAJARAJA II.
106. In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalañjuļi.
śrî [1] På maruviya Tiru-mâdu [m] kö-Pparak[a]ripa[nma]råga -Rajarajadva[r]kka ykodu padin[]riva[i]. e]dirâm=ându Karka[da]ga-nâ[ya]xxu ki[la]maiyum perra Pu[na]rpûsattu nâl.
[aparapaksha]-tuvâd[e]siyum Budan
"In the year opposite the sixteenth year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the twelfth tithi [of the second fortnight] of the month of Karkataka."
T[iri]buvapa[a]kkaravattigal
According to the result previously found for the commencement of the reign of Rajaraja II., this date would be expected to fall in either A.D. 1162 or A.D. 1163. For A.D. 1163 my calculation has yielded no result that could be at all acceptable. Nor can a perfectly correct result be obtained for A.D. 1162; but in this year the choice would clearly lie between Wednesday, the 11th July, and Thursday, the 12th July, as may be seen from the following details:
Wednesday, the 11th July A.D. 1162, was the 15th day of the month of Karkataka, The 12th tithi of the dark half (of Ashadha) ended on this day 0 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise; but the nakshatra was Ardra (by the Brahma-siddhânta for 8 h. 32 m., according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the equal space system for 22 h. 20 m., after mean sunrise), followed by Punarvasu. On the other hand
Thursday, the 12th July A.D. 1162, was the 16th day of the month of Karkataka. On this day the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 22 h. 59 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 22 h. 20 m., after mean sunrise; but the tithi which ended on it, 1 h. 0 m. after mean sunrise, was the 13th, not the 12th, tithi of the dark half (of Ashadha).
Obliged to choose between the two, I would decide in favour of Wednesday, the 11th July A.D. 1163, and assume that in the original date the nakshatra Punarvasu has been erroneously quoted instead of the immediately preceding nakshatra Ardra.
1 No. 556 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. Read -pakkattu. Compare below, No. 121. No. 628 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. See above, p. 2.

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264
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
I may da thai between A.D. 1146 and 1173 the only days for which the original date would bo perfectly correct are Wednesday, the 27th July A.D. 1155, and Wednesday, the 23rd July A.D. 1769, but that with neither of these days could the other dates of Rajaraja II. be roconciled.
The date would appear to show that the reign of Rajaraja II. could not have commenced after (opproximately) tho Ilth July A.D. 1146,
E-KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA III.
207.- iu tho Vedåranyeśvara temple at Védåranyam.1 1 (Svajati srit [11] T[i]r[i]buvanachchakkaravattiga! Srt-Kulottu[nga-sola.
deror]kka pandu r[a]. 2 låvada Minandgarru (pů]rvva-pakshattu pañjamiyum V[i]ykla-kkilamai
yum pex[ro] 3 [U]rcéani-1:21
"In the fourth ysar (of the reign) of the emperor of the threo worlds, the glorious Kulottanga-Oho!adeva, on the day of Rôhiņi, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the ifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
The date corresponds to Thursday, the 11th March A.D. 1182, which was the 17th day of the month of Mine, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half of Chaitra) ended 9 h. 25 m., while the nckshatra was Rohiņi for 20 h. 21 m. or 21 h. 1 m., after mean sunrise.
108.-Ia the Valiśvara temple at Ramagiri. 1 Svaati ivi Dito] Tir[i]buvaņach(cha)[kka*]ravattiga! sri-[VI]raråge[gda]ra
ŚOlejdôvox[k]icu gându [ra]vadu Karkadaga-ngyarru apara-pakkshat[ta
d@]yada siyum [Vila-kkilamaiyum perra Urošačni ]-nå [?]. • In the ciutat you the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Virera ondze-Oradea-on the day of Röhini, which corresponded to & Thursday and to the iwelotitis of ile second fortright of the month of Karkataka."
The date unioabteily corresponds to Thursday, the 5th July A.D. 1184, which was the 3th day of the month of Karkatala, and on which the nakshatra was Rohiņi the whole day. But the tithi which onded on this day, 18 . 7 m. after mean sunrise, was the 11th, not the 12th, tole of the dark half (cf Ashidha). The result shows that in the original the 12th Liths la bois vously cuoted instead of the lith.
Tho resuit would aixo show that the roige of Kulôttunga-Chola III. could not have connoscod 100zo ( roximately) the sth July A.D. 1178.
i
1 Srbi
. o
209.-- In the Vallivera tomple at Remagiri.
Tiriluvanackciakkarava[r]ttiga! Sr[i]-Virardsend[i]ra-88[la]. . . . . u kråvadu Karkadaga-nå[ys]xru apara[da][da] (si) [1] Viyala-kbilamaiyum perra Uroba[n]i-nál.
. h
? No. 2152 te Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. Wis tiny is a Kaipedi. Xo. A of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. • Rond - Reslette dra. • X5. 051 c tize Gevernment Epigraphist's collection for 1904. . Tiragarer les corrected si into ni.

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No. 26.)
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
265
“In the sixth [year) (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Virarajendra-Chola[deva],- on the day of Röhiņi, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the twelfth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka."
This date is practically identical with the preceding one, and contains the same mistake.
110.- In the Chandramaulisvara temple at Tiruvakkarai.!
k[o]nd-aral[i]os sri-Kul[8]ttungaGoladêvarku iy[A]ndu 16vada Magara-nayya (ya)rra irabattunálån= diyadiyum Tinga!-[ki]lamaiyum ama(pa)ra-pakshattu navamiyam perca
Agilattu nå.
"In the 18th year (of the reign) of .......... the glorious Kulottunga-Chladeva, who was pleased to take..
. . . .,- on the day of Anuradhd, which corresponded to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight, to a Monday, and to the twenty-fourth solar day of the month of Makara."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 17th January A.D. 1194. The preceding Makarasamkranti took place 6 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 25th December A.D. 1193, which was the first day of the month of Makara. The 24th day of the same month therefore was Monday, the 17th January A.D. 1194 ; and on this day the 9th tithi of the dark half of Mågha) ended 19 h. 8 m., while the nakshatra was Anuradha, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 22 h. 40 m., and by the equal space system and according to Garga from 3 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise.
111.- In the Vêdåranyésvara temple at Védåranyam.* 1 [Sva]sti Sri [ll] Tribh[u]vanachchakkarayat[ti]gal Madurai[yam flamum
Pån]diyan muļi-ttalaisyam] 2 k[o]nd-aruliya kri-Kulottunga-[śola]dêvarku (yan]du i[ra]ba[a]@vadu Ishaba-nayarru 3 apara-pakkattu kada[si]yum [N]yax[xu-kki]lamaiya[m perra] U[t]tirada[t]ti=na!.
"In the twentieth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulôttunga-Chladeva, who was pleased to take Madurai, Ilam and the crowned head of the Påndya, - on the day of Uttardshadha, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
The date oorregponds to Sunday, the 3rd May A.D. 1198, which was the 9th day of the month of Rishabha, and on which the 11th tithi of the dark half (of Vaisakha) ended 14 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise. But the nakshatra on this day was Uttara-Bhadrapadá, for 7 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise. The result shows that in the original U[t]tirada[t*]ti= is an error for Uttiraffadi-,3
112.- In the Kailasanathasvimin temple at Kalla-Porumbür. 1 [HA]ra Svast[i] [1] [ll] T[i]r[i]buvaga(chcha]kkaravatt[i]ga[1 Ma]2 duraisyum f]la[mu]m
Pandiyag m [u]di-ttalaiy[u]n= 3 [Gard®]va[ru]=gond-araliya
fr-Kulottunga-soladavakku 4 . da yandı 23vada Vrischika-ngyarru apara-pakshattu tray[0]5 dab[iyum Ti]n[ga]t-k[i]lamai ylum [plerra Vida[gat]tu (nal].
No. 193 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. · No. 430 of the same collection.
1 In the month of Rishabha an 11th tithi of the dark half cannot possibly be joined with the nakshatra Uttardabadba (Uttirddam). * No. 588 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
2

Page #305

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII,
"In the 23rd year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulôttunga-Chôladeva, who was pleased to take Madurai, Ilam, the crowned head of the Pandya and Karuvûr, on the day of Visakha, which corresponded to a [Monday] and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Vrischika."
266
The date corresponds to Monday, the 6th November A.D. 1200, which was the 11th day of the month of Vrischika, and on which the 13th tithi of the dark half (of Kârttika) ended 11 h. 46 m., while the nakshatra was Visakha, by the Brahma-siddhânta from 1 h. 58 m., according to Garga from 5 h. 55 m., and by the equal space system from 18 h. 24 m., after mean sunrise.
113. In the Kailasanathasvamin temple at Kalla-Perumbûr,1
1 [Hara Svasti ári [11] Tiribuvana[ch]chakkaravattiga! Madu[r]ai[yu*]2 [m] [I]lamum Pandiyan mudi-talaiyu[m] kondu arali3 [ya] éri-Kulttungs-S6jadévakku
yându
25
4 vadu Karkadaga-nayar[ru] [pû]rvva-paksha[t]tu pa[n]ja [m]iyum Budan-kila[m]ai pe[r]
5 Utt[i]rattu pâ]].
"In the 25th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulôttunga-Chôjadêva, who was pleased to take Madurai, Ilam and the crowned head of the Pandya, on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Karkaṭaka."
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 24th July A.D. 1202, which was the 28th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 10 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 53 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 21 h. 31 m. after mean
sunrise, was the 4th, not the 5th, tithi of the bright half (of Sravana). Accordingly, we should have expected chaturthiyum in the original instead of pa[n]ja[m]iyum.
114. In the Vedaranyéévara temple at Vedaranyam.3 [1] [*] Tribuvagachchakkaravarttigal
Madurai[y]u[m]
1 Svasti
Ka[ralvarum Pândi[ya]n mud[i]
2 ttalaiyun-gondu virar abishêgamum visaiyar abishêgamum panniy-a[ru]lina Tiri3 buvagaviradêvarkku yåndu 3[2]vadu Dapu-nayagru apara-pakshatta na[va]miyum Ti
4 ngat-ki[la]maiyum perra Sittirai-nål.
"In the 3[2]nd year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, Tribhuvanaviradeva, who took Madurai, Karuvûr and the crowned head of the Pandya, and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of vietors, on the day of Chitra, which corresponded to a Monday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 21st December A.D. 1209, which was the 27th day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the nakshatra was Chitra, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 21 h. 1 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 17 h. 44 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 12 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise, was the 8th, not the 9th, tithi of the dark half (ef Pausha). Accordingly, we should have expected ashtamiyum in the original instead of na[va]miyum.
No. 584 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. 2 I.e. the Gandía-chaturthi.
No. 427 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.

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No. 26.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
267
F.-RAJARAJA III.
1 Svart Sva[sti]
115. In the Agastyésvara temple at Agattiyaṇpaļļi.1 [11] Tiriba (bn) va[ga]chchakkara(va][t]gal yându iran[dada Kumba niyartu-pparva-pakkasha(paksha)-dadigaiyum Tingal-kilamaiyam perra Badaiyatta n.
"In the second year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, on the day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Monday and to the second tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
-Rajarajada[k]ku
The date corresponds to Monday, the 29th January A.D. 1218, which was the 6th day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 2nd tithi of the bright half (of Phalguna) commenced 5 h. 15 m., while the nakshatra was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system for 9 h. 51 m., and according to Garga for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise.
116. In the Amalakéévara temple at Tirunellikkaval.3
1 Svasti éri [11] Tiribavana [ch]chakkaravattiga! śr[i]-Iraja[r]ajadêva[r]kku yâṇḍu evadia edirkm-kodu Kumma(mba)-nâyst[r] parva-pakshatta chaturdesiyum Nayarru-kkila
2 maiyum perra Parat[tu nå]].
"In the year opposite the eighth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, on the day of Purva-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha.""
The date undoubtedly corresponds to Sunday, the 23rd February A.D. 1225, on which the 14th tithi of the bright half (of Phalguna) ended 18 h. 4 m., while the nakshatra was Pârva-Phalguni, by the equal space system from 7 h. 53 m., by the Brahma-siddhânta for 15 h. 6 m., and according to Garga for 20 h. 21 m., after mean sunrise. The day, however, did not fall in the month of Kumbha, but was the first day of the immediately following month of Mina.
117.- In the Akshayalingésvara temple at Kivalûr.6
[éri-Raja ?]râjadêvarkku Vellichatutthiyum
1 Svasti [] [1] Tiriba [valgachchakkara [va]ttiga! pa[1]&vads yaṇḍu Mêsha-nayarru apara-pakshattu kkilamaiyum perra Malattu nál.
"In the tenth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, [the glorious Rajajrajadeva, on the day of Mula, which corresponded to a Friday and the fourth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mésha."
LU
The date corresponds to Friday, the 17th April A.D. 1226, which was the 24th day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 4th tithi of the dark half (of Vaisakha) ended 20 h. 45 m., while the nakshatra was Müla, by the equal space system from 1 h. 19 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 53 m., and according to Garga for 13 h, 8 m., after mean sunrise.
No. 605 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. Dadigai is a Tamil corruption of the Sanskrit dvittyd.
No. 523 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
The ai of mai is engraved at the end of the preceding line.
The Mina-sachkranti took place 18 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 22nd February A.D. 1225. No. 517 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904
2M 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
118.
118.-In the Kapardisvara temple at Tiruvalaxjuli. 1 .
Tiribavaṇasa[k]karava[t]tiga! siri-[Raja®]rå[ja]dêvarkku yandu 124[va]du Sinna-na yaliru apara-pakkashat[t]u [ba]dutti[yu]m Tingal
[k]ilamaiyum perra Utti.....
“In the 12th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious [Raja]rå [ja]dêva,- (on the day of) Utta . . . . ., which corresponded to a Monday and to the fourth tithi of the second fortnight the month of Simha."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 2nd August A.D. 1927, which was the 6th day of the month of Simha, and on which the 4th tithi of the dark half (of Sravana) ended 17 h. 13 m.. while the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapadå for 7 h. 13 m., after mean sunrise. The result shows that the last words of the original date must have been Uttirattádi-nd).
119.- In the Valiśvara temple at Ramagiri. 1 Svalsti śrî [11] Tiri[b]uvanachcha[k]karavattigaleri-Irájairajadêvarkku yandu
pad[i]nárůvadu Karkadaga-ngyarru padiņklan=d[i]2 yadiyaga Viyala-kkilamaiyum půryva-pakshattu daśamiy[u]m Ap[i]lamum=ågay
anru.
“In the sixteenth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious RAinrindêva, on the day of Anuradha, which was the tenth tithi of the first fortnight and n Thursday, corresponding to the fourteenth solar day of the month of Karkataka."
The date will be expected to fall in A.D. 1231 or 1232, and it actually corresponds to Thursday, the 10th July A.D. 1281. In A.D. 1231 the Karkata-samkránti took place 9 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 27th June, which was the first day of the month of Karkataka; and the 14th day of the same month therefore was Thursday, the 10th July. On this day the 10th tithi of the bright half of Srâvana) ended 15 h. 48 m., while the nakshatra was Anuridhå, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 23 h. 38 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 18 h. 24 m., after mean sunrise.
The date shows that the reign of Rajaraja III. could not have commenced after (approximately) the 10th July A.D. 1216.
120.- In the Arunachalêśvara temple at Tiruvannamalai.* 1 Svasti Sri [11"] Tir[i]b[vn]nachchakkara[va]ttiga! Sri-Rajarajad[vakku yandu
16vadu Ishapa(ba) nàyorra iru[ba]tteţtån=diyadiyam San[i]-k[ki]lamaiyum perra
Mirugas[i]rishattu nal.
"In the 16th year (of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajaråjadêva, - on the day of Mrigasires, which corresponded to & Saturday and to the twenty-eighth solar day of the month of Rishabha."
The date corresponds to Saturday, the 22nd May A.D. 1232. In A.D. 1232 the RishabhaBarnkranti took place 15 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 24th April. The first day of the month of Rishabha therefore was Sunday, the 25th April, and the 28th day of the same month was Saturday, the 22nd May, on which day the nakshatra was Mrigasiras, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the Brabma-siddhanta for 9 h. 12 m., after mean supries.
1 No. 630 of the Government Epigrapbist's collection for 1902. . Read -pakeskattu.
No. 646 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. No. 485 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.

Page #308

No. 26.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
1 Svasti
191.- In the Arunachalésvara temple at Tiruvannamalai.1 Tr[i]buvagachchakkaravattigal éri-Irâjaïrâjadêvarku 18vadu Kattigai-mâdam piranda padinėlân(n)=diyadi[y]=âna kkilamalyum Révatiyum dadamiyum [plea
2 ipru.
"In the 18th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, on this day, which corresponds to the tenth tithi, to (the day of) Rovati and to a Sunday, which is the seventeenth solar day after the commencement of the month of Karttigai."
The date will be expected to fall in A.D. 1233, and it actually corresponds to Sunday, the 18th November A.D. 1233. In A.D. 1233 the Vrischika-samkrânti took place 18 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, the 27th October. The first day of the month of Vrischika or Karttigai therefore was Friday, the 28th October, and the 17th day of the same month was Sunday, the 13th November. On this day the 10th tithi (of the bright half of Margašira) ended 2 h. 16 m., and the nakshatra was Rêvati from 3 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise.
122.-In the Akshayalingesvara temple at Kivalûr.3
1 Om svasti svtr[][] Tribhuvagachchakravatt[i]ga! Tr[i]bhuvanachchakravatt[i]gal r[i]- Rajarajadôvarku Dha]nu-[n]âyarru apara-pakshattu
nahtamiyuma
yându pad[i]-[e]ttiva[du
Naya
1
263
yându Nayarru
2 ru-kk[i]lamaiyum perra Atta[t]tu nâl.
"In the eighteenth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the eighth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
The date corresponds to Sunday, the 25th December A.D. 1233, which was the last day of the month of Dhanus (and the day of the Uttarayana-samkranti that took place 15 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise), and on which the 8th tithi of the dark half (of Pausha) commenced 5 h. 27 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 4 h. 36 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise.
123. In the Védâranyésvara temple at Vedaranyam. [a]chcha[k]karavatt[i]ga[1] det-Rájarājadiva[x]ku y[4]edu
Mi[da]na-nayarru-pp[u]rva-pakshattu
19[Arada]
tiraiyôdesiyum Nayarru-kkilamaiyum
per
Kai-n).
"In the 19th year (of the reign) of the emperor of [the three worlds], the glorious Rajarajadeva, on the day of Jyeshtha, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mithuna."
No. 515 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. No. 496 of the same collection.
The date corresponds to Sunday, the 11th June A.D. 1234, which was the 17th day of the month of Mithuna, and on which the 13th tithi of the bright half (of Ashâdha) ended 7 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Jyeshthâ, by the equal space system the whole day,
1 No. 494 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.
As there can be no doubt whatever here about the proper equivalent of the date, it inay be specially noted that the day of the date is combined, not with the nakshatra (Uttara-Bhadrapada) at the commencement of the day, but with the nakshatra (Revati) which only commenced 3 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise. Compare above, Nos. 102, 105 and 112.

Page #309

270
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 13 m., and according to Garga for 11 h. 50 m., after mean sanrise.-By the result previously found for the commencement of Rajaraja's reign this day fell in the 18th, not the leth, year of the king's reign.
124. In the Vaidyanathasvamin temple at Tittagudi.' 1 Svasti eri [ll] Tiribavaşachchakkaravattigal fri-Raja2 rajadóvarku gându p atta-on badávadu Vrich3 chiga-ngyarru půryv&- pakshattu trayodasiyum
4 Nayarra- kilamaiyum (perra Asva]ti- nå!. "In the nineteenth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious R&jarajadeva, on the day of Asvini, which corresponded to a Sunday, and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Vfischika."
The date corresponds to Sunday, the 5th November A.D. 1234, which was the 9th day of the month of Vfischika, and on which the 13th tithi of the bright half (of Kärttika) ended 8 h. 22 m., while the nakshatra was Asvini for 7 h. 18 m., after mean sunrise.
195.- In the Vighnesvara temple at Apbil. 1 Svasti sri [11] . . . . . . . . 15 . . Ti[r]i[ bu ]vanach[cha]kkaravattiga[1] 16 sri-Rajarajadêvarku yandu pat17 *to[o]badåvada Kumbha- nâ[ya]xru pů. 18 [ro]va-pakshattu pañjam[i]yum Viyala-[k]ki.
19 Jamaiyu[m] perra Rêvati- nal. "In the nineteenth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadêva, - on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
The date corresponds to Thursday, the 25th January A.D. 1235, which was the 2nd day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half (of Mågha) ended 6 h. 44 m., while the nakshatra was Rêvati for 4 h. 36 m., after mean sunrise.
126.- In the Rajatagiriøvera temple at Tiruttengur. 1 Svasti sri [ll] Tribhuvanachchakkara (vat®]2 tiga! sri. Rasaråsadêvar[ku] 3 yanda 24 edirâm=&ndu Mal4 gara-näyarra apara-pakshattu (chata]5 rddasiyam Sani-kkilamaiyum (pe"].
6 Ira Uttirådattu nå!. "In the year opposite the 24th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadêva, - on the day of Uttarashadhi, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the fourteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Makara."
The date corresponds to Saturday, the 19th January A.D. 1241, which was the 20th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 14th tithi of the datk half (of Pausba) ended 15 b. 22 m., while the nakshatra was Uttarashadha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 21 h. 40 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 15 h. 6 m., after mean sunrise.
See above, p. 1
No. 20 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908. No. 601 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. • Part of the o of to is entered at the end of the preceding line. ► No. 539 of the Goverument Epigraphist's collection for 1904.

Page #310

No. 26.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
271
127. In the Vaidyanathasvåmin temple at Tittagudi.! 1 Svasti rf [ll] Tiribuvagachchakkaravattiga! $rt-Irájarkjadevarka yandu 27vada
Simha2 nkyaru půrvva-pakshatta prathamai[y]am [B]adan-kilamaiyum perra Magattu
nå.
“In the 87th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious R&jarajadéva, on the day of Maghê, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simba."
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 30th July A.D. 1242, which was the 2nd day of the month of Simba, and on which the 1st tithi of the bright half of the first Bhadrapada) ended 6 h. 6 m., while the nakshatra was Magha, by the equal space system for 5 h. 55 m., after mean sunrise.
128. In the Vedaraṇyêśvara temple at Védáraṇyam. 1 Sva(sti] & [ll] Tiribuvagachchakkaravattiga! Sri-Raja[ra]jadê[va]rkku [yâ]ndu
27[avadu] Ma[ga]ra-[n]&yarr[u] [apa*). 2 [ra]-pakahattu pañjadesayum Tingal-kilamai yum] perta Pasatta nå[!).
"In the 27th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,- on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fifteenth tithi of [the second] fortnight of the month of Makars."
In the month of Makara a fifteenth tithi of the second fortnight cannot possibly be combined with the nakshatra Pashya, and the probability therefore is that the second fortnight has been quoted erroneously for the first. But even with the first fortnight the date would be incorrect for the 27th year of the king's reign, a calculation for which and for the first fortnight has yielded Wednesday, the 7th January A.D. 1243.
In my opinion it is highly probable that this date really belongs to the 21st year of R&jaraja's reign. For that year it would correspond to Monday, the 12th January A.D. 1997, which was the 20th day of the month of Makara, and on which the fifteenth tithi of the bright half of Magha) ended 20 h. 11 m., while the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 16 h. 25 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 14 h. 27 m., after mean sunrise. It may be noted that on this 12th January A.D. 1287 there was a total eclipse of the moon, visible in India.
129.- In the Valiśvars temple at Ramagiri.. 1 Svasti orf [ll] Tir[i]buvana(chcha]kkara[va]ttiga! Srt-Irajaraja2 dåvagku yandu [2][valda Miduna-ñ[&]yarra muppattirand[&]3 nediyadiy-&ga Tingat-kisamaiyum parvva-pakshat
4 tu pradamaiyum Pa[sa]mum ego agru. “In the [2]øth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious RAjarfjadovo, on the day of Pushy, which was the first tithi of the brat fortnight and a Monday, corresponding to the thirty-second solar day of the month of Mithuna."
1 No. 19 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908. * No. 196 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
Mr.Venkayya now informa me thof the reading in line 1 of the original may really be 30, and that, what ww taken for 7, may be part of the fourish which denotes dvadu. On the other hand, he states that apara. pakahattu probably is the actual reading.
• No. 666 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
The 8 of dt is engraved at the end of the preceding liue.

Page #311

272
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
This date would be expected to fall in A.D. 1244 or 1245, and it actually corresponds to Monday, the 26th June A.D. 1245. In A.D. 1245 the Mithuna-samkrânti took place 9 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 26th May, which was the first day of the month of Mithuna; and the 32nd day of that month therefore was Monday, the 26th June. On this day the first tithi of the bright half (of the second Ashâḍha) ended 16 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga the whole day, and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 22 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise.
The date shows that the reign of Rajaraja III. could not have commenced before (approximately) the 27th June A.D. 1216.
130. In the Arunachalêsvara temple at Tiruvannamalai. [Tijribavagaabchakkaravattiga!
1 Svasti [śrt] [*] yându 30 vadu
éri-Irjarjavar[k]ku Daṇu-nâyarra apara-paksha [t]tu trnyb[dadi]yum 2 Anilamum perra Nayarru-kkilamai-nål.
"In the 30th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva, on a Sunday, which corresponded to (the day of) Anuradha and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
[VOL. VIII.
The date apparently corresponds to Sunday, the 17th December A.D. 1245, which was the 22nd day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the nakshatra was Anuradha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 17 h. 44 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 12 h. 29 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 15 h, 44 m. after mean sunrise, was the 12th, not the 13th, of the dark half (of Mârgasira).- The word trayôdasiyum of the original therefore would be a mistake for tuvadasiyum.
G.- RAJENDRA-CHOLA III.
131. In the Vedaranyėsvara temple at Vêdaranyam.3 śrî
[*]
1 Sva[sti] yându
2 nâlâvadu
3 yum perra
Tirabuvanachchakkaravattiga!
érî-Irâśêndira-Śôladêvarkku
Magara-nyaru-ppårvva-pakshatta
prathamaiyum Budan-kilamai
Tiruvonattu
nal.
"In the fourth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Chôladêva, on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara,"
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 5th January A.D. 1250, which was the 12th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 1st tithi of the bright half (of Mâgha) ended 12 h. 45 m., while the nakshatra was Śravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 13 h. 47 in., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 15 h. 6 m., after mean sunrise.
182. In the Vêdaraṇyêsvara temple at Vedaranyam.*
[y]ându [o]n
1 [Tir[i]bavanachchakkaravatti [ga]] -Rand[i]-80ļadė vaku 2 badâvadu Magara-nâyarru pûrva-[pa]kshattu dvitiyaiyum Sev[vå-kki]lamaiy pe3 Ira Sadaiyattu nâl.
1 The Karkata- or Dakshinayana-samkranti took place 0 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th June.
2 No. 50% of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.
No. 423 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
No. 418 of the same collection.

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No. 26.]
"In the ninth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Chôļadeva, on the day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the second tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara,"
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
The date corresponds to Tuesday, the 12th January A.D. 1255, which was the 19th day of the month of Makars, and on which the 2nd tithi of the bright half (of Mâgha) ended 1 h. 21 m., while the nakshatra was Satabhishaj, by the equal space system for 17 h. 4 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., and according to Garga for 8 h. 32 m., after mean sunrise.
133. In the Rajatagirisvara temple at Tiruttengur..
1 Svasti éri - yindu 1lvadin
Tribhu[va ]nachchakravattiga! śri-Rajendra-Soladê[va*]x[ku] edirâm-ându Karkadaga-nâ[yar]ru apara-pakshattu Urosaniyum perra nâ[i].
T[i]
2 ngat-kila[m]siyum
"In the year opposite the 11th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Chôļadeva, on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Monday of the second fortnight of the month of Karkaṭaka."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 9th July A.D. 1257, which was the 13th day of the month of Karkaṭaka, and on which [the 11th tithi] of the dark half (of Ashâḍha) ended 10 h. 59 m., while the nakshatra was Rohini, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 10 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise.
134. In the Vedaranyésvara temple at Vedaranyam. Tribhuva]pachobakkaravatt [igal]
273
1 Svasti ári y[an]
2 da 16[avadu] Rishaba-nyaru [p][rva]-pakahattu da[i][m] kilamaiyum 3 Uttiratta nål.
[]
"In the 18th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious [Râjė]ndra-Chôļadeva, on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Monday and to the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
det-Raj]ndira-S6[la]dbrarkku
135. 1 Svasti śri Sô[la]dé[va]rkku [du]di[yaiy]um
The date clearly corresponds to Monday, the 1st May A.D. 1262, which was the 7th day of the month of Rishabha, and on which the 11th tithi of the bright half (of Vaisâkba) ended 17 h. 0 m., while the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise. By the result previously found for the commencement of the reign of Rajendra-Chôla III. this day fell in the 17th, not the 16th, year of the king's reign.
Tingat
In the Vedaranyêsvara temple at Vedaranyam.
[1] Tiribava]gachchakkamaattigal
[RA][i]
[y]ându 1[8âvadu Maga]ra-[n]âyarru [a]pa[ra]-pakshattu Budap-k[i]lamai[y]um perra T[i]ravo[at]tu [041].
1 No. 531 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. The tithi is omitted in the original.
No. 460 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. See above, p. 7.
No. 494 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
* The rd of raft seems to have been written twice in the original.
2N

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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“In the 1[8th] year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladêve, on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the second tithi of the second fortnight of the month of [Maka]ra."
In the month of Makars a second tithi of the second fortnight cannot possibly be combined with the nakshatra Sravana, and the probability again is that the second fortnight has been quoted erroneously for the first. Undoubtedly the date corresponds to Wednesday, the 2nd January A.D. 1864, which was the 9th day of the month of Makers, and on which the 2nd tithi of the bright half (of Magha) commenced 0 h. 51 m., while the nakshatra was Sravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 9 h. 12 m., and by the Brahms-siddhinta for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise. - Accordingly, the reading in the original should have been púrva-pakshattu, not a para-pakshattu.
186.- In the Tyagarajasvamin temple at Tiruvarur. 1 Svasti srih Tiribuvayachchakkaravarttiga! sri-Rajendra-solad&varkku pandu
20[4]vadu Ma[ga]ra-ngyarru purvva-pakshattu trayodasiyam Budhan.
kilamaiyum [P]erra Punarpûfatta nå!.
“ In the 20th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajendra-Choladêve, on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 20th January A.D. 1268, which was the 27th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 13th tithi of the bright half of Mágha) ended 19 h. 29 m., while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 21 h. 40 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 21 h, 1 m., after mean sunrise.
No. 27.- DATES OF PANDYA KINGS. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from Vol. VII. page 17.) Of the nineteen new Pandys dates here published, Nos. 44-56 confirm the general results previously arrived at concerning the kings Jatavarman Kulas@khara, Måravarman SundaraPandya I., Måravarman Kulasekhara I., and Jatavarman Sundara-Påndya II., and reduce the periods during which the first and third of these kings commenced to reign to the times from (approximately) the 30th March to the 29th November A.D. 1190, and from (approximately) the 19th March to the 27th June A.D. 1268, respectively. The date No. 47 of Maravarman Kulasekhara I., which expressly connects & day in the 40th year of the king's reign with Saka-samvat 1229, has been partioularly gratifying to me, because I had independently found another date of his 40th year to fall in exactly the same Baka year. The dates Nos. 57-59 belong to a king Kôpérimélkondap Vikrama-Pandya, who commenced to reign between (approximately) the 13th January and the 27th July A.D. 1401; and Nos. 60-62 to a king Maravarman Vira-Pandya, who apparently commenced to reign between (approximately) the 13th March and the 28th July A.D. 1443.
I have 35 other dates which seem to belong to 18 different Påndya kings. These cannot be published till more dates of the same kings have been discovered.
No. 655 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
This tithi is a Kalpddi. * This until recently was the earliest known Saks year, quoted in Påndys date. Quite lately Mr. Venkayya has discovered a date of the 8th year of the Påndys Varsgans, coupled with the Saks year 792.

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No. 27.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
2775
A.-JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA.
44.-In the Agastygsvara temple at Tiruchchuņai.! 1 Tir[ibo]va[na]chchakkara[va]tt[i]ga! sri-Kulagêgaradê[vazku ya]ndu 13 edir
14va2 da SM@[la-n]@yar[ra &]para-pakkatta panjamiyum Budap-k[i]la[m]aiyum
perra Mu(malattu 3 [n]A!.
"In the 14th opposite the 18th year of the reign) of the omperor of the three worlde, the glorious Kulasekharadêva,- on the day of Mula, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mesha.”
The manner in which the regnal year is given in this date, the 14th opposite the 13th year'- in my opinion renders it highly probable that the date belongs to Jaţävarman Kulasekhara of whom I have examined two dates, of the twelfth year opposite to the thirteenth,' and of the year opposite to the thirteenth,' s.e. of the 25th and 14th years, and whose reign I have found to commence between (approximately) the 27th February and the 29th November A.D. 1190.3 If this should really be the case, the date, being of the 14th opposite to the 13th, se of the 27th year, would have to fall in either A.D. 1216 or A.D. 1217. It is actually correct for Wednesday, the 29th March A.D. 1217. This was the 5th day of the month of Mêsha, and on it the 5th tithi of the dark half of Chaitra) ended 9 h. 38 m., while the nakshatra was Müla, by the Brahma-siddhanta for 9 h. 12 m., according to Garga for 14 h. 27 m., and by the equal space system from 2 h. 38 m., after mean sunrise.
With this result, I would definitely assign the date to Jatavarman Kulasekhara, the time for the commencement of whose reign would be reduced by it to the period from (approximataly) the 30th Maroh to the 29th November A.D. 1190.
45.- In the Agastyêsvara temple at Tiruchchunai.5 1 olll Svasti ári [ll] Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga! siri(bri)Kulai(la)[Sêgara ]deva[x]ku i2 y[&]ndı padiņra[ll]ora(ora) vadu Tula-nayar[ra] .. . [pakshat]tu ashtami3 yum Viyala-kkilama(mai)yam perra Pusattu nkļ.
"In the thirteenth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the eighth tithi of the . . . fortnight of the month of Tuls."
This date is in the same temple as the preceding date, and is also one c. the Tribhwanachakravartin Kulasekharadêya. It may therefore be reasonably assumed that here also Kulabékhara is identical with Jatavarman Kulasekhara. A date of that king's 13th year would be expected to fall in A.D. 1202 or A.D. 1203, but for either year the date would be quite incorrect.
My calculations have led me to suspect that the date may be one, not of the 13th, but of the 13th opposite the 13th year of Jațåvarman Kulasekhara, and that its equivalent may be Thursday, the 6th October A.D. 1216. This was the 10th day of the month of Tuld, and on it the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 3 h.
No. 181 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908.
The la of M a is entered below them of the. * See above, Vol. VI. Pp. 801 and 802, Noe. 1 and 3.
In the Pandya date No. 14, above Vol. VI. p. 807, Jagdvarman Sundara-Pandya I. is simply called the Tribhupanachakravartin Sundara-Pandyaddre. .No. 182 of the Government Epigraphint's collection for 1908.
2 x 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
56 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 1 h. 58 m., after mean sunrise. The only difficulty is, that by our Tables the 8th tithi of the [dark] half (of Karttika) had ended 0 h. 26 m. before mean sunrise of the Thursday, and that therefore we should have expected the writer to quote the 9th tithi, not the 8th.
B.-MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I. 46.- In the Sundarêsvara temple at Madura.! 120,.... $r-kó MA121 capagmar=apa Trabhuvaga122 chobak karavattiga! Sona129 da kondu Mudigo(o)124 daslapurattu virar=&v&125 *bhishegamam vijaiya[r=8126 *va] bhishegamum pa[n]ņi127 [y-a]ruļiya sri-Sundara-Pâpdi128 yadé[varku] yảndu 1. 129 5vadu Dhanu-nâyarra &130 para-pakshattu trayoda131 siyum Sevvåy-kkila132 maiyum perra (Vi]ś&
133 gattu [n][!]. “In the 15th year of the reign) of the glorious king Måravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêve, who took the Chola country and was pleased to perform the anointment of heroes and the anointment of victors at Mudigondabolapuram, on the day of Visakha, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
I have previously found that Måravarman Sundara-Påndya I. commenced to reign between (approximately) the 29th March and the 4th September A.D. 1216. With that commencement of his reign this date of the 15th year regularly corresponds to Tuesday, the 3rd December A.D. 1230, which was the 8th day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the 13th tithi of the dark half (of Margasira) commenced 4 h. 53 m., while the nakshatra was Visakha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., after mean sunrise.
0.- MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
47.- In the Tyagarajasvimin temple at Tiruvårør. 1 Svast[i] śr[i] [11] [K8 MA]rapan[mar Tirubu]vanachchakkaravattiga! eri
Kulasegarade[va]rkku yandu 40vadu Miņa-nayarra apa[ra]-pakshatta
dasamiyum Tingal-kkila[m]aiyam perra Tiruvonattu na! .
..i-polávadu Sakadhi(ti)tam 1229. "In the 40th year (of the sign) of king Måravarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, - on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Monday and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mina. . . . .
this day (ie. year) corresponds to Saka 1229 expired."
1 No. 61 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. • The d of Md is engraved at the beginning of the next line. Read Tribhuo.
• Read abhithégao. * See above, Vol. VI. p. 314. No. 561 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.

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No. 27.]
Above, Vol. VI. p. 310, No. 22, I have found that a date of the 40th year of Mâravarman Kulasekhara I. corresponded to Saturday, the 24th February A.D. 1308 (in Saka-samvat 1229). This date No. 47, which also is of the 40th year, and which is expressly stated to have fallen in Saka-samvat 1229, regularly corresponds to Monday, the 18th March A.D. 1808, which was the 24th day of the month of Mina, and on which the 10th tithi of the dark half (of Phâlguna) ended 11 h. 29 m., while the nakshatra was Sravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 10 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 12 h. 29 m., after mean sunrise.
1
48.-In the Jagannathasvamin temple at Tiruppullaņi.1 k[8] Marapan [ma]r-â[na Tribhu] .. [+]mmandalamum kond-aruliya ér[]-Kulasêgaradêvarkku Karkaḍaga-nayarru mudal tiyad[i]yum
[ttu]
a[shtami yu]m [Ti]ngal-kilamaiyum Si]ttiraiyum
nål.
"In the [2]2nd year (of the reign) of king Maravarman [alias the emperor of the three worlds], the glorious Kulasekharadeva, who was pleased to take every country,- on the day which corresponded to (the day of) [Chi]tra, to a Monday, to the eighth tithi of the .. [fortnight], and to the first solar day of the month of Karkataka."
2.
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
gal [2]2vadu
277
The date corresponds to Monday, the 27th June A.D. 1288, which was the first day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the 8th tithi of the [bright] half (of Ashadha) ended 19 h. 46 m., while the nakshatra was Chitra, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 20 h. 21 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 17 h. 4 m., after mean sunrise.
40.-In the Adivaraha-Perumal temple at Singavaram." 1 Svasti sri [11]
chchakkaravatt[ga] [ar]-Kulalgara[d]vaku y 2 ṇḍu 30&vadu Simha-nayatzw-ppůrvra-pakahatta
Mu(mû)lattu nâṭ-.
--
yându
perra
.. kô Mârapanmar Tribhuvaṇa
Skadadadi)yam
"In the 30th year (of the reign) of king Maravarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva,- on the day of Mûla, which corresponded to the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simba."
The date corresponds to [Wednesday], the 31st July A.D. 1297, which was the 4th day of the month of Simha, and on which the 11th tithi of the bright half (of Śrâvana) ended 18 h. 38 m., while the nakshatra was Mula, by the equal space system for 17 h. 4 m., and according to Garga for 4 h, 36 m., after mean sunrise.
1 No. 107 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903.
2 The Karkata- or Dakshinayana-samkranti took place 9 b. 26 m. after mean sunrise.
perra
50.-In the Apaikatta-Perumal temple at Kalappâ].*
1 Svasti sriḥ [K] [M]ârupan[mar Tiri]buvanachchakkaravatt[i]gal ér[i]-Kalasêgaradêvark[ku] yându 3[4]vadu Karkadaga-nâyagru pûrvva-paksha[t]tu tr[i]t[i]yaiyyum San[i]-kkilamaiyum pera Magattu nâl.
No. 231 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
No. 661 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.
"In the 34th year (of the reign) of king Maravarman (alias) the emperor of the -three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva,- on the day of Magha, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Karkataka.

