________________
of the first day that either party
ford its programme of action for the second. The Nationa'ist party intended to put forward a formal protest against any. acceptance af the reforms in however slight
degree, to pross the Pabna resolation on the Boycott and above all to insist on the Conference taking some definite step which would either materialize the chances of an United Congress or once for all show that union was impossible.
The Moderate leaders came determined on four things, not to allow any resolution recognising general passive resistance, not to allow any resolution amounting to an absolute refusal of the Reforms, not to allow any resolutions debarring delegates from Bengal from joining the Lahore Convention in Case of that body rejecting union and not to consent even to the bringing forward of any amendment or proposal of a pronounced nationalist character in the Conference. On all these points it was made quite evident that if the
Nationalists preaved their points the Conference would be broken up by the secession of the Moderate leaders. In all these disputed
KARMAYOGIN.
free expression of opinion under fair and impartial rules. They seek also a centre for the country's strength which can give authority. to a network of organisation systematising the work of the nation. They seek in other words a centre. of deliberation and a centre of order and authority which charge of national progress. seuk this centre outside the long established body to which the nation has looked as the pivot of its poli
can take Tu
tical activities would have been at waste of material alrealy half-prepared for the purpose. In attempt ing to convert this instrument to its proper uses they may have committed errors of over-cagerness and passionate impatience, the ordinary. aults of a party of progress still young and energetic, but the errors on the other side were yet greater. The errors of lite and progress are more exuberant and striking but less tatal than the errors of decay and reaction. However that be, in the attempt the instrument itself was broken, but it is capable of being mended if the past errors on both sides can be got rid of, and it is the duty of the Nationalist
Inatters, therefore, the Nationalists gave way and adhered only to their main point of securing some definite step in relation to the holding of an united Congress.
3
This is the position from the Nationalist point of view. We hope that the largeness of the sacrifice made will not, in view of the slightness of the chance favour of which everything else was thrown overboard, create any dis satisfaction in the party. All shades of Nationalist opinion wete represented at Hughly and they consented to be guided in the mai ter by Srijut Aurobindo Ghose on whom the responsibility of leadership fell in the absence of older colleagues who have been tomporarily or permanently removed from the field. The Nationalist party is in practical possession of the hea and mind of Bengal. It is strongly
on them as the sense of the country is in favour of an attempt to re
tution. This is the more meumbent supported in other parts of Indi and controls Maharashtra. It growing in strength, energy and wisdom. It surely inherits the future Under such circumstances it ea
afford to wait.
storo unity. A democratic party is bound to give the utmost weight to the general sense of the such country in a matter of primary importance.
It is necessary to explain this action on the part of our party, for in his speech on the Boycott resolution SJ. Aurobindo Ghose purposely refrained from stating more than the bare fact in order that nothing he might say should. lead to excitement or anything which could be an excuse tor friction. It is not that the Nationalist party is not willing or able to stand by itself if that proves inevitable and seems the best courso in the interests of Nationalism and the future of the country. But it has always been the ideal of the nationalists to make of the Congress a great and living body deliberative in the manner of free assomblies which consider from various points of view what is best for the country and decide by majority or, whenever possible, unanimously, the parties holding together not by ilontity of views but by one common aim and interest and the combined freedom and restraint of a in name and the attendsnes of the constitutia which provides for the Na tionalists perfunctory or u. ele s
t remains to be aven whether the great concussions made by the party will bear any fruit. The situation is not wholly encouraging. The position taken by the Moderate leaders that the Nationalists even if they are in a majority, must not try to enforce resolutions which travel beyond the limits of com.aon agreement and unanimity and must allow resolutions to pass which are contrary to their principle and policy on pain of a Moderate secession may be tolerated for some tis. but how long can a growing antiment and idual representing the future consent to be restrained within such iron limits? And it such be the basis of union proposed. it is obvious that the Congress will be an united Congress only
party to give a fair chance to the Jores that make for the preservation of this old and honoured insti
If on the other hand the resolutions of the Congress are recognised as the opinion of the majority leaving the minority perfect freedom to bring in their own resolutions when they have converted mass of public opinion to their views, the unity will be real and living. We were never in favour of shams. It is only righteousness that exalts a nation and righteonness means going straight; nothing can long endure which is base! upon unreality and hellowness, It therefore there is any union it must be one which recognises that there are two parties in the country and that each has a right not only to exist but to make itself felt. This is a right we have not refused to the Moderate party when we were in the majority if they refuse it to us, then the talk of unity must erase and Sir Pherozshah Mehta and Mr. Gokhale must have their way.
THE IDEAL OF THE KSHATRIYA.
As for the past one thousand years the progressive ideal in India has been that of Brahminhood, sa in the age upon which we ye entering, the progressive ideal will be that of the Kshtriya knight. Purity will be accepted as implicit and courage will be demanded. The Rajput will b the type of aspiration rather than the saint. The whole preocupation of society will be with males and strength rather than with subtle shades of refinement and social prestige. Criticism will on the great seale, and the smal unca mess of the village circle will be put on one sid. 4 fit only for old wives, goip.
This will not reen that Hinduise wall have changed its goal, but only that the path markel at for the individual will be different. Infinite are the paths that lead to a singl centre. Then as now Mukti, Free. dom, will be held the supreme g But heroism, fearlessness and "blazing energy will be the forms which that mukti shall be wor shipped. "What is manlines" said the Swami Vivekaanda in a private talk, "It is to knew instin -