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The date apparently corresponds to Saturday, the 8th July A.D. 1301, which was the 12th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the nakshatra was Magha, by the Brahmasiddhanta for 13 h. 47 m., according to Garga for 16 h. 25 m., and by the equal space system from 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise. But the tithi which ended on this day, 12 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise, was the 2nd, not the 3rd, tithi of the bright half (of Sravana).- Accordingly, the word tv [6]+[C]yaiyyum of the original seems to be a mistake for doitiyaiyyum.
51.- In the Pasupatiśvara temple at Allur.! 1 Svasti eri [ll] Ko [M]Arapaņmar=aņa 2 Tiribuvana[ch]chakkaravattiga3 ! sri-Kulasegaradêvarku y[&]4 ndu 29vadu Karkada5 ga-nâyarru apara-pakshattu tra6 'yodesiyum Sani-k[i]lamaiyum pe
7 tra Punapuśatta nal. "In the 20th year of the reign) of king Mâravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadêva, - on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka.”
For the 29th year of Maravarman Kulasekhara 1. this date would be expected to fall in A.D. 1296 or A.D. 1297 ; but neither of these years yields a satisfactory result. I can therefore only suggest that the date may be one of the 39th year of the king's reign. For that year it would regularly correspond to Saturday, the 9th July A.D. 1308, which was the 12th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the 13th tithi of the dark half (of Ashadha) ended Sh. 34 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the Brahma-siddhanta the whole day, according to Garga from 2 h. 38 m., and by the equal space system from 14 h. 27 m., after mean sunrise.
The two dates Nos. 47 and 48 reduce the period, during which Mâravarman Kulasekhara I. must have commenced to reign, to the time from (approximately) the 19th March to the 27th June A.D. 1268.
D. - JATAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II.
52.- In the Devanayaka-Perumal temple at Tiruvendipuram. I . Svasti Sri [l*] Kör-Chchadai[pa]gmar Tiribavanachchakkaravattiga! śrî
Sundara-Pandiyadêvarkku yânda 10[åvadu) pattâ[va]du Karkadaga-nâyarra 2 apara-pakshattu pañjamiyum Tingal-kilamaiyum perra Rêvati-nå!.
"In the 10th-tenth-year of the reign) of king Jațâ varman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Påndyadeva, on the day of Rêvati, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fifth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka."
For Jaţåvarman Sundara-Påndya II., whose reign has been found to commence between (approximately) the 13th September A.D. 1275 and the 15th May A.D. 1276,6 this date corresponds to Monday, the 23rd July A.D. 1285, which was the 27th day of the month of
1 No. 379 of the Governinent Epigraphist's collection for 1903, ? Part of the 8 of yo is engraved at the end of the preceding line. • For Maravarman Kulasekbara II. the date would be incorrect. • No. 56 may be a date of Jațâvarman Sundara-Pandya I. • No. 137 of the Government Epigrapbist's collection for 1902. o See above, Vol. VI. p. 314.

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Karkataka, and on which the 5th tithi of the dark half (of Śrâvana) ended 9 h. 4 m., while the nakshatra was Rêvati for 18 h. 24 m., after mean sunrise.
For Jațâvarman Sundara-Pandya I. the date would be incorrect.
53.- In the Dêvapurisvara temple at Têvûr.1
1 Sva[][][] [*] Kor=[Ch]chadaipagma[r]-âga [Tiribava]pachchakkaravatt[i]gal 2 śri-Sundira-Pandiyadêvarkku yâṇḍu 1[1]vadu Mrichchiya-ni shashti (shthi) yum [Buda]p-kilamaiyum
3 [ya]ru
apara-pakshattu
4 sattu nål.
279
"In the 1[1]th year (of the reign) of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the sixth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Vrischika."
For Jatavarman Sundara-Pândya II. this date apparently corresponds to Wednesday, the 29th October A.D. 1287, which was the first day of the month of Vrischika,3 and on which the 6th tithi of the dark half (of Kârttika) ended 7 h. 52 m., while the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 15 h. 46 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 13 h. 47 m., after mean sunrise. But by the previously found result this day would fall in the 12th, not the 11th, year of Jațâvarman Sundara-Pandya II.5
For Jatavarman Sundara-Pânḍya I. the date would be quite incorrect.
54. In the Kâlisvara temple at Kalaiyarkovil.6 [śri]-kô-Chchadaipa[n]mar=âna
1.
perra Pû
stri(tri)[bhuva)ga
chchakkarava]ttigal [del]-Sundara-Pindi
2 yadêvarku iyându 12vadu Simña(mha)-nâyarru [3]1 têdi? [apa]ra-[pa]ksha[t]tu tri[tilyai[yu]m Buda
3 n-kila[m]aiyu[m] perra Ireba (va)di-nâl.
"In the 12th year (of the reign) of the glorious king Jaţâvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Rêvati, which corresponded to a Wednesday, to the third tithi of the second fortnight (and) to the [3]1st solar day of the month of Simha."
For Jatavarman Sundara-Pândya II. the date apparently corresponds to Wednesday, the 27th August A.D. 1287, when the 3rd tithi of the dark half (of Bhadrapada) ended 16 h. 22 m., while the nakshatra was Rêvati for 8 h. 32 m., after mean sunrise. But this day was the 30th, not the 31st, day of the month of Simha, the Simha-samkrânti having taken place
1 No. 518 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
2 Read Vrischika..
The Vrischika-samkranti took place 17 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 28th October A.D. 1287. See above, Vol. VI. p. 314.
No. 575 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. 7 The word tédi is denoted by a symbol.
Mr. Venkayya, who has checked the readings of the original dates after they were in print, has informed me that the second figure of the regnal year cannot be read 2, but may be 9. And I find that for the 19th regnal year of Jatavarman Suudara-Pandya II. the above date would regularly correspond to Wednesday, the 10th November A.D. 1294, which was the 14th day of the month of Vrischika, and on which the 6th tithi of the dark half (of Kärttika) ended 17 h. 17 m., while the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Gargs for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise. Nevertheless, I am not fully convinced that the date really belongs to the 19th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. For the 19th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. it would be incorrect.

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8 n. 15 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 29th July A.D. 1287 (which was the first day of the month of Simha).
For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. the date would be quite incorrect.
55. In the Akshéévara temple at Achcharapakkam. 1 Svasti éri [1] Kor-Chalapagmar Tiri[buvana Jchchaka.avatti [Pandiyadêva[r][k]ku ya[n]du 13ku edir [2âva]du Kan
éri-Bu[0]lare
2 i-nayatu apara-[pa]kshattu Tingat-kila[m]aiyu[m] saptamiyum perra Ro[a]-[!].
"In the [2nd] opposite the 13th year (of the reign) of king Jatavarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Rôhiņi, which corresponded to a Monday and to the seventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kanya."
For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. the date apparently corresponds to Monday, the 28th August A.D. 1200, when the 7th tithi of the dark half (of Bhadrapada) ended 9 h. 38 m., while the nakshatra was Rohini, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 9 h. 51 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 9 h. 12 m., after mean sunrise. But this day was the last day of the month of Simha, which immediately precedes the month of Kanya."
For Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. the date would be quite incorrect.
56.-In the Dârukávanéévara temple at Tiruppalâtturai.3
1 Svasti śri [*] K[ô Chchad Jaipanmar=&[na] Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! sri-Sundira-[P]ândiyadêvarkku yându
29[Avada] on[bs]diradu [M]sha-[ná)yapra
Velli-kkilamaiyam perra Katta (tti)gai-ni
pl[rva]-pakabaita
triti(t)yalyam
3 [!].
"In the 9th- ninth-year (of the reign) of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara- Pandyadeva, on the day of Krittika, which corresponded to a Friday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mêsha."
My examination of this date does not enable me to decide whether it belongs to Jațâvarman Sundara-Pandya I. or to Jațâvarman Sundara-Pandya II. According to the previously obtained result, the 9th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. should have commenced between (approximately) the 20th and 28th April A.D. 1259; but there is no day from April A.D. 1259 to the end of A.D. 1260 for which the date would be correct. The date would be correct for Friday, the 28th March A.D. 1259, which was the 3rd day of the month of Mêsha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of the second Chaitra) ended 16 h. 56 m., while the nakshatra was Krittika, by the Brahma-siddhânta for 6 h. 34 m., according to Garga for 7 h. 53 m., and by the equal space systom for 19 h. 42 m., after mean sunrise. By what we have found before, this day would fall in the 8th, not the 9th, year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I.
If the date were one of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II., it should fall in either A.D. 1284 or A.D. 1285. Here again it would be incorrect for either year. It would be correct for
1 No. 252 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901.
The Kanya-samkranti took place 3 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 29th August A.D. 1290, which was the 1st day of the month of Kanya.
No 283 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903.
The á of nd- is engraved at the beginning of the next line. See above, Vol. VI. p. 314.

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No. 27.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
Friday, the 29th March A.D. 1286, which was the 4th day of the month of Mêsha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of the first Vaisakha) ended 19 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Krittikâ exactly as stated above under the other date. But this day would fall in the 10th or 11th, not in the 9th, year of Jațâvarman Sundara-Pandya II.
The result is that the date is one of either the 8th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I., or the 10th (or 11th) year of Jațâvarman Sundara-Pandya II.
E. KONERANMAIKONDANI VIKRAMA-PANDYA.
57. In the Vriddhapuriśvara temple at Tiruppuṇavâsal."
1 Svasti śr[i] [*] Sakabdam
2 1339n mêl érî
3 Kônêranmaiko[n]
4 dân-Tribhuvanachchakravatti
5 śri-Vikrama-Pânḍyadêvar
6 [2âvadu e]dir 15 Makara-nâyarru
7 pûrvva-pakshattu pañjamiyum
8 Budha-v[a]ramum perra Uttara (ra)9 [âdi]-.
"In the 15th opposite the [2nd year] (of the reign) (of) the glorious Kônêran maikondan, the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Paṇḍyadeva, (which was current) after the Saka year 1339,- on the day of Uttara-Bhadrapada, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
For Saka-samvat 1339 expired this date regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 12th January A.D. 1418, which was the 17th day of the month of Makara, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half (of Mâgha) ended 11 h. 12 m., while the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada for 11 h. 10 m., after moan sunrise.
3 Attattu nâl.
58. In the Viraṭṭânêsvara temple at Kilûr.
1 Svasti śr[i] [] [] Kögėrimělkondig Kônêrimelkondan Vikkirama-Pandiyadė[varka
Karkaḍaga-nayarṛu
2 yându 8avadu
kkilamaiyum [p]en
281
Tribhu [va]nachchakkaravattiga!
pûrvva-pakshattu pañjamiyum
śr[i]Velli
"In the 8th year (of the reign) of Kôperimelkoṇḍân, the emperor of the three worlds. the glorious Vikrama-Paṇḍyadeva,- on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Friday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Karkataka."
1 Kônêraguaikondan or Kônêrimêlkondân.
No. 612 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. No. 287 of the same collection.
Judging by the preceding date, this date would be expected to fall in about A.D. 1408, and it actually corresponds to Friday, the 27th July A.D. 1408, which was the 30th day of the month of Karkataka, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half (of Śrâvapa) ended 18 h. 16 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 9 h. 51 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 6 h. 34 m., after mean sunrise.
20

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282
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
tical
50.-In the Sivänkurêsvara temple at Tirthanagari. 1 Svasti sri [-] .
Kônêr[i]2 mélkoņd (]n Tiribuvaṇachchakkaravattiga! 3 gri-Vikkira(ma* ]-Pandiyadêvarkku yåndı na4 1[4]vadu Kumba-nâyarru půrvva-pakshattu triti(ti)yaiyum
5 N[âya]rra-kkilamaiy[u]m perra Uttirattu nål. “ In the fourth year of the reign) of Kônêrimélkondan, the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikra[ma]-Pandyadêve, on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
The date is intrinsically wrong because in the month of Kumbha & tithi of the first fortnight cannot be joined with the nakshatra Uttara-Phalgani; and the probability is, that either the first fortnight has been erroneously quoted instead of the second, or Uttara-Phalguni instead of Uttara-Bhadrapada. For the month of Kumbha of the king's 4th year the choice of an equivalent of the date lies between Monday, the 2nd February, and Sunday, the 15th February, A.D. 1405.
Monday, the 2nd February A.D. 1405, was the 9th day of the month of Kumbha, and on it the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of Phålguna) ended 14 h. 27 m., while the nakshatra was Uttara-Bhadrapada for 17 h. 44 m., after mean sunrise. On the other hand
Sunday, the 15th February A.D. 1405, was the 22nd day of the month of Kumbha, and on it the 2nd tithi of the dark half (of Phalguna) commenced 6 h. 18 m., while the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 18 h. 24 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 15 h. 6 m., after mean sunrise.
I am inclined to assume that this second day, Sunday, the 15th February A.D. 1405, is the true equivalent of the date, and that the writer of the original has wrongly quoted the first fortnight instead of the second, and the third tithi instead of the second (dvitiyaiyum).
Under any circumstances the two dates Nos. 57 and 58 would prove that Kôņērimêlkondân Vikrama-Pandya commenced to reign between (approximately) the 13th January and the 27th July A.D. 1401.
F.-MARAVARMAN VIRA-PANDYA.
60.-In the Visvanatha temple at Topkasi. 1 Svasti sri [ll] Ko Maravarmmar-åna Tribhuvanaścba(cha)kravattigal sri-Vira
Påndiyadevarku yandu irand&vadin edir pad[iponråvadu Karkkataka-ñâyarzu muppadån=diyadiyum på[rn]aiyum Soma-varamum perre Tiruvo[na]ttu nå!.
“In the eleventh opposite the second year of the reign) of king Måravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Påndyadêva,- on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Monday and to the full-moon tithi and to the thirtieth solar day of the month of Karkataka."
Between A.D. 1300 and 1500 the only year for which this date would be correct is 1455. In this year the Karkața-sam kránti took place 8 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 29th June, which was the first day of the month of Karkataka. The 30th day of the same month
1 No. 124 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
? For the month of Makars and the 3rd tithi of the dark half the date would correspond to Sunday, the 18th January A.D. 1405, with Uttarabalguns.
* N.o 196 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895.

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No. 27.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
therefore was Monday, the 28th July A.D. 1455, and on this day the full moon tithi (of Śrâvana) ended 21 h. 25 m., while the nakshatra was Sravana, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 13 h. 8 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 14 h. 27 m., after mean sunrise. 61.In the Kalisvara temple at Kalaiyarkovil.1
1 Svasti éri [1] Ko [M]ara [pa]nmar-âga [Tri]bhuva[na]sa[kra] vatti[ga] sri[Vi][ra]-Pa[n]diyadê[va]rku [y]&n[du] 14va[du] Ma[gara]-na[ya ]rru [a]para-pakshattu-[ppadjam]i[yum N][ys]rru-kkilamai[yum] perta
283
2 nâl.
"In the 14th year (of the reign) of king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vi[ra]-Pandyadeva,- on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the fifth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Makara."
If the day given under No. 60 is the true equivalent of that date, and if the present date belongs to the same king, this date will be expected to fall in about A.D. 1456. And the date would actually be correct for Sunday, the 16th January A.D. 1457, which was the 21st day of the month of Makara, and on which the 5th tithi of the dark half (of Magha) ended 5 h. 36 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 7 h. 13 m., after mean sunrise.
62. In the Viraṭṭâpésvara temple at Tiruvadi.
2 [K]ô Mâra]panmar T[irib]uvaṇa
3 chchakkaravattigal éri-V[i]ra-Pa-3
4 ṇḍiyadêvarku yan
5 du padiņâlâvadu Mina-nâyag
6 ru apara-pakshattu prathamai
7 [yu]m Sani-kk[ila]mai[y]um [per]ra Attattu nål.
"In the fourteenth year (of the reign) of king Maravarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Pâṇḍyadeva,- on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the first tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mina."
Judging by the two preceding dates, this date, if the three dates belong to one and the same king, would be expected to fall in A.D. 1456 or 1457; and the date would actually be correct for Saturday, the 12th March A.D. 1457, which was the 16th day of the month of Mina, and on which the first tithi of the dark half (of Phalguna) ended 10 h. 21 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise.
The results set forth under Nos. 60-62 would appear to prove that the three dates really belong to one and the same king, and that this king, Maravarman Vira-Pandya, commenced to reign between (approximately) the 13th March and the 28th July A.D. 1443.
I may state here that I have a date, which does not admit of verification, of the 17th opposite the 2nd, i.e. the 19th year, and of Saka-samvat 1361, of a king Maravarman, alias the emperor of the three worlds, Tirunelveli-Perumal, the glorious Vira-Pandyadêva. This king would have commenced to reign about A.D. 1421, and cannot be identical with the Mâgavarman Vira-Pandya of Nos. 60-62.
No. 578 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.
2 No. 57 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903. The secondary & is repeated at the beginning of the next line. The word Sani-kk[ila]maily Jum is entered above the line.
No. 178 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895. Compare also Mr. Venkayya's Report for 1904-05, p. 56.
202

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294
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
No. 28.-BETUL PLATES OF SAMKSHOBHA;
THE GUPTA YEAR 199. By Hira LAL, B.A., Extra ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER ; NAGPUR. These plates were found by me in the possession of Sahib Lal Singh, Malguzar of Betul in the district of the same name in the Central Provinces, in March 1905. Sahib Lal Singh, though belonging to an old respectable family, is a Kurmi-a prominent cultivating caste of Northern India, who of course are not entitled to accept any charitable gifts. The plates clearly do not belong to his family, and Sahib Lal Singh is unable to explain how it came by them. His forefathers belonged to the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh and came to Betul five generations ago. They left their native place in the Unao district in Oudh about 180 years ago and are believed to have lived in the Hoshangabad, Narsinghpur and Nagpur districts. Apparently they brought the plates with them, having obtained them somewhere in Narsinghpur which adjoins Jabalpur.
These are two copper-plates, with a hole (a" in diameter) in each for the ring or seal, which is lost. The first plate measures 74" by 513" and the second 74" by 63", the weight of each being 12 ozs. 6 drs. and 13 Ozs. 17 grs. respectively. Both the plates are quite smooth, sufficiently thick, and in an excellent state of preservation. They are inscribed on one side only, and some of the letters show through on the backs of them; and but for a fanlt in the second plate, which has caused a hole in diameter in the last line, obliterating portions of the numerical symbols of the year (which has been fortunately stated in words in the beginning), the inscription throughout is very legible. I bave deciphered the text from the original plates, an impression of which was very kindly made for me by Mr. H. Cousens. At Prof. Hultzsch's instance Mr. H. Krishna Sastri prepared fresh impressions, which are reproduced on the accompanying Plate.
The average size of the letters is abont ". The letters are smaller about 1 at the beginning of each plate. They gradually grow bigger, attaining the highest size about "at the end.
The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. Final forms of m occur in 11. 13, 17, 25, and of t in 1l. 21 and 25. Orthographical peculiarities are the use of a before sa in 11. 12 and 14, and of b for v in sambatsara (1l. 2, 3 (twice), 29) and paribríjaka (1. 5). The letter t is doubled in gôttra (1. 5, but not in l. 15), puttra (11. 6, 16, 28), panttra (1. 16) and opittrôr(1. 12). The last line contains the numerical symbols for 100, 10, 90 and 9, the two last of which, as stated before, are partially obliterated. The language is Sanskrit prose, excepting four benedictive and imprecatory verses quoted in 11. 21-27.
The inscription is one of the Parivrâjaka Maharaja Samkshôbha and is dated in the year 199 of the Gupta era (A.D. 518-19), in the Mahâmargasirsha-samvatsara, on the tenth tithi of the month Kârttika, without specifying the fortnight and the week day. Another grant of the samo king, which was found near Khôh by General Cunningham in 1879 and is dated in the Gupta year 209 (A.D. 528-29), was republished by Dr. Fleet in his Gupta Inscriptions, p. 112 ff. The text of both inscriptions is very similar, and both were written by the same Isvaradása.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of half of the village Prastaravataka and a quarter of Dväravatika in the province of Tripuri by the Mahúrija Samkshobha to the Brahman Bhânusvåmin of the Bharadvaja gôtra. The value of the inscription chiefly lies in the mention of geographical names, as, with regard to the history of the donor himself, it adds nothing new to what is given in the Khôh plates. The genealogy of the Mahúrija Samkshobha in both

Page #324

No. 28.)
BETUL PLATES OF SAMKSHOBHA.
285
is the same, and in both he is stated to be ruling the Dabhald-rajya, which had come to him by inheritance together with all the country included in the eighteen forest kingdoms. The present inscription goes to show that Tripuri was a province of the Dabhålâ kingdom. We know Tripurî well. It was the name of the capital of the Haihayas or Kalachuri kings, the present Tewar, six miles from Jabalpur,- and it apparently also gave its name to the surrounding province. If this be correct, as is very probable, the Kalachuri domination in the country about Jabalpur disappears at least between A.D. 475 and 528, when the Parivrâjaka Maharajas ruled the country, as proved by their inscriptions actually found. The Kalachuris of Ratanpur may have been dominant at that time in Mahákösala, but not in the northern country about Tripari. Dr. Fleet says that " in Dabhålå we have undoubtedly the older form of Dåhala, Dåhåla, Dahåla or Dahala, which was in later times a province of the Haihayas or Kalachuris of Tripura near Jabalpur, whose original capital was Kaliñjar." This gives a clue to the identification of Prastara våtaka and Dväravatika, which I take to be the present Patparâ and Dwårå near Bilahri, 9 miles from Murwarà town and about 60 miles from Tewar- the old Tripuri. Prastaraváțaka probably was corrupted into Pattharvatak or Pattharwårå, which finally became Patpará, conveying the same meaning in the local patois as its Sanskrit equivalent, viz. a stony tableland,' and Patparê is a stony tableland up to this day. On the site of this Patpara, which had the palace of Kâmkandalâ, there appears to have been formerly a village, as foundations of numerous buildings are still found. Patparà is only a mile off from Bilahri, and the ruins of temples and buildings commence at a distance of a quarter of a mile from the present Bilahri village. That names of villages ending in vafaka or pataka, which may have been corrupted into virá or waru, were common on the Bilahri side, may be inferred from the Bilahri inscription, which mentions Khailapataka, Dhangatapataka, Ambipataka, etc. One of these, Khailapata ka, General Cunningham identified with the present Khailwårå or Kailwara, 6 miles from Bilahri, and I think Dhangatapataka is perhaps represented by the present village Thanaurâ, about 4 miles from Bilahri, the name having been corrupted into Dhanwara, Thanwårå, and finally Thanaura. Within a radius of 20 miles from Bilahri, one may find such villages as Gulwara, Murward, Kailwara, Nanhwårå, Kanhwårå, Bharwara, etc., the wire of which is apparently a corruption of the old vafaka. The village Dwårå stands on the same tableland as Patpará, being 5 miles east from the Kámkandala buildings and between 3 and 4 miles from the Bilahri village. The Malguzar of this village is still a Brahman and has held it for several generations. He does not however belong to the Bharadvaja gótra. He is a Garga and may have been engrafted when the male line of Bhânusvamin became extinct, the village going to a female heir and consequently by her marriage to a different gôtra, or it may have changed hands since. Dvâravatika may therefore be confidently identified with this Dwars. The six inscriptions of the Parivrajaka Maharijas were found either at Khôh, Majhga war or Bhumara, which places are all quite close to Uchchakalpa or the present Uchahra, the capital of the Nagode State, where another family, that of the Mahárújas of Uchchakalpa, closely connected with the Parivrâjaka Mahirajas both chronologically and territorially, ruled. Uchahra is about 60 miles from Bilahrî, and we know from the Bhumara pillar inscription, edited by Dr. Fleet, that that village formed the boundary between the two territories. This would show that the Dabhála country was almost co-extensive with the boundaries of the present Jabalpur district to the north and extended to about 120 miles from Tripuri town, the villages granted in the present inscription being situated midway between Tripuri town and the boundary of the Dabhala kingdom in the north. This will clearly show that the present inscription does not really belong to Betul. As Dr. Fleet remarks (loc. cit.),"copper-plates, being small and portable, are
1 See General Cunningham's Reports, Vol. IX. p. 54.
Gupta Inser. p. 113 f. In the t'i krwan kadacharita (XVIII. 93 and 95) Dáhala and Dáliala occur almost ile by siile, indicating that the two forms were indiffereutly useil. 9 Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 231 ff.
• Gupta Inscr. p. 111.

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286
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VIII.
always liable to be carried to a considerable distance from the places to which they properly belong, and can only be applied territorially when the places mentioned in them can be identified."
One knotty problem however remains yet to be solved. What were the eightoon forest kingdoms included in the Parivrâjaka Maharajas' dominiona ? These must have been contiguoas to Dabhâlâ, and as such the choice seems to lie between the ancient Gaur country, latterly known as Gondwana, on the one hand and the Baghelkhand and Chutiå Någpur country together with Chhattisgarh on the other. All this country formed part of the Gupta empire. "The dominion under the direct government of Samudragupta in the middle of the fourth century comprised all the most populous and fertile countries of Northern India. It extended from the Hooghly on the east to the Jumna and Chambal on the west, and from the foot of the Himalayas on the north to the Narmada on the south. Beyond these wide limits, the frontier kingdoms of Assam and the Gangetic delta, as well as those on the southern slopes of the Himalayas, and the free tribes of Rajputâna and Malwa, were attached to the empire by bonds of subordinate alliance ; while almost all the kingdoms of the south had been overrun by the emperor's armies and compelled to acknowledge his irresistible might." With regard to the conquest of South Kosala or Chhattisgarh and the forest tribes Mr. Smith (op. cit. p. 248) narrates the details thus: “The invader (Samudragupta), marching due south through Chutia Nagpur, directed his first attack against the kingdom of South Kôsala in the valley of the Mahanadi, and overthrew its king, Mahendra. Passing on, he subdued all the chiefs of the forest countries, which still retain their ancient wildness, and constitute the tributary states of Orissa and the more backward parts of the Central Provinces." Now these backward parts originally constituted what were known as Athårågarh, i.e. the eighteen forts or forest kingdoms, to wit, Sakti, Sarangarh, Raigarh, Bảmrâ, Rairâkhol, Sonpur, Patna, Bargarh, Phuljhar, Borå Sambhar, Khariår, Bindra Nawågarh, Sambalpur, Chandrapur, Baud, Athmalik, Gångpur and Bonai. Of these the first eight are still feudatory states, the next four camindiris, and the next two Government khálsd, all attached to the Central Provinces. On the abolition of the south frontier agency in 1837 Baud and Atmalik were transferred to the control of the Superintendent of the Tributary Mahals of Orissa. Gângpur and Bonai were attached to Chutiâ Nagpur. Bargarh, being confiscated for rebellion, was given over to the Raja of Raigarh. Again, among the Orissa tributary states there are eighteen garlimals, though they are somewhat too far away from the Dahal country. Chhattis. garh, ie. the thirty-six forts, included twice eighteen forts, vit. eighteen garls in one group subordinate to the senior branch of the Haihayas ruling nt Ratanpur, and the same number in the second group held by the junior branch living at Raipur. So the grouping of states or estates into eighteen would appear to be customary and traditional towards Chhattisgnyh. As regards the western Gaur country, which included the present districts of Betni, Chhindwårå, Seoni and Mandia, there is no record or tradition of its ever having been divided into eighteen forest kingdoms. It therefore seems very probable that the eighteen forest kingdoms of the inscription lay somewhere in the direction of Chhattisgarh, which was sub lued by Samudragupta as mentioned before. As the Parivrâjaka Maharajas owed allegiance to the Gupta kings, it seems within the range of probability that those kingdoms were handed over to them, unless they formed part of the Parivrâjakas' dominions before Samudragupta's conquest. It is with the greatest diffidence that I hazard this conjecture, and I am not at present prepared to localise exactly the eighteen forest kingdoms. I however hope that the information, which I have partly acquired from my personal acquaintance with the country, may perhaps prove of some use to an antiquarian willing to solve the question.
1 Mr. V. A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 250 f.
• Since I wrote the above, Bamra, Kairdkhol, Sonpur, Patna, Bora Sambhar and Eainbalpur have been transTerred to Bengal.
* General Cunningham's Reports, Vol. IX. p. 150.

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10
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FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. H. KRISHNA SASTRI.

Page #327

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81

Page #328

No. 28.]
TEXT.1
First Plate.
1 Om namo [bha]gavatê Narayanaya [*] Svasti [*] Srimati vijaya
2 rajya (jyê)
Maha
BETUL PLATES OF SAMKSHOBHA.
sambatsara-sate
navanavaty-uttarê Gupta-na(ri)pa-rajya-bhaktau
3 marggasirsha-sambatsarê Kârttika-masa-dasamyâm asyâm sambatsara-"måsa4 divasa-pârvvâyâ[m] chaturddasa-vidyasth âna-vidita-paramarthasya Kapilasy-êva 5 maharshêḥ sarvva-tatva (ttva)-jñasya Bharadvaja-sagôttrasya nripatiparibrâ (vrâ)jaka6 Susarmmanaḥ kul-ôtpannena mahārāja-ir-Dövüḍhya-puttra-pennaptrà
mahârâja-sri-Damodara-naptrâ
mahâgo-sahasra
7 raja-éri-Prabhañjana-pranaptrå
8 hasty-asva-hirany-ânêka-bhûma(mi)-pradasya gura-pitri-mâtri-pûja(ja)-tatparasy-ânêka9 samara-sata-vijayinaḥ s-ashțâdas-âṭavi-rajy-âbhyantaram [Da]bhâlâ-rajyam sama10 nupâlayi[shno]r-anêka-guna-vikhyâta-yasasaḥ
éri-maharaja-Hastinaḥ
sutêna
11 varnn-asrama-dharmma- sthapan-âbhiratêna parama-bhagavatên-âtyanta-pitri-bhaktêna 12 sva-vansa-moda-7karêņa mahârâja-sri-Samkshobhena (na) mâtâpittror-âtmanaś=cha puny-â
13 bhivriddhy-artham Tripuri-vishayê Prastaravaṭaka-grâmasya arddham Dvaravati14 kayas-cha chaturthô-nśaḥ êvam=êtau parv-ghița-parichchheda-maryya
Second Plate.
Bharadvaja-sagôtraya
brâhmapa-Bhânusvâminê
15 days
Madhyandina-Vaji (ja) sanêya-sabra [hma]puttra-pauttr-ânvay-ôpabhôgyaulo êtau
16 châripê
17 s-ôdrangau s-ôparikaraull a-châța-bhata-prâvasyaula chora-drôhaka-varjjam13 tâmra18 såsanêna1 âgrâhârau atisrishtan [1] Tad-asmat-kul-ôtthair-mmat-pâdapinḍ-opa 19 jivibhir-vvå kålântarêshv-api na vyâghâtaḥ karanîyah [*] Evam-âjñâ (jña)pt[ê] yô= 20 nyatha kuryât-tam-aham dêhântara-gato-pi mahat-âvadhyânêna nirddahêyam [*]
Uktañ-cha
21 bhagavatâ paramarshipâ vêda-vyâsêna Vyâsêna [*] Pûryva-dattâm dvijâtibhyô yatnât16
22 raksha Yudhishthira [*] mahi(hi)m-mahimatish śrêshtha dân ch=chhrey6= nupâlanaṁ [*] Bahubhiḥ16
1 From the original copper-plates. Read -samvatsare.
Read sva-vamé-âmóda..
23 vasudha bhukta rajabhiḥ Sagar-Adibhiḥ [*] yasya yasya yada bhumiḥ17 tasya 24 tasya tada phalamh [11] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargga(rggê) môdati
bhûmi
dab [1] Achchhêttâ
25 ch-ânumantâ cha tâny-êva narakê vasêt [1] Bhûmi-pradânân-na param pradânam18
26 dânâd-visishtam paripâlanan-tu [1] sarvvê-tisrishtâm paripálya bhûmim nṛipâ 27 Nrig-Adyah19 tridivam prapannâ iti [1] Likha khi) tañ-cha Jivita-naptrå Bhujangavyâpâraṇayâ20 28 dâsa-puttrêņa Isvaradasena [*] [909] Mahaḥmargga-varshe 29 rvvasuḥ [*] Sambatsara 100
Dûtakaḥ
Punadi
10 [*]
10 Read bhógydv.
13 Read varjjam.
16 Read Bahubhir.
pravarddhamâna
287
2 Expressed by a symbol.
5 Read dalamydma.
Read -gramasy-årddham.
11 Read karáv.
19 Read -ddyds.
22 Read Mahmargga [firsha*]-varshé.
14 Read éásanén-dgrahåráv=.
17 Read bhumis.
20 Read pay-Efvara
Kârttika
Read samvatsara..
4 Read samvatsara.. Read msa.
12 Read prácêsyau.
Is Read yatnád■.
18 Read pradanam.
21 Read Samvatsari.

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TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om. Reverence to the divine Nåråyaņa! Hail! In the glorious, augmenting and victorious reign, in a century of years increased by ninety-nine, in the enjoyment of sovereignty by the Gupta kings, in the Mahâmârgaśirsha-samvatsara, on the tenth tithi of the month Karttika,- on this tithi, specified) as above by the samvatsara, month and day,- by the Maharaja, the illustrious Samkshobha, who is born in the family of the kingly ascetic Sušarman, who had learnt the whole truth of the fourteen receptacles of science, who, like the great sage Kapila, knew all the first principles, (and) who was of the Bharadvaja gôtra ;-who is the great-grandson of the son of the Maharaja, the illustrious Dêvådhya; who is the greatgrandson of the Maharaja, the illustrious Prabhañjana ;- who is the grandson of the Maharaja, the illustrious Damodara;- who is the son of the illustrious Maharaja Hastin, who was the giver of thousands of cows, of elephants, horses, gold and many lands, who was earnest in paying respect to (his) spiritual preceptor and (his) father and mother, who was victorious in many hundrels of battles, who bought to govern properly the kingdom (rájya) of Dabhála together with all the country) included in the eighteen forest kingdomg, (and) whose fame was renowned through many good qualities ; — who is intent upon establishing the religious duties of the castes and the different periods of life, who is a most devout Bhagavata, who is extremely devoted to (his) ancestors, (and) who causes the happiness of his own race ;- (by him)
- for the purpose of increasing the religious merit of (his) parents and of himself-half of the village Prastaravâțaka and a quarter of Dväravatika in the province (vishaya) of Tripuri,- in accordance with the usage of the specification of (their) ancient boundaries, --- are granted by a copper charter as agrahuras to the Brahman Bhânusvåmin of the Bharadvaja gôtra, a student of the Madhyandina-Vâjasanêya (sákhd),- to be enjoyed by (his) sons, sons' sons and further) descendants, with the adranga and the uparikara, (and with the privilege that they are) not to be entered by the irregular or the regular troops, with the exception of the right to fines imposed on) thieves and mischief-doers.
(L. 18.) Therefore even in future times no obstacle (to the enjoyment of this grant) is to be caused by those who are born in Our family, or by My feudatories. This injunction having been given, he who behaves otherwise, - him I will consume with a great contempt, even when I have passed into another body.
(L. 20.) And it has been said by the venerable supreme sage Vyåsa, the arranger of the Vedas :
[Here follow four of the customary verses.] (L. 27.) And (this charter) has been written by virtue of (his) office by Isvaradasa, the grandson of Jivita (and) the son of Bhujangadasa. The Dataka (is) Punarvasu. In the year 100 (and) 90 (and) e, in the year Mahâmârga[śirsha], on the 10th day of Kårttika.
POSTSCRIPT. BY PROPESOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. The date of the above record, being of the month Karttika of the Gupta year 199, would be expected to fall in A.D. 518, and I shall be able to prove that it did fall in that year. But its exact European equivalent cannot be given with absolute certainty.
1 Since the text is almost identical with that of the Khô copper-plates of the Gupta year 209, I have adopted, mutatis mutandis, Dr. Fleet's translation as given in his Gupta Inscriptions, p 115 f.
[See Yåjiavalkya, I. 3:- Purana-nyaya-mémáinsd-dharmasastr-anga-misrita | redan sthanani vidyand in dharmasya cha chaturdasa 11.-E. H.]
[This reference to the (twenty-five) tattoas of the Samkhya doctrine and to its founder Kapila deserves to be noted.-E. H.]
+ [With the opithet atyanta-pitri-bhaktëna compare pitri-bhakta, the legend on the seals of the copper-plate crants of the two Kalinga kings Randaprabhajanavarman and Chapdavarman ; above, Vol. IV. p. 143.-E. H.]

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No. 28.]
In the Gupta year 199, corresponding to the expired year 3619 of the Kaliyuga, a month by the rules of mean intercalation would have had to be intercalated before the month Kârttika. Judging from other dates, I consider it highly probable that in the period to which our date belongs the rules of mean intercalation were observed, and that moreover a month, by those rules intercalated before the proper Kârttika, would have received its name from the preceding month Asvina. Assuming this to have been actually the case, the Gupta year 199 would have contained only one month called Kärttika, and the month Kârttika which is put down in the date would be the ordinary Kârttika of our Tables. But the possibility is not excluded that the intercalated month might have been called Kårttika too, and in that case the term Kârttika of the date might be taken to denote either the first Kârttika (which would be the month Âśvina of our Tables) or the second Kârttika (s.e. the ordinary Kârttika of the Tables).
BETUL PLATES OF SAMKSHOBHA.
289
At first sight, another difficulty is presented by the circumstance that in line 3 of our record the tithi of the date is simply described as 'the tenth tithi of the month Kârttika' (Karttikamasa-dasami), without any indication as to which lunar fortnight the tithi must have belonged to. But this difficulty, in my opinion, is removed by the fact that at the end of the record, where the date is repeated in figures, the same tithi is described by the expression Kârttika-di 10. In the Khôh plates of Samkshobha of the Gupta year 209 (Gupta Inscr. p. 114) we find the tithi described, in lines 2 and 3, as Chaitramása-suklapaksha-trayôdast, and in line 24 as Chaitra-di 28; and in the Majhgawâm plates of Hastin of the Gupta year 191 (ibid. p. 107), in line 2 as Mághamasa-bahulapaksha-tritiya, and in line 20 as Mágha-di 3. The manner in which the Khôh plates are dated has been taken to prove that the month Chaitra of those plates was the purnimanta Chaitra; and the dates of both records indicate that it was the custom to quote, when a date was repeated in figures, the number of tithis elapsed since the commencement of the month, irrespectively of the lunar fortnights. Applying this to the date under discussion, we conclude from the statement Kárttika-di 10 that since the commencement of the purnimanta Kârttika there had elapsed 10 tithis, or, in other words, that the tenth tithi of the month Kârttika, quoted in line 3, was the 10th tithi of the first or dark half of the purni mânta Karttika (the Kârttikamasa-bahulapaksha-dasami).
From what has been stated above, it follows that the tithi of our date is the 10th tithi of the dark half of, probably, the purnimanta Kârttika of our Tables, but that possibly it may be the 10th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Âévina of the Tables. On the first alternative the date would correspond to Monday, the 15th October A.D. 518, when the 10th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Kârttika ended 8 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise; on the second alternative to Saturday, the 15th September A.D. 518, when the 10th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Asvina (i.e., possibly, the first purnimanta Kårttika) ended 13 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise. It will be shown now that, in either case, the Jupiter's year in which the date fell was a Maha-Margasirsha year, as required by the wording of the original date.
The late Mr. S. B. Dikshit has fully explained that a Maha-Margasirshal year occurs when Jupiter at his heliacal rising (i.e. his first appearance in the morning after his conjunction with the sun) is in either of the nakshatras Mrigasiras and Ardrâ, i.e., when at his heliacal rising his true geocentric place (or trae longitude), according to the equal space system, is between 53° 20' and 80°, according to the Brahma-siddhanta between 52° 42' 20" and 72° 28' 12.5", and according to Garga between 53° 20' and 73° 20'. Now in the time immediately preceding the 15th September (and the 15th October) A.D. 518 Jupiter was in conjunction with the sun at mean sunrise of the 11th May A.D. 518, when his own true longitude was 51° 3', and that of the
2 P
1 For the similar years, which have been hitherto found in five inscriptions, see especially the Table in Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inser., Introduction, p. 105.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
sun 51° 2' 52". And his heliacal rising after the conjunction took place before sunrise of either the 25th May, when his true longitude was 54° 21' (while that of the sun was 64° 23' 35"), or the 26th May, when his true longitude was 54° 35' (while that of the sun was 650 20 31"). Whichever of the two days may be absolutely correct, it is clear that before sunrise of the 25th or the 26th May A.D. 518 Japiter- since his true longitude in either case was more than 53° 20' by all three systems of the nakshatras rose heliacally in the nakshatra Mrigasiras, and that therefore the year which then commenced was a Maba-Mârgaśirsha year. That year of course included both the 15th September and the 15th October A.D. 518; for Jupiter's next conjunction with the sun only took place some time before sunrise of the 17th June A.D. 519, and his next heliacal rising about the 1st July A.D. 519, when a Mahâ-Paasha year com. menced. I may add that, according to Mr. Dikshit's calculations, a Maha Mágha year commenced on the 3rd August A.D. 520, and a Maha-Phâlguna year on the 4th September A.D. 521.
The result is that the month Karttika of the Gupta year 199 which is quoted in the date must have fallen in A.D. 518, and that the date probably corresponds to Monday, the 15th October A.D. 518, but may possibly correspond to Saturday, the 15th September A.D. 518.
No. 29.-TRIPLICANE INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN.
By V. VENKAYYA, M.A. Madras was " a mere fishing village ap to the year 1639 A.D., when the English became possessed of it by a grant from the puppet sovereign Sriranga of Vijayanagara, then at Chandragiri."5 Some of the suburbs of Madras are, however, very ancient. Leaving aside St. Thomé connected with the St. Thomas legends, Mailapur (or Mayilappur) and Tiruvamur (Tiruvanmiyûr) are mentioned in the Tamil poem Devaram composed in the 7th century A.D. The former is also believed to have been the residence of the immortal Tiruvalluvar, a couplet of whose is quoted in the ancient Tamil work Manimegalai. Tiruvallikkêni (the modern Triplicane) is referred to in the Tamil scriptures of the Vaishṇavas known as Naldycraprabandham by the saints Peyalvar,10 Tirumaliśai-Alvårll and Tirumangai-Alvår, the last of whom informs us that the (Parthasårathisvamin) temple was founded by an unnamed king of the Tondaiyar, i.e. by a Pallava king. Egmore (Elumbur in Tamil) is mentioned in records of the Chola king Kulôttunga I. and was apparently the headquarters of a subdivision (nádu)
1 The calculations which have yielded the above results have all been made according to the Sarya-siddhanta. By the Arya-siddhanta, at inean sunrise of the 11th May A.D. 518 the true longitude of Jupiter was 51° 43', and that of the sun 51° 4' 18'; and at mean suurise of the 12th May A.D. 518 the true longitude of Jupiter was 51° 57', aud that of the sun 52° 1' 36". This shows that, according to the Arya-siddhanta, the conjunction would have taken place between one and two hours before mean sunrise of the 12th May A.D. 518.
. At mean suurise of the preceding day, the 24th May A.D. 518, the true longitude of Jupiter was 54° 8', and that of the sun 63° 26' 38".
? At mean sunrise of this day the true longitude of Jupiter was 85° 33', and that of the sun 85° 58' 33".
At mean sunrise of this day the true longitude of Jupiter was 88° 45', and that of the sun 99° 18' 3".
Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 175.
. The Roman Catholic Church at St. Thomé is believed to be built over the grave of St. Thomas; ibid. p. 176. Râmaraya of Vijayanagara is said to have led an expedition against the place in A.D. 1568; Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire, p. 193.
7 The saint Tiruñánasambandar is reported to have revived at MayilAppúr a dead girl, whose bones had been preserved by her father in a pot. The temple is called Kapalichcharam (ie. Kapalesvars) in the hymn composed by the saint. Jairas and Buddhists seem to have lived at that time in the vicinity of Mayilppur.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 221.
Essay on Tamil literature by the late Professor M. Seshagiri Sastri of Madras, No. I. p. 33 f. 10 Iyarpa, III. 16.
11 Ibid. IV. 35.
1 Periyatirumoli, verse 130.

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No. 29.]
TRIPLICANE INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN.
291
in the district called Puliyûr-kottam. Nungambakkam occurs in & copper-plate inscription belonging to the time of the Chola king Rajendra-Chô!a 1.The Tamil Déváram contains a hymn dedicated to the Siva temple at Tiruvorrigûr composed by Tiruñánasambandar.
The Parthagirathisvâmin temple at Triplicane contains (1) the subjoined Pallava inscription" (2) a number of fragments of Chôļa records built into the floor in various parts of the temple (3) A mutilated epigraph of the Påndya king [Måra]varman Kulasekhara ;8 and (4) a few Vijayanagara inscriptions. Some of the Chola fragments belong to the time of Kulottunga III, and Rajaraja III.7 The Påndys epigraph mentions Tirumayil&ppur (i.e. Mailapar) in Puliyûr-kottam and the temple of) Telliyasinga-Nayanar in Elumûr-nadu, a snbdivision of Puliyûr-kottam." The Vijayanagara records belong to the time of Sadasiva. Ranga and Venkatapati.10 Two of the suburbs, viz. Puduppakkam and Vêppéri, and three of the outlying villages, vis, Sembiyam, Nadumbarai and Veysarpadi," were granted to the Triplicane temple during the Vijayanagara period, while a pious Vaishnava made some additions to it in or before A.D. 1564-5 during the reign of Sadasiva.
The ambioined inscription is engraved on a stone built into the floor close to the entrance into the garbhagriha of the temple. As people walk on it very frequently, the stone has become much worn, and the writing has suffered considerable damage. Very few aksharas are, however, really doubtful, though some are broken.
The alphabet is Tamil, with a number of Sanskrit words written in Grantha characters. The following is a list of the latter :-svasta sri, Pallavakulatila (line 1); Bhuradvája-côtralankárapatiydkiya (1. 1 f.); Sri-Dantivarmma-Maharaja (1.2 f.); varshavarddhana (1.3): mri of tiruvamridu (II. 7 and 14 f.); sarmma (1. 11 f. and twice in 1, 12); svámibhôga a. 14): adharma (1. 15); ha of lâha, tshi of ratshi" (1. 17); Ondharmma' (1. 18); ratshi°(1. 1st.) wasti (1. 19). The pulli (or viráma) is marked in a large number of cases and is denoted by a short vertical line added at the top of the letter. One graphic peculiarity deserves notice. When lingual and rough r are doubled, the symbol for the secondary i or 1, which is now placed over the second letter or by its side, is, in this inscription, added, in most cases, 80 as to include the first as well. In other words, the two letters are treated as a group. In line 9, double kki is written similarly as a group. Two forms of occar, one with the central loop
1 South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 183.
3 This inscription has recently been discovered at TiruvAlangkļu near Arkonam and will be published in South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. Part III.
* Compare South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 182. No. 234 of the Government Epigraphiat's collection for 1908.
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1903-4, paragraph 25.
• No. 238 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908. It is dated in the 4[9]th year of the king's reign and may perhaps belong to the "Kales Dewar" of the Muhammadan historians, see the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, paragraph 13.
Nos. 241 and 242 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908 are two of them. In some of them Tiruvanmiyur (the modern Tiruvêmur) is said to have been in Köçdr-nadu, & subdivision of Puliyur-kõttam alias Kulottunga-Choa-valandu.
• Called after Puliyûr, which is close to Madras ; above, Vol. IV. p. 8, note 1. According to an inscription of Kulottunga I., Tiruvorriyūr, 6 miles north of Fort St. George, belonged to Pulal-nadu, & subdivision of Pularkáttam, which was called after Polal near Madras on the road to Nellore ; South-Ind. Inger. Vol. III. p. 132.
Mention is also made of Ayanapuram in Tudarmungi-nadu, a subdivision of Pularkottam alias VikramaChôļa-valandu. Ayanapuram is the name of a shrotriem village to the west of Madras (No. 72 on the Sydapet taluk map).
10 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1903-4, paragraph 26. The inscription of Ranga is in Telugu, while the rest are all in Tamil.
11 Called Vesharupadi in the inscription. The modern name connects the village with the sage Vyåss or some person called after him. Vélsárry, which occurs in an inscription of Kulottunga I. at Tiruvorriyor, is perhaps an older form of Veshårtapadi; South-Ind. Inger. Vol. III. p. 134.
2 p 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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fully developed and the other without it. The former is more common, while the latter occurs at least twice. The vowel is added to the consonant t in two different ways: one, as in modern Tamil, with a vertical stroke going upwards, and the other without it. The latter is perhaps meant to be Grantha, though it is used in Tamil words also. The akshara lu, which occurs twice (11. 8 and 16), differs from the modern form of it in the vertical stroke of the usymbol being omitted as in tu.
The inscription consists of 19 lines of Tamil prose and is dated during the reign of king Dantivarma-Maharaja, who was "the ornament of the Pallava family" and belonged to the Bharadvaja gôtra. There is thus no doubt that he belonged to the Pallava dynasty. The only other record of Dantivarma-Mahârâja hitherto known is mutilated, and the description of the king which we find in the Triplicane inscription is there missing. It is therefore uncertain if the two kings were the same. In any case, as the name Dantivarman does not occur in the hitherto known genealogies of the Pallavas, and as the alphabet of the Triplicane inscription does not look very ancient, it may be concluded that the Dantivarma-Maharaja of the subjoined record was later than the Pallava king Nandivarman Pallavamalla, who fought against the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya II. (A.D. 733-34 and 746-47).3
Nandivarman Pallavamalla is believed to have been the last powerful king of the Pallavas of Conjeeveram, who probably ceased to be a ruling power about the middle of the 8th century A.D. The Ganga-Pallavas appear to have taken their place, thongh the exact period when this happened is not yet known. Leaving out Vijaya-Narasimhavarman and VijayaIsvaravarman, whose relationship to the main line is not yet ascertained, four Ganga-Pallava kings are known, vis. Danti(vikrama)varman, Nandi(vikrama)varman, Nripatunga(vikrama)varman and Kampa(vikrama)varman. The last was probably a brother of the thirds and might have been his co-regent in a portion of the Pallava dominions; but he is not mentioned in the Bâhûr plates of Nripatunga. Adding together the latest known years of the other three (Dantivikramavarman 51 years,10 Nandivikramavarman 62 years, and Nripatungavikramavaran 26 years12), we get 139 years. The Chôla king Parantaka I. was actually ruling over the dominions of the Ganga-Pallavas, and therefore it may be supposed that the overthrow of the latter by the Cholas took place during the reign of his predecessor Aditya I. Accordingly, the event may be placed roughly in A.D. 900.13 Deducting the total duration of the reigns of the Ganga-Pallava kings, we obtain roughly A.D. 760 as the date of the accession to power of the first king Dantivikramavarman. This event cannot be placed earlier, because the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III. is reported to have levied tribute from Dantiga, the ruler of Kâñchi, about A.D. 804, and this Dantiga has been identified with the Ganga-Pallava king Dantivikrama
1 Compare Prof. Hultzsch's remarks in South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 90.
2 Compare Prof. Hultzsch's remarks in ibid. Vol. II. p. 344, note 3. Dr. Fleet's Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 328.
Above, Vol. V. p. 157.
Above, Vol. IV. pp. 178 and 360, and Vol. VII. p. 22 f. Dr. Fleet thinks that Vijaya-Narasimhavarman was the earliest of the Ganga-Pallavas, and that his initial date must be placed somewhere about A.D. 760 to, 770; above, Vol. V. p. 160.
Above, Vol. VII. p. 23 f.
7 Skandasishyavikramavarman of the Râyakota plates was also a Ganga-Pallava. He is said to have belonged to the family of another Skandasishya, who was the son of the Mahabharata hero Asvatthâman by a Naga woman; above, Vol. V. p. 52. We have however no clue as to the time when Skandafishyavikramavarman lived. Neither are we told what relationship he bore to the main line.
8 Above, Vol. VII. p. 196.
Extracts from this inscription were given by Prof. Hultzsch; above, Vol. IV. p. 180 f.
10 No. 262 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
11 South-Ind. Inacr. Vol. III. p. 90.
See the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II., paragraph 10.
13 Above, Vol. IV. p. 182.

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No. 29.]
TRIPLICANE INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN.
varman. It thus appears extremely doubtful if there could have been any interval between the date of Nandivarman Pallavamalla and the accession of Dantivikramavarman.
There is, however, no reason to suppose that the Ganga-Pallavas annexed the entire dominions of the ancient Pallavas already during the reign of the first king Dantivikrama. It looks as if the expansion of the former was gradual and reached its highest point during the reign of the last king Nripatunga.3 We may therefore conclude that the Dantivarma-Maharaja of the subjoined inscription, who could not be a Ganga-Pallava, belonged to the family of the original Pallavas of Conjeeveram, who seem to have continued in some form or other down to a very late period, and that he reigned as an independent king in a portion of the ancient Pallava dominions before they were completely occupied by the Ganga-Pallavas.
293
At Uttaramallûr in the Chingleput district are two inscriptions, one dated in the 7th year of the reign of Dantivarman, and the other in the 9th year of Dantippôttarasar. The former records that a certain Brahmana purchased land for building a tank, and the latter registers an endowment for the removal of silt in the tank called Vayiramêga-taţâka at Uttaramallûr. It is just possible that Dantivarman is only the Sanskrit name of the Pallava king Dantippóttarasar, and that the tank referred to in both of these inscriptions is the same. Even if this surmise should not prove correct, the fact that the earliest Uttaramallûr inscription mentioning the Vayiramêga-tataka belongs to the time of the Pallava king Dantippôttarasar may be taken- at least provisionally-to show that the tank probably came into existence during his time, and that its name was derived from Vayiramêga, one of his birudas.
If the foregoing inferences are confirmed by future researches, they would establish that the Pallava king Dantippôttarasar (or Dantivarman) bore the title Tayiramêga. We have at present no materials to decide if this Dantippôttarasar is identical with the DantivarmaMaharaja of the Triplicane inscription, though the similarity of the names and the undisputed Pallava origin of both are in favour of the identity. The Vaishnava saint TirumangaiAlvar refers to a king of the Tonḍaiyar (i.e. a Pallava king) named Vayiramêgan.8 Another unnamed Pallava king is mentioned by the same saint as the founder of the Triplicane temple, as I have already pointed out. In the hymn dedicated to Paramêsvara-Vinnagaram (i.e. the Vaikuntha-Perumal temple) at Conjeeveram,10 reference is made by the same saint to several battles fought by an unnamed Pallava king. These three Pallava kings appear to be distinct.11
1 Above, Vol. IV. p. 181, and Vol. V. p. 159. I think the possibility of Dantiga being the same as the Dantivarman of our inscription is not altogether excluded.
The latest known record of his reign is dated in his 50th year; above, Vol. IV. p. 137, and Vol. V. p. 157, note 7.
This may be concluded from the fact that Nripatunga's inscriptions are found over a larger extent of country than those of the other two; see the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1903-04, paragraph 13.
We hear of a queen named Magambâvai of a certain Nandippôttaraiyan, who belonged to the Pallavatilaka family. This queen appears to have been living at the time of the early Chôla king Rajakêsarivarman; Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1900-01, paragraph 10, and above, Vol. VI. p. 321. An inscription of Dantivarman, "born in the Pallavatilaka family which rose from the Bharadvaja gótra," has recently been discovered at Tiruvellarai in the Trichinopoly district (No. 541 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905). Thus, along with the Ganga-Pallavas, the regular Pallavas seem to have continued in the Tamil country down to the Chola conquest. The exact relationship which the latter bore to the original Pallavas of Conjeeveram is not known Perhaps the descendants or successors of the Dantivarma-Maharaja of the Triplicane inscription (who bore the title Pallavakulatilaka) spoke of themselves as belonging to "the family of Pallavatilaka" in order to distinguish themselves from the Ganga-Pallavas.
No. 80 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1898. No. 74 of the same collection.
This is the Tamil form of the Sanskrit Vajramêgha. * See page 290 above
Periyatirumoli, verse 180.
10 Compare South-Ind. Insor. Vol. II. p. 344, note 3.
u In verse 479 of the Periyatirumoli, the same saint refers to a Tondai-mannavan, i.e. a Pallava king, who might be one of these three.

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The first, Vayiramégap, was apparently the saint's contemporary, while the builder of the Triplicane temple must bave lived prior to him. The military exploits of the third spem to have been fresh in the saint's mind, and if this impression of mine be correct, the former might have lived a short time before the latter.
It is not impossible that Vayiramégag, the Palava contemporary of Tirumangai-Alvar. is identical with Dantippóttarasar, during whose reign the Vayiramåga-tataka at Uttaramallar appears to have been built. If the battle of Mannai mentioned in verse 3 of the Paramèsvara-Vinnagaram hymn be the same as that fought at Mandaikudi by the Pallava general Udayachandra against the Pandyas sooording to the Udayêndiram plates, it may be concluded that the saint Tirumangai-Alvår must have lived soon after the reign of Nandivarman-Pellavamalla. If this surmise prove correct, Vayiramêgan, the contemporary of the saint, must have been one of the immediate successors of Nandivarman.
The facts and inferences above set forth would yield the third quarter of the eighth oontury A.D. for the period of the Vaishnava saint Tirumangai-Alver and of his Pallava contemporary Vayiramégap. The same would be the approximate date of the construction of the Vayiraméga-tataka at Uttaramallar, and probably also of the subjoined inscription. It is sufficient to note that palæographical considerations do not militate against this conclusion.
Against this date of Tirumangai-Âļvår may be urged the Vaishnava tradition that he was later than the saint Namma vår. And the latter would appear to have lived subsequent to the Pandya king Varaguna, whose accession took place in A.D. 862-63, as mention is made in the existing text of the Tiruvaymoli of the village Veragunamangai, called evidently after Varaguna-Pandya. This argument would bring Nammalvår down to the 10th century A.D. and make the interval between him and Ramanuja (11th century A.D.) very short. Vaishnava tradition asserts that this period was occupied by Tirumangai-Alvår and several dcháryan, the earliest of whom must have lived long after Tirumangai.7 Apart from this objection, there is some reason to suppose that the Tiruvaymoli known to Tirumangai-Alvår is different from what has come down to us. The acharya Nadamunigal, who probably lived in the 11th century A.D.,' was informed by Vaishnavas both at Kumbhakonam in the Tanjore district and at Alvår-Tiranagari, the birth-place of Namm&lvår, that they had only heard of the name Tiruvaymoli. It had disappeared somehow, and no copy of the work existed at the time. At
From the Kadabs plates of Prabhatavarsha (Above, Vol. IV. p. 386) it may be concluded that Vairamégha W38 & surname of the Rashtrakata king Dantidurga (A.D. 754). It is claimed for this king that he subjugated the ruler of Kanchi. The genuineness of the Kadaba plates is, however, open to question (ibid. p. 333), and we must have indispptable evidence of the occupation of the Pallava country by Dantidurga before we admit that the tank at Uttaramallûr could be called after him, or that reference could be made to his prowess in a Tamil hymn.
In certain copies of the Naldyiraprabandham the place is called Marveyil, which makes its identification with Mannsikudi less probable
South-Ind. Inser. Vol II. p. 372.
• The Tiruvaymoli composed by Namms]var had to be recited in the Srirangam temple according to certain arrangements made by Tirumangai-Alvår.
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-6, Part II., paragraph 25.
• Verso 897. Srivaramangai or Srivaramangalam mentioned in the same poom (verses 509 to 519) is probably identical with the village of the same name founded by the Pandya king Jatilavarman (called Neduñjadaiyap in the Tamil portion) according to the Madrus Museum plates; Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 74.
This is clear from the fact stated later on that the Tirundymoli, which had been known to Tirumangai, disappeared during the time of the first acharya Nadamunigal, who was informed that it had been lost 'a long time ago. The mere name and a single hymn of the poem were all that remained of it at the time.
Nadamunigal is said to have visited Gangaikondachôļapuram founded by Rajendra-Chola I. (A.D. 1011-12 to at least 1033).
Nadamuniga! was led to make this enquiry on hearing a hyinn of the Tirodymoli (beginning with araramudd, the 48th decade of the existing text) recited in the Vishņu temple at his native place by certain Vaishnavas from Alvar-Tirunagari.

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No. 29.)
TRIPLICANE INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN.
295
Àlvar-Tirunagari Nádamunigal was directed to recite twelve thousand times, with his mind concentrated on Namma vår, a poem (beginning with Kanninun siruttambu) composed by Madurakavi Ålvár, Namma vär's elder contemporary and disciple. He was told that Namma vår would then appear to him in a vision and grant what was required. Accordingly, Nådamunigal's 'eye of knowledge' was opened, and he was initiated into the Tiruvaymoli and other mysteries' by Nammalvår. No reference is, however, made to the recovery of any manuscript of the poem. If this tradition be true, the only conclusion warranted by historical criticism is that Nadamunigal himself composed almost the whole of the existing text of the Tiruvdymoli. I would, however, consider this surmise as purely provisional until the date of Nammalvår is established from independent sources. At any rate, the tentative period of Tirumangai-Alvâr obtained in this paper need not be altered in the light of any conclusions based on the existing text of the Tirwaymoli.
The object of the subjoined inscription is to record that the priests* (kulangiļár) of the Triplicane temple had mortgaged a field, belonging apparently to the temple, and that, in consequence, the equivalent of the interest on forty-five kâdis of paddy fell short in the rice offerings presented to the god. A certain Pugalttunai-Visaiyaraiyan gave thirty kádis of paddy and five kalasjus of gold and redeemed the mortgaged field. Thirty kâdis of paddy and fire kalañjus of gold were therefore equal to forty-five kadis of paddy. Thus paddy was sold at the rate of three kådis for one kalanju of gold. We do not know at present how much a kádi contained. It is mentioned in a Ganga-Palla va inscription at Ukkal, in a Chôļa copper-plate grant preserved in the Madras Museum, and in two stone inscriptions at Conjeeveram. The interest on forty-five kadis of paddy apparently amounted to 5 nális every day or 184 kalams per year. The five ndlis of paddy were converted into two nális of rice to be offered to the god at night. If this failed, the master's share (svámi-bhoga) in certain other fields was to be utilized for the offering.
A lamp-stand, cup and pot are particularly mentioned as deserving to be take care of, probably because they were special gifts of the donor Pugalttunai-Visaiyaraiyan.
TEXT. 1 Svasti Sri [ll*] Pasillava-kula-tilada: [Bh]ára2 dvaja-gôtr-Alam kâra-patiy-akiya sri3 Dantiva[rm]ma-mahârâjar[k]ku varsha-varddhana4 m [yd]ndu pa[n]pirandavad[u TŪiruvalli5 kkéni kulangi(1Járga! (K&]rumarachchêri-ppula[m] 6 or[x]i-ittu närpatt[ait-g]adi n[el polli-aţ[ta] Tiru7 vadigatku tiravampidu mutta=Ppugalttunai-Vis[ai)
1 Internal evidence in support of this surmise is not altogether wanting. Unlike other hymns, each decade of the Tiruvaymoli consists, not of ten verses, but of eleven, the last of which declare it to be teu out of the thousand composed by Nammavar. In the Saiva D&váram the last verse of each hymn furnishes the name of the composer, while each hymn of the other Vaishnava Aludrs contains generally ten verses. At any rate. none of them had determined beforehand the total number of verses which he should compose. It is worthy of note that in the poem, which Nadamunigal was required to recite twelve thousand times, the number of verses composed by NammAlvar is given as one thousand. In verse 673 of the Tirupuy moli occurs the following: - minr-ilangu mudiyindy - irubattor-kal arafugalai katta venri-u-malued, etc. The portion in roman type occurs in the historical introduction of the inscriptions of the Chôļa king Rajendra Chola I. These two points do not prove anything by themselves. But taken with the surmise based on tradition they are not together meaningless.
The word kulangilar occurs also in No. 168 of 1904 in connection with a Siva temple at Tiruvakkarai. It means literally temple proprietor and may denote either the temple authorities or the temple priests. South-Ind. Ingor. Vol. III. p. 8 and note 8.
Tilada is tadbhava of the Sanskrit tilaka. $ The ki of akiya is written in Granths.

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8 yarayap muppadiņ kadi nellum añ-kalanju? 9 pongun-guduttu mittuættanad=&kki nêrpa[t]10 tsai]n-gadiyun-nisadi aññali nellkl-irunn - 11 lita-kkuttal-arisi[y]&l-ira-ppÔnagañ=[Janga[fa]12 rmmagun-Jattiśarmmanum Ilaiya-Sattisarmmagun-gl13 ţțavárânå[r*]ga!(l') muttil(1-Av]ippulattun-Datta p-pala14 ttun-G8[rai]ki!A[9-pa]la[t]tum svâmi-bhôgattuættiruva15 [m]pidu kattuvômânom [lo] i-ddharmmatt-u!]A[r] yava16 rêuń=go=chchêvadu seyidu Beluttav=otti kudut17 tôm [1] [[la]-vilakkum vatti[l] 18[ha)-ppågaiyum ratehippa-3 18 du [ll] Pugalttunai-Vid[ai]yaraiyan 'ndharmmam idu [lo] idagai ra19 tshittar 'adi irandum en muļi-mbliga [11] svasti lll
TRANSLATION. Hail ! Prosperity! In the twelfth year of the increasing years of the glorious DantivarmaMahåråja, who was the ornament of the Pallava family (and) the lord adorning the Bharadyája gôtra, the priests of the Tiruvallikkêņi (temple) having mortgaged the field in Karumärachchêri, the offering for the god accruing from(?) the interest of forty-five kadis of paddy fell short. Pugalttunai-Visaiyarayap gave thirty kädis of paddy and five kafatljus of gold, redeemed (the field), and made (it) his own. With two nális of clean pounded rice (made from five nalie of paddy, (the interest on) forty-five kadis (of paddy) per day, Sangasarman, Sattisarman and the younger Sattisarman shall present the night offering. If (this) fails, we shall present the offering out of the master's share in Avippulam, Dattan's field and Karaikilay's Bela. Having agreed that any one concerned in this charity might do what the king could and carry it out, we gave (it). The Ila-lamp, the cap (and) the metal pot have to be taken care of.
This (is) Pugalttunai-Visaiyaraiyap's charity. The two feet of those who protect this (charity) shall be on my head. Hail!
No. 30.- TAXILA VASE INSCRIPTION
BY PROFESSOR H. LÜDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK. There can be no doubt that the deciphering and interpretation of the smaller Kharðshthi inscriptions has made considerable progress during the last ten or fifteen years. Whoever has had occasion to deal with those records, knows how much we owe in this respect to the ingenuity and penetration of scholars like Bühler, Senart and others. On the other hand, there is no denying the fact that we are still far from having solved all the difficulties presented by those inscriptions. It may be safely asserted, I think, that at present there is hardly a single Kharoshthî inscription the reading and meaning of which might be called definitely settled in every detail. Under these circumstances I consider it not superfluous to republish the subjoined inscription. It is undated and cannot be said to be of great historical value, but it is excellently preserved and perfectly clear in every respect. The accompanying Plate, moreover, contains its first purely mechanical reproduction.
1 Read aia-galanja.
* Read Diru-ndļi. • Read rakshio.
• Cancel the letter .. The word kddiyun in 1. 10 appears to be used in the sense of kddiyin. • Avippulam menns literally "oblation field." The produce from this field w
For the explanation of this term se above, Vol. VII. p. 134.
evidently used for oblations

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No. 30.]
TAXILA VASE INSCRIPTION.
299
The inscription is engraved round a steatite vase, which was formerly kept in the Museum at Peshawar and is now in the Central Museum, Lahore. Nothing is known about its origin. Cunningham, it is true, was inclined to identify it with a vase said to be found by the villagers in one of the Stapas near Shahpur ; but this is nothing but a mere guess.
The inscription was first edited, together with a facsimile, in 1863 by J. Dowson in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XX. p. 24, and Plate iii. fig. 2. In the same year Cunningham published his version in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXII. p. 151, and added a correction ibid. p. 172. Cunningham's readings were criticised by Dowson, ibid. p. 428. In 1871 Cunningham edited the record again, with a facsimile, in his Archeological Survey Reports, Vol. II. p. 125, and Plate lix. The present edition is based on excellent impressions and photographs, sent to me, at the request of Dr. Vogel, by Mr. Ram Singh, Officiating Curator of the Central Museum, Lahore.
TEXT, Sihilena Siharachhiteņa cha bhratarehi Takhasilae ayam thuyo pratithavito savabadhana puyae.
TRANSLATION By the brothers Sihila (Simhila) and Siharachhita (Simharakshita) this Stûpa was erected at Takhasila (Takshasila) in honour of all the Buddhas.
REMARKS. The characters, which vary in size from " to ", take an intermediate position between those of the Asoka edicts and those of the later Kushan inscriptions. From the latter they are easily distinguished by the absence of the cursive element so strongly predominant there. The differences from the Asöka characters are less numerous and less marked; but the la with its hook bent down and rounded and the sa with its vertical shortened at the top show clearly later forms than the corresponding letters at Shahbâzgarhi and Mansehra. The type of the characters is thus the same as that of the Taxila copper-plate of Patika, and this fact seems to me decisive for the transliteration of the only nasal occurring in the present inscription. From a grammatical point of view it might appear more natural to read Sihilena, Siharachhitena and savabudhana; but as the copper-plate inscription discriminates between na and na, and as the sign for the lingual used there is identical with the sign found in the present inscription, we cannot but assume that the latter also represents a lingual na. The copper-plate also furnishes one instance of n instead of Sanskrit n in the word Sakamunisa (1.3). Whether this spelling reflects the actual pronunciation, or whether the North-Western dialect possessed but one - sound, expressed in writing sometimes by the sign for the lingual, sometimes by that for the dental, I do not venture to decide at present, although the second alternative seems to me the more probable one.
In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1906, p. 453, Mr. Thomas has endeavoured to show that the inscription is composed in an unknown metre. He considers the whole text to be one stanza divided into two rhyming lines, each line consisting of five feet of five matrás with a concluding spondee. According to him the text, with the long vowels and double consonants expressed in writing, would run: Sihilens Siharachchhitêua cha
bhratarehi Tak khasilað ayam thQvo pratitthåvito
savvabuddhâna půyat It appears at once that the regularity of the metre is less great than supposed by Mr. Thomas. His scansion is based on the wrong readings Gihilena and bhatarehi. The correct readings Sihilona, which can only stand for Sihilena, and bhratarehi would imply that
20

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the first and third feet of the first line consisted, not of five, but of six mátrás, although, as regards the third foot, it might be urged that the lengthening influence of the initial bhr was removed by the caesura standing between cha and bhratarehi. Moreover, neither the choice nor the order of the words are such as to suggest the text to be anything but plain prose. Considering these facts, Mr. Thomas' suggestion, ingenious as it is, cannot be called certain, and until the metre assumed by him should turn up elsewhere, I should prefer to treat the record as written in prose.
No. 31.-SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA;
SAKA-SAMVAT 1308.
BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.; MADRAS.
These plates were discovered at Soraikkâvûr near Kuttâlam, a station on the South Indian Railway in the Tanjore district. Mr. O. N. Appasvami Ayyar of Tanjore was kind enough to obtain for me the original plates themselves, and I have copied the inscription direct therefrom.
The inscription is engraved on three copper-plates, held together by a ring which had already been cut when it came into my hands. The plates are about 63" long, 4" broad, and 3" thick. The ring is 1" in diameter, and the whole set weighs 163 ozs. with the ring, which alone weighs oz. The rims of the plates are neither raised nor shaped thicker. The plates are numbered in Tamil numerals engraved at the top of the front side of each. The writing is deep and distinct, and barring slight damage to the front side of the first plate and the second side of the last one-the two exposed sides- the inscription is in proper preservation; nor is there much difficulty in supplying the lost portions.
The inscription consists of twelve Sanskrit verses which give the genealogy of prince Virupaksha, a passage in Tamil prose (lines 39-150) detailing the apportionment of the shares of land granted among the donees, and the customary benedictory and imprecatory verses in Sanskrit. Following the above, and at the very end, there appears a solitary verse in Sanskrit, once again mentioning the name and the parentage of the donor.
With the exception of the colophon, which consists of the name of the god Śri-Harihara and is in Kanarese characters, the alphabet of the Sanskrit verses is Grantha. The prose passage is in Tamil characters occasionally interspersed with Grantha ones. It deserves to be mentioned that, as in other Tamil inscriptions of the age to which the plates belong, there is little difference between r and the secondary form of &; the secondary a, e, o, ai and au are very frequently broken up, the first symbol of them standing at the end of a line and the rest at the beginning of the next line, or again the first symbol and the consonant being placed at the end of a line and the second symbol beginning a new line, and so on; e.g. syd in line 23, bhd in line 115, hyd in line 116, va in line 132, ma in line 138, bá in line 146; de in line 15, né in line 28; ko in line 129; rai in line 53, kai in line 128; dhau in line 18, dan in line 164. In line 70 tho lu of padinálukku is engraved below the line; in line 57 the letter ku is corrected into the symbol of the secondary á; and in line 26 vasarê is written as pásard. The Grantha letter is used for the Tamil d in the words utpata and Ați occurring in lines 68, 121 and 138.
The inscription belongs to the time of Virupaksha (v. 5) or Vira-Viruppanna-Uḍaiyar (1. 43 f.), the son of Harihara (II.) (v. 4) or Vira-Harihararaya (1. 42) of the first Vijayanagara dynasty, and records the grant of the village of Siraikkâvûr (v. 10, 11. 53 f. and 60 f.) together with 10 velis1 of land adjoining it, under the name of Vijayasudarsanapuram, to
In the Tamil portion this is given as 10 vélis (11. 52 f and 67 f.).

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SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA.
No. 31.]
fourteen Brahmanas of various gôtras. This is the second copper-plate grant hitherto published of Virupaksha, the son of Harihara II. of the first Vijayanagara dynasty. It is dated in Saka 1308, the Kshaya-samvatsara,-i.e. two years later than his Âlampânḍi grant.1 Professor Kielhorn very kindly contributes the following remarks on the date (v. 8 f. and 11. 45-49):
299
"The date, for Saka-samvat 1308 expired, which was the year Kshaya, regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 20th March A.D. 1887. On this day the 15th tithi of the cark half of Phalguna and the karana Någa ended 7 h. 35 m., the nakshatra was Rêvati for 19 b. 3 m., and the yoga Vaidhriti from 6 h. 6 m., after mean sunrise. The day was the 25th day of the solar month Panguni (Chaitra)."
Both the Âlampunḍi and Soraikkâvûr grants resemble each other so far as the historical details contained in them are concerned. As in the earlier grant, the present record begins with Samgama, the reputed founder of the dynasty, and continues the succession down to Virupaksha, the donor of this grant. Herein again Kamakshi, the wife of Samgama, and Malladevi, the wife of Harihara II., are referred to. While in the Âlampânḍi grant Mallâdêvî is spoken of simply as belonging to the family of Ramadeva,' in the present record she is described as his 'grand-daughter' (son's daughter) in the beginning (v. 5); but the verse at the end (17), which occurs also in the Sanskrit drama Nárayanivilása by Virupaksha, makes Mallâdêvî the daughter of king Râma. In a supplementary note on the Âlampunḍi grant, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya expressed the opinion that Mallâdêvî may have been the daughter of the Yadava king Ramachandra. Adverting to this Mr. R. Sewell writes as follows:
The plate in question asserts that Mallâdêvî belonged to 'the race of Râmadêva,' while the drama (Nárayantvilása) explicitly declares her to have been the daughter of king Râma, calling Virupaksha the daughter's son of king Râma;' and from this Mr. Venkayya deduces that the lady in question was the daughter of king Ramachandra of the family of the Yâdavas of Devagiri. But I think it far more likely that the plate is correct and the drama incorrect. Râmachandra reigned from A.D. 1271 to 1309, his death occurring in the latter year. The reign of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara began, probably, in 1379 A.D. and lasted till the end of 1399, when he died. It seems quite impossible that he could have married a daughter of king Râmachandra, and therefore I think we must assume that his wife Mallâdêvi, or Mallâmbika, though she may have been of the race of,' was not the daughter of, king Râma,- if Rama was identi. cal with Ramachandra of Devagiri."
The present plates add a further relationship, viz. that Virupaksha was the son of the son's daughter (pautri) of Ramadeva. If we think with Mr. Sewell that the drama is perhaps wrong," we may conclude that Virupaksha was the great-grandson of king Ramachandra.
In the present record Virupaksha seems to make the grant as a provincial governor, perhaps with the consent of his father; for the Saka year 1308 falls in the reign of Harihara II. From an inscription belonging to the Shimoga district we learn that Harihara died in the
1 Above, Vol. III. p. 224 ff.
Report on Sanskrit and Tamil Manuscripts by the late M. Seshagiri Sastri, No. I. p. 90. Above, Vol. V., Add. and Corr., p. v. Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIV. p. 19.
[I would suggest another solution of the puzzle. Ramachandra of Devagiri (the Ramadeva of verse 5) may have had an (otherwise unknown) son named Ramabhupati (verse 17), who was the father of Malladevi, the mother of Virapaksha.-E.H.]
In the Tiruvilimilalai temple there are two inscriptions dated saka 1305 and 1307, which belong to the reign of Harihara II., and in which his son Virupaksha is mentioned as ruling the country. The first inscription records a grant of land by the headmen of the village, and the second states that a certain Munaiyadaraiyan made a gift of land for a flower-garden. Tiruvilimilalai is only a mile distant from Tiruppâmburam mentioned in our record.
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month Bhadrapada of the year Tårana (Šaka 1326). The same fact is repeated in an inscription at Sravana-Belgola. Another record from the Shimoga district states that in the month Kárttika of Saka 1026 (evidently a mistake for Saka 1326), Târaņa, Bukka II. was on the throne. This date is only a couple of months or go removed from the date of Harihara's death, and naturally it might be concluded that Bakka immediately succeeded his father on the throne. That he was still reigning in Saka 1328, is evidenced by an inscription of the Ekamranatha temple at Conjeeveram. It is dated in the year Vyaya and parports to have been issued in the reign of Bakka II. Again we learn that the coronation of Devaraya I. took place in Saks 1328, in the month Kárttika of the year Vyaya. Evidently therefore Bukka's reign must have come to a close at this time. But it must also be noted that in the month Margasira of the year Tarana, Saka 1327, Virupaksha is represented as ruling in Vijayanagara. This reign overlaps that of Bukka II. Under these circumstances it is not easy to explain how Viräpåksha could have reigned in the same period, except on the supposition that either Virupakshe was acting as a regent, or that he seized the throne from his brother Bukka II., ruled for a short time, and was dethroned by the partisans of Bukka II. This latter may have been in his turn ousted from the government by Dêvarêya I. Hence we might conclude that after the death of Harihara II. there was a rapid succession of kings one after another, thus :- Bakka II., Virupaksha, Bukka II. once agaia, and Devaraya I. Virupaksha seems, therefore, to have been a raling king, though only for a short time.
Besides calling Virupaksh the lord of the Tundira, Chôļa and Pandya countries (v. 6), the record under consideration gives more details of his deeds than the Âlampûndi grant. He boasts of having weigbed himself against gold in the presence of the god Ramanaths (at Râméśvaram). He is said to have made gifts of a thousand cows and is described as the establisher of the Brahmanical faith (vēda-márga, v. 7).7 He is stated to have gilded (the rimins of the temple at Srirangam and the Golden Hall' (at Chidambaram), which latter act has boon looks upon as highly meritorious ever since the days of the earliest Choļas.
As regards the donees, it might ba remarked that most of them bear Vaishnava names; and some of them have family names which are distinctly those of a few well-known Srivaishnava Achirya-purushas.
Of the places which are mentioned in this record, Siraikkâvûr, the village granted, is the same as the modern Soraikkâvûr where the plates were found, and is 4 miles from the Kuttalam Railway Station. Tiruppåmpuram (v. 10, 11. 49 f. and 65) is now known as Tiruppambapuram and is about 9 miles west of the Nannilam station, also in the Tanjore listrict. I am unable to identify Flumuri in Eļumuri-parru (11. 60 and 64), which is literally translated into Sanskrit Saptakhanda-nivșit (v. 9), while Uyyakkonda-vaļanadu (11. 59 and 63 f.), a district of Chôļa-mandalam (1. 58 f.), is Sanskțitized as Ujjivana (v. 9).
The inscription mentions a large number of fiscal terms (11. 122-146), most of which have remained to the present day unexplained.
1 Ep. Car. Vol. VIII. Tirthahn!!i taluka, No. 129. ? Id. Vol. II. No. 126. . Ep. Carn. Vol. VIII. Tirthakaļļi taluka, No. 11. • Above, Vol. III. p. 36, note 3.- Compare also above, Vol. VI. p. 329 f.-E. H.] • Ep. Carn. Vol. V. Hassan talnka, No. 133, p. 85. . Ep. Carn. Vol. VIII. Tirthalalli talukn, No. 196.
Compare above, Vol. III. p. 118 and note 4.
* Vix. Vedagômapurattar (11.75 and 79), Gômatattar (1. 82 f.), Vangippurattar (1. 90 f), Urupputtarar (1. 97), Sottaiyar (1. 111), and Karambichchetru (1. 104).
For nepit, a division,' see verse 9 of the Alampundi plate.-E. H.]

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No. 31.]
SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA.
TEXT.
First Plate; First Side.
1 [Subham-s] [*] Omkår-kura-dam[sh‡r]2 [âya sa]kal-âmnâya-ghoshinê [*]
3 â[dyây-â]s[tu na]mas-tasmai Vara
4 hâya [ms]haujasê II [11] Adhâra-sa
5 ktim-ambhôdhi-mêkhalâm ratna-ga
6 rbhinîm [1] Hara-mûrttim Harêḥ kântâ
7 m Bhûtadhâtrîm-upâs[ma]hê || [2 ||*] Âs[1]
8 t Sôm-inva[y]-ô[ttansah] Kâmân
9 kshi-Samgam-âtmajaḥ | B[u]k[ka-bhû]pa i10 ti khyâtỏ raja Raghur-i[v=âparaḥ] || [3 [*] 11 Asti râjâdhirâj[ô=sya putro]
12 Harihar-êsvarah yash-shôḍa[sa-ma]
13 hâdâna-sukrit-âmrita-sâ[garaḥ] [ 4 11*] Sa
14 pautryâm Ramadevasya [Mall]â
15 dêvyâ[m] mahasayam (1) Virûp[a]ksha-ma
16 hi[p]âlam labdhavân-âtma [sa]mbha
17 vam [ 5 ] Sa Kuntal-êndus-Tund[ira-Chô]
18 [la]-Pandya-kshitiśvaraḥ san[nidhau]3
19 [Rama]nathasya tulam-ârû[dhavâ]
20 n-dhanaiḥ || 6 ||*] Sa gô-saha[sra-dô]
21 vida-má[ga]-sthapana-[tatparab] [*] Sri
22 ramga-Kanchanasabha-puna[r-ut]bhâ
23 [sana]-kshamaḥ || 7 |*] Danaślâ[gh]ye [Sa]kasy
24 â[bdê] Kshaya-samvatsare [su]bhê [1]
First Plate; Second Side.
25 Pâ(phâ)lgunê mâsy-amâvâsy[âm]
26 tithau Saumyasya pâ(vâ) [sa]ré || [8 ||*]
27 Vaidhriti-sprisi Rêvatyâm [ka]ra28 pê Naga-nâmni saḥ | Chôlêsh[u]
29 Saptakhand-âkhya-nivṛity-Ujjiva
30 n-âhvayê [ 9 ] Chiraik[kâ]vûr=iti
31 gr[a]man-Tirupp[a]mpura-s[i]mani | [på]
32 d-ôn-aikadaśa-vriti-kshêtra-[s |
33 m[gha]tit-ântikam [ 10 ] Krita-prasastim [Vi]
34 ja[ya]suda[r]sana [pu]r-åkhyaya [1] chatu
35 []ddadabby vipelbhyah peâdâ[d=n]
36 daka-parvvakam [ 11 ] Samast-pa[dhi]37 rahitas-sarvvamânyataya athiraḥ | [va]38 rddhata[m]=agrahâro-yam-a-cha [ndra]-ravi39 târakam || [12] Svasti srl-vijay-âtbhu-6 40 daya-ériman-mahamanḍalisvaran r[4]
1 From the original plates.
The of dé is at the end of 1. 14.
The third member of the syllable dhau is at the beginning of 1. 19. The é of d is at the end of 1. 27.
Read -udbhd
• Read -dbhyu
301

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41 jâdhirajan rajaparamêśvaran 42 sri-Vira-Haribararaya-kumara-Srima43 [n-malhamandaliśvaran sri-Vira-Vi. 44 ruppaņņa-Udaiyar prithvi]-rajya45 m panniy=aruļåninra Sak-abda[m] 46 1308 mêl-chchellanin47 ta Kshaya-samvatssaram Panguni-mi48 sam amå[vá]syaiyum Budhan-kica)49 maiyum perra Rêvati-na! Tiru[p]50 påmpurat[til vada)-vayalil Puludi
Second Plate ; First Side. 51 vana-Pperumal jivitan-tirandu 52 iluvaiyal veli patt-a53 raiye araikkal kudiya siraikka54 vůr-Apa Vijayasudarsanapurattu ni. 55 nå-gộtriga! Ana bhattagaļakku (u)56 daka-purvvam=åka sarv vamánnya-agra[hâ]57 ram-A[ga] [RA]hu-santy-arttham=&ka dharmma-[88]. 58 sanam (p)panni-kkuutta S[la-ma]59 n dala]m Uyyakkonda-vaļa[gadu] 60 Elumuri-pparru kil-kuru agaram [Si]61 raikkâvûr nâng-ellai[kk=ut]. 62 ppatta7 nañjai puñjai nattanga[!] 63 sakala-praptigalum Uyyakko64 nda-valanadu Elumuri-pparru-kkil65 kůru Tiruppampuram vada-vayalil [si]66 raikkavur ellaiy=udaq ků[dina] 67 nilam patt-araiyê araikkal 68 vôliyum utpata [na]na-gotriga! âņa 69 bhattagalukkulo nichchayitta bhagam [4] [ll] 70 Inda bhagam padinâlukku'l vagai [1] A71 trê-logotrattu Apestamba-[ stra]72 ttu Uqali Vinayaka-bhattan (pu]tra73 n [N]årayana-bhattan bhagam-1-A. 74 trê-logotrattu Âpagtamba-su75 trattu VêdagÔmpurattu Tiruva76 ranga-Narayana-[bhatta] putran 77 Govinda-13bha[ttan bhagam]-1-tre-19
Second Plate ; Second Side. 78 gôtratta Å pastamba-sûtrat79 tu Védag ôm[pujrattu Lakshmana
1 Read -saħvatsaram. • Read adga. 7 Read =utpatta. 10 Read bhaffargalukku. 11 Read Atréya..
* The ai of rai is at the end of 1. 52. Read dwa dhat/argalukku. * The d of rd is currected from ku.
Read -dgs. # Read utpada.
. Read mind. 11 The syllable lu is engraved below the line. » The first member of the syllable gd is at the end of 1.76.

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No. 31.]
SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA.
303
80 bhattan putra Sri-Narasimha-bhatta81 bhagam-1-Kauņdinnya-gotra. 82 tta Å pastamba-sútrattu Gô83 mathattu Karunakara-bhattan Cpu]trap 84 Sri-Vasudeva-bhattan bhagam-l85 Parågara-gotrattu Â[ps]stamba86 sûtrattu 1[ru]malapô[san] Âk87 konta villi-somasya]ji-[pu)88 traŋ Devaraja-bhatta-yakshyamåņa89 r bhagam-1-Vatssa-3gô[trattu A 90 pastamba-sútrattu Vangippu[ra]91 ttu Bhagavån-bha[t]tan putra Srira92 ngaraja-bhattan bhagam-l-Vat93 858-8gôtrattu Âpa[sta]mba-su94 trattu Pippirai Varadaraja-bhatta95 [9] putran Yajñamürtti-bhattan bh[@]96 gam-1-Vatssa-gôtrattu Â(pa)97 stamba-sûtrattu Urupputtûr [Na]98 râyana-bhattan putran Damo(dara)99 bhattan bhagam-1-Bharadvaja-g[ô]100 trattu Åsvalâyana-sútratta Ku101 rôvi Devaraja-bhattan patran (sri]102 ram(ga*]nåtha-bhattan bhagam-1-[Bharadvá]103 ja-[gd]trattu Âpasta[m]ba-sû[tratta 104 Karambichchettu Mahadeva-bhattan 105 putran Yajñâtma-bhattan bhagam-1
Third Plate; First Side. 106 Samkriti-gotrattu & pastamba107 sůtrattu Irunganti: Dévara108 ja-bhattan putran Sri Narasimha-bha109 ttan bhagam-1-Sata(tha)ma[r]shana-gôtrat110 tu Bodha (ya]na-sútratta Irdyûr 111 Sottai Npirttaraja-bhattaq patran Sr[i]. 112 ramga(natha)-bbattan bhagam-1-Vißvd113 mitra-gôtrattu Bodhayana-sůtrat114 tu [śJeñalur Dêvardja-bhattan putra[n] 115 Mangalapurusha-somayajiyar bh116 agam-l-Sáva[rņi]-gộtrattu Dráhy. 117 aya(pa)-sůtrattu Gangoļi [S]ôma118 nåtha-bhattan putran Sriparvvata[n&tha)-bha119 ta bhagam-1-Âga bhagam-14-[In]120 da bhagam padinâlu pêrkkum Pra[bhava). 121 varusham Åţi-7måsam pûrvva-paksbasttju pra122 thamai mudal-&ga sungam [ubhaya)-márggamo
Read konda". * Read Vatsas . Real Nritta. 1 Read Adin.
The letter y is entered below the line. • Rcal gandi. • Real Mandala . Compare South-Ind. Ineer. Vol. I. p. 81, 1. 68.

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123 idaitturai puramb=åga [sa]kala-su124 varp-adâyam sakala-bha[k]t-&[a]ayam 125 sekku-kkadamai ve[tti)-vari katti126 gai avasaram vasallottu [lai] e. 127 (lu]ttu rajasam pattaya-kåņik123 kaitförana-kapik(kai] (sem ]bo129 9-var[i asa]podu ma[kka! pêrå]i ko-3 130 !!u[m] vilaiyâseru araśn-pê[ra] 131 pâdi-kasva®]l arisi-kåņam araimaņai132 y-a[li]yam [maga]mai talaiyarikkam v133 asal-ppa[Dam] pul-vari adai(ppu)-tta134 lvu ulavan sodi kâr-adai mâv-a135 dai kuļav-adai olu[kku-nir-nilai-nir)-p136 påtam ta[ri]-kkadamai [ka]tt-ayam (ti]. 137 rigaiy-a[yam) sôlaku . [navâvi)
Third Plate ; Second Side. 138 rattup padi] Âți-Kättigai-[ppachchai] m139 Apåvi-ttêvai Pil(laiya][ro] no140 bitiruvilakk-eplnai)-tte141 vai pațţi-tten[da]m kurra-tter142 dam al-amañji år-adaipp-udaiyar k143 ayikkai marrum eppôr patta variga144 lum nidbi-nikshepa-jala-påshåņa145 m akshani-âgåmi-siddha-[s]ddhyam P[Q]146 rvv-Ayam apa [rvv-aya] m utpatta sarvva-b147 adhd-pariharam=iga) -chandr-Arka-sthayi)148 y=&ka? sa[rvva)m[ånnya-agra]haram=aga (kuda)14) ttora [11] [Sukha]mê bhujittu=kko!150 lavam (ll"] Sarvva]mânyam pûrvva-mariyada [11] 151 Dâna-pâį lana yôr-mmaddhyê dånåts 132 śré[yô=nu pållanam då[na]t-[sva). 153 rggam-avá pnôti pållanåd-ach(yu]tam (pa). 154 dam-[13 || S[va-dattâm para]-dattâm và yô [ha155 rêta vasundharâm) [] shashtim var[sha)-ba(ha)156 sråņi [vishțbấy8]ã=jáyatë krimiḥ [l| 14 11'] E[k=ai)157 va [bha]gini lokê sarvvêshâm=êva bhàbhuja158 [m] na bhôgyâ na kara-[ggrâ]hyå vipra-datt159 A vasu adhura- [151] Sảmisnyô]=yan-dharmma-sêt[u]' 160 nnţipânâm kålê kalê (pâ]lan[i]yo 161 bhavatbhiḥ sarvvân-êtån bhävinab på. 262 rtthiv-êndrân bhûyo bhûyo yảchatê Rå163 mabhadrah (Il 16 "] Pantro B[u]kka-[na]rêndrasya 164 dauhitroll R[ama]-bhupatêh | vidyaté hi (Vi]
IV dial is corrected from vachchal.
The ai of kai is at the end of 1. 127. The third member of the syllable ko is at the beginning of l. 130. • The ai of dai is at the end of 1. 134. * Read Adi-Karttigai.. Read .pashanam.
Read =åga. Read dandoh-ohhryo
• Read -seurs, 4. Read bhavadbhis.
11 The first member of the syllable daw is at the end of 1. 183

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No. 31.]
SORAIKKAVUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA.
165 [ru]pakshô rája Harihar-åtmajaḥ [ 17 ] Subham-a166 8[ta]
Śri-Harihara [II]
167
305
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION.
Verse 1 invokes the Boar incarnation of Vishuu, and v. 2 the goddess of the Earth. (V. 3.) There was a king called Bukka, who was the son of Kamakshi and Sa mgama, and an ornament of the race of the Moon.
(V. 4.) His son is the Rajadhiraja Harihara, who performed the sixteen great gifts.
(V. 5.) He had by Malladevi, the son's daughter of Ramadeva, a son named Virupaksha.
(V. 6.) He, the moon of the Kuntalas and the lord of the Tunḍira, Chôla and Pâṇḍya countries, had, in the presence of (the god) Ramanatha, weighed himself against gold.
(Vv. 7-12.) In the Saka year (expressed by the chronogram) dânaślâghya (i.e. 1808), in the auspicious Kshaya-samvatsara, in the month Phalguna, on the new-moon tithi, on a Wednesday, while (the nakshatra) was Rêvati, (the yoga) Vaidhriti (and) the karana Naga,he, the donor of a thousand cows, the establisher of the Brâhmapical faith (vêda-márga), who was able to regild (the vimana at) Srirangam and the Golden Hall (at Chidambaram),- gave, with libations of water, as a sarvamánya (and) an agrahara, to fourteen Bråhmaņas the village of Vijayasudarsanapuram,' (which was made up of) Chiraikkâvûr in Saptakhaṇḍa-nivrit, (a subdivision) of Ujjivana in the Chôla (country), and of a field of ten and three quarters vritis on the outskirts of Tiruppâmpuram.
(Ll. 39-58.) On the day of (the nakshatra) Rêvati, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the new-moon (tithi in the solar) month Panguni (of) the Kshaya-samvatsara which was current after the Ŝaka year 1308 (had passed), while the Mahamandaléśvara Vira-Viruppanna-Uḍaiyar, the son of the Mahamandaléśvara Rajadhiraja Rajaparaméśvara Vira-Harihararaya, was pleased to rule the earth,- (he) gave, with libations of water, as a sarvamánya-agrahara, in order to propitiate (the bad influence of) Râhu, by a religious edict, (the following land) to the Bhaṭṭas of various gôtras (living) in Siraikkâvûr alias Vijayasudarsanapuram which included ten and five-eighths vélis (of land) in the northern fields of Tiruppampuram,-excluding the possessions of (the god) Puludivana-Perumal :
(Ll. 58-69.) The wet land, dry land and house sites, with all acquisitions, enclosed within the four boundaries of Siraikkâvûr, a village (belonging to) the eastern group (of) Elumuṛiparru, (a subdivision of) Uyyakkonḍa-valanâḍu (in) Sôla-manḍalam, together with ten and five-eighths vélis of land bordering on Siraikkâvûr (and situated) in the northern fields (of) Tiruppampuram (in) the eastern group of Elumuri-parru, (a subdivision of) Uyyakkondavalanâḍu, were assigned in 14 shares to Bhattas of various gôtras.
1 [Professor Aufrecht in his Catalogus Catalogorum mentions Sudarsanacharya who wrote the Apastambagrihyasdtraṭika and the Śrutaprakásiká. The Vadagalai-Guruparamparaprabháva records that the latter work consists of notes taken by Sudarsanabhatta, the grandson of Parâsarabhaṭṭa, from the discourses of the Vaishnava teacher Ambâlâcharya on the śrtbháshya. According to the Vadagalai tradition Sudarsanabhatta was an elder contemporary of the great Vêdântadêsika, who is believed to have been a friend of the Vedic scholar Vidyaranys, and who is said to have composed a verse in praise of the Vijayanagara officer Gôpana (above, Vol. VI. p. 322). It thus appears that, in case the author of the Śrutapraktiikd was not living at the time of the Sorikkåvår grant, his memory must have been quite fresh in the minds of Vaishnavas. And as most of the donees of the grant are Vaishnavas, it is not unlikely that the granted village was called Vijayasudarsanapuram after the Acharya, provided Vijayasudarsana was not a surname either of Virupaksha or of his father Harihara II.V. V.]
2 B
[For eriti as the Sanskrit equivalent of the Tamil reli see South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 364, note 3.-E. H.

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(Ll. 70-119.) The recipients of these fourteen shares were :
No.
Name of the donee.
Father's name.
Gótra.
S&tra.
Atrêya
.
.
Narayana-bhatta Govinda-bhatta .
A pastamba
Do.
.
.
. Uqali Vinayaka-bhatta . Vêdagômpurattu Tiruvaranga
Narayana-bhatta, . Védagðmpurattu Lakshmans.
Do.
Sri-Narasimha-bhatta .
.
Do.
.
bhatta.
4
Sri-Vasudeva-bhatta
.
.
Devaraja-bhatta-yakshyamiņa
Srirangardja-bhatta
.
.
Yajiamûrti-bhatta Dámôlara-bhatta . Sriranganatha-bhatta. Yajāatına-bhatt .
. . .
. Gômathattu Karuņåkara Kauņdinya
bhatta. Irumalapô[san] Åkkonda. Parafars . .
villi-sinayajin. Vangippurattu Bhagavån. Vatea i
bhatça. Pippirai Varadaraja-bhatta .
Do. .
Do. . Urupputtúr Narayana-bhatta Do.
Do. . Kurðvi Devaraja-bhatta Bharadvaja .
Åsvaldyana. Karambichchettu Mahadeva- Do. . . Apastambs.
bhatta. . Irungandi Devaraja-bhatta . Samkriti i Do.
Irâyûr Sottai Nrittaraja. Sathamarahaņa. Bodhayana.
bhatta. . Señalur Devaraja-bhatta Vigvamitra . Do.
Gangoli Sómantha-bhatta . Såvarņi. Drahydyana.
Sri-Narasimha-bhatta . Sriranganåtha-bhatta
. .
13 14
Maņdalapurusha-sómayajin . Sriparvatanátha-bhatta
(LI. 119-149.) We (vis. Virupaksha) gave tbese shares to these fourteen persons & A sarvamánya-agrahára, including all taxes, and including) hidden treasura, deposits, water, stones, permanent profits, future profits, established income, feasible income, old taxes and new taxes, (to have effect) from the first (tithi) of the first fortnight of the solar) month Å di (in) the Prabhava year.
Vv. 13-16 contain the usual imprecations and benedictions.
(V. 17.) There exists king Virûpåksha, the son of Harihara, the son's son of king Bukka, (and) the daughter's son of king Råma.
No. 32.--MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA;
SAKA-SAMVAT 1346. By M. NARATANASVAMI AYYAR, B.A., B.L., Hiru COURT VAKIL, MADRAS. The finding place of these plates is not known. But from Mr. Sewell's description of them it appears that they were preserved in the office of the Head Assistant Collector of North Arcot.
1 These taxes (11. 122-143) are left untranslated.
· Prabhava is the name of the cyclic year immediately following Kshaya, in which the grant was made B92 II. 24 and 47 of the text.
Lists of Antiquities, Vol. 11. p. 12.

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MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA.
307
Hence it is likely that they were found in the North Arcot district. They are now preserved in the Madras Museum, and I edit the inscription on them from two ink-impressions kindly furnished to me by Mr. Edgar Thurston, Superintendent of the Government Central Museum, Madras, with the permission of Government.
The copper-plates are three in number. The inscription is engraved on both sides of each of them. The second and third plates are marked at the left top corner of their first sides with the Tamil numerals 2 and 3 respectively. The first two plates measure 9" by 41", while the dimensions of the third and last plate are 8" by 41". The ring, if any, on which the plates were strung, is lost; and they are now kept together by & string passed through the ring-hole, about " in diameter, bored on the top of each plate.
The alphabet in which the inscription is engraved is Grantha; but in the following cases Tamil letters have been used :-1, , 4 and nå of the word Vengadanátha in line 102; tiru of Tiruvenkața in l. 108; Pillai in l. 112; peru of Perunkai in 11. 115 and 121 f.; nearly the whole of the phrase Kuppanoullitt árulkus in l. 123; and r of Náyinar in l. 130. The colophon
Sri-Triyambaka is written in Kannada characters. A few peculiarities of the alphabet are worth noting. The secondary a-symbol is added near the bottom of the consonant in a few Cases; compare ja and nd in the word prajándi in l. 34, nd of náthasya in l. 40, ndni in l. 44, and samastânám in l. 46. The guttural of Suriginôh in 1. 65 resembles ndya. The subscript consonant in conjunct letters is in some cases added by the side of the first instead of at the bottom as in modern Grantha; compare bdé in Sakasy-abdé in l. 56, bda of pratyabda in 11. 67 and 81, Ági of Sarnginôh in I. 65, and stå of samastánari in l. 46. Finalm is in some cases not distinguished from ma; but, in order not to swell the footnotes unnecessarily, the distinction has been introduced into the text; compare e.g. m in Lakshmim (1. 3), sambhatam (1.5), vaibhavam (1. 5 f.) and bhashanam (1.7) with min ”paham (1. 4), sampao (1. 19), Pratim (1. 38) and grámam (1. 51). The group rnna is written somewhat like ntha ; compare sampúrnna in l. 59 and vistirnnam in 1. 54. The letter di of Dirákara in l. 113 resembles the Tamil vowel i of the 12th century A.D. The conjunct rgga is also peculiarly shaped; see Bhárggava in 11. 108, 112 and 124. The difference between the vowel ri and the secondary consonant is marked by making the r-symbol end in a loop in the former case; compare prithivim in l. 37, nivrid in l. 49, Bhrigu in 1. 57, vrittair in l. 72, and vyavrittair in l. 72 f. with samprapte in 1. 56 f, grámam in line 62 f., and pratyekam in 1. 76, etc. As regards orthography, it may be noted that the hard dental t is used for the soft d in Patma (1.17), vidvat bhir (1. 45), Chitambara (1.77 1.), Utbâhuo (1. 120) and bhavatbhih (1. 146). The form ranna is used for ratna in 1. 27, and the lingual for the dental l in bhápalo in the same line. Both these forms are probably due to the influence of Kanarese, which may also account for the change of d into { in Paluvat-kötfa (1. 48). Bå is substituted for vd in the word Badhala in l. 120. As a rule is doubled when it occurs in conjunction with d; see Govinnda in . 89, Utbáhusunndara in l. 120 f., and Skannda in l. 126.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Nearly one-half is in verse, and the other half, enumerating the donees and the shares which each of them received, is in prose. In only one place a Tamil phrase, Kuppan=ullittårukku, occurs (1. 123). The inscription uses abbre. viated forms for the gôtras and sátras of the donees, except in the case of the chief person, Sampatkumara-pandita (11. 133-135).
The record begins by tracing the first Vijayanagara dynasty from the Moon, in whose lineage Yadu is said to have been born (v. 5). In the race of Yadu was born Samgama (I.), whose son Wes Bukka (I.) (v. 6). His son was Harihara (II.) (v.7). His son was Dêvarêya (.), and his son Vijayabh û pati (v. 8) or Vijayabhupalal (v. 9), who had two sons :
He is also called Vijayabhůbhaj (v. 16), Vijayarij (v. 21) and Vijayaraya (v. 24).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
Dêvarâjềndra (v. 10) or Devaraya (II.) (v. 11) and rigirîndra (v. 10), Śrîgirīśvara (v. 12) or Srigiribhûpåla (v. 13). The former, being the elder, succeeded to the throne (v. 11), while the second went over to Maratakapuri and was ruling the country of which it was the capital (v. 12). He made the subjoined grant of land to Sampatkumara-pandital and his relatives and other learned men with him, on a Friday coupled with the Rêvati nakshatra, on the Utthåna-dvadasi lithi, in the cyclic year Krôdhin corresponding to the Saka year 1348. The Saka date is expressed by the chronogram tattvalóka (v. 19), the same as that of the Satyamangalam plates of Dêvarêya II., which were issued in the month of Ashadha. Our record belongs to the month of Kârttika; for the Utthâna-dvadasi is the twelfth tithi in the bright half of the month of Kärttika, when Vishnu is said to rise from his four months' sleep. It is otherwise called Prabodhani. Prof. Kielhorn kindly contributes the following remarks :
"On the utthåna-dvadasi-tithi see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 185. For this tithi of SakaBarvat 1346 expired, which was the year Krôdhin, the date regularly corresponds to Friday, the 3rd November A.D. 1424, when the 12th tithi of the bright half commenced lh. 8 m., and the nakshatra was Rêvati from 0 h. 39 m., after mean sunrise."
The chief donee, Sampatkumara-pandita, is described as a very learned medical man, whose father Govinda-pandita (v. 14) was also well versed in the Ayurveda and in the Vedângas. The village Nipatataka (v. 17), the gift of which is recorded by the present inscription, had been given away to the same donee by (the donor's father) Vijayabhubhuj (v. 16). So we may infer that by some means or other it had lapsed in the interval. It is said to have been watered by the Någa kulya channel (v. 18), a branch of the Kaveripaka channel (v. 17), and was situated in Kalava-nivrit" (Kalavai-parru in Tamil), a division of Paļuvût-kôțţa (Paduvûr-kottam). When the village was granted, its name was altered into Vijayarayapura (v. 24) or Vijayaratpura (v. 21), evidently in honour of its original donor Vijayaraya.
As regards the name Srigiribhûpåla, a word of explanation is necessary. Srigiri is another form of Sriparvata in the Kurnool district. The god of the temple at that place is called Mallikarjuna, and hence it is not impossible that the prince was actually named Mallikarjuna after the god, and that this name was changed by the poet into its equivalent Srigiribh ûpâla. The manner in which the present inscription speaks of him, makes it possible that Srigiribhâpâla was the same person as the Pratâpadêvarêya who is spoken of with respect in the Satyamangalam plates of Dêvarêya II. as the younger brother of the king. For verse 10 states that Vijayabh úpåla had only two sons, lêvarajêndra and Srigirindra. If the latter is not the same person as Pratápadêvaraya, he must be another brother of Devaraya II., not hitherto known. Srigiribh û påla (alias Mallikarjuna ?) is of course distinct from Mallikarjuna alias ImmadiDevaraya, who was the son of Devaraya II.," and whose dates range from Saka 13706 to Saka 1387.7
As regards the places mentioned in this grant, Maratakapuri is already known to us from the expression Maratakanagara-prânta occurring in the Satyamangalam plates of Devaraya II., and Rai Bahadur Venkayya has suggested that it may be identical with Virinchipuram in
See vv. 16, 21 and 1. 135.-(Sampatkumára is a Sanskrit rendering of the Tamil Selvapillai, the name of the god at Melukôte in the Mysore State. It seems therefore possible that the chief donee belonged originally to the Kanarese country, and his father's native place, Rambhâına yüranagari (v. 13), may have to be looked for in the same country. One of the minur donees, Hampaņa-bhatta (1. 93), was evidently called after the Pampapati temple at Vijayanagara.-V. V.)
* Above, Vol. III. p. 35. ** For another date of exactly the same tithi, but with a wrong wook-day, soe Southern List, No. 488." • Compare above, p. 300, note 9.
Compare Appendix II. p. 16, No. 21. • Ep. Carn. Vol. III. Seringapatam taluka, No. 11.
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 321 f.

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MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA.
309
the North Arcot district. Kalavd-nivrit is derived from the town of Kalavai in the Arcot taluka of the North Arcot district. For Paduvar-kottam see above, Vol. IV. pp. 82, 138,180, 271; Vol. V. p. 50%3 Vol. VII. p. 1925 and South-Ind. Insor. Vol. III. p. 89. The name of the village granted, Nipatataka, is evidently a Sanskrit translation of a Tamil name which should be Kadapperi. As a matter of fact there is at present a village called Kadappêri in the WAlajápêt tâla ka of the North Arcot district, which is situated five miles east of the anicat or masonry dam across the Pålår river, and two miles south-west of Kaveripak itself. It is situated on the Kávêrippikkam channel which at present takes off from the PAlår river on the southern side of the anicut, and is irrigated by a branch from it. It thus retains its ancient name, notwithstanding the attempt of a king to impose on it a new one.
TEXT.
First Plate; First Side. 1 भूवराहाय नमः । 2 शुभमस्तु । विनायकाय नमः । 3 लक्ष्मीम् पक्ष्मळयत्वाद्यमन्त4 रायतमोपहम् । प्रथमहन्द5 सम्भूतम् प्रणयातवै6 भवम् । [१*] करुणामयवामांगं क. 7 ल्याणगुणभूषणम् । वन्दे चन्द्र8 कलाकल्पम् महस्त्रितयलोचनम् । [२] 9 भुव: प्रेमपरिपूंगपुळकांकि10 तबाहवे । नमो वराहवपु11 षे श्रीवैभवपुषे विषे । [३] व. 13 न्देनन्तफणाभूषां स्यन्दन13 'मोरुधन्वनः । मेदिनीं हरिदोस्तम्14 'बमेघनादानुलामिनीम् । [४*] मा15 सीत् सोमान्वये रम्ये यदुः परः । 16 मधार्मिकः । अंशावतीर्णो यह 17 थे भगवान् 'पत्मलोचनः । [५] त. 18 त्कुले संगमो राजा समभूत् 19 सम्पदाविधिः । विक्रमैकरसस्त
1Above, Vol. III. Additions and Corrections, p. vii. Compare above, Vol. IV. p. 271.
Nipa in the name of a tree, Nauclea Cadamba-[An inscription of Vira-Kampapa-Udaiyar at KaveripPA kam registers the sale of the village of Kadapperi in Kalavai-parru, a subdivision of Paduvur-kotam; see the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, p. 34, No. 386 of 1905.-7.v.) *From ink-impressions,
• The of mmd is at the end of 1.12. • Read °स्तम्भ
7 Read qa'.

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310
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
20 स्य बुक्कभूपोभवत् सुतः । [*] श्री. 21 सर्वमंगलोपेतो राजा ह. 22 रिहरेखरः । सिद्धसारखतस्मा. 23 चालोकेशस्तत्तनूभवः । [*] 24 'देवरायमहाराजस्तस्मादजनि 25 पार्थिवः । यस्य पुत्रीभवहीमा26 न् राजा विजयभूपतिः । [*]
First Plate; Second Side. 27 सोयं विजयभूपाको रबसिं28 हासनम् भजन् । कटके भूभृताचक्र 29 सिंहासनजुषो विषः । [*] भौदा30 यधैर्यशौर्याणामावा31 सौ वासवोपमौ । प्रभूतान्दे32 वराजेन्द्रवीगिरीन्द्रौ तदात्मजौ । [१०] 33 देवरायो महाराजः पुरोजन्म34 तया तयोः । प्रजानां सुक्कतोन्मे35 षैः प्राप सिंहासनं परम् । [११] पु36 रीम् मरतकाख्यान्तु सम्प्राप्य श्री37 गिरीश्वरः । शशास पृथिवीमनां 38 सुचामेवामरावतीम् । [१२] सोयं श्री. 39 गिरिभूपालोः' कार्य पान्वयज40 न्मनः । रम्भामयरनगरीनाथस्य गु41 णशालिनः । [१३*] सायुर्वेदवेदां42 गसरस्वत्पारदश्वनः । गोवि. 43 न्दपण्डिते न्द्रस्य तनूजाय यशखि44 ने । [१४] 'नानान्वयायैर्बिप्रेन्द्र 45 बिभिर्ब [7]न्धवैरपि' । समेता46 य समस्तानाम् भिषजामग्रयायि47 ने । [१५*] दत्तम् सम्पत्कुमाराय पूर्व
1 The lot dl is at the end of 1.23. • The d of san is at the end of 1. 30. • Read हिदि • Read द.
Rend °भूपाली रब. • Read भूपालः काम्यपान्वय'. Read नानान्चव ये. 1 Thod of rbd seems to have been added subsequently.

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311
48 विजयभूभुजा । पकुवत्कोह49 तिलक कलवानीवदुत्तमम् । [...] कावेरिपा50 ककुख्यांशप्राप्तजीवनवतिम् । 61 मा[म]म' नीपतटाकाख्यम् कांक्षणी. 52 यगुणान्वितम् । [१७] पानाव्यमान
Second Plate; First Side. 63 सस्याव्यम्' नागकुल्याप्रवा54 हतः । विस्तीर्ण सीमया बा 55 विविधोद्यानथोभितम् । [१८] तत्वा56 लोके शकस्याब्द सम्प्रा. 67 प्ले क्रोधिवत्सरे । भृगुवा58 सरस्वत्यामुत्थानहादशीति59 थौ । [१८] हिरण्योदकसमपूरण60 धारापूर्वकमादरात् । तमग्र61 हारमाकल्यं सर्वमान्यमदात् 62 पुनः । [२०] ततसम्पत्तो पा63 ममेनं विजयरा[]पुरम् । ष[]पञ्चाय64 संख्यभागं छत्वा तो 65 समाह्मिणोः । [२१] हो भागो' 66 विदधे किञ्च कामाक्षीधर्ममा 67 एडपे । प्रत्यब्दन्हिजभुक्त्यर्थ68 म् भागमेकमकल्पयत् । [२२] स्वार्थ69 न्हाविंशतिम् भागान्विधाया70 च्यानयं सुधीः । सोदरेभ्यवा-' 71 वबन्धुभ्यो म[नी]षिभ्यश्च दत्तवा72 न् [२३] पभिजनविद्यावृत्ता73 "वृत्तैरेष भूषितो विप्रैः । 74 पाकल्पमग्रहारी जीयाबा(म)
I Read बाम.
, Bead °काख्यं. • Read "सस्थावं.
• Read तप. The secondary # of an is omitted in the original. • Cancel tbeantter भागा'. | Bend सीदरम्य सववन्धुभ्यी. •The Arst three letters of this line are engraved upon an ervure.

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312
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. VIII.
Second Plate; Scoond Side. 75 ना' तु विजयरायपुरम् । [२४*]• प्रतः 76 परम् प्रत्येकम् भागनिर्बय' उच्च77 ते । ग्रामदैवतस्य श्रोचितम्ब 78 रनाथस्य शिवस्यैको भागः । । 79 गोविन्दनाथाख्यस्य विष्णोरे80 को भागः । कामाक्षीधर्ममण्ड81 पे प्रत्यब्दन्दिजभुक्त्यर्थम् भा82 गम् ।। काश्य आप यजुः उमाप83 तिभहस्य भागम् ।। काश्य आप य84 जुः चन्द्रभट्टस्य भागम् ॥ काश्य 85 आप यजुः पुण्डरीकाक्षभट्ट86 स्य भागम् ।। काश्य आप यजु[:] दे87 वराजभट्टस्य भागम् ।। काश्य मा88 प यजुः लक्ष्मणभट्टस्य भागम् । 89 काश्य आप यजुः गोविन्दभहस्य 90 भागम् ।। काश्य आप यजुः भास्कर+1 भट्टस्य भागम् ॥ भारहा आप 92 त्रिवेदिवामनभट्टस्य भागम् ।। मा93 त्रेय आश्वल ऋक् हम्पणभहस्य 94 भागम् ।। आत्रेय पावल ऋक् विज95 येश्वरभट्टस्य भागम् ।। कौशिक 96 आप यजुः मार्ताण्डभट्टस्य भाग97 म् ।। "षठम[] बो शौरिराजभट्टस्य 98 भागम् ।। वाधूल आप यजुः लक्ष्म99 णभट्टस्य भागम् ॥1 काश्य आप
Third Plate; First Side. 100 यजुः भास्करभट्टस्य भागम् ।। क[*]श्य 101 पाप यजुः एकाम्हभट्टस्य भागम् ॥ 1 Corrected from TT.
- Read °निर्णय. * The visarga seems to be an interlineation. • The secondary & of au is omitted in the original. 7 Read श .
• Read एकाम
Read औचिदम्ब • Read गोविन्द

Page #354

FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY RAI BAHADUR V. VENKAYYA.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH
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No. 82.]
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA.
313
102 भारद्वाज आप यजुः वेङ्गडनाथ103 दीक्षितस्य भागम् ।। वाधूल प्राप 104 यजुः समरपुंगवभट्टस्य भागम् ।। 105 वत्स पाप यजुः यजनारायणभट्ट 106 स्य भागम् । भारद्वाज आप यजुः का107 कहस्तिनाथपावनाशयोर्भागम् ।। 108 भार्गव पाप यजुः तिरुवेंकटभट्टस्य 109 भागम् ।। वासिष्ठ बोधा ऋक् वरद110 राजभट्टस्य भागम् ॥१॥ भारद्वाज प्रा111 प यजुः पापनाशस्य भागम् 10001 112 भाव पाप यजुः पाण्टान् पिके 113 भागम् ।। बोधा यजुः दिवाकर114 न् पुरन् चन्द्रभहस्य भ[*]गम् 1000 भार्ग115 व पाप यजुः परंक देवरा116 जस्य भागम् ।। भारद्वाज पाप यजः 117 श्रीन्द्रभहस्य भागम् ।। काश्यप भा118 प यजुः श्रीरंगनाथस्य भागम् ।। 119 वत्स पाप यजुः त्रियम्बकस्य भागम् [*]०॥1 120 बाधल' भाप यजुः उत्बाहुसब्द121 रस्य भागम् ।। भार्गव ाप यजुः पेरु122 के वेंकटस्य भागम् ।। भारद्वाज 123 पाप यजुः कुप्पनुक्रकिट्टारुक्कु° भागम् १ 124 भ[r*]ग्गव ाप यजुः श्रीमूलपुत्रन् गु125 "णोत्तुंगन् भागम् ।। भारद्वाज भा126 प यजुः "स्कन्दकुमारस्य भागम् । निद्र-13
The letters Vengasand are Tamil.
पावनाश in the vulgar Tami] form of the Sanskrit पापविनाश. The form पापनाश occura in line 111 * The letters tirs are Tamil. • Red Anddy, the word Pillai is written in Tami].. . The letters pers are Tamil ; road Perungai. •Read श्यम्बकस्य.
Read वाचूख.
• Read उहाइसन्दरस्य. • The visarga is engraved above the line. The letters pers are Tamil ; read Perungai. 10 The whole of this name is written in Tamil, except the letter w which is Grantha. n Thedoted inst the end of 1. 124,
19 Resd . "[Read forge and compare Apostamba's Srautarstra edited by Prof. Garbe, XXIV. 9, 14.-E. H.]
2s

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314
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
127 पकाश्य आप 'श्रीरंगउपाध्यायस्य
128 भागम् 1010 | वासिष्ठ बोधा ऋक् विशेष
Third Plate; Second Side.
वा
129 ज्ञपुत्रवरदराजस्य भागम् 1010 | 130 fes बोधा ऋक् नायिनार पुन् 131 अनन्तनारायणस्य भागम् 101/ 132 वासिष्ठ बोधा ऋक् अनन्तनाराय
133 णभट्टस्य भागम् 101 // काश्यप134 गोत्रस्य आपस्त [म्*]वसूत्रस्य यजु (:)185 दिन सम्पत्कुमारपण्डितस्य
136 भागम् ॥२२॥ काश्यप आप यजुः 137 सम्पत्कुमारतनयस्थ श्रीनिवा
138 सभट्टस्य भागम् |६| स्वदत्ताम् प
139 रदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुन्धरा[म्*] ।
140 षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि [वि]ष्ठायाञ्जा
141 यते क्रिमिः । [ २५ *] स्वदत्तात् द्दिगुणम् पु
143 म परदत्तानुपालनम्। परदत्ता143 पहारेण खदत्तम्' निष्फलम् भ144 वेत्। [24] सामान्योयम्' ध 145 वृपाणां काले काले पालनी146 यो भवतृभिः सम्बनितान् भा 147 विनः पार्थिवेन्द्रान् भूयो भूयो 148 याचते रामभद्रः । [ २७* ]
149
श्रीयंत्रक [1]
TRANSLATION.
(Line 1.) Salutation to Bhivaraha ! Let there be prosperity! Salutation to Vináyaka !
(Verse 1.) May that primal one (Vinayaka) increase (our ) prosperity, who dispels the darkness of obstacles, who was born of the primal pair (Siva and Parvati), and who is possessed of an unparalleled wealth of kindness (to his devotees)!
1 Read श्रीरंगोपा
The syllable [vi] is a subsequent addition. • Read खदत्तं.
s The 4 of yd in at the beginning of 1. 148.
[VoL. VIII.
Ther of Nayindr is Tami).
4 Road बंदताद.
• Read न्वीयं.
• In Kannada olmrmotone rend चौक.
Rend अमटि :

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No. 32.]
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF SRIGIRIBHUPALA.
315
(V. 2.) I salute him (Siva), the left half of whose body is the very embodiment of mercy (Parvati), who is adorned with good qualities, whose ornament is the moon's digit, and whose eyes are the three lights (vit. san, moon and fire)!
(V. 3.) Salutation to that effulgence, whose form is that of a boar, whose arm bristled (with pleasure) at the loving embrace of the earth (when he brought her up from the bottom of the sea), and which increases (our) happiness and plenty !
(V. 4.) Salutation to the earth which is an ornament on the expanded) hood of Ananta, (which served as a war-chariot to him (Siya) who had the Meru (mountain) for his bow (at the time of burning Tripura), and which is the pea-hen on the pillar of the arm of Hari (Vishạn)!
(V.5.) In the beantiful race of the Moon was Yadu, of exceeding virtue, in whose lineage the lotus-eyed lord (Vishņu) was born as a partial incarnation (viz. Křishņa).
(V. 6.) In his race arose king Samgama, who was a strahcase of all prosperity. His son was king Bukka, who was the very essence of valour.
(V. 7.) His son was king Hariharêsvara, who was endowed with fortune and with all auspicious things, who was fully accomplished in learning, and who was verily the lord of the worst 1
(V. 8.) Prom him was born the king Devaraya-Maharaja, whose son was the wise king VijayabhQpati.
(V. 9.) This Vijayabhupala, being seated on the jewel-throne, caused (his) enemies to opoupy the dens of lions on the sides of mountains.
(V. 10.) He had two sons, Dévarajêndra and Srigirindra, who resembled Vasava (Indra) and were the abodes of generosity, fortitude and valour.
(V. 11 f.) The Maharaja Devaraya, being the elder of these two, ascended the exalted. throne owing to the fructification of the good deeds of (his) subjects; but Srigirisvara, having obtained the city called Marataka, ruled this earth just as Sutraman (Indra) (rules the city of) Amaravati.
(Vv. 13-20.) In the Saka year (denoted by the chronogram) tattvalóka (i.e. 1346), in the year Krodhin, on a Friday, under the nakshatra) Rêvati, on the tithi (called) Utthangdvadasi, this Srigiribhupals again granted, out of respect, As sarvamánya, by pouring out a full stream of water with gold, to endare till the end of the Kalpa, this agrahara, (vis.) the village named Nipatataka, the front-ornament of the Paluvut-kotta, the best (village) in Kalavanivrit, which is irrigated by the water obtained from a branch of the Kaveripaka channel, which posgebees desirable advantages, which is rich in crops flooded by the waters of the Nagakulya, which is of wide extent with vast boundaries, which is adorned with various gardens, and which had been granted before by Vijayabhubhuj to Sampatkumara, who had with him excellent and learned Brahmanas of various gôtras and relatives, who was the foremost among all physicians, and who was the renowned son of the great Govioda-papdita, who was born in the Kasyapa gôtra, who was the lord of the city of Rambhimayura, who was Puesessed of (good) qualities, and who had seen the further shore of the ocean of the whole Ayurveda and the Vedangas.
There is a play upon the word frt, suggesting that Vishņu in his boar-incarnation, while rescuing one of his Consorta, vis, the Earth, was not inattentive to his other wife.
1 There is a subtle ruggestion in the use of the attribute fri-sareamangal-Opšta. The king's name (Harihara) being composed of that of Vishnu and Siva, there is an appropriateness in his being said to be joined to Srl (Vishna's wife) and Sarvamangala (Parvati, Siva's consort). So he is also verily the lord of the earth,' vie. Vishnu whore other consort is the Earth. This represents the Tamil Padwydr-koffam.
2 & 2

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316
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
(V. 21 f.) Afterwards Sampatsuta, having divided this village Vijayaratpura into fiftysix shares, gave thereof two shares to the temples of) Siva and Vishnu, and set apart one share for the yearly feeding of Brahmaņas in the Kamakshi-dharma-mand apa.
(V. 23.) This wise man reserved twenty-two shares for himself and gave the remaining ones to his brothers, relatives, and learned men.
(V. 24.) May this agrahára named Vijayarayapura prosper till the end of the Kalpa, adorned by holy Brahmaras of good lineage, learning and virtuous conduct !
(L. 75.) Hereafter follows the assignment of the shares to each individual.
Name of donee.
Gótra.
Sdtra.
śákha.
Share.
Apatamba .
. Yajus
The temple of Sri-Chidambaranatha
siva in the village. (The temple of) GovindanAtha Vishņu For feeding Brahmaņas yearly in the
Kamakshf-dharma-mandapa. 4 Umapati-bhatta .
. Kayapa . 5 Chandra-bhatta . . . 6 Puņdarikáksha-bhatts. . 7 Devaraja-bhatta . .
Lakshmaņa-bhatta . . Govinda-bhatta . . .
Bhaskara-bhatta . . . . 11 Trivedi-Amana-bhatta . . . Bharadvája. Hampapa-bhatta, .
Åtrêya . Vijayavara-bhatta Mártånda-bhatta . . Kausiks sauriraja-bhatta ,
Sathamarshana Lakshmaņa-bhatta
Vadháls , Bhaskara-bhatta ,
Kabyspa Ekámra-bhatta 19 Vångadanktha-dikshita . . Bharadvaja
Samarapungava-bhatta . . . VAdhals . 21 Yajianarayana-bhatta .
Vataa KalahastinAtha and Plvanába . Bharadwaja .
Abvaldyana .
.
Rich.
.
.
Yajus .
.
.
Åpnatamba . Bodhůyana Åpastambe.
. .
.
Yajus.
.
.
.
Carried over
197
1 1.e. Sampatkumars of v. 16.
The number of shares is missing, but, adding up the other shares and deducting them from the total 58 (v. 21), we arrive at the figure 2 for this donec

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No. 33.]
No.
Name of donee.
TWO ANAIMALAI INSCRIPTIONS.
23 Tiruvenkata-bhatta
24 Varadaraja-bhaṭṭa
25 Papanasa
26 Andan Pillai
27 Chandra-bhatta, son of Divakara
28 Perungai Devaraja
29 Sri-Rudra-bhatta
30 Sriranganatha
31 Tryambaka.
32 Udbahusundara
38 Perangai Venkata.
34 Kuppan and partners1
35 Gunôttunga, son of Śrtmåla
36 Skandakumara
37 śrirangopadhyaya
38 Varadaraja, son of Visêshajña.
39 Anantanarayana, son of Nayinår
40 Anantanarayana-bhatta.
41 Sampatkumara-paṇḍita.
42 Srinivasa-bhatta, son of Sampat
kumara.
Góira.
Bhargava
Vasishtha
Bharadvâja .
Bhargava
Bhargava
Bharadvaja .
Кабуара
Vatsa.
Vadhula
Bhargava
Bharadvaja .
Bhargava
Bharadvaja . Nidhruva-Kasyapa
Vasishtha
Kasyapa
.
Apastamba
Bodhiyana
 pastamba
33
Bôdhayana  pastamba
33
33
"
"
33
Sútra.
23
Bodhayana
"
Âpastamba
Brought forward.
Yajus.
Rich
Yajus.
"
33
Rich
33
Sakha.
Yajus
TOTAL
317
Share.
191
1
1
22
6
56
The inscription ends with three of the usual imprecatory verses (25-27) and the name of the god Sri-Tryambaka (Śiva).
No. 33.-TWO ANAIMALAT INSCRIPTIONS.
BY G. VENKOBA RAO; OOTACAMUND.
The two subjoined inscriptions were discovered by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao, M.A., in the Nrisimha temple at the village of Narasingam, 6 miles east of Madura. The central shrine of this temple is cut into the hill known as Anaimalai. In an inscription dated in the
1 [For ullittdr see South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. Nos. 54 and 71, and the Dictionnaire Tamoul-Français, a.. "associés, participans, parties intéressées. Il se dit principalement des frères associés ou qui vivent sous le régime de la communauté; lorsque l'un d'eux fait un marché, les autres sont ullittdr." The Sukirti-bhrdtarah of the Piprawa inscription probably belonged to such an undivided family,' and this is the reason why only the name of Sukirti, who must have been the head of the family, was quoted there.-E.H.]

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319
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
33rd year of the reign of the Chola king Parantaka I.' found in the temple, the hill is called Tiruvapaimalai. It is also referred to in his Déváram by Tirusánasambandar, the great saivs saint, as a stronghold of the Jainas. Tradition has it that Tiroñanasambandar drove out the Jainas from the vicinity of Madura after converting the then reigning Påndys king Nedumaran to the Saiva faith. There are still vestiges of Jaina dominancy on the hill. On a rock with sculptures overhanging a natural cave there are a number of Tamil inscriptions, one of which mentions Ajjanandi. The cave is evidently one of those which the Jainas occupied in old times.
The first inscription is engraved on the left side of the entrance into the central shrine. The letters are cut boldly and deeply, and, being in the interior, the record is in good presery. ation; at the end of lines 5 and 6 are a few damaged letters which can be easily supplied from the context. The alphabet is Grantha. The final m is represented by a smaller m with & vertical stroke on its top ; see e.g. -idam in l. 3. The letter na is of a more arcbaio type than that of the Ganga-Pallava period, and ya is also slightly different from the common form of that time.
The record consists of three verses, of which the first mentions the son of Mars of the Vaidya family, who was the minister (mantrin, v. 2) of the Pandya king Perkataks. He was apparently an expert in the art of composing poetry and hence is called Madhurakavi. His actual name, Marangári, occurs in the second inscription, where he also bears the title Mûvêndamangalappêraraiyan. He was a native of Karavandapura (v. 1) or, according to the second inscription, of Kalakkuļi. The third verse contains the date- & Sunday in the month of Karttika of the year 3871 (expired) of the Kaliyuga era= A.D. 770. On this day an image of the god Vishnu was set up in the cave.
The second inscription, which, though well preserved, is not cut so deeply as the first, is & supplement to the latter and is engraved on the right side of the entrance. The characters of this record are an archaic form of Vatteluttu and Grantha. The latter is employed in some Sanskrit words that occur in the inscription, vie. mantri (1.2), Vaidyan (1.2 f.), svargg-áróhana (1. 6 f.), anujan (1. 8) and mantra-padam (1.9). The Vattelutta of this inscription seems to be the same as that of the Madras Museum plates of Jaţilavarman published by Mr. V. Venkayya ;' compare ?, n, t, u and particularly k (which has not yet assumed the shape peculiar
No. 63 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905. ? Áraindmalaiyaddiy dyavaidangalir-palad allal-18rinargatk eliydowalon-Riruudlardymara-yirkave.-Tirumanambandar's Tirundlandy Padigan. • Sendamil, Vol. III. p. 406. • Nos 67 to 74 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905.
SA Jaina teacher of this name is mentioned in the rock inscriptions at Vallimalai in the North Arcot district ; above, Vol. IV. p. 141 f.
. See e.g. above, Vol. VI. p. 320, and South-Ind. Insors. Vol. III. p. 90.
+ Probably the word vaidya is derived from vida, and the name seems to indicate that the members of the family were proficient in the sacred literature.
• In an inscription at Pirâņmalai (No. 143 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1903) Karavandapura is mentioned as another name of Kalakkuļi in the district of Kalakkudi, and in & record at Suchindram (above, Vol. V. p. 43) Karavandapuram is said to have been situated in the district of Kalakkudi. Kalakkudi is perhaps identical with the modern village of Kalakkad in the Nangunêri taluka, which even to this day has a dilapidated fort (Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 314).
Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 57. The village granted in this inscription is Vélangudi renamed Srivaramangalam atter the Pandya king Neduñjadaiyag, one of whose birudas was apparently Srivara. In the Tirwaymoli (verses 508 to 518) reference is made to Srivaramangai or Srivaramangalanagar, which is identified with Nanguneri Imow'n to Vai shpivas under the names Váŋamamalai and Todâdri. It is not uplikely that the two Śrivaramangalams are identical.

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No. 33.)
TWO ANAIMALAI INSCRIPTIONS.
319
to the later alphabet wherein it is hardly distinguishable from ch) with the corresponding letters of the plates. The secondary i is written more on the top than on the side of the Consonant as it is in later forms. The puffit appears to be marked in a number of cases. The vowels a and d are the same as those employed on the Ril-Muttugur stones. Though the Vatteluttu of this inscription resembles to a certain extent the characters of the Madras Museum plates, yet as the Grantha alphabet used in the latter seems to be more developed than that of the Sanskrit portion of the subjoined records, it is safer to suppose, at least provisionally, that the Marañjadaiyan of the latter is earlier than the Jațilavarman of the Museum plates.
The king is here called M&faõjadaiyag, i.e. Sadaiyan, the son of Maran (or Jatilavarman, the son of Måravarman in Sanskrit). His minister Marangári, mentioned above, excavated the cave at Agaimalai, bat died before its consecration. His younger brother M&rap Eyipag alias Pandimangalavišaiyaraiyan, who succeeded him as minister, subsequently built the mandapa in front and performed the consecration ceremony.
From the Trichinopoly cave inscription of Varaguņa-Pandya we learn that he was also surnamed Maya jadeiyap. But an inscription of his found at Uttamapalaiyam? in the Madura district couples Saks 702 with his 8th yeer. His accession must therefore be placed about A.D. 862. The Mayañjadaiyag of the Âgaimalai inscription was thus a predecessor of Varaguna and may bave been his grandfather.
It is worthy of note that Madhurakavi was the name borne by one of the Vaishnava Ålvårs, and the Madhurakavi of the subjoined inscriptions was also & Vaishnava. Nammalvår, who, according to Vaishnava tradition, was a contemporary of Madhurakavi Ålvår, was called Karimêrap, i.e. Máran, the son of Kári. Is it possible that he was the son of the minister Márangkri? If this be the case, it is not apparent why he has omitted to mention the shrine built by his father, while the Tirumógúr temple, which is situated close to it, is the subject of a hymn by Nammálvár.
TEXT OF NO. 1. i 10 arkey faaret NATO: fete 2 y faunt: [1"] hawait yarak
It occurs in p and of the word mangalapperaraiyan (1. 8 1.); in of Marangdri (1. 4 f.), in y and of jeyda pisnai (1.7), in » of anujan (L 8), in y of cydiga (1.9), in of Pandi (1.9), and in of Mara (1.11).
Above, Vol. IV. p. 177.
• In the Madro Museum plates, the king (called Jațilavarman, the son of Mayavarman, in the Sanskrit portion and Nedušjadriyay in the Tamil portion) bears the surname Parantaka along with a number of other titles. This would lead us to identify the Marafijadaiyap of the subjoined records with the donor of the Madras Museum plates. But the alphabet of the latter seems to be more developed than that of the former. A fragal in the Vatteluttu alphabet (No. 277 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895) set up in the Trevandrum Museum belongs to the 27th year of Mårafijadaiyaŋ. The writing seems to resemble that of the Museum plates, and the inscription refers to Viļuñism.
Here again the minister is called Vaidyan. The Madras Museum plates tell us that Marti Eyipap alias Viramangalappáraraiban, who was the king's Mahdgimanta in the 19th year of his reign, was & Vaidys. The inscription quoted in the paper on the Madras Museum plates refers to a fourth member of the same family, vis. Sattanganavadi alias Amritamangalavariyap, who was . Maldadmanta in the 8th year of Marafijadaiyap. The last as well as the two brothers mentioned in the Anaimalei inscriptions were natives of Karsvandapura.
The Tami) word nfritafittal (or more correctly norttelittal) is synonymous with the Sanskrit samprolhana, which according to Monier-Williams' Dictionary means the act of prinkling well over, ponsecration (of temple, etc.)
• No. 414 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.
No. 705 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. • Pattampattu, Mudal Tiruvaymoli beginning tula tomarsi-tagamapirpayal-Tirumos
From an inked estampage supplied by Mr.T. A. Gopinath Rao 10 The metre of this verse and of the next is Aryl

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320
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
.
3 yratt HT[T]wgfree - [*] Hat # 4 a afavaraturen [*]afiruna 5 [1] qfaafint : [UTEIE]#6 HUETTHU F [2] : [rafa)7 Teritori [olaen. & Afu datant [1*] 099 तिष्ठो भगवानभूत्क्रमादिहै10 Murfa Alfe mira [up"]
TRANSLATION (Verse 1.) Pre-eminently charming in manners), a resident of Karavandapurs, the son of Mara, (and a) learned (and) illustrious (member of the) Vaidya (family)-Madhurakavi made this stone temple of Vishpu.
(V. 2.) The same (viz. Madhurakavi), the wise minister of the Pandya (king) named Parantaka, also gave away to the first-born (s.e. Brahmaņas) this immensely rich agrahára.
(V. 3.) When three thousand and eight hundred and seventy one years of Kali had passed-on the day of the sun in the month of Kärttika, this image of the) god was duly set up here.
TEXT OF No. II.3 1 K8 Marañjadaiyarku 12 ttara-mantri Kalakkudi Vai3 dyan Mûvendamangalap4 pêraraiyan Agiya Mâșan5 [ga]ri iskkarrali seyda 6 nir[tta]liyaddy svargg-&ro7 ha[pañ)-jeyda pingai ava8 nukku anujan uttara9 mantra-padam-eydiņa Pandi10 mangalavisaiaraiyap 11 ayiya Marapn-Ei-6 12 naŋ muga-mandamañ=7je13 ydu nirttaļittan [11 ]
TRANSLATION Mafangari alias Vaidyan Müvendamangalapp@raraiyan of Kalakkudi, the primeminister (attara-mantrin) of king Måra jedaiyan, made this stone temple and ascended heaven (i.e. died) without consecrating (it). Subsequently, his younger brother Mårap Eyiñan alias
The metre of this verse is Van Sastha.
? Literally," when a trial of thousands and eight hundred together with seventy-one had come within the rang of the years of Kali."
From an inked estampage supplied by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao. • In the original there seems to be a ka after the guttural. * Read visaiyaraiyan. The r of railooks like ka. • Read Eyisay.
1 Read - mandapari

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No. 33.]
TWO ANAIMALAI INSCRIPTIONS.
321
Pandimangalavidaiyaraiyap, who attained to the dignity of prime-minister, made the mukhamandapa and consecrated (the shrine).

Page #365


Page #366

INDEX. BT V. VENKAYTA, M.A.
.
.
67,84
.
207
. 129n
PAGE Agrahảyani, the full-moon tithi of Margasira, 163 PAGE Abela (Adhara),. . .
. 170 abhaya-mudra,, . . • 177, 181 Ahara, a district, . Abhidhanacbint&mani, quoted, . .34n, 216nabargana, . . . . . . . 261 Abhimanya, Rashtrakata k. . . 164, 165 Ahlanaderi, f., . . ; 208, 217 Abhinava-Pandyaddva-Odeya, oh.,. . 128
AbmadAbad, vi.. .
206n Abbinaya-Siddharája, sur. of Jayantasimha,. 99 Abóbalam, di., .
. 12 Åbhfra, dy., . . . . .
• . 89 Aihole, vi.,
.
.
. . . . 36, 33n Aba, pin, . . . . .
Aja, mythical k., . . . . . 213 Aba, mo. . . . 200, 201, 202, 207
Ajakalakiya, fiold, . . . . . 72 Abuya, s.a. Abu, . . . 206, 207 Ajanta, vi., . . Achaleśvara, te., . . . . 206 Ajilar or Ajileru, family of Jaina chiefs, Acharya-purasba, . . . . . 300 Ajitasena, Jaina teacher, . . . . Achoharapakkam, di.,.
280 Ajjaņandi, do. . . . . . . 318 Achyatarkya, Vijayanagara k., . 124 Ajmer, vi. .
. . 81 Adam, measure,. .
Ajfiapti, . . . . . 145, 146, 238 Addarki, pi.. . .
10, 11 Ajñåsarohárin, 8.a. sanasanobarin, . 163n Adhaka, measure, . . . . . 1290
. 1290 Ajya. . . . . . . . . 34 adhika-tithi, , .
• 56n Åkarávanti, co.y.
. 41, 47, 61, 62 adhishthana, 8.4. sthåns, .
. 1610 Âkbi, di., . .
. . . 206 Ad hvaryu, a student of the Yajurvéda, . 280 akshapatalika,
• 70, 157n Âdikebava, te.. . . . · 151 akshagalika, .
. . 70 Adikábava-ghatta, . .
Akshayalidgeyara, te.,
267, 269 adipina-maliti, . . . . 124, 137 akshaya-tritiya,
6, 155 Aditya I., Chola k., .
Aksbevara, te.
280 Adivarába-Perumal, te.,
Âlampůndi, vi., .
299, 300 Âgâmisvåmin, m., .
· 230 Âlanguļi, oi., . ågara, a house, .
134, 135n Alås, vi, , , Agastikagrahara, vi.,
189, 194, 195 Albanad&vi, Kalachuri queen, . . . 202n Agastya, rishi, . . . : 9 aliyasantâna, law of inheritance,
· 127 Agastye vara, toy . . 13, 267, 275 AllAbåbåd, vi, Agattiyagpalli, vi., . . . .267 Allanabajakala, fold,,
. . 188 Agbörekvara, to.. .
. 162, 163 Âllaye, m., . . . . . 140 Agiyatapaka, t. . . . . . 91 Allar, vi, . . . . . . . 278 Agnisvamin, ., . .
. 189 Alläraka, 8.a. Alord, . . . . 231 Agnivarman, m., .
. 89
alphabets :Agra, vi, . .
174 box-headed,
. 25 agrabára, 9, 10, 11, 288, 306, 806, 816, 316, 320 Bråbml, . . 96, 166, 172, 174n
152
292
. 277
.
3
.
.
. 184
The figures refer to pagou 'n after a figure, to footnotes, and 'add.' to the Addition and Correction on pp. vi and vii. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. -chief: co. - country idi. diatrict or dine sion; do. - ditto ; dy. -dynasty; 2. - Eastern ; f. -female ; k. - king;m. - male; mo. - mountain ; ri. - river ; 8.. - same as, wr. - purnama, ts. temple; vi. village or toron ; W -Wortern.
2 T 2

Page #367

324
Grantha, Kanarese or Kannada,
Kharðshthi, Nagari,
Telugu, Vatteluttu,
.
PAGE
8, 291, 298, 307, 318,319 16, 50, 123, 124, 298, 307, 314
296
96, 152, 153, 155, 156, 158,
Alupa, dy,
Alurâ, vi., Aluva, s. a. Âlupa,
Alvar, a Vaishnava saint, Alvar-Tiranagari, vi., Amalakéévara, te.,
Amara or Amarakoéa, quoted, Amarachandrasûri, s. a. Amarasari,
Amarasûri, Jaina teacher,
Amaravati, the city of Indra, Amaravati, vi.,
Amaréévara, te.,.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
·
Amarusatakam, poem,
Ambâlâcharya, Vaishnava teacher,
Anapotaniḍu, ch., Ânarta, co.,
apatti, s.a. ajfapti,
Anavêma, Reddi k., Anavõta, s.a. Anapota, Anbil, pi.,
460, 214, 215n
203n, 205
203, 218
. 315
.
200, 207
9, 124 318,319 126n
231
126n add. 295n, 319 294, 295 267
•
"
Ambarisha, mythical k.,
Ambika, goddess,
Ambipâtaka, vi., Ambaali-pattala, di, Aminabad, vi.,
Amritamangalavaraiyan, sur. of Sattangana
10, 11, 12, 68
10
99
305n Apaga, co.,
61
.
vadi,
amritapadi, a rice offering, amudupadi, s.a. amzitapadi,
Anaghavarman, m.,
Anahila, m.,
Anahilapataka, vi.,
Anahilapura, v., Apaikatta-Perumal, te., Anaimalai, kill,
Anandasûri or Anandaauri, Jaina teacher, 203,
"
.
•
. 319n
1380
138n
. 238
190 99, 204 200, 213 277
•
*
219
285
150
13
317, 319
.
205, 218 315 . 317 317
"
.
Añchavaḍi, vi, Ândan Pillai, m., Andhra, dy., Andhrabbritya, dy., Anêkârthasaṁgraha, quoted, anga-ranga-vaibhava, Anguttaranikaya, quoted,
Annama, s. a. Annemámba, . Annama-Vêma, s.a. Vêma,
Annaya, Reddi k.,
Annemâmba, queen of Komati-Prôla, Antarala-pattala, di,
10, 12, 13
10
6, 270
Antarvédi, di.,
Anugami, vi.,
Anupa, s.a. Anûpa,
Anûps, co.,
anusvåra,
Anyor, vi.,
apabhara, a burden,
.
Apara-Kakhadi, s.d. Western Kakhadi,
Aparanta, s.d. A paranta,
Aparânta, co.,
Apastamba, rishi, Apastambagrihyasatrațika, Âpatsahâyêévara, te.,
Ara, Jaina saint,
Arhat,
[VOL. VIII.
.
PAGE
53
317
144
29, 41n
2150
136
243n
Anupamadevi or Anupama, wife of Tejabpala, 203, 205, 208n, 217
16, 25, 39, 51, 183, 188, 194, 242
177n, 178
204
or
.
•
"
Aridvaramangalam, vi. Ariraya-gandara-davani, biruda of the Kalasa
Ananta, serpent,
Anantanarayana, m.,
Anantanârâyapa-bhatta, m.,. Anapota or Anapota-Reddi, Reddi k., 10, 11 and add., 12, 13
Karkala chiefs, . Arishtanêmi, 8.a. Nêmi, Arjuna, mythical k.. Arjuna, Arjunadeva Paramara k., Arkonam, vi., Arnava, metre,
12
41, 47, 49 Arporaja, Vaghela k,, .
146n
Arsacids, dy., Arulala-Perumal, te., Arunachaléévara, te., Arur, vi.,.
"
+
"
•
9 150 . 151 86 61
41, 47, 62
10
10
.
Arachosia, có,
Arahalaya, m., Arama, vi.,
Arambhasiddhi, astronomical work, Arbuda, a.a. Abd, 201, 203, 205, 206, 207, 215, 218, 219 68
12
74
61
41, 47, 62 313n .305n
3
125, 134, 135n, 136
.
91 91 . 140 203n
126, 127, 128, 184 134n 61, 98
Arjunavarman,
98, 99, 100, 101, 241
291n 33n 201, 215 62 8
4, 6, 7, 268, 269, 273 129

Page #368

INDEX.
325
12
.
231n
PAGE
PAGM Årürı, s.c. Arur, 129, 138 Bagguāji, vi.,
. 129 Aruvattanálku-mapdalikara-talegonda-ganda, Baghelkband, di., .
286 biruda, . . 135n Bågilarasa, m., .
· 138 Âryasiddhants, . . . , 241, 261, 290n Baguñji-sime, di., . . . 129 Âgadhara, Jaina poet, . . . . . 99n Bâhirika-vishaya, di. Asaka (Ashaks), .a. Afvaks,
. 61, 62
Bahmani, dy., . Åsandi, vi.. . . . . . . 55 BÅhu, Jaina saint, .
208 Âmarája, s.a. Afvaraja, . . . . 207 Bahubalio, s.a. Gummata,
. 134n Asatik or Amatika, vi., . . 151 Bahar, vi. . . . Åsatti-grama, 8.4. A stgam, . 280, 281 "bai, title,. . . . . . . 208 AshtAdhyâyi, quoted,
39n Baicha or Baichapa I., ch., . , 16, 17, 22 Ashtahika,
204 and add. Baichapa II., ch., . . . 16, 22 ashtAnniks, 124, 137, 204 add. Bairât, vi., . .
168 ashtavidhårchane, . . . 1371 bajakala,. .
. 124 Ashtgam, s.a. Astgám, .
Bala, Buddhist friar, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177n, Asika, e.a. Rishika, . . . . 61, 62
179, 180, 181, 182 Aboks, Maurya emperor, 87, 40, 41, 48n, 47, bala, measure,. . . .
1290 93, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, 178, 297 Baladâys, ck.,
.
. . . 1350 Åsphótachandrs, Kanare ke., . 149, 162, 156 B&laditya, sur. of Dhruvas na II., . . 188 Assam, con . . . . . 286 balânaka, .a. balant, . . . 200, 203, 218 Astgåm, vi., . . . . . 231. talaņi, . . . . . . 200 Asurêsa-pattala, di.,, . .
160 Balasarasvati, sur. of Madana, . . . 99 Advaghosha, k., . . 171, 172 Balasarasvatiyam, poor, . . . . 990 Afvaka, co. . . . . . . 62 balusidor (belasidor), those who have cultishvamedhs, sacrifice,
80
vated, . . . . . . 61, 138n Afvarája, 6., 200, 208, 207, 214, 215, 218 Bali, demon, .
. . . 217 atrasamstha, a horseman, .
. . . 26
Baligami, vi.. . . . . . 126 Akvatthåman, mythical horo, . . 292n Belimeya-hele, stream, Abribhäti, n. .
79, 81
Ball&ls, author, . Athmalik, di., . . 286 BallAls, k. . .
• 201, 202, 216 Âtuka, m., .
146 Balsår, oi, Ata käru, s.a. Gani-âtukdru,
. 9, 10 balo, land hold,. . suttaráha, a northerner, .
91 Båmra, di., . Avichi-Days or -Devaya, ...,
11 Bapa, domon, . .
.. .980 avagraba, . . .
Bâna, dy. . . .
28n, 981 A valivanallar, oi., .
Bana, poet, . . . , 28, 29 Avapijandaraya, sur. of Palakakirkja,
831 Baps, the great, ke. .
28, 35 Avasarpini, . .
2140 Banavåsf, vi.. . .
29, 147 Arimukta-kshetra,
. . 152 Bandhogarh, vi. .
166 Arippalam, field, .. . . . 296
bangaru molaka, goldon sprouts, .
12 Ayåskågrahara, oi.,.' . 189, 194, 195
Bannahalli, Di., . . Ayanapuram, in . . . . . 2910
Baptara-bêve, biruda,
. 135n Ayurveda, . . . . 308, 315
bapps, . . . .
163D Ayyana, family, .. . . . . 238
Bar&bar, vi., . Ayyapadera, Nolamba k. .
• 56 Barakan dra-gady&pa, coin, . . . . 1300 Ayyaparasaya, ., . .
bârasaka,. . .
: 83 Bargarh, di.,
. .286 Bårnås or Barnasa, ri.
78, 86, 87, 88 BAdami, pi.. . . . . 860, 460, 831 basadi, o.a. basti, . . . 2000 Badaneguppe, vi.. . . . . . 147 ! basti, a Jaina tomplo, 122, 126, 188, 200n
•
124,
97, 152
.
30
.
168

Page #369

326
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
PAGE
PAGE Baud; di., . . . . . 286bbatta, . . , 140, 163, 164, 183, 305Bégûr, vi.. . . . . . . 56 bhattaputra, . . . . . 140 Belugula, s.a. Sravana-Belgola, , , 17, 24 bhattaraka, . . . . . 206, 230 Benákataka, vi.
.
. 68,72 | Bhaunagar or Bhavnagar, vi.. . 190, 200 Benares (Våråņasl), vi., 149n, 151, 152, 153, Bhava, s. a. Siva, . . . .
165, 168, 166, 173, 174, 177 Bhåva-Bțihaspati, tomple priest, . . 201 Benpegesi, m., . . . .
59 Bhavagôpa, n., . . . . . Beppeyûr, 5.a. Beppur,
52,59 Bhavaskandatrata, m., . . . Beņņûr, vi., . .
. . . 34n, 52 Bhavishya, Rashfralda k., . bettu, . . .
124, 1381 | bhavya, the Jaina community, . . Betul, di.. . . . . . . 286 Bhayirarasa-Vodoya, Kalasa-Karkala ch., 127 Betul, vi., . , .
284, 285 Bbayirarasa-Vodeya, s.a. Bhairava II., . . 127 Bezvada, vi.. . . . . . . 10 Bhayirarsappáji, ch., . . . 129 Bhadaini, te., , . . . . . 149n Bhêra-Ghat, vi.. . . . . . 2020 Bhadávaniya, s.a. Bhadâyaniya,. . . 62, 64 bhiksha,. . . . . . 67, 1770 Bhadâyaniya or Bhadayanika,
64, 65, 67 bhikshuni, . . . . . 177n Bhadrababu, Jaina author, . . . 134n Bhimadêra I., Chaulukya k. . . 207 bhagabhôgakara,
152, 154, 155, 157, 158 Bhimadova II., do 99, 201, 202, 204, 205 Bhagavat, s.a. Buddha, . . 71, 177n, 180 Bhimakhapdam, Telugu poem, . . . Bhagavat, 8.a. Vishņu, 160, 162, 163, 236 Bhimamayütåsa . . -pattala, di,. . Bhagavata, a devotee of Bhagavat, 163, 236, 288 Bhimasêna, mythical k., . . . . 61 Bhagiratha, Kadamba k., , . . 29, 30, 35 Bhishma, Epic hero, . . . . . 98 Bhaïlavata-pattala (®), di.,. .
150 Bhôgik kasvåmin, . . . . . . 230 Bhairarasa-Vodeya, Kalasa-Karkala ch. 129 Bhoja, k., . . . . . 242, 243, 251n Bhairarasa-Vodega, s.a. Bhairava I., 124, 134 Bhoja or Bhojadeva, Paramdra k., 98, 99, 100 Bhairarasa-Vodeya, 3.a. Bhairava II., 124, Bhojaprabandha, . . . 242
135, 136, 138 Bhoja Shala (Kamal Maula Mosque), . . 96 Bhairava I., Karkala ch., . . 124, 126 Bhopal, vi.. . . . . . 101n Bhairava II., Kalasa-Karkaļa ch., 124, 125, Bhujabala-Maharaya, Vijayanagara prince, 127n 126, 127, 128, 135n Bhujabalin, 8.a. Gummata,. . .
134n Bbairava or Bhairavêndra, ch., . . 128 Bhujangadása, m., . . . . Bhairava or Bhairavêndra, s.a. Bhairava II.
bhukti, a district, . . . . . 188 124, 134 Bbumarê, vi., .
286 Bbairavarhja, s.a. Bhairava I., . . 124, 134 bhômichohhidra, . Bhaja, vi., . . . . . 76
Bhúta, demons, bhakti, measure of land, . . 189, 195 bhùtavậtapratyâya, . . . 189 Bhalibhada, vi., . . . . . 206 bhuvana-sale,.".
1270 bbandákârikiya, . . . 92 Bhdvarába, s.a. Vishnu,
314 Bhanukirti, title of Jaina teachers, . . 1290 Bikkirupândiya (Vikramapandya), 6.,. 138 Bbônukirti-Maladharidêva, Jaina teacher, 129n Bilahri, vi.. . . Bhanustamin, m., . . . 284, 285, 288 Bilbaņa, post, . . . Bhânuvarman, Kadamba k.,. . 30, 31 Biliyarasa, m.,
. . 138Bharatëśvara-chakravartin, mythical k., 134 Bindra Nawågarh, di.. Bb&rati, s.r. Sarasvati, . . 99, 135
Birar, vi, . . . . Bhårddå, vi., . . . . . 189 Biyala, m., . . . . . . 59 Bbarukaobha, vi.. . . . . . 79 bodhi, . . . . . . . 178 Bbarwårå, vi., . .
. 285 Bodhiguta, ., . Bhaskara-bbatta, m., . .
· 316 Bodhisattva, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, Bhatapálika, f., . . 91, 92
180, 181, 182
189
63
285

Page #370

INDEX.
94
27
392 237
PAGE Bonai, di,
286 Bopaki (Vopaki), ascetic, Bord Sambhar, di, .
286 Calontta, city,
. . . 180 Bower Manuscript,
Chadhuhapali, vi.,
157 boya, 8.a. vastavya,
238
Chricha or Chaichapa, mistake for Baicha 10,17 Brahmadova, Jaina god, .
. 1230
Chaitraparvan, e.a. Vasant Otsava, . 981 Brub madara-mapdape, . .
15 Chaitri, the full-moon day of Chin, 10 Brahmadova pillar, . . . 1231, 123 Chaitrotsava, s.a. Vanantotsav., . . 950 brahmaddya; . . . . 163, 236 chaityagriba, . . . . . . 91 Brahmagupta, astronopior,' . 238, 211 Chakora, mo., . . Brahma-Kundi, s.a. Gandlaksmma, 10, 11n
Chalikya, s.a. Ceahakya Brahman, god, ... 22, 23n, 216, 233,
Chalisilapa, vi., . .
236, 237 Châliylr, ri. . . Brahman, s.a. Brabmadova, . 125, 136, 137 Chalukya, Eastern, dy., U19A, 251, 337, 238 Brahmâna, vi, . . . . . 206 Chalukya, Western, dy., 1.26n, 230, 231, Brahmana, 28, 33, 34, 49, 61, 78, 79, 80,
Chalukya, family, . 81, 83, 86, 83
Chalukya, do. . brahmapuri, ' . . . 26 Chamaravami, vi.. . Brahma-sidah ånta, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 57, 68 add.,
Chamayya, m., . . 262, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271,
Chambal, ri., . 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, Chanakya, minister,
217 281, 282, 283, 289 Chandaladovi, queen Vikramaulity VI., 101 Brihaspati, . . . 32, 214n, 217n
Chandapa, ., . , . 30), 209, 207, Brihatsam hita, quòted, . . . . 62n
32.1,918 British Museum plates, . . : 143 Chandaprasáda, m., . . , 208, 207, Broacb, vi.. i .
211, 218 Bûcb8-Reddi, s.a. Terála-Buch-Reddi, . . 11 Chanılavarman, Kalinga k.. . . .288n Buddha, 67, 70, 71, 91, 168, 174, 175, 177, Chapdavêga, metre, . . .
. 33n 178, 180, 181, 297
Chapdevara, m., . . . 203, 219 Buddbacharita, . . . . . . 172 Chandodia or Chandoria, ul., Baddhamitra, Buddhist nun, 173, 177, 182 Chandra-bhatta, m., . . . 316, 317 Buddharakshita, mi . . . . . 63 Chandradêva, Kanaw k., . . 149, 150 Buddhavarman, Pallava k., . 234, 236 Chandråditya, h., .
. .
. .
. . 188 Buddhism,. . . . 80, 91, 167, 173, 174 Chandragiri, vi, . . . Buddhist, 64, 68, 70, 75, 79, 80, 167, 170, 172, Chandragupta, Maurya k., . , 40, 41, 46
177, 178, 180, 2900 Chandragatti, di. . . . . Buddbyahkura, Pallava prince, 144, 145, 146 Chandramauliávara, te., , . . 265 Budhasvamin, m.. . . 194, 195 Chandrgnana, Jaina saint, . . • 208 Budh-Gaya, di., .
. 180 Chandranatha or Chandranathasvamin, to., Bukka I., Vijayanagara k., 16, 17, 305,
125, 128, 138 806, 307, 315 Chandrapur, di.,. . Bakka II., do., . . . .
Chandraputraka, vi, . . .
195 Bukkana, ch., . . . . .
16, 22
Chandravati, vi... 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 217 Bukkaraya, 8.a. Bukka I... . . 16, 22 Changanarondra, mistake for Vangaparèndra, 1960 ball orest, • . .
Charaka, . . .
. .
79 Burma, co., .
172, 173n Charana, demi-gods,. . . 0% Busbalrao, o.a. Bhujabala-Mabaraya , 197n charitra,. . . . . ' 92 Batuga I., W. Ganga A.,. . . . 54 charu, . . . , . 31, 1361 Batuga II., do. . . . . . . 54 Charadevi, queen of Vijaya-Buddha vannav, 144, Byrmu Wodears, the Karkaļa chiefs, 124n
146, 148
195
.
144 180

Page #371

328
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
Dabhâlâ, co.,
.
PAGE
PAGE Charukirti-Panditaddva, Jaina teacher, 128, 129n Conjeeveram, vi., . 9, 17, 28n, 234, Chashtana, Kshatrapa k.,. . 41, 46
292, 293, 295, 300 chaturmasya, sacrifice, . . . . 34 Cuttack, oi., .
. . 139 Chaturmukhabasti, to., 122, 123, 124, 125,
127, 129, 134n, 135n chaturthavarna, the fourth (sadra) caste, 9 chaturvedin, . 189, 194, 195
. 285, 286, 288 Chaubårå mound,
. 173n, 181 Dahala, Dåhala, Dahala or Dahal, e.a. DaChauluky, dy. . . 99, 100, 200, 201,
bhala, .
. . . . 285, 286 202, 204, 205, 215, 216, 218 Dahanuka, ri.,
. . . . 79 Chautar, family of Jaina chiefs, . . 129 Dahanûkê, vi.,. .
. . . . 86 Chatitaru, s.a. Chautar, . . . 129n Daivaha, s.c. Deoba, . . . . . 150 Chêbhatikå, s.a. Chéhdi, . 183, 184 Dakhamitra, f., .
. . . . 82, 85 Chechififia, vi,, . . . . . . 86
Daksha, demon, .
. . 217 Chihdi, vi.. . . . . . 184 Dakshina-Bhojaraja, sur. f Ravivarman, 9 Chendalàr, vi.,.
233, 234, 236, 238 Dakshiņâpatha, co. . . . . 41, 47, 62 Chendaldra, s.a. Chendalar, 234, 236, 238 Dakshiņa-Siva, te. . . . . 164 Chendafura, do... . . . . 238 Dalbra, vi,, . . . . . 145, 146 Chetika, community of Buddhist monks, 77 Dimachika, clan or district, . . 95, 96 ChhAkalepa or Chhagalopa, vi.,
90 Damaņa, ri., . . . . . . 79 Chhattisgarh (the thirty-six forta), di., 286 Damascus, vi.,. .
. 95 Chhavata, mo. . . . . . . 61 Dåmôdara, Pariurdjaka k., .
• 288 Chhindwara, di. . . . . . 286 Dåmddara-bhatta, .., .
. 306 Chidambaram, vi.,
. 800, 305 Dåmddarafarman, m., . . 166, 167, 168 Chidambaranatha, to.. . . . . 316dånaélaghya, chronogram, . . . 306 Chikhalapadra, vi, . . , 79, 80, 82 Dandaka, metre, . . . 26, 38n Chikkabetta, hill at Karkala, 122n, 125, 135 Dandakavili or Kondaviti Dandakavili, Chikkabetta, hill at Sravana-Belgola, 128n Telugu poem,. .
. . 11, 12, 18 Chikka-Magalur, e.a. Chikmagaldr, . 50dandanátha, . . . . 16 Chikkulla, vi., . . . . . 26, 28n dandanayaka, . . . . . 29, 136n Chikmagaldr, vi., 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58 | Dandin,. . .
. . . 48 China, co., . . . . . . 12
Dantapura, oi.,. . . . . 161 Chipaik kávůr, s.a. Sopaikkavdr, .
Dantidurga, Rashtrakufa k., . 184, 294n Chitorgadh, vi.,
. 202 Dantiga, ... Dantiverma-Maharaja, . 293n Chitragupta, god, .
. 152n, 153
Dantiga, s.a. Dantivikramavarman, . . 292 Chitraprabandha, a metrical puzzle, . 138 Dantippóttaralar, Pallapa k.,
289, 294 Chitraváhana, Alupa k. . . . . 126n
Dantivarman, Pallavatilaka k., .
2930 Chitta, Reddi ch., . . . . 10
Dantivarman, 8.a. Dantippottaralar,
293 chivarika, . . . . . 83, 84, 90 Dantivarman or Dantivarma-Mahårája, Pallava Chola, co., . .1, 8, 66, 241, 260, 261, k., . . . . . 292, 293, 296
276, 290, 291, 292, Dantivikrama or Dantivikramavarman, Ganga293n, 296, 800, 806, 318 Pallava k.,
. . 292, 293 Chola, family,. . . . . 131n, 196nDanu, demoness, . . . . . 216 Chola-mandalam, di.. . . . 800 darśana, . . . . . . 22n Chotangi, co.. .
darkanas, the six, . . . . 185 Cha-Aryn, biruda of Buddharakshita, .68, 78 Darbi, vi, . . Chulukyn, e.a. Chaulukya, 200, 201, 203, Dårukávané vara, te., . 213, 214, 219 Dašakumâracharita,
. . 410 Chunar, ti.. . . . . . . 174 Dafanapura, vi.. . . . . 161 Chutia Nagpur, co., . . . . 288 dakparadha, . . . . . . 189
215, AL

Page #372

INDEX.
329
150
.
.
PAGE Dalapura, s.a. Dasor,, . 79, 95, 189, 194, 195 Dabaratha, mythical k., . , 216, 216 Dasaru pakam, quoted, . . . 98n Dasor, vi... . . . . . 195 dates :
recorded by a chronogram, . 8, 806, 308, 315 recorded in numerical symbols, 38, 188,
189, 194, 195, 280, 231, 284, 288 recorded in numerical words, . 10, 134 DAthAvama, name of a Buddhist work, Datt&mitri, nin . . . . . . 91 Dattag, m., . . . . . . 296 Dattasvamin, m., . . . . 194 Davåņi, vi.. . . Dayadâmi-pattal, di, . . . . Dayi (Dayika), 1., . . . . . 152n Deyiṁbarman, . . . . . 152 days, lunar :bright fortnight :first,
. 58, 271, 272, 306 second, . . . 267, 273, 274, 278 third, 5, 156, 163, 302, 207, 262, 277,
278, 280, 281, 282 fourth,
. . . 202, 266 fifth, . 4, 7,58 add., 158, 236, 264,
266, 270, 281 sixth, . . . . 124, 134 seventh, . . . . . . 3 eighth, .
. . 277 tenth,
. 183, 268, 269 eleventh, . . . 8, 9, 17, 21, 273, 277 twelfth, . . . . 6, 17, 24, 308 thirteenth,. . . 281, 269, 270, 274, 289 fourteenth,. . . . . 3, 5, 267
. . 271 full-moon, . 100, 54, 67, 68 and add., 147, 148, 152, 153, 154, 237,
240, 241, 282, 283 dark fortnight:
first, . . . , 8, 6, 41, 45, 98n, 283 second, . . . . . 274, 282 third, 195, 203, 204, 205, 219, 262, 263,
279, 282, 289 fourth, . .
. . 267, 268 fifth, 4,56n, 157, 189, 275, 278, 279, 283 sixth,. . .
. . . . 279 seventh, . . . 2, 7, 208, 280 eighth, . . 6, 208, 266, 269, 275, 276 ninth, . .
3, 6, 265, 266, 276
PAGE days, lunar :dark fortnight:tenth,
• 7, 276, 277, 289 eleventh, . . . 1, 2, 264, 265, 373 twelfth, . . .140, 263, 264, 265, 272 thirteenth, . . 6, 266, 272, 276, 278 fourteenth,. . . . . 208, 270 fifteenth,
. . . 271, 299 new-moon,
. . 57, 58, 305 days, solar :
. . . . 267, 277 eighth, . . fourteenth,
. . . 288 seventeenth,
. .
269 twenty-fourth,
. . . 266 twenty-fifth,
. . . . 299 twenty-eighth, . . . . . . 968 thirtieth. . . . . . 78, thirty-first, . . . .279
thirty-second, . . . 271, 272 days of the week :Sunday, 4, 7, 153, 154, 203, 204, 205, 219, 265, 267, 269, 270, 272, 282,
283, 318, 320 Monday, 5, 6, 54, 57, 58 and add., 152,
153, 154n, 168, 207, 265, 266, 267, 268, 271, 272, 273, 276, 77,
278, 280, 282, 283, 289, 290 Tuesday, . 4, 56n, 262, 263, 273, 276, 230 Wednesday, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 56n, 124, 134,
167, 262, 263, 264, 266, 271,
272, 274, 275, 277, 279, 281, 299, 305 Thursday, 1, 2, 3, 56n, 163, 208, 203.901,
265, 269, 270, 270, 96 Friday, 6, 7, 10, 155, 208, 239, 270,
267, 280, 281, 200, 2:13 Saturday, 8, 9, 261, 268, 270, 277, 278,
$ 3, 289, 290 Demetrias, vi., , . Deoha, sur. of Gogra,. . . . 150 Deel-gana, . .
129n, 124 Dekinamamålå, quoted, 26n, 117n, 217.2, 952),
258n, 255n, 256n, 257, 58, 269n Désiogarasaru, ch., . . . . . 136n dei words, . . . . . . Daulavada, s.a. Dilwara, . . 900 900, 7 Dêúpali, vi., . . . devabhoga-hala, .
13 Dêvådhya, Parivrdjaka k.
. 488 Dêvagans, m., . . Dévageri, ni.. . . . . 25, 30, 6Sn
20
fifteenth,
.

Page #373

830
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
[VOL. VIII.
92
Рлов Dévagiri, vi.. . . .
. . . 299 Dåva[ha]li-pattala, di., .
. 150 Dévak ulapataka, s.a. Dilauda,
195 ddvakulika, a shrine,. . Devanam Piye, s.a. Asoka,. Dévanayaka-Peruma, te. . Davapála, Paramdra le.. . Dåvapurióvara, te., . . Dévaputra, title, . Dovaraja, Rashtrakdfa k.,. . . 161 Dåvaraja-bhatta, m., . . . . 316 Dövarâja-bhatta-yakshyamâna, m., . 303 Devarajandra, 8.a. Devaraya II., 308, 316 Dövaram, poem, . . 290, 291, 293n, 318 Devaraya I., Vijayanagara k., . 800, 307, 315 Düvaraya II., do, • 127, 308, 315 Davasthầna, vi.. . . . . 151 Dévavarman, Kadamba k., .
30, 31 Dévf, 8.a. Parvati,
. . 214, 217 Dhadhûka, m.,. .
. 158n Dhamanandin, m., . Dhambhika, vi., Dhammadêva, m., Dhammamahîmâta, 8.a. Mahamata, Dhammanahaddika, s.a. Dhamnar, Dhammarakhita, m.,. . . . Dhuniñakataka, s.a. Dharaņikota, .
68 Dhamnar or Onar, vi, . . . . 195 Dhamnod, vi., .
. 195 Dhanabhùti, m., . . Dhanulevi, f... .
201, 214 Dhanakata, vi., .
. 65, 65 Dhanama, mn., . . Dhananjaya, m.,
230 Dhanamkata, s.a. Dhanakata, Dunapåla, author, . . Dhanavati, Buddhist nun, .
182 Dhandhala, ., . . .
203, 219 Dhandhalovaradova, te. . . .
206 Dhandhuka, Para mára k., . . 201, 216 Dhandhasa, m., . . .
158 Dhanésaramaus-pattala, di., . Dha gatapataka, s.a. Thanaura, . . . 285 Dhanyavâți, s.a. Dharaņikota, . . . 11 Dhår, vi., . . . . . 96, 98, 241 Dhara, s.a. Dhår,
98, 99, 100, 201 Dharadatta, m.,
.
. 140 Dhårdgiri, hill,
. 100 Dharaniga, m.,. .
. 203, 217 Dharapikota, vii,
, 11, 12, 13, 68
PAGE Dharasêna IV., Valabhi k., . 189, 190, 195, 241 Dharâsraya, sur. of Jayasimhavarman, 230, 231 Dhârâvarsha, Paramára k., . 201, 202, 216 Dharkata, family, .
. .
. . . 206 dharma, s.a. charitra,. . dharmachakra-mudra, . . . . 178 dharmamahArája, . .
30, 147 dharmamahArájádbirkja, . . . Dharmaraja, 8.a. Asoka, . . 167 Dharmasastra, . .
. . 140 Dhauli, vi, . . . . . 188, 207 Dhaüli, s.a. Dhauli,
206, 207 Dhritikara, m.,.
. . . 140 Dhrava or Dhruvaraja, Rashtrakufa k., 183, 184 Dhruvabhata, Paramdra k., . 201, 216 Dhruvasina II., Valabhi k., 188, 189, 190, 195 Dhruvasêna III., do., . . . . 190 Dhulia, vi.. . . . . . . 182 Dhûmarája, Paramára k. . 201, 206, 316 aikshả, . . .
. . 36 Dilauda, vi.,
. . . . . 195 Dilwara, vi.. .
. . 207 Diniks, A., . .
. 78, 82, 85, 86 Divákara, ., . .
. . . 317 Divel Khedi or Dibal Kheri, vi... : 195 divirapati, a chief secretary, . 189, 190 Dodda, Reddi k., . .
10 Doddabetta, hill at Sravana-Belgola, . 123n Doddahundi, vi., .
53 Doddâmbika, Reddi queen, Doddaya, Reddi k., .
. . 9 Donti Allada-Reddi, Reddi ch., . . . 11 Dorbali, s.a. Gummata,
124, 134 Dråkshârâma, vi.. . . . . . 12 dpishad, . . . . . 34 Dadhali, di, . . . . . . 151 Dudia, vi.. . . . . . . 31 dudigai (dvitiya),
. .2671 dataka, . . 70, 140, 146, 189, 190, 288 Dvaravatika, s.a. Dwårå, . .'294, 285, 283 Dvarka, oi.. . . . . . . 206n dvitiya-śråvana, . . . . . 127 Dwara, vi.. . . . . . 285
176
.
10
. 117n
160
eclipse, lunar, . Egmore, vi.. Êkámra-bhatta, m., Ekamranátha, te.,
. . . .
. . .
. . .
10, 237, 240, 271
. 290 . . 316 . 3, 300

Page #374

INDEX.
331
PAGE elephant crest,. .
50, 52 Elkúru, vi... . . . . 54, 56, 57 Elumbůr, s.a. Egmore,
290 Elamuri-parru, di., . .
. . 300, 305 Elamdr-nadu, di., . . . 291 eras :
Gupta, . . . . 284, 288, 289, 290 Gupta-Valabhi,. 188, 190, 195, 201 Kalachuri-Chedi, . . . . 202n, 331 Kaliyuga, . . 8, 9, 261, 289, 818, 320 Kanishka, . . .
172, 178 Saka or SAKA (SAll or Salivahana), 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 16, 41, 62, 63, 64, 55, 56n, 124, 125n, 127, 128, 129, 130, 134, 183, 184, 231, 240, 241, 261, 374,
276, 277, 281, 283, 299, 300, 305, 308, 316, 319 Vikrama, 52, 152, 153, 154, 157, 158, 201,
202, 203, 204, 207, 208, 219 Ereyamma, m., . . . . . 59 Ereyappa, W. Ganga k., . . 63, 64, 66
F Fathpur-Sikri, vi. . . . . 181 Firûz Shah, Bahmani k., . . . . 12 Florence, city, . . . . . : 173 forest kingdoms, the eighteen (atbArAgarh),
285, 286, 288 Fort St. George, . . . . . . 291n Fra Angelico, . . . . . . 173
Раев Gandapara, ri., .
138 add. Gandhara, co.,
174, 177, 178, 181 Gandharva, demi-gods, . . . 36, 62 Ganeda, god, . . . . 23n, 200, 213n Ganesa-chaturthi, .. . . . 266n Ganga, Western, dy., 26n, 61, 62, 63, 54, 55,
56, 57, 58 Gangå (Ganges), ri, 230, 161, 162, 163, 165,
167, 215 Gangadhara, m., . . . . . 98 Gangåditya, te., . . . . . . 152 Gangaikondacholaparom, vi. . . Ganga-Pallave, dy, . 292, 293, 295, 318 Gångøya, Kalachuri k., . . . . 98Gångeya, 8.a. Bhishma, .
. . 98 Gangoli Somanåtha-bhatta, m.,
306 Gångpur, di. . . . . . 286 Gani-Âtukūru, oi., . .
. . 10 Gañjigere, vi . . . 52, 53 Garga, astronomer, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 57, 58 add.,
262, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280,
281, 282, 283, 289 gashmals, the eighteen, Garuda, god, . . . . . Garuda banner, . . . . . . Garuda crest,
, 152, 164 Gåtha,
• 26n, 170 Gattavadi, vi., . . . .. . 53 Gauda, co., : : :
. :
. 38, 98 Gaüļavabo, quoted, . . . . 117, 118n Gaur, co., . . . . . . . 286 Gaurl, s.a. Parvati,
. . 216 Gautamiputra, sur. of Satakarni, . . 63, 72 Gayà, vi., . . . . . . 174 ghaļiagbaďå (ghatikaghata), 8.a. goshthi, 26n ghaisasa,. . . . . . . 26n ghatika, . . . . . . 26, 34 ghatikksabaas, e.a. ghaisasa, .
26n Ghoderåya-Bhimaya-guru, 8.a. Gløderåya
Ganga, . . . . . . . 9n Ghoderaya-Ganga, m., . . . 9 Ghorar&ya-Bhimavara, 8.a. Gboderåya-Gadga, On Girinagara, s.a. Junagadh, . . 42, 45 Girnar, mo., 37, 401, 42, 62, 87, 167n, 203 Goa, vi.. . . . . . . 25n Godavari, ri. . . . . 11, 183, 184 Gogra, ri.
. . . 160 Gohada, m., . .
. . . . 163 gokara, .
. . : 162, 167
20
.
200 206, 207
207
207
gâbhâra, s.a. sabha-mandapa, GadAhada, s.a. Gadara, . . Gadara, vi., . . . Gadara (Gadada), s.a. Gadara, gaddi, a throne, . . . gaddige, do.; . . . . gadyapa or gadyanaka, a pagoda, . Gåga, m., . . .
. Gagaha, vi., . . . . Gågôka, ., . . . Gågüka, m., . . . . GAhadavåla, family, gahiyaskhasa, s.a. ghaisasa, Gajalaksbmi, . . Gajapati, title,. . . gandu, a pagoda,
. ganachårya, . . . . Sanapaka, an accountant, .
. 200 add. . 200 add. 125, 180, 186n . 208, 217 . . 167n . . 155 . . 156n
149, 150n
130
.
. . .
89

Page #375

332
Golden Hall,
Gomatattar, family name,
Gomathattu Karapakara-bhatta, m.,
Gondwânâ, co.,.
Gopana, ch.,
Gosaladevi, queen of Govindachandra, gôshthi,
Gotami, Andhra queen,
Gotami Balasiri, do., gôtras:
•
Kaundinys,
Kausika,
Mânavys,
Bhargava,
Garga,
Gantama,
Kalabava,
Kasyapa, 126, 135, 147, 148, 155, 163, 230,
Nidhruva-Kasyapa,
Parâéara or Pârâsara,
Paravasa,
Samkriti,
Sathamarshapa,
Atreya,
306, 316
Bharadvaja or Bharadvaja, 144, 146, 152, 153, 163, 236, 284, 285, 288, 292, 293n, 296, 306, 316, 317
317 285
140
238
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Sore-Guiti, di...
Govind II., Fishtrakuta k.,
Govinda III, do,
PAGE
300, 305
300n
306
286
305n
149
26n
94
61
Govindanatha, te.,
Govinda pandits, M., Govindasvåmin, m., Govisâlaka, di., Gowra, vi.,
+
•
+
Såvarpi,
Vadhála,
Vasishtha,
Vatsa,
Visvamitra,
dova (Goa), vi.,. Guvadhana or Govardhana, v., C5, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 79, 80, 82, 89 Gerardhanagiri, hill in the Shimoga district, 125n
Govardhangiri, hill near Korhaja,
125, 138
Gove-Chandraguti, di,
194
334n
183, 184
184, 292
306, 316
Govinda-bhatta, m., Govindachandra, Kanauj k., 149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159n 316 308, 315 147, 148 151
.
150
"
"
315, 316, 317 236, 238, 306 183, 189, 316 34, 148 317 189, 194, 195, 306
153
306 303, 316 306 310, 317 317 306, 313, 317 306 12
Goyara, s.a. Gowra, Goyara-pattala, di., Græco-Buddhist art, Grahavarman, ch.,
gramaka, a small village,
Gramam, vi.,
Gramam Kadavu,
Greek,
Guguli (Gugli) Brahmans, Gubila, family,. Gujarat, co.,
Gujarat Chalukya, family, gulma, battalion, Gulwårå, vi.,
gumda, a niche (P),
Gummata, Jaina saint, Gummatamba, f.,
Gummaţêévara, 8.a. Gummata, Gunapâla, m., gupas, the six, Gundlakamma, ri.,
.
Gurjara, co.,
Gutti, s.a. Chandragutti, Gutti, vi.,..
Gutti thirty-four, di, guttu (guttigedara),
Gunottunga, m.s
Gupta, dy., 29, 31, 36, 37, 172, 174, 175, 177,
hâḍa, measure, Hagana, Kshatrapa k., Haihaya, s.a. Kalachuri, Hala, author, haladhåre, Haladoya-pattalà, di., Halayudha, quoted, Hallegere, vi., Halsi, vi, Hampana-bhatta, m., hana, coin, Hanasoge, vi., Handaüdrâ, vi.,
.
H
[VOL. VIII.
PAGE
150 150
174, 177, 178
48n
164
261
147
95
hâne, measure, Harava, s.a. Parava, Haravilâsam, Telugu poem, . Haribhadrasûri, Jaina teacher,
206 . 202
99, 101, 231
231
89 285 136
15, 122, 134n
126, 134
17, 24, 125, 135
155
36n
10 317
•
.
.
•
179, 286, 288
99, 202, 216
134 .134n
134n 138n
•
•
.
•
.
124, 129, 137, 138
. 174m 285, 286
.117, 118n, 243, 259n
124, 137
150 48n, 215n
26n 30, 147 308, 316
130 .122n, 129n 206 .124, 129, 130, 136, 137 136 11, 12 203, 205, 218
•
.

Page #376

INDEX.
333
PAGE
PAGE Harichandapált, vi, . .
. . 157 Ilam, Ceylon, .
. . 6, 265, 266 Harihar, vi., . .
. . . 124 Immadi-Bhairarasa-Vodeya, 3.a. Bhairava II., Harihara, god,. . . . . . 298
124, 134 Harihara II., Vijayanagara k., 12, 16, 17, 398, Immai-Devaraya, sur. of Mallikarjuna, 308
299, 300, 305, 306, 307 Indaura, Indavura or Indavúra, 8.a. II . Hariharesvara, 8.a. Harihara II., . : . 315
52, 59 Hariputra, . . . . . 34, 148 Indavara, Indapara or IndAvåra. vi.. . . 52 Harivaméa, Jaina work, , .
184 Indayura, s.a. Indavars. . . . . 52 Harivankam, Telugu poem, .
indra, a Jcina priest, . . . . 136 Harivarman, Kadamba k., . . . 30, 31, 147 Indra, yod, . . . . 134, 215, 315 Harivatsakotta, fort, . . . . 164 Indrabhattarakavarman, E. Chalukya k., 337 Harshacharita, quoted
28, 46, 47, 48n
Indragnidatta, m., . . . . 81, 91 Hastimalla, the elephant of Indra, . 241
Indramadhava, to. . . . . 162 Hastin, Parivrajaka k., .
288, 289
Indravajra, metre, . . . . . 28 Hastisena, m., . . . . 208n IrAyur Sottai Nrittarâja-bhatta, m., . 306 [Ha P]thaunda-pattala, di... 150 Iruga or Irugapa I., ch., ,
16, 17, 23 Hêmachandra, 25, 26, 34n, 39n, 117, 144n,
Irugapa II., ch., . .16, 17, 22, 23, 24 208n, 216n, 242, 246, 247n, 248n,
Irugappa, s.a. Iruga I., . . . 17 249n, 262n, 254n, 255, 257n, 2580, 260m Irugindra or Iragbóvara, s.a. Iragapa II., 16, 23 hêmanta, the winter season, . . : 31
Irumalapoban Akkondavilli-somayajin, . 806 Hêmasena, Jaina teacher,. . 17 Irungandi Devaraja-bhatta, m., .
306 Hemâvati, vi., . . . . . . 136n flapratishthana, vi... . . . 151 Hetamji, vi., . .
• 207 H&thatñjt, s.a. Hetamji,
• 206, 207
Isidore of Kharase, . . . . . Himalaya, mo., . . . . . 216n, 286
Isvaradása, m., . svaradiso. m..
. . . 284. 988 Himavat, s.a. Himalaya, . 61 Ievarasena, Athira k.. .
. 89 HArabadagalli, vi.. . . . 144, 145, 146n I tihasa, . . . . . . . 188 hiranya, . . . . . 153, 154 I-tsing, . . .
. 1771 Hird-Båsûr, vi.,
. . 52, 54
Iyarpa, quoted, . . . . . 2900 Hirdmagaļür, ci, .
50, 53, 54, 56n Hiriyangadi, vi., .
122, 125, 128 Hitpahebbà gilu, di.. . Hiuen Triang, . .
30 . .
Jabalpır, oi., . .
. homs,
34
. . .
. .
. . . 985
Jagaldóra, santara ch., . . . Hombucha., s.a. Humcha,
. 1262 Honnamâmbikå, f., .
Jagudekamalla, sur. of Jayasimha II., . 300
Jagadėkamalla II., W. Chalukya ., . . 1282 honnu, coin, . .
Jagannathasvamin, te., , .
. Hooghly, ri., .
. 277
Jaina, Hosabasti, te.,
16, 17, 22, 24, 79, 99n, 122, 123, .,
. 125n .
124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 134n, 135, Hoysala, dy. . . 101, 185n Humcha, vi.,
136, 137n, 188n, 170, 184, 200, 201, 203, .
182n, 126, 127 Hurumañji, s.a. Ormuz, . . .
20$ add., 207, 218, 241, 242, 290n, 318
12 . Husukäru, vi., .
. . 55 Jaitrasimha, .,
. . . 203, 216, 218 Huvishka, Kushana k. 172, 179, 180, 181, 182
Jaitugidēvs, Paramdra k., . . . . 99n jalakara, .
. 152, 157 Jalanogi, co., . . . . . 12 Jalhaņa, m., .
162
Jalha, f. . . . . . 201, 214 Iba, ri., . . . . . 79 Jambågar, vi., , . . . fla lamp, . . . . . .296 | Jambusara, s.a. Jambusar,
•
266
.
286
189

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334
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
PAGE
PAGE Janaka, mythical k., . . . . . 22 Junagadh, vi, . . . . . 37, 42 Janaki, f. . . . . . 16, 22 Junnar, vi.,
. . . 75, 89 Janamejaya, mythical k.,. . 61 Jupiter, planet, . . . 31n, 289, 290 Janamdjaya or Janmējaya, sur. of Mahabhava- Jyotihkâstra, . . . . 152, 155
gupta I., 139, 140 Jangala, co., . . . . . 201 Jarusttha)-pattala, di., .
150
к Jatabhara, ascetic, . . . . . 164 JAtaka, quoted, 36, 40n, 45n, 480, 161, 176, 243n
Kachchha, co.,. . . . , 41, 47 Jata-Sarkara, te., . . . .
Kachchhoha-pattalà, di.. . 164
. . . . 160 Jaţåvarman Kuladkhara, Pandya k.,274, 275
Kadaba, vi., . .
. . 294n Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I., do., 375n,
Kadaka (Kataka), vi.. . . . 145, 146 278, 279, 280, 281 Kadamba, co., .
. . . 35 Jatavarman Sundara-Pâpdya II., do., 274, 278,
Kadamba, family, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 279, 280, 281
35, 36n, 126n, 147, 148, 149 Jaţilavarman, do. . . . 294n, 318, 319
Kadamba, do. . . . . . 38n Jattikšti, m., . . . . .
kadamba, tree, . . 138
. . . .
.28, 34
.28 Jaugada, vi., . .
. . 168
Kadambari, quoted, . . . . 291, 48n Jávali, vi., . . . . 54, 55 Kadapperi, vi., • .
. 309 Jayachchandra, Kanauj k., . • 149, 150, 152 kadi, measure,. . . 295, 296 Jayadaman, Kshatrapa k., . . . 41, 45n
kâhâ paņa (kârshậpaņa), coin, 79, 80, 82, 83, Jayadankakara, biruda, . . 54, 56
84, 85, 89, 90 Jayadutta ramga], do., . . . 53, 54, 56n
Kaikasi, demoness, . . . . . 30n Jayake in, Kadamba ch., . . . . 126n
Kailass, m.. . . . . . 140 Jayanta, god, . .
216 Kailasa, mo. . . . 9n, 62, 64, 135, 206n Jayantasimha, Chaulukya k., . . . 99
Kailasanatha, te., .
. 6 Jayantasimha, s.a. Jaitrasimha, 203, 216, 217 Kailasanathasvamin, te., . . 265, 266 Jayasimha, ch., . . . . . . 164
. . . . 189, 241 Jayasinha or Jayasitahadeva, Chanlukya k., kaiyakki, . . . . . . . 138n
99, 201, 202 Kakati or Kakatiya, dy. . . . .9.11 Jayasitha, Kérala k., , . 8,9
Kakhali, vi., .
. . . 74 Jayasimba, 8.a. Bhimadova II., . . 99, 100 Kakhadt, Western, vi.. . . . . . 72 Jayasimha, 8.a. Jaitugideva, . . .99n Kaků, m., . . . . . . 152, 153 Jayasimha II., 17. Chalukya k., . . 301 Kakustha, 8.a. Kakusthavarman,
29, 35 Jayasinhavarman, Gujarat Chalukya ch., 230, 231
KAkustha (Kakutstha), s.a. Rama, . : 36 Jaya raya, sur. of MangalarAja.. . 231 Kakusthavarman, Kadamba k., 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36 Jayasri, s.a. Vijayasri, .
100, 101nKakutstha, mythical k., . . . . 215 Jētavana, park, . . • 180 Kalachuri, dy., • . . . 98, 202n, 285 Jikvai-pattala, di., . . 160 Kalahastinatha, m., . . . . 316 Jikvati-pattalà, di., .
150 Kaļaiyarkovil, vi.. . . . . 279, 383 jihvámůliya, . .
25, 188, 194, 230 Kalakkal, vi., .
ARKU, UW. . . . . . . .318n Jins, 15, 21, 23, 67, 71, 121, 126, 134, 136, Kalakkuļi, di.,
. . . 318n 136, 138, 303, 206, 206n, 207, 208, 214, 218 Kaļaickusi, s.a. Kalakkad, . . . 318, 320 Jinadatta or Jinadattaraya, mythical k., 1259, Kalalolsvi, Kalasa-Karkala princess, . 129
126, 127, 128, 13.1. kalam, measure . Jinapa or Jinêndra, 8.a. Jina : 124, 126, 134 kalañju, . . . . . 295, 296 Jinnappa, m., . . . . . . 138 Kalappal, vi., . . . . 5, 377 Jivita, m., . . . . . . 388 Kalasa, vi.. . . . . 127, 128, 129 jana, . . . . . 22n Kalasa-Karakn!a-rajyn, co., . , 127, 128, 129 Jumpa (Yamuna), ri., . . 386 Kalasa-Karkala, family,
137, 129
.
.
. 295

Page #378

PAGE
127
Kalasa-rajya, di.; Kalavai, vi., :
Kalavai-parru, di,
309 308, 309n Kalava-nivṛit, s.a: Kalavai-parru, 308, 309, 315 Kales Dewar, s.a. Mâravarman Kulasekhara I., 291n Kalhana, author, 101 Kali age, 34, 134, 215 Kalidasa, poet,
98n
Kalinga, co.,
161, 288n
161 285 279, 283 265, 266 . 122n
217, 315, 316
264, 274n
134n 168, 170 50 204, 206 126n add.
299, 305
316
98n 175, 178 217 153n, 154n, 155, 157, 159
Kalinganagara, 8.a. Mukhalingam,
Kalinjar, vi.,
Kalisvara, te.,
Kalla-Perumbûr, vi.,
Kalogra-gana, school of Jaina teachers,
kalpa,
kalpâdi, tithi,
Kalpa sutra, Jaina work,
Kalsi, vi, .
kalyani, a square pond,
kalyanika, festival,
Kamakoda, m.,
Kamakshi, queen of Samgama,
Kamakshi-dharma-mandapa,
Kamalinikalahamsa, natika,
Kaman, vi.,
.
Kanakalêkhâ, f.
Kanakapura, s.a. Pombuchcha,
Kamma- or Karma-rashtra, di.,
Kampavikramaavarman, Ganga-Pallava k., Kamrej, vi.,
Kaugrâ, vi.,
Kanhadadeva, s.a. Krishnarajadê va,
Kaphagiri, mo.,
Kanhahini, Western, vi., Kaphavalahara, di.,
Kamandaki, author,
Kamauli, vi.,
Kamboja, co.,
kambuļa,
Kambuva, m.,
Kâmkandala palace, Kammåka- or Karmaka-rashtra, 8.a. Kammarashtra, 234 and add., 236 and add., 238
•
.
4
*
"
*
•
62
124, 138 138 285
and add.
234, 238 292 231
100
126n
149, 150n 155
.
Kanauj, vi.,
Kapauta, vi.,
Kanchi or Kanchipura (Conjeeveram), vi., 8, 28, 34, 35, 233, 234, 236, 292, 294n Kangali-pattala, di., 150 Kabgavarman, Kadamba k., 28, 30, 35
171 206
•
INDEX.
+
.
.
61
77
230, 231
Kapheri, vi., Kanhwårå, vi.,
Kanishka, Kushana k.,
•
Kantasanti, sur. of Santinatha, Kânûr-gana, Kapalamochana-ghatta, Kapaléévara, te.,
Kapálichcharam, s.a. Kapaléévara, Kapananaka, m., Kapardisvara, te.,
152 290n . 290n 91
2, 4, 5, 6, 263, 268
Kapichità, ri., Kapila, rishi,
75 288 83
Kapura, di., Karabena, ri.,
68, 79 and add. Karaikilân, m., ⚫ 296 Karakala, s.a. Karkala, . 123, 125, 128, 129, 135 Karambichchettu, family name, Karambichchettu Mahâdova-bhaṭṭa, m.,. karana :Någa, karanika,
300n 306
Karimâran, sur. of Nammålvår, Kârkaļa, vi.,
172, 173, 174, 175,
176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182
17 . 129n
299, 305
152, 157, 158 Karavandapara, sur. of Kalakkudi, 318, 319n, 320 Karavandisvara, te.,
Kari, m.,.
2 319 319
Karkaraja, Rashtrakuta ch., Karkúr Ghat, Karlê, vi.,.
122, 128, 124, 125, 127, 128,
.
Karmapêya, s.a. Kamrój, Karna, mythical k., Karnasundari, náțiká, Karttikeya (Skanda), god, Karumarachchéri, v., Karuvûr, vi.,
Kasahrada, Kasahrada or Kasadraha, s.a. Käeindra-Paladi,
KA Akuḍi, vi., Kasaloda, di.,
Kasi, s.a. Benares, Kasika-vritti,
Kasikhandam, Telugu poem, Käsindra-Paladi, vi.,
1
•
kataka, a camp,
KAtaya-Vêma, Reddi k., kathari-ankusa-gadyâna, coin, Kathasaritsagara, quoted, Kati-pattala, di.,
PAGE
83, 84 285
335
129, 130, 135n
183 .1-16n 59, 66, 79 231 8, 98n
. 98n
29, 350
296 5, 266
.
"
206 26, 234
140
178
39n
9n 206n . 139 12
. 130n
63
150
.

Page #379

336
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. VIII.
25n
PAGE Entata, i. . .
. . 238 Kandina. a. Konkan, , , , 202, 216 Kviks, fol. . . . . . 94 Kanthon, wi.. . . . . . Kavaalakira- b a ., .
. 234, 236 Kaveza,. , . . . . 147 Küvüriye Kardrippakko (Kiröripak),
. 308, 309, 315
• 206 Koritskiet, ** Betina tla,. . . 17 kávya, . . .
. . . 28 Kiryadarás Kayastha, . . .
• 140 Kekapura, ., . Kelutaso, s.a. Keravice,
. 129, 138 Kolhana, n., . . Kersla, Co., , . Keravase, s.a. Koravaše, Keravaće, vi.. . . [Kosauro Il-pattal, di., Keava, 8.0. Visbmu.. . Keravayya, ., . . . Khaila påvili, os. . . Kbailaatalia, s.o. Kulw.,.. . Khaiwera or Kailwart, oi., . Khakharata, dy., .
. . . 61 Kharagraha II., Valabhi A.,
189, 190 Kharamosta, . . . Kharaosta, . . . . . 174n Klaratallan, 3x21 c1., 173, 174, 177, 179 Kbariar, di. . . . . . . 286 khattaka, a paloil, 900 and add., 203, 218 Khayari, as.. .
· 151 Kloh, vi.. . . . . 284, 285, 288, 289 KhônÉP 11 , 2, • • • • • Kikkasvanin... . . . . . 230 KII- M
, vi, . . . . . 319 Kilar, 2"., . . . . . . 281 Kiralarimiz, gobel, . . . : 360 Kişiyamugali a.d. Cumain, 60, 61,58 Kirtikaumudi, pocul . 200, 201, 201, 208, 317n Kirepúsani, ei,
. . 147, 118 Kista, di, . . . . . 10, 12 Kiva!ør, vi., . .
267, 269 kodaige. kodage, Lodige om lodegi, an aliot
ment, . . . . . . . 51 Kodinki, vi. . . . . . . 238 Kojambe, vi.. . . . . . 8 Kollipago, si.. . . . . . 238 Komarazedongo, viruca, .
56
PAGE Komarayya, ., .
. . . 69 Kömati, caste, , . . . , Komati, Reddi ch., . . . . . 13 Kamati, Reddi prince, . . . 10 Komaţi-Prola, Reddi k., . . . 9, 10 Komaţi-Véma, do., . . . . 11 Komaţi-Véma, 8.a. Peda-Komaţi-Véma, 12 Komaţi-V&ma, 8.a. Vema, . . . . 10 Kondamudi, vi., . .
66, 69, 145, 146 Kondavida, vi., . . . , 11, 12, 13Kopôraqmaikondan ort Kogérimelkondan
Vikrama-Pandya, Pandya k., 274, 281, 282 Kongalva, dy., . . . . . . 56 Kongapi-Mahadhiraja, W. Ganga k., 147 Konguộivarman, do. . . . . 62, 58 Konkan, co., . . . . . . 202 Koppa, vi.. . . . . 127, 128 Kosambakuti,
. . 180, 181 Kosamba-pattalà, di., . . . . . 160 Kosambi, vi, . .
. 168, 169 Kotadi, s.a. Kotra, . . 206, 207 KO[th]takotiavarahotta[ra], di... 150, 1510 Koti-tirtha, . . . . . 152, 158 Kotra, vi., . . . . 207 kottam, a district, . . . , 171 kottanigraha (kötta påla),
161n Kottar-nâu, di. . .
291n Krisliņa, god, 98, 206n, 216 and add., 217n, 316 Krishna, riski, . . . . . 207 Krishna (Kanba), Satavahana k., . Krishni, ri., , .
10, 11, 12, 28n Krishna I., Rashfrakdfa k., . . 184 Krishnarajadêva, Paramára k., 201, 205,
206, 216 Krishnaraya, Vijayanagara k.,. . 1270 Krishnavarman I., Kadamba k., . , 80, 81 Krishộavarman II., do. . . . 30, 31 Kţita age, . . . . . . . 215Krittiväsas, te., . . . . . 152 Kshaharata, dy. . . 72, 78, 82, 85, 86 Kshatrapa, a Satrap, . 41, 46, 78, 82, 85,
86, 173, 174, 175, 180 Kshatrapa, Western, dy., . . . 41 Kalatriya, caste, . . . 28, 34, 47, 61 Kubja, .,
. . . . 28, 29, 36 Kuda, vi., . . . . 62, 77, 91 Kůdyrere, vi.,
. . . . . 147 kudnte, measure,
124, 129, 130, 136, 137 koduva, do. . . . . . . 1290 Kûgo-Brab maddva pillar . . . 1330 Kukura, co., . . . , 41, 47, 61, 62

Page #380

INDEX
337
450
PAGE
PAGE Kulaipa, ch., .
41, 49 kulaðgilar, priests, . . . .
· 295 kolarika, a potter(P),. . . 89 lagna - Kulasekberadova, sur. of Ravivarman,, 8, 9
Vpisha or Vrisbabba, . . . 124, 134 Kaligere, vi., . .
Labore, vi.. . . . . . 297 Kaļi-Mabátåraka, te., . .
146 Lahul, vi., . .
. . . 174 Kulottuvga I., Chbla k., . 290, 2910 LAkbalgámv, vi.. .
. 183 Kulottunga-Chola II., do...
.
261 Lakshmana, m., . . . . . 189, 236n Kulottunga-Chola III., do., . 1, 4, 7, 260, 264, Lakshmana-bhatta, m., .
. 316 265, 266, 291
Lakshmi, goddess, . . . . . 139 Kulottunga-Chola-valanadu, 5. a. Puliyar
Lakshmivarman, Paramara k., . . 202n kottam,
. . . . . 2910
Lalitádêvî, wife of Vastupala, . . 203, 216 Kumara, 8.a. Karttikêya, .
214 Lalitakirti, title of Jaina teachers, 122, 124, 129 Kamarad&vi, f., . . . . 200, 207, 214 Lalitakirti-Bhattarakadêra, s.a. Lalitakirti, 122n kumaragadianaka, . . 152, 155
Lalitánkora, Pallava surname, . . 145 Kumaragiri, Reddi k., . . 11, 12, 13
Lalitavistara, quoted, . . . . 45n Kumara-Hakasiri, ch.,
. . . 92 languages:Kumarapala, Chaulukya k., . 201, 202, 216
A pabhrama, . . . . . 242 Kumarasvamin, ... . . . 189, 194
Bengali, . . . . . . 139 Kumâra-Vedagiri, 8.a. Pina-Vedagiri, . 13
Gujarati, . . . . Kumâravishnu I., Pallava k., . . 234, 236 Kanarese, . . 51, 123, 124, 261, 307 Kumâravishņu II., do., . 833, 234, 236, 238 Magadbi, . . . . . 168 Kumbhakôņam, vi, . . . .
Måbåråshtri, . . . . 294
. 100, 242 Kumbhinasi, demoness, . . 300 Pali, . . . .26n, 39n, 40n, 45n, 71 Kamudasbandra-Bhattarakadēva, Jaina
Pråkpit, 39, 97, 100, 143, 144, 170, 172, teacher, . . . . . 129n
180, 181, 204, 207, 241 Kundakunda, do. . . . . . 123n
Sanskrit, 8, 9, 16, 25, 37, 39, 40, 79, 81, Kundi, s.a. Gundlakamma,. .
84, 96, 97, 100, 123, 139, 143,
. 10 Kandi-Prabha, do. . . . . . 10
147, 152, 153, 155, 156, 158, 160, Kantala or Kuntala, co., .
101, 305
164, 172, 175, 180, 181, 183, 188,
194, 200, 204, 207, 230, 233, 237, Kúpaka, Co., . . Kuppan, m., i .
284, 291, 298, 307, 318 add. Kuppehalu, vi...
Saurasni,. . . . . . .
. 100 . . 56 Karam, ving .
Tamil, 8, 261, 291, 292, 298, 307, 318 and add. Kuriyida, vi,
Telugu, . .
• .
9, 13n, 261, 2910 Karmakataka, poem, . . . . 242, 243n Låta, co., . . . . . . .231 Karmi, caste, . . . . . . 284 Lande vara, te., . . . . . 152 Kurnool, di., . .
. 10 Lavaņaprasåda, Vaghala k., . 201, 205, 215 Karðri Devaraja-bhatta, m., . 306 Lávaṇyasimha, I., . . .
203, 217, 218 kufa, gra88, . . . . 34 Liluka, f., . . .
203, 217 kulana, . . : . . 82, 83, 84 Linga, ch., . .
. . 13 Kushana or Kusban, dy., 172, 173, 174, 175, lion crest,. .
. . . . 164 177, 178, 179, 180, 182, 297 Lokanatharasa, santara ch., . . 128, 129n Kasbmandini-yakshi, goddess, . . 15 Lôkapkla, 7. . . . . . . 156 Kusumakara, m., . . 100 Lolarka, te. .
. 152 Kusumamafijari, s.a. Parijatamafjarf, 101n Lëlira pada or Lolikapada, vi., . 158, 159 Kusumasri, do. . . . . . . 1010 Lota, m. . . . . Kattalam, vi., . . . . . 298, 800 Lucknow, vi.. . . . 148, 178, 179, 181 Kuvalála (Kolar), i., . . . 52, 58 lunar race, . . . . . 126, 128 Kuvdra, ., . . . . . . 29' Läņasha, s.a. Lđộasimha, . . . . 207
74

Page #381

338
Lupasihavasahika, s.a. Lunasimhavasahika, Lunasimha, s.a. Lavanyasimha, Lanasimhavasahikà, sur. of the
temple,
Lapavasshika, s.a. Lunasimha vasahika, Luniga, m.,
Macha, mo., Mácha, Reddi ch., Mâcha, Reddi k.
Madana, poet,
Madanapala, Kanauj k., Madanapala, m.,
Mâdâniḍu, ch.,
M
PAGE 206 203, 205, 217 Nêminâtha
200, 205 200, 207
200, 203, 214, 218
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Mahakuta, te., Maha-Magha, year, mahamahattama,
mahamandalêévara, Maha-Margasirsha, year,
Madapratibara, v., Madhari, Abhira queen, Madhava-maharajadhiraja, W. Ganga k.,
•
Madras Museum plates,
Madura, vi.,
Madurai, s.a. Madura,.
Madurakavi-Alvar, Vaishnava saint,
Mahabhashya, quoted,
Mahabhavagupta I., Trikalinga k., Mahabhavaguptarâjadêva,
gupta I.,
Mahad, vi., Mahadeva, 8.a. Siva,
Mahahakusiri, ch.,
mahajana, a merchant,
Mahakara, 1., Mahákosala, co., mahakshatrapa,
8.a.
.
Madhukammôja, m.,
Madhurakavi, sur. of Marangâri,
Madhuravanaka, vi.,
Madhûtsava, s.a. Vasantôtsava,
madhyastha, an arbitrator,
Madirai, s.a. Madura,
Madras, city, 290, 291n, 294n, 295, 307 and
61, 62 13 9, 12
. 98, 99, 100 149 155
12, 13
151
89
52 59
318, 319, 320 182 98n .129a 261
.
Magalur, s.a. Hirêmagalûr,
maha-Aryaka (mahaaïraka),
Mahabharata, 28n, 35n, 40, 47n, 49, 62, 63,
mahâsâmanta,.
mahâsâmiya, s.a. mahâsvâmika, mahâsândhivigrahi,
Mahâséna, s.a. Karttikeys, mahâsênâpati,
mahâsênâpatni,
Mahasivagupta II., Trikalinga k., Mahasivaguptarâjadeva, do., Mahaso-pattala, di., Mahasôya-pattalà, di, mahâsvâmika,
mahâtirtha, a great shrine, mahattaka,
mahattama, mahattara,
Mahavagga, quoted, Mahavastu, do., mahavihârasvamin, Mahavira, Jaina saint, 139, 140 Mahendra, mo.,
39n
·
add., 318, 319
•
9
276, 317, 318 4, 5, 265, 266 295, 319 50 67, 68, 73
79, 218, 292n
Mahabhava
.
.
[VOL. VIII.
Mahamatas, Superintendents of the Sacred Law, Mahanadi, ri.,
mahanta, title, Maha-Pausha, year, Maha-Phalguna, do.,
mahârâja, 9, 62, 70, 144, 145, 146, 155, 157, 160, 162, 163, 173, 174, 176, 179, 181, 182,
140 75 86, 164 91, 92
204
152
285
40, 41, 45, 46, 49, 173
25n 290
. 140 Malatimâdhava, drama, • 128, 204, 205, 305 284, 288, 289, 200
233, 234, 236, 237, 238, 284, 285, 286, 288, 315 maharajadhiraja, 9, 29, 128, 140, 149, 152,
153, 155, 157, 158, 183, 204, 205, 230, 231 mahârâjakula, 206 mahârâjaputra, 155, 157
PAGE
167 . 286 206, 207, 217 ⚫ 290 290
Maharajaputra-arimad-Asphôtachandradevaḥ,
legend on seal, Maharajaputra-srimad-Rajyapâladêvaḥ, do., 156
. 155
319n
·
•
•
•
148 67, 70, 94
94 140n
. 140
•
150 .150
68, 70, 78
207 .152
140
3 195
. 170
63, 79, 87, 89
73 .134n 61 ⚫ 286 203, 218
Mahendra, South Kosala k., Mahendrasûri, Jaina teacher, Mahêévara, s.a. Siva, Mâhêévara,
. 188 230, 238
Mahêévara, m.,
Mailapur, vi.,
Maitraka, family,
. 189 . 290 149n, 188, 236n Majhgawam, s.a. Bhumar, 285, 289 Makaradhvaja, sur. of Vishnuvardhana II., 237 Maladharin, sur. of Mallishêns, . 17 Maladharin, title of Jaina teachers, 122 261
·
72 . 140
Malava or Malavaka, a.a. Malwa, 81, 96, 99, 188, 189, 195, 201, 202, 216

Page #382

INDEX.
339
....
PAGE 1
PAGE Yalavalli, vi., . . . . . 29
Mangaldra-gadyana, coin, . . . 130n Malavikågnimitram, drama, . . . 98n Mangalûru, 8.a. Mangalore, . . .127 Malays, mo, .
. . 0,01, 81 Mangapa, ch., . . . . . 16, 22 MAlaya, co., . . . . . 79, 81 Mangiyuvarája, E. Chalukya le.,. 237, 238, 240 Malkavu, vi., .
. . 147, 148 Manimegalai, Tamil poem,
. . . 290 Malkhôd, vi., . . . 164 Mañjuri, Bodhisattva, .
177 Mella or Malla-Reddi, Reddi k., . . 10, 11 Manpai, vi.. . . . . . . 294 Malladatta or Malladatta, m., . . • 140 Mangaikudi, vi.. . . . . 294 Malladeva, m. . 201, 303, 305, 214, 217, 218 manne, hill country .
. . . 9 Malladevi, queen of Harihara II., 299, 306 Manpur, vi., . .
. . 165 Mallambika, s.a. Malladevi,
299 Mansehra, vi., . .
. . . 297 Mallaya, Reddik, . . . . . 9 Manu, .. . . . . 36n, 48n, 84 Malli, Jaina saint, . . 125, 134, 135, 136 Mâra, god, . . . . . 135 Mallidêva, do., .
214
Mâra, m., . . . . . 318, 320 Mallikarjuna, sildhdra k.,
201 Marambåvai, queen of Nandippôttaraiyan, 293n Mallikarjuna, te., . . . . . 308 Mâran, Pandya k. .
. 319 Mallikarjuna, Vijayanagara k., • 308 Mârag, sur. of Nammalvar,
. . 319 Mallila, vi., . . . 138 Maran Eyigan, ., .
319, 820 Mallinâtba, commentator, . . . 130 Márangári, m., . . . . 318, 319, 320 Mallishôņa, Jaina teacher,
. 17 Marañjadaiyap, Pandya k.. . 319, 320 Maltavdra, s.a. Mattavara, 52, 59 Mayañjadaiyan, sur. of Varaguna,
319 MAlwa, co., . .
79, 189, 286 Marasimha II., W. Ganga k. . . . 54 Malgavat, demon, .
. . 30n Marataka or Maratakapuri, s.a. Viriñchipuram, Mamma, f., . . . . 93
308, 315 Mena, s.a. Månanka, • 165 Maratakanagara-prânta, di., .
308 Manatka, Rashtrakúfa k.,
164, 165 Måravarman, s.a. Mâran, . . . . 319 MAnapuram, 8.a. Mânpur, . . 164, 165 Måsavarman Kulasekhara I., Pandya k., 374, MACņa]ra-pattala, di, . . . . 150
276, 277, 278, 291 Månasa, lake, . . . . 213n Märavarman Kulasekhara II., do., . . 278n månastambha, pillar, ,
• 123 Maravarman Sundara-Pâpdya I., do. . 274, 276 Mandakini, ri., .
.:
215 Märavarman Tirunelveli-Perumal Vira-Pån. Mandåkrånta, metro,. . . . 26 dyadeva, do. . . . . . . 283 Mandalapurusha-sômaydjin, ., . 306 Märavarman Vira-Pâpdya, do. . 274, 282, 283 mandalika, . . .
: 135 Marevoge-káva, biruda, . . . 1350 Mandalika-gapdara-davapi, biruda or Vira- Måricha, demon, . . . 216 Balludeva, . .
• 127 Märkanda or Márkaņd@ya, rishi, . . 218 Mandara, mo., . . . . . 34, 61 Mårtånda-bbatta, ., . . . . 318 mandára, tree, . . . . . . 33 Mara, co., . . . . . . 41, 47 M&ndarpadi, n.,
• 138 Marudryddhi, s.a. Uddhava, . . • 217 Mandasor, s.a. Dasor, . . . 79, 195 79, 195 matha,. . . .
. . 122, 125 Måndhátrivarman, Kadamba k.. . 28n, 30 28n, 30 Mathia, vi.. . .
. 168 Mandla, di.,
. . . . • 286 Mathura (Muttra), vi., 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, Måndüka-Sambhu, .a. Mapdikelvars, . 10
178, 179, 181, 182 Mapdákékvara, te. . . . . 10m måtråsamaks,
. . . . Mangala, m., . . . . . . 153 Mátriávara, 11. . . . . . . 230 Mangalaraja, Gujarat Chalukya ch.. . 231 Mattavara, vi... . . . . . 52 Mangalarasaraja, s.a. Mangalarája, . 231 Mâû, f., , . . . . . 201, 214 Mangalêka, W. Chalukya k. . 25n, 46n Maulika, co. . . . 620 Mangalore, t .
Maurya, dy., 40, 46, 47, 166, 167, 172, 174, 176 Mangalar, oi
n. 180. 161. 162, 234 . 148n, 160, 161, 1049, 254
Msyidardla, oi., alayo
Bly
. .
. . . . 145, 140n
2 1 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
Mâlika, co.,
PAGE
PAGE Mayilappúr, s.a. Mailapar, . . . 290 Mudgagiri, s.a. Monghyr, . . . 151 Mayhralarman, Kadamba k., 28, 29, 30, 31, Mūdgere, vi, . . . . .
34, 148n Mudigondatlapuram, vin- . . Mayůra varman, 8.a. Mayůrafarman, 28n, 148n Mugadása, m., . . Médapåța og påtaka, di,
. 202 Moguļi, sa. Hirêmagaļür, . . . . Medhuna, m., . .
. . 67 muguli, tree,
. 50 Melukote, vi. .
. . .308n! Mugur, ti.. . . . . . . 147 Mendamma, I.
. . 59 Muhammadan, . . . . 9n, 11, 291n Menmatura, vi. 161, 162 Mukhalingam, vi.. .
. . . 161 Merkara, vi.,
. . . . 147 mukha-mandapa, .
321 Méru, mo.. .
Mokkadapins-hole, stream, . . . . Mêrutunga, author,
99, 202, 242 Muļaka, co., . .
61, 62 Mhow, vi... .
. . . 95 Múlasangha, school of Jaina teachers, 129n midha (milha), . . 45n
. . 62n Mimâmsa,
. . 183 Mulûr, vi.. . . . . . . 147 Miraj, vi., . . . . . . 30n Multagi, vi. .
147 and add., 148 Mléchchha, a Muhammadan,
Muņaiyadaraiyan, m., . . . . . 299 Modha, family, . . .
Mundaka, co.,. . . . . . 62 Mogalur, di., . . : 147 Munda-rashtra, di.. .
. 160, 163 Monghyr, vi. . . . 151 Mundasthala, s.a. Murthala,
206, 207 months, lunar :
Munisuvrata, a.a. Suvrata, 125, 184n, 185, 136, 208 Ashadha, .
. 56n, 83, 308 Muñjadeva, Paramára k., . . . . 990 Âbvayuja or Asvina, . . . 163, 289
Murs, demon, . . . . . 17, 24 Bhadrapada, . .
54, 189, 300
Muraïtha(P)-ghatta, . . . . 151 Chaitra, 10n, 52, 58, 86, 98n, 124, 134, 182, Morasiman, vi.,
• 139 195, 205, 208, 289 Murthala, vi., . .
. . . 207 Jyeshtha, • 238, 240, 241 Můrti Eyigan, m., .
. . .319n Kårttika, 10, 17, 24, 54, 57, 58 and add., 83, Murojunga, vi, . . . . . 140 140, 147, 148, 202, 236, 284, 288, Murwårå, vi, . .
289, 290, 300, 308, 318, 320 Magha, . . 152, 153, 157, 231, 289 Mûvêndamangalappêraraiyan, tur. f Maran. Margasira or Margabirsha, 41, 45, 58, 153,
gâri, .
. . 318, 320 154, 202, 241, 300 Mysore, co., . . . . 55, 56 Pausha or Pushya,. . . 159, 183, 241 Phalguna or Phålgunn, 203, 204, 207, 219,
299, 305 Vaisakha or Veskkha, 54, 82, 155, 208, 237, Nabhaga, mythical k., . . . . 61
238, 240, 241 Nadamupigal, Vaishnava acharya, 294, 295 months, solar -
Nadásiri, f. . . . . . . 93 Âdi, . . . . . . . 306 Nadumbarai, vi.. . . . . 291 Karttigai, . . . . 269 Naga, dy, . . . . . . . 292n Panguni, . . . . . 299, 305
Någa, Reddi ch., .
. 10 Tai, . . . . . . . 3 Någakulya, channel, . . . . 308, 315 Moon, race of the, 8, 134, 135, 140, 305, 307, 315 Nagarkot (Kängrå), vi. .
. . 171 Mothers (Matri), . . . 35, 148 Någavardhana, teacher, .
230, 231 Motupalli, vi., . . . 10, 12n Någôndra-gachchha, school of Jaina teachers, Mrigo avarman, Kadamba k., , 25, 28n, 30
203, 218, 219 Myitanda, rishi, . . . . . 216 Nagode State, . . . . . . 285 Madabidure, vi., . 122, 125, 129, 180n | Nagpur, vi. .
188 mode, measure, 124, 125, 129, 130, 136, 137, 138 Nahapana, Kshatrapa k., 78, 82, 85, 86, 174n
•
285
Mûsi, ri., .
.
.
.
12

Page #384

INDEX.
341
99
PAGE 1
PAGE Nabusha, mythical k., . . . . 61 Náradapañcbarâtra, quoted, . . . . 63 Nainara, sur. of Sudarsanacharya, 305n add. Narasa-Nayaka, Tuļuva ch., . . • 127 nakara, . . . 126n and add. Narasimha-bbatta, ., . . .
. 306 nakshatras :
Narasingam, vi, . . .
. 317 Anuradba, . . . 4, 7, 265, 268, 272 Narasingayya, m., . Ardra, . . 1, 2, 262, 263, 289 Naravâbanadatta, legendary k.,.
230 Acvini, .
. . 270
Nariyana, n., . . . . . . Chitra, .
. . 266, 277
Narayana, 8.a. Visbņu, . . 145, 146, 288 Hasta, . . . • 269, 281, 283 Narayana-bhatta, m., . . . . . 306 Jyésbtha,
. . 269 Nariyanivilása, drama, . . . . 299 Krittikå, . . . . . 5, 280, 281 Nárgol, vi, . . . . . . 79 Magha,
2, 5, 271, 277, 278 Narmada, rii, . . . . . . 286 Mrigasira, Mrigasiras or Mrigadirsha, 124, Nårve, vi.. .
129 134, 268, 289, 290 Nasik, vi., 41n, 47n, 48n, 59, 73, 84, 92, 93, Múla, . 57, 58 and add., 267, 275, 277
145, 183 Punarvasu,. . . 3, 6, 263, 274, 278 Nasika, 8.a. Nasik, . . . . 92 Parva-Phalguni, . . . . 2, 267 Nåsikka, do, . . . . . Pushya, . . 6, 271, 272, 275, 279 nâţika, a drama of four acts,
. 98 Rövati, 6, 261, 263, 269, 270, 278, 279, 299, Naugama, s-a. Nógåwå,
. 1881 305, 308, 315 Nausari, vi.. . . . . . 229, 231 Rohiņi, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 264, 265, 273, 280
Navagâma-pattalà, di. . . . . 150 Satabhisbaj, . . . . 7, 262, 267, 273 Navagrâmaka, s.a. Nøgåwå, ,
189 Sravana, 3, 272, 274, 276, 277, 282, 283 Navadara (Navanagara), vi., . Uttara-Bhadrapada, . 4, 265, 268, 281, 282 Navasárika, s.a. Nausârî, . . . 230, 231 Uttara-Phalguni, .
266, 279, 282 Nayachandrasûri, Jaina teacher, . . . Uttaráshadba, . . . . 265, 270 Nayanakėlidēvi, queen of Govindachandra, . Visakha, . . . . . 266, 276 | Nayanapali, vi., . .
. . . 157 Nakshisapura-chaturasitika, di.,. . .150n Nayankura, Pallava surname, . . .145 NalAyira prabandbam, name of a world. 290, 294n Náyinar, m., . . . . .317 nâlgâmunda, . .
i .
318 . . .
Nedumaran, Pandya k., 59
. nali, measure, . . . . . 295, 296 Neduñjadaiyan, sur. of Jaţilavarman, 294, Nallanúbka, Reddi ch., . . . . 10
318n, 319n Nallur, vi., . . . . . 129
Nelatur, vi.. . . . . . 160 Nalluru, e.a. Nallar, . . 125, 129, 138, 138 Nellore, di.. . . . . . . 10 Nambibetti-Náraņs, m., .
. . 138 Nellore, vi.. . . . .
. .
11 Nammalvår, Vaishnava saint, , 294, 295, 319 Nêmi, Jaina saint, . . . 134, 218, 219 Nânaghat, vi., . . . . . . 92
Nêminatha or Néminâtbasvåmin, te., 128, Nanamgola, s.a. Nargol, . . . 79, 80
200, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207 Napdagiri, mo., . .
. 52, 58
Ndulasatávisika, di.,.
181ka, dv., . . . . . . 150 Nandaprabhañjanavarman, Kalinga k., 288n Nidugal, vi.. . . . . . 135n Nandasiri, f., . . . . . . 75
. 86 Nandiņi-pattal, di.. . . . . 160, 165 Nigliva, vi., . .
. . 1670 Nandippottaraiyan, Pallavatilaka l.. . 293. nija-Sravana, . . . . 127 Nandivâra-pattalà, di. . . 160, 163, 164 Nikalanka-malla, biruda,
. Nandivarman or Nandivarman Pallavamalla,
Nilabe, f.,. . .
. .
59
. Paltava k., . . . . 26, 292, 293, 294 Nilambûr, vi... . . . . 146 Nandivikramavarman, Ganga-Pallava k., 292 nilpanya, measure of land, . . . 51, 58 Nângunêri, vi.. . . . . . . 318n Nipatataka, 8.a. Kadapperi, . 308, 309, 316 Nanhwårå, vi... . .. .
285 Nirgandi, tank, . .
. . 195 Nandilam, vi., . . . . . 300Nirukta, . . . . . . . 183

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292,
293
.
89
PAGE
PAGE Nishada, co., .
41, 47 Palakkada, oi.,
. . . 161 Nitimárga, sur. Of Western Ganga kings, Pilar, ri., . . . . . . . 309 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 58 Palasaundi, si.. . . . .
. 163 nivartana, land measure, . 72, 74, 146, 2360 Palasini, rii, . . . . . 42, 48 nivrit, a division, . . . . . 300n Paldûns, vi.. . , .
189 niyogika or naiyogika, an officer, . . 236, 238 Palhava, o.a. Pablava, . . . . . 61 Nogawa, ui, . . . 188, 189, 195 Pallava, dy., 26, 28, 29, 34, 35, 144, 145, 146, Nripakâma-Poysala, Hoysaļa k., . . 56 160, 161, 168, 230, 231, 233, 234, 236, 237, Nripatunya or Nýipatungavikramavarman,
238, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 296 Ganga-Pallava le.,
Pallavakulatilaka, biruda DantivarmaNțisimba, te., . . . . .
Mabarkja, . . . . . . 2930 Náka, s.a. Nallanuoka, .
. . . 10
Pallavatilaka, family,
ny
.
. . . . 293n Nungambakkam, vi., . . . . . 391 Pallava-Trinetra, sur. of Vêma,
9, 10, 11 Palmadi, vi., . . .
51,59 Paluvút-kotta, e.a. Paduvûr-kottam, 308, 315 Pambêya Sarvottama Atharvapalm.,
238 odsyantrika, guild, . . .
Pamjala, vi. . . . . . . 138 Odda, s.a. Orissa,
140 Pampâpati, te.. . . . . . .308n Odhêm, i., . . .
184 Panasðge (Panasoka), 3.a. Hanasoge, 122n, 124 Odrs, 8.a. Orissa, . .
140 pachakhajjaya, . . . . 137 oil-millers (tilapishaka), guild of, . . . Panchaladéfa, co., . . . 160 Oisavåla, s.a. Desavála,
• 206 pañchâmrits, . . . . 137 Oja or vâja, an artificer,
. 1405 Pañchomkara, te. .
. . 152, 153 Onavala-pathaka, di., . 150, 151 Pandala-pattala, di.,. . .
. 151 Ongole, ti. . .
Paņdimangalavisaiyaraiyag, sur. of Maran Oontiya, ui, .
. 165
Eyinaa. . . . . . 319, 821 Orind, s.a. Oria, . .
206, 207 pandita, . . . . 153, 154, 165, 157, 168 Orin, oi., . . .
. . . . . . 207 Panditarya, str. of Srutamuni, .
17, 23 Orises, co..
. 140, 286 Påndya, co., . 6, 8, 265, 266, 274, 275n, Ormuz, vi.. .
291, 294, 300, 305, 318, 320 Osumbbala, s.a. Umbhal, . . . . 231 Påndyanagari, vi, . . . . 125, 136
Påndyappa-Vodeya, Kalasa-Karkala ch., 128
Pandyaraya, 8.a. Vira-Pandya, . . 125, P
Påndya-Yodeya, ch., . . . . 129 Pachmarhi, vi., . . . . . 165 Påņini, . 25, 26, 39n, 46n, 91, 98n Padamaladóvi, f. . . . . 201, 214 Panjab, co., . . . . . . 13 Padapatha, . . . . . . . 170 Panne-Oja, m.,. Padariya, vi.. . . . . . . 167nPagrutti, vi, . . . . . . 8 padika (pratila), coin, . . . 82, 83, 84 Papania, m., . . . . . . 817 Padmanabha, Jaina teacher, . . . 17 Parkda, ri. . . . . . 79 Padmanabha, te., . .
: 8 Parakesarivarman, sur. of Chóa kinge, 1, 2, Padmandyala, s.a. Velams, . . . . 11
3, 261, 262, 268 Padmavati or Padmavatidevi, goddess, 124, paramabhattdraka, 140, 152, 153, 155, 157, 158 125, 126, 128, 134, 136, 136, 137
Paramara, dy, 96, 98, 201, 202, 203, 205, Paduvûr-kottam, di, . . . 308, 309, 315n
206, 216 Pagara, vi, . .
. 166 Paramara, k., . . . . . 201, 216 Pahlava, tribe,. . . . 41, 49 paramétvara, 9, 140, 152, 153, 155, 157, Paiyalachchhi Namamala, quoted, 117n, 247,
264n, 2671 Paramośvara-Viņpagaram, 6.a. VaikunthaL'aka-nadu, di.,
. . 10, 11 Peruma), . . . . 293, 294
.
10
•
12
168, 183, 280

Page #386

INDEX
343
203
290
291
PAGE
PAGE Parantaka, sur. of Jatilavarman, . . 319n Pennar, ri., .
. 135n Parantaka, sur. of Marañijadaiyag. 818, 320 Penukonds, vi., . .
. 1350 Parantaka I., Chóla k., , 260, 261, 292, 318 Periyatirumoli, quoted, . . .290m, 893n Parkkarabhatta, Vaishnava teacher, . . 305n Persia, co., . .
. . 12 Parava, tribe. . . . . . . 136n1 Perumbåpappadi, di., .
. . 281 Pårichâta, s.a. Pâriyâtra, . . 61, 62 Perungai Devaraja, m.,
317 Parijatamañjari, naţika, , 98, 99, 101
Perungai Venkata, th., . PårijAtamañjari, queen,
Peshawar, vi., . . parinirvâna, . 167, 172 Péthada, m., .
. 203, 217 parisha (parishad). .
176, 177n Petha-Pangaraka, s.a. Pagara, . Parivrâjaka, family,
. 284, 285, 286 P@yalvar, Vaishnava saint, . Pâriyâtra, no., . .
. . 62 Phaguna, s.a. Phålguns, Parkham, vi.. . . . . . 174n
Philiņi, vi., . . . Pariva, Jaina saint,
. 208n Phirangipuram, oi. . PÅrsvanatha, do. .
125, 134 Phuljhar, di., . Parávanáthasvåmin, te., . • 138 Pidena, vi. . .
. 298 Parthaparåkrama, drama,
Pikira, vi., . 160, 161, 163, 234, 237n Parthasarathisvåmin, to...
Pimaitakâvada, vi., .
. . . 79 pårvana, . . . .
94 Pina-Vêdagiri, ch., . . . . . Parvaparvata, no. . 99 Pippirai Varadaraja-bhatta, m., .
306 Parvati, goddess, . .
. 314, 315
Piprâwâ, vi., . . . . . .317n Paschimachohhapana-pattal, di., . . 161 Piråpmalai, hill,
. 3181 past, animal sacrifice, , . . . 34
Piriya-Jiuguli, s.a. Hirêmagaļür, 50, 51, 59 Pasupata,
. 164 Pisachspadraka, vi.. . . . 65 Pakupatišvara, te. . . . . . 278 Pisaji padaka, s.a. Pikachipadraka, påtaka, .
Pitsi-bhaktab, legend on seal, . . . 2881 Påtaliputta (Patna), di.,
Piyadasi, sur of Asoka,
87, 169 Patalibvara, te. . .
Pokhara, ti.,
: 81 Pathanko, vi.,. .
Pokshara, s.a. Pokhara. . . . . 79 Patika, ch., . .
Polal, vi., . . . . . . Patna, di.,
286 Polaya-Vema, Reddi ch., . . . 11, 13 Patpard, vi., , 285 Pollakaliyada-hole, atream,. .
136 Pattann, vi., .
• 208 Pombuchcha or Ponbuchcha, s.a. Humcha, patti, s.a. nivartans, . 236n
124, 126, 134, 135 Patti, s.a. Patti-rajya, .
. 126n
. . . . . 126 pattika, . . .
189, 237 Pomburcha, do.. . . . . . 126n pattikt, s.a. nivartana, .
236 Ponvulchs, do. . . . . . 126n add. Patti-Pombuchebapara, s.a. Humcha, 126, 128, 184 Pota, Reddi ch., . . . 10 Patti-rajya, co., . . .
126n, 128 Pota, s.a. Anapota, . . . . . 10 Pausha, year, . .
. .
Sin Prabandhachintámaņi, name of a sork, 99, PÂvan ka, m., . . . . . . 316
202, 242 Pavanavyâdhi, ... Uddhava,
. 217n Prabhañjana, Pariprajaka k. . . .288 Påvåņi, m., .
• 11 Prabhâsa, vi, . . . . . 79, 208 Peda-Kömaţi-Vêma, Reddi ki,
12, 13 Prabhatavarsha, sur. Of Govinda II., . 183 Peggûr, vi, .
Prabhatavarsha, 8.a. Govinda III., . . 294R Pemmaļi, ., .
prabodhani, s.a. utthåna-dvậdali,
808 Pemmadigmunda, m., . .
• 59 Prachita, metre, . . . . . 26, 330 Pemmadiganda, ##...
Pragvåts, family, 201, 203, 205, 206, 214, 217 Pemmadigaenda, .,
. 68 Prahladana, Paramára k., 201, 202, 203, 216 Pemmanadi, . . . . . 68 prapachårya, . . . . 163, 164
158n 169
.
171
297
. •
60 69
• 580

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• 289
• 200 • 170
155
Pushita
140
PAGR
PAGE Prapavaliiga, s.a. Pranavêkvara, . 24n Puludivana-Perumal, te., .
• 305 Pranavêsvara, te., . .
Pulomáyi, s.a. Siri-Puļumayi Vasithiputa, . 68 pranayakriya, . . . . . . 490
Punarvasu, m.,. . . .
• 288 prasasti, . . . . .28, 98, 241 Pupdarikáksha-bhatta, ., .
. 316 Prastaravataka, a.a. Patpard, 284, 285, 288
Punêdahalli, vi.,. . . . prastha, measure, . .
. . . 129n Pangi, di.. . .
. . 10, 11 Prat& padevaraya, Vijayanagara prince, 308 Punjaļi- or Puñjaţike-rajya, di.,. . .129 Pratâparudra, Kakatiya k., . . . 11, 12 Puråņa, . . . . . 183 Pratáparudriyam, name of a work,
101 Purisadatta, f. . . . . . . 75 Pratâ pasila, sur. of Karkaraja, . .183 Púr asimha, m., . . . . 203, 217 Pratihara or Pratîbâra, family, , 150n, 206 púrņimânta, . . Pratishthana-kota, s.a. Pathankot, , 171 Parðha-pattala, di, .
161 pravanikara, . 153, 154, 155, 157, 158 purðhita, a family priest, pravaras :
Purubanman, rishi, Angirasa, . .
• 140, 152
Purúravas, mythical k., . . . . 218n Autathya,. .
140 Purushamandapa, vi.. . . . . . 140 Âvatsåra, .
Pushpitágrå, metre, . .
. 26 Bärhaspatya, • 152 Pushyagupta, ch., . .
41, 46 Bhâradvája,
152 Pushyavuddhi (Pushyavsiddhi), Buddhist friar, Dhaumya,. .
154
173 and add., 175, 177, 180, 181 Gautama, . . Kankayana, .
154 Kabyapa, . .
155 Kausika, . . . 154 Queen's cave, . . . .
67 Naid bruva, . .
155 Pravarasena II., Vakataka k., . 31 and add. pravrajita, . . . . . . 164 Prayaga, 8.a. Allahåbåd, . 139n, 151, 152 Racha or Råcha-V@ma, Reddi k..
12, 13 Prêhara or Préhari (R). . . . 28, 29, 35 Rachamalla, W. Ganga k., . . . . 52 Prêmapurisvara, te.. .
. 8 Rachamalla II., do.,
. 66, 57, 58 prithivirallabha or prithvivallabba, 128, 183, Rachamalla III., do.,
. 51, 52, 54, 57, 58 230, 231 | Rachchha-Ganga, W. Ganga k.,. 54, 56 Pritbu, mythical k.,. . . . 35
radha, . . .
. . 98 Prithviếrika (P), queen of Madanapala, 149Rådhå, f., . . . . . 98n Priyadartika, natiká, . . . . . 981 Rådhanpur, vi, . . . . . . 184 Prðlaya-Vêma, 8.a. Vema, . . . . 10 Radia, vi., . . . . . 168 Puduppákkam, vi., . . . • 291
Raghu, Kadamba k., . . . 29, 30, 35 Pugalttunai-Vilaiyaraiyag, m., . . 295, 296 | Raghu, mythical k., . . . . 22, 213 Pulakasin II., W. Chalukya k., . 33n, 231 Raghuvamia, quoted,
26n, 35, 36n, 46n Pulakesirâja, Gujarat Chalukya ch. . 231 Rabu, planet, . .
. . . 305 Pulakesi-Vallabha, s.a. Pulakcsin II., 230, 231 Raigarh, di., . .
. . . 286 Pulal-nadu, di., . .
. 291n rainy season, . . . . . . 72, 74 Pulakottam, di. . . . 291n Raipur, vi., . .
286 Pulicat, vi.. . . . · 161 Rairâkhol, di.. . . .
· 286 Pulindânaka, 8.a. Paldúna, . . 189 Raivataka, mo.,. .
• 208 Puliyûr, vi., . . 291n Raiwan, vi.. . .
. .154n Puliyûr-kottam, di.. . . . . . 291
rajadhiråja, .
• 305 Pullaribôdu, hill, . . . . . 13n Rajadhiraja II., Chola k., . . . . 261 pulli, s.a. virama, . . . 291, 319
98, 99 Puloman, demon, . . . . . 216 | Rajahmundry, vi.,
R
TÂjaguru,
.
.
.
.
.

Page #388

INDEX.
345
РАав
.
.
.
.
. 206n
.
.
. 208
PAGE Rajakesarivarman, Chóla k., . .
293n Rapdavai, vi.. . . . . . 151 rajakula, . . . . . . 204, 206 Ranga, Vijayanagara ky . . . . 291 Rajamalla, W. Ganga k., . . . . 55
8 rajan, , , , , , , 11, 172 Rañjala, 8.a. Renjàls, . . . 125, 129, 136 rajaparambivara, . . . 305 Råñjubula, s.a. Rujul,
• 174, 180 rajaputra, . . . . . 189, 190, 206 Råshtrakůţa, dy., 126, 164, 183, 184, 206n, Rajaraja (Kuvêra), god, . . . 230
292, 294n Rajaraja II., Chola k., . 1, 2, 3, 260, 263, 264 Rasikasamjivini, commentary, . . 99 Rajaraja III., do., 1, 6, 260, 267, 268, 269, Ras Mála, quoted,
270, 271, 272, 291 Ratanpur, vi, . . . . . 285, 286 RÂjatadáka, tank, . . . . . 146 râthiya, . .
204, 206 Rajatagirlsvara, te.,
. 270, 273, ratna-traya, the three jewels, . . 134, 135n Rajatarangini, quoted, . . . . . 34n, 101
34n, 101 Ratnávali, nafikd, . . . . 98n, 100 Rajendra-Chola, k., . . . . 56 Råvaņa, demon, . . . . . 30n Rajendra-Chola I., Cheļa k., 260, 261, 262, 291, Ravidhara, m., . . . .
153 294n, 295n Ravivarman, Kadamba k., 30, 31, 147, 148 Rajendra-Chôļa III, do, 1, 7, 260, 272, 273, 274 Ravivarman, Kéraļa k., . . 8,9 Raji, mythical k., . . . . . 213 Råyachêkôlugapda, sur. of Vêma,
9 Rajputâna, co., . . . . . 79, 286 Råyakôts, vi., . . . . . . 292 Rajula, Kshatrapa ch., . . . 174
Rsyand-ojjhà, e., . . . . Rajyapala, Kanaujk, . . 149, 157
Rebhila, ., . . .
. 89 Rajyapålapura, vi.. . -
151, 157 Reddi, dy. . • On, 10, 11, 12, 13 Rakkbulla-grâma, 8.a. Lâkhalgånv,
183 Renjàla, vi.. .
. 129 Rakshas, . . . . . . 96
Rishabha, Jaina saint, . Rakshasn, . . . . . . . 62 Rishabhadatta, Kshaharata k., , . . 72 RAlhaņa Ralha-devi, mother of Govindachan
Rishika, co., . .
. . . 62 dra, . . . . . . . . 149 Rodda, vi. . . . . . . 135n Rems, saint .22n, 36n, 48n, 61, 213n, 216, 230 Roddada-gova, biruda, . . . . 135 Râma or Râmadeva, sa. Râmachandra, 999, Rohanigutta, e., . . . . 69
305, 306 Röhipigapta, m., . . . . 145, 146 Råmabhápati, Yadava prince, . .299nRada mauavayalist-pattal, di, . . 151 Ramachandra, Yadava k., .
. 299
Rudra, s.a. Siva, . . . . 23 Ramaddva, m., . . . . 98
Rudradaman, Kshatrapa k., 40, 41, 46, 47n, Ramaddva, Parandra k.,
. . 201, 216
48n, 49, 62 Ramagiri, vi, . . . . 264, 268, 271 Rukmangada, mythical k., . . . . 50 Ramanaka, m., . .
. . 90 Rummindei, the Lumbini garden, . 167, 168 Ramanatha, te., . .
. 300, 305 rûpa kâra, a sculptor, . . . . . 98 Råmânuja, Vaishnava acharya,. . 294 Rûpnåth, vi., .
. 169, 170, 171 Râmaraya, Vijayanagara k., . . 290m Rutlam, vi.. . . . . . 188, 195 Råmatirtha, vi.. . . .
. 79 Ramayana, 26n, 30n, 36, 39, 40, 45, 46n,
48n, 49n, 216n Rambhåmayuranagari, vi., . , .308n, 315 sabha-mandapa, . . . . . 200 Râmēévaram, island, . . . , 300 Sadadi, vi., .
• . 202 Râmpúrva, vi... . . . . . 168 Sådagera or Sådakara, rânaka, . . . . . . 140, 205 Sudaiyan, 8.a. Maraūjadaiyag, . : 819 (Rana P-pattala, di.,. . . . . 151 Sadasiva, Vijayanagara k.,.
291 Ranaråga, W. Chalukya k... · 46n Sadharana, m., . . . .
• 140 Ranasagara, Aluva prince, . . . 126n add. Sagara, mythical k., . . . 36, 61, 149 Raņavikrama, W. Ganga k., . . . 53 Sahasram, vi., . . . . . 60, 168
27

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
•
207
PAGE Såhilavada, s.a. Sel wara,
206, 207 Sahity darpaņa, quoted,
. 98n Sahya, mo., .
. 61 Sailarwadi, vi..
75 Saiva,
. . 295, 318 Saks, tribe . 61, 62, 79, 86, 89, 95, 96, 178 Sakâni, a female of the saka tribe, Sakarâypatna, s.a. Sakkarêpatpa, . Sakhâ, vi., Sakkarêpatna, vi., . Sakshinathasvâ min, te. Sakti, di., . . . śAkya, tribe, . . Sakyamuni, s.a. Buddha, Sakyasinha, do, Såla, s.a. Salgaon, Salgaon, vi., SAluva, family,. .
• 127 Sâmaka (yamaka), m.,
73, 74 Såmalipada, vi., . .
67, 68 samana, 8.a. framana. . . . . 67 Så mångad, ri.,. . Samantasió ha, Guhila ch., . . : 202, 216 Samantasvamin, m., . . . 230 Samara pungava-bhatta, m., . Samastabhuvanasraya, . . . 128 Sambalpur, di.,
. . . Sambhu, s.a. Śiva, .
. 202, 218 Sargama I., Vijayanagara k., 299, 306, 307, 315 samgha, 62, 75, 76, 82, 89, 90, 91, 94, 135,
167, 169 samhghapati, . . . . . 208 sanghaprabhu, 8.a. sathghapati, . 208 Samgrâma, m., . . . . . 140 Sangramadhira, sur. of Ravivarman, . 8,9 Bamidh, . . .
. . 34 Sanhkhya, .
. . .2889 samkrantis :Dakshiņâyana-sankranti,
272, 277n Uttarayana-sadakraati, 157, 158, 183n, 269 Samkshồbha, Parivrdjaka k., . 284, 288, 289 Sammitiya or 'tiya, sect of Buddhist monks, . 172 Sampatkumara or Sampatkumarapandita, n.,
307, 308, 315, 316n, 317 Sampatsuta, 8.a. Sampatkumara,
316 samsára,. . . .
133 samtánaka, a belestial tree, . . . . 22 Battsha, f. . . . . . . 208 Samudragupts, Gupta k...
29, 286 samyaktva, . .
• 135
PAGE Så fichi, Di., .
• 168, 169, 178n såndhivigrahika,
230 Sangaravi, m.,. .
. . . 189 Sangalarman, ., sangharaja, Sanjan, vi., . sabkumada, civet, San Marco, church, . Santalige one thousand, di... Santanasi gara, tank,. . Śântara, family, . . 126, 127, 128 Santhakara, m.,. . śântinátha, Jaina teacher, Såntisūri, do. . .
• 203, 218 såntivaravarman, s.a. Santivarman, . 30 Bantivarman, Kadamba k., . . . 28, 30, 36 Saptakbanda-nivrit, 8a. Elumuri-partu,
300, 306 Saptabata kam, poem,. . . . 117n sårà, supervision, . . . . 204, 205n Saradâdevi, s.a. Sarasvati, . . . . 99n SarapAriyana-Perumal, te., . Sårangarh, di.,. . . Sarasvati, goddess, . . 300, 213, 216n Sarasvati, te., . . Sara üli, oi. . . Bârdúlavikridita, metre,
. . 26 farman, ending of Brahmana namer, 280 Sarnath, vi., 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172,
173, 174, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182 Sarngadharapaddhati, quoted, Saruvara, di, . . . . . 151 sarvadhyaksba, . . . . . . 163 Sarvak I or Samastakala, queen of Arjuna
varman, . . . . . 100, 101 Sarvnðkákraya, sur. of Mangiyuvaraja, . 237, 238 Sarvamangala, s. a. Parvati, . . . 315 barvaminya . . . 305, 306, 316 Sarvástivadin, school of Buddhists, 180, 181 Sarvatóbhadra, derse, . . . 125n, 130, 138 Sasan sathohárin, an official westenger, . 163 Sátakani Gotamipata, Andhra k.. . 73 Sátakarņi, do., .
28, 29, 36, 41, 47, 63 Satakarpi, sur. of Andhrabritya kings,
29, 62 Batallama, 4. a. Satlama, ... 138 add., 140 Satara, pi.. . . . . . . 25n Såtaváhana (Sadavâhans), family, . . 93 Såtsvibana, 8.2. Andhrabþrity,. . 39, 61 Seti, ri, . . . . . . . 161
•
•
208
• 203

Page #390

INDEX
347
· 183
.
.
12
76
286
PAGE satka, . .
• 204 Satlama, vi.. .
138 add. Satramhjaya, oi., . .
208 Satrunjayamkbatmye, quoted, . . 208. sattangapavadi, ., . .
• 3190 Sattifarmen, m., . .
.
296 Satyamangalam, si... . . . 308 Satyaraya, sur. of W. Chalukya kings,. 230, 231 Batya@raya Dhruvaraja Indravarman, governor of Revatidvipa,
. .25n Satyavákya, sur. of W. Ganga kings, 53, 54,
55, 56, 57 Skå, f. . .
. . . . 201, 214 Saura, a sun-worshipper, . . . . Sauriraja-bhatta, ., . . . . . 316 3A vana-traya, . . . . . 34 Savisa, m., . . . Selvapillai, te. . .
808n Selwara, vi.. . .
207 Sembiyam, vi, ·
• 291 señalar Devaraja-bhatta, ., Sénapati, 8.a. Karttikêya,
29, 35 Seoni, di., . . . Ser, vi, . . . .
• 207 Séshe, serpent,. .
23 Setagiri, mo.. . . . . . 61, 62 Seti-betta, . . . . . . Set-Mahet, vi., . . • 180, 181, 182 Søta or Setuvinabidu, vi., . . . . 128n Shadanana, s.a. Karttikêya, .
29, 35 Shahbâzgarhi, w., . .
170,297 Sbâbpur, vi, . . .
297 Siddåpara, bing . . . .
. .
.177
. Siddha, demi-gode, . . . . 86, 82 aidbachakra,
124, 137 Siddhantas, the five,
155 siddharaja, sur. of Jayasimba, . . . 99 siddhaya,. . .
125 Sigurodha-pattald, di., Sihaka, ., . . Sihara, 8.a. Ser, . . . . . 206, 207 Sibarachohhita (Simh barakshita), m.. . 297 Sibila (Simhila), m., . . . . stladitya, Gujarat Chalukya che . . S1lAditya I., Valabhi k. . . . 190 Siladitya II., do.. . filpin, an artist, . . Simatid bara våmin, Jaina saint,
208 Sinhala (Ceylon), island, Sina hapada-Lokekvarn, Bodhisattua, . 177
Sita, .
PAGE Sim havarman, Kadamba k., . .
30 Simha varman, Pallava k., 160, 163, 234, 237n Sith havikrama, sur. of Indrabbattårskavarman, 237 Sith bavikramapattana, sur. of Nellore, . 11 Simhavishņu, Pallava k., . . . . 234 Sindbo-Sauvira, co., .
. 41, 47 Sindinagara, s.a. Sinnar, Singa, ch., . . Singara, family, . . . . . . 149 singavaram, oi.. . . . . .277 Sinnar, vi., .
. . . . . 183 Siraikkavar, 8.a. Soraikkavar, 298, 300, 305 Sirasi, s.a. Sirsi, . . . . . 151 Sirasi-pattala, di.. . . . . . 151 Siri-Puļumayi or Siri-Pulumai, Andhra k., 59, 95 Siri-Polumayi(måvi) Vasithputa, do.. . 61, 67, 72 Siri-Satakaņi (Sadakapi) Gotamiputa, do., 61, 72 Siriţana, 8.a. Sristana, . .
. 61, 62 Siriyañia-SA takapi, s.a. Yañasiri Satakani, 72 Sirsi, vi.. . .. . . . . 161 Sisa, metre, . . . . . . 13n Sisila or Sisila, s.a. Sisukali, . 128, 129n Sisukali, vi. . . . . . . 128 Bikupalavadha, quoted, 26, 36n, 130, 239n Sita, . . . . . . 22n, 216n Siva, god, 100, 28, 29, 33, 137, 214n, 215n,
291, 2950, 314, 315, 316 Siva, s. a. Parvati, , .
• 213 Śivadatta, Abhira k., . . . . . 89 Sivagupta, a.a. Mahasivaguptarajadeya, 1400 Sivaguta, ., . . . . . . Sivakhandila, m. . Sivalókanátha, te. . . . . . 261 Sivamara I., W. Gariga k., . . . . 26n Sivamita, ., . . . . . . 90 Sivkökuréévara, to., . . . • 382 Sivaratha, Kadamba k. .
30, 31 Bivaskandavarman, Pallava k. .
144 Biyadoņi, vi.. .
. . . . 152n Si-yu-ki, quoted, . . . . . 166n Skandabhata, m.. . . . . 189, 190 Skandagupts, Gupta k., . , 37, 38, 420 Skandakumara, m., . . . . . 317 Skandafishys, mythical k.,. . . . 2920 Skandafishyavikramavarman, Ganga-Pal.
lava k., . . . . . . . 292n Skandavarman I., Pallava k., , 160, 234, 238 Skandavarman II., do.. . . 160, 162 Sobhan., m., . . . . . . 140 Sodasa, Kshatrapa ch., . . 174, 180
2 1 2
.
.
67
151
98
.
12

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
PAGE
PAGE Sohagå, f., . .
201, 214 | Sristana, mo. . . . . . . 801a-mandalam, s.a. Chola-mandalam, . .305 Sri-Vaishộava,
• 300 soma, juice, . . . . . . 34 Srivallabha, sur. of Rashtrakufa kingi, . 184 Söma, m., . . . . 200, 203, 207, 214, 218 Srivara, sur. of Neduñjadaiyag, . .918n Somasimhadêva, Paramára k., 201, 203, Srivaramangai (Srivaraman, alım), S.a.
204, 205, 206, 216 Nangunêri, . . . . 2940, 3180 Bomêśvaradêva, author, 200, 201, 203, Srivaramangalam, sur. of Vélangudi, .2941, 318n
205, 219
Srivaramangalanagar, s.a. Srivaramangai, 318n Somnathpattan, vi., . . . . 201, 202 Sri-Vijaya-Jinalaya, te., . . . 147 Sonarékhá, ri.,.
42 fri-Vijayasiddhi, legend on seal,. , 337 Soppur, di., . .
. 286
Sri-Vitaraga, . . . . . 125, 188 Boraikkâvûr, vi, . 298, 299, 300, 305n Sriyasia-Satakapi, s.c. Siriyaña-Satakaội, 94 Sorpâraga, vi., . .
srach, . . . . . . 84 Sottaiyâr, family name, . . . . 900nsrutamani, Jaina teacher, . , 17, 24 South Kosala, s.a. Chhattisgarh,. ... 286 Ørntaprakasika, name of a work, . . . 305n Sovasaka (Sauvarsha), m., .
. 76 Śrykfraya, sur. of sladitya, . 230, 231 sparkavédi, . . . . 11 sthana, residence, .
161 fraddha, . . . . . . . 34 Sthånakundůra, e.a. Tálagunda, . 28, 36 framana,. . . . .22n, 65, 93 sthanapati, . . . . .
206 Srautasútra, .
. . . $13nsthånika,. . . . .
. 125, 136 éråvaka. . . . . . . 205, 206 Sthânu, 8.a. Siva, . . . : 33 Sravana-Belgola, vi... .15, 17, 122n, 123n, 300 Sthavira, . . .
. 64 Sravasti (Sahet-Muhet), vi., 173, 174, 175, SthavirAvalicharita, quoted,. . . 208n
176, 178, 179, 180, 181 St. Thomas, . . . . . 290 Sri, s.a. Lakshmi, . . . . 135 St. Thomò, vi... . . . . . 290 Eri-Asraya, legend on seal,. .
230 stúpa,
. . . . . 91, 297 Sribhashya, . . . . . . 305n Subahu, Jaina saint, .
• 208 Sri-Bhatakkah, legend on seal, . . . 188 Subhata or Subhatavarman, Paramdra k., Brigiri (Sriparvata), s. a. Srilaila,. 10, 308
98, 99 Brigirindra, Srigirisvara or Brigiribhápóla, Suchindram, vi., . . . . . . 318n
Vijayanagara prince, . . 308, 315 Sudarsana, lake, . . 40, 41, 42, 45, 461, 49n Srimad-Govindachandradevah, legend on seal, 162 Sudarsanabhatta, 8.a. Sudarsanacharya,. . 306n Grimals, family, . . . . 206 Sudarkanâcharya, author, . . 305n and add. Srimátâmahabu, vi. .
206 Sudisana or Sudasana, s.a. Pisach padraka, 65, Srimula, m., . . .
67, 68, 69, 70 Srinatha, Telugu poet, . . . 9n, 11, 12, 13n Sūdra, caste, . . . . . Sriigêri, vi., . . 129 Suhaďadevi, S., , .
. 208 Srinivasa-bhatta, 1., . . .
. . 317
Sujivin, m., . . Gripaladeva, Jaina teacher, . . . . 17 Sukirti, ,
. .
. .
. . . . 317n Briparvata, 8.a. Srikaila, . . 38, 34
Sukra, . . . . .
217 Sriparvatanatha-bhatta, mn., . . . 306
. . 30n Bripurusha-Muttarasa, W. Gariga k., . 53, 54, 55 summer, .
59, 61, 67, 74, 83,89, 182 Sriranga, Vijayanagara k., . .
• 290 Sun, race of the, . .
. . . 160n Srirangam, island, . . . 294n, 300, 305 Sundarékvara, te., . . . . : 276 Sriranganatha, W., . . 317 Supareva, Jaina saint,
208 Sriranganatha-bhatta, m., . .306 Suradhënupura, vi.,
. 66 Arirangaraja-bhatta, m.,
. . 306
Sürámba, queen of Peda-Komati-Vöma, . . 13 Srirangopadhyâya, m.. . . . . .317 Surashtra, co., . . . . 41, 47, 49, 62 Sri-Rudra-bhatta, m.,.. . 317 Surat, vi., . .
231, 232n, 233n Srikaila (Srisailam), mo.
10n, 12, 28n Suratha, & a. Surashtra, . . . 61
• 317
Bumali, demon,

Page #392

INDEX.
349
:
.
.
.
12
11, 12
PAGE
PAGB Suryasiddhanta, . . . . . 241, 290n TelAra, 8.a. Tellàr, . . . 125, 129, 136 Sutarman, Pariurájaka k., . . 288 Tellar, vi., . . . . . . . 129 sůtras :
Telliyasinga-Nayanar, te., . . . 291 Â pastamba, . .
306, 316, 317 Telugu country, . Âbvalayana, . .
. 306, 316 Témishapachottara-pattal, di., Bodhảyana,
. 306, 316, 317 Tenkasi, vi.. . . . . . . 282 Dråhyâyapa, . . . . . 306 Terála-Búcha-Reddi, Reddi ch., . . 11 suvarna, coin, . .
Tevûr, vi., . . . . . . . 379 Suvarnamukha, vi.. .
79 Tewar, vi.,
. . . . 385 Buvarṇasikata, s.a. Sonarókha,
42, 46
thakkura,. . . 152, 155, 167, 207, 208 Suvarpavarsha, sur. of Karkarája, . . 183thakkuráját,
. . . . . 208 Savira, &.a. Mahåvira, . . .
Thanaura, vi., 134
.
. . . 285 Suvikakha, ch., . . . , 40, 41, 49 Thêrigátha, quoted, . . . . .243n Buvrata, Jaina saint, . . 125n, 134. tilada (tilaka), . .
. 295n Svabhra, co., . .
. 40, 41, 47 Tippa, m.,. . . svâmi-bhoga, . .
. 295
Tiraphu, 8.a. Trirasmi, 62, 64, 66, 67, 74, 91 Svapnébvara-ghatta,
. . 151
tirtha, . 17, 78, 79, 86, 88, 206, 207, 208 svastika, symbol,
. 65, 73 Tirthakara or Tirtha, a Jaina saint, 124, svayamvara, . .
125, 134, 135, 136, 137, 207, 208 Svētavahana, ch., . . 126n and add. Tirthanagari, vi.. . . . . 282
Tiruchchuņai, vi.. .
. . 275 Tirumalikai-Alvar, Vaishnava saint, . 390 Tirumangai-Alvår, do.
290, 293, 294, 295
TitumayilAppûr, 8.a. Mailapur, . . . 291 TakhabilA (Takshasila), s.a. Taxila, . 297 Tirumógúr, vi... .
. e
. . .319 Talagunda, vi., . . .
.
24, 28, 29 Tirutiknasambandar, Saiva saint, 290, 291, 318 Talakad or Talakaļ, vi., .
51, 147 | Tirunellik kával, i, . . . . 267 Talavananagara, s.a. Talakad, .
147 Tiruppalatturai, vi., . . . 261, 280 talekatta,. . . . 123, 124 Tiruppambâ puram, vi.. .
. . 300 Talikota, vi., . . . .
Tiruppamburam, 8.a. Tiruppambapuram, 299n, tâmra, tamraka or tâmra-pattaka, 8.a. tâmra
300, 305 E&sana, . . . , 152, 157, 158, 159 Tirupparuttikupru, vi. . . . . 17 tâmra-âsana, a copper-plate edict, . 140 Tiruppullani, Ol., . . . . . 277 Tipass, m., . .
72,76 Tiruppunavåéal, vi.
. . .
. .
. 281 . Tapasini, f. .
Tiruttengür, vi., . . . . 270, 273 Tapi, ri., . .
Tiruvadi, vi.. .
. . . 1, 8, 283 Tapti, ri.,
• 231 Tiruvadigai, s.a. Tiruvadi, . . . . 8,9 tarka,
• 183 Tiruvak karai, vi.. . . . . 265, 295n tarkuka, a mendicant,
. . 84n Tiruvalangadu, vi., . . . . 2911 Tarupa kura, Pallava surnamo, . . 145 Tiruvalañjuli, Di., . 2, 4, 5, 6, 263, 268 tathajñatiya, . . • 204 Tiruvalavây, te., .
. . .318n tattvalóka, chronogram, 308, 315 Tiruvallam, vi, . .
28n tattvas, the twenty-five,
Tiruvallikkêni, s a. Triplicane,
290, 296 Taxila, vi., .
. . 297
Tiruvalluvar, l'amil poet, . . tedi,
. . 279n Tiruvâmur, vi., . . . . . 290 Téjahpåla, m., 200, 201, 203, 205, 206, 207, Tiruvanaimalai, 8.a. Ânaimalai, . . 318
208, 214, 215, 217, 218 Tiruvanmiyūr, 8.a. Tiruvamdr, . 290, 291n Tējaħsimha, Guhila ch.,
. . 202
Tiruvannamalai, vi.. . 4, 6, 7, 268, 269, 272 Têjapala, s.a. Tejahpåla,
. 207 Tiruvárår, vi, . . , 262, 263, 274, 276 Tekirsi, soot of ascetics, . . . . 79 Tiruvdymoli, poem,
294, 295, 318n, 319
• .
76 79
. 288n
.
290

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. VIII.
PAGE
PAGE Tiruvellarai, di., . .
. 293n Tiruvendipuram, vi...
• 278 Tiruvenkata-bhatta, A.,
• 317
Uchahra, vi.. . . . . . Tiruvilimilalai, vi. .
. 299n
Uchchakalpa, s.a. Uchahrâ, . . . . 285 Tiruvirattåņam, 8.a. Virațţâgéávara, . 8, 9
Udaiyarköyil, vi.. . . . . . 3 Tiruvorriyûr, vi.. .
291
Uaali Vinayakabhatta, m., . , . 306 Tittagudi, vi.. . . . . 270, 271
Udayachandra, ch., . . . . . 294 Tivâyi-kshetra, vi,
. . . 168
Udayagiri, mo., . . Tôdâdri, s.a. Nanganêri, . . . . 318n Udayaprabhasůri, Jaina teacher, . . 203, 318 Tondai-mannavan, a Pallava k., . . . 293n
Udayapura or Udayapura, 8.a. Udiya- . Tondaiyar, 8.a. Pallava, . . 290, 293
vara, . . . . . 126n and add. Traividya, sur. of Sripaladeva, . . . 17 Udayavarman, Paramára k., , . , 101n (Trêta)-yugadi,. .
155 Udayêndiram, vi, . . . . Trevandrum, oi., . . . .319n
Udbåhusundara, .,. . . . Tribhuvanachadamaņi-Chaityalaya, sur. Of Uddhava, .
. . .317n Hosabasti, . . . . . . 125n Udipi, tin •
122, 126n Tribhuvanaddvi, f., .
203, 217 Udiyåvara, vin, . . . . Tribhuvanatilaka-Jina-Chaityalaya, sur, of adranga,. . .
. 189, 288 Chaturmukhabasti, . . . 125, 135, 136 Udumbaragahvara, vi., . 189, 194, 195 Tribhuvanavira-Chôļa, Chola ch., . . 1, 7, 8 Uesavala, family. . . . . 206 Tribhuvanaviradova, sur. of Kulottuvga-Chola Ughapatèrahottara-pattalà, di., . . .151
III., . . . . .4,5,7, 260, 266 Ugra-varsa, family,. . . . 126, 128 Trichinopoly, vi. . . . . .319 Ujeni, vi, . . . . . . 86 Trikalinga, co.,. . . . . 140 Ujjain, vi.. . . . 54, 56n, 57, 202n Trilôchana-ghatta,
Ujjivana, 8.a. Uyyakkonda-vaļanadu, 300, 305 Tripitaka,
173, 176, 177, 179, 180, Ukkal, vi.. . . . . . . 295 181, 182allittår, . . .
. . . 317n Triplicane, vi., . , 290, 291, 292, 293, 295 Umâdevi, queen of Jayasiths . 8 Tripura, demon, . .
. .
. .
. 214, 315 Umapati-bhatta, m.,. . . 316 Tripuri, 2.a. Tewar, . 98, 284, 285, 288 Umami, vi., . .
.. 207 Triraśmi, hill, . . 64, 68, 72, 73, 79, 80, 89 Umbarala-pattalâ, di. . . 151, 158 triratna, the three jewels, . . . 22n Umbaranik, s.a. Umarni,
206, 207 trivarga, . . . . . . . . 35 Umbhel, vi., .
. .
.
. . . . 231 trivedin, . . . . 194, 195 Unåvisa-pattalà, di.,. . .
151 Trivedi-Vâmana-bhatta, m.,
316 Undikavâţika, s.c. Oontiya, . 164, 165 Trividhavira, sur. of Arjunavarman,
. 99
upadhmâniya, . . . .25, 164, 188, 194 Trividhavirachůdâmaņi, do..
. 99 upadhyâya, . . . . 99, 140n Tryambaka, m., . . . .
. 317
upamâ, . . . Tryambaka, s.a. Siva, . . . . 317 uparikara,
. . 189, 388 Tudarmunni-nadu, di... .
. 291n upasaka, . .
. . . 177n Tukhåra, co., . . .
upásika, . . . . . . . 177n Tula or Taļurajya, s.a. Tuluva, . . .137n upatalpa, . . . . . 40, 46 Tuluva, co., . . . . 127Uppahalli, vi.,
. . 50, 51, 53, 55, 56 Tundira, co., . , 300, 305 Orjayat, s.a. Girnar,. .
. . 49, 46 Tungabhadrâ, ri., . . . . . 29 ürpå, . . . . . . 177 turushkadanda, . , 152, 154, 155, 157, 158 Urðani, s.a. Rohini,. . . . . 1400 Tusim. vi., . . . . . . 27 Urpavalli, s.a. Uppahalli, , . . 52, 59 Tushåspha, Yavana k., . . 41, 46n, 47 Urupputturar, family name,
. 300n Tyigada-Brahmadova pillar, . . 123nUrupputtúr Narayana-bhatta, ., . , .306 Tyagarajasvamin, te., . , 262, 263, 274, 276 | Uruvupalli, vi., . 146, 160, 161, 163n, 234
152
.
62

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INDEX.
351
130
PAGE
PAGE Trabhadata, ch.,
. . . 72 Vanaspars or Vanashpara, Kshatrapa ch., 173, Ushavadata, ch., 78, 82, 85, 86, 87
174, 177, 179 shpisha,. . . 177 Vanditapalli, vi., . . .
. 194 Otarachha, 8.a. Utraj,
Vanga or Vangavôlu, .a. Ongole,. . 10 utprekshAlamkara, . . . . 136n! Vangipurattar, family name, . . . OWL Utraj, vi., . . . . . . . 207 Vangipurattu Bhagavan-bhatta, m. . . 306 Uttamabhadra, co. .
Vangra, vi.. . . . . . 238 Uttamapalaiyam, vi., . • 319 Varadaraja, m., . . . . . .
317 Uttara-Madhura, vi...
• 126n, 128 Varadaraja-bhatta, e.,
317 Uttaramallûr, vi., .
Varagua, Pandya k., . . 274n, 294, 319 attaramantrin, prime minister, . . . 320 Varaguņamangai, vi, . . . 294 utthåns-dvadasi,
. . . 808, 315 varaha, a pagoda, . , 125, 129, 130, 136 avachche or Ochcha, s.a. Oja,
varahagadyana, s.a.gadyaps, . Uyyakkoņda-valanadu, di.,. . 300, 305 Varahamihira, astronomer, .
Vårahi, f., . . . . . Varkhotaka, 8.0. Bhårdda,. Vardhamâna, Jaina saint,
Varisêpa or shêna, do. . . Vadagalai, . . . . . . 305 varman, ending of Kshatriya names, Vadagalai-Guruparam paraprabhava, . 306n Varpas, the four, . . .
61 Vadapalli, vi.. . .
• 12 varshâ, the rainy season, . . . . Vaqaviha, vi.. . . . . 189n, 151 varshagranthi, an anniversary, - 204 Vadibhakanthirava, sur. of Ajitasena,. . 17 Vasahi, 8.a. vasati, . .
. . 300n Vadibhasimha, do.. . .
. . 17
Vasantalil, f., . . . . . 100 Vadikólahala, sur. of Padmanabha, . 17 Vasantarkja, sur. of Kumäragiri, . . . 11 Vaghela, family, . . . . 201, 205 Vasantatilaka, metre, . . . . . 36 Vagvijaya, m.,
. 305n add. Vasantotsava, the spring festival, 12, 98n VAhirahadi, ds., . . . . . 206 Vasati, a Jaina temple, . .
200n Vaichaya, 8.a. Baicha I.,
. 17
Vasava, 8.a. Indra, . . . . 214 Vaidya, family, . . 318, 319n, 320 Vakishtha, rishi,. . . . 201, 205, 215 Vaidyanathasvåmin, te., . , 270, 271 Va ishtha, te., . . . . . . 206 Vaijayanti, lericon, . . . . . 80n Vasithi, Andhra queen,
59,95 Vaijayanti, s.a. Banavasi,
29, 147, 148 Vassa, . . . . . . 82, 90 Vaikuntha-Perumal, te., . . . . 293 Vestavya, a resident, Vairamėgha, sur. of Dantidurga, . . 294n Vastupala, m., 200, 201, 202, 205, 208, 214, Vaisakha, year, . .
.31n
215, 216, 217, 218, 219 Vaishnava, 206n, 290, 291, 293, 294, 2950, Våsu, f., .
.
. . . 94 300, 306n, 318n, 319 Vasudeva, mythical k., . . . 216 Vaidya, caste, . . . . 29n, 75 Vasudeva, Kushana k., . . 175n Vaibys, tribe. . . . . . 41, 46
Vasudeva-bhatta, m., . . . . 306 Vajaiṁháchchhasathi-pattala, di.,. . .151 Vasushka, Kushana k., .
. 178n VAkataka, family, . . . . 27
vâțaks or påtaka, ending of village names, 285 Vakpatirája, sur. of Muñjadeva,.
99n Vatamukha, e.a. Odhêm, . . . 183, 184 Valabhi, vi.. . . • 47n, 149n, 188 Vstapura, vi., . .
183 Valaure-pattala, di, . . . , 161, 167 Vatrabhatti, m., . .
.
W way!
. . . . 189, 190 Valitvars. te.. . . . . 264, 268, 271 Vatsaraja, Singara prince,. . . . 149 Vallimalai, hill, . . . . .818n Våtsiputra, Buddhist patriarch,. . . 172 Vana-KaiyilAya-Tirumalai, shrine, . . 9 Våtsiputrika, s.a. Vatsiputriya, . 172 VApamamalai, s.a. Nangunéri, . . . 318n Vätsiputriys, school of Buddhist monks, 172 Vanapuram, sur. Of Tiruvallam,. . . 28n Vayajuk, f. . . . . . 201, 214
238

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[Vol. VIIT.
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PAGE !
PAGE Vayiramégan, biruda of Dantippóttaralar, 293, 294 Veoke'agiri, vi..
. 11 Vayiraméga-tat&ka, tank, . . 293, 294 Venkatapati, Vijayanagara k
• 291 Veda, . . . . . .28, 34, 288 Vêņûr, vi., ..
. 123, Vedagőmapurattår, family name, . 300n Véppêri, vi., . . . . . 291 V&dagồmapurattu Lakshmana-bhatta, m., 306 Veshârupadi, 8.a. Veysarpådi,
. . 2910 Védagồmapurattu Tiruvaranga-Narayana Veysarpadi, vi., . . . . .
291 bhatta, . .
.
306 vichârakartri, a supervisor, . . . . 122n Vedamarga, . . . . . 300, 305 Vichâraérêņi, name of a work, . . . 202 Vødângas, the six, . 34n, 183, 308, 315 Vidabha, co. . . . Vedantadėsika, Vaishnava acharya, . . 305n Vidagdha, m.. . Vedåranyam, vi., 264, 265, 266, 269, 271, Viddhakalabhanjika, nátika, . 98n 272, 273 Vidyadhananjaya, sur. of Hêmasina,
17 Vedaranye vara, te., 264, 265, 266, 269, 271, Vidyadhara, demi-gods, . . 62, 230
272, 273 Vidyadhara, m., . . . . . 158, 159 Vedas and &khas :
vidyadhikarin, . . . . . . 12 Rich, . .
33, 154n, 170, 316, 317 Vidyanatha, author, . . . . . 101 Bahvricha, . . . . . 154 Vidyaranya, . . . . . . 305n Sankhâyana, . . . . 154 Vighnê vara, te., .
. 270 Saman, . .
. . 33, 238 vihåra, . . . . . 89, 172, 178 Chhandoga, 238 viharunapa, . .
. . . 2080 Yajus, . 33, 79, 147, 148, 230, 316, 317 vihårasvâmin, .
. . . 73 Charaka. .
Vijayabhůpåla, bhậpati, bhûbhuj, Craj or Katha, .
Oråya, Vijayanagara k., . . 307, 308, 315 Taittiriya,
. 163 Vijaya-Buddhavarman, Pallava k., 144, 145, 146 Vajason@ya, . 155, 189, 194, 195 | Vijayachandra, Kanauj k.,
Vijayachandra, Kanauj le., .
. . 149 Vájasaneyi-Madhyandina or Madhyan- Vijayaditya, W. Ganga prince, , . 55
dina-Vajasan ya,, 140, 194, 288 Vijayadityadeva, Kadamba ch... . 126n Veddevara-ghatta,
Vijaya-Isvaravarman, Ganga- Pallava k., 293 Vågavati, ri.. .
. . . 8 Vijayanagara, vi., 12, 16, 17, 127, 129, 290, Vejayanti or enti, vi...
. : 72
291, 298, 299, 300, 305, 307, 308n Velama, caste, . .
11 Vijaya-Narasimhavarman, Ganga- Pallava k., 292 Vélangudi, vi.,
. 318n Vijayarêyapura or Oråtpura, sur. of Nipatataka, véli, land measure, . . 298, 305
308, 316 Velidata, m., . . . . . . 90 Vijayasênasůri, Jaina teacher, 208, 205, 218, 219 Velfarru, s.a. Veysarpadi, . . 291n Vijayasiddhi, sur. of Mangiyuvaraja,
237 Velugðți, family, .
.
11 Vijayasimha, Guhila ch., . . . 202 Velugðţivari-vakávali, Telugu poem, 11, 12, 13 Vijaya-Siva-Mandhátrivarman, Kadamba k., . 147 Vema, m.,
. . 11
Vijaya-Siva-Mrigé avarman, do.,. . . 147 Vēma, Reddi ch., .
. . . 11
Vijaya-Skandavarman, Pallara k., 144, 145, 146 Vêma, Reddi k., .
. 9. 10. 11, 12 Vijayasri, s.a. Parijatamañjari, . 98, 100, 101 Vèma, 8.a. Peda-Kömaţi-Vema,
Vijayasudarśanapuram, sur. of Soraik kâvûr, Vēma, s.a. Pôlaya-Vema, . . . . 13
298, 306 Vêmapuram, sur. of Âtukůru, . . 10 Vijayê vara-bhatta, m., .
316 Vemasâni, Reddi princess, . . . . 10 Vikrama-Chola, Choļa k., . 1, 2, 260, 262, 263 Vémaya or Vema, Reddi k., . . . 9, 10 Vikrama-Chòla-valanâdu, sur. of Pulakottam, 291n Vengadanåtha-dikshita, m., . . . . 316 Vikramaditya I., W. Chalukya k., 230, 231 Vengi, co., . . . . . . 149n Vikramaditya II., do. . . . . 292 Vepi, confluence of the Jumna and the Vikramaditya V., do. . . . 25n
Ganges, . . . . 151 Vikramaditya VI., do. . . . 101 Venkata I., Vijayanagara k., . . 127 Vikramâökadêvacharitam, poem,, 101, 286n
12, 13

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INDEX.
353
,
:
.
.
.319n
Vinayadittavim
PAGE 1
PAGE Vikrama-santara, santara k., . . 1261 Vishņu, god, 9, 17, 24, 134, 214, 216, 230, - Vikruzandravarman II., Vishnukunin k., 26, 28n
242, 2940, 305, 308, 315, 316, 318, 320 Vilasasannan, m., . .
. 163
Vishnudata, m., . . . . . . 95 Viļuñam, vi., . .
Vishņu lattå, f., . .
. 89 Vinayaditya, W. Chalukya k.. . . . 231 Vishnugopa or Vishnugopavarman, Pallava k., Vinayaka, s.a. Gaņoba, . . . . 31
160, 162 Vindhya, mo., . . . . . . 61 Vishnupura, vi., . . . 139n, 151 Vindhyagiri, hill, . . . . 15, 17 Vishņu-puràņa, . . . 36, 48n, 62 Viņhupala (Vishnupala), m., . . . 67, 70, 71 Vishnu-smriti, quoted, . . . . 47n Viņhupalita, m., . . . , 71, 72 Vishnuvardhana, Hoysaļa k., . . .1360 vinibandbakåra,
. 70 Vislıņuvardhana I., E. Chalukya k., . 25n, 237 Vira, m., . .
Vishộuvardhana II., do. . . 237, 238, 24 Vira-Bairarasa-Vodeya, Kalasa-Kárkala ch., Vishộuvarman, Kadamba k.,
amba k., . 30, 31 128, 129 Visvanatha, te., . .
. . . . 282 Vira-BallAla II., Hoysala k., . . 101 Visvavarman, m. . . . 89 Vira-Balluddva, Kalasa-Karkala ch... 127 Vitaraga, s.a. Jina, . . . . 124, 134 Vira-Bhairarasa-Vodeya, do.,
Vițiyya, n., . . Vira-Bhairarasa-Vodeya, s.a. Bhairava II., 128 Vivika, m., . . . . . . 167 Vira-Bhairarsa-Odeya, Kalasa-Karkala ch., . 127 Vopadeva, m., . . . . . . Vira-Bhayirarasa-Vodeya, do. . . . 127 Vriddhapuri vara, te., . Virachůdamaņi, sur. of Arjunavarman, . 99 Vri(bri)had gộihokamisâra-pattalà, di.,. Viradhavala, Vághala k., 200, 201, 202, 205, Vri(bri)hagrihe[y0 P]varatha-pattalâ, di., .
215, 218 Vrishabhanuja, natika, . . . .08n virngal, . . . . . . .313n
veiti, s.a. veli, . . . . . . 305 Vira-Gummatadevi, s.a. Gummatâmba, 127 Vudhika, m..
. . . . 95, 96 Vira-Harihararaya, s.a. Harihara II., 298, 305 vyåkarana, .
.
183 Vira-Kampaņa-Udaiyar, Vijayanagare prince, 309n Vyâsa, rishi,
• 160, 163, 288, 291n virama, . . . . . .97, 139, 291 vyå yoga,. . .
. . . . 203 Viramangalappiraraiếag, sur. of Mûrti Eyinan, . . . . . .319n
W Vira-Narasimha-Vanganarendra, ch., 126, 134
Wani, vi., . . . . . 184 Viranarayapa, sur. of Komaţi-Vema,
11 wårå, $.a. våtaka, .
. . 285 Vira-Pandya, ck.
.
125, 128
. Vira-Påndya, Pandya k.,
Warangal, di... . . . . . 11 . . . .
wheel of Buddhist law, Virarajândra, Chola k., . .
winter, . , Virarájándra-Choladeva,
94, 95, 171, 172, 173, 176, 179 s.a. KulottungaChola III., . . . 260, 264, 265 Vira-Rudra, 8.a. Pratáparudra, . . . 9 Viralarman, m. . .
Yâdava, dy. . . . . .8, 183, 299 Virâtaparvan, . . . . . . 35n Yadu, mythical k., . . . 8, 307, 315 Viratara-mandalin, m.. . . . 195 Yajñamurti-bhatta, . . . . . Virattåndkvara, te., . . . .8, 281, 283 Yajñanarayana-bhatta, w., . . . . 316 Viravarman, Pallava k., . . . 160, 162 Yajűåtma-bhatta, m., . . . . 306 Vira-Viruppanpa-Udaiyar, s.a. Virûpåksha, 298, 305 | Yajñavalkya[smpiti), quoted,
288n Viriñchipuram, vi., . . . , .308 yajāavidyâ, ,
183 Viräpåksha, Vijayanagara k., 298, 299, 300,
Yaksha, .
. .
. .
. .
. 62, 93, 1250 303, 306 Yakshini, .
. . . . 125n Visaladeva, Vaghela k.,
202 Yama, god, . . . . . . 152n visarga, . .
26, 38, 97, 143n, 183 Yamund (Jumna), r, . . . Visishajūa, m., . . . . . .317 Yañasiri-Satakapi, Andhru k., .
166
151

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a-bole, stream, . . . . 136 Yimmadi-Bhairarsa-Odeya, Kalasa-Karkala
ch., . . . . . . 127, 128 yoga:
Vaidhfiti, . . . . . 299, 305 Yudhishthira, mythical k., . . . . 230 Yugandharasvåmin, Jaina saint, . . yuvamakârâja, . . 144, 145, 148, 160, 163 yuvardja, 81, 149, 152, 155, 160, 184, 202, 203,
230, 281
PAGE Yaddhavala, Paramára k., . . 201, 216 Yakdvarman, do., . . . . . 202 Yaldvigraha, Kanauj k., . . . . 150n Yaudhêya, dy, . . [Ya P]vaala-pattala, di,
. . . 151 Yavana, . . . 41, 47, 61, 73, 91, 178 Yayati, mythical k., . . . . 61 years of the cycle :
Chitrabhanu, Krodhin,
. . 308, 316 Kshaya. .
. 299, 306, 306n Manmatha,
. . . 13 Paridhåvin,
. 52 Parthiva, .
. . . . . 10 Prabhava, . . . . . . 306 Siddharthin,
. . . 56n Subhakrit,.
. . 17, 24 Tarana, . .
. 300 Viļambin, .
. 129n Vyaya, .
124, 134, 300 years of the reign, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 25,
31, 51, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59, 61, 67, 72, 74, 82, 83, 89, 94, 95, 139, 140, 147, 148, 160, 161, 163, 167, 171, 173, 175n, 176, 179, 181, 182, 233, 236, 238, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279,
280, 281, 282, 283, 291n, 293, 296, 318, 319
Zodiac, signs of the:
Dhanus, . . . 266, 269, 272, 276 Kanya,
. . 7,280 Karkataka, 263, 264, 265, 266, 268, 273,
277, 278, 279, 281, 282 Kumbha, . . 2, 3, 5, 6, 267, 270, 289 Makara,
4, 8, 9, 261, 265, 370,
271, 272, 273, 274, 281, 282n, 283 Mésha,
. 3, 5, 6, 7, 262, 267, 275, 280, 281 Mina, . . . 3, 264, 267, 276, 277, 383 Mithuna,. . . 4, 269, 271, 272 Rishabha, . . . 262, 265, 268, 273 Simba, 1, 2, 7, 268, 268, 271, 277, 379, 280 Tula, .
. . 6,275 Vpichika,. . , 2, 5, 266, 270, 279
G. I. C. P. 0.-No. 8 G. Epi-4-18-07-350.-H. B.

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